Pietro Monte's "Collectanea": The Arms, Armour and Fighting Techniques of a Fifteenth-Century Soldier 1783272759, 9781783272754

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Pietro Monte’s Collectanea

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Armour and Weapons ISSN 1746-944 Series Editors Kelly DeVries Robert W. Jones Robert C. Woosnam-Savage Throughout history armour and weapons have been not merely the preserve of the warrior in battles and warfare, but potent symbols in their own right (the sword of chivalry, the heraldic shield), representing the hunt and hall as well as the battlefield. This series aims to provide a forum for critical studies of all aspects of arms and armour and their technologies, from the end of the Roman Empire to the dawn of the modern world; both new research and works of synthesis are encouraged. New proposals for the series are welcomed; they should be sent to the publisher at the address below. Boydell & Brewer Limited, PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk, IP12 3DF Also in this series: The Artillery of the Dukes of Burgundy, 1363–1477 Robert Douglas Smith and Kelly DeVries `The Furie of the Ordnance’: Artillery in the English Civil Wars Stephen Bull Jousting in Medieval and Renaissance Iberia Noel Fallows The Art of Swordsmanship by Hans Lecküchner translated by Jeffrey L. Forgeng The Book of Horsemanship by Duarte I of Portugal translated by Jeffrey L. Forgeng

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Pietro Monte’s Collectanea The Arms, Armour and Fighting Techniques of a Fifteenth-Century Soldier Translated by

Jeffrey L. Forgeng

THE BOYDELL PRESS

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Translation and editorial matter © Jeffrey L. Forgeng 2018 All rights reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner The right of Jeffrey L. Forgeng to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 First published 2018 The Boydell Press, Woodbridge ISBN 978 1 78327 275 4 The Boydell Press is an imprint of Boydell & Brewer Ltd PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK and of Boydell & Brewer Inc. 668 Mt Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620–2731, USA website: www.boydellandbrewer.com A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library The publisher has no responsibility for the continued existence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate This publication is printed on acid-free paper

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Contents Illustrations vi Acknowledgments viii Introduction 1 Monte’s Works and Life 2 El Exercicio de las Armas (The Exercise of Arms) De Dignoscendis Hominibus (The Appraisal of Men) 11 The Collectanea 13 Martial Arts 14 Sports and Athletics 20 Arms and Armor 22 Other Technical Domains 2 27 The Translation Pietro Monte’s Collectanea 31 Book One 33 Book Two 97 Book Three 197 Appendix A: Monte, The Appraisal of Men, Book 5 Appendix B: Structure of the Collectanea and Appraisal 5

231 285

Glossary 289 Bibliography 301 311 Index

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Illustrations Plates appear between pages 152 and 153 Figure 1. Paolo Uccello, Niccolò Mauruzi da Tolentino at the Battle of San Romano, c. 1438–40 (© The National Gallery, London). Figure 2. “The Battle of El Puig,” from the Altarpiece of St. George (Retablo de San Jorge), by Berenguer Mateu, 1430–31 (Jérica, Museo Municipal de Jérica). Figure 3. Lucas Cranach the Elder (German, 1472–1553), The Third Tournament with Lances, 1509 (Worcester Art Museum, MA, Museum Purchase, 1935.153. Image courtesy Worcester Art Museum). Figure 4. “How a man shall be armed,” c. 1450 (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library MS M. 775, fol. 122v). Figure 5. Leonardo da Vinci, “Thrown weapons.” (Codex Atlanticus, vol. 2, fol. 144r; © Veneranda Biblioteca Ambrosiana – Milano/De Agostini Picture Library). Figure 6. The armor of Ferdinand V of Aragon, c. 1495 (Vienna, KHMMuseumsverband, Hofjagd- und Rustkammer A.5). Figure 7. Tournament armor of Claude de Vaudrey, c. 1495 (Vienna, KHM-Museumsverband, Hofjagd- und Rustkammer B.33). Figure 8. Jousting armor of Philip I, c. 1500 (Madrid, Real Armería A 16. © Patrimonio Nacional). Figure 9. Jousting armor for the Gestech, c. 1480–1540 (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.1164. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved). Figure 10. Head of a pollaxe, c. 1440 (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.165. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved). Figure 11. Head of a warhammer, late 1400s (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.440. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved).

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Figure 12. Head of a partisan, c. 1500 (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.139. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved). Figure 13. Head of a spetum, 1500s (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.205. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved). Figure 14. Head of a ronca, c. 1500 (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.202. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved). Figure 15. Head of a halberd, early 1500s (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.222. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved). The translator and publishers are grateful to all the institutions and individuals listed for permission to reproduce the materials in which they hold copyright. Every effort has been made to trace the copyright holders; apologies are offered for any omission, and the publishers will be pleased to add any necessary acknowledgement in subsequent editions.

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Acknowledgments The Collectanea is a complex work, and I am indebted to a number of people for their assistance in making this book possible. I would like to thank Sarah Kolba Hoover for helping to digitize the microfilm on which this translation was originally based; Krista Baker for her insights on track and field sports; Michael Gregory for his input on martial arts and physical training; Tobias Capwell for his thoughts on some of the more obscure points of fifteenth-century armor; Joseph Suárez for helping defray the costs of image permissions; and Malcolm Parkinson for repeatedly urging me to undertake this project, as far back as 1998 when I was first applying for my position at WPI and the Higgins Armory Museum. I would especially like to thank Noel Fallows for his generosity in sharing his time and expertise. Above all I wish to express my gratitude to my late partner Christine Drew (1970–2013), former head of the reference department at the library of Worcester Polytechnic Institute, who helped me acquire copies of Monte’s works back when such things were hard to come by, and whose unfailing support and encouragement has been crucial to the completion of multiple ambitious publications at a time of extreme personal and professional challenges, even if she never got to see them through in person.

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Introduction For those who study the physical and material culture of chivalry, Pietro Monte’s Collectanea is a resource without parallel. We can glean much about the material world of the knight from other written sources, whether in the technical instructions offered by combat treatises, in references embedded in theoretical writings like those of Ramón Llull and Christine de Pisan, or in the workaday details recorded in inventories and accountbooks. Medieval painting and sculpture are crucial sources as well, and of course there are the surviving artifacts, whether preserved in ancestral armories or excavated from the ground. But among all these windows on the physicality of the chivalric past, Monte’s work stands out in a class by itself. Surviving copies of Monte’s writings are rare, and for a long time the Collectanea was widely believed to be lost.1 It began to receive scholarly attention from Raimund Sobotka and others in the 1970s and 1980s, since when it has become an object of considerable international interest, and today it is readily available in digital format. Nonetheless the work has remained something of a closed book, largely owing to the linguistic challenges it poses. The Collectanea addresses a wide range of topics whose technical subject matter ranges well outside the mainstream of historical scholarship: Monte explores topics as diverse as biological heredity, the manufacture of life-preservers, and the best way to execute a long-jump, zeroing in on details as minute as the relative merits of rivets versus leathers in assembling components of armor. The highly specialized – not to say idiosyncratic – vocabulary Monte deploys to cover such wide-ranging

1 Sobotka, Formgesetze, p. 143; Anglo, “Pietro Monte,” 272–73 fns. 4–7. Monte is mentioned by a few authors of the 1500s and 1600s, who generally call him Moncio and believe him to be Italian: these include Narváez (Nueva ciencia, sig. ¶¶3r), Pallavicini (Scherma, p. 10), and Marcelli (Scherma, sig. B2r); Carranza’s allusion to “Pedro Monte” is cryptic (Philosophia, fol. 86r). Through such references Monte came to be mentioned in the major works on swordplay history during the 1800s, but his actual writings were unlocated (Castle, Schools and Masters, p. 24; Gelli, Scherma, pp. 125, 127, 134; Hergsell, Fechtkunst, p. 55; Thimm, Fencing, p. 195; Vigeant, Escrime, p. 134).

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topics, combined with the book’s multiple linguistic layers, make it a singularly challenging work to interpret. Yet the fruits are well worth the labor. The information Monte offers about the vocabulary, construction and use of arms and armor is unique among surviving writings from the period when armor was in use. His material on martial arts overlaps with other writings of the period, but he takes the topic in directions well beyond the scope of comparable treatises. His detailed discussions of the rules and techniques of track-and-field sports are unparallelled until centuries later. And amidst it all, he offers a fascinating glimpse of the personal world of a military professional on the cusp between Middle Ages and Renaissance.

Monte’s Works and Life Monte appears to have earned his living as a soldier, but his publication record might inspire envy in many modern academics. His published works are all in Latin:2 Supra Virginis conceptionem opusculum [“Brief work on the conception of the Virgin”]. ?Venice: ?1490. A brief and extremely rare treatise on the Immaculate Conception, translated by Gonzalo de Ayora from Monte’s Spanish; the text was subsequently incorporated into the following publication. Petrus Montis de dignoscendis hominibus [“Petrus Montis on the appraisal of men”]. Milan: Antonius Zarotus, dated December 17, 1492. A lengthy treatise on human physiology and related topics, translated by Ayora from Monte’s Spanish. For convenience the individual books are here designated Appraisal 1–6; Appraisal 5 is here translated as Appendix A. Opuscula viri optimi & ingeniosissimi Petri Montii quæ in hoc volumine continentur sunt hæc: De breui discursu intellectus; De abbreuiatione et fundamento legum, et de principum administratione; De prouerbiis [“The short works by the most excellent and talented Petrus Montius contained in this volume are the following: A brief discourse on the intellect; The summary and basis of laws and administration of rulers; Proverbs”]. Milan: Alexandrus Minutianus, dated August 31, 1507. A compendium of works by Monte; elsewhere Monte mentions that he translated the proverbs from his Spanish original.3 2 On Monte’s writings, see Fontaine, Pietro del Monte, pp.  45–50; Ortiz, Bibliografía, pp. 180–82; Anglo, “Pietro Monte,” pp. 265–67. 3 Monte, De singulari certamine, sig. AA4v.

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Petri Montii exercitiorum atque artis militaris collectanea in tres libros distincta [“Petrus Montius’s collectanea of exercises and the military art, divided into three books”]. Milan: Giovanni Angelo Scinzenzeler, dated July 27, 1509. The work translated in the present volume; the three books are here designated Collectanea 1–3. Translated and expanded by Monte from his own Spanish original.4 De unius legis veritate et sectarum falsitate [“The truth of the one law and the falseness of the sects”]. Milan: Giovanni Angelo Scinzenzeler, dated August 31, 1509; 2nd ed. Milan: Giovanni Angelo Scinzenzeler, dated November 30, 1522. A wide-ranging, thousand-page treatise on a variety of theological and scientific topics. De singulari certamine sive dissensione deque veterum recentiorumque ritu ad Carolum Hyspaniarum principem et Burgundie archiducem libri tres [“Single combat and the custom of past and present times, dedicated to Charles prince of Spain and archduke of Burgundy, in three books”]. Milan: Giovanni Angelo Scinzenzeler, dated August 31, 1509. A discussion of the duel, both judicial and private, dedicated to the future Charles V. Translated by Monte from his original Spanish.5 Monte’s writings are voluminous, but their author has little to say about his own biography. In the Opuscula he describes himself as crossing the fifty-year mark, implying that he was born in 1457, but this is the only explicit detail he offers regarding his origins.6 Tantalizingly, Ayora says in the preface to the Appraisal that he had intended to write about Monte’s parentage, country, and life, ni eius modestia me continuisset (“had not his modesty held me back”).7 The preponderance of internal evidence from Monte’s writings points toward a Spanish origin. Nonetheless, his nationality remains a matter of controversy, with some scholars arguing that he was Italian. I here refer to him as Pietro Monte to acknowledge the debate, while using the Italian version of his name that was applied to him during his career in Italy. Two important external references to Monte can be connected directly to the content of the Collectanea. In one of Leonardo da Vinci’s notebooks, dating to 1497–99, Leonardo left an illustrated note to himself to speak with “Pietro Monti” about a particular manner of throwing darts (a kind 4 Monte, Collectanea, sig. a1r; De singulari certamine, sig. AA4v. 5 Monte, De singulari certamine, sig. AA4v. 6 Opuscula, sig. A1v: “Nunc uero me ipsum super quinquagesimum annum ascendere perspiciens.” For introductions to Monte, see Anglo, “The man who taught Leonardo darts”; Anglo, Martial Arts, pp. 317–18 fn. 2; Fontaine, Pietro del Monte; Forgeng, “Pietro Monte”; Sobotka, “Pferdturnen,” pp. 152–53; Sobotka, Formgesetze, pp. 132, 143–48; Van Houdt and Sperber, “Author as Translator.” 7 Monte, Appraisal, sig. A9v.

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of short spear; see the Glossary).8 The characters in Baldesar Castiglione’s Book of the Courtier, published in 1528 but set in 1507, allude several times to Monte as an expert on physical exercises and martial pursuits: Among men whom we know today, consider how well and gracefully signor Galeazzo Sanseverino, Grand Equerry of France, performs all bodily exercises; and this because, besides the natural aptitude of person that he possesses, he has taken the greatest care to study with good masters and to have about him men who excel, taking from each the best of what they know. For just as in wrestling, vaulting, and in the handling of many kinds of weapons, he took our messer Pietro Monte as his guide, who is (as you know) the only true master of every kind of acquired strength and agility – so in riding, jousting, and the rest he has ever had before his eyes those men who are known to be most perfect in these matters.9

These references, in conjunction with the content of Monte’s writings, allow us to draw some solid conclusions about Monte’s biography. He was deeply versed in Spanish language and culture: indeed, his writings would seem to suggest unequivocally that he was a Spaniard. Nonetheless, during the two decades after 1490 he was chiefly active in Italy, where he was known as a courtier, athlete, scholar, and soldier. He appears to have spent much of this time in Milan, where he was on familiar terms with Leonardo da Vinci, the renowned condottiere Galeazzo da Sanseverino, and Galeazzo’s father-in-law Ludovico Sforza, regent and later duke of

8 The accompanying diagrams show a dart with a strap used in conjunction with a throwing stick (Richter, Leonardo da Vinci, 2.353). In the Codex Atlanticus Leonardo draws a more precise illustration (see Figure 5). 9 Castiglione, Book of the Courtier, Book 1 ch. 25 (p. 31). Monte is also referenced in Book 1 ch. 5 (p. 13), in a description of the court of Urbino: There were many besides who, although they did not usually remain there continuously, yet spent most of their time there, such as messer Bernardo Bibbiena, the Unico Aretino, Giancristoforo Romano, Pietro Monte, Terpandro, messer Nicolò Frisio. So that poets, musicians, and all sorts of buffoons, and the most excellent of every kind of talent that could be found in Italy, were always gathered there. He appears again in Book 2 ch. 16 (p. 79): Those who do so much talking and jumping about and are unable to stand still when they undertake to do anything would seem to waste their powers in that way; and as our messer Pietro Monte rightly says, they act like children who go about at night singing through fear, as if to give themselves courage with their song. And once more in Book 3 ch. 3 (p. 149): As for bodily exercises and physical strength and agility, we will leave to our messer Pietro Monte to concern himself with the teaching of these things, whenever he may find the most convenient time.

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Milan. Yet he also frequented other courts, including Urbino and Ferrara, and he traveled at least as far south as Rome.10 One might reasonably expect someone with Monte’s social connections to have left a significant footprint in the historical record, and indeed Marie Madeleine Fontaine has assembled additional documentation to identify the author Petrus Montius with the condottiere Pietro Monte, whose career can be traced in Italy from the 1490s to 1509; he died at the battle of Agnadello on May 14, 1509.11 This date intersects strikingly with the career of Montius the author, whose remaining corpus was published just months after the battle, suggesting that one of his friends may have arranged for publication before Monte’s effects suffered dispersal. This timing could also be significant relative to the content the Collectanea: in both the Collectanea and Appraisal Monte expresses reservations about allowing this kind of military information to fall into the hands of wicked men, so his death would have cleared the way for its publication (Coll a6r; App &1v). The sole hitch in this identification of the author Montius with the condottiere Monte is that in 1561, Francesco Guicciardini’s Historia d’Italia, describing the battle of Agnadello, identifies Monte as belonging to a family of Tuscan nobles: Finally, having lost strength before valor, without turning their backs to the enemies, almost all [the Venetian troops] were left dead in that place. Among them was the very famous Pietro, one of the Marchesi del Monte a Santa Maria di Toscana, an experienced condottiere of infantry in the Pisan wars in the service of the Florentines, at the time serving as a colonel of the Venetian infantry.12

Given the evidence currently available, we may envision one of three scenarios. The first, and I believe least plausible, is that Montius the author and Monte the condottiere are one and the same person, and that Guicciardini is correct in identifying him as belonging to the Marchesi del Monte. This scenario requires us to explain away a considerable body of evidence that the author was a Spaniard. First and foremost is the language of Montius’s writings. Many of these are known to have been composed 10 Coll b5v; App z7r–v. A letter from Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain to Galeazzo da Sanseverino in 1496 references “Pero Monte” as someone from whom they had information regarding Galeazzo’s friendship toward them, suggesting that the Reyes Católicos were also acquainted with Monte (Torre, Documentos, p. 200). 11 Fontaine, Pietro del Monte, pp.  71–86. Sobotka actually appears to be the first modern scholar to have connected the author with the condottiere (“Pferdturnen,” pp. 152–53). See also Anglo, “Pietro Monte,” pp. 273–74 fn. 11. 12 Guicciardini, Historia d’Italia, p. 295.

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in Castilian; none is known to have been composed in Italian. While it is entirely possible for an Italian to have spoken Spanish, perhaps excellently, it is hard to explain why he would choose to produce this voluminous body of writing in a foreign language – only to have to translate it into Latin for publication. Not only the language but the outlook is emphatically Spanish. The Collectanea makes constant reference to Spanish terminology – Italian words also appear, but far less frequently. The work is full of allusions to Spanish culture; comparable references to Italy are scarce, and suggest the cultural knowledge of an immigrant, where the Spanish references imply a deeper familiarity.13 Spain always holds pride of place in Monte’s discussions of various nations and nationalities, and he strongly implies that his own humoral complexion is choleric-sanguine, the same as for the Spanish in general (App z6v). One of the most telling features is Monte’s discussion of wrestling. He offers detailed descriptions of the art, based entirely on Spanish practices: this is a skill that he would have learned prior to his professional career, which suggests that he spent his youth in Spain. It is also hard to explain why an Italian would refer to Spanish as “our language.”14 Fontaine argues that Monte’s preoccupation with Spain reflects a period of service in the war for the conquest of Granada during the 1480s; she believes that during this time Monte found himself deeply impressed by the excellence of the Spanish in martial matters. She argues that his decision to write in Spanish can be compared to the affectation Castligione attributes to some Lombard courtiers, “who, if they have been away from home for a year, come back and start right off speaking Roman, or Spanish, or French, and God knows how!”15 Such a scenario may be conceivable, but it requires a considerable stretch of the imagination. Not only do we have to explain away all the details mentioned above: if the author of these works was actually Italian, one would have to describe his Hispanophilia as verging on mania – a caricature of the sort of person Castiglione disparages, scarcely in keeping with the kind of temperance Monte himself 13 See also Fontaine, Pietro del Monte, pp. 20–23 for Spanish allusions in his other works. 14 Coll b8r; cf. also g3v. There are many other similar references that imply that Monte was a native Spanish speaker, but this is the most unambiguous. He repeatedly uses the expression “we call” or “we say” to describe Spanish terms (cf. a1r, f4r; cf. also App x4r). The text is also laced with apparent Castilianisms, e.g. sellare, cf. Sp. sillar, “waist, saddling place on a horse” (b3v, b8r); quadrilium, cf. Sp. cuadril, “hip” (b3v); punctalis, punctilata, cf. Sp. puntal, apuntalar, “brace” (b4v, e8r); amagare, cf. Sp. amagar, “threaten” (d8r); pretina, “waist” (f1v); and the curious word lassidritium, which seems to be his rendering of Sp. acedrex (ajedrez), “chess” (g7v). 15 Castliglione, Book of the Courtier, Book 1 ch. 28 (p. 35); Fontaine, Pietro del Monte, p. 16.

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constantly emphasizes, and hard to square with a figure who clearly earned the respect and friendship of many of the leading Italians of his day. A second possibility, slightly easier to entertain, is that Montius the author is not the condotierre who died at Agnadello. This is the scenario implied by Sydney Anglo:16 it requires us only to dismiss the 1509 publication dates as a coincidental, and to assume that historical research has yet to identify the author. Monte’s name is hardly unique, and considering that his life remains entirely undocumented prior to the 1490s, when he was well into his thirties, this scenario remains conceivable, though still awkward given that the author was clearly well known among the courtly élites of his own day. The third possibility – which does not appear to have been raised by others but which seems the most likely given the evidence currently available – is that Monte the condottiere was indeed Montius the author, but that Guicciardini is wrong about his family, and that he was Spanish after all. Guicciardini’s reference to Monte was published half a century after the condottiere’s death, and it is hardly a stretch to suppose that Guicciardini (or perhaps one of his sources) supplied a backstory for a moderately famous figure whose origins were obscure. Renaissance scholars liked their history tidy, and it is entirely possible that someone assumed Monte was Italian and furnished him with plausible family connections.17 Indeed, earlier accounts of the battle mention Monte’s death, but have nothing to say about his origins, while some later authors, beginning with Urbano Monti in the late 1500s, claim him for the Monti family of Milan.18 Not only might the condottiere’s background have been forgotten and reinterpreted after his death, it may not have been a subject Monte cared to discuss during his lifetime. He addresses the prologue of his book on proverbs “To my brother,” but does not mention his name – an oddly cryptic reference in a culture where names and family meant everything.19 Ayora’s coy allusion to the author’s origins in the Appraisal is also curious, and given that the passage is addressed to Queen Isabella of Castile, Ayora’s caginess may imply that Monte’s family was already known to her. We may indeed wonder whether the author’s background was tainted by some kind of shadow – illegitimacy perhaps, or some legal issue – that had

16 Anglo, “Pietro Monte,” p. 262. 17 The family of Monte Santa Maria included a number of condottieri and might therefore have seemed an especially plausible origin (Fontaine, Pietro del Monte, p. 66). 18 Argelati, Bibliotheca, vol. 1 p. dxci, vol. 2 pp. 956–57; Bembo, Historia, 6.94r, 7.109r; Mocenigo, Cambrai, fol. 13v; Sanuto, Diarii, pp. 256, 258, 262, 293; Fontaine, Pietro del Monte, pp. 72–77, 82, 84, 85. 19 Monte, Opuscula, sig. n1v.

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meaning to his Spanish dedicatees. Ayora’s reference to Monte’s modestia could imply shame as well as modesty.

El Exercicio de las Armas (The Exercise of Arms) The earliest layer of the works translated here is Monte’s Exercise of Arms, originally composed in Spanish, and translated into Latin as Books 1 and 2 of the Collectanea. Monte references the Exercise in the Appraisal: Had I not feared to burden my conscience, I would have added some other exercises to these, such as how both footmen and horsemen should fight in armed and in earnest combat. I cannot remain entirely silent about this, nor do I actually wish to broadcast everything, so let us leave it for another time. For I have written and assembled elsewhere a work on these matters, which nobody will understand unless he has been taught by me in person or by someone who has studied with me. (App &1v)

This is evidently a reference to the Spanish original behind Collectanea 1 and 2, indicating that it was composed before he wrote the Appraisal – a timeframe in keeping with his statement in the Collectanea that these materials had been written in the period before the French invasion of Italy in 1494, as well as his statement in De Unius Legis Veritate that he composed these writings “in my youth.”20 Based on this evidence, we can conclude that the Exercise had been composed by 1491 or earlier. As it happens, a version of the Exercise survives, preserved in a manuscript at the Escorial Library, a-IV-23, written in the late 1500s, and containing a miscellany of Spanish texts from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.21 The Exercise is the first text in the manuscript, described on the contents page as Libro del exercicio de las armas (“Book on the exercise of arms”). It has often been assumed that the text is a paraphrased Spanish translation of the published Latin of 1509, but thorough comparison makes it evident that it is actually a corrupted derivative of Monte’s Spanish original – among other evidence, there is content in the manuscript that is lacking from the Collectanea, indicating that the published book was not its source.22 20 Coll f3v; Monte, De Unius Legis Veritate, sig. B8r: “In my youth, after writing about various physical exercises, I began to write something about the appraisal of men.” 21 Madrid, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo de el Escorial, MS a-IV-23, fols. 1r–52v. On this manuscript, see Ortiz, Bibliografía, p. 181; Zarco Cuevas, Catálogo, 1.21–25. 22 See for example the footnotes to Coll 1.12. For prior interpretations of this manuscript, cf. Anglo, Martial Arts, p. 215; Van Houdt and Sperber, “Author as Translator,” p. 238. Only

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Although the Exercise predates the Appraisal, the Escorial version references the Appraisal at the beginning of the section on the complexions: “In the book On the Appraisal of Men it thoroughly discusses all the complexions.”23 Hence, although the Exercise was composed before 1492, Monte must have redacted the surviving version after that date, and we shall see below that influences between the two texts evidently run in both directions. The manuscript prologue resembles the opening of the Collectanea, but with divergences that help us understand the history of the text: Considerando como la memoria de los humanos es dévil, o que dexa pasar de ora en ora aquello que le encomendamos, me a paresçido d’escribir esta rrecoleta, porque façilmente se pueda rreduzir a la mente parte de las cosas entre nos platicadas. … Entiendo de dibidir este libro en dos partes, la primera qualque cosa luenga, e la segunda toda brebe, porque a quien save, le basta ver la conclusión para entender y rreccordarse de todo el capítulo. (1r) Considering the weakness of human memory, and how from hour to hour it allows what we commit to it to pass away, I thought I might write this compendium, so that some of the things practiced among us might be committed to mind. … I will divide this book into two parts: the first will be somewhat lengthy, and the second very brief, for if someone is knowledgeable, he only needs to see the conclusion in order to understand and remember the entire matter.

Monte tells us that he has divided the Exercise into two parts, here designated Exercise 1 and 2, corresponding to Collectanea 1 and 2. As Appendix B shows, the overwhelming majority of chapters in Collectanea 1 and 2 are accounted for in the manuscript, albeit without the chapter headings. In the Collectanea, Monte goes on to say that between the two books there will be a section on “the complexions, and how to conduct things when we are going to engage in some physical contest … [and] various physiologies in relation the various regions of the world” (a1r); this statement is absent from the manuscript prologue. The section in question is evidently the material from the “Prologue on Complexions” to the end of Book 1 (Coll 1.34–109, a6v–c3v). In fact, this material does appear in the Escorial manuscript, even though it is not referenced in the prologue.

Noel Fallows seems to have entertained the idea that this manuscript may represent the Spanish original behind the published Latin (Jousting, p. 24). 23 “En el libro De Conyncion de los honbres se trata todas las conplesiones asanz por entero” (Exer 17r); cf. the same passage in the Collectanea (a6v).

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As laid out in Appendix B, about two-thirds of the chapters in this section appear in both the Collectanea and the Escorial manuscript. All of these chapters also have corresponding material in the Appraisal – mostly in Appraisal 3 and 6, with some in Appraisal 5. These correspondences go beyond mere shared content: in many places the textual parallels are close enough to indicate a copying relationship. Compare the following passage of the Exercise to the opening of Appraisal 5.22 (&1r): Por fuir la vergüença e daño devemos tenperar las personas algunos [dias] ante que metamos los actos en presençia del pueblo, aunque sea deferençia en la gubernaçión segund conbiene a la obra que queremos haçer: bien que todos demandan rregla, no por eso la mysma lligereça.24 To avoid shame and harm we should temper our bodies some [days] before we perform the acts in the presence of the public, although there is a difference in the governance according to what suits the work we wish to do: although all of them call for order, they do not require the same lightness.

A copying relationship is clearly at work here, but since the Exercise was written before the Appraisal, while its surviving version was revised after the Appraisal, the influence could in principle run either way. As initially composed, Book 1 of the Exercise may have ended with chapter 33, which would account for the odd discontinuity in the text at this point and the absence of the reference to the following material in the prologue to the Exercise. But by 1492, Monte appears to have added chapters 46–51, 56, 82–84, and 109: all of these have counterparts in Appraisal 5, and after the last of them (App 5.22), Monte refers the reader to the Exercise, suggesting that it is the source of this content. Chapters 34–45, 52–55, 79–81, and 85–108 were probably imported in the opposite direction, from Appraisal 6 to the Exercise. Chapters 57–78, lacking in the Escorial manuscript, were likely added in the process of translating the Exercise into Latin. The Escorial manuscript bounces from one subject to another, sometimes changing topic in mid-sentence: comparison with the published Collectanea makes it clear that the text is hopelessly disordered (see Appendix B). This corruption suggests that the manuscript derives from an unbound copy of Monte’s text whose pages had got out of sequence. The disordering of content naturally created confusion for the scribe, who could not always be certain what he was writing about, a fact manifested in the intermittent incoherence of the text. The copyist’s task was made even harder by the fact that Monte did not intend the text to be 24 Exer 19v–20r. The passage corresponds to Coll 1.109 (c3r). For other parallels, see Appendix B.

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comprehensible to the uninitiated reader; to make things worse, much of Monte’s technical content was necessarily opaque to a scribe living a century later. Even once the textual thread has been untangled, the Exercise remains dense and cryptic, a compilation of terse memoranda that are difficult to interpret on their own. A typical example is the opening of the discussion of wrestling in Exercise 1: En prinçipio de la lucha dar corto de pasos; e veniendo el otro adelante, algún poco atras; e si el acomete traspie, torno, o sacaliña al pie derecho, tornado atrás sobre el otro; e si muestra el lado delante e viene a la parte siniestra, fuir a la derecha. (1v) At the beginning of wrestling step short; and if the other comes forward, a little back; and if he threatens a traspie, torno, or sacaliña to the right foot, turned back on the other; and if he presents the side forward and comes to the left part, flee to the right. (cf. Coll 1.3, a2r)

Monte’s prologue to the Exercise lays out a threefold purpose: to provide an aide-memoire to martial practitioners, to document their practices for posterity, and to apply intellectual tools to the understanding of physical skills (Exer 1r; cf. Coll aa5v). The two books represent something of an analytical and pedagogical progression. Exercise 1 concentrates on basic principles, restricting itself to the fundamentals of a limited range of introductory combat forms. Exercise 2 offers a litany of discrete data with less appearance of prioritization; it covers a wide range of weapon forms, as well as mounted combat, armored combat, and an extensive discussion of arms and armor. Yet aside from these general observations, it is hard to discern a rigorous structural plan in the work: Monte is an associative thinker, and whatever his theoretical intent, the content often follows whatever comes into his head at the moment. All of these features underlie the shape of the published Collectanea.

De Dignoscendis Hominibus (The Appraisal of Men) Monte’s work in composing the Exercise appears to have given him the idea to write the Appraisal. He evidently felt that the Exercise was worth publishing, but both the Appraisal and the Collectanea speak of his ethical misgivings about making military knowledge public, since it could fall into the hands of evil men (Coll a6r; App &1v). His solution was to extract the non-military content of the Exercise and prepare it for publication as

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Appraisal 5, expanding on its content to create Appraisal 6: he tells us that these two books were the first part of the Appraisal he wrote (App x3r). Preparing this material for publication necessarily involved substantial rewriting: Exercise, as he tells us, was not meant to be comprehensible to anyone outside his immediate circle (App &1v). While Appraisal 5 in particular overlaps heavily with the Exercise in subject matter and content, it includes a great deal of additional material, and the rewrite is so complete that it amounts to an entirely new work. The process of producing Appraisal 5 and 6 evidently suggested additional directions to Monte’s associative mind, inspiring him to compose Appraisal 1 to 4, which expand on the humoral content of passages like Appraisal 5.2, but wander quite far afield in their exploration.25 Monte also took the opportunity to incorporate the text of his Conception of the Virgin at the end of Appraisal 4. As finally published, the Appraisal is a lengthy, wide-ranging, and digressive treatise whose central concept – to the degree that it can be said to have one – is the understanding of the human body, mind, and soul in relation to the four humors of medieval scientific theory. But from this starting point Monte wanders off in countless unpredictable directions to cover topics as diverse as sin, redemption, the education of children, astronomy, and diet. Monte envisioned an international and scholarly audience for the Appraisal, as evidenced by his decision to publish the work in Latin, the international language of scholarship. Lacking the necessary language skills, Monte turned to his colleague Gonzalo de Ayora of Córdoba, who had already produced the translation of Monte’s De Conceptione Virginis. Ayora was a Spanish expatriate living in Italy, Monte’s junior by a decade, a soldier and scholar who operated in both court and military circles like Monte.26 The process of translation must have begun around 1491, after the publication of De Conceptione Virginis. It was completed in 1492: in the prologue to Appraisal 3 Ayora references the conquest of Granada, which took place in January of that year (App h6v), and the published book is dated December 17, 1492. The Appraisal does not appear to have had a large print run – surviving copies are rare – but a contemporary readership is attested by an Italian 25 Content such as Exer 16v (Coll 1.32) may have played a part in suggesting this direction to Monte. 26 On Ayora, see Anglo, Martial Arts, p. 274 fn. 13; Arellano, Ensayo 1.42–60; Cat, “Essai”; Duro, “Noticias.” Ayora is not to be confused with his near-contemporary and -namesake, Gonzalo Fernandez de Córdoba, the Spanish general of the Italian Wars known as el Gran Capitán. While Ayora was working on Book 4, Monte resolved to voyage to Jerusalem, leaving the project in his translator’s hands (App q4r–v), though it is unclear whether the journey ever actually took place.

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translation of the wrestling section, preserved in Biblioteca estense universitaria α.t.75, dating to around 1500, and covering Book 5 chs. 1–3.27 The translator evidently had some difficulty with Ayora’s Latin – indeed the passages for which it might have been most useful to have some contemporary clarification are omitted from the translation, which also leaves out much of Ayora’s commentary.

The Collectanea During the years after the publication of the Appraisal, Monte began translating his own works. At some point between 1492 and 1509 he translated the two sections of the Exercise, expanding them considerably in the process, to become Collectanea 1 and 2. To these he added a third book, De Arte Militari (“On the Military Art”), which he also wrote first in Spanish.28 This work may have begun as an expansion on material in the Exercise: it begins with the concept of drawing analogies from individual to massed combat (f8v), and Chapter 3 recapitulates content on the humors and battle formations that is also found in the Exercise (8r–9r; Coll 1.52–55) and in the Appraisal (6.11). In translating the Exercise, Monte was repeating a process that had already taken place for the Appraisal, with similar implications. The content needed to be expanded in order to be comprehensible to readers beyond his immediate circle; technical terms needed explanation; and Monte’s inquiring intellect was again drawn to explore directions suggested by the content of the Exercise. As a result, the Collectanea shares the complexity and digressiveness of the Appraisal. The overall shape of the first two books was determined by the Exercise: Collectanea 1 deals with a few general subjects at an introductory level, Collectanea 2 treats a large number of specific topics in condensed terms. Collectanea 3 begins with the concept of applying principles from the individual level of the exercises to the organizational level of the army, although it ultimately ranges quite broadly to follow the curiosity of its author. The content of the work is analyzed in Appendix B. The published Collectanea 1 and 2 is roughly three times the length of the manuscript version, confirming Monte’s claim that the Latin translation 27 Modena, Biblioteca estense universitaria α.t.75A, fols. 1r–37r. A transcription is published in Bascetta, Sport e Giuochi, pp. 304–40. 28 Monte references the Spanish original in De singulari certamine (sig. AA4v): “Since this book of mine addressed matters of interest to many people, I translated it from Castilian into Latin, as I also did with certain other treatises, such as those about exercises, the military art, and proverbs.”

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is significantly expanded from the original Spanish (a1r). This discrepancy in size is accounted for partly by additional chapters, and partly by the expansion of the original Spanish chapters. The Collectanea also adds chapter numbers and headings, which are lacking in the manuscript. The range of topics covered in the Collectanea is eclectic, to say the least, but in three particular domains this work must be considered a historical document of primary importance: martial arts, sports, and arms and armor. This translation was chiefly undertaken to advance scholarship in these areas, and the following pages will offer some orientation to Monte’s place in each of them, as well as providing general background on these technical topics to assist in understanding Monte’s text.

Martial Arts Of these three domains, only martial arts had a well-developed textual tradition prior to Monte. Notwithstanding the persistent myth of the “rough and undisciplined swordsmanship” of the Middle Ages,29 a significant number of surviving medieval treatises attest to a tradition of martial arts practices that were in fact quite sophisticated, even bookish. These treatises document the techniques of personal combat, both unarmed and with various weapons, in armor and unarmored, on foot and on horseback. The overwhelming majority are in German and known as Fechtbücher, of which dozens survive from the 1300s and 1400s, with as many again from the 1500s.30 Outside of Germany, the genre was slower to develop. Only a handful of Italian combat treatises are known from the period before 1500, all of them based partly or wholly on the work of Fiore dei Liberi, a master active in the late 1300s and early 1400s.31 Not until the 1500s do Italian writings on the subject begin to proliferate, mostly focusing on the unarmored swordplay of rapier combat.32 There are only a handful of pre-1500 29 McClelland, Body and Mind, p. 51, citing Castle, Schools and Masters, p. 35; cf. also Wise, Personal Combat, p. 31. 30 On early texts from Germany, see Forgeng and Kiermayer, “The Chivalric Art”; Forgeng, “Owning the Art”; Hagedorn, “Fechtbücher”; Hils, Liechtenauers Kunst; Leng, Katalog. 31 For early Italian sources, see Anonimo Riccardiano, Trattato, pp.  19–22; Liberi, Fior di Battaglia; Liberi, Flos Duellatorum; Mondschein, Knightly Art of Battle; Mondschein, “Italian Schools,” pp. 291–301; Vadi, Gladiatoria. 32 On Italian treatises of the 1500s, see Castle, Schools and Masters, ch. 2; Gaugler, History of Fencing, pp. 1–29; Mondschein, “Italian Schools,” pp. 301–12; Wise, Personal Combat, pp. 35–47. Among these, Manciolino’s Opera Nova of 1531 (transl. in Leoni, Renaissance Swordsman) and Marozzo’s Opera Nova of 1536 have especially close affinities with Monte in subject matter (for example in the choice of weapons forms, and in addressing such topics as left-handed combatants, and combat on foot against a horseman). In this context, Gelli’s assertion that Manciolino repeatedly describes his work as indebted to “Moncio” is

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treatises outside of Germany or Italy: Iberian works on swordplay only begin to emerge in the late 1500s, although treatises on horsemanship and jousting appear earlier.33 The pre-1500 texts typically consist of compilations of discrete techniques, often illustrated, and many of them incorporating verse. Monte’s work also describes techniques, but overall his approach to the subject is more discursive, and his interest in theory and principles sets his work apart from other early treatises: topics like sizing up the opponent, conserving strength, and the psychology of combat are prominent in Monte but largely absent from other medieval treatises. In this respect Monte looks forward to the later Italian rapier treatises, which show a comparable interest in theory, principles, and the application of scientific ideas to the analysis of combat. Monte’s interest in theory is strikingly paralleled by the only other comparable text from medieval Iberia.34 Duarte I’s Livro do Cavalgar (“Book on Horsemanship”) is a work whose subject matter intersects with all three domains of martial arts, sports, and arms and armor; it was mostly composed before 1433, the year Duarte acceded to the throne of Portugal. Duarte covers general principles of equestrianism and equestrian equipment, the techniques of hunting, jousting, and tourneying, and even includes a brief and cryptic section on wrestling. His treatise overlaps heavily with the Collectanea not only in subject matter but in outlook. Both authors share a strong interest in the theory and principles that underlie their disciplines, and there are striking specific parallels in content: both authors discuss the impact of anger, fear, and shame on physical practices, offer recommendations on training, and centralize the concept of soltura – here translated as “fluidity,” but implying a combination of physical limberness, mastery of the physical discipline, and a capacity to execute complex physical actions in a relaxed and natural manner. The similarities suggest the possibility that Monte and Duarte may represent a distinctive Iberian tradition in their approach to martial arts. Among the martial arts, Monte gives pride of place to wrestling, which he sees as the starting point for all combat training. This is typical of both the Iberian and Italian sources. Fiore also takes wrestling as his starting of great potential interest, but oddly such references are not actually to be found in Manciolino’s work (Gelli, Scherma, p. 125). 33 See Duarte, Horsemanship; Fallows, Jousting; Leguina, Libros de Esgrima; Leguina, Bibliografia e Historia; Ortiz, Nueva bibliografía; Ortiz, “Destreza Verdadera”; Sousa Viterbo, Esgrima. 34 Perhaps the only other medieval text with a comparable interest in combat theory is the version of the Liechtenauer treatise in the “Döbringer” manuscript (Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum Cod. Ms. 3227a, fols. 13v–40r).

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point, and like Monte extrapolates its techniques to other combat forms.35 Duarte similarly emphasizes the importance of wrestling as a basis for mastering any physical practice – to the extent of squeezing it into a treatise on equestrianism.36 One distinctive feature of Monte’s discussion of wrestling is that he focuses specifically on sport-wrestling, while virtually every other treatise tends toward earnest applications.37 It may be for this reason that Monte’s techniques seek almost exclusively to throw the opponent: unlike other medieval combat treatises, he has few references to techniques for wrenching the arm, invaluable in an earnest fight but potentially injurious in play. Nonetheless, Monte believes that an integrated spectrum of practice should unite sports, dueling, and the battlefield, and emphasizes that, aside from considerations of safety, the customs of the sport ought to reflect the realities of combat (App y4v, y5r; Coll c6v). With armed combat, Monte mentions both sport and earnest contexts, including single and group combat, and the techniques he describes can be seen as broadly applicable in all of these settings, although he notes that a crowded battlefield allows for less display of individual technique (Coll e3r). The repertoire of weapons overlaps with other medieval writings on the subject, but its overall profile is without parallel. Collectanea 1 focuses on the two-handed sword and pollaxe as the master weapons through which the techniques of all the others can be taught (Coll a3v, a5v). The prominence Monte gives to the two-handed sword is typical of many such texts, but the emphasis on the pollaxe is not – the weapon is included in some other treatises, but only occasionally, and it rarely occupies a prominent place.38 Monte’s third introductory weapon in Collectanea 1 is the dagger, reflecting its substantial difference from other forms of armed 35 Liberi, Fior di battaglia, pp. 428–35; Mondschein, The Knightly Art of Battle, pp. 22–29. 36 In one passage Duarte discusses the techniques of wrestling on horseback (Horsemanship, pp. 76–77), in the other he addresses wrestling on foot (Horsemanship, pp. 140–44). The former mentions both sporting and earnest contexts; the latter leans toward wrestling as a sport. For other medieval sources on wrestling, see Ott’s Ringkunst, translated in Tobler, St. George’s Name, pp.  186–91; Paulus Kal’s Fechtbuch, translated in Tobler, In Service of the Duke, pp. 171–199; see also Anglo, Martial Arts, pp. 172–86; Forgeng and Kiermayer, “Chivalric Art,” pp. 160–61; Robles Tascón, Lucha, esp. pp. 43–76; Welle, Ringkampf. 37 Aside from Duarte’s brief and uninformative memorandum on the subject, the earliest clear instance of a treatise on sport-wrestling is Auerswald’s Ringerkunst; the handful of other early printed wrestling books from Germany may also implicitly focus on the sport (Anon., Hybsch ring byechelin; Anon., Kunst und Art des Ringens; Anon., In Sand Jorgen namen). 38 Important sources on the two-handed sword include Liberi, Fior di battaglia, fols. 22r–34r; the Liechtenauer treatise translated in Tobler, St. George’s Name, pp. 110–31; Paulus Kal’s Fechtbuch, translated in Tobler, In Service of the Duke, pp. 125–50; Peter Falkner’s Fechtbuch, translated in Tobler, Captain of the Guild, pp. 36–103. Important sources on the pollaxe include Anglo, “Jeu de la Hache”; Liberi, Fior di battaglia, fols. 37v–39v; Peter Falkner’s

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combat; as Monte tells us, the techniques of dagger-combat were closely allied to those of wrestling (a4r, d3v). This form is also well represented in other medieval texts.39 In Collectanea 2, Monte addresses a wide range of weapons that are not well documented elsewhere in medieval combat treatises. Among these is the one-handed sword, a weapon less often covered in the treatises than one might expect: its techniques may have been understood to be subsumed under those of the two-handed sword, as Monte himself tells us.40 Monte’s discussion of the weapon includes remarkable content that substantially rewrites the received history of swordplay. Characteristic features of rapier play, such as the lunge and the use of a secondary weapon or cape in the off-hand, are commonly associated with the 1500s, but Monte’s text suggests that these were already established features of Spanish swordplay by the late 1400s.41 Indeed, given this kind of content, and Monte’s focus on unarmored swordplay, he may be considered the earliest surviving author on rapier-combat.42 Other forms in Collectanea 2 include various staff weapons – the halberd, ronca, and multiple types of spear including the asta, partisan, pica, jineta, lanzón, and long spear – as well as a range of shield types, such as the buckler, rondache, and adarga, not to mention weapon combinations such as two spears and a shield. Many of these forms are rare in the treatises, or even unique to Monte.43 Particularly striking is his extensive discussion of the spetum, a weapon mentioned only briefly in







Fechtbuch, translated in Tobler, Captain of the Guild, pp. 276–87; Paulus Kal’s Fechtbuch, translated in Tobler, In Service of the Duke, pp. 84–93. 39 Important sources on the dagger include Liberi, Fior di battaglia, fols. 11r–22r, 40r–v; the brief texts by Andre Liegnitzer and Martin Hundfeld translated in Tobler, St. George’s Name, pp. 171–72, 180–82; Paulus Kal’s Fechtbuch, translated in Tobler, In Service of the Duke, pp.  160–69; Peter Falkner’s Fechtbuch, translated in Tobler, Captain of the Guild, pp. 212–53. 40 Coll 2.19–20 (d2r). The chief other medieval source on the single-handed sword is Hans Lecküchner’s Messerfechtkunst (see Forgeng, Art of Swordsmanship). 41 Coll d2r, d2v, d3r, d7r. Cf. Anglo, Martial Arts, pp. 143–44; Castle, Schools and Masters, pp.  5, 44, 52, 66, 70, 76; LaRocca, “Renaissance Spirit,” p.  56; Wise, Personal Combat, pp. 36–39. 42 The rapier, a sword intended for wear with civilian attire, first appears as the espada ropera in Spain during the late 1400s (Norman, Rapier and Smallsword, p. 20). It is interesting to note in this context that Monte appears to be the first author to use the concept of a “fencing time,” which would later become common among the rapier masters (see Glossary sv. time). 43 Manciolino’s Opera Nova of 1531 (transl. in Leoni, Renaissance Swordsman) and Marozzo’s Opera Nova of 1536 both discuss staff weapons and shields extensively. Other works with sections on combat with shields include Agrippa (Trattato, fols. 57v–60r) and Grassi (Ragione, pp. 59–84). Works with sections on staff weapons include Meyer (Art of Combat, pp. 249–81), Grassi (Ragione, pp. 99–118), and Silver (Paradoxes, pp. 38–44; Bref Instructions, pp. 116–27). See also Anglo, Martial Arts, pp. 148–71.

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a few subsequent treatises, and not originally included in the Exercise – it may actually have been a relatively recent invention.44 Monte’s account of armored combat is unique for its level of detail, immediacy, and psychological insight: other texts of the period offer plenty of techniques for fighting in armor, but only Monte explores the underlying parameters – the topheaviness of the combatant, the need to conserve energy, the limited vision, and the importance of psychology.45 As Monte indicates, armor significantly changed the parameters of single combat: the body was extremely well protected, to the degree that the armored arm could be used as a shield, and either the weapons had to have bludgeoning power to crush it, like the pollaxe, or the combatant had to target the gaps in the opponent’s armor with a thrust. Wrestling played an especially important role, at least in one-on-one situations, since armor afforded no protection against wrestling techniques (cf. 2.78–79, 83). As with armored combat, mounted combat is a subject extensively covered by other texts of the period, but Monte stands apart in several respects.46 Other treatises focus chiefly on the spear, sword, and wrestling. Monte covers the spear, but in place of the sword he emphasizes the estoc and the horseman’s warhammer, weapons that are not covered in other treatises. Monte’s discussion of jousting with the lance – a skill applicable in tournaments, duels, and battles – is outstandingly thorough, and once again has its closest parallels in Duarte’s Horsemanship.47 Few other medieval treatises cover the subject in such depth, though a few later sources address it.48 44 Coll d4v–d5r. On the spetum, cf. Anglo, Martial Arts, pp. 159–63 and 342 n. 26; Grassi, Ragione, p. 141; Manciolino, Opera nova, fols. 61r–v (transl. in Leoni, Renaissance Swordsman, p. 143); Marozzo, Opera nova, pp. 86–88; Waldman, Hafted Weapons, pp. 177–78. 45 Other important sources on armored combat include Liberi, Fior di battaglia, fols. 34v–39v; Paulus Kal’s Fechtbuch, translated in Tobler, In Service of the Duke, pp. 46–81; and the Liechtenauer commentaries and other texts in the Starhemberg Fechtbuch, translated in Tobler, St. George’s Name, pp. 144–65, 173–79, 192–96. 46 Coll 2.66–103 (d8r–e8r). Other important sources on mounted combat include Duarte, Book of Horsemanship; Liberi, Fior di battaglia, fols. 43r–49r; Paulus Kal’s Fechtbuch, translated in Tobler, In Service of the Duke, pp. 22–47; the Starhemberg Fechtbuch, translated in Tobler, St. George’s Name, pp. 132–43, 183–85. See also Anglo, “How to Win at Tournaments,” pp. 253–55; Anglo, Martial Arts, pp. 253–70. 47 Coll 2.93–103 (e6r–e8r). Lanceplay is discussed in detail in Duarte, Horsemanship, pp. 102– 23. For a much briefer discussion of the topic, see Bueil, Jouvencel, 2.100–2. On jousting literature, see Anglo, “Jousting – the earliest treatises”; Anglo, “How to Win at Tournaments,” pp.  255–61; Anglo, Martial Arts, pp.  227–38; Fallows, Jousting in Medieval and Renaissance Iberia. 48 See Anglo, “Jousting – the earliest treatises,” p.  10; Fallows, Jousting, pp.  323–62; Réné d’Anjou, Traité. On tournament literature, see Anglo, “How to Win at Tournaments,” pp. 252–55; Barber and Barker, Tournaments, pp. 67–69. On later sources, see Anglo, Martial Arts, pp. 238–47; Fallows, Jousting, p. 1.

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Monte describes the use of the lance in conjunction with a lance-rest and grapper. The rest – from the French arrest, “stop” – was an iron support attached to the breastplate near the right armpit. It served as a fulcrum to assist in manipulating the eleven-foot spear. The grapper was an O-shaped disk that slid over the butt of the lance. The grapper adjoined the rest once the lance was in position, transmitting the impact of the encounter into the rest and torso armor, reducing strain on the jouster’s arm, and allowing him to deliver more power into his target. Jousts could take a variety of forms. The version described by Monte is a version of the “joust of peace,” involving specialized equipment designed specifically for the sport, in contrast with the “joust of war,” which used battlefield equipment with only a few modifications for added safety.49 In the joust of peace, the jousters wore a specialized helm strapped to the torso armor in front and back. The helm – heavier and more restrictive than the helmet used in battle – maximized protection to the jouster at the cost of mobility and vision. Yet despite the persistent myth, the jouster did not lean back at the moment of impact to close off his eyeslot against shards from a shattered lance – this misconception is decisively debunked by Monte’s emphasis on the importance of keeping one’s eye on the target.50 As Monte discusses, the jouster might be also strapped in place for additional stability,51 and he might have a pouch attached to his saddle or armor in which to rest the heavy jousting lance when it was not in use.52 The jouster suspended a small wooden shield from the left side of his torso armor to serve as a target for the opponent. The contestants might be separated from each other by a barrier called a tilt, with a secondary barrier running along the outside of the course, called a countertilt. In connection with mounted combat Monte makes frequent reference to the techniques of riding; he and Duarte are the most important surviving medieval sources on this subject. Most of Monte’s discussion presumes some variant on the brida style of riding, the normal method of medieval European heavy cavalry, in which the legs were extended and somewhat forward, bracing the buttocks against the back of the saddle. Monte does recommend riding with the stirrups shortened (e6r), and he seems to describe the forehead, buttocks, and feet as more or less in line with each other (e8r; final page), but he is still probably thinking of a moderated 49 On tournament sports in general, see Barber and Barker, Tournaments; Clephan, Tournament; Fallows, Jousting, pp. 1–9; Nickel, “Tournament.” 50 Coll e6v; cf. Blair, European Armor, pp. 157–58. 51 Coll e6v–e7v. On bindings for the rider and his stirrups, see Duarte, Horsemanship, pp. 20–21, 22, 60, 69, 107, 110. See also Figure 8. 52 On the pouch, see Duarte, Horsemanship, pp. 32, 103; Fallows, Jousting, pp. 98, 185–87, 214, 327, 391.

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version of the brida style. Brida riding was predicated on a saddle with high arçons, the upright structures at the front and rear of the saddle. The rear arçon, also called the cantle, curved forward around the rider’s hips for additional stability. The front arçon, or pommel, protected his groin and belly, with downward projections on either side to protect the thighs and knees – Monte calls this projection an urtus. Brida riding contrasts with the jineta style described by Monte in the addendum on the final page of the book. For jineta riding, the stirrups were short, the legs flexed, and the weight of the body rested in the middle of the saddle. This was the characteristic style of the Moors, adopted by Iberian light cavalry during the period of the Reconquista.

Sports and Athletics In addition to the martial arts, Monte offers rare documentation on a range of non-martial sports – although always with an eye to their martial benefits.53 He describes running races, prescribing a course about 250 yards long (App y7v; cf. also Coll c3v). This sport is occasionally referenced in textual and visual sources, but Monte’s detailed descriptions are without parallel for centuries afterwards – the closest comparable text is the rather brief description in Francis Willughby’s manuscript on games and sports from the 1660s.54 Jumping is another sport that lacks early documentation, and again Monte’s nearest parallel is Willughby – indeed Willughby specifically references a version of the three-stage jump described by Monte.55 Monte also describes a form of pole vaulting (f6v); his assertion that the skill can be useful in crossing water may seem far-fetched to a modern reader, yet one of Bernaert van Orley’s tapestries of the battle of Pavia, dating 53 On early sports literature, see Cram, Forgeng, and Johnston, Willughby’s Book of Games, pp. 43–47; McClelland, Body and Mind, pp. 19–59. A sixteenth-century Italian manuscript with content apparently similar to Willughby and somewhat intersecting with Monte is described in Furno, “Codice di Giuochi.” On athletics and physical training among the medieval aristocracy, see also Orme, Childhood to Chivalry, pp. 205–10; Larson, King’s Mirror, pp. 211–15; Giles of Rome, De Regimine Principum, sig. u5v–x1r (III.iii.6–7). 54 App 5.4–6 (y7r); Coll 1.24 ff. (a4v ff.), 2.148 ff. (f6v). Cf. Duarte, Horsemanship, pp. 41–42; Cram, Forgeng, and Johnston, Willughby’s Book of Games, p.  165. See also Endrei and Zolnay, Fun and Games, pp.  85–86, 136–37; Comenius, Orbis, pp.  274–75; Mercurialis, Gymnastica, pp. 157–60, 317–22. 55 App z2v–z3r (5.9); Coll f6v (2.147). Willughby calls this jump the Half Almond (Cram, Forgeng, and Johnston, Willughby’s Book of Games, p. 172). On jumping see also Fontaine, “Trois pas”; Schmidt, “Trois Dialogues”; Mercurialis, Gymnastica, pp. 160–78; Robles Tascón, Lucha, p. 29; Tuccaro, Trois Dialogues; Endrei and Zolnay, Fun and Games, p. 139, pl. xli.

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21

to about 1531, shows pikemen using their spears to escape the enemy in exactly this way.56 Monte devotes considerable attention to various forms of throwing: projectiles include a heavy iron bar, a small stone called the volandera, and the larger stone called an esquina, comparable to the modern shotput.57 These forms of throwing are attested in external sources, but aside from Monte the earliest technical description may be Willughby’s account of throwing the bar.58 Monte goes into even greater detail on the techniques of spear-throwing, covering a variety of spears as thrown on foot or from horseback; his account is paralleled by Duarte, who also has much to say on the subject.59 Monte also offers an extensive discussion of equestrian vaulting, describing some three dozen acrobatic moves that can be performed by one or two riders working on a horse – the modern derivative is still practiced by gymnasts working on the pommel horse, whose handgrips vestigially preserve the high arçons of the medieval war saddle.60 To the modern ear, “vault” implies jumping, but the term actually refers to the gymnast’s rotations over one or both arms (a5r). Vaulting is attested as early as the late Roman military treatise by Vegetius; the ninth-century Frankish monk Rabanus Maurus references Vegetius, and notes that the Franks of his day also practiced vaulting.61 The sport is mentioned in the early fifteenth-century biography of Boucicault, which describes the renowned knight performing feats quite similar to those enumerated by Monte: Boucicault would “leap from the ground onto a large man mounted on a large horse to ride on his shoulders, only 56 Coll g6r; Bernaert van Orley, Battle of Pavia tapestry set (Naples, Museo e Gallerie Nazionale di Capodimonte, inv. IGMN 144486). Pole vaulting is also described in Cram, Forgeng, and Johnston, Willughby’s Book of Games, p. 173. 57 App 5.10–19 (z3r–z8v); Coll 1.19–23 (a4v), 2.129–140 (f3v–f4v). He also references throwing staves and heavy poles (Coll b5r). Cf. also Endrei and Zolnay, Fun and Games, p. 139, pl. xli; Mercurialis, Gymnastica, pp. 160–78; Robles Tascón, Lucha, pp. 27–28. 58 Cram, Forgeng, and Johnston, Willughby’s Book of Games, p. 171. 59 Duarte, Horsemanship, 130–33. Cf. also Cram, Forgeng, and Johnston, Willughby’s Book of Games, pp. 160, 258; João I, Montaria, pp. 13, 295, 426–28; Giles of Rome, De Regimine Principum III.iii.7, 15 (sig. u6r–u7r, x6r–y1r); Puertocarrero, Discurso, pp. 48–49. 60 App 5.7–8 (y8v–z2v); Coll 1.26–27 (a5r), 2.141–146 (f4v–f6v). On vaulting in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, see Andrade, Arte de cavallaria, pp. 340–55; Bascetta, Sport e Giuochi, 1.49–106; Cram, Forgeng, and Johnston, Willughby’s Book of Games, p. 271; Delcampe, L’art de monter à cheval; Fontaine, “La voltige”; Imbotti de Beaumont, L’escuier françois, sig. A1r–D6v; McClelland, Body and Mind, pp. 55, 77; Paschen, Voltiger; Schmidt, “Trois dialogues”; Sobotka, Formgesetze, pp.  140–49; Sobotka, “Pferdturnen”; Stokes, Vaulting Master; Wallhausen, Ritterkunst, pp. 72–76; Wellmann, “Hand und Leib,” pp. 28–29; cf. also Duarte, Horsemanship, pp. 135–36; Cram, Forgeng, and Johnston, Willughby’s Book of Games, pp. 172–73. 61 Vegetius, Epitoma, Book I ch. 18 (p. 18); Davis, Warhorse, p. 14.

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grabbing him by the sleeve to help himself up; and placing one hand on the pommel of the saddle on a large horse, with the other grabbing the mane near its ears, he would spring over his arms from the ground to the other side of the horse.”62 Vaulting is the one sport for which there exist at least a few other early treatises, albeit none nearly so early as Monte, including Baluda’s Volteggiare of c. 1630, Stokes’s Vaulting Master of 1641, Paschen’s Voltiger of 1660, and Imbotti de Beaumont’s Escuier françois of 1679.

Arms and Armor Interspersed throughout the Collectanea are particulars about a variety of knightly gear including swords, staff weapons, shields, and saddles; and there is an extensive section devoted to the design of armor, culminating in a discussion of the evolution of armormaking during Monte’s lifetime. There are hardly any texts from Monte’s period that discuss arms and armor from a technical point of view, and none as substantive as Monte.63 Arms and armor of Monte’s day consisted chiefly of metal, leather, and textile components, all of which are discussed by Monte. The most important metals were iron and steel, both of which had been in use for millennia by Monte’s day, though the relationship between the two was still not actually understood. Steel is merely iron with a moderately elevated carbon content (less than 1% for medieval steels).64 Metalworkers of Monte’s day had no concept of carbon, but they knew that heating iron in a charcoal fire under the right circumstances could convert it into steel. Steel was recognizable chiefly because it was harder than iron, and a skilled craftsman could make it even harder through heat-treatment, heating the metal then cooling it rapidly in water – this is the process of “tempering” referenced by Monte (f3v). Heat-hardening had the disadvantage of making steel more brittle, and Monte’s discussion of the steel crossbar of a sword, heat-hardened except at the quillon block, gives us some insight into the sophistication with which metallurgical techniques were used (d6v–d7r). His discussion of 62 Lalande, Jehan le Maingre, pp. 25–26. 63 The most substantial exception is the brief French treatise on the topic from 1446, published in Reverseau, “Habit de guerre.” For other noteworthy examples, see Dillon, “Collection of Ordinances”; Sale, “Des anciens tournois,” pp. 193–221; Larson, Kings Mirror, pp.  217–20; Riquer, Arnès, pp.  177–78. The standard modern survey on medieval arms and armor in English is Blair, European Armour; also of use is Laking, Record of European Armour, which although quite old is voluminous and richly illustrated. 64 Williams, Knight and the Blast Furnace, pp. 17, 20, 21.

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the quality of Innsbruck steel is particularly revealing of the extent and limits of metallurgical understanding in Monte’s day (f3v). The local water actually had no impact on the quality of the steel, as Monte suspects; cold-working the steel – that is, beating it while it is cold – does somewhat harden the metal; but the key to the quality of Innsbruck steel was a community of craftsmen who had mastered the tricky art of heat-hardening steel (as mentioned by Monte), along with the naturally occurring alloys in the local iron – hinted at in Monte’s recognition that some raw materials are better than others. As Monte tells us, the design of armor juggled three main factors: protection, flexibility, and weight (e8r). He divides armor into two general categories, light and heavy, reflecting the different balances between protection on the one hand and weight and flexibility on the other. Light armor was less protective, but also less encumbering (2.105–10). It was typically worn by troops deployed in open order for light combat operations, whether on foot or on horseback. Light troops could serve as skirmish lines in front of the main force of an army, screening its position and provoking combat when it was desired. Such troops also served for scouting, protecting an army on the march, and pursuing an enemy once they were in retreat. They needed armor that was especially light and mobile at the cost of reduced protection. Light armor components were often made of mail. Torso armor could also be of brigandine, small plates of iron riveted into a fabric shell – since the plates were exposed to sweat and impossible to clean, they were often coated with tin to reduce rust. Armor could also be made purely of fabric: Monte references stitched fabric armors probably comparable to the “eyelet-holed” doublets known from a century later.65 Helmets worn with such armor were typically of solid plate, but relatively light, with an open face that improved vision at the cost of increased vulnerability. Heavy armor was often termed “white armor,” referring to the metallic gleam of the large iron plates of which it was composed. White armor provided excellent protection at the cost of increased encumbrance (2.112– 27). Nonetheless, a fully armored knight or “man at arms” was much more mobile than is commonly supposed today: as long as the armor remained undamaged, a well-made suit allowed virtually full range of motion. To achieve this mobility, plate armor consisted of a combination of larger plates with smaller intervening strips or lames that allowed the limbs to flex freely without creating gaps in the armor. The individual plates and lames could be attached to each other with rivets, or leather strapping, or a combination of the two (f2v). 65 Blair, European Armour, p. 139; Laking, Record, 2.201; Wegeli, Waffensammlung 1, Nr. 79.

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The sophistication with which this armor was designed and executed may not be immediately evident to modern observers seeing surviving examples in photographs or museum vitrines. Plate components were forged with differential thicknesses – the front of a helmet might be thicker than its rear, reducing weight by sacrificing protection in a less vulnerable area (f1v). Edges of the armor plates were folded outward to create protective edges that deflected weapons away from vital parts of the body (f1v), and ridges were raised along the centerlines of many components to strengthen the metal (e3v, f1v). Armor components were attached to the wearer’s arming doublet, a padded jacket pierced with pairs of eyelets that allowed the armor to be tied in place with lacing-points, roughly comparable to modern shoelaces. White armor was normally put on from the legs upward, which may account for the order in which Monte discusses it.66 In a joust or mounted duel, additional reinforcing plates could be added as extra protection against the impact of the initial charge with lances (e3v). The greatest disadvantage of white armor was the added weight (on the order of 50–60 lbs.), which taxed the fighter’s stamina as well as making him top-heavy – Monte emphasizes the importance of not leaning over (e2r). A knight in armor was fully capable of getting up from a fall, but being on the ground was a significant disadvantage, and Monte offers various recommendations on how to deal with it (d5v, e4r). Monte provides a unique level of technical detail on contemporary arms and armor, yet both his text and others suggest that this level of technical interest was not unique. He argues that knights should have enough knowledge of their equipment to be able to repair it on campaign (g3v), and in discussing trends in armormaking during his lifetime, he suggests that the owners of some of today’s most important surviving armors may have had a significant hand in their design – armors belonging to Sigismund of Austria and Claude de Vaudrey have been preserved to this day.67

66 Cf. Dillon, “Collection of Ordinances.” 67 Coll f3v; Beaufort and Pfaffenbichler, Meisterwerke, pp. 76–77; Thomas and Gamber, Katalog, pp. 108–11, 137–40, 152–53; pls. 34, 35 (A 62), 88 (B 33). For other texts documenting technical interest in arms and armor among its users, cf. Ehrentreiz, Weiss Kunig, pp. 97– 98; Fallows, Jousting, pp. 35, 69–70.

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Other Technical Domains In Book 3 of the Collectanea, Monte broadens his focus from the physicality of the individual to the functioning of the army. This section was originally written as a separate work, and although it intersects in places with the subject matter of the rest of the Collectanea, its relative cursoriness contrasts with the breadth and depth of Books 1 and 2. Had Monte applied the same approach to military theory as to physical exercises, this book might have ranked as the single most important text on the subject to have been produced in the Middle Ages, but as written, Book 3 is only one of many points of reference for understanding medieval military thought. Medieval military literature was dominated by Vegetius’s De Re Militari, a late Roman treatise that was repeatedly copied, translated, adapted, and scavenged over the course of the Middle Ages. During the Middle Ages, most original writing on military theory was framed within other kinds of texts, among them histories, letters, treatises on chivalry, and speculi principum; not until the 1500s did the military treatise fully reemerge as a genre.68 One final technical area that calls for explanation is Monte’s use of humoral theory, widely familiar to educated readers in his own day, but superseded by developments in biological science during the centuries after his death. The idea of the humors was inherited from antiquity. The theory proposed a biaxial system of opposing properties: hot and cold, wet and dry. The combinations of these properties yielded the four elements that made up the physical world: air, fire, earth, and water. These elements corresponded to four humors that made up the bodies of humans and other animals: choler, blood, melancholy, and phlegm. Every creature was thought to receive a natural mix of these elements at the moment of conception, determining the fundamental balance between the humors in its body. Hence a person’s underlying physiological and psychological nature could be characterized by the relative proportion of the humors in their composition, and by the degree to which each of these humors was realized – their “perfection,” to use Monte’s term. This fundamental balance of humors was known as the person’s “complexion,” and it could be recognized in a person’s physical appearance, as Monte discusses at length and as is still reflected in the modern use of the word. The humoral balance at any moment could be affected by temporary circumstances, 68 On military writings of the Middle Ages, see Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, pp. 210– 15; Nicholson, Medieval Warfare, pp. 13–21; Orme, Childhood to Chivalry, pp. 185–87; Prestwich, Armies and Warfare, pp. 186–89. For texts that might be compared to Monte in this regard, cf. Charny, Book of Chivalry; Pisan, Deeds of Arms; Giles of Rome, De Regimine Principum; Larson, King’s Mirror, pp. 211–26.

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such as age, environment, or diet, and various factors might “temper” the humors, rendering them less extreme. But the underlying mix was innate and unchanging, as Monte emphasizes.69 While Monte’s obsession with the humors may seem eccentric, even superstitious, to the modern reader, it in fact reflects his profoundly scientific cast of mind: in this area as in many others, Monte is using the contemporary intellectual toolkit to provide a rational framework for the analysis of martial practices.70

Hot Fire/Blood (Sanguine)

Air/Choler

Wet

Dry Water/Phlegm

Earth/Melancholy Cold

69 On the humors, see Siraisi, Medicine, pp. 79, 84, 101–6. 70 Cf. for example Coll a7v, b2v, b3r, b4r, d6v; App x5r–v, x5v, x6r–v, x5v, y3r.

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The Translation I have translated a number of early martial arts treatises over the years, but the present text raises challenges beyond any of them. The linguistic layers are one major factor: this book is a translation of a translation, with all the complexity implied in such an undertaking. Monte’s choice of Latin for the published version of his work is another factor. Medieval and Renaissance Latin was chiefly a language of scholarship, ill-suited to expressing the kinds of physical topics Monte explores. The problem is exacerbated by the language skills of the authors: Ayora is too good a Latinist, Monte too bad, to address these topics clearly. Ayora’s elegant humanistic Latin would have earned his schoolmaster’s approval, but it is problematic for the expression of technical subject matter: good technical writing calls for consistency of expression, something eschewed by polished Latin, which equates consistency with monotony, and favors variation in syntax and vocabulary. Monte on the other hand has a very rough command of Latin that sometimes makes it hard to tell what he is getting at. Nonetheless, patience and persistence have paid off, and after a decade of work on this text, there are few passages that I feel are more obscure to me than they would have been to Monte’s contemporaries – this last point is rather important, especially considering that the Italian translation of the wrestling material in the Appraisal demonstrates that this was not an easy text for contemporaries to interpret. This translation uses different approaches depending on the nature of the passage being translated. Where the meaning is clear, I have translated reasonably idiomatically, not trying to stay too close to the wording of the original, although I have retained enough of the flavor of Monte’s language to provide some feel for how he expresses himself. Where the original is obscure, I have tried to reproduce that obscurity in a way that will allow readers to make their own interpretation – this is particularly true of Monte’s descriptions of physical actions, which are often open to multiple readings. One of the challenges with Monte’s work is that the text is technical, but the language is not. Good technical writing calls for a one-to-one correspondence between word and meaning. In Monte’s Latin, however,

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multiple words can be used for a single meaning, and multiple meanings can attach to a single word. Monte’s terminology for the leg is a case in point: pes normally means “foot,” but in some cases he uses it more loosely for the leg; crus can mean “leg” or “thigh”; tibia can mean “leg” or “lower leg.” In most cases I have deduced Monte’s meaning from the context or from comparison to the Spanish version, but some instances remain potentially ambiguous. As with any early text, there are textual errors, an issue that could have arisen either in Monte’s manuscript or in the process of typesetting for publication. Where I have significantly altered the text to improve its sense, square brackets flag the alteration, with a footnote to document the specifics. Where there is no footnote, the brackets mark a simple editorial insertion. We can also be certain that there are additional errors in the text that are not so obvious. These errors are necessarily reproduced in the translation, which must therefore be read with some judiciousness: there may be additional places where Monte means “left” instead of “right,” or has left out a “not” that reverses the meaning of a sentence, or where the printer’s punctuation does not reflect the author’s actual intent.1 Nonetheless, I have not documented every instance where the translation does not say exactly what Monte’s Latin says: owing to his poor command of the language, his words do not always express his intent, and where that intent seemed clear in spite of the language, I have massaged Monte’s grammar and vocabulary without footnoting – the alternative would have been a book consisting more of footnotes than of text. It is also worth noting that Monte is an exceptionally lateral thinker, sometimes to the point of confusing himself with his own digressions. Monte’s discussion of humpbacks in Collectanea 1.67 is every bit as disorienting in the original as it is in translation, and many of his cross-references seem to allude to material that is not actually in the book. Where Monte surfs back and forth between Latin, Spanish, and Italian, there is no way to translate the text that is both coherent and consistent. In such cases I have tried to reproduce some of the feel of the text without driving either myself or the reader to distraction. Generally, where Monte has a Spanish term in mind, I have used that term, usually supplied from the Escorial manuscript – maña and encuentro are two common examples. In many cases Monte renders Spanish words into Latin by giving them an Italian form – for example, stocchata, which he often uses where the Escorial text has estocada. Here again I simply use the Spanish form. I have also tried to reduce the degree of variation in his technical vocabulary: he uses the terms clunilevium, leveclunium, and disclunata synonymously, but 1 For examples, cf. the footnotes to a3r, c6r, d3r, d3v, e6r.

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The Translation

29

in most cases I have rendered these words by their chief Spanish equivalent, descaderada. The Spanish terms are somewhat normalized toward their modern spellings. Both in historical writings and in modern scholarship, technical terms relating to arms and armor are used variously by different authors. I have tried to use terms consistently within this text, but there is no universally accepted system of nomenclature in the field, particularly in areas such as staff weapons where the typology of the objects resists rigid classification. The use of technical terms is documented in the Glossary. In some places I have used boldface to highlight Monte’s introduction of topics or vocabulary words. This is my own insertion to help the reader navigate a complex text, although in these places the printed edition sometimes uses a paraph (the predecessor of the modern pilcrow or paragraph mark) for a similar purpose. I have also inserted a few headings in square brackets to assist in wayfinding. In Appendix A, Ayora’s insertions are set apart typographically, though in some cases it is hard to distinguish between Monte’s words and Ayora’s. I have footnoted many comparative readings in the Escorial manuscript, but I have not done this systematically: an edition of the Exercise would be a valuable but quite separate – and extremely challenging – undertaking, for which a good translation of the Collectanea will be a prerequisite. In the section of the Appraisal translated in the Estense manuscript, I have footnoted some comparisons to the Italian translation, but again I have not done so systematically. Appendix A provides a translation of Appraisal 5, since it recapitulates and expands much of the technical content of the Collectanea, and therefore seemed a crucial tool for interpreting this challenging material. For convenience, Collectanea is abbreviated as Coll, Appraisal as App, Exercise (the Escorial manuscript) as Exer. References to these works are by book and chapter (1.12 means Book 1 chapter 12), signature (f8r refers to the recto side of signature f8), and/or folio (8v refers to the verso side of folio 8). Where the work is not specified, the reference is to Coll. No full translations of Monte’s works have yet been published, but substantial passages from the present works can be found in non-English translations in Fontaine, “Échanges,” pp. 52–54; Fontaine, “Trois pas,” pp. 372–80; Fontaine, “Voltige,” pp. 211–39; Fontaine, “Physiognomonie,” pp. 99–109; and Sobotka, “Pferdturnen,” pp. 136–51.

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Pietro Monte’s Collectanea of Exercises and the Military Art, divided into three books

Prologue to Pietro Monte’s Books of Exercises and the Military Art, dedicated to Lord Galeazzo Sanseverino Having often reflected on the weakness and frailty of human memory, and how whatever we commit to it today, it soon allows to vanish, I decided to write this compendium, so that some part of the activities or exercises that have been practiced among us could be more easily committed to memory. This purpose readily accounts for the content and brevity of this text, and why I do not explain every particular in detail. If a person has some familiarity with these matters, it is enough for us to clear him a small path on his route: from there he can easily widen it to cover the entire subject. We should seek this kind of aid to memory from others when we lack it, and where we possess knowledge, we should put it in writing so that it should never be lost to posterity, guarding against the contingencies that often befall. Yet although the benefit may shine upon everyone, it is not distributed in equal measure, for a thing helps us more when we have more need of it. We should harmonize physical skills with the intellect, for then we can more easily show the general and specific means that are suitable for men who use their powers of body and intellect. With those who rule or triumph by chance, their rise is usually the prelude to their utter downfall. So to avoid such disgraces, I will write down in a few words some matters that can be extrapolated to teach many exercises, also showing something of the complexions of men. I will divide the exercises of this book into two parts.

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• Book One will be a little more discursive and more general in keeping with that which is dealt with discursively. • Book Two will be compendious, dealing with a great number of individual exercises, and some important topics are addressed toward the end. Yet it lays out in concise fashion the foundations for additional matters. Between these two I will discuss the complexions, and how to conduct things when we are going to engage in some physical contest. I will also speak of various physiologies in relation the various regions of the world.1 Since I undertook to write about the exercising of physical strength, I will begin with the actual exercises of the body, starting with wrestling. I dealt with these matters quite extensively in my other book, The Appraisal of Men, but I will expand on them here. And toward the end I will set forth some rules as to how everyone should conduct himself. • The final book consists of some chapters concerning military organization. Having written extensively about some exercises in The Appraisal of Men, I have included two sections on the topic in this Collectanea, covering them very concisely; one will be a bit more discursive than the other, yet as concise as possible, so that we can proceed from discursive to concise, or find a way to extend or shorten the matters of which we speak. For unless we can gather lengthy matters into few words, or spin out brief ones at length, we can scarcely be called skilled practitioners.

1 This paragraph is not in Exer. The first sentence of the following paragraph concludes the prologue in Exer.

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Book One Chapter 1: Explanation of terms1 So that your lordship may more easily understand what follows, before we come to the exercises, I will explain some terms, some Latin, some vernacular, sometimes both together. In any case I will say much about the Spanish language, since that is the language in which I first wrote this treatise. In discussing the skills and tactics of wrestling, people often use words idiosyncratically, and I like others have devised some specialized terms in the vernacular based on how we maneuver our limbs. Likewise in armed play or combat there are many attacks that have no Latin names; therefore I will explain them in terms of their form. Also, we are constantly using diverse new arms of offense and defense: since we name them in the vernacular, it is appropriate for the Latin to imitate the vernacular. In various places I will explain selected terms for their better understanding, which I did not generally do in the vernacular version, except to explain how something might be done well or poorly. But I expect that everyone will understand about equestrian vaults, since they are not new, given that I have written about them in The Appraisal of Men. With each vault, or most of them, I said something about how the hand is positioned on the saddle or horse. Gonzalo Ayora, in translating the Appraisal, also offered many explanations, and I agree with them, so you can find explanations of the techniques there. I have written more extensively in Latin than in the vernacular version, for two reasons. First, the bodily exercises that call for great physical strength are commonly practiced among those unlearned in letters rather than among scholars; hence I should add explanatory definitions so that scholars may understand more easily. The second reason is because in the vernacular every exercise has established terms, or terms that could be regarded as established and are understood by everyone, but this is not true in Latin. 1 This chapter not in Exer. See also 1.76 on the names of body parts.

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When we wrestle, techniques of the feet and arms are called mañas in Spanish. We call it a torno when our foot intercepts the opponent’s foot from the front, and our arms pull him toward us, so that he falls head-first where we were before. It is called a torno because we do not pull the opponent along a straight line, but twisting or turning. It is called a sacaliña when we catch the opponent’s foot with the heel or tip of our foot, and pull that foot toward us, while our arms push his body so that he falls on his back. To do the sacaliña our foot must go in between the opponent’s legs. The desvio is so called from deviating our body. When we grapple by the collar of the doublet, and the opponent imposes his force onto us, we displace our body, and allow him to fall forward. The body can also be displaced in other directions, and it can still rightly be called a desvio. Some people call it “stealing the opponent’s body,” since it sends him into empty space. The mediana is so named because our leg goes in between the opponent’s legs and we encircle one of his legs with ours. Hence the mediana can be called the encirclement [circumdata] or envelopment [revoluta]; Ayora called it the “serpentine” [anguigera]. The descaderada or disclunata means taking the opponent over our hip, lifting his leg forward with our leg. The cargo or burdening means taking the opponent’s arm and turning our back against his belly, so as we bend our body he falls over our shoulders. The antia or ancha, or better tollens pernam [“lifting the leg”], is when we send our leg in between the opponent’s legs, and lift one of his legs up in the air to make him fall much as when we execute the descaderada. The traspie is when we take the opponent’s foot from the outside with the tip of our foot, and he falls backward. It is called vueltas when we lift the belly and go around in a circle. All of these techniques can be done from various places or from various grips: sometimes by the neck, sometimes by the arms; sometimes when we are nearer, we grasp by the chest or loins, or we seize the opponent’s side, or he seizes ours. Every technique is generically called a maña in Spanish, and in wrestling we get the opponent by the work of the feet alone, with our legs harassing his legs to make him fall. We also generically say armar in Spanish for any wrestling technique of the feet.

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Concerning the manner of grappling, wrestling at the collar is when one of our hands grabs the opponent by the neck, the other by the arm or hand. Wrestling at shared arms is when we are chest-to-chest, with one of our arms underneath the opponent’s arm, and our other arm over his other arm, and thus we grapple each other reciprocally. By both arms is when we grasp the opponent’s arms with both of our hands, and he does the same to us. Taking or seizing the hands is when the hand of one grasps the hand of the other. By the side is when we seize the opponent’s side, and our shoulder goes under his armpit, or when he goes in under our arm. When we seize the opponent’s back, or he seizes ours, it is called giving or taking the shoulderblades in Castilian. For armed play or combat I will also introduce some new concepts, following the vernacular, concerning both offensive and defensive arms. I should also explain some things concerning the manner of executing blows, in relation to the motion of the arms. Generally with the Spanish, Italians, and French, when we use a sword, we speak of the cut, reverse, and estocada, referring to the right-hand blow, the left-hand blow, and the thrust. The right-hand means when the blow comes from our right side to the opponent’s left side. The left-hand or reverse is when we pull the sword from our left side and hit the opponent’s right side. The thrust [obviatio] or cuspis or estocada is executed by thrusting the tip of our sword straight toward the opponent. I believe the estocada is so named from the stabbing weapon called an estoc. The estoc does not have the capacity to cut, only a point for thrusting, so based on the comparison to an estoc, a thrust is called an estocada. In Latin we can also call it the cuspis, from the word for a point. I will describe the other blows in their proper chapters, in cases where there are no obvious terms. I should say something concerning offensive arms, so that we can learn their vernacular names. For among the ancients not all the weapons that exist today had been invented, or else we do not correctly understand them. The pollaxe [aza], as it is called in the vernacular, is made of iron and wood and so is reckoned among the staff weapons. In length it is somewhat

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taller than a man. The upper part looks something like a hammer, but the tip has a stout point, and one side of the hammer is blunt, the other sharp. At the lower end, which is called the heel [calx], there is another point, since we must often fight with the heel of the pollaxe. The partisan [partisana], also so named in the vernacular, is a spear and likewise among the staff weapons. It is a little longer than a man can reach with his uplifted hand. Its head looks like the blade of an ancient broadsword, but the head of the partisan is shorter and wider. It cuts on both sides and has a thrusting tip. The ronca is somewhat like a partisan, but it has points on the side and also has a stronger point at the top than a partisan, so the ronca functions like a cross between a partisan and a pollaxe. The defensive arms that we carry on our left arm for protection can generally be rendered in Latin, since there we have the shield [scutum] or clypeum just as in the vernacular, and the pelta which we call the buckler [brocherius]. The parma is made of leather, and in the vernacular is called an adarga [dargha]. In the vernacular we apply a different name to some shields, such as the rondache [rodella]. But in reality the rondache is just a large buckler; because of its size people generally hold a rondache differently than a buckler. The arms with which a knight is equipped are all reducible to the doublet, cuirass [thorax], mail [lorica], arm-harness [manicæ], gauntlets [chirothecæ], a helmet [galea, cassis] for the head, and leg-harness [calcei pedis]. Any other arms newly invented can properly be called by these names. To protect the neck we put on a bevor [babera] or gorget [gorgialinum] which we can also call a gutturarium. Over the groin we have what we call an iron brayette [bracchæ] or iron mail, and on the shoulders what we call pauldrons [spaldazæ] or humeralia. There are many technical concepts relating to combat on horseback, both in sport and in earnest. In jousting we find many specialized terms in the vernacular. Jousting is the encounter or contest between two riders with heavy cuirasses and strong shields, and for the encounter they also carry heavy spears. And as with my explanations about these things, so you should also understand regarding other exercises, even if I do not always insert Latin terms. But so that these matters may be more easily understood, as far as possible I will insert comprehensible and clarifying explanations, more at length than in the vernacular version, offering additional explanation beyond what is in that version.

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Chapter 2: How we can never learn physical arts by words alone2 In these exercises we cannot learn by words alone: we needs words along with physical demonstration. [For]3 the activity of exercising the body pertains to the physical work of senses, since here we are dealing with things beyond mental theory, and the body calls for a different manner of learning than the intellect. Therefore although any physical practice deals with things less exalted than theory, or at least more tangible, nonetheless we must teach whatever we are going to do by physical demonstration. Hence when scholars try to learn processes relating to physical actions, they hardly understand what they are supposed to do in such a practice. They may easily understand the words, but enacting what they mean is difficult, if one does not first experience those descriptions through physical actions or demonstrations as applied to the work. So although these activities may be called mathematical, in that they deal in calculative processes, they cannot be considered to stand in the first degree of certainty, since we easily understand mathematics or its calculations without actual demonstration when it is shown by teachers; but here we must learn those processes through hands-on instruction in order to make the physical techniques clear and easy. Since this book will be almost entirely about the practice of physical activities, albeit with logical analysis as far as possible, it will be difficult to understand at first, until one has learned something of it by practice. Also, although I have said that once the meaning of some mathematical calculation has been shown, the student knows it as well as the master, this is not entirely true. For even if the master’s demonstration of the calculation immediately allows the student to understand the concept, this does not mean he immediately knows how to do the calculation as the master does it, since even in executing calculations, we may understand them in principle, but we have to practice for a while in order to do them correctly. The same applies in physical exercises: if we have a good master, we can understand the concept almost at once through the physical demonstration, but it takes us time to work correctly as the master works.

2 This chapter not in Exer. 3 For] Coll: Non; read: Nam

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[Wrestling] Chapter 3: The techniques and temperance that we must use in wrestling4 At the outset of wrestling, or coming arm-to-arm with the opponent, we should take small steps, for if the opponent comes a little toward us, we need to step back a little. If he executes a traspie or tries to deliver a torno or sacaliña at our right foot, we need to step back, moving that foot over the one the opponent stepped onto, so that our left side is forward. If the opponent extends for our left side, we will need to end up with our right side forward, just as I have described for the other foot. Since one can attack in various ways, in order to outwit the opponent we must step lightly, so that we can pivot to either side the moment he tries to attack. This rule should be observed in all grapplings. It is also generally advantageous to sink into our knees, and sometimes it is even good to spring with our foot where the opponent directs techniques or does an armar, or draw it away, or slip it across the ground. And we can always send our hand to his chest, which is the instant and safe counter against any technique. If our hands are not yet joined, and the opponent is using slow steps and staying upright, we can use the sacaliña or traspie. If the opponent enters impetuously we can execute the torno or traversa, pulling him forward. This technique (as I have explained in the prologue) is called the torno, traversa, or encuentro by the Spanish, and in Latin may be called the obviatio. It should be executed seizing the opponent’s neck with our [right] hand, with the other under his arm at the chest or thereabouts, and with our right leg working against his left leg, so that he falls on his left side. If we grab him by the collar with our left hand, we should armar or execute the technique the other way round. When at shared arms, which means chest-to-chest such that our arm is under the opponent’s arm, we can do the encuentro with our leg against the opponent’s leg. We can also execute the sacaliña with our heel to the same leg to which we can do the encuentro, extending the sacaliña between his legs , drawing his foot to us, and pushing his body with our arms so that he falls on his back. Likewise when we grapple by the neck, we can do the sacaliña at the same moment that we might do the encuentro. And sometimes we can deliver the sacaliña to the other foot with the tip of our foot. If we grapple him by both arms, we can deliver the encuentro to his further foot, and we can do the sacaliña with our heel to his near foot, if 4 For this chapter, see Exer 1v.

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we are grappling by the right arms. But when the hands grapple the hands, we should execute the sacaliña with the tip of the foot. Other stratagems are not so good, like the trascorvada and the necia – the ignorant quite often use these techniques. The cargo and ancha are often done by experienced men. If we turn our body in applying the necia, it is like the descaderada or britona, except that one grabs differently with the arms. Often at shared arms, when we step onto the foot with which we mean to encounter, we end up receiving the descaderada to the other side. Chapter 4: Wrestling by either hand, that is by the left or right5 If we have traded hands, namely the right with the right or the left with the left, we can come at once to help with our other free hand on the opponent’s arm. This obstructs every counter, and from this grasp we can break his arm, hand, or finger. If we catch his right hand with our left, we can tighten our fists and pull to ourselves, with the hand rotating downward, at least in most cases. Chapter 5: Wrestling by the collar6 In grappling by the neck, we can do the encuentro and traspie, but it is better when one of these techniques arises from another, that is when we do both techniques without pausing between them. The sacaliña and desvio can also be executed from this grasp, and sometimes the cargo. Chapter 6: Wrestling at both arms7 In wrestling at both arms we can execute the encuentro or traversa to the further foot, and the sacaliña to the nearer, and sometimes the cargo and britona. But we should rotate our body greatly and quickly, applying our back to the opponent’s chest. And sometimes we can do the sacaliña and mediana to the further leg. Chapter 7: Wrestling at shared arms8 At shared arms we can deliver the encuentro to either foot, although it is better on the opponent’s forward side. The sacaliña is also appropriate

5 For this chapter, see Exer 1v. 6 For this chapter, see Exer 1v. 7 For this chapter, see Exer 1v. 8 For this chapter, see Exer 1v.

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for that foot, and sometimes the mediana. Also we can seize the hand the opponent has under our arm, placing it on his belly and easily lifting him bodily from the ground. Chapter 8: Grappling from the side9 When we [give]10 the side it is useful to seize our opponent’s head, swiftly doing the sacaliña, mediana, and descaderada almost all together, for one cannot take precautions between one and the next. In taking the opponent’s side we must look to counter whatever armar he may attempt against us, and we should keep ourselves upright. Once we have this grasp it is also easy to pursue the opponent’s back. Chapter 9: Grappling from behind11 When we give our back we can use the trascorvada with our leg in the crook of the opponent’s leg lest he should try to throw us. We can also use the sacaliña or deslomada to throw him, namely seizing the opponent’s arms with our hands in front of our belly, and acting as if we meant to lift him onto our back, and in that moment we should jump forward with our feet, pressing with our shoulderblades and all our body-weight strongly onto the opponent’s shoulders, so that he flexes at the loins and knees to go belly-first toward the ground. If we grapple from behind we can apply the encuentro to either foot, though it is better to rotate him in the direction in which he rotates himself; or we can place our leg so that it goes between his legs and apply the antegenu so that he falls on his face; and we should lift our own leg well upward. Chapter 10: A rule concerning optimal techniques and the changing of grips12 These techniques noted above, at least up to where I discussed grappling from the side, are all secure and can be done to anyone, strong, weak, skilled, and so on. Other techniques or modes of armar are dangerous to those who do them. When the opponent initiates an armar or makes an attack, it is often more useful to defend ourselves than to interrupt his technique with one

9 For this chapter, see Exer 2r. 10 give] Coll: take; corrected reading supplied by Exer. 11 For this chapter, see Exer 2r. 12 For this chapter, see Exer 2r.

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of our own, since he will armar to one of our feet, and if we lift the other from the ground it will tend to put us at risk. Therefore we must first escape from his attack, and then seek to throw him with our own technique. We should not persist with any grip, but any of these techniques should be done only once or twice, and sometimes not even that, particularly when we see the opponent well protected there. For it is better to find grips where the opponent is less skilled and bind him there.

[Armed Combat] Chapter 11: The general and specific manner we should use with weapons13 With all weapons we should follow the same manner as when we come to wrestle, especially where we apply the traspie or wish to avoid it. For that technique teaches us to displace the side that the opponent means to strike, and to attack where he is less prepared. If he shows an opening somewhere, we should fall in and attack there. However the first blow should generally be short, mostly to provoke our opponent, while the second blow should be done fully. With the sword, the reverse or [left]-hand14 is often good, because it tends to hit and is fairly safe. Once it is done we should pull back our foot, and our hand should go forward again with a thrust; we should also then step opposite to the opponent. Our blows should generally be nimble, often targeting the opponent’s hand when no other part is exposed. Chapter 12: The play of the pollaxe and some principal blows with it15 All staff weapons should be treated like the pollaxe, when we extend it low holding it by the base of the shaft. We can deliver the blows we use in the levada or initial teaching, and the following are the principal ones. With the right hand forward, enter with the right foot to strike high; instantly16 step back with our foot to its previous position, using the heel



13 For this chapter, see Exer 2v. 14 left-hand] Coll right-hand. 15 For this chapter, see Exer 2v. 16 Exer adds: cover and.

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of our pollaxe to strike the opponent’s leg. All17 of these should be done as a single action. If we wish to attack low, we must cover and displace our head, and the blow should immediately rise to strike the opponent’s head. We should play or fight similarly on the left side; and sometimes feint in one place and hit in another. Generally we should hit with the point of the pollaxe: the hammer is fine for feinting or striking when you need it, but in earnest combat sharp points are better. And against any blow he tries to deliver, it is useful to send the heel of our pollaxe18 into his face, drawing our body [backward].19 In our language, we call every species of weapon an “arm” [arma], but the term can also be used individually. Just as “animal” includes many kinds of animals, and every individual one is also called an animal, so we can also speak of arms, since it cannot be a genus unless it comprehends species under it; moreover the species must be similar to the genus since it derives from the genus. By this rule we sometimes call the sword an arm, and likewise other kinds of arms. But in Latin it is declined arma armorum, and is only found in the plural, since it is an irregular noun in Latin.20 Chapter 13: How it is harmful to stand fast when fighting with arms21 It is generally dangerous to remain fast in place when we are trying to parry the opponent’s blow with our weapon, so we should cover and displace the part of our body that is in greatest danger. Chapter 14: The play of the two-handed sword22 The techniques of the two-handed sword are also used with short weapons, and its play consists in what is called the levada in the vernacular, meaning the first blows we initially teach or learn. Although there is great need for physical practice, and we execute many blows and rotations with the weapons, still the chiefest blows with the two-handed sword are two rising blows, which are called montantes in the vernacular. If they are done from the right side in the first blow, the right foot must begin by moving forward with the montante, the second coming back at once from the left

17 Exer adds: three. 18 Exer adds: down. 19 backward] Coll: upward; corrected reading supplied by Exer. 20 This paragraph not in Exer. 21 For this chapter, see Exer 2v. 22 For this chapter, see Exer 3r.

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with the reverse or left-hand blow, rising or covering the head with the sword. It is very useful to attack with a montante and turn it into a thrust. Our arms must stay extended forward to keep us safe when we attack and defend. It puts the arms in danger if they are bent in any direction. Similarly from the left side we can deliver two rising reverses, or with the second one descending, with another montante from the right side, going back against the opponent’s hand, or covering our upper part. The first reverse is as good going in with one foot as with the other, but the final one should go in and out with the right foot. If we do both reverses with the right foot advancing to deliver them, the first step should be short, the final one long. It is always useful to threaten an attack in one place and deliver it in another, and this works well when we hit the opponent’s sword with the first blow. Then we should immediately turn back to the opponent’s hand with another blow from below, since generally rising blows block descending ones. However, even when we are hit first as we come from above with a fendiente, often we hit the one who stands below, because the limbered forearm muscles coming from above carry considerable force; so when someone delivers this sort of blow, we should catch his extended arm using a short sword or dagger, and at the same time we should displace our body, flexing backward. The tip of our weapon should point upward, unless we have a buckler in our left hand. And when our head lacks protection, low blows are often dangerous and should be avoided. Now I must turn to a different matter regarding this weapon, which certainly counters the opponent’s deceptions and brings him harm. It is generally good to feint to one place and attack to another, swaying with our body to the other side, while sending the weapon where we intend to hit, keeping the weapon where it began, for this way we hit more quickly. Whenever the opponent tries to do anything, we should move our body a little forward, back, or to the side. But our hand should generally come out in opposition to the opponent’s hand. Low thrusts are best when stepping in, but high when stepping back. If we wish first to come into distance with a reverse, we can step in on our left foot; similarly with the right-hand blow and the thrust our right foot should go forward; and in that instant we should withdraw to the left side with a rising reverse. Someone who is ignorant of the play of the two-handed sword can scarcely protect his hand, leg or head unless he knows the play of the pollaxe. With the pollaxe it is often useful to initiate the attack with the hammer, and hit with the point. If the opponent means to get out of this,

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it is good to oppose him with a thrust from the heel, springing back or to the side. Chapter 15: How to use a defensive arm23 If we have a defensive arm in our left hand, it should be held near our body, but when we mean to attack, or the opponent attacks us, our left hand should be extended as much as possible to keep company with the right. Chapter 16: Which sorts of weapons to choose for fighting with strong men and which with weak ones24 Against strong men we should choose small, light weapons and spacious places, but if they are weak we should do the reverse. A weak man should take care that the strong one does not close with him without paying a high price. Similarly, the strong one should see that the weak one does not have the opportunity to escape from him. Against opponents who know little, we should work so that they uncover some part of their body. Some people will always try to strike the opponent, whether the target is armored or unarmored, and this is especially true of those who are bold or crude, so when we offer them our armored body-parts, they discharge their blows, and it becomes easier for us to harm them. At the beginning in delivering the reverse we should step somewhat sideways on the left foot; for the right-hand and the thrust we should step to the right side. To defend we should step back on the same foot, and deliver a blow from below. Chapter 17: How to defend with a long weapon against a short one, or a short one against a long one25 When fighting with a long weapon against a short one, we should deliver two blows, one high, the other low; and with each one we should draw back our hand and head, and our body should lean back a little; and if our opponent displaces our weapon with his, and tries to close with us, the tip of our weapon should always meet him; if he tries to rush in, we should

23 For this chapter, see Exer 4r. 24 For this chapter, see Exer 4r. 25 For this chapter, see Exer 4v.

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step back a little. And we should use the blows I have just described, which is very helpful against opponents who rush in aggressively. If we have a short weapon, we should evade the opponent’s weapon or blow, so that it sweeps past, and then come in at him. And we must generally be quick in all these things. When someone comes in impetuously, we can parry his weapon and approach him, displacing ourselves to the side, which is safer when we are armored. Chapter 18: The play of the dagger26 In the play of the dagger we execute many grasps of the hands and legs, and the most important techniques are the same as in wrestling. When we approach the fight, we should grasp the opponent’s hand,27 and displace our own so he cannot grasp it. If we want to throw the opponent, we should send in [a traspie],28 and our hand to his chest, or quickly strike his dagger-arm, and prevent him from escaping. If we deliver an overhand blow and the opponent catches our arm with his, we should go down a little, lift the point of the dagger upward, and go back to hit him below; or plant our hand on his hand, bringing our dagger forward to cut his hand. If he tries to parry, we should turn back [with a thrust] to his face.29 Whenever he tries to come in to seize our weapon or arm, we should divert our forward foot to the rear, and instantly attack to another target. This will make it difficult for anyone to take away our dagger. We should do similarly with other weapons. By standing fast in combat a person can quickly get thrown or hurt, but if we observe this rule it will be difficult to harm us greatly.

[Athletics] Chapter 19: How to throw30 To throw any projectile, we should come with impetus and speed to the mark where we plant our foot. Once we have discharged the weapon, we should follow it quickly with our body, extending straight upward with our right side forward, and our right arm should extend upward as far as possible with the fling and with the great speed and force of the discharge.

26 For this chapter, see Exer 4v. 27 hand] Exer: weapon-hand. 28 a traspie] Coll: rectum pedem; read: retropedem; corrected reading supplied from Exer. 29 This sentence corrected from Exer; Coll here reads “If he tries to parry with a thrust, we should turn back to his face.” 30 For this chapter, see Exer 5v.

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This style of throwing on high is best for distance throwing. When we want to throw at an opponent, it is better to sink the arm a little on the right side. Chapter 20: How to throw the bar31 The bar should generally be thrown underarm so that it goes upward, and our feet should generally be even with each other at the mark. But the right foot should go forward with the bar, to make a great and swift rotation when we turn the body, which should be kept rigid, and holding our breath. Chapter 21: How to throw the small stone32 For throwing the small or flying stone, which we call the volandera in Spanish: in this throw among all others we should sink on the [right] side or to the right arm.33 We must not go on the [left]34 foot or left side, lest the projectile should go sideways. Chapter 22: How to throw the large stone, called the esquina in Spanish35 The esquina or large stone should be thrown from the top of the shoulder, pulsing and extending the arm as much as possible. When the stone leaves our hand, we should sink into our knees, particularly the left one, to avoid going after the stone, since in this type of throwing the feet must remain firm. Chapter 23: How to throw spears from horseback36 In throwing from horseback, first our stirrups must be even, not one long and one short, so that we can rotate our body well over the saddle for throwing. Our legs must remain strong and tight, for otherwise we are in danger of falling. In the moment of throwing the spear, we should rise to support ourselves on our feet, and the spear should be discharged from



31 For this chapter, see Exer 5v. 32 For this chapter, see Exer 5v. 33 sink … right arm] Exer: sink on the right side and extend the arm. 34 left] supplied from Exer. 35 For this chapter, see Exer 5v. 36 For this chapter, see Exer 5v.

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there with our arm standing upward, such that we do not end up on the horse’s neck or sitting on its rump. Chapter 24: The exercises of running37 In racing or running, our strength should be focused in our chest, and we should always ensure that our entire body is lifted, extending forward so that our forehead comes out in a straight line over the balls of our feet. Only the tips of the feet should touch the ground, turning a little outward, that is to say the tip of the right toes to the right, and the left to the left. Our strides should be long and quick, lifting our legs and flexing them at the knee; our arms should extend upward, and our hands should be open and extended with the fingers together. This way we lift our strength high. Often in racing we bind the lower torso with a tight strap to keep our strength upward. But this deprives us of some of our breath, so although the strap can help in a short race, it can be detrimental in a long one. I also consider it useful to lift and extend our neck, for then the rest of the body will necessarily be lifted and lightened. If we retract our neck and lift the rest of the body, it makes the entire body stronger but not so light. And when we wish to run against someone, the first step is always the most important in the whole race, so it should be as long and as quick as possible. Chapter 25: How a man on foot should run with a rider38 If a man on foot wishes to run with a horse by grabbing the stirrup, he must support his body weight with his hand as much as possible, lifting his legs so that he can have the space to make long strides in front of the rider’s leg. This way the horse thrusts him forward, which helps greatly. If the runner stays behind the rider’s legs, he cannot keep up with the run, because the speed of the horse quickly pulls him off his feet. Chapter 26: Jumping and vaulting39 Jumping and vaulting do not inherently involve great art, just practice and exercise. Yet it helps to bear ourselves up in the air as much as possible. For a running jump, we should run fast and hard, and when we jump we should bear our whole body up high. 37 For this chapter, see Exer 14v. 38 For this chapter, see Exer 14v. 39 No Exer for this chapter.

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Vaulting is called voltear in Spanish and voltiggiare by the Italians, which is the same thing; and it is rightly called voltear, taking its name from volta [“turn”]. Since in Latin we have the words gyrus and volta, we can suitably call it volteare, or to do voltæ. Chapter 27: Vaults, or rotations that are done in the saddle40 When we want to leap or vault on a horse or saddle, we need to gather our strength in our chest; once we begin to rise, we must complete the vault quickly, and our feet should go as high as our head when we do the vault, so that our body rotates evenly over our left arm. If our body were to lean more to one side than the other, it would hardly go as it should, nor would it stand where it could be supported gracefully. By supporting ourselves evenly over our arm, the vault goes without effort or force. We can compare it to a wheel with its axis in the middle, which rotates easily and gracefully; but if it leans to one side, it will have great difficulty in rotating. And when we wish to execute a vault, we should put great force and spin into the initial surge, and our arms should be firmly extended without bending until the vault is completed. Chapter 28: How a good spirit prevails in any exercise41 In any exercise a good spirit helps and fear hinders. When we are vaulting we should be mindful of this, and likewise when we are jumping on flat ground, even if we do not hit the mark as we would like. Once we start something, we should stick with it, as far as our strength allows; and in all vaults, especially those in which someone is watching us in case we fall, we should direct our bodies to the intended goal. For in pretty much every exercise, changing plans in mid-course is not a good idea. When we want to vault onto a horse, our right hand must hit the saddle forcefully, and our entire body needs to be collected, with the feet together wherever we wish to put them, and in that moment our entire body must be lifted. If we are sitting in the saddle, we must open our legs and raise our body enough that we can firm up our arms, so that we can go through the entire vault on them.

40 For this chapter, see Exer 15r. 41 For this chapter, see Exer 15r.

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Chapter 29: A very useful rule for vaulting42 Finally, in this exercise we must always remember this rule: the feet must go roughly even with the head, and the torso should go as high as our extended arm, for during the vault our arms should not bend, but should be vertically extended and firm. We should always focus on this visualization at every level in the vault. Sometimes we will be supported by the right arm, sometimes by the left, depending on what rotations we are doing, as in the way we mount a horse, when the strength should be placed in the left hand (“mounting” means to enter the saddle). Just as we do the half pomada and full pomada, so we should also execute the half mora and full mora; and we should do likewise in the vault of the stirrup-leather (from which the stirrup hangs), the remontada, the full mamia, the peregrina and the galeazzia. In these last things we should be sure to place all our strength in our right hand when we execute these vaults, and little strength in the left hand; and here our right fist should be placed next to the left hand, and we should avoid twisting or undulating our body. For particularly in these rotations the entire body should be lifted upward. Chapter 30: The benefit of knowing how to transfer the secret of one skill to another43 To my mind, there can be no great and noteworthy master, in any one practice or in many, unless he is able to transfer the secret of one skill to the use of another. To acquire this ability is no great challenge, if we consider the matter rightly. Anyone who can do a jump high can easily do it forward by directing his strength forward. If someone rides reasonably well in a low saddle with small arçons, with a little practice he will be able to ride in a high-arçoned saddle. Those who practice an art only in a single manner wear themselves out while remaining perpetual beginners. To avoid these errors, I have taught at the beginning of this book that all play at arms can be reduced to the play of the pollaxe and the two-handed sword, and I have explained these two weapons with just a few blows.

42 For this chapter, see Exer 20v. 43 For this chapter, see Exer 15v.

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Chapter 31: Some techniques we can use to protect ourselves from our enemies44 It is difficult to know all the deceptions used by those who mean to harm us, for deceivers attack in various ways. Sometimes they use few and gentle words, bearing gifts and making themselves agreeable in everything, praising whatever we want, until they lead us to the pit. Others make a show of sincerity and kind words, but what they say can be understood in various ways and they change from day to day. But those who wish to harm us will reveal it in the changing colors of their face, and by shifting their bodies around as if they continually mean to do something else. They will not seem to possess any internal calm, as when we are near a contented man. Thus it scarcely seems safe to us, the way we feel when we are around someone who is at ease. Such traitors seem to hold in their breath, and walk hard and distemperately. When we want to deceive these deceivers, or to figure them out, we need to appear fine so that they do not realize that we are observing their tricks, and we should show blandishment and dissimulation in our bodies, as if we did not see what they are up to. Chapter 32: The benefit of recognizing the complexions, and the harm of not knowing them45 I believe that great benefit results when we can recognize complexions, for they govern the natural diversity of human bodies and actions. Once we know them, we should exercise our bodies according to them, because when we see how the opponent’s body moves we will sense the effort or harm involved, and go counter to our opponent’s action, or parry where we see the greatest danger. Anyone who cannot rightly recognize the complexions cannot observe the practices against them, while someone who heeds them will know how to respond correctly, for this knowledge gives constant vigilance to the eyes and body. The heart may forget, but with practice our eyes will discern the different types of people and the challenges they pose. Chapter 33: A section on proverbs46 Whoever possesses what others desire must always be vigilant to protect it. 44 For this chapter, see Exer 15v, 16r. 45 For this chapter, see Exer 16v. 46 For this chapter, see Exer 16v.

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If someone ought to protect himself, and is deceived into leaving himself unguarded, he can be considered his own murderer. Nobody subjects himself to great risk when he knows he does not understand the principal matter that governs it. If someone does not know who wants to injure him, he should beware of everyone, for with minimal effort he will provide security to the body and calm to the spirit. Those who are weak-spirited owing to fear grow in cruelty and impiety. Those who wrongly show peace to others will suffer misfortune. No ruler is so virtuous that he is entirely exempt from envy. In all interactions we should speak and preserve truth, but when we are fighting, everyone can use all manner of deceits, for that is the custom. There are some who, being used to using deceit in combat, observe the same rule in all affairs, but this can never be done without the greatest shame and scandal. We should observe the customs of our society in whatever we do. In some matters it is acceptable to commit deceptions, and in others not, so we should always observe this distinction. When we buy or sell, when we exchange things, when we must follow someone or he us, and in other such relationships, we should always act honestly without any trick or deception. But in combat things are otherwise, for that is the custom. A person is not to be blamed for knowing many things but for using his learning badly. In sport or in combat we should all know how to apply the necessary skills, as long as we do not violate our agreements. It is shameful to write of skills in which evil men can be educated and do wicked things. But our intention should be to write for good men and not for evil ones. While we are alive and have our writings in our own hands, we can ensure that they do not come into the hands of evil men. But after our death we cannot prevent others from reading them: as long as we wrote with good intention, we are not to blame. Not all writings should be concealed from wicked men, but only skills with which we can fight and perpetrate many evils. For those who are skilled can do worse things than other men. We believe it is better for evil men to benefit on account of good ones, than for the just to suffer on account of the wicked. Therefore we should not hide things from the virtuous, fearing that the evil will acquire some part of them. In this place, to show the difference between exercises of the body and exercises of the intellect, I may appropriately cite a common proverb,

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saying as follows, at least in the vernacular version: “Try all things, and keep those that are good.”47 As regards the first clause, I believe very much otherwise, and I think I am in agreement with the intent of the proverb’s creators. No sane man would advise that we should try absolutely everything, but only those things that are good. For example, we might commit murder, hang ourselves, cut off our feet and hands, drink poison, bring harm to our forebears, steal other people’s property, or place our own goods in the hands of robbers. Such actions are in no way to be tried, but utterly to be avoided. Therefore we should say “Try all good things, and keep those that are best”: bad things should never be tried. In our case, exercises of the body are good – not as good as exercises of the intellect, but since they are good to some positive degree, while we are young we can practice physical exercises, like running, jumping, throwing, riding, and the like, which are discussed in this book. But the works that are best, and entirely commendable at all times of this life and in the next, are the labors of the intellect. Since these things are enduring we can rightly say “Try all good things, and keep those that are best”: when we are young, we should sometimes practice physical exercises as well, but for the best works we should hold to the intellect as the foundation.

Prologue on Complexions48 In The Appraisal of Men I discussed various complexions extensively, so here I will only offer a brief discussion of the four principal complexions: once you have information about them you can readily understand the others. A body that contains two complexions in roughly equal proportions will look and function like both, and likewise if the body is divided into three or four equal complexions. This is the proper way for perceiving them: if we see a man who has a rather large and fleshy head, but thinner legs and hands that might suggest a choleric complexion, we can conclude that he is divided about equally between choler and blood. If he had phlegm instead of blood, his body would be fleshier and softer. If melancholy were in the second place, the body would be harder and the bones larger.

47 1 Thessalonians 5:21. This paragraph and the remainder of the chapter not in Exer. 48 For this section, see Exer 17v.

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Chapter 34: The properties and configuration of sanguine bodies49 Sanguine people have these properties: a face tending to broad or middling, being somewhat fleshy, particularly relative to the bones; a head neither large nor small; a rather thick neck; broad shoulders at the arms; thick upper arms and thighs, from the knees and elbows downward slender relative to the upper legs and arms; short hands, and soft to the touch; the fingertips somewhat hard and narrow; the palms a little fat and fleshy, but the rest of the flesh or limbs showing hardness compared to the softness of the hands, and rather good-looking; the color between white and red, with more brightness than those of other complexions. They speak well but have a rough or rather harsh voice. Chapter 35: In what work sanguines naturally excel50 Sanguines are suited to any matter requiring subtlety and quickness of hands, such as the art of the barber-surgeon, playing the lute, or serving at table, as well as writing, embroidering and similarly fast-paced exercises. They pick up any matter very quickly but they rarely come to its heart. They do not generally hold their intellect to penetrating complex and deep things, since they lack natural constancy, and they are not good at committing things to memory in order to penetrate the things they explore, being focused on the initial discovery. Nonetheless they have a competent memory, although it seems excellent, since they are quick to recall what they can remember. They are disinclined to take on work; they are happier in the beginning than in the middle and end, for they lack stability and constancy. When they are sick they endure great suffering for a little time, but their illnesses can easily be cured, if they are treated promptly. They run quickly for a short distance, and they prefer a somewhat uphill course. They are also good at jumping and vaulting, since these call for plenty of speed. They throw weapons well, even better if the spear is lighter. They have thick chests and upper arms relative to the size of their bodies, so they can well support the effort of throwing. They have slender hands and forearms, and so they can fling or shake the projectile. Their strength and spirit are greatest in the beginning, but quickly subside.

49 For this chapter, see Exer 17v. 50 For this chapter, see Exer 18r.

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Chapter 36: Cholerics and their physical form51 Cholerics have a thin face with little flesh in it; a neck of middling thickness but above average in length, and sinewy. They have low, sloping shoulders; their upper arms are slender compared to the thickness of their forearms, and their thighs are slender compared to the lower legs. Their hands are of average length and well-proportioned, tending toward hardness rather than softness; the palms are more or less equal in thickness to the rest; their hardness is little greater in one part than in another, although somewhat greater at the fingertips; other parts of the body are pleasant to the touch; the feet are similar to the hands. This rule should be observed with all complexions: the foot can be judged by the hand; the leg by the arm; the loins and waist agree with the forearms and lower legs. Since these three parts are strong in cholerics, they can deploy greater strength with them than with other parts of the body, since wherever there is greater mass of bones, sinews, and flesh, there will be greater strength. Chapter 37: How to recognize choleric people52 Cholerics are pale, especially in the face, although when they are exerting themselves their color is better or livelier. Their speech is weak in articulation, but their voices are smooth, and their naked bodies are better configured than others. They possess great ingenuity, although they are somewhat obstructed in the beginning. They are constant in any undertaking; in every kind of governance or rule over people they are astute and vigilant. They learn about the same in one art as in another. They are more suited than others for wrestling, owing to their temperance of breath and uniformity of limbs, which is to say that one part of the body is about as strong as another. They endure and bear arms marvelously; they run, jump, and throw better than average. They function better on flat ground than on any other terrain. They have great aptitude in any undertaking where judgment and temperance are required, as in building and combat. They have no great memory, for they are spread out in so many directions that they cannot retain everything. Anything they can learn from other people they seem to be able to learn on their own, or at least a large part of it, and they discover past things easily through inquiry. They are rarely ill and easily cured. But when sickness takes hold in their body it can scarcely be expelled – not that their bodies are unresponsive, but it is hard for them to take in medicine because the composition and temperance of 51 For this chapter, see Exer 16v. 52 For this chapter, see Exer 31v–32r.

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this complexion are strong and compact, and at such times do not permit medicines to penetrate their bodies. They are good in social interactions at all times, but better in the middle and end than at the beginning. When angered they show an impetuous fury, but they quickly return to calm. Chapter 38: The melancholic complexion and the form it gives to the body53 We properly call the melancholics the solid ones, for people of other complexions will endure many labors for various reasons, but melancholics will do it by their very nature or innate hardness. Here is how to recognize them: they have a large, round head, the face bulging at the temples; a mouth that is large and protruding in the jaw; a thick, short neck; broad shoulders that sink in front; a broad chest, not rounded but flat; short and bowed arms, which the Spanish call estevados; their thighs and upper arms are thick, and from the knees and elbows down they are thick to a degree midway between cholerics and sanguines; at the waist or loins they are middling, that is neither thick nor thin; strong, thick, and short hands, and very hard; they also have thick and broad palms, with the hollows deep, solid, and very hard; the fingertips are midway between sanguines and cholerics in thinness; the tips of the feet turn inward; the legs are bowed like the arms, especially at the ankles and thighs. Their flesh is very rough to the touch. But the chiefest sign for recognizing melancholics is that in touching them we find them especially rigid and hard, almost as if they had no joints. Wherever they direct their efforts, they send all their powers. Their color is between black and green, or with a little red mixed in; their speech and voice are strong, compact, and rough. Chapter 39: The working of melancholics54 Melancholics are not as strong as they believe or as people think them. They are clearly not as strong as reputed, because when I have tested them, I did not find the strength that had seemed to be present, since in touching them it seemed that I was trying to move marble, which is caused by their distemperance. For this reason once they begin to yield, there is no point where they can steady themselves until they come to the ground. They are like dry wood that is very hard to the touch, but once you start

53 For this chapter, see Exer 10v. 54 For this chapter, see Exer 16v.

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to bend it, all the work of breaking is over; by contrast, green wood can be flexed in any direction but is very difficult to break. People of this complexion lift great weights, and throw heavy, hard, and short things. They are average jumpers, and run poorly; they endure labors well without much feeling it. They are better suited to taking orders than commanding. They excel at holding formation or in field battles and sieges, both in favorable and adverse fortune. They have no trouble sleeping on the ground with a stone for a pillow, nor do they greatly value luxury. They do not make good leaders since they are not especially clever but rather dull by nature. They learn little art, and whatever they learn they cannot apply properly to any purpose; nonetheless melancholics are good at things that require little ingenuity, and they wrestle well without art. It is hard to endure any injury they deliver in fighting, whether in earnest or in sport. They are good at retaining in memory whatever they have learnt, for however hard it is for them to learn something, it is equally hard for them to lose it. Therefore they make good lawyers; they are also great at mining, breaking rocks, and carrying burdens. They are given to fury, and their hardness makes them quick to act, though not as quick as sanguines nor as slow as cholerics. Their endurance is like their hardness: as long as we do not put them at some disadvantage, they last well, for although their strength diminishes their hardness endures. One of their great disadvantages is that they are slow to sense the onset of sickness. Chapter 40: Phlegmatics and the proportions of their bodies55 Phlegmatics have large and fleshy heads and faces; their necks tend toward extreme rather than average length and thickness; they have reasonably broad shoulders, long arms, upper arms little larger than the forearms, long hands that are fleshy and soft overall; their fingertips are broad and soft. The breadth and softness of their hands is mirrored pretty much everywhere in the body, and the flesh of their other body parts tends similarly to softness, though it is not pleasant to the touch. At the waist they are broad, or narrow only a little; they have long, shapeless thighs and lower legs; very large and fleshy feet; a somewhat whiter color than sanguines; reasonably clear speech and rather slow, but a spotty and thick voice.

55 For this chapter, see Exer 11r, 13v.

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Chapter 41: The working of phlegmatics56 It is well known that phlegmatics are slow in everything they do, particularly at the beginning, but by pursuing the work for a while they reach a better state. In running and jumping and other exercises they are slow and sluggish; they favor downhill places. At jumping and vaulting they are inferior to everyone else; they throw best with long weapons. They cannot endure great heat or cold, since they cannot handle any great hardship. They are suited to giving orders, but when they receive orders they are slow to act. When they commit something to memory they hold it excellently, though they will read something many times before they learn it. They are well suited to be money-changers, tailors, and other similar things. Sickness comes to them slowly, and they will endure it for days without much feeling it, for the slowness of this complexion does not allow sickness to rush through their bodies and inflict pain by interfering with the organs. Nor can they quickly be cured, for being slow to fall sick, they are also slow to regain health: the cause that hinders the sickness also hinders the cure. Even if they do not receive treatment quickly, it does not put them in imminent danger. Their social interactions are reasonably good, but because of their slowness they can often be tedious. Their strength and spirit comes to them slowly, little by little. Chapter 42: How everyone resembles the element that predominates in them57 As fire rushes upward and quickly runs its course, so sanguine men and other animals possess the same properties. Their bodies are tall, and big in the upper parts, and they are quick in their works, though they falter in short order.

Chapter 43: Cholerics58 As air is everywhere temperate and evenly distributed, although it is somewhat stronger on level ground, so cholerics are temperate and well distributed; they have great breath, and their bodies are evenly proportioned, although they possess somewhat greater strength in the lower parts; and they function best in flat places. 56 For this chapter, see Exer 14r. 57 For this chapter, see Exer 14r. 58 For this chapter, see Exer 14r.

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Chapter 44: Melancholics59 Earth is hard and distemperate, heavy and thick, and melancholics resemble it in being hard, distemperate, and coarse of intellect. Chapter 45: The character of phlegmatics, appropriate to the element of water60 Water is slow and soft and flows little by little, gradually going downhill to low places. It is likewise with phlegmatics: they are slow and soft in their works, favor downward slopes, and always seem to lack energy. Chapter 46: How we should conduct ourselves with everyone based on the variety of complexions61 Here I should say something about how to handle ourselves with everyone based on their complexion, which we need to do in any activity in order to have victory against them. For we should always choose options that favor us and disadvantage our opponent so that we can easily triumph. Chapter 47: How to work against a sanguine in any exercise62 In the beginning of the work a sanguine shows the greatest vehemence and speed. Therefore it is best to hold back until their strength declines. Owing to their promptness and speed, sanguines quickly attack any exposed target, but the impetus quickly passes. Once he falters, we should close with him, since he is weak in the lower legs and loins: when he sticks to grappling at a distance, namely at the hands, arms, or neck, he can attack well enough, for he has his greatest strength in the chest and upper arms, but little in the loins, so we should bring him to shared arms. We should observe the same rule in armed combat. In running a sanguine goes quickly up to a hundred paces, and prefers uphill places; his contrary is to offer him a long race on a downhill course. In throwing he reaches his peak with two or three throws, so against him we should stipulate a contest of numerous throws. If we have to wrestle with him, we should seek out spacious places at the beginning and confined ones at the end.



59 For this chapter, see Exer 14v. 60 For this chapter, see Exer 14v. 61 For this chapter, see Exer 6v. 62 For this chapter, see Exer 6v.

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Chapter 48: How to work against cholerics63 To work in a contest of strength against cholerics, we should stay at a distance, because they have greater strength in the lower legs, loins, and forearms than in other parts of the body, so closing with them would be very harmful. Once we begin a fight with cholerics, it is useless to hasten or prolong it, for they almost always remain in a consistent mode, although in the beginning they seem to have a kind of obstruction before their eyes. Therefore at every stage of the fight we should attack them, while guarding ourselves against them, and we should choose spacious places. They run better in a flat place than elsewhere, so to counter them we should give them a short downhill course. In throwing we should counter their nature by choosing weapons tending toward the extremes in hardness, length, and weight rather than middling. They prefer to throw on the flat, and in five or six throws they pretty much reach the peak of their strength; therefore we should stipulate many throws or few. Chapter 49: How to work against melancholics64 Melancholics are not quick in their manner of working, but they possess the greatest hardness. Therefore we should approach them temperately: this contrary is most excellent and effective against them. Because of their hardness we should not close with them, and also because most of them have great strength, even if they lack skill and agility. They can get by with their limited art when standing close, for in close grappling nobody can freely display agility. Standing at a distance or in arm-grapplings we can show more skill and agility, so with melancholics it helps to fight at a distance and temperately. In running they prefer short, uphill courses, so we should give them one that is long and downhill. In throwing they prefer short, heavy, and hard projectiles, and uphill places: against them we should stipulate numerous throws with long, soft, and light spears or staves. Chapter 50: How to act against phlegmatics65 When they begin to work, phlegmatics have little strength and a kind of looseness, so that is when we should show our ability against them. But we must finish the work very quickly, deploying our strength immediately so that we can take them with less effort. At the outset it seems that they 63 For this chapter, see Exer 7r. 64 For this chapter, see Exer 7r. 65 For this chapter, see Exer 7v.

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feel nothing and falter like unskilled people; but if we hit them repeatedly, each time we probe we make them increase somewhat in strength, so that gradually their strength grows until it is no longer as easy to defeat them as it had seemed at the start. For the longer they exercise, the better they function. It is very useful to close with them. They are generally large, and because they are slow we can readily attack them in the lower parts. In close grapplings they cannot protect themselves so much, which neutralizes their strength. They work the same way in armed combat. They prefer a long, downhill race: on the principle of contraries we should look for a short uphill course. In throwing they are best suited to a long, soft spear in a downward-sloping place, and they throw their furthest in ten or twelve casts. In opposition to this we should choose short and rigid weapons, with two or three throws. Chapter 51: How to work variously according to the variety of bodies, and what sorts of arms and places to choose in accordance with various types of men66 If men are fleshy they are ready for action in the beginning, but they soon tail off. The reverse is true of those who have great bones and sinews, for the bones and sinews make little show at first, but over time they prove strong. In any type of combat, against strong men it helps to choose hard, wide, and spacious places, with little armor and clothing lest they should try to grasp firmly. Against weak men we should choose a confined, narrow, and soft place, heavily and tightly equipped, so that we can control them by grappling. Against the ignorant, we should work as with the strong, and against the skilled as with the weak. Chapter 52: How everyone follows the character of the element that dominates his composition when he goes to battle67 The manner, circumstance, and time in which everyone is strongest, with maximum spirit and agility, is easy to determine, for everyone follows the properties of his elements, and battles should be organized on the basis of this rule. We should place sanguines in front: they cannot be assaulted unawares, since they start at full strength and condition, while if they had to wait before coming to the principal work, the delay in coming to the

66 For this chapter, see Exer 8r. 67 For this chapter, see Exer 8r.

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conflict would carry off a part of their strength, and when any man lacks strength, his spirit also declines. Chapter 53: How in battle we should place melancholics in the second place68 In battle, melancholics should be assigned to the second place, just after the sanguines. They are not very swift, but the hardness of their bodies imparts great strength at the beginning, so they can resist the quickness of the sanguines, and also attack the slowness of others. Chapter 54: How cholerics should be put in the third place in going to battle69 Cholerics should be in the third place in battle. In the beginning they are a little hampered; they are excellently constituted, but their natural preoccupation is like a veil in the beginning, so it is better to delay a little. When they see others fighting, their strength is enhanced by the delay, and since they possess more reason than people of other complexions, some initial delay is good for them; they benefit from moving their bodies a little before they come to fight. Chapter 55: How phlegmatics should be put in the last place in battle70 In battle, phlegmatics should be in the last place, since it takes quite a while before strength, condition, and spirit are fortified in them. All of these increase together, for when the body is weak it cannot muster its own capacity for working in orderly fashion. Although phlegmatics are as strong as sanguines, in the beginning they are in a sort of drowsy state, so they should exercise their bodies for a while before coming to the main fight. Once they are exercised it is difficult to defeat them, since the advantage that sanguines enjoy over phlegmatics in the first onrush, phlegmatics afterwards have over sanguines.

68 For this chapter, see Exer 8v. 69 For this chapter, see Exer 8v. 70 For this chapter, see Exer 8v.

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Chapter 56: How, once people have learned an art, some must practice it daily, others only occasionally, owing to the nature of the various complexions71 It is useful for everyone to learn arts; however it helps some people to exercise the body constantly, but not others. Once sanguines know an art they require little practice in order to remember everything they learn and execute it with agility: practicing things they know can be a great hindrance to them, since they often ruin things through excessive intensity or speed when they practice this way. Cholerics call for moderate exercise in their arts, for they can easily tolerate effort, particularly where the exercise removes the initial obstruction that is natural to them. Melancholics do not require constant physical exercise, since hardness makes them sufficiently ready. Phlegmatics require frequent exercise, since constant labor improves their readiness, and because they will send their strength where they most need it, and they cannot ruin their bodies from excessive practice, since they never direct all their strength to one place. Chapter 57: How every animal has a natural indication of its agility and strength and to what it is suited72 If we study the form placed by nature on every animal in relation to the characteristics to which each species is inclined, we can easily recognize among individuals of a species which ones have bodies suited to agility, such as for running or jumping; which for standing firm; which for wrestling and which for throwing; and so on with various exercises. Wrestling calls for agility, but to throw light things, the arms must be extended and quite straight, which requires a man to have a large proportion of choler in the first place, blood second, and phlegm third. But this should be small, and in bodies of this kind temperance is better than lightness. In general wrestling calls for lightness. Returning to my topic concerning animals, nature generally gives terrestrial animals four legs for walking, almost equal in length, shape, and size; but in man they are highly differentiated – so in people we call them legs and arms. Although we resemble the beasts in having four limbs, humans have one-third more length from the groin to the heel than in the arm to the heel of the hand, while animals like dogs or horses have hindlegs only a tenth longer or bigger than their forelegs. Thus our legs are very different from our arms, while in beasts they are almost identical: 71 For this chapter, see Exer 11r. 72 Chapters 57–78 have no corresponding text in Exer.

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sometimes they have stronger arms, but we have much larger legs than arms. You should not imagine that this difference is bestowed without a purpose. By nature or divine precept man walks with his head raised upward, while beasts walk with their heads extended forward and horizontal, with their haunches raised level with the shoulders, and other parts overall even with the head. Therefore it is appropriate that the arms or forelegs of animals are more or less as long as the hindlegs, since they constantly support a given quantity of body in equal distribution. And since beasts generally have to work more with their forelegs than their hindlegs, nature made them a little stronger. But man constantly supports his entire body on his legs, so nature has made them bigger and longer than the arms. Even if we try to violate our nature by walking like beasts, we find it difficult and are not good at it. We have much bigger and fleshier legs relative to our body size than any other animal. In the size of our feet and hands relative to our body we outdo other animals. Some birds of prey have large legs and feet, which is useful to them, but no bipedal animal can be compared to man for size of feet, lower legs, and thighs. In aptitude of arms we greatly outdo other animals, but of the legs not so much. With our hands, because of the great articulation of the fingers, we do various works that cannot be done by any other animal. Agile animals have thin lower legs, a small belly, broad loins, bulging thighs, and slender or lean lower legs; their feet and hands are not large, or greater in length than around compared to heavy animals. We can see this same rule in individuals of every species. Hence men who have thin and lean feet and lower legs, and bulging thighs, and are longer from the sole of the foot to the crotch than from the crotch to the top of the forehead, with a small belly and broad chest or shoulders, are agile; those who have big lower legs and heavy forearms are stronger for planting the feet and seizing with the hands. Chapter 58: How the best-constituted animals feel sickness quickly and can resist it, while poorly constituted animals do the opposite We know it is a law of nature that well-constituted bodies are quick to feel injury and sickness, and are also able to withstand them. Those that are poorly constituted do the reverse, for they are slow to feel these things, nor can they afterwards withstand harm and suffering for a long time. We commonly see that animals of weak complexion eat little and cannot fast. Those that have a strong and robust complexion eat a good deal of food when they want it, and can endure hunger.

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People who are weak or not well constituted do not eat much, nor do they tolerate hunger. And here it seems rational to compare the weak with the infirm, for the sick take little food at a time, but they constantly desire it. Moreover to be infirm is essentially the same as to be weak, or to have one’s body thrown into disorder, a problem that all poorly constituted animals have by nature. Chapter 59: The difference between natural health and natural sickness We should recognize the distinction between natural health and natural sickness, as I have said in my other book, where it discusses clear and obstructed complexions.73 We do not say someone has a natural sickness when some part of their body is crippled, but when the body is subjected to sickness from some natural cause or random chance. Any complexion can be subject to a random illness, but sicknesses, which we may call natural sufferings, do not happen to all complexions equally. Materials like earth and water are less noble, so they are more subject to sickness; and they are more or less temperate according to the state of our parents and the elements when we are conceived. This is why some people of inferior material are constitutionally healthy, since their parents were healthy and of full age when they were conceived, and the wind that dominated at the moment was the south or west wind; it also indicates that the sun and moon were not in opposition or conjunction. Some people also apply the term “infirm” to those who are not adult, and to the elderly and weak as well. But we cannot really call such people infirm, even though when sickness comes it can enter them easily. For the problem lies in age and not in the body itself. As to random sicknesses, I will not offer any other rule, since as I have indicated above they happen to all men, except that those whose complexion is abler and stronger are more quickly cured and escape from greater perils. Chapter 60: The difficulty of distinguishing between people of the same complexion It is hard to evaluate the difference between two people of the same complexion. Even if two men are almost equally choleric, and the three other complexions follow similarly, yet there can be great disparity between them, for one may be quicker and lighter in matters of physical agility, 73 Cf. App 3.79 (o7v).

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while the other possesses greater intellect. This distinction cannot be so clearly described that it is quickly recognized. Nonetheless we can easily learn it visually, since everyone possesses an indicator of his quickness, hardness, or softness. For example, if we see that a choleric possesses quickness and limbs that are dense, or compact and hard, beyond what is given to simple cholerics, we can understand that he will be strong and reasonably quick in physical actions. If another choleric possesses a temperate gracefulness and stands in a stable manner without moving his limbs around, he can do well both in intellectual and physical matters, even if he is not so ready or agile in the beginning. But if he appears to have broad, soft, and rather fleshy limbs, he will be better in works of the intellect than in those of physical agility. In any complexion there are some who have a good appearance yet seem somewhat stiff and distemperate relative to actual beauty, because they possess a greater quantity of melancholy and phlegm than they show in their physical form, that is when we first see them. But when we perceive that their voices are scattered, we can recognize them as possessing a quality of phlegm, and they may be hard in the manner of melancholy – in form they may seem somewhat choleric, although a little more ruddy in color, but when they twist or flex they show hardness. In such things we can also see who possesses more or less of these properties, and we should consider every complexion in like manner. These disparities and similarities happen variously, according to the state of the parents and the elements when we were conceived, and according to the quality of the region where we are conceived: based on its coldness, heat, altitude, wetness, or dryness, we may be healthy or infirm, strong or weak. Chapter 61: How people should be prudent when they conceive children so that they can be naturally able All animals that are able-bodied are naturally superior to others of the same species and genus, so we should take great care at the time of conception that the parents are in good health so that the offspring will be like them. There is no doubt of the similarity, for good or bad, but we should investigate further into the good. And so that the reader may more easily understand these things, I will offer some examples that are often seen among animals so that we can learn by comparison, which will be easy if we want it, as long as we are willing to follow our rational nature. The examples are as follows. Wild and domestic animals like geese, ducks, and pigs often copulate for procreation. Even if the offspring are raised in a domestic and human environment, for their entire lives they retain a trace or propensity of

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wildness, being more agile and stronger than if they were born of a domestic father and mother. The parents are of the same species, except that the male pig is wild and the female domestic, but the offspring always retain some of the character of the wild and strong father. Hence it happens that they are superior to domestic pigs. From this we can derive a good example to recognize how men and women should act in copulating to conceive children. If the parents are old, they produce distemperate seed, and the children are born distemperate and age quickly; if the parents are too young, they produce weak offspring; if they are infirm, so are the children. (By infirmity of the parents I mean those who are feeble and quick to become sick.) But let us set this aside and come to other examples that arise from our activities and diet. If the parents live in idleness and consume a great deal of food, they generate offspring like purely domestic pigs, for they endow them with no strength or ability. As to their verbal ability, they may be suited for social interaction or learning, provided they have parents who are courtly or gracious in interacting with a variety of people. This is commonly the case with princes and other great men: they may consume plenty of food and remain somewhat idle in bodily activity, but because they are always attending to their interactions with many people, they generate children of good quality, who are quick to learn, though rarely strong if the parents stay idle, indoors or distracted. Yet princes like other men can exercise their bodies if they want, in which case they will generate strong and able children. Peasants who are lazy likewise generate children who are lazy and coarse in social interaction, for their seed is inferior and akin to that of wild animals as regards social interaction. For when our bodies are able and healthy, everything in them is in like state, while a body that is idle and full of food produces coarse and impure seed. Nor should you suppose that these principles apply only to copulation between animals of disparate species, such as the ass and horse, and that similar diversities do not happen in a single species. Wild and domestic pigs are demonstrably the same species, since the offspring they generate will also generate others, while offspring born from parents of disparate species cannot generate their own offspring. This is a very effective rule for identifying without ambiguity which animals are of the same species and which of different species. To pursue this topic, animals of disparate species can generate offspring together as long as they have sexual organs mutually suited for copulation – except humans, who cannot generate except with their own species. But as to the matter at hand, when animals of disparate species generate offspring, the offspring are unable to procreate, while offspring from a

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domestic goose and a wild one, or from a domestic pig and a wild one, are able to procreate. Hence it follows that wild and domestic pigs are the same species. This is how we can easily recognize that all dogs are of the same species, since when they copulate, whatever their breed, their offspring can also generate offspring. We should also pay attention to the properties of the places where we conceive our children, since all living beings, both plants and animals, are greatly influenced by the circumstance of places in producing fruit, not only regarding where they are born or conceived, but also the environments to which they are relocated over time. For example, if we bring a stallion and mare from Spain to France, and they generate offspring, the horse conceived and born in France, even though it comes from a Spanish stallion and mare, never comes out as good or able as if it were conceived in Spain, and the next generation of offspring are even weaker. This example can teach us about the places suited for generating offspring. Chapter 62: The principal signs for recognizing men who are prone to become fat There are three simple and principal signs for recognizing someone who is at risk of becoming fat. The first is that he has thin fingertips. The second is that they are hard and solid as if intemperate, or smooth and featureless to the touch. The third is that even if the man is very thin, at whatever age he may be, he has a smooth face or sleek skin that everywhere seems full and free of wrinkles. If someone has a temperate or moderate appearance, however full his flesh may be, he will not grow fat in the belly, at least not greatly. Such a person will have fingertips that are rather broad, soft, and temperate. This is why some people who are considered fat when they are young do not end up fat, but afterwards become thin, while others who are thin in adolescence grow fat with time. But anyone who knows how to assess them in youth based on the indicators I have presented here will recognize who will become fat and who will become thin, based on the way he shows his properties in youth according to his complexion. Chapter 63: A rule for recognizing people who have excellent memory To recognize someone who has an excellent memory without any extensive basis, three principal matters should be heeded: the first is if the head is round, high, and bulging at the temples; the second if the forehead is large or bulges forward at the eyebrows; and the third if vigor and hardness is present in all parts of the body. Such people are endowed with

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excellent memory. Even if someone only has one of these, he will possess adequate memory, whatever his complexion. These signs indicate a quick or well-tempered melancholy, and that blood follows it. Chapter 64: The properties that increase or diminish memory People with hard complexions increase in memory in proportion to their hardness or melancholy. When the body is loose, the memory is weaker, while grace and creativity increase, although it cannot be called properly loose unless it is somewhat softened or tempered. We should also consider what type of hardness it is, since if someone is troubled or preoccupied, regardless of his complexion, he will be slow to conceive and will have poor memory. In relation to human memory and the spirit’s quickness, slowness, and creativity, we should consider how we can see into the interior from exterior physical actions. The melancholic walks solidly or stiffly, and his memory is the same: it is not swift, but it is very retentive. Sanguines are quick in physical actions of seizing and sending away, and so is their memory. Cholerics are more temperate and well-rounded for any action: their memory always seems to roam from one idea to another, but they are not good at retaining what they discover. Phlegmatics are slow from the beginning to end of their works, and likewise in memory. From this we can derive an analogy regarding memory: whatever melancholics learn, they seem to write as it were in marble, cholerics in wood, sanguines in paper, and phlegmatics in cloth. Chapter 65: How those who are said to have good memories possess poor recollection People whom we describe as having good memories have little capacity for recollection. They can remember the least little words, and can recount an entire chapter from memory, but once they forget the words they seem to bar the gate behind them, and they almost need to relearn from scratch everything they once knew. Others, like cholerics, retain less; but when they have entirely forgotten something they once knew, once we begin to recount it, they recall the story or matter, or it comes into their memory, or they grasp the concept, because they often retain some vestige or trace of what they previously learned. To use an analogy, their memory is like when we suffer a physical injury: although we seem to heal, some impression always remains where the injury was, and if we wish to open the scar it is easier than in a place where we have not been cut. Our memory works the same way: we may forget what we once knew, but some vestige

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or capacity remains in the memory, which allows us to regain more easily something we once knew than with matters of which we never had any knowledge. Chapter 66: How we should understand the differences between animal species as those between one person and another Since I have dealt in many places with the difference between human complexions, I should also consider the difference between one species of animal and another, for different complexions generally predominate in different species. There is also variation by region: in Spain or Greece animals are generally endowed with choler and blood, while in France, Germany, and Hungary they are largely composed of phlegm and melancholy. Among different species, even within the same region, one may possess more melancholy, like the bear, and another more choler, like the lion. The same applies in assessing differences in other species according to the various regions and animals. For this reason food is more healthful and more temperate in one country than in another: the flesh of sanguine animals is tender and thin, that of choleric ones temperate and lean or low in moisture, that of melancholic ones hard and thick, and that of phlegmatic ones soft and spotty. The finished leather of choleric animals is solid and not very wrinkled, and quite dense, so it lasts longer than others. The leather of sanguine animals is smooth and thin; that of phlegmatics is soft and fairly thick, but lacking in wool; that of melancholics is thick and wrinkled, and the wrinkliness is dense or hilly. Chapter 67: How we should evaluate the form of animals, for example where they should be long or short, and how to measure these body parts People commonly examine the shapes of animals to appraise whether they are strong or weak, heavy or agile, great or small of breath, and so on with these sorts of properties. This practice fails to appraise the specific complexions distinctly, but it is fine as far as it goes, being based on long custom that shows us which forms show strength or weakness. Nonetheless it is useful to appraise the complexions. In every complexion we find a degree of physical variation, yet animals function similarly when they are of the same or similar complexion. Appraising by custom works to some degree, yet it is difficult to get a proper appraisal of an animal’s strength or weakness, agility or heaviness, if we do not know its complexion or how to measure it rationally

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in every respect. The proportions of those that are strong and temperate correspond to the form of choleric animals, or those taking much of their composition from the element of air. As I say elsewhere74, it is a sign of strength in any animal to have a rump that is long and sinks somewhat, that is not having the haunches higher than the centerline to create a channel in the middle, but the middle higher than the rest, which should slope evenly downward. Where the rump is long, the chest is always long, for the chest corresponds to the haunches, and where the haunches and chest are long the waist or sillar must be short. And if an animal is short in the waist and long in the chest and haunches, it follows that it is strong, and this is also characteristic of temperate animals. Note however that there are some melancholic animals, and those partaking much of earth, that are short in the waist and broad in the chest and haunches, and are strong for one blow, but they are distemperate, and are short of the entire body – haunches, chest and waist, and similarly of the other body parts. Cholerics are only short in the waist, compared to other body parts. Wherever the haunches are short, especially if the haunch bones are tall or elevated, it is a sign of weakness and distemperance. And one important thing is very much to be noted: the chest of a warhorse and similar animals must be shaped like the chest of a bird, which projects forward and comes to a point so that it is deep from the breastbone to the point on the spine between the shoulderblades, and comparatively narrow from one side to another. Individuals of this form are almost always choleric. Moreover you should know that some sanguines, or sanguine-phlegmatic-melancholics, have a chest that protrudes considerably forward, with shoulderblades that are concave, almost so that the spine sits forward toward the chest, and the tips of the shoulderblades at the arms go backward. Some men and other animals are similarly crooked or saddlebacked at the waist, that is with the loins sunken toward the belly. None of these is strong, nor capable of great breath or work in proportion to their size – for great breath and great work amount to the same thing. The back or spine should not be concave but almost even with the surface or gristle of the shoulderblades; this way there is plenty of distance from the back to the chest. Nor should it be convex, for humpbacked people have a deformed appearance: their neck is short, and they are small of body, although they may be reasonably strong. However I am not here speaking of humped backs, rather that the back is straight and a little high 74 Cf. App n4v; also Coll b8r.

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compared to other men but not to the point of deformity, where even if they try to stand upright they seem to hang from their shoulderblades, and their neck seems forced to fall over the chest. I am here referring to those who, even if they try, still tend forward with the whole body or with just the shoulderblades as if they were pushed inward,75 however much they try to lift themselves. Straight bodies show no lumpiness or knottiness on the shoulderblades. They also have a reasonably long neck relative to their complexion.76 It can be rationally demonstrated that greater strength lies in having more depth from the spine to the breastbone than breadth from one side to the other, for when we deploy great strength it is always directly forward or backward, not to the side. A form oriented lengthwise from the back to the chest extends forward, and broad ones go from side to side, having their strength laterally from shoulder to shoulder. The distinction is like throwing a spear or pole straight along its axis, where it can withstand a great throw without being broken, while an impact across the middle will easily break it. People who are deep from back to chest deploy their strength straight, but those who are broad from shoulder to shoulder do it sideways, so it follows that depth through the chest is better than breadth from shoulder to shoulder. However, when strength needs to be exercised laterally, we can say that those who are broad-shouldered are better suited. This deep form from the shoulderblades to the chest is more useful to men than to other animals. We exercise our maximum strength forward from our chest, since we stand upright, while other animals extend horizontally on four legs, so that they derive almost equal strength from all their limbs. Nonetheless in all animals this shape is a sign of great strength. To measure easily who is deep in the chest and who is broad from side to side, we can put the person in a doorway between two doorjambs or walls, touching one of them with his shoulderblades, and he should stand as collected and straight as he can. From here we should extend a stake from his chest to the other doorjamb or wall. We can also get the same measurement across his chest. From this we can easily and certainly see who is deep from back to chest, and who is broad from side to side. The same measurement can be taken for horses in a gateway, with one stake or measure going from each gatepost to the horse’s sides; if one stake or measure will not reach the gatepost we can use two. For measuring the depth from the withers to the chest, we should put a stake over its shoulders or withers, extending from the shoulders to the 75 pushed inward] Coll: inualcati; ?read: incalcati. 76 This paragraph is rather confused in the original, in part due to multiple digressions by the author.

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side of the gateway, and below the chest we should measure to the ground with another stake; but since different horses have different length in the legs, we also need to measure the legs in order know the depth of the horse’s torso. Chapter 68: An observation on the natural physical configuration of animals, which is very useful and universal for recognizing many things about animals with little effort Along the lines I have discussed in the previous chapter I can write up a useful system for appraising the aptitude of animals with few words or with small difficulty. First, you should understand the width of every animal as being taken not across the back but through the middle of the chest, as I described using a gateway to measure how deep we are in the chest or how broad from shoulder to shoulder. In this manner we can measure three dimensions that should be more or less equal in animals: from the tip of one big toe or second toe to the tip of the other big toe or second toe; the hips from one hip-bone to the other; and from one shoulder to the other, taken across the direct line from one armpit to the other. For the arms extend the shoulders, so that each arm hanging on the side adds itself to the distance, and if a person is well-formed, the distance from one shoulder to the other will be about one hand greater than from one hip to the other, or from one haunch-bone to the other. The measurement from the tip of one foot to the other should be taken when someone walks fluidly or naturally. In animals this rule always holds true, that these three parts are almost equal in width. Whoever is closer to this mark possesses greater strength and temperance, and whoever deviates is correspondingly more distemperate. It should be noted here that below the hip-bones the legs bulge outward toward the mid-thigh, and from the mid-thigh to the knee they should taper gently inward; from the knee downward they begin to tend a little outward down to the sole of the foot. However it should be little. The tips of the feet should turn slightly outward, though not too much. People whose feet angle sharply outward walk awkwardly and are distemperate, because they either partake much of phlegm, having large feet relative to their legs, or they are melancholic-sanguine-phlegmatic but with limited phlegm: such people have short feet and take short steps, and look somewhat like ducks, with knobbly joints that bulge compared to the thickness of the limbs in the lower legs, thighs, forearms, and upper arms. Phlegmatics whose feet turn outward (or to put it better, who twist or slant them) have a hard time lifting them from the ground. And if

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someone turns his legs out too much, often one knee touches against the other. Some of these are strong animals, but not handsome, although they are more temperate than they look. Some of them run quite well, provided they have slender lower legs and feet tending toward long and thin. But none of them possess great strength, since the thickness of the legs does not match the rest of the body. Those who have or appear to have broad hip-bones, tapering from there to the sole of the foot, are hard and distemperate, and they have a large space between their knees, or what we call bowlegged, so much that the tips of the feet almost turn in close to each other. These things are signs of melancholy. No animal of this type is temperate, although many of them are strong. Often they are measured in size of body, and based on this, along with their hardness, most people might think they were exceptionally strong, if they were not put to a real test. Many Frisian and German horses are of this complexion and form. None of them can be a great runner, although they jump somewhat better than they run. Even if they are big, with thick legs and large feet, they are not good for jousting. Jousters in the past have not necessarily paid attention to this matter, so it is worth examining it. A horse that by nature walks with its feet close together increases in breadth from the soles of the hindfeet to the haunches, and from the soles of the forefeet to the middle of the shoulderblades, so that it is broad above but narrow below. Compare this to a building: if a wall is narrow at the foundation and increases in breadth as it goes upward, any minor impact will instantly demolish it, since it lacks a wide base to keep it from falling on its side. Hence when a wall is in danger of falling, we install a brace on the side to give it a broader base. Likewise if a horse walks with its feet close together, even if it may be extremely strong in jousting or combat, it has nothing to support it laterally, and so it falls more easily, for it is naturally distemperate, or hard, to put it another way. Therefore horses are much better for jousting when they have legs and feet that angle a little outward, even if they are not as strong, since they stabilize themselves on them as if on braces; and in general those who are of this complexion are naturally temperate. We cannot teach a horse or any other brute animal to keep its feet closer together or further apart than what is natural to it. But we can teach men, and the best and simplest thing to teach is that in any given action, we should imitate the order that nature bestows on well-composed bodies, as I have said above, so that when we walk without thinking about our fingertips, big toes, or second toes, they are as far apart as from one hip to the other, or as the distance between our shoulders, as I have explained, although the distance between the tips of the smallest fingers should be

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approximately one hand greater than from one shoulder to the other. In the hips there is a little less breadth because of the thickness of the arms, as I have said. When we wrestle, run, or throw the staff, the bar, the stone called an esquina in Spanish, or the heavy pole, we should preserve these same measures, since this makes us ready and mobile to go forward, back, and sideways, and always with collected strength. If we open our legs more, they may serve as a brace for the body to keep it from tipping to the side, but they make it easy to fall forward or back, for they cannot be brought together in time to get underneath and hold the body up. If a person’s feet are together or almost together, especially if the tip of one foot angles toward the other, any little technique like the torno easily throws him down, even if his legs naturally angle outward. Therefore in wrestling when our opponent does a pace going around, if he joins his feet, at that moment we should armar on that side where his body stands out furthest relative to his feet. By observing this natural order, we can effectively appraise the strength, weakness, temperance, and distemperance of animals, which greatly helps in the art. Some people are narrow in the feet and legs, and broad in the chest or shoulders, and are agile. But to be sufficiently temperate and agile, the legs and feet should go somewhat outward, as I have written. The trunks of trees are broader at the base, and taper upward; in buildings the same rule applies to make them strong; and so we should likewise learn to position our feet so that the tips are a little further apart than the shoulders and hips. Although nature has given us space between our legs so that we can walk, in order to stand strongly we should make ourselves a little broader at the base than elsewhere, so that by the correct measure the entire upper body stands over the space occupied by the feet – although we should not deviate beyond the normal stance of those who are naturally well composed, for when we narrow or broaden ourselves more than this, we become distemperate. Our bodies should observe the same order when riding, as will appear in its proper place.77 Chapter 69: How all animals, both birds and quadrupeds, should be big in the upper parts but slender in the lower ones in order to be light Having set forth some signs of strength in animals, now to follow up in this chapter I will deal almost exclusively with signs of agility. Elsewhere 77 This reference seems to allude to material on horsemanship that is not actually present in the surviving versions of the text; cf. also the final page of the Collectanea.

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in describing the complexions I have said much about lightness, heaviness, temperance, and rigidity, but I have given almost exclusively human examples. Here I will speak about all creatures, including birds and quadrupeds, yet always observing the same indicator that elsewhere I have set forth for humans. This indicator is that the body parts should be big above and slender below: the forearms and hands, that is from the elbows downward, should be slender, but the upper arms, that is from the elbows to the shoulders, as well as the shoulder itself and the chest, should be thick or big; the waist (at the loins, where we wear a belt) slender; thick thighs from the groin to the knee; but slender legs below the knees. These signs denote agility in all animals. Hence it can be seen that no animal that is fleshy in the buttocks or rump and thin in the chest can be agile. Horses or mules often have a rump that is long and sloping – that is they do not have high hip-bones but low ones – both of which are good signs; but they have little depth from the shoulders or withers to the breastbone, with a thin neck and a small head. Such a horse always runs poorly. Horses of this complexion are often good-natured, compliant, and tolerate work pretty well, but they lack agility. To be agile, an animal should not be too big in the rear or lower parts, that is not too full around the buttocks, and big in the chest, namely from the shoulders to the breastbone. Yet the chest itself should not be squared, but like the prow of a ship or the chest of a bird. All birds that are light in flight, or swift in flying through the air, and enduring in flight, have small hips at the thighs or groin, a thick chest, and long wings and feathers, like the falcon, hawk, eagle, dove, and swallow. In Spain the avión or vencejo78 (or rondone as it is called in Italian) is similar to the swallow but larger and black, and so short in the legs and long in the wings that when it comes to the ground it cannot lift itself up; to counter this difficulty in rising, nature gave it the instinct always to sit on top of a steep or high place, from which it can fly by allowing itself to fall. No bird that I know of is as small in the legs relative to its body as the rondone, nor indeed as large-winged or as swift and smooth in flight, at least as far as I can see, and always pretty consistently so. Some other species of birds are reasonably big in the chest and short in the legs, with moderately slender hips, but since they have short tail-feathers and a large head, they do not fly very fast or long: these include the owl, night-heron, and similar birds that hunt at night. Other birds with different properties fly more slowly, such as those that are long in the legs, neck, and beak, and short in the tail, like the crane, stork, and such. When they are flying high they stay in the air a good long 78 The swift.

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time, but not too much, since their legs, head, neck, and beak are long, and all this weighs too much, and they lack adequate plumage in these limbs for flying. Some other birds are swift in flight but lack endurance, like ducks and partridges. Partridges fly more slowly, since they have rather small thighs. Ducks do not have long wings; but they are slender in the rear parts at the rump or upper thighs, so they fly strongly for as long as they go; but wild geese, which are big in the hind end, lack speed in flight. Indeed all birds having long wings and thick legs, whether short like the eagle, buzzard, rondone, duck, or goose, or long like the stork and crane, lack speed in running, while partridges, pheasants, quails, and such whose legs are thin below the knees, with thick thighs, run well. Among the birds I have seen so far, the so-called Indian chicken is the best runner, and also has thin legs; it runs almost as well as a man. The illustrious duke of Ferrara at this time has many of these chickens. They fly rather quickly, but do not go all that far.79 Note that these signs regarding birds’ legs also hold true for all other animals. No species of animal having legs that are too long and slender or thick and short is light at running, although the thighs should be thick in comparison to the lower legs for any animal to be good at running. Hence no animal that is too big in the lower legs compared to the thickness of the thighs excels in lightness. Chapter 70: The difference between large and small men in physical exercises, and between the temperate or fluid and the stiff, and that the larger and more fluid are best In this book for the sake of brevity I have merely shown a few manners of working in physical exercises. I have offered little or nothing by way of argument to prove my assertions, but I have stuck to what is commonly heard or agrees with reason. In many places where I have discussed demanding physical activities, I have said that large and temperate or fluid bodies, which are called disuelto in the vernacular, are more effective than small and stiff ones. The common crowd often believes otherwise, but in such things we should pay no heed to popular opinion. Yet since a learned and experienced person might read this book and argue against the large and fluid whom I have preferred, I ought to offer some principles concerning them. 79 Depending on when the passage was written, Monte could be referring to either Ercole I d’Este (1431–1505) or Alfonso I d’Este (1476–1534). The “Indian chicken” is the turkey, still known today by variants of that name in many languages.

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In opposition one might say that we often see men of moderate stature outdo large ones in physical works. Since experience is regarded as the basis of all things, and considered the ultimate proof, it might be said that men of small or moderate size are more effective than large ones. Also a unified strength is more powerful than a divided one. In small men strength is more unified than in large ones, and in rigid ones more than in those who are fluid or disuelto, so it follows that small and hard people are better. Furthermore if we take two sticks of equal thickness, one long and the other short, the longer one will be bent more easily than the short one. Hence it must be granted that large men are more easily bent than small ones. Against these and similar objections I could offer many obvious responses, but I will present only a few here – having begun this line of reasoning, everyone can pursue it to come up with many others. First, I concede that more men of moderate than large stature are found to be strong; but I maintain that when a large man is well constituted, he will have greater strength than a small one. This can be proved in every species of animal: the larger they are, the better their strength. In agility and quickness moderate animals are always better, as in running, vaulting, jumping, and such. But for moving some great weight, or if two animals are striving to throw each other, a larger one is absolutely better suited in many ways, and chiefly because it has the greater weight and therefore cannot be moved by a small one, while the small one can easily be moved even if it has great strength, the more so since a large body possesses greater strength than a small one if it is properly composed. As to the unified strength, I maintain that in a small body strength is not truly unified but multiplied or divided into many small units, while in a large body strength can truly be said to be unified, because rather than consisting of many small components it consists of a single large one. Therefore in large things that are properly constituted, we can truly call the strength unified, but in small ones it is divided: even if they are quick, small things cannot properly be called united, since they are composed as of small particles, and not as an integrated strength. Concerning this matter, people often say of someone who is small and spirited, “If all this were poison or iron, imagine what it might be capable of doing!” Such things are never said of large men if they are well constituted. I grant that in armed combat, especially when the combatants have small and light offensive arms, and no defensive ones (by defensive, I mean arms that are worn, for offensive arms also serve to defend) – but to get to the point, when everyone takes arms in his manner, large men prevail over small ones when they are equally matched in excellence or disproportion of body.

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Yet let us set arms aside, and speak just of strength, for the difference cannot be seen as clearly in arms as in wrestling, or in throwing an iron bar or large stone, or in lifting a great weight, in which magnitude of strength is easy to see. In this respect the larger the better, given bodies that are equally well constituted. Aside from the fact that reason tells us large limbs possess more strength than small ones, as is proved by large branches, stones, and other bodies, there is another important difference. Whenever a large person wishes to armar, or to attack his opponent’s feet with his own, he can do it at will, while a small person cannot do so against a large one. Once they have grasped each other, the small one cannot evade, but in two steps the large man will easily close with him, while the small man has difficulty reaching the large man’s feet. Likewise longer arms can grasp wherever they want, but not short ones. Similarly if a small man and a large one take swords of equal length, and each of them lunges forward, extending his arm with the sword as much as he can and leaning his body forward, the large one will outreach the small one by a cubit or more; and the same thing happens in wrestling techniques. Furthermore in grappling from a distance, the large one grapples somewhat low lifting upward, and can lift the small one. But the small one grasps high, and cannot lift the large one, and it is difficult to defeat an opponent by going downward, for we should lift as we rotate. In close grappling, if the large one sinks straight down over his feet, he can sink as low as the small one, and when he straightens up he takes the small one with him: the small one, having lost contact with the ground, stands entirely in the air, and he can never lift the large one, even if neither of them has any skill. When they come to close grips or seizing the loins at the waist, the small one would be better, assuming they are equally strong, unless at that moment the large one sank over his own feet. Similarly in this circumstance a hard body is advantageous, but if both are skilled, a large and fluid one is better. Yet here many people are deceived, asserting that hardness does not yield or bend, and is therefore more suited to wrestling than supple bodies. But they fail to consider how we can throw a man with a mere finger if he stands rigid, assuming he does not shift from his place. For this reason a wrestler’s feet are always moving and repositioning themselves under his body, not staying fixed on the ground. And as temperate motion without stiffness is the best recourse in wrestling and many other forms of combat, it is also good to bend the body when called for, since not bending does not mean it will not fall. If a stiff wrestler leans his whole body to one side, he will fall to the ground, but a temperate one, even if he bends, will not be thrown to the ground. Hard people are like dried wood, while

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temperate or supple ones are like green wood. Hence large men may be bent more easily than small ones, but this does not mean they fall more easily. The key to wrestling is not stiffness, but temperate motion, and temperate motion cannot happen without bending one’s body. Also, long and supple limbs can deliver a much greater blow than short and stiff ones. If we wish to strike someone with our fist, and we displace our arm only a little from him, taking a small swing, we can deliver only a small blow. The further the arm travels, the greater force it brings, and long arms travel further than small ones, as with the arm of a siege-engine and such. Since small men have short limbs, they cannot deliver great force against the opponent, although when they are in close grappling and in confined places, [short]80 limbs and weapons commonly prevail. But for the most part, long weapons are better against short ones than short weapons against long ones, and the same holds true for a person’s arms. We can see that temperance outdoes rigidity in physical workings through many experiments. Consider a stick of oak and another of yew. The yew is softer and more easily bent than the oak, but for shooting arrows it is better to have a bow of yew than of oak. The oak is harder, but once it starts to bend, it is more easily broken than yew. This offers us an analogy for supple and stiff men. A long spear, if it is thin, vibrates because of its length when it is thrown and delivers a great impact, but a short one, because it cannot vibrate so much nor achieve a long course, penetrates less. Therefore long and temperate limbs deliver the greatest force since they vibrate greatly. Chapter 71: Why you should turn to Book 3 of The Appraisal of Men in relation to complexions To get thorough information on the complexions as I have discussed them, you should look at Book 3 of The Appraisal of Men. There the topic is discussed more extensively and precisely, where I present forty-one individual complexions in order. Chapter 72: How in appraising we should attend to the difference between short and long limbs, even if they are of the same complexion Now that I have discussed how the four principal complexions are the basis for those composed of multiple ones, we can see how much every body conforms to one of the primary complexions. However, if two men 80 short] levia; read: brevia.

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are of the same complexion, short limbs will be harder and quicker than long ones, and will seem rather to be composed of blood and melancholy. If the limbs are long, they will be slower and a little more temperate, seeming to contain more choler and phlegm (although in any case phlegm is comparable to choler, and melancholy to blood). Chapter 73: A general summary on the complexions In dealing with the complexions, we should take note of this general summary, remembering that sanguines are speedy in all things, whether in words and motion, or in running and jumping, and in all other things; and they go quickly from topic to topic, and also they quickly falter. Cholerics are somewhat hindered at the beginning of anything, having a kind of veil before their eyes; but they are temperate, and have excellent breath for enduring effort. Melancholics are always condensed in hardness, neither quick nor slow. For although they are heavy, their hardness gives them the will to move. Phlegmatics are always soft and slow, and they last well over time, but they always proceed slowly. Sanguines are composed of small bones and sinews, and are fairly fleshy. Their color tends to reddish; their voice is rough, with excellent speech. They are also smaller than those of other complexions. Cholerics are lean, with large bones and sinews. Their joints are excellently bound and limber. They have pleasant voices that can be heard from a distance; their speech is low and subdued, nor do they sufficiently articulate what they say – though they do not stammer, for stammerers commonly have too much melancholy, but afterwards the other complexions in equal portion. Phlegmatics are full of flesh, and seem to have even more than they really do, because of their broad limbs. They have soft flesh and are large in stature. Their speech is good and abundant, and their voice thick and spotty. Melancholics are always hard, knotty, and large in body. Few of them are very tall, and they are always rather broad and stiff; however they seem extremely unified, because their bodies are dense. Chapter 74: The four equal complexions, and the variation found in this composition In my other volume on the complexions of men I have discussed bodies of four equal complexions, that is when an animal has little more of one

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element than of another.81 But there I gave no order among these four almost equal complexions, regarding one coming first and another following after. For example, when choler and phlegm are equal, if choler is first, the body is made better, but if phlegm is first, it is worse. In like manner when a body is composed almost equally of the four complexions, if melancholy or phlegm comes first, the body will be very disproportioned. If choler or blood comes first, and the other one follows, the body is made better, particularly if choler is first, since it always tempers our bodies. Therefore many who are composed almost equally of the four complexions, when they are particularly endowed with choler, have a pleasing appearance and are gracious in social interaction, for they are calm and also able of intellect. They can be recognized with some effort, for they seem to have a good composition. But sometimes when the four are equal, they may be taken for choleric-phlegmatics. Nonetheless they are hard and lean, and rougher than is typical for phlegm and choler. From this sometimes an ambiguity arises, whether we should put them in the third or fourth complexion. In this we should determine which is the first and which the second complexion, and then the third and fourth. But if all are almost equal, or two or three are equal and the rest minimal, one will generally judge the body in like manner. Chapter 75: How we can acquire a meaningful appraisal of newborn infants by their form In my other book The Appraisal of Men, I said that when we are infants and our bodies are still indistinct, it is hard to appraise our complexion. Yet since parents often wish to know the nature of their children as soon as they are born, I will here offer a rule to gain at least some knowledge of children even when they are examined shortly after birth. This knowledge derives only from the shape of the legs, arms, and head: from the torso we can learn almost nothing. This manner of appraisal is as follows. First, we look for slenderness or thickness in the lower legs, and largeness and smallness of the feet; and we also examine the forearms and hands. If the lower legs and forearms are slender compared to the thighs and upper arms, this indicates that the children are sanguine (or have much of the element of fire) or melancholic. If the lower legs and forearms are thick relative to the thighs and upper arms, it indicates choler or phlegm. The shapes of sanguines and melancholics are similar in some respects, and likewise with cholerics and phlegmatics – that is in shape, for though 81 See App 3.52 (m5r).

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they are quite dissimilar to the touch and in voice, still they are similar in body-type (as I have said); and yet melancholics always have more bone throughout their body than sanguines, and have knotty joints, while sanguines have thin or small ones. Also sanguines have more distinction in the calves, and melancholics have legs that bow outward, which in Spanish are called estevados, that is when the feet almost touch each other, and the legs curve away from each other at the knees. All infants have legs that are curved in this fashion, but in melancholics they are more bowed than others. We can also see many things in the head. Sanguines and melancholics have round and short faces, but there is a difference, since the faces of melancholics sometimes bulge more at the temples and have larger foreheads, that is jutting forward over the eyes – not that they have sunken eyes, but large foreheads. Sanguines have flat foreheads, although the head is fairly round. Cholerics and phlegmatics have long faces, but the flesh of phlegmatics is greater in quantity and softer from the cheek to the back of the head, or from the forehead to the top of the head. Cholerics are longer than phlegmatics and narrower at the temples. These signs appear in children, and through them we can judge their complexion pretty well, if we look carefully. Even in crying everyone shows his complexion in the sounds he emits. If he is sanguine or has much of the element of fire, he will have a thin and sharp voice; a melancholic hard and horrible; the head of a choleric produces a temperate and soft voice; while phlegmatics have spotty and thick voices. This can be seen at every age. However in children one thing always remains unknown: we cannot tell how temperate or distemperate the complexion is, perfect or imperfect. These differences can only be readily detected at the age when the body is fully formed, as is shown more fully in The Appraisal of Men. Chapter 76: A description of the external anatomy, so that we can more readily identify the parts of the body for grappling in defense or attack, and also for recognizing complexions In the following description of parts of the body I largely follow Spanish terminology; there are standard words in Latin, but to keep this chapter in line with the others, some names are here kept in Spanish. In Spanish, the external anatomy of man is divided into three parts. The lowest part, up to the groin or top of the thigh, is called the pierna or leg [tibia]. From there to the neck is called the body [corpus], or busto in the vernacular, and some call it by the Greek name thorax. From the shoulders upward is called the neck [collum] and head [caput].

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As to precise and specific names, beginning from the feet: the front part is called the toes [digiti], the ends of them are the tips of the feet [punctæ pedum], the largest toe is called the big toe [pollex]; the next is the index; the longest is the middle toe; the next is the ring or heart toe; the last is the little toe. The names of the toes and fingers are identical. The nodes of the digits and other limbs are called the joints; from one joint to the next is called a tercio in the vernacular, and this applies to the entire body. The whole underside of the foot is called the sole [planta], and the concavity in the middle is called the arch [vola]; the rear part is called the heel [calcar], and above the foot is known in the vernacular as the empeine or instep, which can be called the top or face of the foot. Where the foot meets the leg is called the garganta in Spanish, or the collo in Italian; it could similarly be called the throat [guttur]. The nodes on the side at that point are called the malleoli. From the foot to the knee is called the lower leg [tibia], and the narrow part that lies between the calf and the malleoli we call the jarrete or the garro, that is the thinner and lower part of the lower leg. But garro is more properly the term in beasts. The thick part of the lower leg is called the calf [sura], and the entire front part is the shin [spina] or espinilla. Between the thigh and lower leg in front is the knee [genu]. The large bone there is the kneecap or rótula, and the back part is the hollow of the knee [poples], or the crook [curva] from its form. The top of the leg on the inside is the muslo, and from the knee to the groin or torso is the thigh [cossa]; however above the knee on the outside can also be called the muslo, since the flesh bulges. The femoral area is understood to be around the top of the thigh. Hence a sword is girded over the femur, and this femoral part should always be unobstructed. When the thighs are not full near the buttocks and groin, it is a sign of heaviness, and full ones are a sign of agility or fluidity. The entire limb from the groin or hip-joint, where it meets the thigh, to the sole of the feet, is called the leg [crus], and particularly from the knee to the foot is called the tibia. In this, Latin agrees with the vernacular, since pierna in the vernacular can mean the entire leg from the sole of the foot to the top of the thigh, or else from the knee to the groin can be called the cossa or muslo, and from the knee to the foot will be called the pierna. Latin similarly uses crus for the cossa and tibia combined, or else tibia only for the lower part, that is from the foot to the knee, and cossa from the knee to the torso. The foot is commonly taken to be below the malleoli to the tips of the toes. But often in dead animals everything below the knee is called the foot.

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To describe the busto or torso, the area of the genitals is the groin [inguina], above which toward the buttocks is called the hips [ilia]; the middle above the male member is the pubis [pendiculum], and from there to the navel is the belly [alvus]. The place where a belt goes around the body we call the waist [cinctura]. Between that and the chest is the stomach; from there to the neck is the chest. The bones that encircle the chest are called the ribs or costillas; the soft bone next to the stomach is called the cartilage. Between the cartilage and the haunch-bone [os anchæ] or ilium [clunis] is the flank – the ijata or fianco in the vernacular – where cramps occur. The flank or ijata in some animals is small, with little distance from the haunch-bone to the ribs, since when there is a greater distance there, the animal is always long in the waist, short in the shoulders and rump, for which reason it can be neither strong nor temperate. Starting from the lower rear of the torso, there are the buttocks [nalicæ], and the middle that divides them is called the canale. The lateral bones above the thighs are called the hips [clunes], or gallones in the vernacular; however, some use clunes for the section from the buttocks to the waist, which is called the loin [lumbus]. From the buttocks to the head is the back or spine, and next to it at the waist are the loins; and from there to the buttocks and hip-bones are the kidneys [renes]. Above the canale of the buttocks is the coccyx, or in our language the rabadilla. Above the loins to the neck is called the shoulderblades [scapulæ]; the shoulderblades are the base of the arms. The first part of the arms is called the fingers, with individual names as I have laid out for the toes. The underside of the hand is the palm; the concavity there is the iris or vola, and the upper side is the back of the hand. Around the concavity are the palmusculæ, particularly the mound next to the thumb. Between the hand and the elbow is called the forearm [subtilior lacertus], and in Spanish the muñeca. The thick part at the elbow is the tabula. From there above the elbow, the soft and thick part near the shoulders is called the bicep [musculus] or torus. The entire arm or that which both arms can encircle we call an ell [ulna]. Below the arm at its starting point is the armpit [ascella]. Descending by the torso is the side, and between the top of the arm and the neck is the shoulder [humerus]. The bone connecting the shoulders to the chest is the collarbone [furcula]. The concavity between that and the neck is sometimes called the olla [“pot”] in the vernacular. From the top of the shoulders, the first part of the neck in front is called the throat [guttur], and the knot there is the throat-nut [nux gutturaria] or Adam’s apple. On the sides of the neck are the cervices.

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To describe the head, the jaws [mandivolæ] are situated in front, and at the end of them the barba or chin, and next the mouth. On the side are the cheeks [buccæ], which is the parts we can blow up with air, called carrillo in Spanish; when they are full or fleshy it shows lack of ability. The closure of the mouth is called the lips; inside the mouth in front are the teeth, consisting of the “true teeth” [genuini dentes], then the molars; the organ with which we speak is called the tongue. Then going upward are the nostrils and nose. The openings through which we see are called the eyes, and their coverings are the eyelids [palpebræ], above them toward the forehead is the brow and eyebrow; the hairs there are called pestañas in Spanish. From here to the start of the hair is the forehead, and from the top of the forehead to the chin is the visage or face; along the sides of the face are the jaws [fauces]; the protrusion in the middle we call the cheekbones [maxillæ].82 The indentations above the cheekbones are called the temples [tempora]. Then on the side are the ears, by which we hear. The top of the entire head is called the scalp [vertex]. The protrusion in back is the cerebrum or occiput, and the indentation between the neck and the occiput is the coculum, or colodrillo in the vernacular. Between the forehead and the scalp is the sinciput or calvaria. Chapter 77: Why writers should know human complexions in order to write about people’s characteristics When people write histories or letters and want to describe people’s characteristics, they ought to know human complexions, as I have described them in the other book more at length. The way things have been done in the past allows for little description of human properties beyond speaking broadly of large or small, fat or thin, fair, reddish or dark. But beyond this they observe no specific or distinct rule. Hence they characterize people along the lines of good-looking, he has red or black hair, he is spirited, good, and talkative, not showing any reasoning behind this, but following their own fancy. People commonly say sanguines are anyone who laughs or plays, cholerics are those who get angry, melancholics those who speak little, and phlegmatics those who are sluggish. Yet such human actions often arise from custom, or we do them by choice or by chance, while complexion is innate or fundamental. Therefore by following it we can have a true rule for understanding physical characteristics. 82 This sentence is somewhat confused in the original, possibly due to printing errors.

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Chapter 78: Some common opinions about human complexions Many people say that complexions change from day to day, since we can see bodies transform, becoming healthier or sicker, stronger or weaker. But in reality they do not change their fundamental complexion in this process, for these are superficial alterations. Likewise seeing a clever man people call him “hot,” imagining that his body is hot. But I say that cleverness comes from an airy complexion, because it is temperate and in balance. People also commonly say that a man gets angry from an excess of heat. But this is untrue: anger arises from an extreme alteration of the body akin to what we can see in wind and water, which are often powerfully transformed, but which still embody great coldness. Chapter 79: How we should have fear when we are going to do something83 All works should be feared before we decide to undertake them. Anyone who does not observe this rule can cause little fear to others. Fear can arise at two times: either before we come to the work, or when we are in it. Those who fear ahead of time take care to look out for the future, exercising their bodies and avoiding immoderation in body and words, so when the time comes they prove able to fulfill what they have promised. Chapter 80: How fear comes to those who talk too much84 People who use many words at the outset pay little heed to what they are going to do at the end. Therefore when they come to the work, they prove incompetent and powerless, since they have said much that they cannot fulfill. Hence they inevitably feel fear, which causes them the greatest hindrance and harm. Nobody can work properly if he is full of apprehension when he comes to fight – although neither should the opponent be scorned or impetuously attacked under color of courage. Someone who purifies and exercises his body will possess a good spirit, while someone who consigns it to worry will be in weak spirits. I define fear as a transformative quality that is suddenly generated in the body when we detect that some trouble is near, and that disrupts and disorders the entire body. Courage is a pleasurable or invigorating quality that inflames and fortifies the body to pursue victory by overcoming all adversities. 83 For this chapter, see Exer 11v. Also cf. Duarte’s discussion of fear, Horsemanship, pp. 78–89. 84 For this chapter, see Exer 11v.

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Chapter 81: How shame sometimes causes fear85 Sometimes shame brings fear, even if we expect no danger from what we are going to do. We are often honored on account of dangers that we have already passed through, but when we have incurred shame, people consider us worthless. This makes us fear harm in many situations where our lives are not in danger, since people commonly have great fear in situations where they have failed before. Spirited men are often more afraid than those who are base and fearful by nature, since great-spirited men always expect to be present in any danger that may arise. But when timid men come to dangerous situations they do not always consider what might happen in the future. Whenever they feel that danger is coming they run away, even when they have already boasted about all the things they are going to do to their enemies. Clearly they have no shame, since they would not act this way if they did. And so when people lack judiciousness concerning the situation, they believe they can triumph in everything. Hence in any exercise we should pay great heed to what we are going to do, particularly in those things where great danger can arise. For many who have enjoyed a victory have subsequently endured harm from the malign efforts of their enemies, because they believed they would enjoy the same success again, and failed to prepare themselves adequately. Such people can easily fall if their enemies are experienced. Chapter 82: How to appraise a person’s expertise when he is speaking about an art86 When someone is speaking of any art we can easily appraise his expertise through his words or other things he does while speaking; however this only works if he does not have great learning, for in that case the one can deceitfully replace the other. Anyone who speaks pretty well and remains calm or still shows that he is a master, since those who know little often move around, raising and lowering their body, sometimes shifting to the side, sometimes forward and back, just as they act when they are in the work itself.

85 For this chapter, see Exer 12r. 86 For this chapter, see Exer 12v.

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Chapter 83: The difference between large and small men87 It is commonly supposed that small or average bodies are more able than large ones. Yet given one large body, and another small, the large one exceeds the small one proportionally to its greater size. Also, when we wish to exercise our strength well, we need to stand straight like a large man, for he must always rise and sink on his own axis, not over the opponent, and not allow his opponent to take him by the lower parts. This defense is easy, since a large man can sink as readily as a small one. Chapter 84: At what age men are strongest88 I hold that people are at the height of their strength from age twenty-five to thirty, though owing to some problem or fault some are stronger at twenty, others at thirty-five. Chapter 85: A guide to pursuing physical and mental strength89 To possess physical and spiritual strength and to be able to use them well, we must avoid vices. For a vice-ridden man often proves lacking in strength: at times too full, at others empty or weak so that he cannot well govern his soul and body. Chapter 86: What foods are most suitable for strength90 Foods that preserve and enhance our strength are those that are of middling qualities, and light and temperate. Our strength is greater and more alert for any physical exercise in the evening than in the morning. Chapter 87: What happens to maligners91 People who resort to verbal abuse need not be feared, for their works are as fleeting as their words. Even if they sometimes win, their victory is the very eve of their downfall. And even if they triumph at times, this may be against inconsequential opponents, for if they have to fight with strong ones, they can never achieve victory. And ultimately, even if they defeat someone today, it is of little value: tomorrow someone else will defeat

87 For this chapter, see Exer 12v. 88 For this chapter, see Exer 13r; cf. also Coll 3.16 (g8v). 89 For this chapter, see Exer 13r. 90 For this chapter, see Exer 13r. 91 For this chapter, see Exer 13r.

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them. For where slurs are flying, there is no order, and where there is no order there is never enduring victory. Chapter 88: How people who wish to try their bodies in various regions need to take care92 Anyone who wishes to exercise their powers outside their own country will face many problems. People everywhere want to test the complexions of foreigners, and although weaknesses are not always outwardly evident in such instances, the bodies of foreigners are very much weakened: nobody can be healthy or live long moving from one place to another in diverse regions. Furthermore, when we work against many opponents in various countries, the locals observe our art, and we cannot see theirs. But if we stay in just one country, whatever others can know about us we can also know about them. Therefore there is good cause to be careful in such places, no less in a single household than in a single region. If someone overcomes everyone in a kingdom, few can be found in the world who can overcome him. And valiant men can be found in a small province as much as in a large one, and in a single household just as in a city. For such valiant men are few, although they are not universally distributed in one province as in another, nor do they do practice things the same way in one province as in another. Chapter 89: How in order to truly understand an art one needs to be a master in it93 Some people claim to see many things, but the authority we accord someone should be based on his habit of speaking the truth. Nor is this sufficient, for he must also be experienced in the art he is discussing. Otherwise even if he sees others working, he cannot adequately understand everything, nor accurately explain what has happened. It is like when we teach a man for fifteen or twenty days, and then we tell him to put our teaching into action: often he does the opposite of what was shown to him. And if he errs in this, how much more can we err in things that happen very quickly, and which we have not seen before, seeing that they happen so quickly they cannot truly be perceived with the eyes. But if someone is a master in that practice, when he sees the beginning he will understand the greater part of the entire work.

92 For this chapter, see Exer 13v. 93 For this chapter, see Exer 6r.

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Chapter 90: Those who sometimes vanquish and sometimes are vanquished94 It is shameful to use past victory to mitigate present defeat, even if this often happens with many people who are defeated by their enemies, saying: “Although I am now defeated, at other times I have overcome many people.” In reality, it would be a better excuse for them to have lost than to have won on every previous occasion, for our adversary considers himself enhanced by our prior victories. If we had never triumphed he would scarcely rejoice against us, for he receives nothing in victory but that which we lose: if we had nothing, he could never deprive us of anything. So it would be a better excuse for the defeated to say, “I never found a man in all my life who did not overcome me as I have now been overcome.”

A section on properties that are commonly found in men of the regions where I have traveled or with whose inhabitants I have interacted Chapter 91: Spain95 The Spanish are endowed with a middling nature between strength and weakness; there is little disparity among them in powers. They are typically complexioned of blood and choler, although many are founded in choler and melancholy; one can readily see in each individual from which complexion he takes the greater part. Due of the dryness of the country, agile animals are born there, and in Spain men are more given to exercises than in any other nation I know. They greatly practice arts of agility, running, jumping, and throwing; they are average at the rest. Their body size runs between middling and small. They have adequate skill in wrestling and good skill in arms. Chapter 92: Portugal or Lusitania96 The Portuguese are greatly given to the art of wrestling, but their techniques are coarse, although they wrestle with spirit. This is proper to their complexion, for most of them are melancholic-sanguine or sanguine-melancholic. 94 For this chapter, see Exer 6r. 95 For this chapter, see Exer 6v, 9r. 96 For this chapter, see Exer 9r.

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In general Iberians hasten eagerly to battle, yet they often go in poor order, for everyone wishes to do things freely his own way. But they outstrip other nations in defending or protecting strongholds, as well as in subduing them, for they will hardly give up until they capture them by force or by lack of provisions; and they also are good at scaling walls or harrying. Chapter 93: Sicily97 Sicilians are reasonably strong in powers and in wrestling, and reasonably good vaulters and jumpers. They are melancholic and choleric in complexion; they are also strong in arms. Chapter 94: The character of the Italians98 The Italians do not hold to an average among themselves: many of them are weak, and some are especially strong. They are sanguine and phlegmatic in complexion, except in Apulia and Calabria where they are melancholic-sanguine, or melancholic-choleric with blood following third. In Lombardy we find many phlegmatic-melancholics. But generally in Italy people are sanguine-phlegmatics or phlegmatic-sanguines, and fairly pure in these complexions, whence it happens that they are imitators rather than innovators. Many of them are reasonably agile, and skilled in wrestling. In height they tend to be tall rather than short, but not especially big except in marshy regions like Lombardy where large men are born. In arms they conduct themselves with judiciousness and discipline. However they rarely put themselves in dangerous situations, nor are they harmful to their enemies, since they make little effort to fall on them by surprise. Chapter 95: The complexion of the French99 In France men are generally born choleric and phlegmatic, of middling stature, and with considerable disparity among them. Some of them are strong, though not usually very agile, but most Frenchmen are weak and lack dexterity. In battle they all go in a tight cluster, and they have the custom of killing the enemies they capture. In the first onrush they seem valiant, and they know how to pursue victory. But when they find any resistance they quickly falter, and in attacking they always order the 97 For this chapter, see Exer 9r. 98 For this chapter, see Exer 9v. 99 For this chapter, see Exer 9v.

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commoners to go first. They are excellent at attacking strongholds, much less so at defending them. Chapter 96: Brittany100 In Brittany almost everyone is melancholic, and of ample size, though not very tall. Strong in powers, they greatly practice wrestling, but they do it coarsely, and even if they fall on their face, they will never admit defeat until they are laid out with their backs on the ground. Chapter 97: England101 The English are above middling stature, and melancholic-choleric in complexion, or choleric-melancholic; robust and strong, and they practice wrestling. They are experts in archery, and powerful in battle, and can be compared to the Bohemians.102 Chapter 98: Germany and Flanders103 In Germany and Flanders almost everyone is phlegmatic, and choler usually follows. They are large of body, but few are strong and even fewer are agile, nor are they good at throwing except with large things like stones and such. They constantly pursue mechanical arts. They are a proud people and strong in war. Chapter 99: Hungary104 Hungary breeds well-constituted men of good stature; choleric-melancholic, of strong complexion, not much given to exercises except wrestling, in which they go on their feet and hands like quadrupeds; and when they can, they grab the legs as in other nearby regions. They are mighty in war, and they endure cold and hot with little feeling. They are neither quick nor skilled, but they do stand firmly in the face of the enemy.

100 For this chapter, see Exer 10r. 101 For this chapter, see Exer 10r. 102 Bohemians] Exer: Bretons. 103 For this chapter, see Exer 10r. 104 For this chapter, see Exer 10r, 18v.

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Chapter 100: The Bohemians105 The Bohemians are generally endowed with choler and phlegm, with more choler than the Hungarians. They are strong and tall, and large in their bones and sinews. They greatly practice wrestling, in which they crawl on their hands and feet. In arms they appear similar to Hungarians, but not as well practiced these days. But the Bohemians are generally the strongest I have seen to date, followed by the Bretons. Chapter 101: Poland, Tartary, and Russia106 In Poland, Tartary, and Russia, along with the other surrounding regions, people are melancholic-choleric in complexion. They have adequate powers, and do not much practice bodily exercises, except wrestling and throwing large stones, and they do so in all these regions. When engaging in battle they go with strong spirit. Chapter 102: Greece107 The Greeks are of middling stature, and somewhat more compact than the Spanish, although they are similar in powers and complexions. Because they have perfect choler in both of those regions there are many innovative people. However with Spaniards blood generally comes after choler, but the Greeks secondly tend toward melancholy. They pursue archery, and practice wrestling somewhat, and they seize the legs with the hands, as in Hungary and Germany, which is prohibited in many other regions. Chapter 103: Asia108 In the northern parts of Asia they are strong, but in the southern parts they have lesser powers. Chapter 104: Africa109 In Africa along the Mediterranean coast they are very clever and swift in war, especially in skirmishing, ambushes, and raids. Like the Italians and Spanish, Africans show little cruelty to their enemies when they 105 For this chapter, see Exer 18v. 106 For this chapter, see Exer 18v. 107 For this chapter, see Exer 19r. 108 For this chapter, see Exer 19r. 109 For this chapter, see Exer 19r.

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capture them. In the western part of Africa there are some marshy regions that breed large but poorly composed men. Chapter 105: France, England, Germany, and Hungary110 In France, England, Germany, Hungary, and other northern regions men are cruel, rarely sparing the lives of their enemies when they have a chance to kill them. For this reason it is said that many of them get drunk before battle, to feel death or pain less when they die or kill. Chapter 106: The character of men in cold regions111 Men born in cold regions tend to be strong, but little given to learning, since they can easily be nourished with food without impediment or danger of illness. The complexion there often stands between choler and melancholy, and they devote little effort to cultivating health. Chapter 107: The character of men who live in hot regions112 In hot regions men grow up weak and are of sanguine complexion. Many of them are smart, but they cannot be very strong, since they cannot consume or digest much food: because of the heat, they cannot stay healthy if they consume a large quantity of food. Therefore even if the inhabitants of hot places had no other need than to avoid illness, this would be reason enough for them to pursue learning. Chapter 108: In what regions men thrive based on the character of their complexions113 To enhance physical health, nature teaches us to place all things in environments that match them, allowing them to endure longer. Therefore it is good for us to live in places that suit our complexions. • Sanguines should live in hot, dry, and barren countries, tending more to flatness than height. • Cholerics should live in high places where the air is thin. • Melancholics should live in thick and dry land, in between low places and mountainous. 110 For this chapter, see Exer 19r. 111 For this chapter, see Exer 19r. 112 For this chapter, see Exer 19v. 113 For this chapter, see Exer 19v; cf. also App n2r–v.

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• Phlegmatics should live in low countries that are a little wet or marshy, and in foothills. But in hilly places men are found to be stronger than elsewhere. Chapter 109: How men should be governed in food and exercises114 To avoid shame and loss, we should temper our bodies before we display our actions before the public. There is a difference here between quick and slow people, but we all need to practice arts for a few days before we are ready to display them. And I consider it plain madness to work in public if we have not first rightly understood them. Material or gross things such as lifting weights do not require great temperance: people doing such things can eat plenty of food. But for wrestling and throwing, in which powers are greatly needed, we should remain temperate, even though great strength calls for a great quantity of food and other good things. But for a few days before it comes to trial, especially in wrestling, we must observe strict sobriety, and the less we drink the better, especially in five principal respects, namely health, powers, breath, agility, and endurance. Agility calls for little and lean food. Any exercise calls for us to exercise our bodies in circumstances so harsh that in coming from there to the actual situation the work will seem easy. Therefore if we have to run a hundred paces in a flat place in our shirt, we should run a few days before in mountains or upward-sloping places, wearing full clothing or other heavy things. For doing two or three jumps in the usual way, before we come to the test, we should practice jumping in a difficult place ten or twelve times without pause. Jumping upward improves our agility, and downward teaches us to extend our bodies, and to catch ourselves on our legs. In vaulting, once we know the vaults we should work on a tall horse or some high place. That way when we come to a moderate height the rise is easy, so that we can focus on the actual vaulting. For executing the greatest vaults, the horse on which we are going to vault should be middling or somewhat small, for otherwise it is difficult to learn much. Nonetheless when we are learning we should often practice on a large horse wearing lots of clothing, so that without it and on a small horse it will seem like our bodies can almost fly. We should exercise our arms, carrying our bodyweight on them by walking with our arms on a stool as far as we can, so that they can support our body when it goes across in the vault, and 114 For this chapter, see Exer 19r.

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especially so that when we wish to do a vault and a half all at once, we can firm ourselves on our hands or arms to add new power in the middle of the rotation. Otherwise nobody is so agile that he can complete more than one whole rotation in a single go. We should practice rotating or wielding arms that are much heavier than the ones we will use in combat. This applies to offensive and defensive arms, on foot or horseback. For wrestling, we should first practice with very strong men, allowing them to grasp us everywhere in order to lift us from the ground, and throw us every which way, so that we can know better how to deal with it when we need to. Likewise it will teach us to find our opponents’ weaker parts and apply our [powers]115 against them.

115 powers] supplied from Exer.

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Book Two of Pietro Monte’s Collectanea Prologue1 Up to this point I have offered general principles suitable for exercises, along with a section on the appraisal of complexions, and on the principle of transferring the secrets of one exercise to the improvement and knowledge of others. In this second part I will offer a more concise compilation dealing individually with each weapon along with many other exercises. However, if anyone wants to study this book, he will need at least some foundation in the matters I have discussed more broadly elsewhere, since otherwise it will be quite difficult to understand it, since here everything is in brief. Chapter 1: A lesson or manner for governing ourselves2 If we want to excel, it is not sufficient merely to exercise the body without the help of art; hence we should study those things that relate to strengthening or training our bodies. We must first attend to ourselves, after which we can think about helping or harming others. Therefore if we are to do exercises in a proper or unimpeded fashion, our bodies must be unimpeded when they are working. Yet as regards training our bodies for the work, I differ from both ancients and moderns. When some people try to achieve an action, they apply themselves with stiff efforts, skewing and contorting their entire body. But I maintain that we should fight upright, with lightness and without stiffness. To apply a great force calls for balance, with lightness and fluidity in our feet and hands, otherwise we compromise our powers and agility, without which we can do little. Men who are strong in action always have supple bodies in proportion to their size, able to flex without stiffness. Someone who droops his body, splays his lower legs, 1 For the prologue, see Exer 21r. 2 This chapter not in Exer.

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and contorts his limbs can be described as monstrous – this is certainly an obvious error, for no man having a normal body can be strong the way these men position themselves in physical exercises. Therefore we should move smoothly and fluidly, gathering our strength in our chest; and neither foot should stray far from the other, so that we can easily move around wherever we wish. Our body should also stay centered over our feet, never leaning. For this reason our feet must constantly keep up with the body, following it in concert with each other, since otherwise any minimal opposition brings us to a fall. This applies to all physical exercises. Artists too, both ancient and modern, often make this common error, for they think they are depicting a fine human figure, when it is actually bizarre and monstrous. If they knew how to use their skills rationally, they would draw it quite differently. Elsewhere I have said that a master must rule his actions, rather than being ruled by them.3 That is, however we work, it should seem to observers that we are doing what we wish without any effort. Anyone who appears stiff or anxious in working is not ready to be called a master, for he is subjugated by that art, and that which overcomes is by nature worthier than that which is overcome. To reiterate from the beginning, bodies that are stiff, contorted, or too muscled, can be considered monstrous. They are repugnant to behold, and where there is no pleasure for the senses no great and praiseworthy work ever results. Bodies should be supple and graceful, not knotty or bulging, and it should seem that their motions are natural and effortless: these are true bodies. The common error commends artists who depict muscle-bound bodies, but they know nothing about it. I grant that animals formed in this bulging manner are strong in the first onrush, or at least seem to be, for they are hard and distemperate. But their powers can achieve little, since maximum effect requires maximum capacity for sustained effort. In a word, the physical powers that are my main subject in this book are not to be practiced as if they were jobs to support us: rather we should exercise and experience them from time to time, so that we might know them, and not forget them.

3 Cf. App B1r.

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[Wrestling] Chapter 2: The excellence of wrestling among other exercises4 In discussing physical exercises I put wrestling before the rest, for even if it offered no other advantage than strengthening our body and instilling in it the temperance in every action that is needed for physical abilities, I decided to discuss wrestling first, so that we can preserve that art as the mistress. No other skill – neither throwing, nor acrobatics, nor play of arms, nor equitation – teaches us to temper and control our bodies like wrestling, and always to know how to respond where necessity arises. Chapter 3: How to advance toward wrestling5 In the beginning of wrestling we should approach with slow and short steps, and the tips of our feet should turn outward, that is the left foot to the left, and the right one to the right.6 Our entire body should remain centered, staying directly over the feet. If the torso leans somewhat to one side and the feet remain fixed, the whole body falls to the ground; therefore our feet should be constantly moving to stay directly under our torso. But sometimes in closing with the opponent our legs should precede our head, since at that moment there is danger of an encuentro. And here one can deliver the torno or sacaliña, or the desvio, which are safe tactics and can be done with light grapplings. The mediana, descaderada, ancha, cargo, and such are more dangerous and require close grappling. If the opponent tries to lift us from the ground, we should lead him forward, and lift him ourselves. And we can be more secure by placing our hands in front of his belly or navel; we can plant our head along with our hands. Whenever we attack or defend we should be fluid and swift, and work with strong spirit, sending all our power to the final throw. We should displace the side where the opponent tries to execute the technique or armar, and pursue the rotation to which the opponent diverts his body; and we should grapple lightly and step smoothly. When we want to attack or defend with speed, our body needs to be collected. And in executing grapplings, it often helps to seek out where the opponent is physically weak or lacks skill. To counter any torno we can execute one of our own, or else the sacaliña. Against the desvio we can take the opponent’s side. Against the cargo we 4 For this chapter, see Exer 21v. 5 For this chapter, see Exer 21v. 6 that is... right] not in Exer.

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can step back; and if we execute this,7 lifting the opponent’s leg with ours as much as we can, we should turn him over our shoulders or to the other side. It is also very good to do the ancha when we take the opponent’s back, lifting him from the ground. This can be done lifting upward when the opponent places his leg outside behind ours, for then he quickly falls to the ground on his face. This kind of lifting from the ground is suitable to very large men. And if he wishes to lift us, we can pursue him with the sacaliña or sometimes the torno. The ancha should be done quickly like the others, for once the opponent’s foot begins to be lifted up there is no way to escape this technique. Therefore when it is executed on us, to counter it we should use the tip of our free foot to catch in front of the opponent’s foot that stands on the ground, so that the opponent cannot apply his power. Yet against someone doing the ancha it is always best to lean our body quickly backward, pulling him, and placing our hands on his loins, so that he goes forward. And we should do almost the same thing when we are at shared arms. Likewise when someone does the descaderada or britona to us, it is effective to step back. And from this grappling the descaderada or britona is very useful against the trascorvada. Chapter 4: What is ultimately to be observed in wrestling8 Finally I will say what should be held firmly in wrestling. In taking by the collar, and delivering the torno, sacaliña, and desvio, and in the play of shared arms, we can deliver the torno or encuentro on his forward side, and the sacaliña to the same foot. From the “both arms” position we can do the encuentro to the further foot, the sacaliña to the nearer. If our side is taken, we can do the mediana, descaderada, or sacaliña. When we are taken from behind, we can catch the opponent’s arms and pull them forward to do the sacaliña on either foot, or execute the deslomada. Against those who catch us by the legs we should armar with the leg they are trying to catch. If we are standing at a distance the encuentro is useful. When we are close we should do the mediana, descaderada, or sacaliña; and in the play of the shared arms, the sacaliña is appropriate. I also consider it very useful that when the opponent goes for our legs, we should seize his leg with our hands, and evade with the encuentro, so that 7 and if we execute this] Exer: if someone does a trascorvada, we should turn over him with the ancha. 8 For this chapter, see Exer 22r.

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he cannot lift us from the ground. And when he seizes our leg, the sacaliña is good, and it is better in this to grasp through his crotch, for then we cannot be lifted up. Chapter 5: A useful technique in wrestling9

Whenever we find ourselves with someone who defends himself and is good at wrestling, if he happens to be weak, we should try to get our arms under his to grab him by the loins, which in Spanish is called tomar el cuerpo [“taking the body”]. Also here we can apply the encuentro or sacaliña, or we can turn to take his side or back. And in this moment all our strength should be delivered to the final end or overthrow. Also, when the opponent defends himself and he is weaker than us, we should force him to some wall so that we can close with him there. It should be taken as a universal rule that when the opponent prepares to armar or entrap us, or to deliver some attack, in that same instant we can lay our hand on him, or else step back a little so that his attack passes us by or falls down; and we should attack into his failed attack. For a man is most disordered when he is about to start something or is following through, so a wise combatant will attack the opponent in one of these moments. If the opponent executes a high descaderada, and he does a great and well-centered rotation, it will be difficult for us; a good counter is to lower ourselves and lean as we step backward. But it is better to keep ourselves upright, lifting the opponent from the ground with all our power. This helps against the descaderada, mediana, and sacaliña. From this grappling it is very good for a large man to give his side or take the opponent’s side. The one who has his arms over the opponent’s shoulders should lower himself as he presses the opponent, and the one who is below or takes the side should stand up. In countering the descaderada, we can deliver an antegenu with our calf, that is our free leg in front of the knee or thigh of the leg he has planted on the ground, almost in the manner in which the sacaliña is delivered, standing at shared arms, although in this antegenu the rear foot goes forward. This tactic may be a recent invention. If someone does a descaderada vigorously, and his opponent does the antegenu likewise, there is great danger of breaking the former’s leg; the one who has done the descaderada below cannot flex. This also resists 9 For this chapter (first paragraph only), see Exer 22v.

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the mediana and the sacaliña, although it is most effective against the descaderada. Furthermore since the descaderada delivered to the crook of the knee or around the knee is very dangerous to us, particularly if whoever delivers it is strong and of great stature, we can resist him rather by escaping than by countering that tactic with our feet; and to do this more securely, we should bring well back the leg where the opponent wishes to armar or attack us, almost around to our back, and the other thigh should go in front almost between the opponent’s legs. This way the descaderada cannot be executed, and even if it is executed, nothing will come of it. Furthermore, when we are at shared arms (which in Spanish is called a brazo partido), if our opponent sinks well down and displaces his feet, it is often good to lift and hold him up with our arms, and in that instant we should quickly take up with our higher arm from the opponent’s neck or shoulderblades, delivering the leveclunium (or descaderada, as it is called in the vernacular). But we should begin, continue, and finish with resolute spirit. And for this our head should sink well forward, with a great turn on the side, imagining that we should cast ourselves down, or the opponent, yet that the opponent can do no harm against us in that moment. This technique is excellent, but requires a resolute spirit, as do all techniques; they go over the descaderada with a turn from whatever side where they seize the arms; the Bretons often do such things. And to do these things well, we should join our side well toward the back with the opponent. The defense against such turnings are the necia, descaderada, cargo, or ancha; we can always place our arms quickly on the opponent’s loins or sides, roughly at the waist, and the arms as far as possible should remain firm and extended in that moment, and the legs and the entire body in that moment should all move backward, so that we offer the opponent no place to do such things. This manner of placing the arms works well against all techniques in wrestling, particularly against the style of the Bretons and Portuguese. The ancha can be applied in many situations, both to evade others and to counter the opponent’s mañas or techniques, since the ancha not only protects us against threats from our opponent, but can also serve to throw him. For example, when the opponent executes the necia, rotating the body well burdened, or does the trascorvada on the outside of our leg pushing us so that we fall back, in that moment speedily with resolute spirit we should turn our back as far as possible to the opponent’s chest, lifting upward our leg which is seized by the opponent as best we can, and coming with a rotation so that the opponent falls on his back.

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Conversely, the one who does the necia likewise must sink and rotate toward himself, and in this way can be saved. When we come to the shared arms, and we execute the sacaliña to make the opponent fall backward, and he also pushes us backward as much as he can, we can immediately switch to the ancha, sinking our body as much as we can with a great turn toward ourself, and so the opponent easily falls. If he delivers a similar ancha to us, we should at once with all our power sink over our knees, placing our hands on the opponent’s loins or buttocks, and pushing him so that he goes forward on his face. This technique by itself protects us from the ancha above all others, although other responses can work, such as jumping over with the leg that is caught, although this is of little help, for rarely can the antepes be done with our same foot that has been lifted. It works well against the ancha if it is done at the proper time – the proper time in this case being that as he begins or tries to lift our leg, we place it before his shin, and so he falls on his face, or at least we cannot fall when we set our foot there. This technique or defense is also done the same way as when countering the descaderada, although then our leg is placed on the opponent’s knee or thigh; in defending against the ancha we do not apply our leg so high, but only on the shin. When we are at shared arms (which is called a brazo partido in Spanish), the sacaliña which is done to the foot standing on the opponent’s forward side can also be countered in the manner I have already explained of the tolleperna (or ancha as it is called in the vernacular). That is, first we should instantly release our grip with the hand opposite to where he applies the sacaliña – that is if he does it to our left foot, we should drop the grip with our right hand, and vice versa; and in that instant we should pull back the side where we have dropped our grip, and place our hands on our opponent’s loins or buttocks, that is on the hip, pushing him to the side, so that he goes on his face, and execute the antepes with the foot to which the opponent delivered the sacaliña. The technique of defending against the ancha by placing our hands on the opponent’s hip and sinking our entire body over our knees, stepping back as much as we can, is done the same way as when we wish to escape the cargo. Note that the ancha calls for the greatest spirit to be done rightly. Delivered as it should be, it is extremely effective, and defends us against many attacks. The ancha is also very good against the rodillola, as it is called in Spanish, or genochola in vernacular Italian. The rodillola or genochola is done as follows: our knee is placed near the crook of the opponent’s leg, not entirely behind, but on the side, with our foot standing on the ground with as much of our body weight on it as we can, so that the opponent

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falls on that side. If the rodillola is applied to us, we should quickly go in with the ancha with a great turn on our other side, sinking our head as much as possible, lifting our leg along with the opponent’s leg. And this is done with the same leg where the genochola was done to us. The ancha also works against the traspie, since when they do it to us, if we lift the leg, gathering the opponent’s leg as already described, we send him to the ground. Lastly, when we just wish to protect ourselves walking upright, so that we do not seem to fear the opponent, it is sufficient against all techniques to use our arms as weavers use their feet, that is when one foot goes forward the other comes back. And so our arms should act when they are taken in front of the opponent’s chest, or belly, or around the collar – although this cannot be done rightly if one wrestles unclothed, since then one easily escapes the grips. But when the wrestlers are clothed, each of them tries to stay upright, centered over his legs, so that the head and torso never go in front of the kneecaps, nor the knees before the tips of the feet or toes, and the knees themselves and the buttocks sink straight down a little, if we want to sink, keeping the arms constantly firm, always encountering the opponent on the side where his weight sits or where he tries to support his weight, pushing him so that he goes backward. And to do this sometimes we should stretch out with one arm, sometimes with the other, yet our arm should give way where the opponent wishes to lead us, and the other arm should push the opponent. To attack and defend against the trascorvada, it is best to draw our leg, lifting it as much as we can, so that the foot comes up high, laying our body weight as much as possible on the opponent’s chest, so that he falls on his back; or if we wish in that moment, having lifted the leg we can turn back into the ancha, rotating our body. Furthermore, since some have great affection for this ancha, and wherever there is great affection, the technique becomes very common, I ought to show some universal and secure defense. First, those who execute this technique properly try to seize our doublet with their right hand on our chest, so that their hand sits near the top of our right arm, and with the left they grasp our right elbow. And they send the right leg, placing themselves forward on the side; from there they apply the ancha as high as they can, up to the groin; they sink their head as much as they can, turning themselves on the left side. Against this there is no surer defense than in the beginning when the opponent lays his right arm on our right arm, that we also do likewise with our right on their right, with our left hand fixed and firm on the opponent’s right side near his waist, while we step back with our left foot

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in which he wishes to harm us; yet we should stay upright; and when he applies this technique, sinking our entire body, we should push him forward, which is easy if we keep our arms firm, since in that moment he can scarcely reach our leg with his foot; also we can easily free our leg to put it forward delivering a torno on the opponent’s leg which stands firm on the ground. And [if ] the opponent seizes with his left arm, we should also seize with our left, according to the situation just described concerning the right arm. Note also that when we fight against this technique, it is [not] good to imitate the Bretons and virtually everyone else who exercises wrestling with hardness, but using only their arms, not their torso, let alone their feet, which they scarcely venture to lift, preferring to keep them planted on the ground. I maintain we should do otherwise, for stepping in that manner gives them little physical fluidity or aptitude. For this reason wrestling does not help them fight in armor, at least in light armor; if they are fully and heavily armed in white armor they may succeed with this manner of wrestling, particularly in not falling. Yet to prevail at wrestling in various situations, with armor and without it, it is better for us to step lightly and freely. Further, as I have said above, the ancha works against many techniques, particularly against the trascorvada and genochola, since even when we are almost brought to the ground, if we simply sink ourselves and turn well at the same time, going in with the ancha we easily counter the genochola. And when it is applied to the foot to which the torno was to be delivered, it is good for our foot to escape, and with the other to go in for the sacaliña to the opponent’s extended foot, or the one in which the torno was to be placed. We often use the genochola at shared arms, particularly if the wrestlers are armored. Chapter 6: Where grapplings should be done in wrestling, and that we should not turn our back to the opponent, nor allow ourselves to fall if we can avoid it10 I have already written at length in my other volume The Appraisal of Men on the number of the throws to be done in wrestling, and in what circumstances or in what places grapplings are not to be permitted. I have shown that because some random chance can easily happen, we should wrestle to two falls. And we should seize above the crotch, for whoever seizes lower sinks well down, which would inevitably be the beginning of a 10 No Exer for this chapter.

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serious problem when fighting in armor. However this is not as bad as the wrestling of the Bretons and others who imitate them. When they wish to armar, they often turn their back to the opponent and armar upward, so that they often make themselves fall. Even if they don’t fall, anyone who takes their shoulderblades or side can easily harm them. Also, in keeping with armed combat, we should always face the opponent, so that our eyes can monitor his weapon-hand. If we throw the opponent, we should be careful not to fall with him, for in the britona they fall tumbling this way, so that the one combatant can use a weapon almost as readily as the other, yet neither well. Hence the wrestling of the Bretons cannot be called proper wrestling, but a disorderly twirling, particularly since it does not train the body for other exercises. It is very different in proper wrestling, where one stays balanced and mutually face-to-face. Chapter 7: How to wrestle with stirrup-leathers or straps11 When we wrestle with stirrup-leathers or straps, there is a great disparity between tall and short men, and between big and slender. Those who are big in the loins have great strength there, and thus more easily bear effort than those who are slender in the waist or loins. When we wrestle in this style, we allow the opponent to grip us before applying strength, and the grips are at equal height, so when the taller of the two stands up, he easily lifts the smaller from the ground to the degree that he is larger. In this situation, experienced large men use the following technique. They open their legs wide, which allows them to sink down by a hand or more if they wish, while seeming to remain upright; but once they are close, they bring their feet together and lift the smaller one. Hence it never makes sense to grapple this way, if there is an agreement to wrestle with belts: once the straps are girded, each one should grasp it as he can, so that the taller one grasps as much higher as he is taller than the other. And whoever wishes to avoid being lifted should place his hand before the opponent’s belly on the strap or doublet; the legs should be opened strongly, to place them far back, and the body should stay straight, that is not flexing at the knees and buttocks. When the opponent tries to lift us, we should pull him toward us with violence and speed, and sometimes then push him backward with our arms on the side where he means to come forward; and if he is determined to lift or exerts great force, we should instantly close the distance with him with fluidity and resolute spirit, executing the sacaliña or torno against him, or planting our head on 11 No Exer for this chapter.

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his stomach so that he has no way to lift us; in this moment he can easily fall because he is disordered, particularly since people who wrestle this way know little about wrestling. This style is used only in Lombardy, which is to say that I have not heard of any other country where they wrestle this way. Also, they have a rule among themselves that they cannot armar from outside the legs or do any technique of the feet, nor attack with the mediana or the true sacaliña. Instead one does the ancha with one leg or the other, and sometimes the descaderada, which they call “of the haunch,” and others call “of the thigh”; and they can even agree to allow vueltas or spins around. When wrestlers try to use techniques of the feet, it is easy to throw those who do such things, particularly when each one seizes as he can, that is to say not by agreement saying, “Allow me to grasp you as I wish, and I will let you do likewise.” This is ultimately not realistic, so everyone should just grasp as best he can, whether his opponent wants it or not. Here one thing is especially to be noted against very strong men who have great skill: it is the lesser evil, at least in the beginning, for someone who is weak or unskilled to focus on defense or protecting himself. For this defense you should always keep your feet even, without too much distance between one and the other, although somewhat more distant than when you wish to attack; and your arms should go before the opponent’s chest or stomach. If your opponent means to enter and join belly to belly, you should step back while placing your head before the attacker’s chest. To facilitate this, you should choose a spacious place to wrestle, for in a confined one you cannot escape this way. In a confined place, someone who wishes to defend should step around rather than back. Above all other defenses, we should take care that the opponent’s arms do not get in under ours, for if he is strong and places his arms under ours to seize us by the loins, we will have no more space to defend. To keep him from getting his arms in under ours, whenever he tries to send his arm under our arm, we should promptly lift that arm of ours, and bring it up near his chest and downward, sending his arm to the outside as our body escapes backward. This way our arms can easily enter under his arms, and we should always do it very quickly when our opponent tries to come in below. If we wish to be entirely defended, whenever the opponent lifts his arms, giving us an opportunity to seize him by the waist from the front or side, we should not go in but always keep our arms before his chest or waist; and always we should stay directly in front of him, not stepping to the sides. This is the final manner of defense that can be discovered. And when the opponent tries to enter in a forceful and disorderly manner, we

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should go in with the torno, with resolute spirit and our entire body fluid, permitting the opponent to come with a great turn and displacement on that side toward which he pushes and easily falls. And if we cannot defeat him, we should quickly revert to the defense as we were before. This technique can always be used against aggressive opponents who mean to attack. Chapter 8: How to direct our powers from every hold in wrestling when we are executing techniques12 In wrestling, the torno or traversa is the most important technique, for we can execute it from any hold, and always safely compared to other techniques. Yet it is difficult to do perfectly: it is easy to understand, but people execute it in confused manner, and few wrestlers have truly mastered it. To do it correctly calls for two things. First, however our hands have seized the opponent, one of them must lift him while the other pushes him down. To make this clearer, the hand standing on the side where we wish to throw the opponent should push the opponent downward while pulling him forward. At the same time our other hand should lift the opponent, pushing his side almost backward with a rotation, so that the opponent follows the other hand. This technique is done such that one of our hands seems to roll over the other, and the hand that pulls downward moves as if it meant to go in under the other hand. The other matter is as follows: we should lift our entire body upward in that instant, keeping it firm, and leaning backward, so that we can lift the opponent from the ground; for once we lift him a little, it is easy to bring his upper parts to the ground. Yet our hands and entire body must follow a rotational path, as I have just said. In the manner of lifting the opponent, the mediana resembles the torno, since we should lift the opponent with the hip, and in that instant lean our body well backward, pushing him with a turn, so that he comes to the ground, lifting with one hand and pushing down with the other, as I have explained concerning the torno. For the desvio, both hands should pull downward with a turn, both directing themselves to the ground, for if they simply went around they could not throw the opponent. The sacaliña requires our entire body to push the opponent downward (except the leg that executes the sacaliña), so that he goes onto his back.

12 No Exer for this chapter.

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For the descaderada we should lift the opponent with our leg or hip, while our arms and torso should come forward with a turn, directing the opponent to the ground as much as they can. The necia and ancha also call for a great rotation: our leg should be lifted, with the rest of the body sinking down, pulling the opponent with a rotation, so that he comes to the ground with his back. In the retropes, called the traspie in Spanish, we just pull the opponent’s foot forward, and our arms push him backward so that he goes to the ground. The trascorvada cannot be called a technique, and only the unskilled use it. But to do it, we must impose all our body weight as far as possible on the opponent’s body, bending and pressing him down on his back. For the vueltas or spins that are done after lifting the opponent from the ground, in the end we must send him downward as much as we can, somewhat following the direction of the spin, so that he comes to the ground. For if we send him around evenly, he will not fall. Hence along with the spin, we should send him downward, placing our leg or hip in front of his, so that he cannot keep his feet on the ground. In others where no technique of the feet is involved but only of the arms and other body-parts, we should try to send the opponent downward as much as we can so that he comes to the ground, as in the deslomada, which is done when the opponent seizes our side or back, since we firm our shoulderblades or arm against the opponent’s neck or shoulders, springing forward, placing our weight on top of him, so that he falls belly-first. However, if he seizes us by the back, we should pin his arms with ours, and plant our shoulderblades on his chin in that moment when we spring forward. The precipitata or retirata is done when our hands seize the opponent’s collar or somewhere around the neck, and quickly pull him forward, pressing his head down as much as we can, so that he comes to the ground head-first, while we step back a few steps to give him space to fall. The furtada or deviata is done when we stand at shared arms, and when we we might otherwise apply the torno: we should seem to mean to lift the opponent, and suddenly send him downward as much as we can on the side where the torno would be applied, so that he falls on his face. Our body should be displaced as much as we can, as is done when we work the collar or neck and apply the desvio. Finally, whenever we use a wrestling technique where our feet do not touch the opponent’s feet, we should do a rotation or displacement with our body. Also note something very important in wrestling: the foot that executes an armar or interferes with the opponent’s foot should extend as far as

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possible, that is it should not stand under our knee, hips, shoulders, or head, but should be fully extended, as the hand should be extended from the shoulders and head when we are throwing or fighting with weapons. Also, when we do an armar, our entire body should stand firm, flexing no more in one part than another. This is particularly appropriate for the torno. And to do the torno correctly, we should extend our foot well forward, lifting it up. For it is impossible to properly lean our body backward while remaining firm, if we do not lift our foot forward as much as we can. When this is observed, the torno will always be done correctly. The desvio also requires that the leg we put in front should remain firm, and the heel should not be put on the ground, but only the toes. This way we send the opponent to the ground, which will not happen if we plant our heel on the ground.

[Armed Combat] Chapter 9: How to step in armed combat13 In armed combat we should keep our strength high and our feet light, not far from each other, so that we can spring and step forward and backward, or go around to the sides. We should envision that our weapon must always stay between us and the opponent, for it is dangerous to displace it to one side, or very high or low. Even when we have a defensive arm, or when we try to parry with our offensive arm, it will always be safest to displace the body-part that the opponent seeks to hit – not that we should lose ground in this, but so that he does not hit us, or his blow goes past without hitting. Also we should often step away, displacing to the side with one pace, and then deliver our blows to the opponent’s opening, threatening in one place, feigning half a blow with the body, but without moving the weapon, then quickly turning back to deliver a long blow from somewhere else. And always we should move our legs and arms from place to place with the blows and with short steps in the manner of deception. Chapter 10: The play of the pollaxe14 With any haft or staff weapon we can play most securely by observing the way of the pollaxe. The weapon should go extended forward like the pollaxe when we take it by the lower part of the shaft and extend it forward. The blows of the axe lie in the levada, that is the initial teaching, and the 13 For this chapter, see Exer 22v. 14 For this chapter, see Exer 22v.

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principal ones are done below with the heel or shaft, but often we should feint high, at once covering, and sending a blow forward to the lower parts. The attack to the head should be done just like that to the leg. When we extend the pollaxe to strike high with the hammer, we should gather in our arms, for as the opponent goes to cover himself, there is an opportunity to hit him with a thrust to the stomach;15 and returning to cover ourselves quickly, then it is a general rule to deliver a quick thrust with the heel. Whenever he wishes to parry our blow standing firmly, or tries to close with us, we can strike him with the lower end of the shaft, doing two or three blows with our hands in continual motion, and we should step back a little; our feet should constantly be adjusting and responding, our head should be protected, and our hands should move around swiftly, lest they should be hit by the opponent. Also we should wield the pollaxe fluidly, for holding it tightly makes us deliver shortened attacks.

Chapter 11: Some chief blows with the pollaxe16 Some people like to carry a pollaxe that is as long as they can reach with their upstretched hand, but actually it is better to have one a little longer. It is good to threaten with the heel, and to go back with a rising blow from below to above, as is done with the two-handed sword; this blow should be delivered with the hammer of the pollaxe to strike the opponent’s hand, and should be repeated, but afterwards it should be sent in on the other side as is done with the thrust. Sometimes we should strike with the heel at the opponent’s leg, sinking our body with the pollaxe, and in that instant we should send a thrust upward to hit the opponent’s head, and then we should lift our body and arms. And a good counter is to step on the side that is forward, bringing the pollaxe around by the lower end of the shaft almost like a wheel, which will often meet with the opponent’s blow, deflecting or parrying it; sometimes in close succession, sometimes long, sometimes short; we always have opportunities to hit the opponent in all parts even when he wheels his pollaxe this way to parry our blows; those who parry can be deceived when they feel their weapon firmed against that of the opponent; we can easily withdraw, or send our weapon in low to strike the opponent. It is always best to move around subtly or without 15 Exer adds: or the throat. 16 For this chapter, see Exer 23r.

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excessive force, lest we should fail or reveal our intent. But we should act swiftly and with great impetus and power in the crucial moment. Chapter 12: How long the pollaxe should be17 The length of the pollaxe to the hammer should be a hand longer than the man who carries it, so that he can reach everywhere: otherwise in order to strike the opponent’s foot we must lean over such a distance of ground as our body is long. There is great danger in leaning over, particularly if we are heavily armored, since the weight of the armor pulls us forward, and we cannot quickly recover ourselves. In combat we should stay at such a distance from the opponent as he is long, since when we come closer he can seize us with his hands. If we get close it is better to work with the thrusting tip of the pollaxe rather than with the axe, catching the opponent’s pollaxe with our left hand, or grasping in some other place that is secure, to prevent him from escaping; or we can do a grasp to throw him. Chapter 13: How they play with the pollaxe in France and Germany18 The French in particular, as well as many Germans, play with the pollaxe and with the dagger as if they were in a mere fist-fight. In truth children, women, and peasants do the same thing when one of them holds some staff or weapon, and the other seizes another point on the staff to interfere with it. And so they go wheeling their arms around, now high, now low. An experienced fighter never gets into such a contest of revolving the arms, except to injure or throw an opponent. Anyone who is a good wrestler is sufficiently prepared for this. Therefore anyone who does not know how to wrestle should learn to hold the pollaxe at a distance or off to the side, and extend it to hit the opponent at the opportune moment. For when it comes to close grappling, the good wrestler wins. Yet we can use our right hand to grab the tip or base of our pollaxe, and the left hand to seize or obstruct the opponent’s weapon, or to throw the opponent himself. And here we should not try to send our pollaxe to the opponent’s neck or legs, or between his arms. If we are in armor, we should attack the parts that are less protected, such as the visor, armpit, navel, groin, and feet. Against those who wish to fight at the half pollaxe, and displace ours, we should stay at a distance, throwing our blows with greatest speed, stepping back, or sometimes moving our body sideways, or turning back upon the opponent when 17 For this chapter, see Exer 23v, 25r. 18 For this chapter, see Exer 25v.

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we have an opportunity. For when he comes forward at the half staff or pollaxe, and we extend our weapon and displace our body, he steps right onto the tip of our weapon. However, we should fight this way only when we are not equipped with defensive arms. When we are in white armor, we should always go forward, or at least around, so that we never allow ourselves to be pushed by the opponent, and for this we should hold the axe at the middle. It is good to deliver two right-hand blows with the pollaxe, the first short, the last long, turning it into a thrust; and likewise two blows from the left side, turning the last into a thrust. Chapter 14: How we should fight on foot with short and heavy weapons in white armor19 When we have to fight on foot in white armor and with the pollaxe, there are a few things we should observe. First, we should step around on the side that we have forward, but we should never step backward, except occasionally one step, to let the opponent’s blow go past us, or when the opponent steps in, to give us enough time to deliver our blow against him. But it is better to do such steps to the side. We should hold the pollaxe in the middle with both hands with little distance between them, and our hands should be near our chest. If you are righthanded, you should always keep that hand forward, along with the right foot, but only a little forward, since they should be kept almost even. If you are lefthanded, you should have your left hand and left leg in front. This way you have more strength. If you are correctly outfitted in white armor, however the opponent moves his hands and feet, sometimes with his right hand in front, sometimes with his left, you never have to make any change other than what I have just briefly said. Hence in this situation the head of the pollaxe should be held forward and up, where your right hand or dominant hand goes, with the shaft downward and back. From this position, however the opponent comes, we can parry his blow and deliver ours against him. If he attacks to our head, we should parry with the head or upper part of the axe, and in that moment we should attack with a thrust or estocada to the opponent’s throat, with the cross of the axe horizontal, so that if the point does not get him, the crosspiece of the axe will be planted on his neck. From there, if we plant it rightly, it is easy to throw the opponent on his back. But we should 19 No Exer for this chapter.

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always keep our feet directly under our body, so that pressing against the opponent does not make us fall on our face. If the opponent delivers a blow low, however it comes, we should catch it with the lower end of our axe, and go in one step, and deliver low with the hammer a great blow to the opponent’s hand. We can also do the same thing when he comes in high, catching his blow with the lower end, so that we can parry well. And to parry and do our blows well, always in parrying or deflecting, as we parry we should step in with the foot on the side where we parry, or on the side where we do the blow. Finally, in fighting on foot with heavy arms, whenever we want, we can close to grappling distance in one or two or sometimes three blows. When we find ourselves in this situation, we should always grapple low, for example to the legs, particularly the one he has forward. Yet in grappling our head should not lean, but our legs should sink, always staying under the torso. If the opponent comes to our neck, as some do, we should cast out his arm forward and take his back, which is easy. Someone who takes the opponent by the legs will rarely fall under him, since he always rolls with some parts of his body over the opponent, nor in falling should he lose hold of that leg. When we are heavily armed and we get to grappling distance, almost everyone uses coarse techniques with the feet, like the mediana and the descaderada, but these two techniques are easily countered, and both in the same manner in similar time. Those who know less use the necia or trascorvada. Against these techniques we should quickly and forcefully lift the leg against which they are doing the armar, withdrawing it well, and rotating the opponent well to the side so that he falls on his back, which is very easy to do this way. Yet our feet should stay almost even with each other, and with sufficient distance between them. Chapter 15: The spear called the jineta in the vernacular, and the long spear 20 The jineta (which is considered a medium spear), the long spear, and other similar staff weapons should be held low and extended forward. If our right hand is forward, the right foot should also be forward, and likewise on the left side. As soon as we hit, we should pull back the foot that was in front, sometimes threatening a blow with the shaft, which is called a palo or bastonada in the vernacular. But we should attack and defend with the tip of the spear. When a weapon is thrown at us we should defend ourselves with the staff, displacing our body to the side, and then we should 20 For this chapter, see Exer 23v.

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deliver thick blows against the opponent, some long and some short. But however far forward we step, we should instantly step back the same distance – as long as the opponent has not been overcome, since in that moment we should pursue him quickly, otherwise he may try to withdraw his arms and legs; but otherwise we should fear lest the opponent should attack us below. But if we wish to go forward, or to lay other traps, we should move on that side where our hand and foot are forward. Chapter 16: The principal defense or guard with the long spear and those of medium length21 The principal defense with the long spear and medium ones is to hold our arms almost as high as we can, with the point of the spear directed at the opponent’s chest. When he tries to deliver some attack, we should step to the side with our forward foot, and attack to his chest. It is also a secure defense to have our hands low, with the point of the spear toward the opponent’s face. Sometimes the weapon should be held to the side to parry the opponent’s blow and cover our body, but for attacking it should be directed at the opponent’s body. Anyone who knows the play of the pollaxe can go wherever he wants, since the pollaxe teaches us how to go forward, backward, and to the side with any staff weapon or long weapon. I maintain that the principal deception is that when the opponent comes to meet our weapon, we should displace with a lateral pace and simultaneously hit him, or at least meet his weapon with ours. And we can divert our weapon with a turn or rotation to strike those who extend their spear, sinking their point toward the ground; in this moment we can close with him, sending our weapon in over his. Having taken the staff by the forward end, we can thus displace whatever weapon they send against us, or the attacks that they deliver, holding it in our hand, so that the weapon goes to one side and our body to the other. With any kind of arms, short or long, when we meet the opponent’s weapon with ours in attacking or defending, we should instantly go in on the right foot to deliver another long attack with the point of the weapon. This is easier to do with the sword than with other weapons, and perhaps useful above other modes of combat. Sometimes the long spear is held with just one hand on the lower end, and the point on the ground, and from there giving it an upward swing, we thrust with an estocada, sometimes in the manner of a right-hand blow and sometimes on the left – always with the point of the spear, but sometimes the hand comes from our right side, and sometimes from the left. 21 For this chapter, see Exer 23v.

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And however far the spear advances, the right foot must follow. After the blow it should return to the same position. If the opponent attacks us, we should pursue him, bringing our other hand onto the spear to help. Indeed it is always better to hold the spear with both hands on the shaft, since it is more powerful and we can wield it more easily. When it flies forward to strike, we can remove the left hand, for one hand by itself reaches further than both trying to go together. But in recovering the spear, it is always safest to take it with both hands. Hence if the opponent attacks with one hand on his weapon, we should enter with a lateral pace, attacking with both hands. This gives us the greatest advantage when we are armored, since one hand achieves little penetration in combat, and he cannot disengage by retreating, much as if he were up against a wall, especially since whoever did this would make it quite obvious, so that it would be easy to displace our body or the opponent’s blow and come in against him to strike. We should practice moving the spear from one hand to the other, so that we can hold it with one hand, and defend with some short weapon in the other. This is good to know with every weapon, so that if one hand is impaired, we can take the weapon with the other and help ourselves with it. Chapter 17: The play of the lanzón or pica, which is a heavy spear, and between the longest and medium ones22 In the play of the lanzón, pica, or jineta, it is not customary to place the point on the ground but always to bear it up in the air. This way is also better with the long spear if we can sustain it for long, particularly if we are in single combat. If we wish to close with an opponent, our spear should pass through the left hand, and the hand should quickly slip along it toward the point, and we should instantly take the point with our right hand. But we should not discard our spear until we have closed to a solid grapple. If the opponent discards his spear we should step back, so that we can take ours with both hands. When the opponent throws at us on one side, it is a sufficient counter to bring our spear swiftly over our head across to the place where the opponent’s weapon comes, with our body going where the staff was previously, changing our hands, and attacking the opponent at the same time, since we displace his staff, and he stands without protection. If the opponent tries to do the same thing against us, we should threaten or feint with a short blow on the uncovered side, but hold back the blow, setting up for a long blow that extends quickly and strongly with a thrust at the 22 For this chapter, see Exer 24r.

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other side where he has stepped, or we should do a lateral step, attacking to the part from which he displaces. This way he cannot do us any harm. Finally, an excellent blow that can be done with the long spear or other medium ones is to lunge with the forward foot, with the spear running its course, instantly stepping further in with a forward pace on the rear foot. And the spear should do only one time, extending as much as it can to hit the opponent. With the jineta sometimes one plays as with the long spear, and sometimes as with the pollaxe, sometimes threatening with the staff, and striking with the point to various places, now high, now low. Chapter 18: The play of the staff, which in the vernacular is called the bastón23 The play of the staff is useful for learning how to rotate our arms and shift them about, although it is not safe to use this kind of play, rather the play of the pollaxe, since the former delivers weak attacks, and we cannot attack or defend. Chapter 19: The play of the two-handed sword24 The short weapons correspond to the play25 of the two-handed sword. The principal blows are two rising cuts, one from each side, finishing with a thrust; and at once we should return to cover ourselves, or hit somewhere else with a double blow. Our arms should be extended forward, and we should step back with the same paces we used for stepping forward. Nor should we send the sword to the side, for then our side will be uncovered; also the side should be displaced; and anyone who observes truly will recognize the danger of slowness in covering. The two-handed sword teaches us to displace, protect, and rotate our hands, and often to attack to the opponent’s hands with our blows. For when he means to make a great sweep, or does not have his arms straight, it is easy to hit him. When we attack with two rising cuts from whatever side, we should step in with the rear foot, and the final rising cut should turn into a thrust as I have said. But we must quickly gather our arms back on the other side, and our entire body should be turned back. It is good to deliver a thrust with the one-handed sword in the same manner, particularly if we have a defensive arm, and for this it is suitable 23 For this chapter, see Exer 24v. 24 For this chapter, see Exer 25r. 25 Exer adds: and levada.

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to deliver two rising cuts from the right side. Here the first pace should be done with the left foot, and the second with the right, along with the thrust. But then both feet should step back. This can be done on both sides. Chapter 20: The play of the one-handed sword26 The one-handed sword should observe the manner of the two-handed sword, although it is easier to threaten to one body-part and divert to another. Two reverses are strong, the first sending the right foot a little forward, the second done with the same foot, and in the final blow we should extend the pace as much as possible, quickly bringing our foot back or to the side, and sending our sword again to the opponent’s hand, doing a guía or feint at his face, and in a single time the sword should come to strike at the leg; or first threaten low, then send it forth to extend long inside at his head. This can also be done from the left side as from the right. But we should not use two times for double blows, just one. And so when we cut below we should go back quickly to protect the head with a guía or by wheeling around. Chapter 21: Some useful blows27 We should always keep our arm extended: we should not bend it going in or going out. When we deliver a blow, our body and arm should be well extended, and all our joints should seem unknotted, sinking the knees to reach further. And we should send the sword wheeling around so that it goes more quickly. It should not touch the ground, for by sweeping the sword around we can support a great weight. If our weapon is high or to the side, the point should always aim at the opponent’s hand. And the point should be higher than our hand. This way we hit the opponent before he hits; otherwise the opposite would happen. Paired thrusts are effective, one high and the other low, as with the long spear. This can be done with every weapon. The first thrust should be feigned, the second long, but both should be done in a single time. Alternatively we can threaten a right- or left-hand blow, turning it into a thrust to the face; this is also useful with the two-handed sword. And throwing a left-hand or a right-hand blow to a low target, the point can go around to strike the face, lifting and extending the arms as much as possible. Similarly if we do two montantes or rising cuts, it is good with 26 For this chapter, see Exer 25r, 26v. 27 For this chapter, see Exer 26v.

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this sword to turn the second one into a thrust. Also our hand can slip down the hilt to the pommel to lengthen the sword in the thrust (I mean this regarding the two-handed sword, since it has a long hilt). This can be done with any two-handed weapon. But we should quickly return our hand to where it was before. Chapter 22: Blows from below28 Blows from below are good, but those from above carry greater power. Therefore we should displace our body, and we should not cut,29 except with a short sword, when we wish to resist blows coming from above. And we should gather ourselves to the side, to give ourselves space to protect our body. But when we have a defensive arm we can enter and still protect ourselves. But if someone comes to seize our arm or weapon, our arm should escape to the side, so that it can come back to harming the opponent. Chapter 23: What blow to use when we want to close the distance30 If we want to close the distance with an opponent, we should wait for him to do a resolute blow, for example if he sends a right-hand blow, then we can go forward with a lateral step, which is called contrapasar in the vernacular, and send our sword with a guía or rising cut to parry the opponent’s sword. At any time the reverse or thrust can be done below. If the opponent delivers a reverse, we can do a pace forward or to the side with the left foot, and our sword should rise by that left side to block the opponent’s weapon, and we can hit with a left-hand blow on his right arm and send a blow at the legs; and the thrust should be parried like the right-hand or reverse. Chapter 24: The first guard of the sword31 In sword-combat people often position themselves in the first guard, holding the arm high on the right side,32 and here they lie in wait until they see the opponent deliver his blow, at which point they come behind him with a fendiente or falling cut.

28 For this chapter, see Exer 27r. 29 cut] Exer: delay. This sentence appears to be corrupt. 30 For this chapter, see Exer 27r. 31 For this chapter, see Exer 27r. 32 side] Exer: shoulder.

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Chapter 25: Countering the first guard33 Against those who position themselves in the first guard, we should threaten to pull a reverse from above to below, not permitting it to finish entirely, but diverting it upward in mid-action in the manner of a guía or rising blow to meet the opponent’s sword, and at the same instant going in with both feet to close distance with the opponent, or we should cut low, or let him send his hand onto the tip of our sword. Chapter 26: The second guard and the counter to it34 Others like to place themselves in the second guard, that is with the sword on the left shoulder, particularly when they have a buckler in their left hand. When the opponent attacks, they gather their right foot backward, and at the same time they come well in with a long reverse to the forward part; and sometimes they step well to the side with the left foot to strike the opponent’s side. Against these we should deliver a short blow from the right, and quickly the sword should wheel across, turning back with a reverse to parry the opponent’s sword, and then we should close distance with him. But if the opponent tries to deliver these blows in order to come to us, we should always turn our body back, sending our sword with a rising cut or thrust to strike quickly at his hand or foot, removing to the opposite direction from where he comes. This way he cannot catch our weapons even if we are standing close. Chapter 27: The play of the sword and buckler35 In playing with the sword and buckler, first it is good to train ourselves to cover without the sword, only with the buckler, as we do with the sword when we do not have a buckler, since otherwise it will take a long time before we know how to cover ourselves properly. And one arm should be extended along with the other so that we can go in above or below as we wish. And it is not safe to advance without the buckler, since we cannot cover our head or other body parts.

33 No Exer for this chapter. 34 For this chapter, see Exer 26r. 35 For this chapter, see Exer 26v.

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Chapter 28: The play of the sword and cape36 Many deceptions can be done with the sword and cape, but the sword should always stand apart from the cape, as if we were playing with the sword alone; and the blows should also be done the same way. We should parry with the sword and cape together, and then we should send away the cape to hold off the opponent’s weapon, and our sword should go to cut below, or somewhere else. If we see an opportunity, we can throw our cape upward to obstruct the opponent’s face and sword. Sometimes it is useful to go on the right hand cutting with the sword. And if he suddenly throws his cape at us, we should quickly step backward, meeting his cape with our hand or weapon, so that it does not drape over our sword or eyes. This way if we have only a sword, as long as we know how to play with it rightly, we will not be at a great disadvantage if our opponent has a sword and cape. Chapter 29: The play of the sword and adarga, which is a defensive arm of leather used by the Spanish and Africans37 In playing with the sword and adarga we should present one side uncovered so that the opponent strikes there. And when he goes there, we should enter with our rear foot, protecting our head, and directing a blow to the lower parts. But if our opponent does this, we should move backward, sending a thrust to his stomach, wherever he is uncovered. Or if he comes with a right-hand blow, which is called a tajo in the vernacular, we should likewise send another right-hand blow to the lower parts, blocking his sword with our adarga, and at the same time we should turn out on our right side. But if he comes out with a reverse or [left]-hand38 cut, we should take him with a matching cut, according to the same rule as I have laid out for the right-hand blow. If the opponent means to stand firm with the adarga, we should throw many wheeling right-hand cuts, going to the legs or lower parts, and turning immediately with a reverse to the head. If the opponent covers and goes laterally against us, we should do a small pace back and deliver a thrust or some other attack to wherever he is most uncovered. This way we can fight with just a sword against someone who has a sword and buckler, adarga, or rondache, as long as we know what to do, stepping back on occasion, since we have no arm to cover ourselves, and then we should deliver long blows and in various places, and always step outward. 36 For this chapter, see Exer 26v. 37 For this chapter, see Exer 27v. 38 left-hand] Coll: right-hand.

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Otherwise when we have a large buckler, we can do perilous blows by following the play of the leather adarga and sword, for instance sending the buckler high and delivering two reverses with the right foot, and the left foot following the right, and we should go in on our right side. Also we can bring the right foot one step backward, keeping our hand high, covering ourselves from above to below with the sword. In such a situation the opponent will often pursue us, so in the same instant, having covered our head with the buckler, we can divert a great pace with the right foot and send a thrust to the opponent’s face or stomach, or else deliver a single reverse and go back with the foot and sword, and at once turn back with a thrust in the manner I have just described, which can almost never go wrong. It is also a strong blow when we sink low into our knees and the point of our sword comes almost to the ground on our left side, and the buckler at our waist or in front of it. And if the opponent comes in to discharge at our head or elsewhere, we should immediately guard high, going in with a long step and a thrust at the same time as he attacks. Another strong blow happens when he means to throw a right-hand or reverse, and we do a similar blow to meet his sword, such that in the same time our sword comes forth to strike the opponent in the face or chest, while we avoid his sword so that it does not hit us. The counter of all of these is to step one large pace to the side, coming a little back, and delivering a rising thrust such that we extend to hold off the opponent’s sword, and then to the leg; and always [single]39 blows or double should happen in a single time without interval. Chapter 30: The play of the sword and rondache40 The rondache is like a buckler, except that it is large and made entirely of wood, with fittings for holding it. But the way we hold it is different from the buckler because it has two handles like an adarga: the arm goes through one, and the hand grasps the other. The rondache is so named because it is round. In using the sword and rondache, we should use the same blows as when we play with the leather adarga, as described above, and for this it needs to have handles like the adarga, that is one near the other, with which to grasp the rondache. In the normal manner the arm is placed right inside the handles, which is a great hindrance, since it cannot be moved quickly and cover the entire body; also the rondache stands so close to us that even 39 single] Coll: double. 40 For this chapter, see Exer 27v.

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if we try to put it a little forward, the opponent’s sword can penetrate it to hit our head or some other body-part. Chapter 31: The play of the shield or clypeus41 We should [not]42 plant the shield on our shoulder, and the handles should not be too far apart from each other, so that we can move it wherever we wish. Blows should be done as with the rondache or adarga, often contrapasando, that is stepping to the side, and sending the sword where the opponent is less protected. Chapter 32: The dagger and some of its blows43 In the play or combat of the dagger, I consider it very useful to hold it downward toward the opponent to keep it from being torn from our hand.44 And we should observe the way and manner of the single sword, but with greater speed and lightness, since fighting close with short weapons makes it harder to parry. When we deliver an attack, we should step to our right side. If the opponent delivers a blow against us, we should step back a little, delivering a thrust to his left side. Chapter 33: More on the play of the dagger45 Against those who come with a resolute blow we can block in many ways with our dagger, and sometimes with our hands, seizing the opponent’s dagger-arm, parrying or defending low, or bringing our hand behind the opponent’s arm to make him fall. If he tries to attack low with a thrust, we should meet his dagger, as is done with the single sword, and at the same time we should attack to his face. Lastly, if someone knows how to wrestle we cannot harm him with any of these blows, nor indeed can we get his dagger, since his hand always revolves counter to ours, and he displaces his body, which is easy for someone who knows how to wrestle.



41 shield or clypeus] Exer: shield or adarga. For this chapter, see Exer 28r. 42 not] supplied from Exer. 43 For this chapter, see Exer 28r. 44 In the play … hand] Exer: The dagger is better used holding it downward rather than upward. 45 For this chapter, see Exer 28r.

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Chapter 34: The manner of playing with the partisan and rondache46 The partisan is what we call the staff weapon that is somewhat longer than the pollaxe and has a broad blade, like an ancient sword but wider and shorter. In the play of the partisan and rondache we should hold back until we can see what the opponent intends. At that point we should do the play of the pollaxe, entering and parrying temperately; and often threatening a short blow to the face, then sending forth a long blow to the lower parts, the hand running downward with the staff, or to put it another way, rotating the partisan underhand to attack the opponent’s legs. We should parry whatever blows the opponent attempts to deliver while displacing our head and legs as with the pollaxe. And in parrying we should contrapasar, or step to the side, throwing one blow above and another below. If someone knows how to cover himself with the rondache and sword, he can easily cover himself the same way with a partisan, particularly if he is skilled in the play of the pollaxe; indeed in this case there is not much need of the rondache except when the opponent throws his partisan at us from a close distance, in which case there may not be time to parry it. Standing near the opponent, if he has a long partisan that extends well past his rondache, we should meet the point of his partisan with our rondache so that it sticks in the rondache, and we can injure him while he is straining to pull it free. For this reason we should avoid letting our point hit the opponent’s rondache in a thrust. Chapter 35: Two partisans with a rondache47 In fighting with two partisans and a rondache, we should throw one partisan while at a middling distance from the opponent, and by the time it hits we should be ready with the other grasped in both hands, so that we can strike him in another part where he is uncovered, since he will turn to avoid our partisan, leaving him distracted and uncovered, and even if he does not turn he will be at a disadvantage, since he is holding his partisan in the middle using only one hand, while we have ours by the heel with two, and before he is able to guard himself he will be in considerable danger. This attack is the foremost in the partisan, or whenever we have one weapon to throw and another to keep in our hand. If the opponent throws his partisan at us we should counterpace to the side, avoiding his blow. The rondache should sit under our right armpit 46 For this chapter, see Exer 28v. 47 For this chapter, see Exer 29r.

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and stay there. We should be prepared to step back a little, so that if the opponent attacks with his partisan in both hands we have space to parry. Chapter 36: How it is useful to go in to the right side of the opponent, and how we should hold or use our rondache or adarga48 Everyone tends to evade toward their right side in order to block our weapon and avoid it, and therefore it is a good technique to throw on that side and cover ourselves. Therefore when we do a contrapasar (that is, step to the side) to avoid the opponent’s weapon, we should always hold our rondache or adarga in front of us, touching our right elbow. Nor should we allow the opponent’s weapon to come to our rondache or buckler, but we should block it by hitting it with our offensive arm. Chapter 37: Stepping to the left side49 I consider it safe to step to the left side when the opponent throws a weapon against us, since right-handed men throwing a weapon generally arc it toward the opponent’s right side. But if he is left-handed he will arc the weapon to our left side. Therefore when left-handed opponents throw a weapon we should displace to the right side, and with a right-hander we should go to the left. Chapter 38: The cunning we should use in throwing our weapon at the opponent50 When we wish to throw our weapon at the opponent, it is a good deceit to feign a throw first, then throw it after he thinks he has avoided it, extending our arm to send the weapon to the place to which the opponent displaces. Chapter 39: What should be done when we have a partisan, cuirass, and rondache51 If we have a cuirass and a rondache, sometimes we can throw our rondache at the opponent’s face, particularly when we are somewhat tired. And we should instantly hit with the partisan, holding it in both hands, since we can injure him while he is distracted with our rondache. And even if he

48 For this chapter, see Exer 29r. 49 For this chapter, see Exer 29r. 50 No Exer for this chapter. 51 For this chapter, see Exer 29v.

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still has a rondache, we will still be in a better position than he is, unless he throws his partisan at us – but this is something he would only do in desperation, especially if he no longer has a dagger. If our opponent takes his rondache by the middle to throw it, and we are near, we should rain blows against him, long and short, especially to his weapon-arm. This way we prevent him from delivering his attack. We should do the same against someone who means to throw stones: when he begins to threaten, our weapon should strike his arm or face. And if we have stones or similar things, we can quickly step backward, then throw at him, and in that moment close with the opponent if we wish, but it is often dangerous; ultimately defences and thrusts of offensive arms should always be in the manner of the pollaxe. And if we have a dagger and are near, we can throw the partisan at the opponent and close with him. With the single partisan, we should use the play of the pollaxe and two-handed sword. For sometimes we should come with two rising blows, sometimes from the right hand, sometimes from the left, and wheeling as with the single sword.52 Chapter 40: The play of the ronca and halberd, which are largely equivalent to each other53 The ronca and the halberd are similar weapons, and we should play with them between the play of the partisan and pollaxe. For we should sometimes come with the cut, sometimes with the thrust, although mostly we work with the thrust as with the pollaxe. And we should parry in like manner. The [halberd]54 has a head for cutting almost like a butcher’s axe, and a thrusting tip, and another small point going laterally. The ronca has a longer head, but not so broad. Chapter 41: The spetum55 The spetum usually attacks with the point, although it has a pair of sharp ears, each curving forward like a half-bow, and able to slice with a reverse or a cut. It is a strong weapon, for it can parry any long or short weapon with the ears, both high and low, as well as to the side. The spetum should sit in the hands such that one ear stands upward and the other downward, so that a small rotation brings it crosswise to trap the opponent’s weapon.

52 Exer adds: at the head and legs. 53 For this chapter, see Exer 29v. 54 halberd] Coll: ronca. 55 No Exer for this chapter.

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The base of the shaft should be sharp, so that we can strike with it when two spetums come together at the ears, or if the spetum strikes or pins another weapon to the ground, such as a long spear, and the opponent closes, allowing us to strike him with the shaft. The spetum can easily fight against any weapon. In opposing it we should wear mail gauntlets for holding it, since the ears of the spetum can slice. For the best counter against this weapon, when you find yourself with another weapon that is not of the same type, I recommend taking a short lanzón with a point at each end, and also a partisan or jineta for throwing and throw it at the outset so that we can attack with the lanzón; then with the lanzón we should hold our hands high, with the point directed a little downward toward the opponent, and deliver a blow from there. If the person who has a spetum knows anything, he will catch the blow, and set the point of the lanzón in the ground, pushing down from above with the spetum. To counter this, we should instantly run on the outside where the shaft of our lanzón lies, to close with the opponent or strike with the shaft. The ears of the spetum should be large, not straight but concave, in the form of a half-circle, and where they first divide from the central point they should go well out to the side, and then turn forward. Overall they should have reasonably sharp edges, except in that first part, so that they can run along the opponent’s weapon to strike him on the hands or some other part of the body. One can fashion a light jineta similar to the spetum to wield on foot or horseback, since it can easily set aside the opponent’s weapons, and can always hit him with one of the three points. Even against animals a spetum made solidly in this fashion is a safer weapon than others. For aside from the manner of striking and that the blow doesn’t miss, it holds off the animal so that it cannot rush upon us, however ferocious it may be. To fight easily against such arms as the spetum, when everyone is to be armed as he will, it is very secure to use white defensive arms, like the thorax (called a corselet in the vernacular), and of the offensive ones, the pollaxe, which the spetum cannot resist. Yet in this kind of fighting strong men usually defeat weak ones. Furthermore it should be noted in the play of this type of weapon that the spetum is always held straight toward the opponent’s hands or chest, and not off to the side like other long weapons (which in the vernacular are called staff weapons), such as the pollaxe. Such weapons come across to execute a parry, but the spetum resists and sets aside the opponent’s blow with the ears alone. It is also crucial with the spetum that we should constantly keep the opponent’s weapon outside, meaning that our spetum goes straight to the opponent’s body and his comes to us from the side.

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Hence we should make sure to catch the opponent’s spetum before he catches ours. And blows should be done always straight at the hands, chest or face, since this way it is hard to parry them. As to specific blows for harming the opponent, there are few who have any great secret with this weapon, since principally with this weapon (or with the spetum, to use the vernacular term), the trick lies in parrying and setting aside the opponent’s weapon. After we set him aside or block with our spetum, we should immediately gather our arms back to ourselves, and in that instant we should attack with the point to the opponent’s face; also as we gather our arms we can step or spring back a pace. We should also do this with similar weapons when the opponent wants to close with us, if he is stronger than we are; and when the opponent tries to deliver similar blows, we should instantly step back a pace toward the side. Chapter 42: Combat with two partisans56 In fighting with two partisans it works best to hold one of them in the left hand straight in front of our body, with its head pointing upward, so that if the opponent throws at us we can parry with one or the other of our partisans. If we throw our weapon first, it should be directed at the opponent’s right side, for either he cannot parry, or we cause him such panic that before he recovers we have an opportunity to hurt him with the other partisan, holding it in both hands. If we have an embrazadura, that is a defensive arm such as a buckler, rondache, adarga, or shield, and the opponent takes his weapon in both hands, we should also take ours in two hands, whether we are on horse or on foot. Chapter 43: How to protect ourselves if we have a long weapon against a short one, or vice versa57 In wielding a long weapon against a short one it is good to deliver a flurry of blows. We should take care that if the opponent tries to close with us, he always finds the point of our weapon in his chest, which will often require us to do a few steps backward. If we have a short weapon against a long one, we should often step backward, and at times we should parry and then quickly approach the opponent, evading his weapon. But if he is skilled we will have trouble finding a way or opportunity. 56 For this chapter, see Exer 30r. 57 For this chapter, see Exer 30r.

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Chapter 44: What skill we can use when we are on foot waiting for a mounted opponent58 When we are on foot waiting for a horseman, we should take our spear59 in both hands and extend it forward, such that if the spear is a little long its point touches the ground. We should stand firmly until the horseman is forty or fifty paces away, and then we should hold our spear with only one hand, and use the other to throw a light spear,60 stone, or some such at the horseman. And as he approaches us, we should quickly take the spear with both hands again to displace our opponent’s weapon with our own, stepping to the side; and we [should]61 go to the side we have forward. When the opponent goes past, we should strike him or his horse, quickly following him, yet always remembering to avoid his weapon, whatever way he turns. If he tries to turn his horse, we should stay close to him, not allowing him to turn, and wounding him. If the horse charges at us, we should hit it in the head with our weapon, and spring to the side, always throwing two blows as we do with the pollaxe, one to strike the rider, the other to strike the horse. We can defend ourselves this way with a single sword against a horseman, although a medium jineta is better. In this combat we should never flee, except to evade sideways at the right moment, but never revealing where we intend to evade. And someone who remains on horseback can do little harm to a man on foot. But few men fighting on foot have enough spirit to fight against an opponent on horseback. Yet if we have the right attitude we can do pretty well, for even if we fall to the ground, which is the worst-case scenario, once we are there we can easily kill the opponent’s horse from below with the sword, particularly if we are wearing armor and the horseman does not have a spear, since it is hard to reach the ground with short weapons. The rider however should throw one blow, or do a short thrust, then a long one, although the man on foot can always extend his weapon. And in this way we can wait for the horsemen in any situation of terrain, as long as there are four or five paces between us. The horseman should use a jineta that he can wield by the middle with just one hand. When he comes close to the man on foot, he should feign throwing just one blow. When the footman tries to avoid it, he should withdraw his arm and weapon a little, and at that moment he should deliver another long blow, which can easily harm the opponent. If we carry our spear with the head backward in order to strike the footman as

58 For this chapter, see Exer 30r, 3r. 59 spear] Exer: jineta. 60 light spear] Exer: dart. 61 should] Coll: should not; corrected reading supplied from Exer.

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our horse goes past, we should also deliver two blows, in case the footman avoids the first blow. The same can be done between two horsemen.

Finally, as has been said above, a man on foot should above all remain in constant spirit, not only when the rider is at a distance, but also when engaging at close quarters. That is, when the horse closes with us and we are on foot, we should always have a firm spirit, and if we fall on the ground under the horse’s belly, neck, or feet, our hands should constantly do their work right and left, and particularly upward. Even if we fall facefirst on the ground, we should always send our weapons upward to injure the horse, which is an easy thing since the horse is always unarmored below, for example in the belly, so it can easily be killed. If it steps on us, it can do us little harm if we are armored. Even if we are unarmored, the horse’s feet or teeth (should it try to bite) cannot hurt us to the point that we cannot use our weapons to kill the horse. Furthermore a man on horseback cannot much harm someone lying on the ground, particularly if he only has short weapons. But owing to lack of spirit or understanding, almost all men standing on foot against horsemen lose spirit at close quarters, particularly if they fall under the horse’s feet. Hence they do not try to make use of their weapons, wallowing miserably as if they were bound hand and foot, even though at that moment they have an excellent opportunity to kill the horse as it comes over them. However, to do this a man must be fluid or agile and very strong: if he is weak and wearing some armor, he can hardly move in order to harm the opponent with his weapons. Also, a minor impact or the horse’s hooves will overwhelm or torment such a man. But a man who is strong and armed can do much against a horseman. Anyone who has spirit can avoid the impact from a horse, at least so that he does not take it in full, ensuring that he is not hit at full speed: this will make the impact small, and from a small impact comes small harm. When we are on foot and fighting at close quarters with a horseman it is sometimes best to duck down like a wolf and get under the horse’s belly, since then we can most easily kill it. In this moment we should deliver not just one attack, but many in quick succession.

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Chapter 45: Some principal blows with any type of arms62 I will now set forth the greater and most important part of the blows on which combat is based, both when we have only a sword, and when we have a defensive arm in the other hand. We should threaten or make a show with the first blow, but throw it short, at once drawing back or to the side. In the first blow it is useful to do a pace to the right side, extending our limbs as much as possible, and we should deliver to the opponent’s arm or hand either a right-hand blow or a thrust on the left side. But the thrust is better since it can reach better, and furthermore we can lean more with our back. When we wish to attack the opponent’s hand, it helps first to threaten a left-hand blow, going across to our right side, and the moment the opponent comes with a right-hand blow, we should go to his hand. When we wish to go to the opponent’s hand, it is useful first to threaten a reverse blow, going across a little, and in the moment that he comes we should go to his hand with a right-hand blow. Absolutely no guard or defensive stance is safe in armed combat, for if we try to close ourselves up we guarantee our own defeat. It often happens that master fighters or those who follow the profession of teaching others in arms commit the error of getting hit by placing themselves in a closed guard. In reality, just as there is no sure hold in wrestling, neither is there any secure guard with weapons. Therefore we should always go opposite to the opponent, and carry our weapon with ease, so that it stays in front of us, seeking out openings and where the opponent is less [protected], stepping lightly at all times. This way the opponent cannot move so quickly that we do not detect him and have time to defend ourselves. In this manner of governing our bodies we can get a better model from what we do when we begin to wrestle than from anything else. This rule applies to all exercises, whether on foot or horseback. Chapter 46: How useful it is to contrapasar, or step to the side63 It is good to deceive with the feet and hands. If we stand fast our opponent can easily attack us, and when we wish to move we give notice of what we are going to do. But if we step temperately in various directions, he cannot tell what we mean to do.

62 For this chapter, see Exer 33r. 63 For this chapter, see Exer 33r.

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Two guías or rising blows that come from the left are useful,64 and we can go back from the right side with a thrust or a guía to the opponent’s arm. Whenever we deliver two blows together, the first one needs to be long enough to frighten the opponent and so that we appear to extend the arm sufficiently. But the second blow should be done quickly, and we should extend our entire body as much as possible. If we attack low, we should sink our body, and if high we should lift it. It is safe to do a reverse or guía to the head, doing a65 pace on our right foot, and then we should deliver a thrust or right-hand blow to the opponent’s left side. Chapter 47: How right-hand blows are dangerous66 In swordfighting right-hand blows are dangerous, for when we do them we stand uncovered. Nonetheless if we deliver two descending right-hand blows together, and they do not sink below the waist, they can be done safely against any man. But they should be sent forward rather than low, that is to say we should stop our sword at or near the waist, holding it back so that it does not go lower, but wheels back up above. Chapter 48: Some right-hand blows, and other blows67 Doing a feigned right-hand blow that is reasonably long is a very appropriate technique, and in this same blow we should go around to the left side to strike the face; or else first we feign a left-hand blow to the legs, then a guía to the left side of the face. But if we wish to strike the legs, first we should direct a reverse to the face, and the sword should go back around to hit the legs; or else first we do a guía on the left side to the face, and bring it around with a reverse to strike low. (The guía is what we call the blow that lies between the thrust and the rising cut.) And note that we should not take two times in these double blows, only one. Sometimes we should strike to the head with a blow that is half thrust and half guía, or between the two of them, and then it should come around to the other side with the same blow in a single time. But it is generally better to begin on the left side.



64 Exer adds: or two reverses. 65 Exer adds: lateral. 66 For this chapter, see Exer 33v. 67 For this chapter, see Exer 33v.

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Chapter 49: What attacks we can do from drawing the sword68 In drawing or unsheathing the sword first we can enter with the left foot and make a great show for the head, and at that moment sink the sword and deliver a thrust, going in with the right foot to close the distance as we do with the pollaxe, and delivering the thrust to the chest in a single time; this is difficult to parry; but we should step temperately. In the same manner as we deliver two blows in a single time with a long spear, namely the first short, and the second long, similarly we can do two thrusts with the sword, of which one should be short and high, the other long and lower. And this should be without separation of time, only turning the hand a little. Chapter 50: What blows we can deliver when we wish to close distance in a fight 69 If we want to close the distance with the opponent we can deliver a powerful right-hand blow with a great show of aggression, angling downward, and not going too far across to the left, leaving our upper parts uncovered, so that if the opponent comes to strike at our head we should go in with one step forward with the left foot, stepping long, and our sword should go to parry the opponent’s sword. But if we have a buckler or a similar defensive arm, it should go to cover our head, and the sword to cut the opponent’s arm. Chapter 51: Two right-hand blows70 When we throw two right-hand blows, the opponent commonly responds against us in the upper parts,71 so halfway through the second blow we should stop at the waist, and go up from below with our sword to cover ourselves. Chapter 52: Two left-hand blows72 If we want to come close to the opponent with two left-hand reverses, before the reverse finishes, our sword should be diverted into the [guía]73

68 For this chapter, see Exer 33v. 69 For this chapter, see Exer 34r. 70 For this chapter, see Exer 34r. 71 Exer adds: especially if he is somewhat angry. 72 For this chapter, see Exer 34r. 73 guía] Coll: guard; corrected reading supplied from Exer. This is one of several places where the Latin translation has the oddly erroneous translation custodia for guía, possibly

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to resist his weapon, and at the same time we should go in with both feet to close the distance.74 Chapter 53: How we can make the sword lighter75 To make our sword seem lighter in combat, for some days beforehand we should practice with a much heavier one, and likewise the day before the fight we should use a heavy staff or iron bar,76 so that our arm, relieved of these heavy things, is content and light with the lighter weapon we give it afterwards. Chapter 54: The advantage of having a long hilt on a sword It is advantageous to have a long hilt on a sword, since it makes the forward part of the sword lighter. Many people err in this matter, having a heavy pommel, and imagining that this makes the sword lighter. But actually the blade will be affected more if we lengthen the tang by one finger than if we add a pound of weight to the pommel. This can be demonstrated in scales, where a small distance makes a large difference. There are also other reasons why it is good to have a long grip on a sword or estoc. Even if a sword is short, during a long fight we may need to take it with both hands and direct the point at the opponent, doing short blows to ward him off while we relieve our arm. But as soon as we want to come into distance, we should let go with one hand, and so we can take the opponent uncovered. Also, if the opponent is somewhat tired, and we have a strong sword, striking on his sword with both hands can send his sword to the ground. This is useful with the estoc when we are on horseback, in which case we should hold the reins long, and deflect the opponent’s impetus, and then take up our estoc or heavy sword with both hands, and deliver three or four swift blows to his estoc or to some other uncovered part. Chapter 55: How useful it is to carry a long weapon77 Anyone who knows how to use weapons intelligently should wield them a little long, since we are at least so much better off than the opponent based confused through guardia. Cf. below, 2.65 and 2.76. 74 Exer adds: Whenever the opponent wants to close we can divert a pace backward or to the side with a rising blow to his hand or a thrust to his chest. 75 For this chapter, see Exer 34r. 76 Exer adds: or two swords together. 77 For this chapter, see Exer 34v.

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on how much longer a weapon we have, especially when we are without defensive arms. Offensive arms should also be light so that we can control them and readily manipulate them as we wish. Chapter 56: The quillons or crossbar of the sword78 The crossbar should be long, so that it protects almost the entire arm. But it should be understood that we know how to extend our sword and arm straight out. The crossbar should not be thick so that it does not add to the weight of the sword: the crossbar cannot be cut unless by chance, so it should never be made heavy. Nonetheless we can heat-harden it, except for the quillon block – the opening through which the tang passes – which should remain soft and a little thick to keep it from breaking; but elsewhere there is no danger of breaking, and overall it should be moderately thin. Chapter 57: How it is useful to be accustomed to work with the left hand79 If someone has practiced with his left hand, when he comes to duel oneon-one, I recommend that he should start with the sword in his left hand, for a number of reasons. First, it makes us hold back because we are less sure of ourselves. Second, when we transfer the sword to the right hand we find a rested or strong hand, and our opponent is now somewhat tired; also, seeing something unexpected makes him fearful. Futhermore, since the left arm delivers short attacks, when we take the sword in our right hand our opponent will not quickly remember to collect himself. And with two wheeling blows done in a single time, which I have already mentioned, it is almost impossible not to hit the opponent, unless he actually springs backward. Chapter 58: What blows the left hand should do80 The left hand can always do reverses and right-hand blows that are half fendientes or descending blows. Rising blows should be directed to the right side of the opponent, since in going across to the other side we leave our left side uncovered. Therefore we should generally step on our right

78 For this chapter, see Exer 34v. 79 For this chapter, see Exer 35r. 80 For this chapter, see Exer 35r.

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foot when fighting this way, that is to say when we have our sword in our left hand, and when in the right hand we should go the opposite way. Chapter 59: Why when we do two blows we should do a third81 Whenever we deliver two blows in succession, we should also do a third, for the first blow incites or provokes, to irritate the opponent; the second hits; and the third goes to defend or cover us.82 And sometimes we should throw two reverses,83 and then recover ourselves or close the distance with the opponent. Chapter 60: How everyone should hold back at first84 At the beginning of a fight we should be cautious, for at that moment the typical opponent presses in to harm the opponent with resolute spirit, and at this point he can do much; but his powers and agility will falter if we allow him to get a little tired. Chapter 61: How blows should be done swiftly85 Blows should be done swiftly, but before they begin and after finishing two or three blows, we should always go back to our initial temperance. For if we throw ten or fifteen blows in a row, even if some of them hit the opponent, we are also likely to get hit, which is not appropriate if we want to work rationally and usefully. Chapter 62: When speed and fury are good86 Sometimes it is useful to act against enemies with great impetus. But this is in group combat, particularly when we begin to put them to flight.87 At such times it is better to deliver as many blows as we can. But for this we should be well armored, and have some companions, so that if the enemies avoid one of our blows they cannot harm us. And we should 81 For this chapter, see Exer 35r. 82 Cf. Meyer, Art of Combat, pp. 135–36. 83 Exer adds: high to the face or arm, but we should lift our arm well and somewhat lower the point of our sword … The third blow should always be withdrawing or closing; and thus in defense two right-hand blows, one [?low] the other high as I have said of the left-hand blow. 84 For this chapter, see Exer 35v. 85 For this chapter, see Exer 35v. 86 For this chapter, see Exer 35v (first paragraph only). 87 when we begin … flight] Exer: when we are beginning to withdraw.

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rarely use this fury except in necessity, for example to make our way out from some tight spot or to take some place or essential route. In general I recommend temperance. In all things good temperance is the best way to attack, since men who are astute fighters often show one thing for another, and such things are properly called traps. Anyone who rushes against such cunning people without moderation frequently falls into their traps, since traps are designed against furious or intemperate men. Hence we should observe temperance to avoid being taken in the manner of the furious. Indeed in armed combat, as with the sword, buckler, or adarga of leather or wood, someone who wants to deceive often opens one side to the opponent so that he will intemperately strike the exposed target. Then the one who has prepared the trap, covering himself quickly with the adarga and stepping laterally to the other side, comes with a righthand blow, thrust, or left-hand blow from the opposite side (that is to say the one where he was previously uncovered). Against such opponents we should remain temperate, first pretending to attack the uncovered side, but we should not finish the blow, instead moving across with a long pace on the same side, and sending a thrust to the opponent’s side in whatever direction he displaces, or a rising blow to take his hand. The ignorant may leave some part of their body open where they can be easily wounded, but in fighting against unfamiliar opponents we should never assume that they are not giving us this opening as a trap. Hence we should generally use temperance, especially until we figure out our opponent. Chapter 63: The usefulness of practicing the pollaxe and two-handed sword88 Sometimes we should practice the pollaxe so that we can know how to protect our legs and head, and move with agility, and easily step toward the side; and when necessary we should practice the two-handed sword. This helps with all kinds of weapons. Chapter 64: Some reasonably covered blows89 In parrying the opponent’s blow with any weapon, it is useful to direct our point at the opponent. If he has a spear, we should parry or send away his blow so that it passes by vainly on the side; at that moment we should step

88 For this chapter, see Exer 36r. 89 No Exer for this chapter.

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in with one foot, making a great show with a short blow, and this blow should be lengthened with the other foot as much as possible. The pollaxe parries safely from the outside to the inside, as from the left hand to the right, provided that we go back with the heel of the pollaxe almost to the same place where the previous blow or parry started, although somewhat more directly at the opponent’s body. For if it does not meet his weapon in the first, it deflects it in the second; and our left side should escape to the side, and going in with the right foot instantly we should deliver a rising thrust. The same can be done from either side. If the opponent attacks with the sword we can parry and simultaneously strike with a thrust. If we do two reverses, in the second one we can just make a show from the left, and come with a thrust or estocada, or likewise a right-hand blow. And any other blow can commonly be converted into an estocada, displacing our body in that instant from the opponent’s weapon. And here we can always pretend that we want to meet the opponent’s weapon, whether we initiated the blow or the opponent initiated it. And we should immediately advance with our right foot a little to the right side, with a thrust at his chest or face, rotating our hand a little so that our crossbar comes sideways to hold off the opponent’s blow if he should happen to deliver one. This can be repeated, because he must repeatedly step back, or else be wounded repeatedly. This can be done on the left side just as on the right, although not as properly. With any weapon it is good to make a great show as if we meant to meet the opponent’s weapon, turning that blow into a thrust at the opponent, without touching his weapon. With the pollaxe or any short weapon, when the opponent comes with a right-hand blow above, we can deflect his blow with a similar one almost from above his weapon, and ours should go straight to his face. If he throws a left-hand blow we should do likewise with another similar one. If he tries to attack from below, our weapon should come to his lower part to parry, and be directed toward his legs. To do this we should always execute one or two paces a little forward and to the side. Some people who step backward in defending use a very strong blow to parry, that is when the opponent attacks them as they retreat, or else they allow the blow to fall to the ground as they spring back. This way they often hit the opponent’s arm or some other part of the body. The counter to this blow is very easy, and sufficient to strike the one retreating and force him out of the field, as follows: threaten a righthand or left-hand blow, and instantly send our blade back with a thrust to his arm or face, as I have said before. If he tries to strike, he brings himself onto our sword. And we should rotate our sword so the crossbar

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lies horizontally, rather than one end up and the other down; and the crossbar should be long so that it protects our entire arm. Also our body should lean well over so that the hand stands higher than the arm: this way the opponent cannot hit us except on the crossbar. To counter this blow, which comes from the thrust, when he means to meet our weapon, we should step to our right side, and instantly rotate our sword underarm, and go to take the opponent’s arm with a cut to the side or a thrust to the face. And note that in all our works we should never sink down, but it is always better to rise. So the best things should be placed in the end, seeing that the final praise or shame lies in the end. Chapter 65: How righthanders should act against lefthanders, and lefthanders against righthanders (which amounts to the same thing, since they are mutually equivalent, although some disparity will arise from more or less practice)90 Combat between a right-hander and a left-hander is commonly like a novelty for both of them, so that both are vulnerable – yet usually it is worse for the right-hander, since he will rarely be accustomed to left-handers. Left-handers are rare compared to right-handers, so every left-hander has often worked against right-handers, while right-handers rarely work against left-handers. The first rule of play is that each of the combatants should place his feet almost even with each other, and move toward his left side. Our arm and hand should be in front of our belly, so that the hand comes almost between our legs, and the point of the sword extending a little downward, looking toward the side where the opponent has his sword. If the left-hander delivers a right-hand blow, which comes from the side where one usually delivers a reverse with the right hand, we should displace ourselves, counterpacing on the left foot, and binding the opponent’s hand or arm with our sword. If he delivers a reverse, which would be like a right-hand blow for a righthander, we should give space on the right side, using our sword to take his arm or parry his weapon, lest it should hit us. When we parry or hit the arm, it is better to close the distance with him than to step back, for after our blow first hits his arm we can go back to the legs, and then instantly thrust.

90 No Exer for this chapter.

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It is dangerous to throw a right-hand blow except to provoke him, making space on our left side, and attacking to the arm with a [guía]91 or rising cut. It is good to fake or threaten a reverse to the legs, and smoothly turn that reverse into a thrust to the face. For this it is good to have a defensive arm (as it is called) on our left arm to place before our right shoulder. Finally our sword should always look toward the opponent’s hand, and come from the side, as when a righthander fights with a righthander or a lefthander with a lefthander, frequently fleeing the side from which the opponent attacks, gathering our arm and weapon to ourselves. Lefthanders should follow the same rule as I have given for righthanders, for by nature they are mutually reciprocal.

[Equestrian and Armored Combat] Chapter 66: The manner of fighting on horseback92 Up to this point I have been discussing the arms that are suitable when we are on foot, but in the following chapters I will write something about fighting on horseback. When two horsemen come to fight, in the first encounter of the spears it is often useful to aim our spear at the opponent’s horse, as long as we have defensive arms to protect our body. If we have horses of light armament, and carry adargas to protect ourselves, as we approach it is good to threaten to throw the spear so that the opponent covers himself, and strike him as we go past. But at that moment we need to hold the spear by the middle, which in Spanish is called a manteniente, and we must quickly turn upon the opponent. Or for a safer manner, we should hold our spear by the middle, and deflect the opponent’s spear-encounter, which can easily be done, since even if we have nothing but a sword, if we hold it at the horse’s neck, we can easily counter the opponent’s encounter from below with a rising or a right-hand cut. If we have an adarga, we can give it to the opponent’s spear, displacing ourselves on our right side, and then cut to his face with a left-hand blow.

91 guía] Coll: guard; cf. above, 2.52. 92 For this chapter, see Exer 39r.

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Chapter 67: What to do once the horsemen are next to each other93 Once horsemen are close to each other and in close-combat, it is sometimes useful to take the spear with both hands, letting it run over the hand holding the adarga. When we have it by the middle, we can do two or three blows, and they should target various places, and one should be short, the other long. And always we should take care to deflect the opponent’s spear lest harm should come from either side. Coming to the sword or the estoc (or mucro, as we may call it), typically we can deliver the same blows we use when fighting on foot with just a sword. But at first we should go in with little impetus,94 and when the right hand has time, it should rest on the forward arçon, and the tip of the sword should always point toward the opponent. Chapter 68: Some offensive blows, and other defensive ones95 There are some principal blows that are quite safe, as follows. If the opponent delivers a low thrust to our legs, we should counter it with a rising blow that catches his sword from below. If he delivers a somewhat high thrust, it can be parried with a half thrust and half right-hand blow, sinking our arm and extending our weapon forward so that it can deflect the opponent’s point and strike him in the chest or face. This can be done on horseback or on foot against any blow the opponent can deliver. When we pass near the opponent a reverse blow is good; the Africans, Turks, and other Moors are always doing this.96 To counter this, we should defend with a similar left-hand blow, but the point of our sword should be upward and the hand low, for if we come horizontally, it cannot parry the opponent’s blow; alternatively we can wield our sword low, and as the reverse descends, our weapon goes up to take his hand. And to better resist this blow we should adhere to the left side, particularly when we have an adarga in our left hand to protect our head, and we should deliver a thrust to the opponent’s face; yet our hand should come as low as it can so that we can catch the opponent’s reverse on our blade or crossbar. This thrust works against blows coming from the left shoulder, and to attack those who wield or hold their weapons on the left shoulder.



93 For this chapter, see Exer 39r. 94 Exer adds: to save our breath. 95 For this chapter, see Exer 39v. 96 German sources describe a similar attack as a “Turkish cut” (cf. Tobler, St. George’s Name, p. 137).

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If the opponent attacks with a right-hand blow, we should meet it with a similar one, or with a rising blow from below, taking his hand. We can always do such defenses against any blow from the opponent. Chapter 69: Against those who plant their estoc on the arçon97 Some people plant their estoc on the arçon, and apply their legs or spurs to the horse and come ferociously with an encounter. But this is useless against those who know what they are doing, since we can easily displace his weapon with ours and strike to his face or any body-part we wish. For any weapon that extends for an encounter can be easily displaced as it approaches, since it comes gradually and without deception. Chapter 70: How to attack98 When we wish to attack, we should threaten or feint to one side, and discharge the blow to the other. Blows should always be delivered where the opponent is less strong, so that we can get him more easily. Chapter 71: What to do when we see the opponent moving cautiously99 If the opponent holds back, we should do the play I spoke of in the section on foot-combat, so that he becomes disordered, then attack where it seems best to us. If he turns to one side, we should stick close to him so that we can harm him while he is turning. When our own horse is turning we should keep our weapon aimed at the opponent to protect us until our horse is turned forward. Chapter 72: What blows we can deliver with the maza or warhammer, how long it should be, and how it should be made100 Coming to warhammers, or mazas as they are called in the vernacular, first we should parry the opponent’s blows, then we should strike mightily against him. If he delays a little, we should transfer the reins onto our arm (for this reason they ought to be long), or drop them for a moment, as will be described below, and taking the warhammer in both hands, we should deliver three or four blows with the greatest power and speed, for if we 97 For this chapter, see Exer 40r. 98 For this chapter, see Exer 40r. 99 For this chapter, see Exer 39v. 100 For this chapter, see Exer 40v.

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strike his weapon we will often drive it from his hands. Similarly, wherever else we strike, we should do it hard. For this the warhammer should be four palms long, and at the bottom there should be a grip that can accommodate both hands, and in front of the hand an iron disk like a little round shield to protect the hand, and at the base a swelling to keep the warhammer from slipping out of our hands. The head should be like a pollaxe: one part of the hammer which is thicker should be divided into three small diamond-shaped points; the other should be like a small beak; and these points should be secured to the haft by a socket in the middle; and at the end of the warhammer there should be a short thrusting tip. Two iron bolts should go through the haft to secure the disk where the hands are; and the grip should be reinforced with the best cord, since warhammers that are made otherwise produce weak blows. Sometimes the warhammer can have a part that cuts; but the cutting edge should be short, and secured to the socket of the hammer. The blunt part should also be well secured, since it receives the entire force of the blow. Holding the shaft or warhammer with both hands is much stronger than with just one, since one hand cannot adequately resist two. Sometimes we should set aside the reins to catch the opponent’s weapon with our left hand. But this requires an iron gauntlet, or else we should catch or parry it with our arm. And at the appropriate moment we should take the reins again. Also, the reins should be tied to the horse’s mane with something thin and long, and they should come to our arm lest they fall over the horse’s head onto the ground. This warhammer, or acuscula as it is called in the vernacular, has three attacking surfaces, namely one blunt, one middling, the other sharp. The pin that secures the shaft to the head should have a sturdy hook; the warhammer is suspended from this hook, and when we fight we can use it to catch the opponent by the neck or another body part and pull strongly, turning ourselves and our horse as necessary: this can easily pull our opponent out of the saddle. To be safer, we should have two warhammers, so that if we lose one, we still have the other. Also on foot, when we fight with pollaxes and white armor, we can have a hook in the axe to take the opponent by the neck, for it will be easy to throw him, and then he cannot do any great or dangerous blow against us.

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Chapter 73: What to do when the opponent’s horse troubles us too much101 If the horses are protected, meaning that nobody is allowed to injure or kill their opponent’s horse, and the opponent’s horse tries to crowd upon us too much, we should give it a blow on the head with the pommel of our estoc. This way it cannot be said that the horse has been injured, and it helps us greatly. Chapter 74: How sometimes we should use estocs in the manner of encounter, and the means against it102 When men-at-arms are armed with white and heavy arms and fight on horseback, above all other weapons they use estocs (as they are called in the vernacular), and so I should discuss the estoc somewhat, at least where one combatant can overwhelm the other, as when we have a stronger horse than our opponent. When we have a strong horse that forces the opponent’s horse backward, we can use a firm and secure estoc that will not get twisted or broken, and work the point of the estoc into his throat or visor, or under his armpits or arms; and at once we should plant our hand on our chest, crowding him aggressively.103 If our horse is so strong that it easily forces the other horse backward, we can also easily throw him from the saddle once our estoc is caught into some upper part of him, like the throat or visor. But if our horse cannot push the other one, this technique is of little use. If we are fighting against someone who has such a horse and technique, when he plants his estoc, we should at once rotate to one side, taking his estoc with our arm, so that we can tear it from his hand. Even if we do not tear it away we will be saved, and we will bend his estoc: once it has been bent, it is of little use in such an encounter against us. Finally, to be more secure, we should always fight under an agreement that we can kill the horses, at least when we believe that the opponent has a stronger horse than we do. And then we should direct our initial blows against the horse. One effective option is to attack the forehead of the opponent’s horse with the acuscula or warhammer. If our warhammer is good, and we strike with two hands, the horse will fall, or at least it will never again present its face to us. This is one of the most effective ways to fight against those who have large and strong horses. When we can kill the 101 For this chapter, see Exer 41r. 102 No Exer for this chapter. 103 For another description of this technique, as executed on foot, see Tobler, St. George’s Name, p. 155.

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horse, it matters little if the opponent’s horse is greater than ours, since we can kill it as easily, or almost as easily, as if it were somewhat weaker. But when there is an agreement that the horses are not to be killed, someone who has a large and strong horse has a huge advantage for things like sending his sword into the opponent’s visor or striking him on the head. In war this is less helpful than in single combat, since everyone can kill the opponent’s horse, and there is little opportunity to plant the weapon exactly where we wish. With the encounter of the spear it is an easy thing to kill horses, whether in massed combat or one-on-one. We should be most attentive to do this if we are keen to win. Fools aim their blows at the rider, not at the horse, which is exactly the opposite of what we should do, at least in the beginning. For even if the horses wear leather coverings, as is usual, it is of little help to them against the encounter of the spear, besides which some parts of their body often remain uncovered where we can hurt them. Chapter 75: What to do when we want to close with estocs104 In coming close with estocs in hand it is good to parry and bring the pommel of the estoc to catch the opponent’s right arm from above; and as we rotate his arm we should also rotate our horse at the same time: this way the opponent can be easily pulled out of the saddle. If we have a taller horse we can sometimes catch the opponent’s head and turn our horse around. But if the opponent catches our head, we should follow him wherever he goes, planting our hand on the arçon of his saddle, strongly pressing our legs, and steadying our body directly over the saddle. But it is better to place our hand firmly on the opponent’s neck, which prevents him from deploying great force, as when we wish to avoid a torno in wrestling, where our hand placed on his chest interrupts his force. If the opponent falls into our grasp, we should rotate our horse as I have said, trying to pull him out of his saddle. If he tries to take the sword out of our hand, just as he comes to parry, we should bring our right arm and side backward, and the point of our [sword]105 should at once go back from below to the opponent’s face. This can often be done on foot when we throw a right-hand blow and he tries to catch our sword or arm with his left arm: in that moment, if we withdraw our arm, and turn it back in from below with a thrust at the opponent as I have just described, it is easy to harm him; or when he takes our arm by the same place we can execute a torno on him, so that he 104 For this chapter, see Exer 41r. 105 sword] Coll: hand.

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falls on his back, and likewise if he means to execute a descaderada in the Breton fashion. This thrust will counter any stratagem of his in the same manner. Also note that if we want to tear the estoc from the opponent’s hand, this is done better or at least more easily with our right hand than with our left, as follows: when the opponent tries to strike us with some blow, we should take his weapon-arm, rotating ourselves and our horse to the left side. And if the opponent tries to take our arm, we should also rotate quickly on the left side along with our horse, as is commonly done in fighting with a small man when we are on foot. Chapter 76: How to control our horse106 To control our horse well we should firstly place our left hand on the horse’s neck, particularly if the horse is afraid, since he will work worse when we use the reins on him more,107 except when we need to [turn him to the side];108 and sometimes we should touch him with the spurs, but gently. When the opponent wheels his horse around, we should just rotate our horse’s head and forefeet, always facing the opponent, losing no ground or even gaining it, until we see him become disordered. And at that time we can attack across, closing with him. And those who go leaping with their horses always lose control. Chapter 77: What type of horse we should have for this sort of exercise109 A warhorse firstly should have a firm head; it should not be given to rearing up; nor should it flee backward. For if a horse is fearful we cannot reach or strike the opponent with any resolute blow when we want to, even if we see him disordered, since our horse will not give us the opportunity to strike him when we wish it. We should control our horse when we come close to the opponent to stay in distance, rotating over the opponent to stay on his rump or tail, so that we can attack him from behind while remaining safe.

106 For this chapter, see Exer 41v. 107 Exer adds: so we should give him free rein. 108 turn him to the side] Coll: protect him on the side; probably a mistranslation of Exer guiarle la caveza a los lados. Cf. above 2.52. 109 For this chapter, see Exer 41v.

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Chapter 78: The usefulness of a visor that can be lifted110 If we know how to parry and our opponent is heavily armored, it is often useful to have a visor that lifts up so that our breath endures longer and we can see better what to do. This hardly ever puts us in danger, especially if we have iron gauntlets to deflect the opponent’s weapon. But those who fight crudely need to be heavily protected everywhere: such people act like blacksmiths hammering at each other. Long breaths are very beneficial in fighting on foot or horseback, so we should exercise to develop strong breathing, if it is denied to us by nature. Chapter 79: Why we have to fight very differently armed heavily in white arms than with few arms; and some appropriate blows when knights are heavily armed, whether on foot or horseback111 Since we are discussing combat with heavy armor, it should be noted that there is a big difference between fighting in light armor and heavy. With light armor, when we deliver a blow against the opponent or wish to avoid his attack, we can do various things with our body, sometimes going forward, sometimes going back, now stepping to one side, now to the other; sometimes we bend our body forward or wherever we wish. But we cannot do this with heavy armor, for if we lean our body, the armor weighs so heavily to that side that we can easily fall or receive some harm. When we are heavily armored, we must always do one of two things, or both at once: first, we must stand and walk upright without leaning our body and always staying over our feet, whether on horseback or on foot; second, we must always step forward, or else around, but never backward. There is a lesson to be learned here to help us understand what this means in combat with heavy armor, when we are fighting in such armor on foot. It is as follows: in fighting on horseback with heavy armor, we must keep our horse’s head toward the opponent, trying to get him by the side or back, and so that he cannot do the same to us. And furthermore, and most importantly, we must stand our ground or push toward the opponent, particularly when the opponent drives his horse over us, since if we do not then collect the reins, or do not press forward as much as possible, our horse will easily fall backward or we will eventually be driven from the lists, and various other disgraces will happen to us.112

110 For this chapter, see Exer 42r. 111 No Exer for this chapter. 112 On the enclosure for the judicial duel, cf. Powers, “Judicial Combat,” p. 132; Mondschein, “Italian Schools,” p. 287; Riquer, Arnès, pp. 444, 453–54.

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Therefore whenever the opponent drives his horse toward us, we should drive ours toward him, and if he throws a blow with a sword, estoc, warhammer, or similar weapon, we should receive it with our sword or with one arm. If the opponent pushes at us, we should push him back with speed and strength, so that he falls backward. When we fight on foot wearing the armor called “white armor” in some languages, we should follow this example of horsemen. In this form of combat we should move forward here and there, staying upright over our feet, and resolving never to step back, for this should be avoided as the ultimate evil – even if sometimes we can go backward to avoid the opponent’s blow or to ready our arms. And we should move constantly forward, or stand fast if we wish to breathe or rest. But in this situation or some other, if the opponent wants to push us or strike with the point or pommel of his sword, we should crowd against him strongly and speedily, deflecting his weapon and arm with our arm, and striking him powerfully in the head, chest, or elsewhere. In this circumstance, whether on foot or horseback, it is often an excellent technique, particularly against weak men, to fall on the opponent’s chest with our left hand or fist, and in the same instant to strike with our pommel on his head: if the pommel is good and hits with impetus and great impact it delivers damage, and [if ] the opponent is fighting on foot he often falls. If someone tries to deliver such blows against us, we should instantly close with him, pushing him backward – for when we are close, nobody can deliver a great blow. But here it must be noted that we should be as strong as our opponent, or stronger if possible. Otherwise, even a blow with the warhammer, pollaxe, or estoc will do him little or no harm, particularly if he has some skill: against such people we can never deliver great blows because he always deflects it, or steps in, where we can deliver only a small blow to him, and such blows mean nothing to someone who is fully armored in white harness. And if we step back, sooner or later we will be taken, if the opponent is strong and strives to go forward. Then we should come to wrestling, and we should take the opponent’s leg if we can. But in doing so we should sink directly over our feet, for if we lean over too much, we will certainly fall. And here note one thing above all, namely that before you decide to fight, you should make yourself as strong as your opponent. And if it is not so in reality, you should firmly believe that it is; if not, you should not fight. For with these arms the weaker ones always lose, or those who are weaker in working. For when a person’s spirit is lacking or he greatly fears the powers of the opponent, his physical powers are much weakened. Hence we should not fight in white armor unless we are as strong as our

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adversary is, or believe we are – for if the opponent pushes us one step, we will think he is pushing us two or more. Even if he is stronger than we are, we should proceed with clear and calm spirit, as if we were equal or better. And to do this, or to resist pushes by strong men, we should artfully push them, as in this book in the section on jousting I show how moderate powers can stand against very strong ones when they are overmatched. Some use their pollaxe crosswise with two hands when they are in armor, placing it across the opponent’s chest so they can push him. In such a case we can turn a little to our side to displace the opponent’s body and take him from behind; we can also plant our hands on his axe or chest to push him backward. And we should take care that our head never leans backward, for if it does and the opponent pursues us it is very dangerous. In this manner of fighting, at least on foot, large men have a great advantage over small ones, for large bodies have the greatest power and can deliver great blows. Also we cannot push large men owing to their weight and size. And even if many blows can be delivered at them, what good is it if they are armed in white? For the principle is the same: two unclothed men will fight with fists, or men in white armor with pollaxes, but the one who delivers stronger blows at the opponent will prevail. Yet when we are lightly armored, any small force is enough to kill the enemy. When mounted knights are in white armor or are protected everywhere with defensive arms, everyone must press upon the opponent, as has been seen above, particularly when the opponent delivers a blow. For example: if the opponent delivers a thrust, right-hand blow, or left-hand, at that moment we should push our horse forward to join our right or left arm to the opponent’s arm, so that we can take his weapon. If we seize the opponent’s right arm with our left, we should turn our horse quickly and powerfully to the right side; likewise if we seize the opponent’s right arm with our right arm, we should turn our horse to the left side as quickly and strongly as we can. This way the opponent must lose his weapon; and if he tries to keep it in his hands, he will fall. And to do this, we should go in close with our horse, since we should seize not only the opponent’s weapon but also his arm. If the opponent tries to do the same to us, we should quickly withdraw our arm above, and rotate around underarm with a thrust; or else when the opponent extends his arm to take ours, we should block him with our left, and we should also deflect his weapons with our left arm. But our reins should be long, as has been seen above, so that they can be sent onto our left arm.113 113 See above, 2.72.

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If the opponent tries to get our head with his right arm, we should instantly take his with our left, gathering our neck to our shoulders, and at once turn our horse to the right, and then we can place him in the greatest danger. If we wish to catch the opponent’s arm with our right arm, we should turn our horse to the left side. And this is better if we are fighting face-to-face, when we want to get the opponent’s head. If the opponent’s horse turns its back to us, we can at once strike hard with our pommel on the back of our opponent’s head, for if we strike there strongly, we quickly throw him over the horse’s neck; or if we do not want to do this, or cannot, we can catch his neck with our warhammer or some other haft weapon, making him fall over the horse’s back; or else passing by the opponent’s side, going in the same direction as he is, we can place our left arm on his left at the elbow from behind, and push him forward; and then also we can seize his neck or shoulderblade with our right hand on the right side, pulling him so that he falls to the left side. If the opponent seizes us this way, we should draw our left arm backward, and use it to seize him by the loins, turning our whole body the same way over the saddle or over the buttocks. And to do this or similar things, we should always have strips of mail on the palms of our hands, and the eyeslot of our visor should be secure so that a slender point cannot enter it. When fighting in single combat, we have plenty of time and space to see places that are unarmored and can target them. In massed warfare, the fighting is thick and everyone helps their comrades against enemies, falling on them on every side, so there is no opportunity to see every uncovered body part. So in single combat we should be provided with a strong and large horse, strong enough to push the opponent, and large enough to overwhelm him, for the one who sits higher can deliver more powerful blows. And if the knight knows what he is doing, he can often attack the opponent’s visor with the tip of his sword, provided it is slender, and flat rather than round. But in such fights someone who knows offensive and defensive arms can prepare beforehand, testing estocs and swords to see whether they can go through the visor: if they go through it should be narrowed, or you can alter it in another manner if you want, such as making small slots or holes through which to see and breathe, as I will discuss in the proper places.114 However as I have indicated elsewhere, no proper man should undertake single combat except under the condition that the combatants can kill their opponent’s horse, as in the manner used in common warfare.115 With this condition we do not need to be armored so much, for much 114 See below, 2.116, 118. 115 See above 2.74.

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less armor suffices on foot, where if we do not come to grappling, at least in the rear part we need no armor; nor indeed do we need much when we are fighting at close quarters, for when we are close to each other, we can only do small blows and direct them to few places. Chapter 80: How in any practice relating to hands or words, once we decide, we should act without second thoughts, so that we can come promptly to the conclusion116 When we are dealing with practice one thing is always particularly to be observed, namely once we make a decision, we should act fearlessly to the end with resolute spirit. For if it is bad to come to the work without thinking, it is equally bad to be fearful later in the middle of the work, adding new doubts. We should always act prudently, but once we have begun something we should seek to finish it without delay. For after the beginning, if we give ear and heart to every doubt that arises on the way, we hardly ever achieve anything great or praiseworthy. Therefore before we begin, we should wisely consider what to do, but once we have promised to do something or have begun to work physically, we should act resolutely without hesitation. But this is the ideal: in reality, after people have made a good resolution, few pursue it without second thoughts, for rare things are generally difficult to achieve. Nobody is so great in devotion or sanctity, or in letters, or in warfare, or in other similar things, that after he begins something, he sticks firmly to the path he has taken. For prudence should always proceed with resolution, and just as we should be calm when we decide what we are going to do, so when we are doing those things we have already decided on, we should act calmly, so that the end conforms to the beginning. Decision is the beginning of working and execution is the end, and if the end is turbulent or heedless, it does not conform with its beginning, if the decision was without fear or confusion. In this context it is truly amazing – although it happens to almost everyone – that we can know and decide on a future action in our spirit, and yet when we are in the work itself, we do something different. Yet this happens to almost everyone, particularly in combat of arms, in which context above all others we should be clear and wise, being mindful of the ultimate end when we involve ourselves in it. Hence we may honestly wonder why people are more likely to undertake things of which they have no prior knowledge than those that are known to them, when we should surely do the reverse, for we should always say and do what we 116 No Exer for this chapter. Cf. Duarte’s discussion of the same topic in Horsemanship, pp. 119–20.

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know rather than what we do not know. But since few people excel by either nature or art, also few people in coming to a great work execute their intention with calm and resolute spirit. It should also be noted here that I condemn not just those who are fearful after they have come to the physical work, but also those who begin to engage in some affair and avoid the conclusion. Many people are quick to meddle in matters but avoid the conclusion, which is reprehensible; and some do likewise in arms, constantly looking for trouble with one person or another, and yet always avoiding the final combat of arms. But there are others who rarely get themselves into situations, yet always do so with calm spirit, and likewise they rarely get involved in combat. And when someone is resolute of spirit he works to come to the ultimate conclusion. Such men alone are commendable above others in whatever art or office they find themselves. This resolute working in what one has begun is commendable not only in men, but in all animals. Chapter 81: How arms should be for dueling between two knights117 Armor for dueling should be virtually even in thickness overall, and yet light, particularly in the rear parts and legs, aside from the forward medial ridge. Heavy reinforcing armor can be worn for the first encounter and then detached, so that as soon as the encounter has passed we can instantly cast it off. It is good to wear a strong chest-reinforce that comes over the stomach and rests against the saddle, made with two legs so that it fits the saddle, covering down to the middle of our legs. Over this, that is from the stomach to the eyes, we can have a barbaro, which in the vernacular is called a bevor, and there can be another bevor or barbutium underneath. All three of these upper armor reinforces should come off by pulling a lace attached to a pin that holds them and comes out easily, so that when we remove it they fall to the ground. Similarly over the helmet we can wear a strong brow-reinforce for the initial blow. The helmet should not be too light in design, so that afterwards we can fight with it. If our horse falls, we should take care that it does not trap our legs underneath. As I have said above, a man on his feet will always be able to stand against a horseman. Some people bind themselves with a strap that comes from the chest to the saddle, with an iron hook so it can be removed when they wish, once the first encounter has passed. But this is dangerous if the horse falls or if the man’s wits are not clear. 117 For this chapter, cf. Exer 42r.

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Figure 1  Paolo Uccello, Niccolò Mauruzi da Tolentino at the Battle of San Romano, c. 1438–40 (© The National Gallery, London). Visible are the higharçoned war saddles and straight-legged brida seats of the riders. The armored figures wear armets fitted with rondels and reinforcing bevors. A sallet lies on the ground at center, and the figure at far right wields a warhammer.

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Figure 2  “The Battle of El Puig,” from the Altarpiece of St. George (Retablo de San Jorge), by Berenguer Mateu, 1430–31 (Jérica, Museo Municipal de Jérica). The brida seats and high-arçoned saddles of the Christians at left contrast with the flexed legs of the jineta style of the Moors at right. Two of the Moorish figures carry adarga shields; the armored figures at upper left wear open-faced sallet-type helmets.

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Figure 3  Lucas Cranach the Elder, The Third Tournament with Lances, 1509 (Worcester Art Museum, MA, Museum Purchase, 1935.153. Image courtesy Worcester Art Museum). The jousters wear armet-style helmets fitted with rondels, and reinforcing bevors that extend over their breastplates. Grappers can be seen on the butts of several of the lances.

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Figure 4  “How a man shall be armed,” c. 1450 (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library MS M. 775, fol. 122v). This image of a man-at-arms preparing for foot combat clearly shows his doublet, lacing-points, mail gussets at the arms, and mail fauld at the hips. A pollaxe stands by the wall at far left, and the pauldron on the table is fitted with a star-shaped besagew.

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Figure 5  Leonardo da Vinci, “Thrown weapons.” (Codex Atlanticus, vol. 2, fol. 144r; © Veneranda Biblioteca Ambrosiana – Milano/De Agostini Picture Library). The fourth image down on the left shows dart-throwing as described by Monte; it is labeled “dardo” in Leonardo’s characteristic reversed hand.

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Figure 6  The armor of Ferdinand V of Aragon, c. 1495 (Vienna, KHMMuseumsverband, Hofjagd- und Rustkammer A.5). The helmet is of armet type with a rondel in back; a lance-rest adjoins the right armpit.

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Figure 7  Tournament armor of Claude de Vaudrey, c. 1495 (Vienna, KHMMuseumsverband, Hofjagd- und Rustkammer B.33). The armor is fitted with a skirt (tonlet) for foot combat, as described by Monte (2.115).

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Figure 8  Jousting armor of Philip I, c. 1500 (Madrid, Real Armería A 16. © Patrimonio Nacional). The helmet is of “helm” type. The cuirass is fitted with a lance-rest at the right armpit, a pouch for supporting the lance at the right hip, and rings on the chest for straps to stabilize the jouster (cf. Collectanea 2.97, 98, 100).

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Figure 9  Jousting armor for the Gestech, c. 1480–1540 (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.1164. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved). This armor features a lance-rest with tail piece and slots in the helmet for strapping to secure the head, as described by Monte in relation to German jousting armor (e6v, e7r).

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Figure 10  Head of a pollaxe, c. 1440 (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.165. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved).

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Figure 11  Head of a warhammer, late 1400s (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.440. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved).

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Figure 12  Head of a partisan, c. 1500 (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.139. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved).

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Figure 13  Head of a spetum, 1500s (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.205. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved).

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Figure 14  Head of a ronca, c. 1500 (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.202. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved).

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Figure 15  Head of a halberd, early 1500s (Worcester Art Museum, MA, The John Woodman Higgins Armory Collection, 2014.222. Image © Worcester Art Museum, all rights reserved).

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Chapter 82: How dueling on horseback should be avoided118 In my opinion no able-bodied man should fight with another on horseback in one-on-one combat, since they are at the mercy of the horses. But after the encounter of the spears, they remain reasonably secure as long as they are well armored; and then it is easy for the weak to be protected against the strong, particularly since various misfortunes often happen on account of the horses, which could benefit the weak one. But people more clearly show their prowess on foot. Chapter 83: What to do once we are close to the opponent119 If we come hand-to-hand with an opponent, the grips should be done from a distance, lest we fall along with him, but we should remain mobile. It is useful to grab his visor, forcing him down while stepping back and displacing our body as much as we can. If the opponent grabs us this way, we should keep our head directly over our feet, leaning neither forward nor backward, right nor left, and try to close distance with the opponent. When we lack defensive arms, we should get as close as we can lest the opponent should deliver a blow with his weapon. When two combatants come close together, fighting hand-to-hand, wrestling is a great help. At this moment it is most effective to know how to grapple by the legs and bevor, and how to help ourselves when the opponent tries to do this. If he grapples us by the bevor, we should close with him just as I have already described. If he takes us by the legs, we should armar with the leg he has grappled, or we should grab him by the legs or the crotch, for then he cannot lift us from the ground. When falling, whether we are on top or underneath, we should always put one or both hands under our body. If we fall on top of the opponent, we should press or touch him with our hands and arms but not with our torso. For if we get too close, and the one who is underneath knows anything, it will be easy for him to turn us around and put us underneath, something that often happens. Above all we must learn not to fall onto our back, or if we do, we should get one hand under us, for we can use it to help ourselves turn and rise. We should take care not to fall extended but gathered, so that we can grasp the opponent by the legs, and help ourselves with our own. To learn this kind of lesson more quickly, it helps to wrestle often, sometimes with both knees on the ground, sometimes with one up and 118 For this chapter, cf. Exer 42r. 119 For this chapter, cf. Exer 42v.

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the other down, according as necessity arises. By practicing this way, that is with one or both knees on the ground, we learn how to protect ourselves from good wrestlers and often to throw them. If we can catch them by the legs, we will certainly triumph. But if we fall to the ground we should extend one hand either forward or backward. Anyone who is skilled in wrestling from the knees can guard against whatever situations may befall when combatants come to grips and fall to the ground. Also we should often fight with various scenarios, so that now one is underneath on the ground and afterward the other. This way in combat both of them are better able to keep their opponent under them, and to escape him when they fall underneath, and they can learn all the ways to fall and get up again. Chapter 84: Fighting on foot in light combat (which we call skirmishing in the vernacular, something often used by one side to provoke the other)120 In provoking or skirmishing, when we are on foot there is little danger as long as there are no crossbows, hand-guns, or bombards, since we can easily evade or cover against any other projectile weapon, at least if we have an adarga or a similar defensive arm. But in such a situation we should not stand still, lest some bombard or crossbow should harm us, and we should go to the sides as lightly and as well covered as possible. Chapter 85: How to engage in skirmishing or light combat when we are on horseback121

In skirmishing, whoever is attacking should move around with agility or fluidity. When an opponent throws his spear at us, we should evade toward the hand he threw from, when we are not too close. For when the spear goes some distance, if it leaves from the right hand, it veers toward the left, and when thrown with the left hand it veers to the right. Anyone who knows how to move and protect himself well on foot, if he is judicious and smart, can do similarly on horseback, as long as he knows something of how to ride, in which case he can easily do on horseback whatever he does on foot.

120 For this chapter, cf. Exer 42v. 121 For this chapter, cf. Exer 42v.

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When we turn to the left, our right leg should come over the saddle, turning back after the left [knee],122 since otherwise it cannot turn very far. The adarga should be kept low as it turns, and it should go to the sides, not over the head or shoulders, since with the adarga low we can see what the opponent means to do, and cover ourselves at the opportune moment. When a man is heavily armed he cannot turn so much, since it puts him in danger of falling. The adarga should always be turned to the side where the opponent means to harm us. The leather adarga should not sit too close to our body, for then any weapon that penetrates it will injure us, unless we are wearing another defense underneath. Nor should it stand far away, but at a medium distance, and in a central place for responding in all directions. Chapter 86: What techniques to use if we do not wish to encounter or for others to encounter us when we are on horseback123 If we do not wish to encounter or for an opponent to encounter us with the spear, generally it will be safe to hold the horse on the left hand until the opponent passes, and in that moment we should turn our horse to the other side. This way even if the opponent wants to encounter us, he has to hold himself back and move gradually to seek us. Even if he encounters us, he can do us little harm, especially if we know how to control our horse so that he cannot encounter us at all. And control should be understood as I have already described it. Chapter 87: How to handle the length of weapons, and that there is no universal measure, but that they should conform with our own physique and in opposition to the opponent124 The dimensions of our weapons should be based on our strength and the way we wield them, as in the following example. We carry a sword on our belt, and swords are designed to keep the opponent at a distance. But because of the nature of a sword, or our custom, we carry it sheathed on our belt, to keep it from unintentionally harming us or someone else; therefore it should be of a length that can be drawn from the scabbard and put back in without being unbelted. For this reason one should use longer or shorter swords according to the size of the wielder or the length 122 knee] supplied from Exer. 123 For this chapter, cf. Exer 43v. 124 No Exer for this chapter.

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of his limbs. With other weapons that we wield, whether by the end or the middle, even if a man is short, he can hold and wield them as long as another who is tall, or with very little difference, as long he is strong. The knife, which we can sometimes use in fighting with enemies, is designed for cutting bread and meat and other foods, as well as for striking when people are at close quarters, and so it should be small. The dagger was invented almost exclusively for when combatants come hand-to-hand, and there it must be short so that we can wield it well. And I will not here specify a length of two or three fingers longer or shorter, just that it should be usable in the place where we find ourselves. We can prove that there is no precise rule as to the length of weapons: whoever carries them a little longer has an advantage over the opponent, but not at very close quarters, where he cannot move his arm freely to deliver a blow – in such a case, the shorter the dagger, the better. The two-handed sword should reach to the nose or eyes of its wielder, to avoid hitting the ground with rising or falling blows, although someone who knows how to rotate it can extend it without touching the ground. The pollaxe should be as long as its user can extend his hand upward. But since anyone who knows how to wield it sensibly should always attack with the point above or below, hardly ever with the hammer except to threaten, he can wield a long pollaxe, which is advantageous. Nonetheless this should be understood as pertaining to single combat. In massed combat, our weapons are often thrown, and are held sometimes toward the base of the shaft, sometimes by the middle. The partisan is sometimes held with one hand, sometimes with two. If with two, it should be held by the base of the shaft. But the partisan is suitable for carrying with a rondache or a similar embrazadura or shield, and then we hold it with one hand at the middle when the combatants are at close distance, and many blows can be delivered which we cannot do with a long weapon. The jineta or spear of a light or shortly armed horseman, if we want to use it for encountering, should have a long and firm blade, but such that we can readily maneuver it with one hand wherever we have gripped it. If we want to throw various blows in the manner of light combat to disrupt the opponent’s impact or to prevent him coming near us with his sword, estoc, scimitar, or similar short weapon, the spear should be thirteen or fourteen palms in length, and reasonably slender. Since the spear of a heavily armed knight is used only for the impact of encounter, it should be long and firm, provided he can easily lift it, to place it over his bicep in the rest and remove it; and the longer the better, since it allows us to encounter before the opponent, so that he loses his encounter. On foot we can use even longer spears.

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The warhammer should be of such weight and length that we can wield it with one hand when we are on horseback. But someone how knows how to use it with two hands can carry a longer one and this will be a great advantage to him. The estoc should be similar in form to the sword, although it can be somewhat longer, since it strikes only with the point. Other arms like the dart for throwing should be as suits us or as is good against our opponents, about the same size as ourselves, although for single combat it should be longer. The ronca should be both longer and lighter than the pollaxe, the more so since it often works with the point but never with the heel; and it is almost always held toward the base of the shaft or thereabouts. And we should work the same way with any other weapon or in conformity with its design and the way we hold it. When it comes to fighting one-on-one or few against few, someone who is strong and not very dexterous should choose a short and heavy weapon, since with a shorter weapon we cannot use as much art as with a longer one, and art is easily deployed in light things, and scarcely in heavy ones. If we want to close with our opponent we should choose a heavy and long one, for by turning his weapon a little aside we can make him send it into the ground or overextend it, and before he can gather it back we have a chance to close the distance. Light weapons are easy to recover and to keep in front of us. If both combatants know little, three or four fingers’ difference in the length of the weapon won’t matter much, for such people always go in to strike with the middle of the sword and with a resolute blow. But if someone possesses great art, having a weapon one finger longer provides him with great advantage and safety. When he delivers a thrust his arms remain in control, and can gather the weapon back to deliver many other blows. If one combatant is dexterous and has a somewhat longer weapon, and the other has little skill and a shorter weapon, the opponent’s weapon is a great advantage for the one who is skilled. But if a man has art, even if he uses a shorter weapon, he can defend himself competently, particularly against those who have little knowledge. Chapter 88: How the fighting-saddle should be 125 A fighting-saddle should lie even on the horse, not angling forward or back, so that we can do what we need to, turning in any direction. However, some people would have the saddle angle forward, particularly 125 No Exer for this chapter.

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for jousting (as it is called in the vernacular), that is for encountering with great spears. Other, perhaps better, masters believe the opposite, saying that since the shield and other arms pull forward, if the saddle does the same thing, the rider will quickly become tired. Furthermore, if the saddle angles forward we can hardly carry a great spear. Also, although the rider may not tumble straight back over the rear arçon in encountering, he can easily waver and fall to the side, which does not happen when the saddle angles back and has a good place to sit. And this way heavy arms can be used safely and with minimal effort. For if they are heavy, these arms pull the rider forward quite a bit. But at the moment of impact we should lean forward. For fighting in battle the saddle should angle a little backward, and it should be spacious from one arçon to the other so that we can avoid blows and do what we need to, which is not possible when the saddle is confining and angles forward. Also the saddle should well encompass the sides of the horse, and should be well fitted and girthed so that it stays firm on the horse. Chapter 89: The saddles that knights use with heavy arms126 The saddle for a man-at-arms in heavy armor must have enough space for the rider to sit back between the arçons, and the arçons should come with a turn, almost as with the jineta saddle that the Spanish and Africans use for light horses, so that it encompasses the entire body evenly; and it should be long and broad enough that we can safely turn around. At the sides, between the forward tips of the rear arçon and the place where our knees go (which in the vernacular is called the urtus), there should be enough distance that we can easily mount and dismount. This does not put the rider in danger of falling, since he is ensconced within the rear arçons. The arçons should be high, and the forward tips should be the same height as the middle (the middle being the part against our back). The forward arçon should angle somewhat toward the horse’s neck, and should be high and broad so that it protects us from sword thrusts and spear impacts at our belly. The urtus is the part that protects the front of our knees, and each one should be long and concave below, arching so that our knees can go under the arçons and be covered, and we can flex our legs. Similarly the rear arçon should be broad or protective in the place where we [sit] so that the opponent cannot wound us from behind with a thrust to the buttocks or legs. There should be space to sit as with the jineta or Spanish saddle, 126 No Exer for this chapter.

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though it should not have such a pronounced turn, and the seat should come higher, adjoining and supporting our loins. This way the saddle is strong and secure. A jineta or light-arms saddle also calls for tall rear arçons, so that we can stand inside in it. The light-arms saddle should not angle forward or backward for combat, but should have a place to sit in the middle of the rear arçon. Chapter 90: The saddle for jousting or encountering127 The saddle for the encounter, which in the mother tongue we call a jousting saddle, should angle a little backward as I have said above, so that we can lift and carry a heavy spear, and feel less the weight of the arms. This saddle should also have a sitting place in the middle of the arçon, and it should be about the same height as the points of the arçon, coming high next to the rider. The arçons should go around so that they encompass our body evenly. The saddle should touch us equally everywhere, yet somewhat more behind, so that we feel the impact less. And when the arçons are so tall there is no danger of falling. When we are not running to encounter we can sit in the seat of the saddle, but when we rise to encounter with the spear, our buttocks should come up almost to the middle of the arçon, where they find their concave spot. And in the moment of encountering we should lean a little forward. Chapter 91: The jineta saddle used by the Spanish and Africans128 Jineta saddles, or saddles for light riding in the Spanish manner, commonly have a major defect since the points of the arçons are very low, so that when there is a small impact or some other mishap, the rider is thrown to the ground. Therefore the points should be almost as high as the rear midpoint, encompassing our legs well: since we tend to fall to the sides rather than backward over the middle of the arçon, the sides should be be the same height as the rest of the arçons. Both the front and rear arçons should be tall so that the rider can be kept as secure as he wishes and also protected from blows. The forward arçon should angle somewhat toward the neck. Also in this saddle there should be a little urtus where we can steady our knees, to keep us from falling from an impact or some other mishap. But the urti should angle forward so that we can gather our legs. The seat of the saddle, and the arçons where we are in contact with them, 127 No Exer for this chapter. 128 No Exer for this chapter.

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should be soft, yielding to the touch: this way we feel the encounter less. If they are hard, any blow can bring harm. The girth for this saddle should be solid in the middle but split at the ends, so that one part attaches under the forward arçon, the other under the rear. To keep our body and spear firm, the rear arçon should have a goodly concavity in the middle where our spinal cord sits, for when we hit that part hard it makes us falter. Therefore we should be sure to have the rear arçon rounded, although from the outside it may appear to be flat or not so round. Chapter 92: The care we should have of the horse129 We should have a well-shod horse, and the shoes should have cleats or points, moderate or strong, so that the hooves do not slip but grip everywhere. The horse should be strong and spirited, especially when one horse approaches another. And we should be similarly diligent in other pertinent respects. It is useful to ride short, for it gives us greater force in the legs and the rest of the body, and we can carry greater spears. Some people say it looks good to ride with long or extended legs, but it is actually less firm. When one knight fights or runs against another with spears, it can properly be called jousting [justare]. For things that are equal or without discrepancy we have the word justum [“just”], whence one says justus, justa, justum. Also, for one thing standing near another we have the adverb juxta, “near.” And since in the play of encountering with spears where there is no other offensive weapon, the knight only attends to “adjusting” or directing his spear straight at the other knight, therefore from this exercise of jousting, that is “coming near each other,” he is rightly called a jouster, and the activity itself is called a justa or justra. Chapter 93: How to encounter with spears130 When we begin to learn, it seems to be the best manner of encountering to send the point of our spear straight at the other jouster, keeping it fixed or firm in that manner. And we should maintain that aim as the opponent approaches and passes, near or far from us. Those who believe that they can predetermine in the beginning how far to carry the spear across or straight are generally mistaken. We should constantly direct our spear at our opponent, and not at where we believe 129 For this chapter, see Exer 44r. 130 For this chapter, see Exer 44r.

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he is going to be. This rule has already been shown dealing with swords: if the opponent should contrapasar or step to the side, avoiding our blow, we should always attack where he goes. We should make no circle or arc with the spear, whether high, low, or to the side, but we should keep it constantly on target, aimed at wherever the opponent is. Otherwise we will follow the custom by which people commonly do some high and some low, which in the vernacular is called “alto y bajo,” and when the opponent goes past, we will hit him with a blow from the shaft and not an encounter, in the manner of an archetus as it is called in the mother tongue: this can easily break the spear, but it brings little harm to the opponent, for to deliver a great blow, the spear must hit head-on. Chapter 94: How to train our horse for this exercise131 To make us stronger in encountering, our horse should run a little sideways, that is with its head angling toward the tilt, and its rump toward the countertilt or the outside. Running this way, the impact is absorbed by the horse’s rear legs, and the rider is pushed against the middle of the rear arçon, making it hard to throw the knight or horse to the ground. Controlling the horse so that it runs this way requires us to hold the left rein rather shorter than the right, making the horse’s head turn toward the tilt or the place of encounter. If the horse runs straight, the impact comes sideways, so that the horse cannot absorb it with its legs nor the knight with the arçon. To carry the spear firmly, our arm should be firm but our hand should not squeeze the spear, for then it will receive too much of a shock. Chapter 95: The cuirass for jousting132

The cuirass for encountering or jousting should be spacious so it can absorb the blow. When it is tight, every blow gives us great discomfort: this is like when we have tight new shoes on our feet and every step hurts us, while if the shoe is spacious it protects the foot better. The jousting doublet should be sufficiently padded to fill the cuirass everywhere, since softness in the doublet absorbs the greater part of the impact. The doublet should be made in the same shape as the cuirass so that it fills everywhere equally.

131 For this chapter, see Exer 44v. 132 For this chapter, see Exer 44v.

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Some people wear a short cuirass to have greater breath, but this is worse in the moment of impact, since they take the blow on the stomach or wherever the cuirass ends; therefore it should be made sufficiently long. It should turn a little outward in the edges, but should always be filled by the doublet or other garment. It should be spacious over the stomach, and not filled by the garment there, to facilitate breathing; below the stomach it should turn a little outward. This style is not so slim or good-looking in the waist, but it is more useful. And here I am referring only to the cuirass for jousting, for the one for war does not need to break so many spears nor such thick ones. It should be strong in front, but in back it should be made thin, since there is comparatively little danger there. The same holds for the helmet: if it is well made, the front will be thicker. Chapter 96: Head-armor for encountering or jousting133 The head-armor for jousting, which in the mother tongue we call the helm, should be thick and broad in front, and it should sit lightly at the top of the head, though it should have lining or stuffing inside to keep the iron plates from touching the crest of the head. This way it can remain firm. Similarly it should have two transverse or crossed straps to ensure that the iron cannot touch the top of the head. If the jouster gets dazed by the impact of a blow, it is good to bind his forehead with a thin cloth soaked in egg-white and vinegar. Alternatively, the head can be bound with two straps, one pulling backward, the other forward: these keep the head straight so it cannot hit any part of the helm, even if we receive a heavy blow.134 And we should apply wax throughout the front part of the helm, so that the clangor from the blow will not daze us; a well-waxed cloth is excellent for this. And in the front part of the helm there should be some wax of medium thickness. Some people close their eyes when they see the opponent’s spear coming. In such a case it helps if, for some days beforehand, the jouster practices being struck on the visor with a spear while keeping his eyes open: when he sees that he cannot receive any harm from the lancehead through the visor of the helm, he will gain spirit. It also helps to open the mouth so that the eyes will also stay open.135 We should look steadily at the opponent’s head or wherever we wish to aim the spear, because the hand will follow the eye, and not the eye the hand. Some people believe that we should always look at the point 133 For this chapter, see Exer 45r. 134 Exer specifies that this is a German style. 135 Cf. Duarte’s discussion of the same topic (Horsemanship, pp. 108–9).

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of our spear, to avoid paying attention to the opponent’s point and being distracted by thoughts of it piercing our shield or helm. But in the end it is always better to look at the opponent than at the point of our own spear. Chapter 97: Some bindings to help us sit more strongly in the saddle136 A variety of bindings are used to help riders sit stronger in the saddle, like using one or two straps arranged like a baldric (as it is called in the vernacular), with which we gird on a sword, the strap coming over our shoulder, and the sword under our other arm. These straps are fastened to other straps or buckles that stand on the legs. This binding is best with two straps that attach to the front of cuirass and behind at the shoulders, with another attaching to the side. Chapter 98: The equipment for jousting or encountering137 Belts or straps that go from the cuirass to the legs should be secured on the outside where the arnesia or thigh-armor comes; and they attach to straps, iron rings or studs inside the cuirass, and these should protrude so that buckles can be placed there to attach the straps or webbing to them; and there should be two or three broad straps that are bound to the legs; these should be secured with iron hooks attached to the straps so that it can be done more quickly. There should be two hooks on each thigh: one strap goes more or less straight back, preventing the body from going backward, and the other strap goes to the side, preventing the body from going sideways. This is done both front and back; but one strap in back on each side is enough, going across to fasten toward the sides a little below the shoulderblades. Chapter 99: How to wield a heavy spear138 For wielding a heavy or thick spear it is good to use kind of iron ladder that hinges on nodes or junctures; it should be attached to the right side,139 folding under the arm from the armpit to the elbow; this way when we have positioned the spear it cannot lift or tire our arm. This apparatus is covered by a garment. A similar device can be made of leather or strapping 136 For this chapter, see Exer 45v. 137 No Exer for this chapter. Duarte also discusses strapping used in the joust (Horsemanship, pp. 20–21). 138 For this chapter, see Exer 46r. 139 Exer adds: of the cuirass.

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which is likewise attached to the cuirass and comes from there under the armpit as I have said. Chapter 100: How to draw the spear out of the pouch more easily140 To draw the spear more easily out of the pouch so that it can be sent to the rest, first we should lift it high; for this we should plant our thumb in the thick part above the grip of the spear where the hand takes it; and at that spot there should be a place to plant the fingers and another going across for the other fingers. They should not touch the iron cleats that go in the grapper, that is in the iron that is planted in the rest. The “rest” is the name of the iron fitting on the left141 side to help the arm support the spear: the lance is planted there so that it can deliver great force. The entire hand should stand above the grapper on the grip of the lance. For lifting a great weight out of the pouch it should be low, since we can bear a greater weight when we are using a low grip than if it is high. The Germans use a large iron fitting attached to the cuirass; it extends backward, where it holds down the butt of the spear so that it cannot rise any higher. This device is plainly visible. Chapter 101: Another easier way to carry a great spear142 For carrying a great spear we can use a kind of double strap that attaches to a stud located on the side of the cuirass; this strap is secured by a strong lacing-point, connecting to our body under the arm, and reaching to the elbow. Where the spear is to rest there is a broad leather, big enough to take the entire forearm, with two or three layers of felt under the leather to keep the spear from causing pain against the arm. For wielding heavy spears the rest should be placed high, and the seat of the rest where the spear goes should be unobstructed, so that we can easily position and remove it. The spine or forward part of the seat of the rest should be high and the rear part low. It is useful to bind the stirrup-leathers (the straps that hold the stirrups) at a point two or three fingers above the stirrups, and the bindings should fasten to the horse’s peytral or breast-strap. This keeps our legs from going backward, which is very helpful in carrying a heavy spear.143 Likewise for this purpose the saddle should angle back a little, and also the place for sitting in the middle of the rear arçon: this way the rider stands 140 For this chapter, see Exer 46r. 141 One would expect “right” as above in ch. 99, but cf. below ch. 102. 142 No Exer for this chapter. 143 Cf. Duarte, Horsemanship, p. 22.

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like someone on foot or upright touching against the entire sitting-place. But the thick part of the buttocks should sit up high, almost halfway up the arçon – not that it is properly said to be sitting, but rather strongly adhering. This half-upright adhering applies in any saddle when we wish to encounter an opponent. Nonetheless we should not ride too high over the saddle, since someone who is low receives less of a blow, and the horse likewise. Therefore the saddle should sit low, near the horse’s back, as long as it does not impede him, since otherwise a small impact brings great harm. The saddle for the joust or encountering should have cloth and other padding where we are going to sit, particularly in the back since there the softness provides cushioning so that blows are felt less strongly. The rear arçon should be concave to keep it from impacting the loins. This way the spear is kept steady, since when the arçon impacts the back the jouster is greatly disordered. Between the seat and the forward arçon we should have a cushion like a pillow or a small sack that can be attached and detached easily with lacing-points; it should begin at the seat of the saddle, gradually increasing in size as it comes up to our belly, and at the top it should sit against the stomach to provide support to keep a heavy spear from forcing us to bend forward. It should be long enough to reach from one hip to the other; this prevents the rider from falling out of the saddle from any impact, even if he is stunned. The cushions for the legs should go almost right next to them, and they should be shaped like the urtus (that is the wood standing in front of the knees), and the cushions in the lower and upper parts should be broad enough to cover the thighs. Chapter 102: How the spear can be lengthened for the encounter144 The reach of a spear can be lengthened if the cuirass is made high or protruding on the left145 side, with a thick rest there whose base juts well forward. The stud to which the shield is attached should be made short: this way the shield weighs less and is further from contact. But most importantly we should not traverse our spear alone: rather it should remain in place, and our body traverses with the spear. This way the spear reaches further since it is sent forward, while our left side goes backward with the shield. But when turning our side with the spear, when we wish to lift it out of the rest, we should pull our arm well back to the rear; this way we can manage a large spear. If we traverse the spear without keeping 144 No Exer for this chapter. 145 Evidently as viewed. Cf. the rest of this paragraph, and above, ch. 100.

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our right side with it, it cannot be properly supported by the rest, and it will be shortened. When we are placing the lance, our body-weight should press on our right leg, and our left side should angle somewhat forward and the right side backward in order to gather the spear into the rest. From there our weight should shift a little to the left side so that we can bear a great spear, and for this reason the left part of the rear arçon and the forward urtus should be rather more spacious on that side than on the right. In relation to this, sometimes when we are hit below the shield, the lower edge of our cuirass impacts against our waist. Therefore it is good to place a piece of wood or iron or cushion in front of the arçon, near the middle of it. As we lean into the encounter, our shield comes to rest on that wood, and the blow is not much felt. For this it helps for the saddle to be somewhat tall so the shield can rest on the forward arçon. Above all the spear should remain as it was at first when it is placed on the rest, and it should go up, not down or to the side, and we should move our torso wherever we wish to direct the spear to encounter. This way even if the spear is thick we can control it as we raise or lower it. For always it angles upward, sitting on the rest, and by leaning the body along with the spear we can easily lift it, and remove it from the rest or return it to the leg. Chapter 103: How we should use our hand, following our eye so that our attacks go straight146 In order to joust intelligently, and so that we always joust properly when we are well armed and ride a good horse, and know clearly whether we do rightly or wrongly in the encounter, before we go to joust we must train a certain habit in the hand that works naturally, letting our eye guide our hand in whatever we wish to do. With the crossbow, hand-gun, blowpipe, bow, and similar devices, we hold it straight in front of our eye, aiming it by sight at the place where we wish to shoot. But if we are going to throw a dart, spear, stone, or some other weapon, or delivering a cut, reverse, or thrust, whether with a short or long weapon, we do not put our hand in front of our eyes and hold it there, for in order to gather force for the throw, it must be pulled back and quickly sent forward, allowing no time to position the arm or hand for the eye to take aim; hence the arm should be rationally trained so that it instinctively throws where the eyes look. Therefore we should not visualize that we are going to attack the target with the weapon we throw, but with our own hand which shows us clearly that it is going straight to the target without deviating up, down, or to the 146 No Exer for this chapter.

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side. When we have this intent, our hand always directs the weapon that it throws or the attack that it delivers, sending it on a straight path to where our eyes look. But if we focus on the point of the spear when we throw the dart or spear at some target, we will never deliver a proper throw. Likewise in jousting we should always look at our counterpart in that spot where we wish to encounter, and our hand should follow the eye once the spear is placed in the rest, without being distracted from that gaze. As the opponent shifts laterally in approaching, we should turn or traverse our spear toward him, neither more or less. In this matter many people are deceived, saying to those whom they presume to teach, the moment it goes off target, “Traverse, traverse!” – so that sometimes they make it traverse too much, and only hit the opponent with a sidelong blow and not an encounter. Others say “Don’t traverse so much, don’t traverse so much!” And so he fails to hit the other jouster, or if he does make the encounter, it is by luck rather than skill. Generally, everyone attacks well when they place a quintain or other target on a post, but afterward against another jouster they do not hit anywhere, on the body or the shield. Some say that this disparity happens because of the fear they have in the encounter, and that they experience no fear against the quintain. But the truth is that the quintain stays where it is when we begin to run against it, and therefore we can go to it straight without moving our side or the spear. But when we joust with an opponent, at the start of the course it seems that we stand as if face-to-face, and beginning to run we shift toward the opponent’s left side, and he to ours, especially when there is a tilt between us. Hence the spear, constantly orienting toward the opponent’s body, should only go traversed or straight to the degree that our counterpart approaches or recedes from the tilt; and jousting without a tilt, the spear should be directed to follow the motion of the opponent’s horse. Once we have placed the spear in the rest, the point should extend a little upward, and on no account should it move away from that target; only the body should move, sinking or lifting, and in sinking we should go far enough to encounter the opponent and aim at him. This way a great blow can be delivered, and we can lower a great spear right to the ground and lift it again. For when we straighten our body, it lifts the spear with it, which cannot be done if we lower the spear by itself. Hence our visor should be good, for when we lean to encounter the opponent, we also put our visor forward at the moment when the opponent can encounter it. Also we should rotate our right side with the spear,

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since this improves its reach so that we hit before the opponent, if he angles the spear and not his torso. Running in this way it is easy for the spear to be broken on the ground, a wall, or a similar place. Yet a blow can be given striking with an archetus which would be difficult encountering straight. And the spear should be cut from such wood that a little bend makes it break, but encountering head-on it resists well. In order to sit strongly in any kind of saddle, particularly one for jousting, the rider should plant his hips and loins well in the rear arçon, and his feet should be in line with the buttocks, neither before nor behind; and his torso, neck, and head should all lean a little forward, so when an encounter hits one of these body parts, the force is transmitted to the buttocks in a braced manner. This way the jouster cannot take any reverse; this principle can be demonstrated when a fighter on foot tries to hold off or push his opponent with a spear: if he stands so that his feet remain strongly planted, his body will not be bent backward. Whoever observes this order understands how to joust. Also, in this exercise of encountering the hand is often injured when the spear breaks, so before the joust it helps to apply a binding or other safeguard to the hand to protect it.

[Armor] Chapter 104: What properties defensive arms should have in order to be good147 I should write something about defensive arms, which logically require three principal properties: they should be light, protective, and flexible. But rarely do we see these properties in arms that knights commonly use, especially in the white armor worn by heavily armed knights: even if they are light, they hinder owing to their construction, nor are they protective, since they leave many openings. I have personally witnessed two combatants in full white armor getting hurt almost as quickly as if they had been in their shirts. Those who are capable should be armed otherwise, particularly in single combat. In this kind of fighting, I consider it more inconvenient to be burdened with too much armor than to have some parts of the body exposed, the rear parts at least, or to have them lightly armored. Anyone who knows how to conduct himself as I have already prescribed can easily be protected against taking from behind or 147 No Exer for this chapter.

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from the side, so that he can be lightly armed overall, and strongly where there is need of it. Indeed someone in a mail shirt can fight adequately with a [fully armored]148 knight, although it would be necessary to keep one’s distance with great caution until the heavily armed opponent falters or is disordered. In recent times and the present many excellent arms have been made all over Europe, and in a variety of styles, and new ones are invented daily. Therefore I will here say something about defensive arms. Chapter 105: Light arms149 I will say only a little about light arms. These days they are made in various manners, sometimes of cord in the manner of mail, sometimes like the stitching of shoes, sometimes just of mail, and sometimes doublets are made with tinned iron. A rather good form of light arms involves taking iron mail, section by section, spreading it over a loom, and stitching it to the fabric with strong, waxed cord, every stitch securing it along the line of mail rings. These days in various places better doublets are made from tinned steel that commonly comes from old swords. For this reason almost everyone wears armor, even if they are only lightly armored. Chapter 106: The doublet and its making The doublet should be long in front, covering the entire groin, and in back it should reach to the waist, but not to the point of being a hindrance. Over the pelvis it should be bowed or split. And it should be made with iron mail or else tinned lames. It is good for it to be covered with fabric so that we can put cotton between the fabric and the iron. This resists very well against all kinds of weapons. To make it more supple and protective, we should insert cotton in our doublet even when it is made with iron mail. Chapter 107: The leggings150 To make our leggings strong and supple they should be made with iron mail, with strips of mail between the fabric of the leggings and the lining. The strips should not be too long, reaching to the kneecap or hollow of the 148 fully armored] supplied from Exer. 149 For this chapter, see Exer 46v. 150 For this chapter, see Exer 47r.

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knee, or two or three fingers below the knee. At the knee the mail should be divided in two parts like a fork so that it does not get in our way. Below the knee there should be strips of mail in our boots, and these should attach to the strips in the leggings. This way we are no more constricted than if we were wearing only hose and boots, although somewhat heavier. If we have mail with linen hose and also woolen ones on top, this always causes considerable interference. Also a strip of iron mail should extend over the foot to the toes in the boots. Chapter 108: The sleeves151 Sleeves or strips of mail should be placed inside the sleeves of the doublet. Under the arms or at the armpits we should always have besagews or mail gussets, which should be strong and spacious so that we can maneuver our arms. They should be fastened with strong lacing-points. The besagews should cover the entire armpit and four or five fingers onto the arm, and they should be positioned so that the arm can easily flex. Chapter 109: The gloves152 The gloves should be thin and without leather or fabric on the palm, except that they should have some small retaining pieces that go below the fingers to hold the glove. The left glove should have strips of iron mail on the inside of the hand so that we can grab the opponent’s weapon. These strips should be of fine mail, and each separated from the others. With this type of glove we can hold the sword firm in our hand for a long time, and we can well throw a spear. Closed gloves hinder the hand and quickly tire it. Chapter 110: The head-armor153 Head-armor is worn in various styles. Sometimes for wearing secretly it is made of iron mail, and sometimes of small flexible lames of iron or steel. Alternatively they wear a plate casquet,154 but this is not hidden. This casquet can have a bar between the eyes to protect the nose. The head-armor should always be made with gaps or openings and spacious over the ears so we can hear. 151 For this chapter, see Exer 47r. 152 For this chapter, see Exer 47v. 153 For this chapter, see Exer 47v. 154 casquet] Exer: caxquete o celaduna.

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The plate barbutius, which is called a bevor in the vernacular, and the collar or gorget of mail should be somewhat spacious. I will discuss this more fully below.155 Chapter 111: How to arm ourselves when we are moving by night156 If we can be armed as we will, or when we go on the road by night so that we cannot be seen clearly, it is useful to wear a leather chest-reinforce over the other armor, made like a leather adarga; it should come almost up to the chin, and below it should be shaped to the wearer’s torso, and it should fasten to the doublet or armor with laces. The chest-reinforce should not be placed tightly: this way it is harder for a weapon to get a purchase on it, and the body is less likely to be hurt, since the leather absorbs the impact; when iron arms receive a blow, they often break, and also the body receives great harm, as I discuss below. Chapter 112: Heavy armor, beginning with the greaves or armor of the lower legs157 The greaves, or armor that we use for the lower legs when we are in heavy armor, should not go all the way around the lower legs, since this burdens and hinders the body excessively. They should be made almost as thin as possible, except in the front which is called the spine: people don’t get hurt owing to weakness of the greaves. In back there should be strips of mail, and some mail should extend to cover the foot, and the plate of the greaves should be a little short, and the ankle should be covered with mail or small lames. For fighting on foot we should have a white-armor shoe, made of lames, and it should flex; and under the foot there should be a soft sole to keep the foot from slipping. Chapter 113: The cuisses or arnesiæ, or armor for the thighs158 The cuisses that armor the thighs should be made much as I have said of the greaves, except that the cuisses should be made stronger in front, although thin compared to the way they are often made. They should have two strips of mail on the side, and another in back that comes behind the knee to the greaves, and over the knee small iron lames. The disk that protects the outside of the knee should be small or else made of articulated 155 See 2.118–19. 156 For this chapter, see Exer 47v. 157 For this chapter, see Exer 48r. 158 For this chapter, see Exer 48v.

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plates, for these offer little hindrance and protect well. The cuisse should not be long since it should be of only one plate; at the top it should have small plates or lames that flex so we can ride and walk freely. This way we can reasonably wear a high cuisse. Where the large plate of the cuisse ends, it should be tied with a lacing-point, and the lacing-point should come from the hose to prevent any hindrance in flexing the lames, and then they will be flexible, and reach to the cuirass. Chapter 114: The white cuirass159 The white cuirass should be strong in front, and on the sides it should decrease in thickness to keep it light. For aside from the first encounter of the spear, no piercing attack can much harm it, aside from the crossbow and some kinds of bombards. In the first encounter it is common to wear a reinforce over the cuirass. For dueling one-on-one the cuirass should be made quite thin in the rear, since it incurs no danger there. It can even be made thin overall, since the first encounter or blow can be easily avoided when we hold the horse on the left hand, and from there we can turn to get the opponent’s back when he passes by. This way we can do without a chest-reinforce, or having passed by the opponent we can allow it to fall. But against the encounter it is good to wear a small iron disk on the left side, which should be light in use but sufficiently large in circumference. The short cuirass should reach at least as far as the waist, with lames below, one resting lightly on the other, and they should be spacious in the hips lest they should touch there. For this reason it helps if the doublet is very full in the upper part so that the cuirass rests there and not on the lower parts. Chapter 115: The cuirass for combat on foot160 The traditional cuirass for foot combat is usually long, almost to the knees; its skirt, or lames that extend from the waist downward, should be light, and they should flex easily. With this cuirass one wears two bevors with openings. Someone who knows how to fight with the pollaxe can certainly leave off one of the bevors for the sake of lightness. Furthermore it should have windows that look downward: we should avoid having openings in front because of the real danger that the point of a pollaxe could lodge there. 159 For this chapter, see Exer 49r. 160 For this chapter, see Exer 49r.

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Chapter 116: The helmet, which is called the armet in the vernacular, and its visor161 The armet or helmet should have sufficient space, and in front at least should be thick, and at the sides and to the rear it should diminish in thickness; and over the ears it should bulge in the manner of a swelling or a snail-shell. It should have openings so that we can hear, since when we cannot hear and the ears are impeded, all the other senses are obstructed so that we get confused and can easily make mistakes. If the helmet162 bulges as I have described it is also stronger, for it sends thrusts outward on the sides. Nonetheless at the temples it should come close to make the armor firm. It is also good to have a small ridge from one ear to the other over the top of the helmet and another from the front to the rear. The rimula or scalfatura – the opening of the helmet in front of our face – should go low at the chin to facilitate breathing. The edge or orlo or fold around the rimula or scalfatura should be reasonably large, with an outward turn to intercept the point of the opponent’s weapon; otherwise when the visor is opened or lifted, the opponent’s weapon sometimes enters to injure the face. Therefore every edge or fold should have a small outward turn. The visor should be far from the face for the sake of breathing; and there should be a slit over each eye so that we can see upward. But it should be narrow, so that even if a thrust hits there it cannot get in, although there is little danger, since there the helmet angles backward. Chapter 117: A useful concealed casquet for wearing under the armet163 If we anticipate getting hit with great blows from a warhammer in mounted combat, it is good to wear a thin casquet under the armet, and it should be tempered and doubled all over,164 so it will not break nor easily allow anything to penetrate it. This way even if the armet is broken, the casquet keeps our head from feeling the blow. But there should be some lining or cloth underneath, and also between one layer of armor and the other. Also, for much greater resistance, and so we can turn our head, the base of the armet should slot or join with the iron collar enclosing the neck. This is secured to the cuirass in front and back, and at the top it has a turned edge in the form of a channel. The armet has a similar one at the bottom, so that the collar and armet fit each other and can rotate on the 161 For this chapter, see Exer 49v. 162 helmet] Exer: almete o capacete. 163 For this chapter, see Exer 49v. 164 Exer adds: like the blade of a sword.

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channels. A stud is placed on each side so the head will turn no more than it naturally does without harm. It can also rotate with a little bevor. Chapter 118: The bevor or armor worn in front of the neck and chin165 With the arms that are commonly worn, the bevor or barbutium causes more discomfort than other arms. It should be spacious,166 having two windows in the lower part so that we can see our chest and hands and the horse’s saddle. The same windows must be in the bevor of the armet, and it should be spacious in front of the chin. If the helmet or armet is for a heavy armor, it should have the same windows under the prow of the bevor, and some small openings above, and these slots should align with those of the bevor that goes over it. For the bevor and visor can cause the greatest hindrance on account of breath, reducing our endurance and preventing us from seeing our own bodies. These slots allow us to see and breathe better without putting us in danger: the slots look downward so that no weapon can strike straight through, and we can see how our weapon should go, and what is especially useful, we receive continuous fresh air through the slots. Also we can see the opponent’s weapon. In back of the armet at the neck we should have good iron mail, and it should be secured below so that the neck does not become uncovered. We should also wear an iron guard or rondel for massed combat. To protect us from hammer-blows, our gauntlets should be roomy in the hands, allowing us to insert a cloth to keep the iron plate from impacting the hand. Also the elbow-guards and the scapularia (which in the vernacular are called pauldrons) should not sit on the shoulders, but should be well elevated so that they do not sit on them; this way the warhammer cannot hurt us so much with its blows. We should also secure them with rivets and straps to keep the lames from separating. The armet or helmet should be roomy with plenty of clearance above, and the iron plate should not touch the top of the head. The mail at the bottom edge of the helmet should be doubled, since often a single one is easily penetrated, however strong it is, especially in back where the armor gaps between the neck and back when we bend over. Hence we should be provided with a long piece of doubled mail in that spot.

165 For this chapter, see Exer 50r. 166 Exer adds: to fit the celada.

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Chapter 119: A bevor or barbutium for light armor167 For arming with light arms, a bevor can be made so that it attaches with a collar of lames, as I have said above in dealing with the armet. In back there should be just one narrow lame, about one finger broad, which goes down on the collar, since otherwise the bevor cannot encompass us well; nor should it be longer beyond that little lame than other bevors commonly are. Chapter 120: The sallet168 The sallet should be broad so that the bevor can fit under it. And the bevor has a strap that attaches to a stud underneath the bevor. This way the bevor rotates with the head and sallet. The collar should be short and roomy, and with two openings, and it should be tied to the cuirass in front and back; this is more secure than mail, since there is nowhere that it permits harm. The sallet should have a little iron mail sewn in the rear to protect the neck. The bevor can also be made with slots169, allowing it go around. But it is not as secure or good as if it had a collar. Chapter 121: The arm-harness170 Concerning the arm-harness, we should pay close attention to the shoulders and armpits, for hammer-blows often strike at the shoulders, while estocs or swords thrust at the armpits. Chapter 122: The pauldrons or scapulatia171 The pauldrons that cover the shoulders and shoulderblades should extend over the back of the cuirass toward the spine. But they should not be as they are commonly worn, covering the entire shoulderblade, so that one laps over the other, and they constantly touch and interfere with each other, adding weight without benefit. But if it is made of small lames it 167 No Exer for this chapter. 168 No Exer for this chapter. 169 Since the “slots” (fenestellæ, literally “windowlets”) are designed to allow rotation, they may be similar to those found on the lower cannons of vambraces (see below, fn. 178). The openings (fenestræ, literally “windows”) on the collar may refer to holes used to lace it to the cuirass. 170 For this chapter, see Exer 50r. 171 For this chapter, see Exer 50r.

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works better. On the upper part the pauldron should have a strong ridge down the middle. The Germans wear reasonably good pauldrons, except that they are too broad behind, and do not cover well in front. We should have besagews of small lames that cover the armpit and are well secured to the shoulder with laces, covering under the arms, and the lames made to flex. This will not interfere with the arm, whether in running or wielding the spear. And wherever the white armor does not cover, it should be protected with good mail. Light arms require strength in all parts, since arrows and other sorts of danger can come from any direction. Chapter 123: The manopla or iron gauntlet172 The gauntlet should be made wide enough not to interfere with the fingers, particularly the index finger, or with the weapon in our hand. At the forearm it should have a concavity, since the grip of the sword rests there, and if the gauntlet is round and long there, we cannot properly grasp it, making it difficult to hold the sword. In the part of the gauntlet above the index finger there should be a little iron mail protecting the hand from thrusts between the thumb and the index finger; that mail strip should have a small gap that the sword can be slotted through. Chapter 124: The left gauntlet173 The left gauntlet should have some strips of mail on the palm so that we can seize the opponent’s weapon when necessary; and in that instant we should attack the opponent with our right hand with an onslaught of powerful blows. Gauntlets should have mail protecting the fist where the grip of the sword issues, for men are often injured there with thrusts. Therefore when dueling in heavy armor, all our weapons should have a little disk on the crossbar of the sword or estoc to protect us from thrusts delivered at the hand. A gauntlet is more secure, or more useful, when it is assembled from lames, and the lames should extend over the grip of the sword as far as the forearm, starting from our fingers with a long gauntlet, and they should open and close with the hand. Such mail or small lames everywhere protects the hand. 172 For this chapter, see Exer 50v. 173 For this chapter, see Exer 50v.

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Chapter 125: How to attach one plate of armor to another174 Where one plate of armor attaches to another, aside from the rivets, there should also be strong straps, not just the type that are commonly secured with rivets, but the ones that pass through holes to hold the plates together. This binding is flexible, and does not break, and always holds the armor together. Rivets work very differently, for as long as they last they hold strongly, but when we hit them with a warhammer every plate comes apart, which can certainly be seen in combat, for after a few blows the combatants become unarmored in many places. Straps of this sort are more necessary in the pauldrons and gauntlets than anywhere else, for in these places we receive many blows from warhammers. Chapter 126: The fringe of mail that protects the buttocks and thighs, which in the vernacular we call the fauld, and the gussets coming over the shoulders and upper arms175

The fauld, which sits under the lower edge of the cuirass, and the arm-gussets should not be as big as is commonly used, adding great weight with minimal benefit. It is enough for the gussets or mail sleeves to attach about one hand’s breadth inside the cuirass with lacing-points; these gussets should be short and reasonably snug, and tied at a place where they can reach while remaining flexible and without riding up to leave the arm exposed. But if we have arm-harness of plate, we should not have mail except where the lames not cover. If we do not have white arm-harness of plate, the mail should reach to the hand. The sleeve should be narrow there, but broad at the armpit, so that additional strong besagews can sit under these sleeves, being stitched to them. Chapter 127: The making of the fauld or fringe of iron mail176 The fauld should not be large, and it is safer when it is attached or sewn to the cuirass, for this way even if the wearer bends over, his loins remain covered, which does not happen if it is belted on. Inside the fauld there should be another piece of strong mail, coming from the loins to the buttocks, passing between the legs, protecting the genitals, and reaching as far as the navel in front, where it should be tied with lacing-points. This fauld or brayette protects the lower parts without hindering us, since the 174 For this chapter, see Exer 51r. 175 For this chapter, see Exer 51v. 176 For this chapter, see Exer 51v.

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other fauld often rides up, making us vulnerable. The Germans often use these brayettes, which do not weigh much and are useful. Chapter 128: Another light armor for combat177 For fighting in light arms, as long as the cuirass is sufficiently firm where the lance-rest sits, in other places it need not be thick; and the rest in which the spear goes should be doubled. The gauntlets should be roomy over the hands on account of hammer-blows. The elbow-guards should be roomy, and likewise the pauldrons rising above the shoulders, to prevent them getting hurt with blows as I have explained above. And in the rear they should not be so poor or short that in one blow they uncover the shoulderblade or arm. Under the arm at the armpits we should have besagews that are tied to the cuirass, or else flexing lames in the armpits of the armor. The pauldrons can also be made as a single unit with the arm-harness as far as the hand, and there should be slots at the elbow so that the arm can rotate.178 But such arm-harnesses are very heavy and cumbersome. Therefore it is better to have small flexible lames on the arm. Other exposed places should always be covered with the best iron mail, such as inside the elbows and under the buttocks and groin. The armet should be spacious, and it should go high, and wax should be applied all around to protect our head from the clangor of blows. The space between the visor and the chin, or the prow of the visor itself, should be a little rounded. The lining of the helmet, particularly for jousting, should gap at the ears, so that they are free to hear, and for this reason the lining should not touch them. For the initial impact, various sorts of arms are worn, such as the shield and the disks sometimes girded to the body, and sometimes tied to the forward arçon in such a way that they can be removed, falling off after the first encounter is over (the encounter is what we call it when one comes to impact against the other). Many other arms of this sort are being developed these days. If we engage in equestrian combat, particularly one-on-one, we should pay great attention to armoring the horses, at least when there is an agreement that the horses can be killed; and because of the encounter they 177 No Exer for this chapter. 178 The “slots” (fenestellæ, literally “windowlets”) may refer to the slots that parallel the upper edge on the forearm pieces of some vambraces, next to the elbow (e.g. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2.150.27, 2.150.31, 2.150.32, 2.150.33, 2.150.35 among many others). Cf. also above, fn. 169.

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should be armored more in front. On the iron shaffron that the horse wears on its forehead, it is good to apply another very light and small one that can come off with the impact. On the occiput or nape of the horse’s head there should be a small rotating iron rondel to protect against warhammer-blows. On the left side of the neck there should be some lames or pieces of iron that are easily lifted with the impact. Anyone who wants to harm his opponent’s horse aims his spear between the ear and the shoulderblade, or right near the ear, for the point of the spear can get lodged in some part of the neck, or in front of the shoulderblade, or beneath the saddle, or in the hollow where the rider’s legs go; and the place where our legs sit commonly remains unarmored, which is a very great danger. Therefore this is a good place to target with the estoc or another thrusting weapon. Hence many parts of the horse should be armored with mail, especially below, although this is more appropriate for going among foot-combatants. If anyone wants to wear arms that are light and protective, he should use the very best iron or steel. The best iron and steel is found in the German city of Innsbruck. Masters there test armor with crossbows, and it is commonly said that the temper of this armor comes from a particular water that flows there, but in reality they temper with any cold water. Having seen the quality of that iron, some people wished to try to make a cuirass that could resist a sclopetum (which is a small type of bombard), and this was successfully proved by experiment. Nonetheless we should cover the cuirass with cotton padding and well-sewn cloth. And moistening it makes it stronger, although such armor is heavy relative to what the Germans normally wear, though not relative to the Italians or French. And this armor should be strong in all parts. But these days in Italy armor is made almost as good as in Innsbruck, even though the art originated recently in Germany. And next to using the best and purest raw materials, the greatest secret consists in pounding the armor when it is cold, and in seeing that it has a strong temper without being prone to breaking, rather like the head of an arrow, spear, or the like, which neither breaks nor bends. At the time when I was writing this work, duke Sigismund of Austria, Galeazzo da Sanseverino, and Claude de Vaudrey of Burgundy were busily developing various types of arms. Prior to them, almost all men-at-arms were armed in the same way, particularly as regards armor. These three illustrious men invented many new arms for both foot and mounted combat, and not only diverse but very useful. Shortly afterwards the French invaded Italy to attack the kingdom of Naples and the duchy of Milan, and many Germans and Spaniards took part in this war, so that nowadays diverse and excellent arms are made.

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Previously only the armor made in Innsbruck was outstandingly strong, because of its temper and because it was pounded cold when they had shaped it. But today both techniques are known in many places. Duke Sigismund was the first inventor of this excellence, and the second was Galeazzo da Sanseverino.

[Athletics] Chapter 129: On brazeria or throwing in general179 Brazeria in Spanish refers to any kind of throwing with the arm, and brazeria and brazear is what we call the act of throwing. There is little difference between throwing one weapon and another. But anyone who works without reason or art in any form of throwing will conduct themselves like a beginner. In throwing we should chiefly take care not to angle to the left side when we discharge the spear, stone, or other projectile. We should make a great turn backward on the right side, and we should discharge straight forward, and neither our head nor arm should angle to the left lest we develop a bad habit; for this reason we should angle a little to the right. Therefore whenever we throw well, we feel fatigue on the right side. When the weapon rotates to the left it cannot travel far. The spear that we call the dart and the jineta should always go high, so our arm should stand as high as possible at the moment of discharging, and should discharge fluidly. Discharging any weapon requires the arm to extend upward, except the iron bar, which should go low and by our side, almost the way we serve a ball in ball-games. But in throwing the arm should be lifted up, and the weapon discharged from there. Chapter 130: The flying stone180 The flying stone that we call the volandera requires the arm to be extended, but somewhat low, while our right side sinks lest it allow the stone to veer to the left.

179 For this chapter, see Exer 30v. 180 For this chapter, see Exer 31r.

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Chapter 131: The weapon that is called the dart in the vernacular181 The dart should not go as high as the spear, although it should be thrown higher than the small stone. But we should fling our arm well, remaining straight, and our little finger should go under the shaft, along with the next one, called the heart finger, just as is done with the spear or other throwing weapons. The thumb and first two fingers should hold the habiente or throwing-strap. The greatest secret in throwing a spear is that when we wish to discharge it from our hand, all five fingers should remain fixed, meaning that they should not open up, spread, nor lift up, and the arm should in no way be bent, but should remain as straight as possible; this way the spear is always thrown well. Likewise any other thrown weapon requires us to keep our fingers fixed. Chapter 132: Concerning the jineta182 We should throw the jineta almost straight over our shoulder, leaning only a little to the right. It should be held firmly with the thumb and index finger, while the other fingers should hold lightly, helping to control the weapon. Chapter 133: The principal basis for throwing the spear, dart, and bar183 I will here briefly explain the most effective basis for throwing the spear, dart, and bar, even though I have already written about it elsewhere in somewhat different terms. To make it look good and to render a man fluid calls for a jineta or throwing-spear. We should arrive with great impetus at the mark where we plant our feet, and run straight, deviating neither to the right nor the left. We should ensure that the right foot does not stay too much behind the left, but even with it, and displaced as far to the right as possible, which will keep the arm from rotating over our head to the left side, which is very bad in throwing. This also makes us send all our power to the hand, arm, and other necessary or suitable places. We should not try to go out with the weapon but to remain upright, and a little toward the right arm, and yet that side should be lifted as much as possible, while we plant our left foot strongly in front. But as a matter of fact because of the impetus 181 For this chapter, see Exer 31r. 182 For this chapter, see Exer 31r. 183 For this chapter, see Exer 31r.

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we have generated in running to the mark, it is good to go out a little after the spear. But to plant our left foot as I have said, we should not go past the mark with much impetus. It should also be noted that the right foot should go with the instep dragging on the ground. Without observing this rule no one can be a good thrower of the spear, dart, or of the small stone or volandera. The bar calls for one foot to remain almost even with the other, and likewise the great stone, which in Spanish we call the esquina. Also with the spear our right foot should go almost as far forward as the left, but displaced as much as possible so that our arm does not go over our head but displaces to the side. This is why many riders throw well, and men on foot not so much: riding keeps the feet even so that they do not allow us to lift our arm over the head – which I consider to be a great and common error among throwers. Chapter 134: How to throw the spear if one has little force in one’s hands184 For those who have little force in their hands, it helps to place the spear between the two longer fingers, so that greater strength can be applied in the hand. But it is better to hold the spear in the usual fashion, with the little finger and ring finger under the shaft, and the spear well inside the hand, so that it is held with the larger joints of the fingers, with the thumb extending well on the spear, always pointing upward or to the rear of the shaft. This also applies to those who have little strength in their hand, indeed to everyone, at least when we are throwing with hard wood. Throwing with a soft spear requires placing it only lightly in the hand, since we should hold or control it with the tips of the fingers, lightly throwing it on high. Only the thumb and index finger should be tightened when we throw a spear, particularly in the instant when we discharge it from the hand. Chapter 135: The great stone, which the Spanish call the esquina185 The great stone or esquina lies on the shoulder, and we should do a great turn on the right side, and send the arm up high, and when the stone leaves our hand we should not go after it. We should sink into our knees and a little to the left to avoid going after the esquina.

184 For this chapter, see Exer 31v. 185 For this chapter, see Exer 31v.

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Chapter 136: The reed or stick that the Spanish call the varilla186 The varilla should be thrown with the arm low like the small stone, and the fingers should be strongly tightened, flinging the entire arm, particularly the fingers, and keeping the thumb and index firm. Chapter 137: How to throw the spear when we are mounted187 To throw a spear when we are on horseback, we should tighten our thighs strongly, do a great rotation, and then in the moment of discharging the spear we should stay upright in the stirrups; and we should not go to the left side or onto the horse’s neck, but remain straight, almost over the forward arçon. If we fall back to the rear we can impart little force, while going to the neck sends the spear downward. Chapter 138: How the stirrups should sit for throwing the spear on horseback188 For throwing from horseback, the stirrups should be almost equal in length, and the left stirrup should go before the girth, the [right]189 behind to help us plant our weight on the left foot, as I have already explained in relation to throwing on foot. It is tiring to go over the forward arçon when we throw the spear because the left leg holds us back, but it makes us send in all our powers, and also it does not allow us to turn to the left side, which often happens if the left stirrup is longer than the right. Chapter 139: How the saddle should sit on the horse for throwing190 A saddle for throwing on horseback should lean a little forward or else sit straight, and it should be spacious, with high arçons. It is easier to lift ourselves in throwing when it angles forward. But if our powers and spirit allow us to turn over the rear arçon or rump of the horse, and then to straighten ourselves onto the forward arçon as we discharge, it will be better if the saddle sits straight or even on the horse. When it angles forward, the rider rises more easily, but projects a little less. For throwing with a sling the arm should be well extended. But the sling ruins the arm for throwing other things. 186 For this chapter, see Exer 31v. 187 For this chapter, see Exer 31v. 188 For this chapter, see Exer 32v. 189 right] Coll: left; corrected reading supplied from Exer. 190 For this chapter, see Exer 32v.

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Chapter 140: A remedy against pains of the arm when it hurts because of throwing191 Many things can offer some relief to the arm when it hurts from throwing, but rarely can it be fully remedied unless we allow it to rest for a long time. But in order to keep us going, a useful and easy remedy is to plant our hand somewhere and place all our body-weight straight onto our arm. The sooner this is done after a throw, the more useful it is. Also, by rubbing the arm for a long time with warm cloths and washing it with aqua vitæ, we can alleviate the pain and fatigue. This way the arm can endure throwing more often. It is even better to anoint the arm with fat from a he-goat, stag, ram, or ox, for this comforts the sinews, especially when the pain comes from some impact or coldness. This remedy against every bodily fatigue helps particularly against weakness and coldness of the sinews. Anyone who uses such an ointment will never have pain in the arm on account of throwing.

[Vaulting] Chapter 141: Instruction on agility192 All arts of agility have one thing in common, namely that we should lift our body as we do them, sending our power to our shoulders and chest. When we begin to work we should act quickly as in other things, and we should focus on where we wish to go even if we cannot reach it. For once we have begun, even if we have have second thoughts, it is more dangerous not to pursue our original intention. Chapter 142: How to do vaults or turns on the horse193 The rotations on the horse should always go as high as the length of our arm, otherwise we cannot do great turns, nor will they look good. Our entire body should be collected, and it should lie horizontally over the left arm or the right, and our legs should go as high as our head in the turn. Among the vaults where we go over the saddle with our feet, the pomada, peregrina, remontada, and mora embody the way of all the vaults. Therefore for sustaining agility, it is enough to do these vaults or turns

191 For this chapter, see Exer 32v. 192 For this chapter, see Exer 36r. 193 For this chapter, see Exer 36r.

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from time to time. But I will explain something of the names of these vaults in their place. Chapter 143: The rotations that are commonly done on the horse or saddle194 As to the vaults that are commonly done on the horse, I have decided to speak of some of the major ones here, and the ones that look best. And since I here use vernacular names for the vaults, I will provide brief explanations. Many of the names are arbitrary rather than descriptive, although some take their names from the names of their inventors, and I have also have included many other names of this sort. For understanding the term “vault” we should know that tripudiare or turning over the saddle is called voltear in Spanish; volta can be translated or rendered as “a turn” [girus] in Latin. Hence we have volvo, evolvo, and revolvo, and similar words. At the beginning of vaulting, our left hand should grasp the forward arçon, and we should plant our feet on the saddle, lifting our body on high in the same moment. The transacta: Grasping the front arçon and crossing to the other side of the horse without the body touching the saddle. The half pomada: By the rear arçon with the left hand, and the right hand comes onto the horse’s rump, and we mount into the saddle. The half mamia, which some call the rotada: Grasping by the rear arçon, and we mount into the saddle facing the rump. The baldassina (named for its creator Baldassino) is like the half mamia, but is done contrarily from the right side.195 The full pomada: Grasping with the left hand, and we mount into the saddle with both legs on one side the way women sit on horses. The “stirrup-leather vault,” with one hand or both: Our left hand grabs the stirrup-leather, and the other touches on the rear arçon, and our body does a turn on the saddle, and returns to the ground where we were before. The torno or turn from both arçons, that is the front and rear, when we go around on the saddle and so return to the ground. The “vault of the mane” is when our left hand grabs around the middle of the horse’s neck at the small mane-hairs, and our other hand touches the middle of the saddle, and our body turns over the forward arçon to the ground.

194 For this chapter, see Exer 36r. 195 Exer adds: placing the right hand on the forward arçon.

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The “vault of the fist” is when we place our fist on the side of the saddle-cover, and without grabbing anything we do a turn, called a torno in the vernacular. It is called the “vault of the stirrup” when the stirrup comes below the belly of the horse, and putting our left hand inside it we do a turn or torno. The “vault of the lacing-point” is when a horseman sits in the saddle, and the vaulter grabs the lacing-point of his hose, with his left hand touching on the rider’s arm, and does a turn over the rider’s shoulder, returning to the ground. The peregrina is done going past the half mamia, not touching the saddle except with the hands, so that the entire body rotates to the right side of the horse with the feet on the ground. The full mamia begins like the peregrina, and ends up mounted with the left leg, and the face forward. In Italy they use the name “full mamia” for a different vault. This one is pretty minor, since it is done in two actions or times, and this is doing the half mamia so that the left knee comes onto the horse’s neck, and the foot goes across to the left side, and then the vaulter can easily return to sit with his right foot in the saddle and his face forward. But if someone can do the remontada by the forward and rear arçon without touching the horse’s neck, then cross with a torno and come back to sit in the saddle or on the rump, he can very easily do this mamia of which I have spoken. The half mora is crossing beyond the full pomada to sit with the left leg on the rear part of the horse. The half and full mora are named for Ludovico Sforza, duke of Milan, for he is nicknamed “the Moor.” The full mora goes the same way as the half mora, but goes across with both legs to sit on the left side of the horse. The ligera or “light” is done like the half mamia, but the body should go so high that the feet land on the saddle, and then the vaulter stands high upright. The galeazzia is done in honor of Galeazzo da Sanseverino or in his manner, and named for him; it like a double half mamia, going around twice before touching the saddle, and also we do not plant the hands, and we sit facing backward. The volta de medina, named for its creator Medina, is done by grabbing the stirrup-leather with just the right hand, and doing a vault upsidedown almost like the schiavonesca or peligrosa, except that we go over the saddle and come back to the ground with a turn, though we do not go entirely over the saddle but just with our feet or legs. The cimada is done grabbing by the rear arçon, and the feet enter by it into the saddle, so that we stand upright with our face forward.

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The volta cabriola is done from the same grip as the cimada, and we go across to the right side of the horse, and from there our feet land on the saddle, or else we come low as if we were doing the full pomada, but the entire body goes upright. The vaults of the damsel or lady are done when someone is sitting on the horse’s rump; they go like the half pomada and passa volta, that is the feet go across by the middle of the saddle to the other side, and we return to sit as in the full pomada. Also from this position vaulters can mount or go across the middle of the saddle to the other side. But this is easy. The gropada: We grab by the right side of the horse, and the body turns over the saddle, and the feet land on the horse’s rump. The arzonada: From a standing start or running from the side, we grab both arçons with our hands, and leap through the middle to the other side. The volta remontada: We should come from either arçon or stirrup-leather as when we wish to do a torno from the ground, but the body should go higher and more over the saddle, so that when we go all the way across the horse we have space to sit in the saddle again. When we grab by the forward arçon or the stirrup-leather we should sit in the saddle with our face forward, and when we grab the rear arçon we should face the rump. This is pretty easy to do. The montesina is when we come in the manner of the remontada, and cross to the other side of the horse, without touching the saddle except with the hands. This vault was difficult for me, but I do not know how it would be for more agile people if they were to do it. In the corrida, we hold the saddle in our hands, and coming from the rear of the horse we place the saddle on the horse, instantly jumping onto it with the feet. Another version comes running, but only one hand is sent onto the rump with the feet leaping onto the saddle, for the vault is minor with both hands. The schiavonesca, also called the “vault of the neck,” is when a rider sits in the saddle, and the vaulter comes running, and sends his hands and head onto the horse’s rump, so that his legs go over the rider’s shoulders, and the rider takes them, and the vaulter sits on the rider’s neck. The “vault of the shoulder” is done coming at a run, quickly planting our feet and hands on the horse’s rump, and instantly leaping over the rider’s shoulders with our feet and hands, at the same time straightening ourselves and leaping to the ground. Our feet should not press on the rider’s shoulders nor to the rear, but we should try to go as high as we can jump, and not tire the rider.

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Chapter 144: Some vaults that are done when the horse is running196 Some vaults are done when running on horseback, although I will here speak only of the more challenging or greater ones. In these vaults the rider places his feet in the saddle and stands upright while the horse is running. To do this he must stand very straight, not leaning in any direction, tightening his knees back as much as he can, and his hand should hold the reins with gentle and consistent tension. And when he wants to steady the horse, he opens his legs and sits in the saddle. Another vault is done when we are on horseback, slipping our leg over the left stirrup-leather, and bringing the stirrup back behind the leg to receive the foot again, so that the stirrup-leather will allow the leg to turn around while we ride; then as the horse runs, we slip our right leg over the horse’s neck, turning our face to the left, and we turn on the left stirrup back into the saddle to ride straight again, our right leg going over the rear arçon back to its place. Another rather easier one can be done in which we do not turn, but slip our right leg over the forward arçon and between our other leg and the horse’s flank, and send it back to the rear to return to its place again. For vaulting it is very useful for us to learn to practice certain vaults, such as the cimada, cabriola, and the “light vault” or ligera, which greatly lighten our body. The peregrina, remontada, and similar vaults teach us how to support ourselves on our arms; so do the vaults of the stirrup-leather, of the pommel and forward arçon. The vaults of the mane and fist give us the spirit to rotate over the saddle onto the ground. Chapter 145: How to execute great vaults, and which of them require strength in one arm, and which in the other197 The half mora and the full mora work somewhat like the full pomada. With these four – the half pomada, full pomada, half mora, and full mora – we should lift ourselves up on the left arm as much as possible. Therefore in the first leap we should go high enough to fully extend our arm upright; otherwise it will bend when our weight is on it in the vault, and we cannot finish. In these four vaults we make little use of the strength of the right arm, except insofar as we give with the right hand strongly in the saddle or rump. After that we are supported by our left arm. 196 For this chapter, see Exer 37v. 197 For this chapter, see Exer 37v.

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Four other vaults – the peregrina, the full mamia, galeazzia, and remontada – go on the right arm, and it should remain in place until the vault is finished, or we are at the point of completing it; and our left hand and arm should stay extended straight, so that we can go over the fist. To do the full mamia and galeazzia, we should first envision going as with the peregrina. To do the mora, we should first direct our intention to the full pomada. When we wish to do the remontada, we should look to the vault of the stirrup-leather, but going more over the horse and higher, since height gives us the ability to go wherever we wish. If we go low there is no space to do a great or long vault, since we quickly meet the saddle, or we stay so low that our arms cannot support us or carry us where we wish to go. Chapter 146: The vaults of the damsel or lady198 In the vaults of the damsel we should lift our feet as much as we can, bending forward at the waist so that our head leans over the horse’s neck, with our feet going across by the saddle, and when we sit our body should come upright next to the person who is sitting on the horse’s rump. In all vaults our left arm should be straight, and should not pull on the horse or stirrup-leather anywhere; nor should our body bend, and once we are over the saddle or arm we should complete the entire vault in a single action and firm manner. Note that it is only called a vault when it is done in a single action, not touching the saddle or going in between the arçons except with the hands. Once the buttocks or thighs are between the arçons, even if the vaulter rotates, it is no longer a vault, since he lets his elbows and buttocks touch the saddle to give him new force. This kind of turning cannot really be called a vault, but two or three done as separate motions. Therefore our body should go as high as our fully extended arm in turning over the saddle, coming from above to sit wherever we wish to settle: those who go low, fumbling on the saddle with their elbows, knees, and buttocks, are not doing what can truly be called vaults, but rather capers that somewhat resemble vaults, such as children do. There is often a great deception in this respect, when people sit with the buttocks and instantly lift their legs to spin around, making inexperienced observers believe they have done a vault. For this reason vaults should always be done at the height of our arms – this way there is no deception, for people can plainly see whether it has been done in a single blow. 198 For this chapter, see Exer 38r.

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[Athletics] Chapter 147: Jumping with the feet together199 In jumping with our feet together, we should take stones in our hands, and lift ourselves as high as we can, and in the final jump we should strongly throw the stones to the ground. If we approach at a run, it should be with great speed, and when we come to the mark we should bear ourselves up high. We should take care not to bend at the loins. This is the way to do it even if we are doing many jumps in a row, so that we can sustain them, for if we bend our body or sink over our knees, we cannot jump far or many times in a row. When we do a running jump, we should come to the mark fast, particularly in the last four or five steps, but they should not be long, and when one foot lands in the mark, the other should be lifted as high as possible, so that the other will follow it, otherwise we jump low. And so that it does not stay back, the foot that is in the air should be put forward as much as possible. It is good to hold in our breath in all forms of jumping and throwing, and our strength and speed should aspire upward. The running jump calls for a stone fixed in the ground at the height of two palms, in which we plant our foot. For jumping with the staff we should grasp it strongly, and focus all our strength in our arms and hands, planting ourselves on the staff. For jumping with two steps and a jump, our legs should be well opened, and we should go up high. For a single jump with the staff, just one foot should land in the mark, and from there both go together. One thing should be particularly heeded in all forms of jumping and running, that our arms as well as our legs should extend well forward and upward. If we wish to lift ourselves with our legs, but our hands stay close to our sides or chest, we cannot lift ourselves much: we go heavily, and our steps or jumps are small. Therefore when we jump, our arms should always extend forward, going as high as possible, and our feet or legs should follow our arms. When we run we should observe the same order so that the entire body is fluid, or disuelto as is said in vernacular Spanish. For no animal can jump well, or run, or fly for that matter, if its forelegs or arms or wings are not well extended. If we wish to jump to the rear, for example with joined feet, our arms should likewise be extended backward, though our head should not lean backward, but should always stay forward. 199 For this chapter, see Exer 38v.

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One thing should be observed as crucial in all forms of jumping, namely that from beginning to end when we lift our body, we should do our best to thrust ourselves high and forward. Chapter 148: How to run200 When running, we should hold in our breath, and send our power to our shoulders, and our body should always lean a little forward with our forward momentum, but going high and on the tips of the feet. The top of the forehead should precede the tips of the feet at least by an ell, so much that it seems we are always on the verge of falling forward; we should keep ourselves up with long strides that do not allow us to fall. And always we should have such a spirit that the course seems to be only a single pace to us, since that allows us to falter little, and we should go to the end with this spirit. Our hands should be open or extended, and firm. Our arms should be gathered high, and our legs should flex at the knees straight – that is not allowing them to go back too much, but bearing the feet upward – with the tips of the feet angling a little outward. Also we should open our legs well so that they do long strides. Nonetheless we should lean only forward, as I have said, with the neck and the entire body lifted, so that the body moves by itself; but we should take care not to fall as we change our feet. Among all styles of running this is definitely the best. The beginning and end in which we should be founded when we wish to attend to running should also be observed, namely to open our legs forward at the thighs as much as possible, since this way our strides are long and we do not fall. To help us learn this way of running and inculcate it in us, for a few days we should walk around without running, accustoming ourselves to opening the upper part of our legs as much as we can, so that our steps come out very long. Once we have adopted this custom in walking it is easy to observe it when we run. Chapter 149: A way to look after our bodies when we wish to prevail in strength201 At this point I have written enough of physical exercises. But to execute or enact them as we should calls for an excellent natural aptitude, and also requires constant vigilance concerning our food or the sustenance of our bodies. For those who pass excessive time in eating, physical pleasures,

200 For this chapter, see Exer 39r. 201 For this chapter, see Exer 51v. Cf. also App 6.3.

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or other vices and bad behavior quickly succumb to illnesses so that they cannot do great physical deeds. To maintain enduring good health, whatever our complexion, we can have no better nor more universal recourse than observing a rule suitable for those who are afraid of getting fat. Many people deny that there is any regimen against fatness that will not cause harm in some cases, yet I believe otherwise. Sometimes it may be useful to increase or decrease this rule, but in general it will be good at all times and for all people, as I emphatically affirm, to drink little and temperately, particularly outside of meal times, and dividing our consumption into many small parts. For drinking all at once distends, overfills, and ruins our organs, giving other humors the opportunity to decay. Pure water loosens the body excessively, and pure wine obstructs it with vapors. Therefore fat men are always soft and obstructed. And we should not bloat the body with a large quantity of food in a single meal, as I have already indicated. Other foods should always be more dry than wet. Therefore fruits should be avoided, and for sustaining the strength roasted is better than boiled, although this is to be understood as applying to young people. Our belly should not be left entirely free or unbelted unless we are ill. For the belly is the first place where someone begins to get fat, so anyone who is worried that he might become fat should somewhat constrain his belly, although it should not be constrained to the point of interfering with the digestion. We see some people who fast, or who eat once a day, and still get fat, but they take much food at one meal, which we should not do. Also we should get some exercise. For rarely does any animal grow very fat if it is active for the greater part of its time, provided it does not have some illness. Chapter 150: A rule on the approach men should adopt in order to become masters in various things202 In the beginning of this book I put wrestling first as the measure for many exercises, even though wrestling in itself is a practical art, or a rather corporeal exercise. Nonetheless it teaches our limbs how to enter at the right moment, sometimes straight and sometimes at an angle, sometimes to advance and sometimes to gather back in the moment when they are going to attack or defend, and likewise resorting to other things as need arises. All of these things can be learned from constant practice, even if we lack a basis to judge everything by reason. But to avoid this kind of 202 No Exer for this chapter.

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ignorance, it is good for all our works to be governed by the intellect. Not only does the intellect order the body with due measure in the exercises it practices, but it also offers the body sufficient knowledge to prevail in every exercise, as long as we have a little experience. The body by itself cannot adapt so quickly to doing various things. If we are to engage in an exercise merely on the basis of daily practice, it will require considerable sacrifice of time. And if we do something solely on the basis of practice, being unable to test it by theory or by reason, we do it merely by nature and indistinctly. But when we have the intellect for our guide or keeper, committing our attention there, once we know one exercise it instructs us in many others. And above all it rightly teaches us to consider what we are going to do from the outset, and for this we should remain temperate, shunning vices and sins. This is the first part of the practice of exercises: we should situate ourselves so others cannot attack us. Next, we should order ourselves so that we can easily go out to attack our adversaries and return again. And we can find an evident example of this in the practice of arts. When they build moats and ramparts to keep enemies away, for defense against bombards they build the walls thick; and sometimes the walls are high, bulging at the top so they cannot be scaled. Furthermore in the lower part they build concealed and unconcealed gates through which they can safely sortie, and return to their fortification. For I consider it an infallible rule that nobody can defend a stronghold for a long time unless he has spirit and frequent chances to harm the opponent. This example can be applied to every exercise. For always each foot should stand where it is stable and can most easily give support to the other, and the same is true of every other limb, which should look to the benefit of the entire body. Chapter 151: How knowing the complexions is advantageous to every internal knowledge203 I have already said something above concerning the physical benefits of exercises. Next I will demonstrate how it is useful to have knowledge of the complexions in almost every art or science. For it seems hard for anyone to be a good philosopher unless he has true knowledge of the complexions. Complexion properly understood is nothing other than the intrinsic nature or character of every thing. The earliest force that leads us toward knowledge seems to be our appetite for receiving food, so that we begin with the faculty of tasting. From there we learn the difference 203 No Exer for this chapter.

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between edible and inedible, flavorful and flavorless. Gradually our other senses begin to discern the things we need, until they arrive at an intrinsic property in every object, as sight to the essence of color, hearing to sound; this essence represents the object’s intrinsic complexion or property. For the initial knowledge of taste or of any other sense is indistinct, not being universal, particular, or true in that it is unrecognized, not known at the intrinsic level, and not properly known as distinct from other objects. Hence I say that we achieve true knowledge when we recognize in each thing its distinctive character or complexion. Commonly possessed or universal knowledge does not merit great praise. Anyone can recognize that a man is not a horse or a lion, and even if we know about some distinction, for example if we know someone to be a powerful man, this does not mean we understand all of his nature. Therefore we can begin with some more internal knowledge and pursue it, even though it relates to an individual. Hence one master outdoes another where it comes to the internal particularities or individuals. Our conception, birth, course of life, and death are always singular and never universal. For this reason our knowledge should be true and necessary in relation to individuals. It is not enough to know men as reduced universally to their species. We can say that a man is a rational animal, but this kind of definition by itself offers us little knowledge. By definition, we assume that a man consists of an intelligent soul and human body. If we did not understand this, the definition would be of minimal use. And this does not entirely tell us what a man is like, seeing that it does not explain the soul or body, the union between them, nor the beginning and end of man. Many people are deceived in this matter, believing they are learned merely by knowing definitions. But now we set aside these things, for they are universal to a species, and we arrive at knowledge of the individual. If we were to ask what sort of man Peter is, or of what nature, and the answer were that he was a man like others, or else a rational animal, such a response would tell us little about what we asked, for we did not inquire about Peter as a man or human animal in general terms, but about the properties in which he differs from others. And in order to know the ultimate essence of every person, we must have information about his complexion, since that complexion makes him different from others or distinguishes between one person and another. Whoever lacks this knowledge is operating superficially and not intrinsically. And coming to the individual, it is not enough to have simple information about differences between one and another, but we should also understand how much each is perfected in his complexion. And since all our learning, at least in the beginning, has some basis in sensory experience,

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we can legitimately hold that knowledge of these corporeal specifics is beneficial to every kind of theoretical understanding, even spiritual or incorporeal, for we must proceed from less subtle to more subtle things, from the corporeal to the incorporeal, and from the visible to the invisible. When someone follows this path, and he knows how to proceed from the lesser to the greater and from one practice to another, he will inherently be a proper master. And it is always necessary for us to resort to the senses, since without reading, seeing, or hearing, which are actions of the senses, we could scarcely pursue learning. This proves that the use of the senses is always laudable, even though some who are entirely ignorant of letters, wishing to call themselves speculative, will sometimes presume to say otherwise. Without use of the senses or physical effort, no proper animal can last long in this life. By nature we find that nothing under the heavens remains fixed or constant; the heavens themselves, even though they may be the most perfect mechanisms in the world, do not constantly bestow benefit or harm equally on the things below. And if the heavens – which are made of material that neither generates nor decays, and cannot change from one form to another – work so many variations in us, what should we expect of the elements and other lesser bodies, where decay and generation create a constant state of change? By these variations now we are born, afterwards we die; at first we are children, then we come to old age; while we live we are constrained and oppressed, sometimes with hunger, sometimes with thirst, now with cold, now with heat, now with fullness, now with illness, and sometimes with prosperity. Sometimes we receive benefit from skies, elements, stones, plants, sensate animals, or people, and sometimes from all of them. And when there is so much natural fluctuation in the rise of one and descent of another, how can we live suitably without great effort? If we rely solely on nature to provide for our needs, devoting no effort to physical labor against hunger and thirst, how should we eat, and have clothing to relieve us from extremes of heat, cold, wet and dry? How are we to be delivered from sicknesses that arise partly from nature and partly from circumstance? I grant that in the spring we can go without artificial clothing and food acquired by sweat of our hands. But in winter when the fields dry up and take back their fruits through decay, how can we survive so that we are not likewise dissolved by decay, decomposing into the earth and other elements? To live we require foods that are never found in the fields during winter, or are of minimal benefit if any are found. Therefore we must apply ourselves in the spring, using our skill to provide something to eat during winter; and in the day for the necessities of the night; and in one year we must provide for the needs of another; when we are young

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to support old age; while we are strong in health we labor for sustenance when we are ill. Parents seek food for their children when they are young and weak; children support their parents in old age. This practice was invented as a recourse against the adversities we suffer by nature. Hence we can easily take the proper lesson against those who, living at will without labor and physical effort, complain about God that in this world they are not so rich, and similarly complain that for sins committed here they are to be punished in the other world, arguing “Why did God create me if He was going to permit me to be destined to hell, and why does He allow others to have more riches in this life than I?” These people err not only in their laziness, not wishing to seek out necessities for themselves, but also in failing to recognize that nature compels us to support life through effort: they expect nature to provide things without work. If almighty God or nature wished (according to the popular expression) that we could live long in bodily delights without fatigue and effort, He would have ordained that it would always be spring, or eternally like May or September, for then we are not oppressed with cold, heat, hunger, and thirst, since the fields give us what we need. Also there would have been two suns, so that when one was over our hemisphere, the other could be over the other (and both would be of less strength than the one we have, or else the continual day everywhere would oppress us with excessive heat!). Since nature has laid so many adversities upon our life here, we must be industrious, and not only in pursuing natural necessities, but also in many matters of skill. For when some people wholeheartedly give themselves to labor, and others resolutely shirk it, and we all wish to be clothed and fed, continual conflict must arise between those who labor and those who do not, namely over this: “I want what is yours, give me what is mine.”

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[Book Three:] Pietro Monte’s Book on the Military Art Prologue So far I have written no chapters specifically on the military art – or at least none described as such, although in reality this entire treatise is about the practices of military men, as also where I discussed the complexions of men, and the order appropriate to each based on the nature of his complexion, and how we should conduct ourselves in exercises, and how children should be educated. But since I did not expand much there, here I will briefly explain some matters, and in particular I will explore two topics. The first will be the quality or nature of people who are suited for warfare; the second, what exercises are most suitable for them. All exercises are good if they foster physical robustness and strength, but some are more particularly appropriate for military practice or knighthood, and others less so. But here I will discuss a universal way that any man can apply wherever he will, although someone who knows how to adapt himself to various exercises will be more suited for knighthood, and particularly for command. For with a squire or private footsoldier, it is often enough to know how to fight with just one weapon, and have one kind of saddle or ride one horse, although it is always better to learn many and diverse things. Chapter 1: How understanding the principles and features of single combat can teach us what is suitable for small and large armies Elsewhere I have shown how we can extrapolate from one practice to the benefit of another,1 even if they seem disparate, since each embraces some skills that the intellect can exploit in other activities, whether by analogy 1 See above, 1.30 (a5v).

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or by the actual skill itself. There may seem to be a great difference between playing with a long spear and a sword, but if we know how to deliver two thrusts with the sword, one short and high, and the other long with the arm going a little downward, we can deliver a good attack with the long spear in the same manner. With other more disparate activities or arts we can at least make analogies between one art and another. In war various situations arise: sometimes we are heavily armed, sometimes lightly; sometimes with long weapons, sometimes with short ones; there may be a great number of combatants fighting on both sides, or few against few, or one-on-one. So the commander of an army must be familiar with various situations; and if he knows some clever and admirable tactic for one-on-one combat, he can apply it to a greater number when he wants. For by knowing the strength and breath of each side, he can choose the arms and place for battle, or for any other action, in order to give himself the advantage and deny it to the enemy. This can be plainly seen where I dealt with wrestling. For the first thing I taught there is that we should position ourselves so that we can securely protect ourselves, go out to attack the enemy, and recover again without any harm; and the same thing applies with every hand-to-hand weapon. Similarly, based on what I have said about wrestling, a commander should establish positions where he is safe from his enemies’ attack, so that they cannot destroy his provisions, and his troops can venture out and return in order to attack or do whatever they will. This calls for great temperance and a kind of balance. Anyone who immobilizes himself saves the enemy from having to attack, for he will soon destroy himself in wretchedness. Fortresses should be set up so that their occupants can sally from many places, and easily get back in. Against a strong man we should wrestle or fight mostly with dissimulation and deceit, looking for some misstep from our hard and resolute enemy, and we should ensure a place to which we can withdraw, lest the opponent should reach us with all his greater strength – yet we need to use deceit sooner or later, seeing that we have no other means. Nobody through weakness of spirit should resign himself to defeat: we should swiftly and boldly attack whatever tiny opening we can detect in our strong opponent, for this way the strong are often overcome by the weak. Conversely, a strong man should not conduct himself toward a weak opponent impetuously or with contempt, but should try to force him into a confined spot where he cannot escape; nor should he engage with him in skirmishes with few soldiers, but in toe-to-toe combat, to defeat him in the field or force him out of his formations. A swift or sanguine man should attack someone who is slow or phlegmatic promptly and with deceit. A phlegmatic’s strength is slow in the

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beginning, so before he can gather it, if we are quick and judicious, we can inflict great harm on him. Likewise if someone has a large army that is scattered or deployed in disorder, he can often be overcome by a few people. Conversely, a phlegmatic should exercise himself before he deploying for battle, so that his powers are unified when he reaches it. And anyone who has many people who are weak or poorly armed should observe the same rule: often he will take a tight spot, a gate, a stairway, or some other narrow place to defend himself against a force greater than his own. If we have great breath and know that the enemy has little, we should hold back defensively while the opponent wears himself out. This approach especially suits phlegmatics, since they grow in strength over time. But whoever has little breath should attack with the greatest cunning he can, for over time the phlegmatic increases in breath, or at least he does not diminish. Likewise with generals, if one sees that the other cannot sustain the campaign for lack of money, provisions, or reinforcements, it would be foolish to hasten things: instead he should probe him gradually so that he fails of himself. And anyone who has fewer resources should use all his powers and diligence to eliminate or reduce that difference over time. Chapter 2: How human courage depends principally on reason and skill Already in my other book I have explained that we cannot tell from the complexions which men are courageous and which are timid, since in any complexion we find both spirited and cowardly men.2 Therefore we can honestly claim that spirit resides in a man’s virtue and moderation, as well as his training or skill in combat, and his prudence and cunning in arms. For often we see men who are as vice-ridden and shameless as pimps, but thanks to the practice and learning with which they have trained in arms, they do deeds suitable to the courageous and mighty, while many honest and dutiful men who are inexperienced in arms fail to do the work one would expect of the valiant. Yet we cannot expect great or enduring victories from sinful men, for great indulgence in sins brings them into great disorder: sometimes from intoxication with wine; sometimes from sensuality and gluttony, or excessive sleep; sometimes from staying up late at night or too much merrymaking; and often they fall prey to their own wrathfulness and evil speech. But if wicked men win loot while others who live well lose their lives, this is because the perverse and wicked are dedicated to pursuing their 2 Cf. App 6.9.

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will. Also sometimes God and reason allow evil men to triumph over good ones, for rarely does anyone live entirely without error, and it is not our role to punish malefactors – that is the function of the wicked. But ultimately an upright man who is skilled in arms will prevail in them more than an evil man, even if he has the same level of learning and complexion. For whatever things we do, we do for some goal, and the greater and more perfect the foundation of our actions, the better we can sustain them. Since wicked men pursue evil goals or vain fantasies, they can never sustain victory. One must have constant vigilance, fearing the setbacks that can arise sooner or later, and this vigilance is foreign to vicious men; for since men naturally fear death just as other animals do, if they lack shame and reason, they will be quick to flee combat, particularly if they expect no profit or benefit. Chapter 3: How a battle array should be ordered according to the complexions3

The manner for arranging troops for battle can be divided into two parts. As to the first, sanguines are very quick in the beginning, but soon falter, so they should be deployed for the initial fight, because there they apply all their powers, while if they are somewhat delayed before getting to the conflict, they lose a great part of their capacity. Melancholics are good in the second line of battle, for they resist strongly in the beginning owing to their hardness. Cholerics should be assigned to the third line, for in the beginning of any action they have a kind of veil obstructing them, but once they begin to loosen themselves they outdo others in physical exercises. Phlegmatics should be placed in the final place for battle, since strength and spirit come to them slowly, but once they move around for a while, they begin to gain spirit. And as I have said of the four simple complexions, so you should understand regard the mixtures among them, such as the choleric-sanguine, who should not be placed as far forward as the pure sanguine, nor as far back as the simple choleric. But if he is phlegmatic-sanguine, he should be loosened a little with exertion before he joins the fray: he should not be kept back as long as if he were a pure phlegmatic, nor should we send him into battle as quickly as a sanguine. Men of other complexions should be ordered the same way, mixing them as one might expect – as when we want to make a weapon, and we 3 For this chapter, cf. 2.52–55; also cf. App 6.11.

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combine a pound of hard metal and a pound of soft metal, and it comes out midway between hard and soft. If we put together one part slow and another fast, the mixture will somewhat resemble both parts, but will not be completely like either of them. Chapter 4: Who should go first in battles based on physical strength and capacity In this second section I will prescribe the order of troops based on the strength or capacity that we appraise in men. I have just said that sanguines should go first in battle. Here also one should understand how we are to go to battle, and against what men we are to fight. If our enemies are fast-moving and arranged in open order or in skirmishes (as they are called in the vernacular), sanguines are appropriate and well suited against them, for they go quickly to do whatever they are going to do. But if a large force is moving slowly in close order, choleric-melancholics or melancholic-cholerics are better to have in the first division, and among them the strongest, most skilled, and most trained in arms should go first. Similarly very strong men should be placed on all sides, so that they can resist the enemies’ first onrush, and protect the weakness of their own side. For when the front lines flee or are broken up, they kindle the courage of the enemy, and give them the opportunity to advance. For this reason the first division should offer the greatest resistance and impetus against the adversaries. The strength for this impetus calls for the characteristics of sanguines and fleshy men, for flesh works more quickly, while bones and sinews last longer. This is why the French excel by nature and custom in the first stages of battle: by nature because they are fleshy, and by custom since they do everything impetuously. For when doing any exercise they have a meal first, or at least they drink well when they are going to undertake either a great battle against enemies or a friendly exercise – something contrary to the way of temperate men. Germans, Hungarians, and others who live in the northern regions, possess more sinews and bones and less flesh than the French. Therefore in the beginning they are not so impetuous against their enemies, but over time they resist well. These men offer an example of how much can be achieved by being strong in war and standing firmly against our enemies. For they are neither skilled in arms nor agile of body, nor do they possess great strength, but merely by holding out and resisting to the end they often triumph. These days we see some footsoldiers in our countries being deployed in the order of the Swiss or Germans, and prevailing much more than

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before, when they went in open order, springing around from one place to another. When someone fights an opponent one-on-one, he can move forward, backward, or sideways whenever he wants. But when many men are deployed in close order, they must march in order and move their hands in concert as much as possible, never thinking of retreat or leaving the battle-line without victory or death, and taking it as given that everyone should stand firm, work together, and help each other to the death.

If we carefully consider the order that nature establishes in our bodies, by which one part helps another in time of need, we will easily recognize how we should order troops in warfare so that they can support each other. Our bodies are naturally organized so that when we feel harm in one part, the others seek to help: when an injury occurs in any part of the body, the blood and all the humors from the other parts go there as quickly as they can to protect against that injury. And if we are fearful or troubled by expectation of some imminent external harm, with a single will all the spirits that were divided among the various limbs retreat to the heart as to the principal defense, judging that they can do better standing together in the middle, as in the main tower, or almenaje as it is called in Spanish. And we should adopt a similar order in imitation of nature when one army breaks upon another, gathering every vital spirit in the army to the middle as much as possible, for with the powers assembled there, the approach will be harder for the enemies, while if the army is disunited or spread out it will soon be demolished or put to flight. Chapter 5: The common way for recognizing men as apt for military service In the preceding chapters I have shown something based on both nature and art regarding what sort of men should be recruited for military service. And to proceed more plainly I will write in regard to situations where we have little information about the recruits – although by observing the principles I have already set forth in many places, anyone can quickly recognize the dispositions or indispositions conferred upon animals by nature. There are also some relevant writings by ancient authors, like Vegetius, who composed On the Military Art; yet his book says nothing adequate about nature or art, aside from generally saying that men suitable for military service should be strong and trained – but everyone already knows this.4 4 The Epitoma Rei Militaris or De Re Militari, by the Roman author Vegetius, was the foremost authority on the military art cited by medieval authors. For the relevant passages, see

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In the beginning he discusses what regions they should be recruited from, and whether they should be townsmen or commoners or plebeians. Regarding regions, he asserts that soldiers should be recruited from the north, since they are sanguine: being abundant in blood, they do not fear wounds, and even if they lose a great deal of blood, they still have a large quantity left. In hot provinces men are endowed with little blood, making them weaker and less spirited. Regarding cities and villages, he says that men raised in the country are better for this exercise, since they are more exercised and are more accustomed to enduring cold, heat, hunger, and thirst. Chapter 6: How men from the north are not courageous because of being sanguine I have just discussed how some old authors believe that soldiers or knights should be recruited from northern regions because they are sanguine. But my book The Appraisal of Men gives sufficient argument that northern men are not sanguine, but rather choleric-melancholic or choleric-phlegmatic, at least for the most part.5 Since they have large bodies and plenty of flesh, a great deal of blood will naturally be present. Nonetheless we cannot call someone sanguine on account of this, unless they received a greater proportion of the element of fire at the moment of their conception, as I have shown more fully elsewhere. And although northern men do not greatly fear wounds, this does not mean they are better for military service than others. For they wait for battle in open countryside and fields, since they are somewhat immobile and not very agile. They are not quick for harrying, depopulating the enemies’ country, scaling fortifications, or marching through ravines day and night so that they can attack the enemies; and when they do march, they cover little distance. Furthermore they do not endure hunger and thirst well, although they are good against cold and heat. By contrast, those who live in Africa or toward the south are more resistant to hunger, and swifter, and do greater deceptions in warfare – for if Germans or Hungarians can force a night march of ten or fifteen miles, Africans or Spaniards can go thirty or forty. And for a man to be more valiant than others, he must be good at enduring hunger and thirst, so that when need arises he can manage for a long time with little food, in attack or defense, in populated or deserted places, and he must be of a

Vegetius, Epitoma, Book 1 chs. 2–3 (pp. 6–7). 5 Cf. App 6.30.

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complexion that can endure all labors fasting, since otherwise a knight cannot win himself a great reputation. “We should choose villagers rather than townsmen.” Here we should consider whether we take them randomly as men who cannot be improved, or whether we can choose them based on natural aptitude and what we know about their habits, particularly when we choose them in adolescence or are selecting them now for service in the future. For if we have knowledge to help us choose youths, we must also know how to train and exercise them appropriately. Even a man raised in a city can learn many things that are commonly learned in the country, such as combat sports and other skills and knowledge. Nonetheless, someone raised in the country might have greater knowledge about mountains and roads for travelling in good and bad weather, and he might be better accustomed to enduring labors than someone raised in a city. Someone else who is more learned might be able to elaborate this further. Chapter 7: In which regions men are best suited for military service Continuing onward, we will see which men are stronger for warfare or for making great resistance. Strong men are found in places, cities, villages, and countryside located in hilly regions that are free of obstacles and face northward; they should be raised in foothills rather than places that are too high or too flat. These sorts of places situated around mountains have terrain well suited for any exercises. In flat places men are little given to exercises owing to excessive heat or moisture, particularly since they are generally weak in such places. In lands that are too mountainous, men grow up small, and the cold weather and harsh terrain do not let them freely exercise their bodies. But in hilly zones one always finds a moderate mix of flat, rising, and descending places. Hills should be open or free of obstacles, since in regions with closely packed peaks, men and other animals are naturally hampered, and grow up with considerable impediments. The best physique calls for fertile and dry land, with welling springs. Soldiers should be recruited from regions that produce agile men, as in Spain, where they possess ability of body, especially for doing many exercises, although they are not so strong, since they lack size. In England they are well formed in bones and sinew, and so they are good in arms. In France they are fleshy, and consequently not very agile, except in a few areas such as Gascony.

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In Brittany men are strong, but too stiff, since they are commonly melancholic or of earthy complexion. In Germany men are naturally rather slow and fleshy, and moreover in almost all the northern regions they are somewhat fat and not very quick. In Greece they are endowed with good complexion, but they do not possess much strength or agility, since they are all a little hampered by hardness. In Italy the bodies of men are moderately dense, and since they have long or loose limbs they are better at learning than at exercising strength. In Africa, at least near the Mediterranean Sea around Morocco or the kingdom of Fez, and in Asia toward Jerusalem and the mountains of Armenia, men are reasonably agile, lean, and hard-working, but few of them are very strong. Toward the south the inhabitants lack physical capacity. In every region whose characteristics I have discussed, there is great variety from one locale to another, and for this reason each region has men of every type, but generally in one country they will be stronger and in another less strong. But since a variety of things happen in warfare, we should also choose men according to the various ways of fighting and waging war. For standing strong in formation, northerners are better than others, as well as great horses like Frisians and those from some parts of Italy and Sicily. But if we wish to conquer territory or to harry night and day over a long time, to constrain and wear down our adversaries, and to attack and defend fortresses, other people and horses are better than the northern ones – the Spanish, for example. Admittedly northerners have so far done better in artillery than other nations, or with less reluctance, and perhaps they always will, particularly since they act in a way that almost seems to neglect life and death. And with these cannons or devices they achieve many things, but they lack the physical capacity for attacking fortifications themselves. And we can see that they are no more courageous than other nations when they are one against one or few against few, since they only show courage when many of them are together. This seems to arise entirely from the distinctive order they observe, for outside of this order they are ineffective. Chapter 8: Of what form, size, and age men should be for fighting If we cannot know the character of men by their complexions or their background, we should choose from the ones having good bones and sinews; their limbs should be well bound, neither long nor knotty; and their bodies should be lean and of moderate stature, or between

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middling and large. Extremely large men are rarely very vigorous on foot or on horseback: if they are riding, they wear out the horse, and they do not go very far on foot. On the other hand, small men rarely work with great strength, so their presence brings almost no fear to the enemies. Wise men fear deeds rather than bodily size, but we are naturally more fearful of the strong than the weak. Indeed, ordinary people fear not merely men of the best stature and vigor, but even those who have a mere shaggy appearance, or a long beard, or who snort like a bull. Neither hair nor snorting makes men strong, but sometimes it is useful for the emperor to clothe his men in garments that ferocious men customarily wear. As to age, men should be recruited for war between twenty and fifty. Younger ones lack firmness, nor do they really know what they are doing. Older ones cannot sustain great physical effort; they are pretty good at observing order, but the greater they are in birth, the worse they are at obeying commands. Observing this way for recruiting men, we should similarly choose those who are of good condition or firm as we do with horses or other animals. Always we should take those conditions in relation to the work we are going to do, for which it helps to know the complexions of men, since otherwise we are often deceived. When seeing animals of the same age and size of limbs, many people assume that they are equal in strength, or that there is little or no difference between them, which is far from the case. If someone is phlegmatic or melancholic, he will be distemperate at the beginning, and will have little strength in relation to his size. If someone is choleric or sanguine, he will have great vigor, at least in relation to his size. For this reason if men are choleric, with melancholy and blood following, we should certainly take them, and even if any of these three complexions comes first: this composition is good as long as the other two follow, or at least one of them follows, although it is generally better for choler to come first. But phlegm should never come first, even if choler follows (for choler is the complexion best suited for tempering or moderating the others). Finally, in recruiting soldiers, the recruiter should keep one most crucial thing in mind, that men and horses for war should be physically agile. Fat or heavy men may prevail in some manners of fighting, but not in all, since when we need to travel some distance from one place to another, they cannot march as quickly as military necessity often requires. And when heavy and physically incapable men try to go on horseback, this does not necessarily work any better, since their heaviness and poor condition quickly ruins the horse; and when they have to travel in mountains or

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other places where the going is rough, they cannot endure the effort. Nor can men of poor condition, such as the fleshy and heavy, endure hunger and thirst, long waking, long periods in arms, or defending strongholds, much less capturing or besieging them. On specific occasions heavy men and horses can prevail reasonably well when deployed in the German manner, since they are big, and great strength can be found in a large body; but heavy bodies cannot endure ongoing labors. Hence wherever men are naturally able-bodied, they are suitable for war, particularly for enduring the vicissitudes of warfare. This is why the Germans, French, Bretons, and such nations, unless they are born in mountains tending toward dryness, are not suited for all the situations of ongoing warfare, even if they can be good on a given day, being large and fairly strong. The Bretons are not soft but hard and heavy, so although they are strong, they are not suited for warfare, at least on foot. The English on the other hand are reasonably strong and agile. The Bohemians are very strong and agile. The Greeks are fairly agile, but tend toward hardness. The Spanish in general tend toward temperance, although they are not especially strong. In Italy they are somewhat middling, though they mostly tend to softness. I have already discussed these sorts of national differences where I treat more extensively of various regions.6 Chapter 9: How a division (as a large number of people is called) should come to battle I will write a little about the order a division should follow, since I have already shown many techniques for one-on-one combat that we can use when we are few and clash in combat with many. For just as we should show greater hardness against one opponent, and more softness or rather temperance against another, similarly when there is a large and powerful force, it is good to send in some troops who move lightly and force the others to come out, like crossbowmen and others who in our vernacular language are called espingarderos or escopeteros – troops using gunpowder weapons – since they can harass the enemies from a distance. Against those who go in open order, we should attack in mass and in a tight formation, and with the greatest vigilance everywhere. Furthermore there is need of great vigilance in deploying the army, particularly on the part of commanders, to ensure that their men are deployed in safe and secure places, and that they do not allow their soldiers to wander, but always establish sentries. And when they come together to battle, they 6 See above, c1v–c3r (1.91–107).

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should seek out suitable places for the troops. Thus if someone has a greater abundance of footsoldiers, he should deploy them in mountains, swamps, ravines, or ditches. Someone who has more horsemen should arrange things otherwise. And since in war between leaders one cannot engage the enemy without some kind of deceit, we should always be on our guard. Even if one of the two sides seeks to meet with the other, they will always be delayed with some countermeasure, because rarely do both sides come to battle with equal willingness. When one camp is in weaker state than the other, they always evade battle and seek to harry the unwary enemy through hunger, thirst, heat and cold, and exhaustion, either to wear them out, or to drive them to places where they cannot be helped. Therefore whoever means to take an evasive and disordered enemy must try fortune often and variously until something works. The surest way to do this is at night, or at some other time in a narrow or confined place. Chapter 10: The chief training that military men should pursue I have already prescribed in this book the chief training that soldiers should pursue in order to become more skilled in arms. Yet to improve one’s military completeness, first it is commendable and useful to be learned in reading and writing, so that we can read and understand histories and the deeds of other men, and by our own hand create even better ones, and to use our literacy to help us understand secret matters. And a man can certainly learn his letters in adolescence. Next it is also a great advantage to learn to swim, in case we have to cross a river, or get in or out of some place surrounded by water. Likewise we should know the art of wrestling, for this skill teaches many others. Jumping, running jumps, jumping with a staff, and jumping with a rope7 are also excellent. It is also useful to practice vaulting, since it exercises and animates our body when we are supporting it over the horse with our torso, feet and hands. And above all we should learn something with every weapon, especially practicing the ones we expect to use in greater actions. It is also valuable to practice hunting from time to time. In addition to accustoming our body to effort, hunting teaches us to work with the landscape, at times pursuing our course by the straight path, at others wandering by the mountains, crossing rivers, ravines, ponds, marshes, and other such places, ascending and descending cliffs, trees, structures, and bridges, and doing similar things pertinent to military activity. It also teaches us to endure cold and heat, to look after our gear, and to care for and control animals. It is of no small value to knights. 7 “Jumping with a rope” may refer to the acrobatics on a rope (cf. App y8v).

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When a man has been raised in cities he acquires little knowledge of these activities, and such things are very suitable for the military life. Therefore a father who wants his son to pursue a military career should instruct him so that he can conduct himself capably in all arts or physical exercises, or in many of them, so that he can look after himself in time of need. And he should know how to make arms, and how to repair his gear, saddle, and other things pertaining to him and his horse, when something is wrong with them. It is said of a certain Roman that he forced youths to dig all day long. If this is true, his intention was sound, but his choice of exercise was poor, since he passed over many other more useful and commendable arts in which youths might pass their time, even if digging ought to be known just like other exercises so that it may be done when the time comes. It is useful to cut and build in wood, stone, and similar things relating to military activity. But nowadays few soldiers pay attention to learning about exercises, horses, and such things. At every stage of life they are raised in delicacy and idleness, and what it is worse they are continually ruined by overindulgence in food and drink, and they devote themselves to perfumes, clothing, and fancy residences. Hence it often happens that living this sort of life they have no resources in war when it comes time to attack their enemies. They may be the fosterlings of great lords, yet they can never display great knowledge of matters they have never seen, nor will they possess any aptitude for doing them. For even if we are naturally suited for doing something, in order to succeed in that work, we must practice it over time. This is why almost everyone who learns to play in arms and then uses them in combat or battle is reasonably courageous, while others who are naturally stronger act with timidity. This is commonly the case with Jews, craftsmen, and peasants, who have no practice in the pursuit of arms, so when they see a clash of arms, they flee in terror. Therefore military leaders should not be content merely to find men who are naturally suited or who are said to be courageous: recruits should be tested systematically to find out how much knowledge they have, so that we can teach where they are deficient. Also we should often have them fight against each other. If a shoemaker is in charge of a servant or laborer, before he assigns him to the main work, he teaches him the greater part of the art. And if a craftsman insists on instructing his workers lest they spoil a single pair of shoes, how much more should a commander teach military men, considering how much praise and honor he expects once they have been trained, and conversely the harm, trouble, and scorn that ensues when soldiers are ignorant.

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Finally we can say that for service as knights, we should seek men who are naturally more apt, skilled, and excellent, and not without cause, since they are placed among people as judges and defenders, and in these dignities they should be more worthy and more universal than everyone else. For not only must knights instruct the people, preserving justice and the best customs among them, but they should also live in the greatest devotion. Yet often in the hands of fortune these dignities are given to another kind of men. Nowadays there are few indulgences that are not common among military men: extreme sensuality, evil speech, gambling, robberies, drunkenness, and other vices. Such things make it difficult, if not impossible, for them to fully serve the art they claim to pursue. And when leaders err this way, their subjects will follow them: if subordinates are punished when they err, seeing themselves punished by people even worse than themselves, they are rarely much emended. Chapter 11: The properties of a military commander We have already seen the agility and excellence in nature and art pertinent to men of the military profession. But so far I have spoken in general: I will now speak directly to commanders, who require not only courage for fighting against enemies, but also learning to govern an army in equity and justice, so that all will mutually love each other and live with quiet spirit under the commander’s wings like children under their father. For this reason the commander should always show a cheerful spirit toward all. Nonetheless he should only love the good, teaching all, both good and bad, but rewarding the good and punishing the bad. Yet in punishing he should not be a stranger to goodwill, but should offer punishment based on justice, just as fathers are benign to children who stray: they punish them not out of hatred, but to rid them of vices. Just as a father is evenhanded in how he handles his children, even if he acts more positively toward one than another, so too a commander should be good, evenhanded, and without favoritism toward his subordinates. If he shows favoritism, or if he stands aloof, avoiding the general company of his knights, he will be hated by everyone, and when he needs them, they will quickly abandon him. And if leaders want their soldiers to be assiduous in serving them, they should also give them the things they want, at least in honest matters. Even if the commander can do nothing else, he should at least offer good and true words – for if they were not true they could hardly be good. And since so many virtues are required of the commander, who would say he merited the title unless he practiced the things worthy of a proper man?

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A commander should be at least average in body, through nature and practice, so that he has sufficient strength; he should also be agile so that he can exercise that strength. Likewise he should possess a good presence so that his followers will imitate, respect, love, and fear him willingly. This calls for the best complexion, so he should have plenty of choler, and blood should come next. This nature will make him a pleasing man in all his interactions. He should also be spirited and valiant by nature and practice, and be well educated for adjudicating conflicts. He should possess a liberal spirit, as befits spirited princes, who must not and cannot think that a prince lacks any necessities as long he preserves knighthood. A commander should also be educated so he can study and understand writings; he should possess knowledge of geometry, and of the character of men in city and country. He should be skilled in all arms, both on horseback and on foot, so that he can choose good men, and criticize and instruct others who are ignorant or work unintelligently. And above all else he should keep honesty and fear of Almighty God before his eyes, since otherwise diverse troubles and disgraces will befall, not only to himself, but to all who walk in his shadow. Anyone who is going to oversee others should at least be knowledgeable in the activity he is overseeing. If a shoemaker is supposed to teach others to become shoemakers, it is hard for him to teach them properly unless he has often taken up leather, handled it, cut it, and sewn it. Otherwise, even if they learn something, it take a long time for them to master the craft, if they can ever master it at all: one may doubt that we can teach truly, if we do not personally perform what we are talking about so that those who watch us can see our example and imitate us. This example regarding shoemakers or other mechanic arts can be applied to any other activity. Hence if the commander is knowledgeable in everything pertaining to warfare, doing with his own hands the things that should be done, and willingly practicing them, everyone else will follow him. This way they will quickly accomplish things that might otherwise take a long time. And since this is necessary in any leader who commands others, we can conclude that if someone is old or infirm, even if he was good at the exercise when he was young or healthy, having come to infirmity or old age, he can be of little help to others. For this reason every prince who wishes to offer an office to anyone should ensure at the outset that he is choosing a man who can himself practice everything he is going to oversee in others. Above all he should do whatever he is going to do willingly. And note here that when we accept a public office in ruling others, we give up our individual liberty, since we are taking recompense from someone in the form of payment, and anyone who accepts payment is obliged by divine,

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natural, and human law to satisfy the one who pays him. However, nowadays and even in other times, many princes and other officials have fooled themselves into believing that they have a right to take and misuse revenues rendered by the people, having no care for public administration, but spending their time in hunting, or with other men’s wives, or closed in chambers, or gaming, or sleeping late, or passing long hours consuming diverse foods, with no care for the benefit of those who pay for their services. These are wicked deeds, for no man is so able by nature or art that he can attend properly to multiple jobs at one time. If someone is going to be a good blacksmith, he must apply his hands and mind to making things by smithcraft day and night. If one day he goes hunting, another gambling, or loitering about the streets and plazas, he will never be a good smith – and yet his is a lesser art, relatively quick to learn, and low-paying. And still the smith should be attentive to the things I have named so that he can be a good master, and can live by his craft. Princes can take a clear example from this: if a craftsman should devote himself utterly even in a minor job, how much more should public officials do at all times in complex and important offices, setting aside all other things, and always attending to the pursuit of their work. Nor is it appropriate for a prince to appoint someone else to govern on his behalf, thinking to rest on his shoulders. If princes wish to receive and spend the incomes of office, they are obliged to tend to the work in person, for appointees, being like outsiders, do not act like true shepherds, but rather proceed to govern unrightly, and ultimately they expect too much money for their labors, placing a double burden on the people, first from the prince, and second from the governor appointed by the prince. Furthermore, and most importantly, a military commander should be temperate and benign.8 Without these two virtues it is impossible for anyone to earn the name of a proper man by nature or by art. And here I mean temperance not only in moderation of soul, but also physical temperance: in the previous section on exercises we saw that bodies that are too soft, or too hasty, or too fat, are not suited for doing great and praiseworthy deeds, so if someone wishes to prevail among other men in physical strength, he must be physically temperate; and beyond natural temperance he must also cultivate temperance by art, carefully maintaining and practicing that temperance as much as he can. And temperance in relation to extremes means moderation in all things. Through these properties we can achieve much against anyone when we want. 8 benign: Monte’s word here is pius, a term without a precise modern English equivalent (although it is the root of both “pious” and “pity”). It implies a generosity of behavior toward one’s equals and subordinates, as well as dutifulness toward one’s superiors.

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Benignity may seem to relate rather to the soul than to the body, but where there is true temperance, benignity does not stoop to lift up the proud or those who stand in falseness of doing evil: benignity in temperate men undertakes instead to lift up the downcast who cannot offend any further. This virtue is commendable in all leaders or commanders. For even though they do many things that harm others, when they are temperate and benign they are generally respected by everyone. Since cruelty is the opposite of benignity, the cruel and intemperate offend everyone, both friends and enemies. But benignity is admirable even in brute animals, since it has so much inherent goodness that it softens all hearts, however hard. For if like is attracted to like, benignity greatly loves benignity. In relation to this religious principle, both the blessed Augustine and reason teach us that benign men cannot die an evil death, which is to say a death damnable to punishment in the afterlife.9 For a benign person always does such good work to his neighbor as he can, since he always has a ready will. Even if a benign man does not do a good deed specifically for his neighbor’s benefit, he is greatly esteemed, since the deed is done with healthy will essentially as they would have it done. Conversely, men of little benignity are hated by everyone wherever they are recognized, since by nature nobody loves someone from whom he expects no benefit in time of need. We can hardly expect support from men who are not benign, since they want to keep to themselves whatever internal and external riches they possess. Hence the greedy are detested by everyone, particularly when they are generous toward themselves but miserly toward others: we consider not only their stinginess, but also their wickedness, since they love themselves so much, without regard to parents, friends, or enemies. Someone who is miserly both to himself and to others seems less wicked: he makes those around him live in misery, but he too lives in poverty, and we rarely envy miserable people. Hence we can often content our comrades and subordinates by taking a smaller part of the acquired gains for ourselves than we give to them.

9 “That death is not to be judged an evil which is the end of a good life.” Augustine, City of God, Book 1 ch. 11 (p. 17).

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Chapter 12: The properties for which a man may be properly called spirited or an excellent military man, and how he must possess physical aptitude in all forms of arms and various skills In the previous chapter I wrote about some of the properties required of a good commander. I will proceed to discuss how a man can be called spirited, valiant, or accomplished in arms – by “accomplished” I mean in regard to military practice and in comparison to other military men. This term “valiant” [validus] in many contexts means vigorous or forceful; in Castilian it is commonly taken to mean spirited in arms, while “warlike” [bellicosus] means skilled and spirited in deeds of warfare. But returning to this word forceful or spirited, we should discuss whether the term should be taken as referring to all arms used in harming enemies, or whether a man can truly be called valiant with just one weapon or one manner of opposing his adversaries. In this regard, I grant that someone who does everything he can against his enemies with steadfast spirit and state, even if he sticks to one type of sword or one type of spear, can be called valiant. But to make a distinction between more sufficient and less sufficient, we should distinguish between those who are suited for doing more and greater things, and those who cannot achieve so much. I will say something of what is required of every military man if he is to be considered good in that art without any reservation. Military men constantly incur many hardships in which there is imminent danger to their temporal goods, life and limb, and worldly honor. Also in an army among military men sometimes there is great abundance of food, drink, women, and other sorts of riches, and at other times shortage. Any commander who permits himself to be preoccupied with food or similar distractions cannot govern his people or himself when enemies attack him. If he is of base character, failing to offer help in defense of his followers, he will die in contempt like an animal. If he takes other men’s women, he earns hatred and weakens his body. If he is distracted with physical pleasures, he will have no care for the needs of the army, nor will he pay heed to the enemy’s schemes. If he is eager for loot, he often focuses on the spoils of the enemies, disregarding the misfortunes that might overtake him and his comrades. Hence it happens that everything goes to ruin. A commander should be true and benign so that he will be trusted by those who interact with him and hear him speak: he should not be a scandalmonger or brawler lest he make people avoid him, particularly those who are of some authority – a captain by himself can do little. Where supplies are short he should be abstemious, showing everyone that foods

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should be taken only for the preservation of life, and not for pleasure, bearing in mind what they become after they have gone into the stomach. And when there is not enough food to satisfy everyone, in rationing he should take little for himself. It is often said that one man is valiant with a sword in hand, another is good on foot, another on horseback, another in raids, and another in field battles; one in attacking fortresses, and another in defending them; or when fighting in open countryside, this man is good with one weapon, that man is good with another. But these specific aptitudes are inadequate to address all the situations in which military men can find themselves, especially when they are in foreign or unfamiliar lands. Any experienced person knows that in war or otherwise we are often subject to attack, sometimes by open enemies, sometimes by robbers; sometimes we find ourselves with arms, and at others without them; sometimes with just a dagger, sometimes with a sword, sometimes with a spear, and sometimes with a pollaxe or partisan. And so on in various manners: now on foot, now on horseback; now we lock others in prison, now we are locked up ourselves; sometimes we have to escape, and sometimes pursue; now we have to swim to cross waters; now we must work to climb up or down walls, and at other times to break through them. And so we can find ourselves in a variety of situations. I ask then, if a man is valiant in the field of battle, but weak with only a sword or in his shirt, what will he do to escape some prison, even if the gate is open and he has an opportunity to escape? Even if he is guarded by only two or three men, and they are as unarmed as he, indeed even if he were guarded by only one, he would never dare an attempt knowing his weakness. To make some opening in the wall he would need great ingenuity; to get over it he would need agility and skill in climbing and descending; and if he had to look after some other captive, he would need to know what that person was capable of, and make provision for everything. If he is spirited, but to attack or escape his enemies he needs to cross some expanse of water, and he cannot swim, he is surely lost, however spirited he may be. Knowing only how to use a sword, if he finds himself with a spear against an enemy also so armed, he is in dire straits. If he is good only on horseback, owing to bodily weakness, injury, age, or custom, finding himself on foot, as happens in various situations, he might as well be tied up. If he wishes to attack on foot in some walled or enclosed place, or where he cannot secretly enter on horseback, to avenge himself on his enemies or to escape when they wish to catch him, what

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should he do to escape, if he is not light and strong for any one-on-one situation he may encounter? From such adversities we can extrapolate even more examples. So for anyone to be called fully warlike and spirited, he needs to possess many praiseworthy qualities: a great intellect, conduct that is temperate rather than impetuous, great power and physical agility. For if a man sees that he cannot save himself if he falls a few or many feet into enemy lines, on reflection he fears to attack them however agile he is, and judging that he can be held back by anyone who closes with him, he greatly doubts his ability to undertake difficult things, if he falls with his horse or has trouble getting up by himself when he is armored. He should be experienced in the field, knowing how to cross streams, mountains, ravines, and plains. And it is crucial for him to be friendly and generous toward others, since one can rarely manage without help among military men. He should continually apply himself to matters relating to warfare, both on foot and on horseback. For when such a man is in command, the entire army rejoices; but when military men are discontent with their commander, they rarely do any work worthy of praise. In our time there was a knight named Alfonso Fajardo from the kingdom of Murcia.10 By his spirit and excellence he raised himself to become ruler of that kingdom. He was simultaneously at war with the kings of Castile, Aragon, and Granada; daily he won something from those kingdoms, while they got nothing from his. This prosperity lasted as long as he lived with the virtue appropriate for a prince. He was a good speaker, handsome and valiant in body; whenever he was asked how he had passed his life, he would say that as a youth he never found anyone who could beat him in running, jumping, wrestling, or throwing, on foot or on horseback. In every physical contest he always triumphed: “When I was going to combat, in skirmishing or battle, against few or many, I could scarcely imagine that my enemies could overcome me, however greatly they outnumbered me. Numbers were less important to me: in my judgment I seemed to be more powerful than any of them, and with just a little help from my troops, all my enemies would retreat at the prospect of combat with me.” And he would add “At that time I was good, chaste, devout, generous, a benefactor to many, without prejudice to my neighbor. But as soon as I began to abandon all these things, observing little devotion, coveting other men’s women and other riches, it seemed that not only men and brute animals but even the stones detested me; and just as I had triumphed at first, from then on I 10 Alfonso Yáñez Fajardo II (d. 1444). See Torres Fontes, Los Fajardo, pp. 136–39.

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was defeated by everyone.” Therefore he would offer this advice: “If you want to be spirited and to defeat others, you must lead a virtuous life, acknowledging your Creator, pressing forth with a strong and agile body and an inquiring intellect, always remaining gracious and ready to interact with anyone.” In truth anyone who is not worthy of commanding great armies cannot properly be called valiant or sufficient in military matters, since not only when we are with others, but when we are alone situations can befall us that require valiant spirit and skill for us to prevail. To ascend to command calls for great practice; and to give that practice a greater foundation and ground it in reason, a commander should study ancient and modern histories where various cases befall from which we can take lessons for addressing our own necessities. Whoever has learning along with natural virtue will easily move the spirits of his knights with appropriate words relating to their situation when they are waiting to fight their enemies. When the captain is physically valiant he can break through among the first, opening a place so that his followers will follow him with willing and resolute spirit. But if the captain retreats, or is so feeble that he falls in the first impact or clash, or lacks the physical capacity to defeat his enemies, his entire army will go to war with cold spirit. And when he has neither letters nor great experience, however courageously he attacks his enemies, with few or many of his knights, even if he should triumph, it is purely by chance and cannot last, nor will it happen in another situation against prudent and experienced opponents. Finally, no further proof is needed than the examples that survive from our forebears, where we learn that those who have defeated many men in arms, subjugated various provinces, and enjoyed sustained victories, were robust men, sharp of intellect, and many of them rich in learning. To begin with Scripture, we read that King David was very strong in spite of his small stature. The strength of Hercules and Hector is said to have been admirable above other men, particularly with Hercules, along with great wisdom. With Alexander there is no reference to great strength, just good physical condition tending toward strength, with great learning, spirit and skill. Of Hannibal’s skill, intellect, and strength of body, I don’t know what could be said beyond what has already been written. Julius Caesar is said to have outstripped everyone of his time in all faculties of body and gifts of intellect.

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Charlemagne, duke Godfrey of Bouillon,11 and el Cid Rodrigo were very strong and intelligent according to what we read in books. And so we find many other examples making it clear that whoever is to be chosen for war must embody all the praiseworthy qualities that pertain to every man in any office. A ditchdigger, miller, laborer, or similar unskilled worker can outdo others through great strength alone. A person can be a great scholar even if he is physically feeble, poorly enduring protracted hunger and thirst. A man can do fine as a merchant even if he is weak and unlearned, as long as he has attained some acumen and skill through practice. But whoever is going to be a good commander must be complete in everything – even though the art is inherently bad, for they reduce many people to poverty, both friends and enemies, and send many to a miserable death, both those who are innocent and those who take up arms to attack and defend. Finally, although I list so many accomplishments required of those who pursue knighthood, I do not mean that no one else has proper wisdom: I am merely demonstrating a distinction between military and other men based on more frequent necessities. Actually everyone ought to know how to travel on-road and off-road, both in inhabited and uninhabited places; to prevail physically against men and animals; to take means against cold and heat; to ascend and descend heights and other rough terrain; to cross waters, whether by jumping without any mechanical help, or with the help of a staff, or by building a bridge. And on the topic of crossing waters, for a long time many parents have been very heedless in this matter. As a rule parents do not make their children learn to swim, but rather forbid them from learning it, fearing the risk of drowning.12 They pay no heed to the lasting advantages that can come of it. Now it is said that people are more likely to drown if they know how to swim than if they do not. Admittedly such people are more frequently brought into peril by immersing themselves often in water; but I deny that the greater number will necessarily drown, particularly among those who have learned how to swim properly – and if we learn as children, there is plenty of time to perfect the skill. Someone who knows little of it will [fail to] remember how to swim or how far he can swim, and 11 Coll reads “Offredius of Golion.” Monte’s list of nine heroes strongly suggests a variant of the Nine Worthies, the great Pagan, Jewish, and Christian heroes of medieval legend. The three Christian worthies were normally Charlemagne, Godfrey, and Arthur – Monte here inserts a Spanish alternative to Arthur; Godfrey’s name is corrupted but reasonably recognizable given the context. 12 On the history of swimming, see Krüger, “Swimming”; Mercurialis, Gymnastica, pp. 238– 42; Orme, Childhood to Chivalry, pp.  207–8; Orme, Swimming, esp. pp.  22–40 on the Middle Ages.

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when he swims for a while he can easily drown. But if he is well instructed from childhood, so that he strips off his clothes when he sees danger or takes other precautions appropriate to the distance he wishes to cross, he is unlikely to drown unless he falls into the middle of a great sea. Indeed someone who learns a practice properly does not count on succeeding just through a single means, but rather through many, and always has some recourse when he needs it. And even if we concede that those who know how to swim drown the same as those who do not, no one can deny that knowledge is a virtue, and virtue is always commendable. And if it is commendable to know it, it is shameful to lack it, particularly in matters we often encounter, and since waters are always near the places where we live, we inevitably enter them, whether by choice or necessity. This is why people who are born near rivers commonly know how to swim, while others are ignorant. I cannot excuse the heedlessness of parents in failing to have their children learn to swim in childhood, particularly since all children naturally desire it. And just as I offer this example of swimming, I could say the same of any other suitable physical skill, if only because of the necessities common to the human condition. On the same Among other significant matters it is very beneficial for military men to know about the North Star, and to be knowledgeable about seamanship. For they often find themselves at night in a country where they can get no knowledge of the place, nor can they tell what time of night it is, so that when they think they are advancing, they are actually retreating, or in trying to escape their enemies they actually walk right into their hands. But when we know about the North Star we can tell at once what way we are traveling, and what route we should take to get to our destination; we even know precisely what time it is, or pretty close. It is very necessary for knights to know about the North Star, particularly those who are in command or who serve as guides, and whoever lacks this knowledge cannot really be considered fit to command others. There are even some inanimate bodies that know about the North Star. This fact can also bring great benefit to us humans, for example in the compass-needle that guides the navigator, without which he cannot navigate out of sight of land, particularly at night. And seeing that this kind of inanimate body has such an instinct or natural desire to draw itself toward the North Star in the manner of a lodestone, how much more should men have this knowledge, being not only animate but rational!

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A great and useful secret of nature lies in discovering this art of navigating by a tiny piece of steel treated with a lodestone so that it always points to the North Star. Seamanship is likewise necessary, for often – if not today, then perhaps tomorrow – we must travel by sea or other waters from one place to another, or to save ourselves on them. Anyone who knows seamanship can take a great or small boat, by himself or with help, and find some recourse. But if he knows nothing of seamanship, even if he finds many craft freely available, they are useless to him. The art of seamanship and using the North Star are learned easily in a few hours, so everyone ought to know them. Seamanship greatly helps in swimming, and swimming likewise in seamanship. Anyone who knows how to swim can take a plank, a bundle of dry wood and reeds, or a bladder, gourd, or some other thing that floats on water, and bind it to his neck to keep it attached under his chest. This way he can cross a great expanse of water, or remain in it a long time without drowning. Someone who knows how to row a boat can paddle with his feet and hands to get to the shore, making use of the wind or currents. Ideally we should know swimming and seamanship, but regardless of our skill, it is good to take something in the water that cannot sink and is bound at our throat. In recent years people have used a swimming-aid stitched from leather in the manner of an inflatable ball [pelota] (as it is called in the vernacular), [having a hole in] the leather by which they can inflate and deflate it as with a ball. And there should be a reed in the blowhole, so that we can blow into it continously as they do with flutes. This device or belt should be strapped under the arms. In order to work properly, this floating device should be secured tightly under the armpits: a cord over each shoulder holds the floating device in front and behind to keep it from shifting, so it remains in place under the armpits; and another goes behind the head from one cord to another across the shoulders. This way the cords cannot slip over our arms, nor can the floating device shift – if it shifts, our head will be turned downward and our legs upward. But holding it bound in this manner so that it stays behind the body, we stay upright above the water, so that our head cannot go under the surface, and we cannot drown, although we can still die from cold after a long time in the water, or from some other mishap. Since this belt is so useful and light to carry, military men and indeed every traveler should carry it with them for crossing any water where danger can arise. Until we reach our destination it should be kept belted

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in place in case of emergency, and it should be sized in proportion to the wearer. It will be of suitable size if it is as big as his upper arm or a little smaller. It should be made like a boot, with double leather like an inflatable pelota (as it is called in the vernacular) and inflated in the same way; it should be curved rather than straight, so that it can be belted on more easily, although either can work. Anyone who has made inflatable balls can make this belt or floating device. Anyone can survive even if he is fully clothed, keeping himself afloat with his feet and hands, until he comes ashore. Likewise one can make sails, attaching them to a staff and holding it with the hands, for the wind sweeps toward the shores of the sea. Anyone who makes water-skins or boots can make this swimming device from any common leather, coating the leather with fat or tallow. Anyone who has a leather bottle or wineskin, or some other leather that can be inflated and hold air, can use it to stay afloat. But it should always be tied so that it does not slip from the neck or rotate over the shoulders. Therefore it is better to take two wineskins and bind them together at our neck, placing ourselves over them so that the apparatus comes under our armpits. And they should be tied at the neck to keep them from slipping or falling off. This is the most common and cheapest form of this kind of device, and most readily available, particularly in Spain where people use waterskins, which can be found in every house. With these bottles a ham-skin is inflated by inserting a small straw, configured at the base to keep air from escaping. We should not insert a flap as is done in inflatable balls. This is dangerous, since sometimes it allows itself to be inflated and retains the air, and sometimes not. It is best for each bottle to be inflated separately, so that if one ruptures we still have the other. It is good to make a fastener for each of them so that they can be secured at our shoulderblades with a cord, making us safer, although they do not need to touch the shoulderblades, only to come near them. Finally you should note that we should not be accounted proper men merely by being able to speak about those things that pertain to proper men, but when we do the things that we say ought to be done. Therefore we should not just spend time reading books, but imitate the men whom we praise.

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Chapter 13: Why we should know various peoples by experience so that we will be familiar with them, and can resist them when need arises If we wish to master some thing, we should first know its proper nature so that we can assist or resist it by our pure will. For if we need to overcome some hardness, we can apply an even greater one, or else bring to bear great quickness or fluidity – although some things are destroyed by their contraries, such as sins. But here I am talking about overcoming in the sense of enduring or working according to natural and physical courses, where men who are stronger generally defeat the weaker. Warfare is cruel by its very nature, for always it strives totally to defeat others by arms, partly by violent death, partly by pillage and imprisonment, so that if someone is unwilling to pursue the conditions of war, he can never succeed in battle. It can be praiseworthy if we can triumph while showing mercy, but this manner of triumphing is not properly called warfare but rather the opposite. Therefore it is necessary for warriors to use some cruelty acquired by nature or art. We have many examples of this in sacred scripture, where God ordered His enemies and their goods to be destroyed by iron. Of Hannibal the African it is said that he made war most harshly on his enemies, and rarely showed any leniency toward them. Some others who were famous also showed the greatest cruelty in military affairs until they overcame their enemies, but having achieved victory were quick to show mercy. In our time Ferdinand the king of Naples, having recognized the character of the French, operated in their manner to defeat them, observing neither truces nor faith, so that he quickly overcame them and expelled them from his kingdom. Meanwhile we have often seen the French in recent years triumph in Italy through false promises, cruelty and savagery. Now I do not praise cruelty for this reason, but rather condone it, for in warfare it is effective and customary. Hence the proud or ferocious conquer as much in a few days as the mild do in many. People often give themselves to humane and kind princes. But if someone who is thought to be cruel harries some region by force of arms, they will fear his savagery, not only fearing violent death, but also believing that he will kill anyone he can capture. Some people through reason and experience can understand things better than common or timid people, but such people are few. Therefore, as I have already said in the beginning concerning the properties of a commander, it is proper and useful for princes and military leaders to send their people into various regions to learn about the properties of diverse

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nations and the ways they wage war. This way if they have occasion to confront them, they will know how to handle them differently than others do. People often fear one nation more than another, since each nation often has a different manner of making war than others, and greatly fears those who do not order their divisions in the same manner. This is like in some games, as in ball-games, dice, chess, and wrestling, where John defeats Peter, Peter defeats Ferdinand, and Ferdinand beats John. But if John possesses enough art or knowledge to know all the variations and tricks of that game, in defeating Peter he can also defeat anyone Peter can defeat. Another important matter to consider is that everyone is more fierce in a foreign country than in their own. Therefore it is an error when people say that in other countries a cow can outdo an ox, since it only applies if there are many together or if the lord of that country looks after them. Foreigners are like wolves who have no home and are always looking to attack everyone with pillage. They do not hesitate to harry and kill, since they will encounter neither relatives nor friends whom they should spare. They look only to support themselves by warfare, and thus they follow it with all their might. Anyone who sees them so fierce and devoid of any kindness has great fear of them. But if the prince of that country has great knowledge, he can readily teach his followers to fight against the practices and abilities of the foreigners, for keeping their country in mind they can most easily send the intruders into disorder. We should not always look for pitched battle, for it is far from certain: rarely do both camps desire it, for the side that seems weaker always avoids it. Therefore victory should be sought by day and night: even if the opponent triumphs for a while, before long he will lose the favor of the people along with other advantages, so that he will begin to run short of both people and money. Therefore if something will make him weaker in resources, it is better to do so for a while, particularly when great help is not expected. Beyond this, commanders should take counsel with those who have often served in war and achieved victory. Words conform to the spirit, so those who are timid, imagining that they must be present in battle, always advise against making war, even if they are not open about this, nor will they dare to attack the enemies with determined spirit, which is a great disadvantage when it comes to battle.

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Chapter 14: The order to use against the Germans’ order In order to show something of how we can fight against a variety of nations, I will here offer an example against the order and deployment of the Germans in battle. These days the German order seems almost invincible, although when they are few, and are compelled to maneuver, and do not have offensive arms other than spears, then mounted crossbowmen and heavily armored knights are quite effective against them. But when the Germans observe their order fully, they bring with them a variety of arms; in particular they have some form of bombards on the flanks, which can work very easily against mounted crossbowmen and against troops in heavy armor (who are called “men-of-arms” in the vernacular). When the Germans wish to encounter them they place their spears in a strong position, somewhat like the shape of a St. Andrew’s cross. This way the horses can[not] penetrate the formation of the German footsoldiers without great harm, while if they remain at a distance they are frequently pushed by the infantry – and once the line or division begins to move back, it is as good as lost. Therefore against Swiss or German infantry we need to adopt another stronger order. It would be useful to have some armored carts against the enemies, so that people can bring the carts right up to the enemies and march in safety. But this can only work in flat places, and once in many years. Therefore we must look for another easier and more universal array that specifically addresses the strong order used by the Germans. We can do this based on consideration of the strength of the Germans, as follows. First, our divisions should be ordered in the German manner with spears and halberds; and on the flanks we should place hand-guns and crossbows– all these flanking weapons are designed for striking or killing at a distance. But in addition to the German order there should be a troop of heavily armored knights behind; and in front the strongest and bestarmed men; and the first seven or eight ranks should have large shields, and in the middle at least some strong plate armor of steel; and behind and in the middle of the ones carrying shields other strong armored men should be deployed with spears longer than the ones the Germans carry. The Germans will necessarily choose one of two things: either their spearmen will attack the shieldmen in open formation, or they will deploy their spears in a cross lest their enemies should press into the middle of them. Against the first choice, if the Germans deliver open-order attacks with their spears, the shieldmen can enter among the Germans, and there being armed with swords and other short weapons, they will quickly and easily destroy the Germans’ formation, without which the Germans are of little use. If the Germans deploy their spears in a St. Andrew’s cross, the

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troops who have longer spears, advancing between the shield-men, will easily bring great troubles against the Germans, and so they can readily enter among them. And when they are in the middle or mixed together, the horsemen in heavy arms should charge with great impetus. Such things call for men who are quick and reasonably strong. For the Germans are all sluggish by nature, so when they are mixed up with enemies and are found out of their order, their slowness or inagility quickly causes them to suffer great harm. The order I have just described will always oppose the Germans’ order since it counters their complexion. And just as I have said of them, we should seek out contrary customs to counter other nations. Chapter 15: What the commander should be like so that in time of need the knights will obey his words Making speeches before a battle is not my strength, at least in this kind of speaking. But I will show something of the skill of the leader in making speeches to his knights. Firstly it is essential that the commander should be as a father, brother, comrade, and friend toward the entire army, since if he is unfriendly and does not interact with or assist the troops, in time of need everyone will hold him in hatred or as a stranger, and nobody will be willing to obey his commands. For if the commander says in his speech, “Beloved sons, brothers, comrades, and friends,” nobody will take these words seriously if he never actually interacts with them this way, and when it comes time to face a very bitter death, every soldier will flee the battle if he can; even if they join in combat, they will fight like people divided from their leader, and so they will be broken up easily and quickly. A commander should live like a father toward his sons, so that in time of necessity all will obey his words as one, and will fulfill all his commands. For if he is an outstanding leader and evenhanded toward his followers, who will disregard his commands, seeing that he treats their well-being as his own? Then the general can say “My sons, you have always enjoyed all our goods in common, for aside from the name and title of commander I have shared everything with you. But now you see our furious enemies prepared against us. If we flee or fight weakly, for years to come we will forfeit our name and the labors we have undertaken, and there is no hope to be had of our lives, since enemies will kill their enemies when they can. Even if they were to spare our lives, they would take away every resource for sustaining them. Therefore we should choose to perish honorably by the sword today in battle rather than die in the utmost misery in some days’ time, since today or tomorrow we would be absolutely certain to die. Therefore we should pursue what is right and proper to knighthood.

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But from beginning to end the military art always strives toward defeating the enemy or dying in combat, and so every one of us for his honor and that of knighthood, in whatever battle he finds himself, should fight with determination against his enemies like a strong man. “But if we defeat the adversaries, all our past deeds will be renewed, and our achievements confirmed with the greatest praise. And in the future we will have many goods in our life, and even after our death our efforts will be widely commended and praised. And if we all fight together like true brothers, friends, and comrades, we will have certain victory before our hands.”13 Then if the knights know that they will have their share of the worldly goods and fame along with the prince in all internal or external things, they will all willingly unite. And when the entire army stands fighting together, it will be very difficult to defeat them. But in addition to this knights need to be wise in the art of fighting. For if someone does not rightly know what he is going to do or how to do it, he can hardly fulfill the commander’s orders, since in all things someone who knows little can achieve little. The Germans always teach everyone in youth to observe their order, and when someone errs everyone punishes him sharply, lest at the critical moment he should do the same thing and cause the loss of many. This is how they keep their order in battle. But in other manners of making war the Germans have little or no skill. In sum, any outstanding commander should teach his knights about all exercises and things occurring in warfare, and then they will obey and serve in all things. Chapter 16: What exercise befits everyone according to the nature of his age Since I have touched on various things relating to bodily might, I should now address whether these exercises should be followed in youth, in old age, or at every age, although to avoid rambling on I will explain this briefly, since my purpose has been to instruct our powers to be able to achieve their purpose and overcome other men. When we begin to decline with advancing age or through some other infirmity, we should cease from exercises where we wish to overcome others. When our might is lacking, anyone can easily encounter us and win, and given that our intention is to gain honor, when we are clearly in a contrary condition we should utterly avoid these exercises. Even if we 13 On speeches before battle, see Rogers, Soldiers’ Lives, pp. 166–67.

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wish to excuse ourselves, it is no does us no good to say “I do this exercise the way I do because I am old or infirm.” Even if we work adequately, people who see it will say it would be more proper to devote our energies to preserving health, thereby modestly covering our poor condition or shortcomings. This exercise is only proper to healthy, young, and robust men, and if we work poorly, everyone will say “Truly this old man is crazy and delirious at heart.” In declining age we have bad eyesight for such exercises, nor is this without cause, for in order to preserve the proper sequence of life, nature gives everyone a form matching the activities that suit them. Therefore if someone is fat, particularly in the lower parts, just from looking at them it seems almost impossible and contrary to nature that he could be agile. Even if he can show a degree of agility by force of art or practice, it still appears unnatural and alien to his condition. In light and silly matters we are happy to listen to children, but in counsel or difficult matters we listen to old men. This order is natural, and if we try to violate it we commit a serious and foolish error. We can find examples of this everywhere, for instance if a man wishes to undertake a woman’s work, or a woman claims male exercise to herself: even if a woman should be skilled in the powers and art of exercising arms or something else pertaining to valiant and mighty men, any praise she garners is mixed with murmuring, since we have an inherent sense that such exercise is not appropriate for women. Therefore women rarely or never possess suitable grace or appeal in exercising masculine arts. If a grown man or woman falls madly in love, everyone considers them insane, since this is something that only suits adolescents: we should love and cherish at all ages, but not in passion or foolishness as young people do. And thus when we say it is shameful for the elderly to stoop to childish things, it is understood to relate to bodily pleasure. In this matter there is a major asymmetry between youth and old age: an adolescent is praised when he imitates the wisdom and serenity of the old, but never is an old man praised for trying to imitate the young – even if the young should not imitate the sluggishness and slowness of the old but only their moderation. For sluggishness pertains to the body, but moderation or counsel to the soul, and therefore we praise the old who are free to focus on their souls, which seems naturally fitting for them, since as we sink into old age, the body becomes weak, and meanwhile the rational soul approaches the end and dissolution of the body in which the soul was incorporated; hence we instinctively recognize how the old can thrive in strength of soul while failing in bodily strength. But we think quite differently of adolescents. THE END

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Printed at Milan by Johannes Angelus Scinzenzeler in the year of our Lord 1509 on the 27th of July

These two chapters are not in their proper places, having been left out. The first belongs in the discussion of placing the hands in vaulting, the other where it deals with riding and how to comport the body when we ride.14 Chapter: How in all athletics our bodies should be lifted as much as our strength permits In all vaulting, running, or jumping, one thing should always be rigorously observed as much as strength permits, namely that we should lift our entire body upward as much as we can. Hence we should not sink down on our hand when we vault: the hand should be planted on the wall, saddle, table, or other surface, but this is to push that hand against the wall to gain height. If we sink into that hand, it will be difficult to do the vault as we should, for we will quickly fall, and even if we manage the vault, it will be small and weak. Chapter: How we should sit in the middle of the saddle to strike with the feet when riding in the Spanish manner I have given it as a universal rule that when we ride the forehead should go almost in a straight line over the balls of the feet, but I must make an exception when one rides in the Spanish manner called a la jineta, for in this style of riding only the feet move in the run or career, not the lower or upper legs, nor the torso, arm, neck, head or face. And the quicker the feet move in the run, the more the rider is praised. This is impossible to do if we are supporting our body on the feet: if we are supported on our hand and try to move it, the entire arm moves, and the foot works similarly with the leg, for if our weight is on the foot, in moving it we must move the entire leg. 14 As with many of Monte’s cross-references, it is difficult to be certain what passages are intended here – although in this case the cross-reference may be the work of the printer rather than the author. The vaulting material may be intended to go with 1.28–29. The riding material most closely matches 2.92 (e6r) or 2.103 (e8r), but neither passage references the position of the forehead relative to the balls of the feet, as alluded to here, and the reference may allude to content that never made its way into the printed book; cf. above, p. 74, fn. 77.

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Therefore riders in the Spanish manner a la jineta sit in the middle of the saddle, with their weight supported by their buttocks, so that their feet remain free to move independently. But this style of riding is only good for doing a career, not for battle or skirmishing, or for throwing a spear, since sitting in the middle of the saddle is a weak position, and we can fall from any small impact or other mishap. For this reason in the common or best riding our buttocks should adhere to the rear arçon, but in a lifted position so that we are supported by our feet and not our buttocks. And to do this our forehead must tend forward, although not sinking but directing the shoulders upward as we tend forward.

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Appendix A

Monte, The Appraisal of Men, Book 5

Gonzalo Ayora of Córdoba’s Prologue to Book 5 of the philosopher Pietro Monte’s The Appraisal of Men, dedicated to Isabella, most worthy queen of Spain1 Up to this point I have greatly struggled against adverse winds and the weakness of my little skiff in this voyage of translation, but now, having almost completed it, I am further forced to navigate a sluggish sea, and to traverse slow-moving waters. If here I should sail less trim and smoothly, owing to the scope and novelty of the subject matter, it will be up to you, most illustrious Queen, to defend me, twenty-six years old and living far from my native country, more of an impoverished amateur than an author. With heavy spirit, my body worn and weary, contemplating my mean fortune and fearing the uncertain outcome, I am obliged to grind out these books rather than to truly translate them. For in translating these writings I have scarcely spent more time than I would consider necessary just for transcribing them – and pretty swiftly at that. It will be hardly be difficult for you or for learned men to judge whether the scope and difficulty of the subject require more time to be translated properly, let alone elegantly. Nor should you imagine that I am looking for this speed to bring me the kind of glory that has rewarded greater men for their eloquence, but so that I may be more readily indulged, please know that it has been in my mind.

1 Isabella I of Castile (1451–1504).

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The philosopher Pietro Monte’s Preface to Book 5 of The Appraisal of Men, dedicated to the most illustrious Prince Juan of Spain,2 translated by Gonzalo Ayora of Córdoba In the preceding books I have discussed reasonably worthy material, but in what comes next perhaps some people will fault me, since the remaining subjects seem to be of little spiritual benefit. Yet it is always my intention to provide such benefit, and so I am including some material about exercises through which the bodies that practice them may abstain from vices and avoid improprieties that often lead to sin. I do not claim that to practice throwing, wrestling, or jousting is inherently meritorious; but if we excel in such things, they can help us to avoid the sins that cloud the soul and consume the body, and to eschew the pleasures that engender sin. For this reason I will make it clear at the outset that no wicked or hedonistic person can enjoy victory for long. Anyone who is harried by civil war between his body and soul is already embattled, and ready to bring about his own defeat, making it that much easier when he is faced with an external opponent. Also, I should mention that these books which I have placed at the end were the first ones I wrote; I do not believe this volume would be complete without them. This fifth book discusses how to exercise strength and techniques of skill (which the Spanish call mañas in the vernacular). How to understand and practice such things is especially covered in Book 3 of this volume, since anyone who does not know his own qualities and those of his opponents easily comes to ruin. Nature makes many people equal in aptitude, so if we only look to nature for protection, those who manage to avoid contrary circumstances will tend to triumph. Furthermore, because natural gifts are often overcome by acquired skills, it helps to know and practice such skills according to the benefit they give us. To do so is highly advantageous, for we cannot be certain what things will bring future benefit, since among us nothing is perfect – indeed if it were, nothing would harm us. Nor indeed is any technique so trivial and useless that it cannot be helpful at some point, whether by chance or by some misfortune. So since humans cannot see the future, we should pursue those directions which are most likely to help and to protect us against adversity.

2 John, Prince of Asturias (1478–1497).

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Chapter 1: Why wrestling holds first place among physical exercises, and how to conduct ourselves in it I have properly given first place to wrestling as the mistress and chief of all these activities. You should not understand wrestling as referring to the kind of coarse practice commonly used by most people, for it is really all about the temper I will discuss in the following pages, which makes practitioners much more prudent. Perhaps I am denying the other exercises their due, but whenever I want to pursue anything relating to the body or spirit, I turn to wrestling as the best guide. For the same reason I reduce every other physical activity to this one, which is founded entirely on temper, a concept I have defined elsewhere.3 Temper keeps those who observe it balanced and controlled, and prevents us from working impetuously. It makes us step with true measure; it shows us how to strike long or short as needed; it teaches us how to anticipate the opponent’s attacks, and to avert them by countermeasures. It reveals where the opponent is vulnerable so that we can more easily attack; it also teaches our body to know its own vulnerabilities, allowing it to forestall danger when it arises. Nor does the body work without relation to the intellect, for the intellect will dictate where the body can attack. Such things cannot truly be said of throwing, running, jumping, and the like. In those activities, our opponent may be skilled in techniques or expert in the practice, but it has no impact on us. His strength or weakness does not affect us; it makes no difference to us whether he runs holding himself high or slumping low, for even if either of them add any speed, the difference neither hurts nor helps us. This holds true in every art where the contestants’ abilities never come head-to-head. In such arts everyone acts independently, as anyone can see. Whoever defeats the world’s fastest runner will necessarily overcome everyone else in running, as long as he is in good form and the course is not changed. The same holds true with throwing, unless one changes the projectile, the terrain, or both. This is not the case in wrestling, for one man may throw many strong wrestlers, and then be thrown by someone quite weak, even though in both cases he comes to the fight with the same strength and health. This is not hard to understand, for when we wrestle, body-parts struggle against each other, and are intertwined in various ways, each of them possessing disparate abilities owing to their different heaviness or lightness, thickness or thinness, weakness or strength, slowness or speed. Even if both contestants have equal strength overall, it is not distributed identically, so 3 Cf. App 3.69 (sig. o7r–v).

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asymmetric situations necessarily arise, as I have demonstrated at length above. When wrestlers grapple each other in various places, the stronger limbs of one will come up against the weaker ones of the other, so that one of them will have the advantage even if both bodies possess equal strength overall. Another significant difference arises in this art, for its practitioners can use various techniques, and everyone commonly places more faith in those that offer greater and more frequent benefit. Also, some people are more inclined to fight with one side forward, others with the other side. Therefore to excel in this exercise, it helps to have more than the usual knowledge and skill, with capacity well distributed to every part of the body, for otherwise we must sometimes be overthrown and defeated. Other physical exercises can be performed by aptitude of specific limbs, but this one calls for aptitude throughout the body. Hence nobody can excel in this art without both strength and skill: by skill or strength alone we can throw some men, but when we seek out many opponents from various regions, we will find some so strong and skillful that it is not only difficult to overcome them, but they are likely to overcome us. Therefore I will necessarily linger on the topic of wrestling more than I might wish. I will divide this into three parts: • The first will cover how to conduct ourselves at the outset; • The second will teach how the body should be positioned and carried; • And in the last I will discuss the techniques individually, according to the specific places where we grasp. Then at the end I will discuss some universal principles. Translator: Any attempt to translate the following sections would be futile without the approach I have taken. I must not merely translate the terms, but explain the techniques themselves and how they are done. For if I simply expressed these concepts through the names used by the Spanish – or indeed just by the author himself – they would remain opaque, not only to learned men who have little contact with such things, but to most Spaniards as well. If I were to gloss over this issue, I would provide little benefit to the reader. Therefore I have decided to expand and explain these matters, so that with a little help from a knowledgeable person, a learned man may understand how it all works.

[Chapter 1 Part One] When we begin to wrestle, we should start with our bodies low and our knees evenly flexed – for it is dangerous to lean in any direction. Our

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bodies should advance with temperate slyness, but not abruptness. We should focus our unified strength in our chest, where it provides more easily for the work of every part of the body. We should keep our steps small, and the tips of our feet should turn a little outward. We should also carefully observe this part of the opponent’s body, for both readiness for a fall and defense against the attack can be found in a small distinction of the tips of the feet. If our opponent starts forward, we should withdraw a little: this gives us a chance to gauge his intent; and if he actually attacks us, we cannot be much harmed, for it is commonly found that those who pursue typically find their own downfall, even when they are stronger than their opponents. We should quickly withdraw the side our opponent seeks to attack. Also we should do our best to ensure that he does not insert his arms under ours, particularly when we have to fight with very tall opponents: however little skill they possess, their height and weight give them a great advantage over smaller men. We should also armar and pull out, for wrestlers who charge in intemperately and impetuously are punished with a fall for their forcefulness. Gonzalo Ayora: Since we have just used the word armar, adopted from Spanish amidst the Latin terms, I should explain what it means, to make the author’s intent and my explanation clear to the reader. Armar is a common Spanish word. Those who equip others with arms are said to armar them; and those who set out nets or lay other traps against wild animals, or indeed against men, are likewise said to armar. In this case we not only lay a trap, but in the very moment of laying it we push our opponent with all our might so that he tumbles into it. So much for the word; I now return to where we were.

We should keep our feet even: by “even” I mean that neither is in front of the other. It is not good to give the hands crosswise, that is to join right to right, or left to left, for this can lead to an arm-break once our hand is seized, particularly by turning and bringing the back of our elbow-joint onto the shoulder; the same thing can be done from this position in other ways. Also if the opponent pulls us forward from this grasp, he can seize our back. When the opponent seizes our hand in the manner I have said, we should quickly assist it with the other. This can be done in two ways: either our hand applies pressure to his, or we quickly place our palm on his chest. The side that he tries to seize should not stand still, but should shift backward. In this manner anyone who rightly studies my writings, even if they are seized, can easily recover their original freedom. Nor should we pull our seized arm straight back, since this will prove both foolish and

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dangerous if the opponent should armar against us. Instead we should generally close our fist and turn it downward toward us. This works with minimal effort, and does not expose us to harm. If we pull straight back, we are condemned at least to be held against our will. [Chapter 1 Part Two] Once the grip has been made from pretty much any direction, we should remain upright, that is, we should wrestle upright: whether we are wrestling by the hands, or at shared arms, or grasping the collar of the doublet, or seizing the side or back, this is the most useful way to proceed. Of course at shared arms it helps to go fairly low; and when the opponent seizes our side or back we should lean our body. The same applies when someone does an armar against us anywhere. And when we send in our force or execute some technique, we should stand up using all our powers. When we have our forehead against the opponent, and our head is pushed down under his armpit, we should straighten ourselves and join our feet to his; if it happens the other way around, we should lean hard onto the opponent with our chest, stepping backward in a balanced manner and directing our force onto the opponent’s neck. We should stay well balanced, not leaning in any direction: we should pay careful attention to this in evading our opponent so that we are not entrapped. It also helps to stay with the opponent wherever he goes, although we should never go where he tries to lead us, for he only gives us a place to fall. But this applies after both have grappled in a wrestling hold: at a distance or in armed combat, it is dangerous to do this. For experienced fighters often start with the opposite of what they want, to deceive their opponent into protecting or withdrawing the part they are pretending to attack, as when we try to throw the opponent with the sacaliña by first pulling him toward us, so that he pushes away and assists our intent. Ayora of Córdoba: In the technique called the sacaliña in Spanish, our foot binds between our opponent’s legs either at the back of the knee or at the calf, hooking to the outside of that leg. Thus someone who is seized by this technique falls face-up, if his opponent applies his body-weight correctly and with opportune speed.

Our feet should stand lightly, for when they stand fixed in the ground, we can be lifted easily. This is like when we try to move two bodies of equal size, one made of iron, and the other a pile of feathers, wool, cotton, or something similar. Of these two, the rigid one, with its hardness and

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greater cohesion, is much easier to lift than the looser one, whose looseness and softness make it much more difficult. Therefore we must stand temperately, and lay our hands on him without stiffness, so that when he tries to control us, we can use his own effort to make him fall. When we hold our opponent rigidly, we can be harmed by our own grip as much as by his. Also looseness of hands often provides us with considerable defense by interrupting the opponent’s force and order. When we tighten too much, it brings other problems too, for our strength will quickly fail, and we signal where we intend to attack before we do it. Nor can we tell where the opponent intends to go, for we are preoccupied with where we are sending our force and spirit, allowing the opponent to do many things before we can respond with a suitable defense. This can be readily tested as follows: if we squeeze someone’s hand tightly with ours, trying to check his pulse (the indicator of sicknesses), we have a hard time detecting it. Nor should we wrestle entirely loose either, for this is to cross from one extreme to the other, utterly neglecting the middle. If we fail to lay hold of the opponent in this practice we cannot read his intent. But when we try to seize him impetuously, if our foot or hand fails, any small opposition can defeat us. So if we want to be safe, when someone does an armar against us we should promptly release our hand from the place where we are holding and plant it in his chest as I have described. This one technique is effective against all the rest: the rest serve for either offense or defense, fortifying one part and leaving others unprotected. We can use tornos more often and more safely than other techniques of this art – the others cannot be done everywhere, only in specific circumstances. Gonzalo Ayora: Torno is our name for that technique or maña (if you prefer to use the vernacular Spanish term) which is commonly done as follows. With one of our feet placed almost between his feet, we block the opponent’s leg with ours, using our arms with a great surge to throw him over that blocking foot.

Our feet should stand at a medium distance, for it is harmful to stand with them together or too far apart. Doing as I have just described, when we wish to armar we can go in and out quickly, before we are detected. If our feet are planted at a distance from each other, we must use two times in order to attack or defend. Also we should go in quickly and without display of force, since projecting force strongly at the opponent hinders our effect. Indeed he is to be overcome not in going in but in going away, so that is when our strength should really be delivered: at that point, even if we are detected, the defense arrives too late.

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Almost every manner of armar should be high enough that our legs at least come onto the opponent’s thighs, and arrive at the part of the leg where the calves end, either in front or behind. Gonzalo Ayora: Note that the sacaliña which we have already defined, and also the hip-throw [clunilevium] must be placed near or at the back of the knee. Mañas is the Spanish name for all kinds of techniques of this type. When we do the armar high, the opponent cannot spring over it, and we have the opportunity to begin displacing the opponent. The hip-throw is generally done as follows: we stand in front of our opponent, almost with our back to him, binding his further leg with our own further leg at the back of the knee, and from there we lift the opponent over the same place by the hip, rotating him with our arms to throw him on his back. Our people call this the maña descaderada.

When tornos are delivered at us, it is good to sink our body at the knees, staying over them; but against the sacaliña and mediana it is good to stand upright. Mediana is what Spaniards call the maña when one thigh wraps inside against the other in the manner of a snake. For this reason you can call it the anguigera [“serpentine”] if you wish. Thus far the translator.4

We should armar with fluidity, power, and speed. Without these three elements, no amount of skill will have much effect, while even with coarse or paltry skill, if we observe these three things, we will at least show significant effect. For against a swift maña, protection never occurs in time. When we do an armar, all our weight should go onto the foot that stands on the ground, for if we place weight on the other, however little, the force will be lost, and we fall into danger. If our opponent is stepping correctly, we must agitate and push him so that he is forced to change order. Once this happens we should attack with confidence. We should never step along the axis in which our opponent is doing an armar against us; but when we are attacking, we should direct our force straight along the line in which we do the armar. The leg we send in is a kind of interception (which the Spanish call estropiezo), as when we are walking and encounter a fixed stone: our momentum continues forward while our feet are held back, forcing us to fall. In wrestling, the foot we send in and the force we apply in the opposite direction should work the same way, except that the foot should stand and the arms should push or pull. In some places

4 In this and the preceding two paragraphs it is unclear which parts are by Monte and which by Ayora. The previous paragraph in particular could also be Ayora’s.

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wrestlers seize the legs with their hands; but if the opponent lifts our leg, we should do an armar. These kinds of techniques can be done from either side. They are not greatly different on one side compared to the other, although by habit some people like to wrestle by one arm, but find it awkward by the other. [Chapter 1 Part Three] To describe everything that can be done in this art would require lengthening a work that I would prefer to shorten. Still, I will describe the greater number of attacking techniques, including those which are most generally useful to wrestlers. I do not plan to dwell too much on the defenses (which the Spanish call desfechas), beyond those that naturally come up. When we seize hands, we should plant our one hand on the opponent’s other, sending our remaining free hand under the arm we have seized. From there we can deliver a torno, placing one foot on the ground between his feet, then quickly throwing him in the direction he is facing. This can be applied in all situations involving this technique, except when we grapple by the neck, for from there we can do it differently, throwing the opponent in the direction where our higher hand stands. The contrary of this technique is a torno from the opposite direction, or a sacaliña against his supporting foot; or else we can step over the foot he uses to bind us, and catch it with ours. It is no small skill to destabilize our opponent and crowd in on him with a sacaliña using the tip of our foot, leaning our body to push him solidly on the chest with one hand, as I have already described, so that he falls backward. The equally significant counter to this technique is a torno, or to throw him backward by the firm side. Gonzalo Ayora: The Spanish call it a furtada when we pull the opponent by one arm and take his back. The defense and indeed offense against this is the sacaliña, or to place our hand on his chest. We Spanish call it a traspie when we pretend to attack his one side so that he pulls it back, then we attack his other foot, seizing it with the tip of our foot by the rear. And whenever the opponent does an armar to us anywhere, it helps to sink into our knees and send our hand onto the opponent’s waist.

When we have seized by the collar of the doublet, we can do the torno to either foot, though to do it to the side where our hand is lower, we must transfer our higher hand from his neck to under his nearer armpit. The defenses against these things are the sacaliña and a counter-torno. In this situation the sacaliña is also very good when we pull the opponent

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with a sudden rotation and capture that foot of his, in which we should not make it obvious that we are doing a false torno. To defend against this technique, anyone who tries it will know to follow the opponent who is pulling him. We can also usefully do the traspie from there. To make it work, we should do it as follows: the tip of our foot should bind from outside above the opponent’s heel, and press hard a little below his knee, so that it puts him on his back. To counter this maña we should sweep our upper hand across his chest as far as his waist with some force, particularly at the end, and pull out our foot near the end of this action. But we should take great care lest he should do a torno or desvio to us. Gonzalo of Córdoba: The true deviation (which our people call the desvio) is done from this place only, and ideally in this manner: that is when we test the opponent by a torno, our outside foot springs away nimbly and swiftly, and we place the other between his feet so that our hip stands against his groin; and we send him over this hip to the ground, doing it with both hands without very great force. Against this technique: those who are attacked by this maña can strengthen themselves by promptly sinking down and seizing the opponent’s side; or it also helps to push that hand away, and release the upper hand, using it to grasp his arm to deliver a torno.5 Ayora: Here is how to do the burdening, which the Spanish call the cargo: we turn our loins toward the opponent, seizing his arm so that it stands on our neck, which puts it in danger of being broken; we can also rotate it over our head and break it. Against these things we can do the sacaliña with the tip of our foot, pushing that hand down.

When we wrestle at shared arms, that is with the wrestlers grasping each other reciprocally around the middle, we should use the same attack and defense techniques I spoke of above in the seizing of the neck, namely to do the torno and the sacaliña, although here it is only done to the further foot. Also the mediana (which we have said can suitably be called the “serpentine”6) can sometimes be done to the same leg. There are many ways to counter it: either to deliver the sacaliña to the opponent; or to push his body; or to withdraw our free foot past the other, and with the one that is bound to strike his one standing on the ground from behind, making the opponent fall on his back. Also in this situation people do something called the “foolish” [inscia], which I will not call a technique 5 This final sentence might be Monte’s rather than Ayora’s – the layering is unclear. 6 This parenthetical insertion is evidently by Ayora, who applies this name to the technique.

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(it is called the necia in Spanish, based on its nature): it only makes those men fall to whom the name applies, and it is quite dangerous to the one who does it. And when he tries to lift us from the ground, or after we are already lifted, it is good to execute a powerful maña that our people call the ancha. This is done when we greatly lift his leg with ours, throwing him backward; and it is useful to push him on the side, or flexing at the loins we can turn the mediana against the opponent. This technique is very useful to large men. Translator: I will describe in a few words how to do the turns, or rotations (to use another name), which the Spanish call vueltas. One hand should be placed on his flank, the other on his loins; from there we should place our further foot on the ground between his feet with a quick spring and great surge, and we should take the opponent onto our flexed back. Nor should we stand there, but once we start, we should continue turning the opponent again and again. Turns of this kind can be countered the same way as they are done, for when the opponent begins to turn us, we can lift him in the same manner; or we can deliver the sacaliña at him with our heel.

Next, when wrestling at both arms (a common practice among wrestlers), the tornos are especially useful. Sometimes we should threaten the foot that stands further from danger; it is useful to do this in all techniques of this kind. These tornos can be countered by similar tornos from the opposite side. The sacaliña to either foot is also good for countering them. But when we wish to capture the foot with which he attacks us, we must spring over. We can also do the traspie in this situation as when wrestling by the neck. The necia and cargo can also be done from here. Also, the maña which we have said is appropriately called the furtada in Spanish, is done nowhere more readily than from this position, for when we lead the opponent’s arm forward with swift impetus, we can easily take his back; or else placing our other hand on the attacker’s arm to straighten it, we can place our leg between his legs at his thigh, and send him forward toward where his other leg stands. Finally, if our head is seized from this grip, in order to do either a torno or the mediana, we should draw our neck between our shoulderblades and get close to the opponent, lifting him, and our hands should then encircle his waist, and from there we can deliver the torno or sacaliña at the back of his knee. From there we should pursue him backward, if he does not fall in the first attack. Ayora: The descaderada is done from the side, and to be good it should be done by the back of the knee. It should be executed with great force, so

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Appendix A that it can flex the knee. The contrary of this technique is to spring over and deliver the traspie to his fixed foot. The mediana (which we have often called the “serpentine”) is also good to do from there, springing and turning back with great firmness, and lifting the opponent over our hip.

Many counters (which we have often called “defenses”) can be done, but you should collect the best ones. Having caught his foot standing on the ground by the heel, in the moment when he springs, we should armar first; and we then should have our weight on the other side so that we can protect ourselves and harm the opponent. But if this maña is done to us this way, we can quickly turn to the sacaliña with the tip of our foot; we can do the same in the descaderada. Furthermore when we wish to do the sacaliña properly from this situation, we should pull the opponent to us with a great surge, doing the technique to him as I have shown above so that he falls on his back. Against this we should lift the opponent, and our foot should immediately armar between his feet; when we push him, we should do it with a rotation toward us. Beyond this one does the same as at both arms. Gonzalo Ayora: Next, the technique that always hurts and sometimes ruptures the loins (for which it is called the deslomada in Spanish) is done once the head has been seized, having sprung away and leading the opponent after us. And when we want to incapacitate or at least weaken the opponent in that part (which should never be done in play), we should direct our force onto his shoulderblades, imposing it to the utmost. And if you really want to hurt someone who deserves it, or at least daze him for a moment, this grip should be held firmly, and you should walk outward a little.

To counter this savage technique which we have said is called the deslomada, we should quickly flee toward where we stand, and the opponent should be deprived of all support, making him fall on his back without any power. But after he has seized our neck, if he decides to hold it firmly, we should place our hand on his shoulder and seize from in front in such a way that he is either disrupted or turned backward. If he does the sacaliña to us, we should immediately stand up with all our might and lift him straight, so that his power is entirely lost, or at least is greatly weakened. If he does the mediana to us, we should move toward our free side, leading him in the same direction, in which we are protected against the

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descaderada by sinking down. Also sometimes we are helped with surges that are somewhat like tornos.7 When the opponent takes our side, to free ourselves, we can lift our higher hand, and send our other arm under his armpit, and from there we can do the descaderada; this can make him fall, and comes close to breaking his arm. But if we seize him low, we can get in close, and lift him with a rotation, although it is safer and easier to concentrate on defenses rather than attacks. Finally, in the beginning of this grip, whoever is below can rotate the opponent, pulling in his own head, so that he can take the back. When we take the opponent’s back, we should never send our arms in front of him, but we should keep our hands on his sides; whichever side he tries to turn to, we should vigilantly armar at once against that side. And if the opponent has done this to us, we should try to get his hands in front, bringing him close to us. Once this is done, we should act as if we wish to sink down and do the cargo (a technique we explained above), but we should suddenly change it into the harsh technique called the deslomada in Spanish; also we can lead the opponent forward, and turn quickly to the sacaliña against the foot that follows us. But if he then lifts us from the ground, it will help to bind his leg from the outside with our leg, so that when he tries to bring us to the ground with a fall, we only fall onto our feet, or at least the one that remains free finds the ground again. When somebody uses the right side more readily than the left (as most people do), if he practices for a few days, he can do both tornos and desvios much better on the left than on the right. But sinidextri (whom we may call “ambidextrous”), who use their left and right hands equally, typically turn themselves to the other side. In the sacaliña the reverse holds true, owing to the greater strength for pulling on the dominant side. This seems to happen not by nature but by habit. If parents left their children to choose, nobody knows which arm most people would use; nor are lefthanders found to have less strength than righthanders on that side because of this physical difference. Every technique, once it is conceived, let alone decided on, should be pursued in a timely manner, and it should be delivered with speed, power, and determination. If we cannot commit these resources, we should hold back. Yet all things must be subjected to judgment, and if an opportunity is cut off and we find ourselves in danger, we should look to a new defense, however strongly we have attacked. We should do likewise in defense: even if at one moment our head almost touches the ground, we should never 7 This and the two previous paragraphs might be taken as a continuation of Ayora’s insertion on the deslomada, but on balance they seem more likely to be part of Monte’s inventory of counters, with Ayora inserting some of his own language into the opening of the counter to the deslomada.

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give up, but we should always strive to turn the opponent underneath, so that if fortune should go against us, at least a fall is ascribed to both. Moreover those who show spirit will often escape adversity. This course should be observed in all actions, for we should never waver or give up until we come to the intended finish, or at least are adjudged not to have failed for lack of effort. [Chapter 1 Conclusion] Next I will offer some countermeasures that can protect us against large opponents, as well as varieties of skill levels, situations, and complexions; I will also add some rules that should be observed in wrestling. Against strong men it helps to wrestle in loose clothing (that is, hose and doublet), for this makes a person more mobile, making it easier to evade or escape the opponent’s attack; nor can anyone capture us without great difficulty under these circumstances. Against those who are weak or highly skilled, it is best to arrange the opposite, for it makes our grips firm; and when this kind of opponent flees us, we should pursue him until he reaches the wall or the edge of the enclosure, where we should close with him as tightly as possible. Then even if he does an armar (which he rarely can), he can never do so much to us that our hand or some other limb placed on that wall cannot save us, nor does it allow us to undergo much peril. If our opponent tries to force us into the same kind of straits, we should step or escape to the other side, and when he attacks that side, we should protect it, and send our hand and head to his chest, and we should attack in the moment when he imposes his powers upon us. One of two extremes should be undertaken with stronger men: either to try everything, testing fortune so that we may overcome them, or to await the moment when they pursue us into a trap. We should do this whenever reason tells us we have the disadvantage. With tall men we should close and catch them by the waist. Their arms and legs are of exceptional length, so wrestling at a distance makes it easy for them to armar and grapple. Against small men we should wrestle as distant as we can, for they are not good at grappling or attacking with the feet; if they try to get close, we should displace our body and pull them to the ground with some technique. Men of great size and mass wrestle best unclothed, for they can encircle slender bodies with their hands, which does not work the other way round; when we are wearing clothing it can be used to grasp us and control us.

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We should never wrestle on soft ground with stronger men who have little training. In such a place our feet are quite unstable, and anyone can fall when the opponent does an armar to him; but a heavy opponent in such a place seems to be so planted that he cannot be shifted without great strength. This greatly favors the ignorant who possess great strength, and disadvantages those who seek victory by skill rather than strength. Those who possess power and skill should fight where things are less subject to chance, either on a paved surface or on hard ground, so that we can use our full capacity against the opponent, and when we armar our feet find great firmness. In such places we can enter quickly and without hindrance, but in a soft place we can neither escape nor protect ourselves, nor can we attack with skill, so that we end up working crudely. It is dangerous to wrestle in a wet or watery spot, particularly when the ground is covered with marble or paving stones. If we attack strongly, our feet easily slip: when we lift one foot, the other can slip out from under us. In uneven places, whoever is higher seems to armar even without trying, for we cannot dislodge the opponent from that place, while we can easily dislodge him from a lower place. We should not armar near onlookers or some other support or prop for the opponent, for when we do the sacaliña, the opponent, planting his back there, can seize and press our head, for we stand low. And if we do a torno, even if the opponent is ignorant, he can raise his other foot to plant it against the wall and force us to fall on our back. I have already shown that tall men are better than short, given a balanced starting position for both throwing and rotating, as is commonly done in wrestling, and for all other lifting from the ground, particularly when both wrestlers are allowed a chance to grasp each other, and each seeks the same goal from an artificially balanced starting point. For when someone seeks the advantage at his will (as should be done), everyone pursues what suits them; but when they start from an artificially reciprocal grasp at the arms and loins, and the taller one straightens up, his greater height allows him to lift the smaller one. Even if the shorter one flexes in the back and brings his head toward the ground, he still cannot move the larger one’s feet. When we wrestle at shared arms, a very powerful technique can be done (though few know it), namely to seize the hand that the opponent sends under our arm, and press it toward his waist; for then if we get in close, he cannot offer much resistance, nor can he prevent us easily lifting him if we do the sacaliña or torno. This grip also shows us another even better technique, for it teaches us to capture the opponent’s weapon-arm, and to adhere to that side so that

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he cannot deliver a blow. And when we want to throw the opponent from here, it can be done with a torno or traspie. These kinds of mañas are extremely useful both at the beginning and in the course of the fight, for a variety of reasons, but especially because they allow us to send the opponent to the ground while we remain standing: we should never fall wrapped up with our opponent. Other techniques come late and almost equally divide harm. Going against a master of arms either in earnest or in sport, if he tries to seize our sword, we can let him come to our arm, so that when we change it suddenly under his, using an opposite rotation and also using his own force and impetus, we easily make him fall. Furthermore, when our opponent does either an armar or a blow with strength, we should never wait where we were standing, but we should move the opposite way, or up from below, or counter to him, or changing sides. For he directs his power toward where we are, and if we change our location, his skill is wasted and his force is greatly weakened. If we met every blow, and we had to fight with many people, we would easily be hurt, and our body would be incapacitated, and sooner or later we would certainly be defeated. To save our power for the opportune times and places, we should let the opponent’s blows miss us, as long as we do not need to resist them. We should avoid excessive anger or aggression against defensive opponents. It is more dangerous to vigorously attack an opponent of moderate strength than to fight against a strong one by saving our blows for a moment when he is open. Someone who focuses on defense ensures that we can close with him only in tight and risky places, which will often lead us where he wants us, through our own force and false judgment. Admittedly people who seek protection through retreat look feeble, nor can they actually achieve much, except when their opponents happen to be overthrown by some bad luck, and even then they are considered almost to have succumbed as well. A good defense should follow a different course, since nobody can resist much if he is continually withdrawing. Instead we should save our attack for a moment when the opponent’s order is disrupted: at that point we should attack the opponent instantly and resolutely. If we always retreat, we will easily lose whatever we have, and it will come into our opponent’s control. Finally, anyone who wants to join in a very close fight should be very careful, for often our will blinds our reason so that our bodies become disordered and end up in situations that bring us both harm and shame. The manner of defending is as follows: first, we should wear loose clothing, and step temperately and sinking a little into our knees, and make our steps either backward or sideways (since going forward is for

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offense). It is useful to send our hands and head into the opponent’s chest; and if there is a situation where the opponent can bind us, we should pivot backward; and it helps greatly to do a torno or desvio to him when he projects his power, for it is harder to throw us when we displace our body, or withdraw it (to put it more elegantly). The attacker should approach with small steps, sending his feet in front of his body, for someone moving forward hardly needs to worry about falling backward. Also we should sink our body low, not leaning to any side. We should keep our arms short, so that by the time we grasp, we are already near the opponent, and so that we can deflect him if we need to. Both attacking and defending, our hands should always be coordinated with each other, so that they operate in concert. One particular point is that we should always keep our body directly over our feet. It is like when we try to keep a reed upright over our hand or one of our fingers: we cannot do it except by constantly moving our hand to wherever the reed seems about to go. Anyone who has tried this knows that when our hand stands still, the reed will fall. Chapter 2: How to wrestle against various types of opponents8 I should also discuss how to wrestle according to the complexions, which is a great advantage to people who follow my teaching: where our body may be lacking or encounters great difficulties, we can protect or strengthen it; we can prevent it being trapped by dangers by pulling it away; and we know how to evade the opponent’s strengths and attack his weaknesses. A sanguine is forceful in the beginning, but he quickly falters and loses his powers. For this reason we should resist him with great cunning at the outset, withstanding his impetus until he is disrupted. For in time he will weaken, and in the end his entire body will rapidly fail. It also helps to close with him, for he has limited power in his loins and legs. But those who are strong in the chest, thighs, and elbows can attack well from a distance. With a sanguine-phlegmatic we should close and attack once his sanguine impetus is exhausted, before the phlegm comes to the combat. However we must realize that in these same complexions there can be differences in both powers and breath, even though practice will tend to make them consistent, in which case there will generally be little difference. Differences emerge because some people have greater mass of flesh, 8 For this chapter, cf. Coll 1.46–51.

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while others excel in purity or size of bones and sinews. Differences of food, location and conduct can also make a substantial difference. Thus an abundance of flesh provides great power and speed in the beginning, but it soon fails and dissipates. Those who possess strength of bones and sinews are slow and do not show their strength right from the start, although their size and mass make them difficult to pull or rotate; for this reason physical activity also enhances their breath and endurance. And since such disparate variety of bones, sinews, and flesh is found among men, they rarely possess a uniform character and complexion. With cholerics we should fight at a distance. They have strong loins, legs, and forearms, which helps them and harms the opponent at close range, since at this distance they use the stronger parts of their body. With this complexion it is not helpful to hasten or delay, except to disorder them: they generally exercise less power in the beginning by their nature, but not enough to bring them into serious danger. A choleric-melancholic will be stronger at the outset, and will show great hardness at all times. Therefore we should not close with him, for this suits his physique: once he seizes something he will never let it go. In such a situation he can tenaciously hold his grip; if we thrive on constant change, this can be very harmful to us. Melancholics do not come quickly to the work, but they seem to, for they always possess extreme hardness. For this reason they should be attacked temperately, since that is the greatest contrary against them. We should not close with them owing to their hardness, and because many of them have great power, although they never have the skill or fluidity to enhance it or properly use it. When they stand close, minimal skill suffices: at this grip one can never wrestle with agility, so it suits men of this type. At a distance there is need of greater skill and dexterity, which are alien to their nature. When they try to do something, they tend to delay so much that they give forewarning to the opponent, making it hard for them to reach the end of their undertaking. Such is the nature of their complexion, which they rarely overcome by art. For they are neither quick in learning nor adept in acting, so even if they are strong men, they can only overcome weak opponents. Light and agile people learn everything better, and work with fluidity, going in and out with little effort and without the opponent’s knowledge. Even when they win, their defeated opponent scarcely realizes what they have done: such men complete full actions with moderate power, while hard people do the opposite. When we are agile, even if we cannot overcome our opponent, at least we are able to protect ourselves from him. For this reason, as long as they have some skill, I maintain that those

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who are agile or adroit have the advantage, even if ignorant people believe that hard and heavy men are stronger – such men do everything crudely. The melancholic is closer to these things than an agile man, and the same things hold true in other activities. For the one works hard because he does not feel it, while the other works for a reason, and if there is none, he avoids the effort. If both possess equal powers, the agile one will greatly excel. Phlegmatics are weak and slow when they begin. We should treat them accordingly, attacking them quickly. When we do an armar, we should attack them quickly and with all our power, for looseness without sensation easily goes to the ground this way. It does no good to probe these men: agitation generally increases their powers, and after a while we no longer find such an easy bargain in them as before, since they improve over the long run. It is beneficial to close with them, for two reasons: first because they are tall, second because when they sink down, they tend to rest on the opponent. A phlegmatic-melancholic is stronger and harder, but has less temperance. When he leans in any direction, he is certain to fall. With those who have the same complexion as ourselves, it is better to rely on skill than on nature, which protects both equally. Even if our opponent has little skill, he can do plenty because of the similarity of his nature. But skill is not shared equally by everyone, even if they are of the same complexion, particularly when people use their skill variously based on the situation of the moment. These classifications which I have discussed are primary and especially important in wrestling. I could write about plenty of others, but they cannot be understood easily, nor is knowledge of them as useful. Still, if someone wishes to go deeper into this art, he is almost forced to pursue this direction. Chapter 3: What rules should be observed in wrestling The rules of wrestling vary greatly, for everyone follows the custom of his country and his personal preference. But I will here set forth a standard that can properly be observed by everyone. First, there should be no more nor less than two falls. A single fall can occur by some mishap, which is not a proper basis for victory; and when it goes beyond two, one wrestler can lose owing to failing breath. Therefore we should establish a swift conclusion to which a person can quickly arrive, but which is not finished before everyone’s powers rise to the fight.

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Our clothes for wrestling should be neither loose nor tight. In some places they wrestle unclothed,9 which is inappropriate for two reasons. Firstly, it is indecorous and unseemly. Secondly, the art of wrestling is often connected and always related to armed combat. When we are engaged in a real fight, it is not useful to wrestle without clothing, indeed it would be rather dangerous. Even if someone wished to shed his clothes, the opponent might not permit him to do it. Therefore we should wrestle in hose and doublet. The garments should not be laced to each other, although the doublet should be secured with a lace at the waist to preserve a happy medium. When we are trussed up, ability is lost, particularly for those who wear short hose or are unaccustomed to wearing them. The judging of falls is as follows. When both combatants touch the ground at the same time, whoever did the armar certainly has the upper hand, even if the victory should not be allotted to him. But if any bodypart aside from the feet hits the ground first, that person should be adjudged the loser, the other the victor. Nor is the first person to hit the ground always who it seems to be, particularly as judged by the ignorant. When some people receive an armar sometimes they flex so far backward that their attacker falls on his hands at the same time as they fall on their own back; in this situation the judgment is commonly the opposite of what it should be, for people claim that the attacker was defeated, which is not the case. When someone does the maña of the mediana or trascorbada and falls over his opponent’s body, even if he sends his hands downward, he should be considered the victor, nor should he forfeit the victory if they touch the ground. Translator: Until now we have neglected the trascorbada owing to its ineptitude, yet it is something people do. This maña is done as follows, particularly when we fight at shared arms: we lead the opponent by the arm that is folded underneath, and suddenly we hook his nearer leg with ours by the outside of the knee-joint, so that when we suddenly impose our weight onto his chest, he falls on his back – presuming he is ignorant or does not react in time. When the experienced are seized in this situation, they should instantly resort to the maña called the mediana in Spanish, leaning well backward so they can turn the opponent and throw him down. Now I return to the matter.

If everyone who erred in this respect were to be punished, few would remain unharmed. Most people can scarcely tell whether someone 9 “Unclothed” probably refers to the wrestlers wearing only their drawers, without shirt, hose and doublet, as illustrated in medieval artworks such as the Queen Mary Psalter and Gorleston Psalter (London, British Library Royal MS 2 B VII, fol. 160v; British Library, Add MS 49622, fol. 101r).

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triumphs by prowess and excellence or by chance. To offer examples for the reader, mischances often happen in situations like these: when the feet slip owing to some irregularity in either the location or something else; or when boxes or seats or other impediments obstruct the place where they are wrestling. In this matter I place more blame on those who think they know something than on ignorant people to whom the cause is hidden even if they see a victor. But when making a judgment, we generally follow that which nature suggests to our spirit. For when someone succumbs to such an accident, it is ill-advised to say he has been clearly and truly defeated, since sooner or later his misfortune inevitably happens to us. When we step back or turn to one side, if we meet some obstacle with our shoes and it makes us sit down, as long as our buttocks are more than a palm-span from the ground, it should not be called a fall, for we are not yet fully defeated, nor have we been overcome by the opponent’s power. But when our feet are separated from our buttocks, if we fall from the force of the opponent, even if we touch the obstacle with our feet in that process, we are rightly said to be overcome. Everyone should grasp however he wants, as long as he avoids shameful or dangerous places like the genitals, mouth, nose, eyes, hair, and throat; for when we are seized by the throat or some other similar part, we are prohibited from breathing. But everyone may use the rest as he will. Our legs should work against the opponent’s legs: we should not be permitted to mix legs and hands, even if in Germany, Hungary, Bohemia, Poland, and other adjoining regions they commonly grab the legs with their hands. Nor do they do this without some justification, however erroneous, for they consider all things permissible in order to overcome the opponent. I would never deny this, if such a grasp makes the opponent fall. However, as I have said above, the practice of wrestling supports and mirrors armed combat, so we should observe the norms of armed combat to keep wrestling in line with it. If someone fighting with steel forsakes upper targets to seek lower ones, he has already been largely defeated, so clearly these people are wrong in this matter. In the regions I have mentioned they not only do this, they also wrestle with their feet and hands on the ground like quadrupeds. But nature ordained for us to stand upright on two feet, holding our head high, a matter also approved by reason through generations of study; so if someone spurns the option that both nature and reason consider superior, to follow the lesser, should they not be faulted? I leave the judgment to those who do not suffer from clouded powers of understanding.

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Furthermore, in both Britains,10 they never call it a fall unless the wrestler falls on his back; in trying to achieve this, the attacker will place many of his body-parts on the ground, afterwards saying he did it to defeat his opponent more harshly. This is in no way permissible, for they have essentially been defeated at the same time: if their opponent had tried to do such a thing to them, they would have never have allowed it without a fight. Those who disqualify other manners of falling aside from their own are clearly mistaken. When we walk, run, jump, vault, or exercise in some other way, however a man falls to the ground, he is said to fall. This is the primary statement – only afterwards do we ask which part of the body hit the ground first or how heavily. And as to establishing a fall, it seems a smaller body part is no less important than a larger one, even if the impact is unequal. Translator: Nor do we say that fallen houses, cliffs, trees, and columns have not really fallen if they fall on their sides or face-down: they are all said to have fallen regardless of the manner of the fall.

With the Iberians of Lusitania, which in modern times is called Portugal, if anyone brings his knees and hands to the ground voluntarily, they do not consider it a fall, though they would call it a fall if he is compelled to do the same thing. This should never be permitted, for the reason I have already mentioned, and also to avoid arguments. For someone who touches the ground with his knees will say he did it willingly, and his opponent will say the opposite: we cannot count on either of them in this decision. For these reasons we should follow the custom of Spain, Sicily, and a large part of Italy in this matter: in these regions, if any part of the body touches the ground aside from the feet it is considered a fall. However, in some parts of Italy and in all of France men commonly adulterate this custom with a contrary addition, by which they are not judged to fall unless they end face-up; but you will find that this craziness prevails only in regions inhabited by the demented and wine-soaked. In Cisalpine Gaul or Cispaduana or Transpaduana, of which Milan is the chief city, along with all of Insubria, they wrestle wearing a heavy baldric (or a stirrup-leather, to use their name), and they show little skill or dexterity. For they only wrestle by force of spirit and body, with the one driving and lifting the other from the ground, and they do it only with their knees and hips. Perhaps they have followed this style because 10 i.e. England (greater Britain) and Brittany (lesser Britain).

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it suits them well, being abundant in flesh and size of bones, but not at all temperate. In Greece they do not seize the legs, but they do not consider it a fall unless the wrestler is laid out flat on the ground. In greater Britain, which nowadays is called England, they wrestle with linen cloths bound around the neck; after seizing it with their hands, they twist it around so much that sometimes they fall from choking.11 Chapter 4: The best exercises of speed, and the techniques that are most helpful in them12 Among all practices involving speed, running is especially useful, and technique helps people considerably in practicing it (even if most people do not realize this); hence reason dictates that I should cover it here. Hardly anyone believes that people are helped by technique in this matter, nor will they grant that anything helps in this exercise other than natural speed. Many people believe that this speed lies in the loins and legs, which is not actually true, even though it seems plausible. Actually, power in these parts of the body is more of a hindrance than an advantage, though it might seem otherwise. Running is done with the legs, and since it takes work to pump them, one might reasonably assume that power needs to be present. I certainly agree that this is true to the degree that a person runs only with their legs. But like turning a key with the hand or sliding a bolt, in running the body governs the legs, moving them quickly or slowly, in long strides or short: when they are more slender, the body moves them much more easily. Nor do we have to go far to find evidence of this. If in one instance we attach a pound of weight to each leg, and compare it to ten on the shoulders, we will run with more speed and power with the heavier weight, based on its location, than with the lighter. If the legs are powerful, they must necessarily be heavy, since power always entails greater mass. And if someone has more weight [below],13 when they lean into a run, they tend to fall, for large legs not only fail to lift the body, but cannot hold it up. They particularly suffer this problem in downward-sloping places; and on rising slopes they are carried with great labor and difficulty. Therefore nobody who has a bottom-heavy configuration is found to be an excellent runner. For this reason it is more useful to 11 The Italian translation ends here. Wrestling with cloths is illustrated in English medieval art, including the Queen Mary Psalter and Gorleston Psalter (London, British Library Royal MS 2 B VII, fol. 160v; British Library, Add MS 49622, fol. 101r); cf. Kent, History of Wrestling, pp. 100–1. 12 For this chapter, cf. Coll 1.46–51. 13 below] seorsum; read: deorsum.

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have our bulk higher through nature and art, although we can send power to the same places by technique, for lightness can be acquired by lifting ourselves or holding our breath. If two men are in some high place, one of them heavy, the other light, and both jump or fall at the same time, the heavier one will hit the ground first; and if they climb, the reverse will hold true. If both are equally swift, the one who is stronger in the shoulders will be delayed for a longer time by the air when they descend. Someone who possesses a topheavy configuration is already part of the way there, while someone who must redirect power from his lower body is subject to a greater delay, and is never fully perfect in that practice. But here I will teach how to remedy such natural defects to a great extent. In running we should send our power to our chest and shoulders as much as possible. Because of this, our body should be held upright. As we run, our arms should be somewhat flexed, the hands open, the fingers together and firmly extended. If we close our fists, our power clearly goes downward, but with our hands held in this manner, it is kept high. If we desire to keep it there longer, we should have a belt well tightened at the loins, which keeps the body high and keeps us from breathing naturally; and as we run, whether we breathe hard or draw very little breath, we should scarcely feel it. In a competitive race it helps to have a small, smooth pebble in the mouth, which makes the tongue feel cool and keeps it from sticking to the palate. Our legs should be sufficiently open that they seem almost separate from each other, since when one squeezes its way over the other, even if it looks impressive, they tend to pass each other slowly. The tips of the feet should turn a little outward, and no part of them should touch the ground aside from the toes. We should make great strides, and with each stride we should pump our arms; the arms should not alternate with the legs, but each should match the leg on its side. Our arms should cut the air long, high and in concert; we should lift our feet high and flex our legs well at the knees, so that they scarcely lose time in the rear extension. When we run in this manner, we make great strides almost as quickly as if they were small. To help us sustain our breath for a longer time, we can keep our body straight upright to sixty or seventy paces, and from there for the next ten or fifteen we can shift it, not flexing anywhere, but leaning forward: this way when we straighten again, it seems that our course begins afresh. Also it helps to some extent to bind our biceps. This manner of running is advantageous and best in any terrain. In order to start quickly when the signal is given, our feet should stand even in the mark, albeit separated from each other, for when one stands behind, we lose the distance between them.

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If we have to run against a sanguine, we should choose a long, downhill course, for he will excel in a short, uphill one. If phlegm is the secondary complexion, blood will dominate for the first hundred paces; if the course continues downward from there, phlegm will take over, and this kind of terrain is suitable to it. The other complexions conduct themselves in the same manner, for when one of them comes to its height, the body acts according to it, not manifesting anything of the others. Cholerics run in middling manner over any course, nor do they particularly excel in any kind, except that they are good at tolerating running, and go better in flat places. The best contrary I have found for them is a short, downhill course, which finishes before they begin to loosen and warm up. Yet this should be understood relative to the natural parameters and timing in which they excel, for their endurance of breath outdoes everyone else. Melancholics run with great energy in a somewhat uphill place; if they have to carry a heavy burden, they outdo the rest. When the course is downhill they often propel themselves with both hands and feet, or even tumble like a ball because of their impetus, rigidity, and intemperance. They endure considerable effort of this kind with spirit; yet when someone partakes much of this complexion, he naturally lacks swiftness, particularly when he has to run either in flat or downhill places, where one needs softness of flesh rather than intemperance, which is contrary to this complexion. And when flesh is hard by nature, it is good to loosen and moderate it by art. Phlegmatics run poorly on a short course, for by the time power comes to them the race is already over. An uphill course is quite contrary to this complexion, for their physical powers cannot overcome their mass, making them unable to carry it uphill without great difficulty and delay. They run reasonably well downhill, for they are generally tall, so they can do great strides. When the course is downhill, even a little power can support this extension of strides, but not if it is uphill, where much more strength is required. This is like when we climb a ladder, which we can do almost as quickly if we grab every rung as if we cover two with each step; this is not true going down, for then our strength supports long steps almost the same as short steps. Hence the taller someone is, the quicker he descends. Ascent calls for hardness of limbs so that each impact is more forceful, but descent calls for softness, which does not permit the impact of the feet to pass to the thighs and loins. Hence phlegmatics go long (as I discuss in many places), but they do not have speed at any stage: they go pretty consistently regardless of circumstances.

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Chapter 5: Types of courses Next I will discuss what order should be observed in running races. The length of a footrace should be a hundred and fifty paces: this distance offers a midpoint among the complexions, while a greater or lesser number would be a great advantage to some, a great disadvantage to others. But everyone can find this midpoint suitable, even if it may not be equal to everyone. Those who are endowed with great endurance of breath could go past this distance, and those who suffer from weakness of breath do not fail much before its end. Also, a race should be understood as involving a full-out run from beginning to end, so the course should be neither more nor less, since in this respect there are few people in the world who can go past this distance. If impetus and speed are removed from the race, it should not be called a run but a quick walk. Whoever gives the starting-signal should either drop a staff to the ground in sight of all, releasing but not throwing it, or he should begin the race with three calls, without any motion. He should pay close heed whether both runners leave the mark simultaneously or in succession, for among men of outstanding speed it is no small advantage to send the shoulders forward. If the runners wish to go out grasping each other by the hand, it is best to connect them with a thin stick rather than by the hands. When they take hands, they often tighten them, and one holds the other back, which should never happen in a race. If this were permissible within the rules, no weak man would excel in running, and the practice of running would imitate wrestling, which would be quite inappropriate. Running differs greatly from wrestling, so runners should never interfere with each other with hands or arms from the elbow down. We should also run with the condition that anyone who does this by malice (if it were truly detected) should lose the prize, and likewise if he puts his foot or leg in front of the opponent. But touching above the elbows should not be prohibited, for when men run together, one cannot prohibit this without greatly hindering the run, a problem that does not arise in relation to the lower arms, unless they both finish the course at the same time, in which case the one who grabs the mark first might be given the prize, but we could hardly say that he had outraced his competitor. Chapter 6: How men can sometimes race against horses Some people believe – or at least they like to say – that they have seen men who matched horses in racing. This might be possible between a swift man and a burdened horse, but when we match light to light and heavy to heavy, nature dictates that no human can keep up with a horse past

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thirty paces. One cannot deny that men can sometimes race with even very quick horses if some handicap is granted, for example if the horse has its body turned in the opposite direction from where it is supposed to run, and must turn when the human runner strikes its rump with his hand. If the horse is experienced in that turn, and both he and the man are very fast, a fairly equal course would be about sixty-five paces, although even with some very quick horses a person might reach a hundred and ten, since unskilled horses are greatly slowed down when they turn. But if the horse turns quickly, and is running in a place either familiar or at least known to it, it will catch up with any man within sixty paces. When the man seizes the horse by the tail-hairs, sixty paces is a suitable finish, since this kind of grip does not help him much. As the horse’s pace starts to exceed the running capacity of the man’s legs, it forces him to release his grip or fall, or both, particularly going uphill; nor does it slow down the horse, as long as it is not pulled sideways, since the man is running forward with great impetus, and can exert no force backward. A man can run farthest with a horse by grabbing a stirrup and placing his weight on it. He should keep his body in front of the horse’s leg, so that the horse’s power pushes the runner’s arm and sends him forward, for if we fall back slightly, either we must let go, or it quickly makes us fall. To do it more effectively, we should lift our legs high to make long strides: when the strides are high, the power of the horse extends them, but a low stride is never able to go further. With this grip a hundred paces will suit both the horse and man. Finally it should be noted that horses should be from those regions where animals are naturally swift; but men can be taken everywhere, although few swift men are born in some provinces. Translator: In the following section, the original text obliges me to introduce many new and unfamiliar terms. I will explain some of them, but not all, since they are meaningful only to someone versed in this art: without help from such a person, I doubt whether learned men will entirely understand this section. Therefore I do not wish to consume a lot of time or effort in explaining the terms, nor am I inclined to intrude constantly on the text.

Chapter 7: Explaining some types of acrobatics and other related matters The Spanish use the terms vaulting [voltear] and tumbling [trepar] for these exercises, of which the former is to do various rotations on a horse or mule, the latter on the ground or on a rope. These exercises do much

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to mitigate our heaviness, particularly since they require little skill; nonetheless they call for assiduous practice, for we need upper-body strength to pursue either of them well. Even if we lack such outstanding ability by nature, we can develop strength in the necessary places through practice. It is almost contrary to nature to see a man so strong that he could walk on his arms if he did not first exercise them, nor anyone so weak (unless by injury) that they would not carry him if he exercised them. But there are few men who naturally have the air and grace required for proper voltear (to repeat the Spanish term). Sanguines, cholerics, and melancholics have respectable strength for doing acrobatics (the practitioners of which were apparently called petauri among the ancients); but when flexibility is called for, choler with phlegm is usually best: it has temper to sustain us, and softness to make us flexible. In vaults that are done on a horse or mule, the best are sanguine-cholerics, or with choler coming first, since they go both quickly and temperately, for this art calls for power to overcome the size of the body. Even if someone has the strength to move huge weights, if his power cannot easily overcome the mass of his own body, he can do nothing in this matter. To walk on a rope requires the greatest temper and focus (which the Spanish call tiento, with greater meaning). But to slip into the saddle requires slenderness: when a vaulter touches the saddle’s front and back walls (that is, the arçons), even if it happens because of fatness in the buttocks, the onlookers always blame it on lack of agility. Also this activity calls for the best grace and middling stature to control the horse. Finally, in order to sit everywhere with the appropriate airiness, agility is required. For these reasons the best vaulters are sanguine-cholerics. I should discuss why none of the other complexions can excel in this activity. The sanguine goes so quickly that he necessarily shows intemperance. Also he quickly fails and loosens, which causes considerable disgrace; and he cannot complete many rotations, particularly those that call for the focus I have just mentioned. Cholerics have bottom-heavy configurations, and in order to lift their bodies, they have to stand in a manner that looks awkward to the observers. Melancholics surge poorly and with great vehemence and hardness, and make a great impact when they sit. Finally, phlegmatics cannot support themselves, and when they somehow manage to lift themselves, they can scarcely be supported by their arms for the time their body takes in transit.

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Chapter 7[a]:14 The various vaults people can do The following spins, turns or rotations (if you prefer to call them so), or others much like them, can be done by men on a horse. Namely first, to mount with the feet, jumping onto the horse, leading to the perchada; this is done best from the right side of the horse, for then the vaulter’s left hand sits on the horse’s rump, and the right grasps the rear arçon, and he can jump straight up onto the horse. From the same place we can do the gallardesca, and the one named “the sparrowhawk.” With [the rear arçon (?)] sitting in our left hand, with the other we take the forward arçon, and from there we jump over our hand right into the saddle. From this comes the one that is done from the tail; also the half pomada and the full pomada can be done from either arçon. The severina, named for its creator Galeazzo da Sanseverino, outdoes these: going through the full pomada, in a single rotation the vaulter ends up sitting with his face toward the rear of the horse. The mora was also created by Galeazzo and by me (he named this vault on account of his love for il Moro); it is executed bringing both feet to one side of the horse in a single rotation. When someone is sitting on the horse’s rump, the vaults are ascribed to the fair and delicate women: all of these are called “of the lady.” To mount with the one foot is the first one, owing to its ease. The second is to bring both feet together as if one were sitting. The experienced can do the half-pomada in the same situation: we call this the passa volta. It is just like the full pomada, but owing to the presence of the rider it is much more difficult. The arzonada is done in two ways: one begins by running, the other standing near the horse. In both, the arçons are seized with the hands: the vaulter goes across between his hands and arms, with the hands either fixed or loose (it can be done both ways). From that grip one can also do the half and full pomada with some effort. To do the vault of the stirrup-leather, with one or two hands, is no small thing (the Italians call it di staffile, the Spanish del ación). The onerata is just like the previous, even if it is done and named differently. This vault should be done with the hands placed firmly; it is also done by the leg of the rider, whence it takes its name. Some people also do a longer vault from the stirrup itself, placing one hand in it at the belly of the horse. The experienced do the vault coming to the ground by both arçons. To this I add the more dangerous one which

14 The chapter number is repeated from the previous chapter.

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is called “by the fist”: placing the fist in the side of the saddle, we rotate above to the ground. A vault similar to these is done by the mane: gripping the neck at the short mane-hairs we vault over our hand to land with our feet on the ground. Next comes the volta de medina; its creator is called by this nickname – he is a very famous man in Spain. He did that vault only grabbing with the right hand: as others did it [left]-handed, so he did it [right]15-handed, not touching anywhere with the left hand. We named that one the remontada, where as others seek the ground by the stirrup-leather, we go into the saddle in the same time having done a full rotation, nor otherwise we return from the forward and rear arçon to riding on the rump. The much more difficult montesina comes next (yet precedes, if we consider its worth), which the author of this work wished to claim to himself both by name and thing. In this vault, aside from being longer, no part of us should touch except the hands, and we should cross to the other side of the horse. It requires the left arm to remain firm. (Author.) I tried this on occasion, but I don’t think I was able to do it; if anyone else tried it, I’m not sure how he found it.16 Vaulters commonly do the following turns from the right side. For example, the rodadilla with both hands grabbing the forward arçon, coming over the horse’s neck to end up where we started. The baldassina, named for Galeotto the Sicilian, which is like the half mamia, but harder. The left hand is placed on the rear arçon, and the right on the forward one. In the gropada, we go as in the vault of the stirrup-leather, but the feet land on the horse’s rump. Plenty of other vaults can be done, which are essentially like those I have described. In the bastarda we place our right knee in the horse’s right side, and mount with our left leg over the forward arçon. Also the rotada is done from this, which in some places is called the half mamia. In the cimada the vaulter grasps the rear part of the saddle, and brings his feet to stand upright in the saddle on the rear arçon. The cabriola is done from the same place but in a different manner, for the feet are placed either between the arçons in the saddle, or come high enough to land on the pommel.

15 App here reverses right and left. 16 This final sentence apparently inserted by Ayora, though Monte says much the same thing in the Collectanea (f5v).

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The ligera [“light”] is appropriately named, since it cannot be done without extreme agility; one arrives in the manner of the rotada or orbiculata, and the feet are planted in the saddle. The full mamia follows, for it is when we send both feet through the rotada, and we sit on the right side of the horse. The peregrina is similar, except that we jump to the other side without touching the saddle. The sforzata, or to give it a Latin name, conata, is to proceed this way until we sit on the horse upright with the left leg. The galeazzia, named for the same Galeazzo Sforza, or da Sanseverino, is to be done in the same situation (if it can), namely to do the half-mamia (as it is called in Italian) or the rotada (as in Spanish) twice in the same go. The corrida (which could suitably be translated as “the run”) is to come from behind the horse, and to jump with the feet onto the saddle in a single leap. The reversada is to send our hand onto the horse’s buttocks, and from there either to sit or stand in the saddle. The bilanzada is to carry the saddle in our hands, and in a single action to place it on the horse from the rear, and to leap into it with the feet. The peligrosa is named for its obvious difficulty and dangerousness. In Italian it can be called the schiavonesca (we might translate as the illyrica). It is done as follows: someone rides upright in the saddle, and we run, plant our hands and head onto the horse’s rump, and send our legs over the rider’s shoulders so that he seizes them, and we sit on his neck. I would like to end with the vault called “from the shoulders”: it involves first leaping onto the horse’s rump, and from there to leap onto the rider’s shoulders with our feet, and finally to arrive at the ground. Chapter 8: What techniques most help us in this practice

No techniques aid us so much in this practice as these: not to plant our feet much on the ground; to send all our strength into our arms; to rise smoothly; and to go as high as the length of our arms will allow. When we bend our arms, many vaults go unfinished, and none can be done with elegance. Also our feet should go at the same height as our head, and our body should be collected, although on entering the saddle it should be extended. We should arrive on the ground in the same manner, namely with our left hand well planted, and we should rotate straight over that arm so that it can govern the body, for when we lean in any direction it allows us to fall.

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Chapter 9: What techniques confer the greatest benefit in jumping The practice of jumping involves no more artifice than to lift ourselves up with all the power and impetus we can muster, for those who try to jump long without bothering to lift themselves high can scarcely go far. This should be observed in all kinds of jumping. For two or three jumps, if they are to be done with the feet together, it helps to carry stones (which the ancients called halteres) in our hands, and to throw them straight to the ground in the last jump with speed and impetus. These both give and seem to give us a place to send our power, so that our body is raised up, and the action gives us a good appearance. But if the halteres are thrown backward, our body flexes and is forced to return to the ground sooner than it should. Making two jumps in this manner, the measure is to 29 or 30 feet, and in three, the limit stands between 39 and 43. These feet are to be understood as average, for I have never seen anyone with large feet excel in this matter. This also assumes a flat and level place with no visible difference between one spot and another. On a paved surface it is an achievement to jump 27 or 28 feet. Anyone who can do this jump properly can easily do the other types of jump with little additional practice. A running jump is best done as follows: we should come to the mark with great impetus and speed, and from there we should gather and lift our whole body into the air as much as our strength allows, sending our feet somewhat forward in the air and letting our head go backward; but when we are about to reach the ground, we should suddenly straighten up. The range for this jump in a flat place is 19 or 20 feet. But when we launch from a stone about a cubit high, or there is a depression in between, even if the beginning and end of the jump are even, it is not rare to reach 22 feet, for the air taken there commonly gives us much more capacity. Doing three jumps, two with one foot and the third with both, calls for the same technique. The foot that goes first in the air should be well lifted to help carry the rest. Sanguine-phlegmatics can do this jump pretty well relative to their limited agility, for even if they cannot lift themselves much, their long legs allow them a great distance between paces. The distance of this jump commonly ranges from 46 to 48 feet in a flat place – but not when men of this sort of complexion jump, for it calls for a combination of blood, choler, and melancholy to give speed, hardness, and temperance to the jumping body. One can also do three jumps with a staff. The technique is as follows: to come to the mark with impetus, and there to plant the strength of our

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arms on the staff so that we surge up from there. In the final jump we can move the staff three or four times on the ground; to do this we should collect our body as best we can. But we commonly jump the same distance whether we move the staff twice or four times. In this manner one can jump 55 to 60 feet. In a single jump with a staff, with a running approach, a swift and experienced man can reach 28 feet. Everyone should jump four times in any kind of jumping contest. Chapter 10: What kind of throwing is best, and is most helped by technique17 Among the things we throw, the Spanish asta (a spear known by the same name almost everywhere in Europe) calls for the greatest art. Although there are many who throw it well, or who understand the art, almost nobody knows how to teach it properly. This art calls for the greatest focus in every part of the body, which (as I have said) is called tiento in Spanish. We should throw as follows: we should come to the mark with great impetus, and with our final step into the mark, we should turn to the left; and our body should stand straight, and our power should be lifted as high as possible, but our shoulders should lean forward equally; and in the moment we throw the spear, our body should lean greatly on the right foot, which we should send forth after the spear, and the upper part of that foot (that is to say the sinewy part above the arch, which the Spanish call the empeine) should sweep the ground. If it comes up, our body will turn and lean to the left, sacrificing power, and the spear will go askew. To make it go straighter, when the right foot goes away it should be followed by the left, for when it stands in the mark, the spear tends to follow an oblique course. Hence anyone who does a great sweep in that throw, like someone using a sickle, tends to throw to the left. But however much we turn, as long as we go out straight, the projectile never deviates from its straight course. When the spear is expelled from the hand, its failure or success lies in that brief instant which gives it the impulse that determines how well or poorly, long or short it will go. Our arm should stand high, firm, and straight over the shoulder, not over the head, or forward, or to the left or right side, but in line with the entire body; this will make for the best discharge or contortio (so that I should not seem to deliberately abandon Latinity) of the spear. Our face should look to the sky; we should squeeze the spear in our hand, and our little finger should be placed under it, with our thumb encircling the spear as much as it can: this grip may not seem 17 For this chapter, cf. Coll 1.46–51.

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powerful at first, but when you throw it, you will recognize its usefulness. Anyone who has trouble transmitting strength to the spear should take it between his index and middle fingers. The final impulse should be done with great fluidity; if the spear is rigid, we should squeeze it tightly when we give it power, but if it is soft, the hand should be well tempered. Next I will set forth the knowledge needed for throwing against various types of people. Against someone who comes to the mark with a great run, and from there goes out with great impetus, we should arrange for a place that slopes upward where the spear is discharged, so that he can be more easily defeated by his contrary. If the course were flat, and sloped downward at the point of discharge, this would agree with him: such things can greatly help him. People who hold to the medium throw best in a flat place; their contraries are rising or descending places. If someone arrives at the mark either slowly or coming to a standstill, we should arrange for a downward slope at the point of discharge, so that he can throw little, lacking a secure spot to plant himself; the opposite would be helpful to him. Sanguine-melancholics tend to throw well with a rigid spear and in rising places, for their hands are hard, allowing them to transmit as much power into the spear as if it had a strap. They fling projectiles greatly, so they commonly throw little less in rising than in descending or flat places. They prefer a short, hard spear: they can transmit all their power into it, and they also find it agreeable. If they have to throw with a long and soft spear, they give it a fling and hold it tight in the hand, so that they cannot send it far. Sanguines reach their peak in two or three throws. From there they cannot expect any increase, only reduction. They prefer projectiles that are short, hard, and light. Melancholics prefer a heavy, dense, and short spear, and they favor an upward-sloping place. Three or four throws suit them. Their contrary is a long, soft, and light spear, and a downward-sloping place. Cholerics prefer a medium everywhere, that is in weight, length, and quality. They are to be countered by the contrary when necessary. They are countered with a long and soft, or short and dense spear; a place either rising or descending also disagrees with them. Their power increases up to seven throws; a greater or lesser number disadvantages them. Phlegmatics favor downward-sloping places, and softness and length; these preferences also apply in throwing. Even if they do not transmit great force into a long and flexible spear, when flying “between two airs” it travels quite a distance, for they neither fling it nor send it downward. But if it is short and hard, they find it awkward and cannot transmit their

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power. They do not throw well upward, something that requires great power, which they cannot generate. They also do poorly in a small number of throws, but they commonly increase up to eight or ten throws. If we have to throw with many people at the same time, we should choose the measure and spear that are most suitable to us. Chapter 11: How the smaller dart and varilla can best be thrown The dart and varilla involve little skill, for even if the thrower turns well to the side, and the projectile is thrown somewhat obliquely from the hand, it generally goes straight and travels well owing to the weight of the forward part. This throwing calls for hardness in the fingers and quick power and size in the elbows. Furthermore the technique of the asta should be observed in any kind of throwing, since it embraces the art of other things of this sort, and is the mistress of all throwing: it stands above all the others in this art, such that it alone can teach all of them, but it cannot be taught by any of them. In throwing the small stone, which from its nature we can call the “flyer” (it is called the piedra volandera in Spanish), our arm should be greatly extended, and our entire body should lean to the same side. If our hand rotates even a little, the stone always veers to the left side. Chapter 12: How to throw the great stone With the great stone that is propelled by the shoulder and the hand that goes underneath it, almost no art is involved, beyond what we learn from the actual practice of throwing it, namely to plant the hand in the shoulder, to prepare a great surge with the body, and at the moment of discharge to sink the body over the knees while also leaning a little on the left side. To avoid crossing the mark, this projectile should be thrown with the feet firm. Chapter 13: What techniques are helpful in throwing the iron bar Next follows the iron bar, which I believe was called the sudis by the ancients. Many practice it and few are expert, but hardly any art is involved, indeed an intelligent person can pick up the skill of it in a few days. Since the throw rises, it is advantageous to throw underarm rather than overarm. When we discharge the projectile we should take care that our hand rotates upward. If we throw over the shoulder, the arm, hand and projectile descend greatly. In any form of throwing, at the moment the projectile is discharged, our hand should have the little finger downward,

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not the thumb. Also we should stand with our weight on the right side, and we should hit the bar with that hand the way we serve a handball. Our right foot should be positioned four fingers back from the mark, for the further it is from the mark, the more we lose in the throw, nor can we then go out with the bar, which is a double harm. Our feet should stand lightly on the ground, and when we turn our body, only the tips of our feet should touch the ground, for otherwise they do not allow us to turn. We should hold our body firm, and flexed a little in the back, as in other throwing. Our face should look at the sky, and the greater the surge we give, and the greater the speed with which our body follows our arm, the longer and more fairly the projectile goes. Indeed when throwers turn and go out slowly, projectiles of any kind cannot fly very far. We should follow the bar with our right foot, which provides significant advantage, but to keep the projectile on a straight path, our left foot should at once join the right. When we throw, our body should follow through in the direction we want the projectile to go, for when we turn to the left side, the thing we throw necessarily goes that way. Finally I will discuss what kind of bar we should use with each opponent. Against those who possess good art and use it rightly, and throw underarm as I have shown above, if we want to win, we should arrange for a long and heavy projectile, for great skill cannot be applied in heavy things, since they cannot be precisely controlled; and when someone throws underarm, it is greatly hindered by the length of the bar, which makes it hit the ground. Skill can most readily be brought to bear in something short and light. If our opponent has little skill or agility, and throws overarm, particularly if he is very strong, the contrary is to give him a short and light projectile, which he will send flying any which way in disorder, or abruptly send to the ground. To make a throw go far calls for great skill beyond the application of strength. If he is given a long bar, he will not be at risk of sending it obliquely or hitting the ground, so that the ignorant scarcely deploy less art than the skilled because of its length: both are obliged to throw it in the same manner, giving the advantage to those who are less skilled, since they do what is suitable to them and adverse to their opponent. Chapter 14: How to throw well from horseback To throw well from a horse, we should rotate both our body and arm, and our head and spearhead should come over the horse’s left haunch, and we should suddenly launch ourselves from there. We should stand evenly in the stirrups, for which purpose they should be hung at equal length. In

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the final turn and discharge we should greatly tighten our thighs, at which moment our body should stand upright over our feet, not leaning to any side, and our throwing arm should stand as firm and straight as possible: this way we will throw both far and elegantly. Anyone who leans his body over the forward arçon will throw short and look ungainly, and sometimes fall from the horse. Chapter 15: What horses should be chosen for throwing and jousting A horse for throwing or jousting must run flat and long, for even if the spear receives less of a fling and does not look as good, it goes very far compared to when the horse runs short, high, and forcefully. This sort of horse always carries with the loins, making the spear shiver and flex violently, so that it cannot fly far. Chapter 16: What kind of throwing is most injurious to its practitioners Throwing can be quite injurious to the arm when our full force can be sent into it, and our arm can receive a great impact. With light projectiles, even if we fling the arm we do not send so much force into it; with very heavy projectiles, even if it greatly taxes our strength, our arm stays aligned, and does not twist. With stones and light weapons, we can deploy part of our powers but not our full strength, for which reason they cannot harm the arm greatly. But if the throw fails, for example when we accidentally drop the projectile, our arm can be broken. In throwing very heavy things the work is done chiefly by the loins and shoulders. With the stone that fills the hand, which among us is known by the same name,18 or the asta, or the short bar, if they are middling in weight and very hard, they can greatly strain or ruin the arm, for the arm deploys all its power and transmits the impact into itself. Projectiles of this kind do not yield, and whatever impetus they receive, they transmit to the arm, causing considerable harm. We can compare this to a running jump. Landing in a soft place, the supporting looseness prevents our legs from being harmed. As to landing in a hard place, anyone who has experienced it knows the difference – since it does not yield, it sends the force back into the jumper’s body. This is why people who have broken their arms can still throw long and soft projectiles, but not hard ones.

18 Probably the volandera, referring here to Latin vola, “palm.”

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Chapter 17: How far people commonly throw in the various manners of throwing I will set forth an average distance people can reach in each kind of throwing, if the measure is taken in a flat field without any depressions. With a bar weighing thirty pounds, each consisting of sixteen ounces (to follow the author’s reckoning19), the total distance can reach 33 to 35 feet. With one weighing twenty pounds, 47 to 50 feet is a pretty outstanding distance – but scales should determine these pounds, not the judgment of the onlookers. With the throwing asta thirteen palms long, with a corresponding thickness, and made of medium material so that it has an average weight, it can be thrown from 65 to 70 paces; from a horse it often reaches 90. With a spear fifteen palms long, with the rest of its proportions corresponding, the throw can reach 55 paces; if it is seventeen palms long, it is commonly thrown 45 or a little more. These paces should be understood as those used by archers, for if we take them by the common way of measuring or as reason dictates, the numbers will be smaller. For if we do them extended, as when a person is on the march, a throw of 70 paces is pretty outstanding even from a horse, while for men on foot the measure would be 55 to 60. With a dart eight palms long, with an average head and strap, it might reach 130 short paces, but of the longer paces 90 to 100 is a reasonably long distance. Some people use other smaller spears with longer attached straps; these are flung in the manner of slingers, and commonly go a long distance. To assign a number to this would be pointless, for they are not often used, nor are they especially useful, since they rarely obey the user, nor do they tend to fly as they should. Chapter 18: How to take measurements Because of the wide variety of practices in taking measures and counting paces, I have decided to say something about the matter in order to minimize confusion, so that we can know how far someone runs or throws when his actions are measured in paces. I will turn to an ancient basis for this, where they called on Hercules to establish miles by a number of paces, dividing them into stadia, a measurement said to be the distance Hercules could run without breathing. One stadium contains 125 paces, and each pace has 5 of Hercules’s feet, or 6 2/3 of an average man of our 19 The parenthesis, evidently by Ayora, alludes to the fact that different systems reckoned either twelve or sixteen ounces to the pound; cf. Fontaine, “Athlète,” p. 135.

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time, and thus 8 stadia are 1000 paces, which makes a mile. Now if the statue at the Capitoline Hill at Rome represents Hercules accurately, Alcides20 was one-third larger than an average man today in each bodypart in both dimensions. But the meaning has changed relative to this calculation and our reckoning of paces: the distance covered by the legs at maximum extension (which the Spanish call a tranco) is considered one pace. Nor can this be done successively: the paces have to be done as individual extensions, or as leaps, otherwise they come to three feet, while the first and last contain three and a half. This manner of stepping is somewhere between walking and running. For a human body typically covers three feet with each step, while those who are adequate runners cover seven or eight feet in each tranco. However there is another kind of tranco, which is done only by leaps on one foot, which commonly comes to 15 or 17 feet. 1000 paces at a walk are said to constitute a mile, which could only be of some giant whose name remains unknown. Neither reason nor any ancient urns suggest that men were normally this tall. But we can easily measure Hercules’s trancos or passadas (to use the two Spanish words for the same thing), each of which has five feet, by extrapolating from his statue, which outdoes an average man today by a quarter, as I have said.21 If both Hercules and his modern counterpart were of the same complexion, we could conclude that Hercules had a one-quarter surplus in his capacities. If we can believe the statue, Hercules was endowed with the best complexion, namely choleric and sanguine, and unless he had some supernatural power, he would not have been much more than a quarter stronger than an average man today; this rule appears to be observed in all animate beings, as long as they have the same complexion with temperance: one will outdo the other to the degree that its size is greater. Hence it is not at all realistic that Hercules could have run one stadium, consisting of 272½ modern walking paces, without releasing his breath, for there is nobody today who can run this far without breathing, even if many people say otherwise. What they actually mean when they speak of holding one’s breath is when the motion of the air ceases so that no breathing can be seen. If there really were no breathing, we would 20 An alternative name for Hercules. The statue is not the Farnese Hercules, which was discovered at the Baths of Caracalla in 1546. It is evidently the gilded bronze “Hercules of the Forum Boarium” now in the Capitoline museum, a 2nd-century B.C.E. Roman copy of a 4th-century B.C.E. Greek original, discovered c. 1475, and located in the Palazzo dei Conservatori on the Capitoline Hill by 1510. 21 Monte later describes the size ratio between Hercules and himself as 4:3, hence the difference can be characterized as either one-third or one-quarter, depending on which party is taken as the point of reference.

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quickly see symptoms that would make it pretty obvious. People who run with their mouth and nostrils uncovered but with the breath suspended may seem to take no air as long they do not freely loosen those orifices. But if these organs were entirely closed, nobody would reach 100 paces at a run. I have actually seen some men of such size as that figure in our time, although they were clearly inferior as regards proper frame and form. If we use common miles and give them a suitable measure, each has 1800 paces of Hercules, or 2400 of a modern man. A league (so that I should not seem to neglect the longer measures of other nations) consists of 7200 modern paces, or 5400 of Hercules. For I myself have often measured both miles and leagues, either reaching the average or inclining somewhat toward the upper end of size. For this reason I have carefully inspected that image of Hercules: his configuration seemed so similar to me in every limb that, aside from his greater size, you might say that I myself was there most accurately portrayed. (The reader can take the translator’s word for this, since he often saw and measured both of them.) Aside from that, that statue outdid me in size by a ratio not greater than 4 to 3, so in a single league it would exceed me by 400 feet. However, setting aside further discussion of this comparison, I should establish the standard I proposed at the beginning of the chapter, so that those who are inclined to make their measurements too large or too small may know the standard they should appropriately follow, and can ascertain the true distance they cover in their actions on various occasions, which calls for a suitable norm to be established from the outset. Considerable differences arise when dealing with how many feet should be in one pace. These feet should be measured by an average man, for his stature is midway between a tall man and a short one, while the others represent not a medium but an extreme. And when we measure an average pace, it should be based on a traveling stride: we should neither run nor amble, since the one pace is too long, and the other is too short, while there is never very great difference in this traveling stride. For this reason striding paces are preferable. The first pace will cover four feet, for there are two feet between each foot, plus the two at the extremes, making a total of four. But when one goes further, the first and last pace each get an extra half-foot, plus each pace gets a foot. But the other foot should be divided between the two paces it links, so that each half-pace22 aside from the first and last covers three feet. Based on this, the distance in Rome from the gate formerly called Esquilina or Tiburtina, but now 22 “Half-pace” here reflects an ambiguity in the term: a pace can refer to a single step onto one foot, or a “full pace” that includes a step on one foot and then the other.

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named the Porta San Lorenzo, to the wall on the Vatican Hill adjacent to St. Peter’s Basilica, is 7643. From the Porta Flumentana, now called the Porta del Popolo, to the Porta Ostiensis, now the Porta San Paolo, is 9033. Chapter 19: How throws should be measured, and how we should throw in sport, and what throws are considered valid I should discuss the rules to be observed when people compete at throwing. The first question is whether throwers may follow the projectile with the right foot when it is flung from the hand. This should not be denied to anyone, for by the time that foot touches the ground, the projectile has already been thrown. This should not be allowed with the left foot for the opposite reason, since that foot steps onto the ground before the projectile is flung. For this reason the measure should be taken from that spot: however far that foot crosses the mark before discharging the throw should be reckoned as an advantage. Next, I should state how many throws there should be, namely five for each contestant. Some people can throw at full capacity right from the start, while others will fail more than once before they can apply their power. For this reason the measure should be taken in five throws, which is a midpoint for everyone and reasonably appropriate: it is not too adverse to anyone, even if it is not equal in all kinds of throwing, or equally favorable to everyone. For a projectile like the asta takes longer to throw correctly, and the iron bar (which I have often discussed) is not as manageable as the heavy stone. Still, the difference seems greater than it is, for the further we throw with this variety of projectiles, the more time we consume in that throwing, so that if judgment is based on simple estimation, we will guess that there were a greater number of throws with the projectiles that go further. But when rightly considered, there is no great difference either in effort or in difficulty between one projectile and another in this number. For as much as the dart is lighter than the asta, the longer it stays in the air, and the jineta flies over less ground in proportion to its additional weight. The same applies with other things of this kind. Projectiles should hit the ground head-first or the throw is invalid; otherwise many problems arise, which often keep us from knowing which part hit first. For this reason the prize should be denied to anyone who commits this kind of fault. But if you only want to observe the excellence among the throwers, whoever throws furthest is the winner, whether hitting with the point or with some other part of the spear. For we need not always throw in a flat place and for a prize: against opponents and in some other circumstances we must aim high, in which case it is best if the

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projectile flies “between two airs” (to translate the Spanish expression into Latin), and does not stick in the ground – those that stick in the ground with the point are less harmful to enemies. And ultimately if both contestants are throwing for distance, whoever throws further certainly wins, for if one were to shorten it a little, the throw would be executed better. Chapter 20: How to tell who is experienced and who is ignorant in these matters before the contest23 Often when someone speaks about physical activities, unless he has much more learning than skill in the matter, we can tell by his motion – it is possible to fake it, but to those who can recognize natural comportment, the signs will not be hard to read. For example, when speaking of wrestling, those who know little tend to lead with the leg with which they like to armar, and lean toward the side where they generally grapple, and hold that hand higher which is usually above. And if the speaker is not sitting, he often threatens the technique in question with the foot he usually uses to armar, just as if the opponent were present; nor does he hold his body stable, but surges the way he would in practice. When someone speaks ably in this matter, he keeps his body straight and his feet even; when he moves them, he keeps them in order: this shows that he is reasonably experienced in this exercise. If someone holds a dart or asta too far forward or back, or comes to the mark slowly or off to the side, or in going out leans over the left foot, or when the projectile is not straight or has some dirt on the shaft or point, and the thrower does not straighten it or wipe it off to get rid of the problem, you can tell he is ignorant of that matter. Contrarily when someone does all these things rightly, he can be considered experienced. Furthermore if someone takes the shaft by the middle, does not fling it, or keeps his body erect, he is of no consequence in this matter. Conversely if someone shakes it with a fluid hand, flexing his spine, he shows that he knows what he is doing. The same is true with someone who, in throwing it by the lower end of the shaft, takes it and puts his

23 For another version of this chapter, cf. Coll 1.82. It is also striking to compare this chapter to Castiglione, The Courtier Book 1 ch. 28 (pp. 34–35): “Take a man who is handling weapons and is about to throw a dart or is holding a sword or other weapon in his hand: if immediately he takes a position of readiness, with ease, and without thinking, with such facility that his body and all his members fall into that posture naturally and without any effort, then, even if he does nothing more, he shows himself to be perfectly accomplished in that exercise.”

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index finger on the correct spot, rotates it [over]24 the saddle, and holds it correctly joined to the arm. When someone takes in hand the iron bar, if he places his left foot greatly behind his right, and shows that he means to throw it over his shoulder, he gives no sign of being skilled in this art; he also displays his ignorance when he holds the projectile too far back or forward. But if he holds it by the middle, and stands on the ground with his feet even, and begins by flexing on the right side, he is obviously not ignorant. He is also clearly ignorant in any kind of throwing, if he throws the projectile obliquely or does not hit with the point, particularly if he goes out over the left foot. Skilled men certainly do the reverse. If someone places the great stone on his head so that he cannot properly find the mark, it is hardly to be expected that he will throw it far. But those who place their hand on their shoulder, and place their feet even at the mark, show that they at least understand the matter. The same should be understood in all activities, when men speak of them offhand, or not planning to attend to those matters at that moment. Chapter 21: By what signs deceivers can often be recognized, and how we can best guard against their deceptions We can see what sort of power is applied by men who do like sailors pulling the anchor from the sea back into their ship, all calling together so they pull together as one. But the man in front, who gives the first call, also seems to exert his power more than the rest; as to the others, the further they are, the more quietly they chime in. I do not deny that some people can fake these things, but their pretenses can be recognized as easily as we realize the ignorance of those who cannot do otherwise. Such deceivers may fool the ignorant, but when they interact with wise men they show in a few words that they are not to be trusted. Such men always act as follows: they flit from topic to topic and pretend to be ignorant of everything, for they neither entirely stick to any subject nor entirely avoid it. Even if we are not very familiar with an art they are acquainted with, we can readily recognize them as deceivers, and know them to abound in deceits, when we sense them shifting around in words and actions from moment to moment. This holds true in many activities, as in negotiations, physical activities, games, and armed combat – in which deceivers can be readily detected, for they leave some body-part uncovered as an invitation to the opponent. In such a case we should use a comparable pretense, until we expose the tricks with which our cunning opponent hoped to entrap us. 24 over] App: under.

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Yet such tactics do not suit everyone, for they call for great dexterity and excellent physical ability; and no opponent should be disregarded, for caution often allows us to escape from the most dangerous situations, while carelessness makes us fall even on flat ground. Chapter 22: What we should do before any undertaking in order to excel25 To avoid shame and escape downfall and disgrace, if we are going to do actions in public we should temper and exercise our bodies for some days beforehand. But since there are great differences between these arts, we should follow an appropriate regimen in order to do them better. All of them call for order, but not necessarily the same lightness, which is also a requirement for any proper action or speaking. Grosser activities, such as lifting weights, do not require great temper, although our body cannot be entirely ponderous if we are going to do these things. Wrestling and throwing call for strong and reasonably plentiful food. But for three or four days before the contest it helps to decrease the food, and on the day itself, we should eat little and drink even less. The less moisture we take into our bodies, the greater benefit we feel, particularly in five respects, namely health, strength, breath, endurance, and agility; it also helps us avoid nausea, which is no small matter. Exercises of agility call for limited food that is lean and dry. They also call for the body to be exercised so that when we come to the challenge, it seems easy and not very laborious. To achieve this, we should follow this rule: for example, if you have to run a hundred paces on a flat place without clothing, for a few days before, run uphill wearing heavy clothes. If you have to do two or three jumps (as is the common practice) in public, first practice jumping ten or twelve times in a row in difficult places. Jumping upward makes us swifter, but downward makes the body more supple. For doing vaults on a horse (which we have said is called voltear in Spanish), once we know how to do the vaults, we should practice on a tall horse, so that when we come to a medium one, the ascent is that much easier for us, and we can focus our effort on the vaults themselves. But until we are experienced in doing them, we should practice on a lower surface, for otherwise it is hard to learn much. Furthermore, when we are practicing, we should wear plenty of clothing on every part of our body, so that when it is uncovered, it resurges lightened and brightened with joy. It also helps to exercise our arms frequently, so that they can easily support 25 For another version of this chapter, cf. Coll 1.109.

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our body in those turns. We also need to do this because when we have to continue past a single rotation, we must rely on our arms to generate new power – otherwise nobody is light enough to go beyond a single rotation. For armed combat we should practice with arms much heavier than the ones we will use in fighting. To practice for wrestling, it greatly helps to train against strong men, who should be permitted to seize us anywhere (even at the risk of injuring us), lifting us from the ground, rotating us in the air, and pushing us in many directions, which will teach us to find protection when we need it. In wrestling and in any other physical contest we should seek the opponent’s weak parts, and apply our stronger ones to them. Also we should be at full capacity, not being altered by excessive rest, but coming to the action uplifted, so it helps to sleep little the night before, wearing plenty of clothing. Explanation: Why I have left out of this volume many matters and secrets of great cunning in arms Had I not feared to burden my conscience, I would have added some other exercises to these, such as how both footmen and horsemen should fight in armed and in earnest combat. I cannot remain entirely silent about this, nor do I actually wish to broadcast everything, so let us leave it for another time. For I have written and assembled elsewhere a work on these matters, which nobody will understand unless he has been taught by me in person or by someone who has studied with me. Indeed it is my desire that such learning should be restricted to those who use it only for the greatest necessity. Chapter 23: Whether any kind of exercise can prove how much one man outdoes another in strength I should address whether there is any kind of exercise through which we can know which of two contestants is stronger. I am speaking of those who appear to have almost equal powers, for when one outdoes the other greatly, any experienced person can see it. But I am speaking of those who come together with almost equal strength, contending to do one thing or another, to demonstrate who has greater powers. I do not believe that this can be done in any exercise, and I will prove it. When men compete in one manner or another, that one will excel who has applied himself more in the activity, or is more focused on it, or has better understanding and experience of it, particularly if he naturally possesses power in those limbs that it most requires. Some people love running, others jumping, others vaulting, others only throwing or wrestling

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or some other exercise. Things that relate to throwing and speed call for power in the upper body. Lifting weights calls for power in the lower body, particularly the loins. To handle a spear by the base of the shaft, or to twist someone’s arm against his will, and to do other things that involve this kind of effort with the hands, we must have power from the elbows downward. Other physical exercises are likewise done by aptitude of specific parts of the body. For this reason, when someone does not excel in aptitude in the relevant part of the body, even if he excels in overall physical power, he can easily be overcome: not every type of competition will suit him. Some people say that light projectiles like the varilla and other small spears are thrown purely by dexterity, which is manifestly false; yet even if a person’s strength exceeds ours, this does not mean that he can transmit all of it into the projectile. I have personally thrown on many occasions, and in the judgment of the onlookers my opponents sought the mark and threw the projectile with scarcely less skill than I, doing exactly as I did, but I still beat them. Hence it is clearly evident that they applied less power than I did to the same thing: even if they outdid me in strength for doing other activities, they did not possess it in the body-parts appropriate to this exercise. Yet lest I should leave this matter without a satisfying conclusion, I will say how a person’s power can in a way be measured. Powers are neither heavy nor light: they cannot be seen to rise or descend when they are at rest, nor do they occupy a place in the body. But it is easy to know how much power someone possesses, even if some portion is hidden owing to variation among limbs, as I have just said. But let us come to the matter I promised to discuss. Suppose a man weighs 100 pounds. As long as he is neither burdened nor lightened deliberately, his power can clearly be seen as inactive. Nonetheless, if he wishes to use it, he can carry a much heavier mass on his person. So this is how to measure his strength quantitatively: it is the quantity of clothing he can support, wearing it equally distributed everywhere on his body, in which respect his own clothes are to be reckoned as well as external weight. A man’s power can also be measured as follows. Suspend a crossbow by the stirrup, and hang the spanner on the cord with an additional weight: the weight that will draw the cord measures our strength (although we can be helped by techniques like pulsing the loins or legs). Because of the huge amount we can move, some technologists jabber about how human power is infinite, on which basis they affirm that a man can do this thing or that. Those who say such things are nothing but mediocre philosophers. If bodies are considered from a different perspective, animals contain minimal powers, particularly given that we have to stand

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on a fixed surface to use them. When we are suspended in the air, we can achieve little by physical strength. We have to land on the ground in order to jump up again, and when we are in the air, we cannot generate new power there, unless we come to the ground again, and from there resurge repeatedly upward: we can straighten or flex ourselves, but we always fall to the ground again. I recall hearing someone possessed by this madness claim that we could turn the entire mass of the earth with the right technique, when all the power on earth cannot move three square miles of ground. This proves that large men clearly have great power, since they can move themselves. Chapter 24: The general differences between larger and smaller bodies in animals26 It is said that smaller bodies generally outdo larger ones in agility, which in general I do not deny, for they are generally better composed and more compact, while there are few large ones who are composed of good material. Yet when this is the case with a larger body, it outdoes the smaller in everything to the degree that it exceeds in size, indeed somewhat more, as I have touched on in previous chapters, and will now discuss more in depth. For all exercises that are done by strength necessarily call for great size, nor does smallness suit any of them, unless by some miracle. Nonetheless, there are large men endowed with supple bodies, nor is this alien to their nature or condition. Also, height undermines their reputation considerably, for even when they outdo small opponents, they do not gain honor: observers don’t pay particular attention to it, nor do they bother to remember it afterwards. Anything that large men achieve is considered natural to them, while whatever small men do brings them huge praise: “You should have seen this little man whom I saw throw an opponent who towered over him!” Even if the comparison may not be true, it does show that the little man achieved more than one might expect from his small body. Furthermore popular opinion always exaggerates the achievements of those it chooses to honor, alive or dead: hence those who are famous only provide the material, while fame itself lives amongst the people. Finally, it seems to me that when people engage in a contest of strength, those who have small bodies are at a disadvantage, for when they wish to close with the opponent, they must give up gripping, at which point if someone does an armar to them, they are at risk of falling. Not much effort is required to make this happen or to hinder their attack. Even 26 For another version of this chapter, cf. Coll 1.83.

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when small people are very strong, they still have short arms and legs: their arms do not allow them to open or close the distance without endangering themselves, and their legs make it hard for them to do an armar. Furthermore they have little weight, so even if they are difficult to throw, they are easily lifted from the ground, and once they are in the air, they can hardly resist. By contrast, large men typically have long arms and legs, so they can approach and withdraw, and armar both close and at a distance as they will. More importantly, even if they possess limited power, because of their great weight we cannot move them with great difficulty. Also, if they are of good complexion, their power will be proportional to their size. Heavy activities suit them excellently, such as throwing the bar and the esquina, and lifting weights. They will also tend to win a long race, for someone who can cover two paces in a single stride will reach the end more quickly and with less effort. Indeed most of the delay in this art is in sending the feet to the ground, for they delay little in the air. By extreme labor short legs can cover in 100 paces what long ones do in 50, but they become much more tired, since they do it either by art or force. But a large man by nature covers more ground in each pace, so he exerts less effort on the same course. I could show some other respects in which large men outdo small ones, yet if both are endowed with good material and equal knowledge, particularly in physical activities, there can be a real contest. If both the larger and smaller know little, they will always end up in situations suitable to the smaller body. Ignorant men in the initial encounter always close with their opponent, where the smaller one has an easier time grappling. Skilled wrestlers will hold off at a distance, and large ones more willingly, since they know it is advantageous to them. Yet I never yet saw any of them who understood what was best for them, indeed they strive for the contrary. For when they should stay distant and upright, they close and lean, both of which disadvantage them greatly. When a tree is cut, if it leans to one side, it falls before we cut halfway through, but if it is straight upright, even when it is totally cut through, sometimes it stays in place on its trunk. For this reason a large man should stay upright, for when he leans he starts down the road to a fall. When he needs to sink, he should do it with his knees: leaning in any direction does not help him. If his feet are so far apart that when he is about to fall, they cannot help him, he falls pretty much as soon as his opponent releases him: he is not held up by himself but by the opponent, so it is best to slip out from under his body so that you can throw him. And those who work this way make their opponents almost safe from throwing. Someone whose feet

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are far apart or too close together has a hard time doing an armar, and he gets nothing from it; if he tries to get close to his opponent’s feet, he can make himself fall. Nor should victory be ascribed to the one who remains standing, for it is as if his opponent merely tripped over something on the ground. Furthermore large men often receive harm by equating excellence with height. For when they see someone small who excels in something, they say he does not prevail there except by art, and they close with him, neglecting art and using techniques that are disadvantageous to themselves (as I have just shown) – for example when wrestling by the arms or the neck: in these grips large men should take their opponent from below, to lift him in a close grapple. But even if a small man flexes greatly, the smallness of his limbs prevents him from lifting his opponent from the ground, nor can he support him on his arms: this calls for more than double power, and from a distance one lifts by the arms alone, which is obviously much more suitable to the one who is higher. At close range we lift with the shoulders, which is beneficial to whoever is below, and smaller men are clearly better suited for this. In this situation if we try to lift the opponent other than with the shoulder, it is dangerous to armar, for we are going high, and the opponent’s shoulders can come to our waist, where he can use his powers properly and be greatly helped by them. However if large men know to sink down like small ones, and can practice and compete in both manners, the shorter one cannot match the larger if both stand up, as long as his opponent’s feet do not leave the ground first. Furthermore, although I do not care to debate its origin, I will repeat something that is commonly said in many contexts. The property of size is treated as good, even when it is harmful to us, as when someone is injured with a large wound, which is called “goodly” from its size. Furthermore everyone wants size of person, body, power, wealth and other such things, while few people want to be rendered small in these respects. Chapter 25: Why some people are helped by practicing these things, while others are harmed27 Since I have extensively discussed matters of this sort, it seems appropriate to address why some people should frequently practice the things they learn, but others only rarely. With sanguines, once they know something it is enough to review it lightly for a few days, for it comes back to them whenever they wish. They 27 For another version of this chapter, cf. Coll 1.56.

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always have their powers ready to hand, nor can they increase things they know either by exertion or by protracted study. And where there is no advantage, there is reason to fear harm. Indeed men of this complexion send all their power into whatever they undertake, and it is to be expected that this can put them in great danger of injury or harm. Thus since they cannot increase their powers, they must necessarily weaken and dissipate them by frequent use. Therefore people who are quick by nature should learn but not frequently exercise, while slow ones should certainly do both. Both learning and moderate practice are appropriate to cholerics, for in the beginning they are hindered by a kind of small interference (even if it is minimal), so until they break through that barrier, exercise helps them. Melancholics know little, even if they study every day. For this reason I will let you judge whether they can be wise without effort. Such men can never be so focused in anything they practice that they take great harm from it. Indeed even if they frequently muster their powers to the utmost of their strength , their hardness prohibits them being injured. Therefore they should study daily, even though they are reasonably prompt in physical activities. Phlegmatics generally perform an art adequately if they practice it frequently. Even if they pursue it greatly they cannot be harmed, for their powers are never tightly focused, and when they are neglected, they dissipate to the point that little of them can be applied. Also the more phlegmatics work, the readier they become: they are loose, slow, and scattered, and work makes them compact, fast and collected. Therefore it benefits them to study as with the rest, and they should always practice their skills more than others. Chapter 26: How men of any complexion can imitate the others Men of any complexion can imitate others in these activities when they shift their powers away from their natural inclinations. In physical activities I have never seen anyone who possessed this sort of wisdom, but I have often experienced it both in words and demonstration in many matters, even if I have always seen people return to their natural inclinations in a short time. The power of sanguines quickly dissipates – they always expend it freely. If they tempered it with some slowness, they could work like phlegmatics, who are the ones most unlike them. Conforming to that complexion would be very useful to them. If someone is to be overcome, it cannot be done by a great number of blows, which can scarcely be mighty, and indeed give forewarning to the opponent. The opponent is to be overcome with few blows, a need very pertinent to sanguines, who attack with speed and

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vehemence. Their breath is very limited by nature, and when they become hot, they reduce it further. In order to have power later when they want it, they should stay at a distance and show looseness and slowness, so that they can spring upon the unsuspecting opponent more easily; and when the exercise must come to some conclusion, they will also achieve more with their power because they have rested it. If they are to wear clothing or armor, it should be neither excessive nor very heavy, lest it overheat their body. Also, rest helps them greatly, since even after very little activity, their power and ability is greatly weakened. If they observe this order, they will be able to display both slowness and lively hardness. Cholerics are rather slower in the beginning, so it suits them to exercise somewhat before combat so that they can function like sanguines. If they wish to imitate melancholics, they should stiffen and harden their limbs, set aside skill, and when they do a maña, they should apply little fluidity in it. Finally, to imitate phlegmatics, they should first loosen their spirit, and they should avoid actually exercising their powers. If it were good for us to imitate such cattle (if you prefer not to call them men) in these respects, it would mean that ignorance of the art would far outdo skill. Melancholics are commonly seized up with extreme hardness. If they were to temper it with the softness of phlegm, or imitate that complexion at least to some degree, they would not fail so much, and when they acted with hardness, it would be applied with greater strength. For them to assimilate to choler would call for greater observance of art, for melancholics generally have little skill. Finally they don’t really need anything from sanguines, since their hardness replaces the speed of the sanguine. Phlegmatics are slow at all times, but especially at the outset, when they can hardly deploy strength in any useful way. If they wish to make themselves similar to sanguines, they should continually exercise and greatly guard against unexpected combat. They should also ensure that at the outset they have activated the power that often comes to them after the fight is over, for beginnings of every kind are adverse to them. Yet once phlegm gains impetus, even though it may not be quick at any time, it is still reasonably powerful, nor can an opponent overcome it without great effort. But when these men observe their nature by avoiding effort, they act very slowly, so that they are always at risk of harm unless their opponents allow them enough time for their power to find its natural advantage, which is rarely possible unless they have companions who can sustain the initial onslaught. Finally, through knowledge and will they can use control and practice to partake much of the temper of the cholerics; and if they cast away all judiciousness, and embrace rigidity, they can also claim something of the hardness of melancholy.

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Chapter 27: Whether strength increases or decreases by continuous exercise Next we should investigate whether use increases powers, and whether practice can teach us how to apply strength where it is needed. Some would have it that exercise increases powers, but I say that they are actually ruined rather than increased by effort. However, when we apply them more properly where we wish, they appear to increase, and not without reason, since we can see them achieve substantial outcomes. By way of analogy, if we took a perfectly round stone that lacked handholds, we could never lift it, while we could easily move a stone of the same weight if it had places to grab, not because the stone is made smaller or our power greater, but because we find a way to apply our powers. Chapter 28: Whether anger strengthens men by making them forceful Most people believe that men are stronger when they are angry than when they are calm. This is true for a few people, but not for most, for three reasons. First, some people are slower to come into their powers than others, but in quick men irritation hardly ever increases power. Second, it makes us feel revulsion against someone, and those who are not great of spirit, are rendered weaker by fear of harm. Third, it is a natural and particular property of anger to cloud the mind, dull the senses, and in sum disorder the body, so that without any additional impediment it often singlehandedly deprives people of their wits. I have made it sufficiently clear above that to increase strength before combat, our body needs to be transformed, but in these actions it should be tempered by that great reason I have so often emphasized, and those who do not mitigate this revulsion find themselves darkened by it, and possess such limited aptitude and clarity that they can succumb to weak opponents. On the other hand, some people’s strength increases through anger, because their powers are not quick, so to access them they need to be provoked; and since they are slow, anger never overwhelms them to the point that they can be much hindered by it. As to greatness of spirit, the valiant do great actions thanks to the daring and fluidity with which they approach danger, even if they do not greatly excel in strength. But finally those who shine with great clarity of reason tend to feel revulsion when they are unjustly attacked, and they turn this anger toward temper and excellent judiciousness. All of this demonstrates what I first proposed, namely that this kind of alteration is useful to a few but harmful to most.

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Chapter 29: At what age men are naturally strongest28 According to the course of nature, men increase in both magnitude and firmness of powers for their first thirty years. Powers do not come or go equally with everyone, but this timespan is broadly applicable with minimal differences. Nonetheless, some people claim to increase in strength up to age twenty-eight, others to twenty, others even to forty. I will demonstrate that all of them in their own ways can say the truth. Those who say they acquired powers at a young age presumably abstained from the pleasures that make young people waste their time on vices that not only inhibit the natural increase of powers but cause them to decrease. Those who continue increasing up to their [fortieth]29 year could not acquire strength earlier owing to sicknesses, labors, or other adverse circumstances that diminish the body, so that when they were freed of such adversities, their powers could increase up to the age they say it did. Nonetheless I hold to my main point, for the temper and vigor of powers along with maximum strength is clearly found to peak around age twenty-eight to thirty. Furthermore, before age twenty there is little detectable difference between strong and weak people. If someone has lesser powers by nature but is a little older, he can hide any sign of his weakness, and seems to equal those who are stronger; before age fifteen all this requires is a couple of years of difference. But from fifteen to twenty a little difference of age commonly makes a big difference in strength, for at this age the body greatly increases in strength. After age twenty the contest is over, for at that point the weak seem to come to a standstill, while the able gain strength with the passage of time. Children clearly do not acquire physical capacity until they pass twelve or thirteen years, for their bodies are not yet fully formed. From seven to fifteen, we find little difference between people, for everyone looks like a child or an adolescent; from sixteen to twenty, a little passage of time commonly brings a great difference, even if people of this age still have a similar appearance, and are classed as youths (the author calls them macebos, using the Spanish term30). Pietro would also have youth extended to cover twenty to twenty-four years, nor would we deny that all of these fall within the good and favorable age range for strength. Then from [twenty-five]31 to fifty there is great difference in vigor and excellence of body. Beyond this age, a slightly better complexion will conceal a difference of ten or even fifteen years, yet all can and should be reckoned

28 For another version of this chapter, cf. Coll 1.84. 29 fortieth] App: fourth. 30 This parenthetical comment is evidently from Ayora. 31 twenty-five] App: xxxv.

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in the number of the old. At this age, if the course of nature is properly reckoned, a choleric-melancholic will outdo a sanguine-phlegmatic by twenty-five years.

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Appendix B

Structure of the Collectanea and Appraisal 5 Collectanea

Topic

Prologue (aa5v)

Exercise

Appraisal

1r

Collectanea Book 1 1 (a1r–v)

Vocabulary: arms and combat techniques

Lacking

2 (a2r)

General observations on learning

Lacking

3–10 (a2r–a3r)

Wrestling

1v–2r

11–18 (a3r–a4r)

Armed combat

2v–5r

19–23 (a4v)

Throwing

5v–6r

24–25 (a4v–a5r)

Running

14v–15r

26 (a5r)

Vaulting

Lacking

27–28 (a5r)

15r–15v

29 (a5r–v)

20v–21r

30–32 (a5v)

General observations on learning

15v–16v

33 (a6r)

Proverbs

16v–17r

Prologue on Complexions (a6v) 34–35 (a6v)

17r

17v–18r

Cf. App 3.1–2

36–37 (a6v–a7r)

18r–v, 31v–32r

Cf. App 3.3–5

38–39 (a7r–v)

32r–v, 10r–11r

Cf. App 3.7

40–41 (a7v)

11r, 13v–14r

Cf. App 3.8

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Humors and physiology

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Appendix B

42–45 (a7v–a8r)

14r–v

Cf. App 3.1, 3.3, 3.7, 3.8

46–51 (a8r–a8v)

6v–8r

Cf. App 5.2, 5.4, 5.10

52–55 (a8v–b1r)

8r–9r

Cf. App 6.11; also cf. Coll 3.3

56 (b1r)

11r–v

Cf. App 5.25

57–75 (b1r–b7v)

Lacking

76 (b7v–b8r)

Vocabulary: body-parts Lacking

77–78 (b8r–b8v)

Physiology and psychology

Lacking

79–81 (b8v–c1r)

11v–12v

Cf. App 6.12–15

82 (c1r)

12v

Cf. App 5.20

83 (c1r)

12v–13r

Cf. App 5.24

84 (c1r)

13r

Cf. App 5.29

85 (c1r)

13r

Cf. App 6.2

86 (c1r)

13r

Cf. App 6.3, 6.8

87 (c1r)

13r

Cf. App 6.17

88 (c1v)

13v

Cf. App 6.20–21

89 (c1v)

6r

Cf. App 6.22

90 (c1v)

6r–v

Cf. App 6.27

91–98 (c1v–c2v)

National characteristics 6v, 9r–10r

Cf. App 6.28

99–105 (c2v–c3r)

10r, 18v–19r

106–7 (c3r)

19r–v

Cf. App 6.30

19v

Cf. App 3.58

19v–20v

Cf. App 5.22

108 (c3r) 109 (c3r–c3v)

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Diet and exercise

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287

Collectanea Book 2 Prologue (c3v)

21r

1 (c3v–c4r)

Physiology

Lacking

2–5 (c4r–c6r)

Wrestling

21v–22v

6–8 (c6r–c7v) 9–11 (c7v–c8r)

Lacking Armed combat

22v–23r

12–13 (c8v)

23r–v, 25r–26r

14 (c8v–d1r)

Lacking

15–19 (d1r–d2r)

23v–25r

20–24 (d2r–d2v)

25r, 26v–27v

25 (d2v)

Lacking

26–28 (d2v–d3r)

26r–26v

29–44 (d3r–d5v)

26v, 27v–30v, 3r (Lacking 38, 41)

45–63 (d5v–d7v)

33r–36r

64–65 (d7v–d8r)

Lacking

66–77 (d8r–e2r)

Equestrian combat

39r–41v (Lacking 74)

78–86 (e2r–e4v)

Armed and armored combat

41v–43v (Lacking 79, 80)

87 (e4v–e5r)

Characteristics of weapons

Lacking

88–100 (e5r–e7r)

Equestrian combat

43v–46r (Lacking 89, 90, 91, 98)

101–103 (e7r–e8r) 104–127 (e8r–f3r)

Lacking Armor

128 (f3r–f3v) 129–137 (f3v–f4v)

Lacking Throwing

138–140 (f4v) 141–143 (f4v–f5v)

46r–51v (Lacking 119, 120) 30v–31v 32v

Vaulting

144–146 (f5v–f6v)

36r–37v, 38v 37v–38v

147–148 (f6v)

Jumping, running

38v–39r

149 (f7r)

General observations: physiology, learning

51v–52v

150–151 (f7r–f8r)

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Lacking

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Appendix B

Collectanea Book 3 Prologue (f8v) 1 (f8v–g1r)

Strategy and tactics, analogized with single combat

2–8 (g1r–g3r)

Properties of soldiers

9–10 (g3r)

Managing an army

11–12 (g4r–g7r)

Commanders

13–14 (g7r–g8r)

Foreign tactics

15 (g8r–g8v)

Leadership

16 (g8v)

Bodily exercises and age

Errata page

Omitted material on vaulting and riding

Appraisal Book 5 Prefaces (x2v–x3r)

By Ayora and Monte

1 (x3r–x4r)

Wrestling

1 Part One (x4r–v) How to act at the outset 1 Part Two (x5r–x6v)

How to comport the body

1 Part Three (x6v–y1r)

Counters to various grips

1 Conclusion (y1r–y3r)

Dealing with various types of opponents and situations

2 (y3r–y4r)

Wrestling in relation to the complexions

3 (y4r–y6r)

Rules for wrestling

4–6 (y6r–y8v)

Running

7–8 (y8v–z2v)

Acrobatics and vaulting

9 (z2v–z3r)

Jumping

10–19 (z3r–z8r)

Throwing

20–21 (z8r–&1r)

Recognizing skill

22 (&1r–&1v)

Training

23–29 (&1v–&6v)

General observations on physical skills

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Glossary Headwords represent terms used in the translation; parentheses document additional forms in both Latin and Spanish from the original texts, but variants are not accounted for exhaustively, and spellings are somewhat normalized. Page references are from the Collectanea, with additional references from the Appraisal (App) and the Escorial manuscript (Exer) as appropriate. Important general glossaries of this vocabulary include Gago-Jover, Vocabulario Militar, and Leguina y Vidal, Glosario de Voces de Armería. adarga (darga, Lat. parma): a1v, d3r, d7v; Exer 27v, 29r. A bilobate shield, typically of leather, and having a pair of handles in the center, gripped together in the hand; see Figure 2. The adarga originated among the Moors and was adopted by Christian Iberians. Cf. Beaufort and Pfaffenbichler, Meisterwerke, pp. 80–81; Nickel, Ullstein Waffenbuch, pp. 31, 36; Nickel, “Mutual Influence,” pp. 115–16 and X-37; GagoJover, Vocabulario, sv. adarga; Thomas and Gamber, Katalog, pl. 63 (C 195); Valencia de Don Juan, Catálogo, pp. 161–64. ancha (Lat. tolleperna, tollens pernam): a1r, c5v, c6r, c7r; App x7v; Exer 22r. In wrestling, a face-down throw over the hip. Tolleperna literally means “lift-leg,” and may be compared to Duarte’s alça-perna (Horsemanship, pp. 140–41). antegenu: a3r, c5r. A wrestling technique in which one throws the opponent face-down by placing one’s leg in front of his knee. antepes: c5v. A wrestling technique, never fully described, but apparently involving placing one’s lower leg in front of that of the opponent, perhaps specifically reversing its position from behind to in front of the opponent’s lower leg. archetus: e6r, e8r. In jousting, a swiping blow with the staff of a lance. The Spanish term behind this word might be arqueado. arçon: d8v; Exer 36r. One of the upright elements at the front and back of a saddle between which the rider sits; the front arçon is also called the pommel, the rear arçon is known as the cantle. Monte sometimes

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Glossary

uses the plural for a single arçon, probably alluding to its two extending ends. armar: a1r; App x4v; Exer 21v. A general term for executing wrestling techniques with the legs. armet (almetus; Sp. almete): e3r, f1v, f2r, f3r. Monte uses this term as distinct from the more generic cassis (here rendered “helmet”) and the occasionally technical galea (usually rendered “helmet,” but in one passage as sallet). The “armet” style of helmet fully enclosed the head, while the sallet lacked an integral chin-protection. See Figures 3, 6. arm-harness (manica, brachialis): a1v, f3r, e8v. Armor for the arm. arnesia: e6v, f1r. Monte uses this term as a synonym for cuisse; normally it is a generic term for armor. Cf. Riquer, Arnès, p. 514. arzonada: f5v; App z1v; Exer 37r. A vault in which one grasps both arçons and vaults across the horse. Cf. Stokes, Vaulting Master, sig. C5r; Imbotti de Beaumont, Escuier, sig. A5v–A6r. asta: f4v; App z3r; Exer 4v. A throwing-spear, described by Monte as being 13 palms long. (taking/seizing or giving the) back/shoulderblades: a1v, a2v, App x8v; Exer 22v. A grappling position in which one wrestler grapples the other from behind. baldassina: f5r; App z2r; Exer 26v. A vault similar to the half-mamia, but starting from the right side, with the left hand on the rear arçon, and right hand on the forward arçon. The vault is evidently named for Galeotto Baldassino of Catania (d. 1477), whose skill in wrestling, combat, and vaulting is mentioned in Bartholomeo Facio’s fifteenth-century history of Alfonso I of Naples (Rerum Gestarum, p. 117; cf. also App o3v). bar (sudes, vectis; Sp. barra): b5r, f3v, f4r; App z4v, z5v, z8v; Exer 31r. An iron bar used in throwing sports; Monte gives a weight range of 20–30 lbs. bastarda: App z2r. A vault done from the right side, placing the right knee on the saddle and sending the left leg over the pommel. besagew (luneta): e8v, f2v, f3r; Exer 80v. A plate defense worn in front of the armpit; it often took the form of a disk suspended from the shoulder armor. See Figures 4, 9. See also gusset. between two airs (Sp. entre dos aires): App z4r, z8r; Exer 5v. A manner of spear-throwing in which the spear is thrown in a flat trajectory toward a target above the ground, as opposed to throwing for distance, in which the spear arcs high and lodges in the ground. bevor (barbaro, barbutium, barbutius; Sp. babera): a1v, e3v, f1r, f2r; Exer 50r. Armor protecting the chin. Monte uses the term for three distinct armor components. In describing the armet, it appears to be a synonym for the visor. In describing the sallet, it refers to a separate chin-piece

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291

worn with the helmet. In other cases it refers to a reinforce that covers the chin, in some cases extending as far down as the upper torso – in modern literature such a reinforce is often termed a wrapper, buffe, or reinforcing-bevor. See Figure 3. bilanzada: App z2r. A vault in which one places the saddle on the horse’s back to jump into it, or to land on it with the feet. (taking/seizing the) body: c5r; Exer 22v. A grappling position in which the wrestler encircles his opponent’s body at the waist from in front. bombard: e4r, f7r, g2v, g3v, g7v. A generic term for a gunpowder weapon. both arms (singulis brachiis; Sp. sendos brazos): a2v, c4v; App x7v; Exer 22r. A grappling position in which the wrestlers reciprocally grasp each other’s arms. brayette (bracha; Sp. braga): a1v, f3r; Exer 48v, 51v. A piece of mail passing through the crotch to protect the groin and buttocks. britona: a2v, c4v, c6r. A wrestling technique apparently comparable to the descaderada, possibly a type of hip-throw. brow-reinforce (calveria): e3v. A reinforcing armor plate attached to the brow of a helmet. buckler (brochierus, pelta; Sp. broquel): a1v, a3v, d3r; Exer 26r. A small round shield, held in the fist by a single handle. cabriola: f5v, f6r; App z2r. A vault in which one grabs the rear arçon and lands with both feet in the saddle or on the forward arçon. cargo (Lat. cargum, oneratio): a1r, c4v; App x7r; Exer 1v, 22r. A wrestling technique in which the attacker seizes his opponent’s arm, turns his back to the opponent’s belly, and throws the opponent across his shoulders. casquet (cassis; Sp. caxquete): f1r, f1v; Exer 47v. A small helmet; a steel skull-cap. Cf. Gago-Jover, Vocabulario, sv. casquete. chest-reinforce (suprapectus): e3v, f1r, f1v. A reinforcing armor piece covering the breastplate. cimada: f5v; App z2r; Exer 37r. A vault in which one grasps the rear arçon, leaping over it to stand the saddle. close (adjungere): d8r, e4r. In describing combat, this term refers to narrowing the distance between the combatants, sometimes into fighting range, sometimes as close as grappling range. collar (collarinus): f1r, f2r. When referring to armor, Monte generally uses this term to refer to the neck-plates attached to the base of a helmet or bevor. (wrestling/grappling at the) collar/neck: a1v, a2v; App x6v; Exer 1v, 22r. A position in which each wrestler grabs his opponent’s neck with one hand, his opponent’s arm with the other. contrapasar: d2v, d3v; Exer 24r. To step laterally.

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Glossary

corrida: f5v; App z2r; Exer 37r. A vault in which one runs from the rear to jump into the saddle. corselet: d5r. An alternative name for a cuirass. counterpace see contrapasar countertilt (sbarra; Sp. barra): e6r; Exer 44v. The barrier along the outside of a jousting run. See also tilt. cross(piece): d1r. The transverse part of a pollaxe head. cubit: b6r; App z3r. The distance from the fingertips to the elbow, about 18 inches. Cf. Fontaine, “Trois Pas,” p. 375 n. 32. cuirass (thorax; Sp. coraza): a1v, d4v, d5r, e6r, f1r; Exer 44v. Plate armor for the torso. cuisse (coxottus; Sp. quixote): f1r; Exer 48v. Armor for the thigh; also called arnesia. cut (taglium; Sp. tajo): d2v, d3r; Exer 26r. A forehand cut with a weapon. See also right-hand. dart (dardus, jaculum, telum; Sp. dardo): e5r, f3v, f4r; App z6r; Exer 31r. A short throwing-spear, described by Monte as being about 5½ feet long, and thrown with a strap. Iconographic evidence suggests that the dart normally had some sort of fletching at the back of the shaft, although this feature is not specifically mentioned by Monte. Exer 31r suggests that the head may be relatively heavy compared to other spears, which is in keeping with iconographic evidence that the dart typically featured a large, barbed head. See Figure 5. Cf. Gago-Jover, Vocabulario, sv. dardo; Leguina, Glosario, sv. dardo; Troso, Dardo, pp. 169, 202, 204, 242, 291. descaderada (Lat. clunilevium, leveclunium, disclunata): a1r, c4v, c5r, c7r; App x6r; Exer 2r. A rotational hip-throw toward the opponent’s back. deslomada: a3r, c7v; App x8r; Exer 22v. A wrestling technique executed when giving the side or back, in which one steps away from the opponent and places one’s body-weight upon him. desvio (Lat. deviatio): a1r, c4v, c7r, x7r; App x7r; Exer 1v. A wrestling technique in which the wrestler stands with his hip against the opponent’s groin to throw him face-forward over that hip with both hands. deviata: c7v. An alternate name for the furtada. disuelto see fluid doublet (diplois, torax; Sp. jubón): a1r, e6v, e8v; App y1r, y4v; Exer 44v. A padded jacket worn under armor or as a civilian garment; it could also be reinforced with mail or steel plates for use as part of a light armor. See Figure 4. ell (ulna): b8r, f6v. A unit of measurement: Monte apparently uses it for both the length of the forearm (a cubit), and the distance across the outstretched arms (a fathom).

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encounter (incontrum, obviatio; Sp. encuentro): a1v, a5r, c8r, e6r; Exer 39r. The term for the moment of impact when hitting an opponent with a couched spear on horseback. encuentro see torno esquina (Lat. schina): a4v, b5r, f4r; App z4v; Exer 1v. A large stone used for throwing, comparable to the modern shotput. estoc (stocchus, cuspis, mucro; Sp. estoque): a1v, d6v, d8v, e1r, e2v, e3r, e5r; Exer 39v. A sword designed for armored combat, lacking edges and capable only of thrusting attacks, and having a robust blade, commonly of triangular cross-section. estocada (Lat. stocchata): d1r, d7v; Exer 33r. A thrust. fauld (falda): f2v; Exer 51v. As used by Monte, this refers to the skirt of mail worn under the torso armor. See Figure 4. fendiente: a3v, d2v, d7r; Exer 33v. A vertical downward cut. finger: e5r, e8v. As a unit of measurement, the breadth of a finger, approximately ¾ in. Cf. Riquer, Arnès, p. 506. (vault of the) fist: f5r; App z1v; Exer 36v. A vault in which one plants the fist in the side of the saddle to execute a turn. fluid (solutus, discioltus; Sp. disuelto; n. soltura): b5v, b6r, f6v; Exer 21v. A concept prominent in both Monte and Duarte, describing bodies and bodily actions that are easy, natural, and supple. Monte defines the concept in the Appraisal: “Someone is fluid [solutus] and supple [expeditus] if he can move and (if needed) flex this way and that with agility and easy motion” (App n6v). Monte’s views on the subject may have influenced Baldesar Castiglione, who applies similar principles to a range of courtly activities (Courtier Book 1 chs. 17–28, pp. 24–35; cf. the footnote to App 5.20). foot: App z2v–z3r, z6r–z7v. Monte’s foot of measurement represents the size of an actual human foot, or about 9 to 10 inches. Cf. Fontaine, “Athlète,” p. 135 n. 14; Riquer, Arnès, p. 506. furtada: c7r; App x6v, x7v. A wrestling technique in which one pulls on the opponent’s arm to gain access to his back. Cf. modern Spanish hurtada, “stolen.” galeazzia: a5v, f5v, f6r; App z2r; Exer 38r. A vault named for Galeazzo da Sanseverino, in which one does two rotadas in a row to sit with one’s face to the rear. gallardesca: App z1r. A vault executed from the right side of the horse. gauntlet (manupla, manutheca; Sp. manopla): e8v, f2v; Exer 80v. Plate armor for the hand. genochola see rodillola gorget (gorgialium, gutturarius; Sp. gorjaline): a1v, f1r; Exer 47v. A mail collar to protect the neck.

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Glossary

grapper (rocectus; Sp. gocete): e7r; Exer 46r. A disk that goes over the butt of a lance to help brace it against the lance-rest. See Figure 3. greave (schinella; Sp. greba, esquinela): f1r; Exer 48r. Armor for the lower leg. gropada: f5v; App z2r; Exer 37r. A vault similar to that of the stirrup-leather, but ending with the feet on the horse’s rump. guía (Lat. guida): d2r, d2v, d6r; Exer 26v. A rising cut with the rear edge of a sword. gusset (goceta, inrusta; Sp. gocete): e8v, f2v, f3r; Exer 51r. A piece of mail covering the armpit. See Figure 4. See also besagew. habiente: f3v. A strap used in throwing a dart. halberd (alabarda): d4v; Exer 29v. A staff weapon with a head combining a thrusting tip with an axe, backed by a piercing beak. See Figure 15. half (staff, pollaxe): c8v. A fighting position in which the staff weapon is held by the middle, rather than toward the base. hammer (Sp. maza, martillo): d1r, d8v, e4v, e5r; Exer 2v, 23r. The striking head of a pollaxe. hand-gun (sclopetum, springarda): e4r, e7v, f3v, g8r. A handheld firearm. (seizing) hands: a1v; App x6v. In wrestling, the situation when one wrestler grasps the hand of the other. heel: a1v, d4r, e7r. The base of a staff weapon, often fitted with a metal thrusting tip. helm (elmus; Sp. yelmo): e6v; Exer 45r. A heavy and highly protective form of helmet used for jousting. hip-throw see descaderada hose: e8v; App y1r, y4v; Exer 48v. Leggings worn as part of civilian clothing. imbrazatura: d5r, e4v. A shield. jineta (Lat. lancea): d1r, d5v, e5r, f4r; Exer 31r. A medium spear, used on horseback and on foot, and designed to be suitable for use in one or both hands as well as for throwing. Monte gives its length as 15–17 palms for a throwing version, 13–14 for combat. The Latin term can be ambiguous, since sometimes Monte uses it generically of a spear, but sometimes specifically of the jineta. jineta saddle: e5v. A saddle used for the light-combat jineta style of riding brought to Iberia by the Moors. lacing-point (aluta; Sp. agujeta): e7r, f5r, f5v; App y4v; Exer 51v. A leather or textile lace used for securing clothing and armor, comparable in form to a modern shoelace. (vault of the) lacing-point: f5r. A vault in which a rider sits on the horse: the vaulter grabs the lacing-points at the top of the rider’s hose with the right hand, placing the left on the rider’s arm, and vaults over rider’s shoulder to the ground.

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(vault of the) lady/damsel: f5v, f6r; App z1r; Exer 37r. A vault executed while someone is sitting on the rump of the horse. For comparable vaults with a woman on the horse’s rump, see Stokes, Vaulting Master, sig. C8v–D8r; Imbotti de Beaumont, Escuier, sig. A6v–A7r. See also passa volta. lame (lamba; Sp. launa): e8v, f2r, f2v; Exer 51r. A steel plate used as a component of armor. Monte usually uses it in the modern sense, referring specifically to smaller plates, but he also uses it of larger articulated plates. lance-rest see rest lanzón (Lat. lancio): d1v, d4v; Exer 24r. A heavy spear of medium length, shorter than the long spear, longer than a jineta. Cf. Leguina, Glosario, sv. lanzón. See also pica. left-hand: a1v; Exer 35v. A cut delivered from the left. See also reverse, right-hand. leg-harness (calcei pedis): a1v. Armor for the legs. levada: a3r, a3v, c7v; Exer 3r. A pair of rising cuts (montantes), taught at the outset of a fighter’s training as a core technique. Cf. Leguina, Glosario, sv. levada. ligera (Lat. legiera, levis): f5v, f6r; App z2r; Exer 37v. A vault that begins like a rotada, but springs with the feet into the saddle to stand upright. loins (lumbus): b8r, c5v. The lower part of the back, between the ribcage and pelvis. long: d1v, d2v, d5r, d6r. Of an attack: fully extended or committed. See also short. long spear: d1r–v, f8v, g8r; Exer 23v. Monte uses this term to describe weapons used both for single and massed combat; military long spears, often termed pikes, might measure 15 to 18 feet in length (Waldman, Hafted Weapons, p. 7). mail (lorica, mallea): a1v, d4v, e3r, e8v; Exer 46v. Armor composed of linked rings of iron. mamia: f5r; App z2r; Exer 36v (rendered as maña); rotada: f5r; App z2r; Exer 36v; orbiculata: App z2r. A vault executed from the left side of the horse: in the half mamia, called a rotada in Spanish (also rendered in Latin as orbiculata), one grasps the rear arçon and ends seated facing the rear, apparently by swinging the left leg over the horse. The full mamia is similar, but apparently both feet come over the horse end the rider ends seated facing forward. Cf. the mamia or rotata in Baluda, Volteggiare, pp. 96–97; cf. also the toute ma mie in Imbotti de Beaumont, Escuier, sig. C2v–C3r. maña: a1r; App x3r. A general term for a wrestling technique.

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Glossary

(vault of the) mane: f5r; App z1v; Exer 36v. A vault in which one grabs the horse’s neck to vault across the forward arçon to land on the opposite side. Cf. Stokes, Vaulting Master, sig. C1v–C2r. mediana (Lat. anguigera, circumdata): a1r, a2v, c7r; Exer 2r. A wrestling technique in which the attacker sends one leg between the opponent’s thighs to encircle his leg. See also serpentine. (volta de) medina: f5v; App z1r; Exer 37r. A vault similar to that of the stirrup-leather, done with just the right hand. The vault was presumably named for the duke of Medina-Sidonia. montante: a3v, d2r, d2v; Exer 24v. A rising cut. montesina: f5v; App z1v; Exer 37r. A vault similar to the remontada but continuing onto the ground on the opposite side. mora (Lat. maura): f5r, App z1r; Exer 36v. A vault executed over the left arm and related to the pomada, although the descriptions are hard to interpret. The vault was invented by Galeazzo da Sanseverino and named for Ludovico il Moro (“the Moor”) Sforza, duke of Milan 1494–99. necia: a2v, c7r; App x7v. A wrestling technique in which one rotates the opponent to throw him onto his back, perhaps a type of hip-throw. neck see collar orbiculata see rotada onerata: App z1v. A vault similar to the stirrup-leather vault, in which the vaulter grabs the leg of the rider. pace: App y7v, y8r, z6r–z7v. As a unit of measurement, this sometimes refers to a half-pace (the distance covered by a single step) and sometimes to a full pace (the distance covered by a single step on each foot). The half-pace is about 2½ feet, the full pace about 5 feet, although Monte gives different numbers based on his shorter foot. Cf. Fontaine, “Athlète,” p. 135 n. 14. palm: e1r, f6v; App z6v. As a unit of measurement, about 8 inches. Cf. Fontaine, “Athlète,” p. 135 n. 16; Riquer, Arnès, p. 506. partisan: a1v, d4r, d5r, e5r; Exer 29v. A spear having a long triangular head with a broad base; Monte describes it as being a bit under 8 feet long, and used either with one or two hands. See Figure 11. Cf. Nickel, Ullstein Waffenbuch, pp. 212, 216; Waldman, Hafted Weapons, pp. 125–34. passa volta: f5v; App z1v; Exer 36v. A version of the half pomada executed with a rider sitting on the horse’s rump, as in the vault of the lady. pauldron (scapularium, spaldaza, spallaceus, spilatium, humeralium; Sp. espaldar): a1v, f2r, f2v; Exer 80v. Armor for the shoulder. peligrosa see schiavonesca perchada: App z1r. A vault in which one jumps onto the horse with both feet.

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297

peregrina: f5r, App z2r; Exer 36v. A vault similar to the full mamia, but landing on the ground on the opposite side. peytral (pectoralis): e7r. The chest-piece of a horse’s armor. pica: d1v; Exer 24r. A heavy spear of medium length, shorter than the long spear, longer than a jineta. Cf. lanzón. pollaxe (ancha, aza, tricuspis, tripuncta; Sp. acha): a3r, c7v, c8r, c8v, d1r, d5r, e1r, e2v; Exer 2v. A staff weapon whose head combines a thrusting tip, hammerhead, and beak, with a thrusting tip at the heel; Monte suggests it should be about 6½ feet long. See Figure 4. pomada: f5r, App z1v, z2r. A vault in which one grabs the rear arçon with the left hand from the left side, swinging the legs counterclockwise over the horse to sit in the saddle; in the half-pomada the final position is mounted normally; in the full pomada both feet end up on the left side of the saddle. Cf. Stokes, Vaulting Master, sig. C7r, D2r; Baluda, Volteggiare, pp. 77–80; Imbotti de Beaumont, Escuier, sig. B7v–B8r. See also passa volta. pommel (pomus, pomata): d6v, e1r, e2v, f6r; App z2r. The forward arçon on a saddle; also, the globular counterweight at the base of a sword. pouch (bursa; Sp. bolsa): e7r; Exer 46r. A pouch attached to the armor or saddle to help support a lance when it is not in use; the butt of the lance sat in the pouch. See Figure 8. Cf. Fallows, Jousting, pp. 185–77, 214; Leguina, Glosario, sv. cuja. quintain (infola): e8r. A target used to practice jousting. remontada: f5r, f5v; App z1v; Exer 37r. A vault in which one grabs an arçon or stirrup-leather, doing a vertical rotation and landing mounted in the saddle. rest, lance-rest (resta): e7r. A metal hook attached to the cuirass near the right armpit, serving to help control a lance. See Figures 6, 8, 9. retirata: c7r. A wrestling throw, also called the precipitata. reversada: App z2r. A vault in which one places a hand on the horse’s rump to jump into or onto the saddle. reverse: d2v, d3r; Exer 3v, 35v. A blow delivered from the left side. See also left-hand. right-hand: a1v, d3r; Exer 33v. A forehand cut with a weapon. See also cut, reverse. rodadilla: App z1v–z2r. A vault in which the vaulter starts on the right side of the horse, grabbing the pommel with both hands to do a full rotation and end back on the ground where he started. rodillola: c5v. A wrestling throw in which the attacker places his knee at the crook of the opponent’s leg. Also called the genochola (c5v, c6r). ronca (Lat. roncha): a1v, d4v, e5r; Exer 29v. A staff weapon whose head combines a thrusting tip with a cutting edge. Then and now, this term

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has been applied to a variety of staff weapons. Marozzo and other Italian authors of the 1500s use it to describe a cutting weapon whose blade has a curved edge, a type that would most often be termed a glaive today. Monte describes a weapon with a thrusting tip, a chopping edge, and laterally projecting points, most probably a version of what would today be called a bill or roncone. See Figure 13. On weapons in this family, see Nickel, Ullstein Waffenbuch, pp. 212, 216; Waldman, Hafted Weapons, pp. 107–23. rondache (rotella; Sp. rodela): a1v, d3v; Exer 28v. A large round wooden shield having two grips, one encompassing the forearm at the elbow, the other held by the fist. rondel (rotella, rotuscula): f2r, f3r. A protective disk attached to the back of a helmet or the forehead of a shaffron. rotada see mamia rotation see torno sacaliña: a1r, c7r; App x5r; Exer 1v. A wrestling trip with the lower leg, hooking from inside to outside while pushing the opponent onto his back. sallet (galea): f2r. Monte normally uses galea to refer generically to a helmet, but in 2.120 he uses it with specific reference to a design that lacks an integral chin-protection, since it is worn with a separate bevor; he may have in mind the Spanish celada or celaduna. See Figures 1, 2. See also armet. schiavonesca: f5v; App z2r; Exer 37v. A vault in which one springs with one’s head or hands onto the horse’s rump to land on the shoulders of a rider. Also called the peligrosa. sclopetum see hand-gun serpentine (anguigera): App x6r, x7r, x8r. Ayora’s alternative name for the mediana. severina: App z1r. A vault, perhaps doing a full pomada and ending in the saddle face backward. The name probably alludes to Galeazzo da Sanseverino. sforzata: App z2r. A vault, not clearly described. The name may be a play on the name of Ludovico Sforza; see also mora. shaffron (testera): f3r. A horse’s head armor. shared arms (brachio diviso, brachio partito; Sp. brazos partidos): a1v, a2v; Exer 1v. A grappling position in which the wrestlers are chest-to-chest, each encircling the other with one arm under his opponent’s arm and the other arm over. short: a3v, d1v, d5v, d6r. Of an attack: feigned, not fully extended or committed. See also long.

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299

(vault of the) shoulder: f5v; App z2r; Exer 37v. A vault similar to the schiavonesca, in which a rider is sitting on the horse, and the vaulter springs onto the horse’s rump, then up onto a rider’s shoulders, and finally back down to the ground. shoulderblades see back (taking or giving the) side: a1v, a2v, c5r; App x8v; Exer 2r. A position in which one wrestler grapples the other from the flank, with his shoulder under his opponent’s armpit. sparrowhawk (nisus avis): App z1v. A vault, not clearly described. soltura see fluid spetum: d4v, d5r. Monte apparently uses this term for the staff weapon having a flattish triple-bladed head consisting of a long, edged thrusting tip flanked by two shorter forward-curving “ears”; see Figure 12. Marozzo and other sixteenth-century Italian sources generally seem to use the equivalent Italian spiedo for the weapon today often termed a “chauve-souris,” also three-pointed, but with a roughly triangular thrusting point and ears, suggesting the wings of a bat. On weapons in this family, see Nickel, Ullstein Waffenbuch, pp. 212, 216; Waldman, Hafted Weapons, pp. 177–81. stirrup-leather (staffile): e7v, f5r. The leather strap that suspends a stirrup from a saddle. (vault of the) stirrup: f5r; App z1v. A vault similar to the stirrup-leather, but with the hand in the stirrup. (vault of the) stirrup-leather (volta staffilis; It. volta di staffile; Sp. volta del ación): f5r; App z1v. A vault in which the vaulter grabs the stirrup-leather by one or both hands, to spin vertically and land on the ground where he started. Cf. Stokes, Vaulting Master, sig. C4v. tajo see cut tilt (tela): e6r, e8r; Exer 44v. The barrier running down the middle of a jousting course, separating the jousters. Cf. Barber and Barker, Tournaments, pp. 194–96; Clephan, Tournament, pp. 39, 67; Fallows, Jousting, pp. 92–94. See also countertilt. time: d2r, d3v; App x5v. In combat, a notional measure of time, roughly the time required to complete a single action such as an attack, defense, or step. torno (Lat. rotatio): a1r, a2r, c7r; App x5v. In wrestling, a rotational forward throw over the lower leg. Also called the traversa (a2r, c7r; Exer 1v); also called the encuentro (Lat. incontrum, obviatio; a2r–v, c4r, c4v, f3r; Exer 1v). Monte also uses the Latin rotatio in non-technical senses, so some instances of the word are ambiguous. torno: f5r; Exer 36v. In vaulting, a rotation over the arm, oriented either horizontally or vertically.

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trading hands (manus cambiatæ): a2v. A situation in wrestling in which the combatants are joined right hand to right hand or left to left. transacta: f5r. A vault in which one grabs the front arçon and springs across to the other side to land on the ground. trascorvada (Lat. retrocorvata, transvocata, trambuccata): a2v, c4v, c5v, c7r, d1r; Exer 2r. A wrestling leg-hook from outside into the back of the opponent’s knee, throwing him backward. traspie (Lat. retropes): a1r, a3r, c7r; Exer 1v. A wrestling leg-hook from outside to inside with the lower leg, throwing the opponent backward. traversa see torno traverse: e7v, e8r. In jousting, to shift the point of the spear laterally to keep it toward the target. turn on both arçons: f5r. A vault in which one executes two horizontal tornos, one on each arçon. two-handed sword: e4v; Exer 23r. A sword designed for use in two hands, approximately 5 feet long as described by Monte. urtus: e5v, e7v. The downward extensions on the forward arçon of a saddle that protect the rider’s legs. It is unclear what vernacular word lies behind the Latin, but it appears to be related to the French hourt, which René d’Anjou uses of the padded protector suspended from the forward arçon around the horse’s chest for tourneying (René, Traité, pp. 34, 46–47, 50–51; Godefroy, Dictionnaire, 4.512). varilla (Lat. variglia, virga, virgula, varica): f4v; Exer 31r, 31v. A small and light throwing spear; Exer 31r suggests that the head may be relatively heavy compared to other spears. This may be the same projectile as was used in the Iberian sport of juego de las cañas, in which teams of mounted contestants alternately hurled reeds (cañas) at their opponents, or evaded the incoming cañas, riding away and shielding themselves with their adargas. volandera (Lat. volatilis): a4v, f3v, f4r; App z4v, z5v fn. 18; Exer 5v. A small stone used in throwing sports. vuelta (Lat. volta): a1r, b6r, c5v, c7r; App x7v. A wrestling technique in which one takes the opponent’s belly onto one’s back and spins him around. warhammer (acuscula, clava, mallea, maza): e1r, e3r, e5r, f2r, f2v; Exer 40v. A single-handed haft weapon for use on horseback, having a head similar to that of a pollaxe. The weapon is often referred to as a horseman’s hammer; both terms are modern. See Figures 1, 10. white armor: c8v, e2v. Full plate armor.

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Index Africa and Africans  93–94, 121, 141, 203, 205; see also Moors age  226–27, 283–84 anger  15, 282 animal  62–64, 69–76; see also horse Appraisal of Men  2, 11–13, 32, 52, 79 armor  22–24, 36, 152, 161–63, 168–80; Figures 4, 6–9 arm-harness  170, 175, 177 besagews  170, 176, 177, 178; Figure 4 combat in  18, 129–30, 144, 147–54 cuirass  125, 127, 161–62, 172 design of  23–24, 147, 150, 152, 161–63, 168–80 doublet  23–24, 36, 161, 169–72; Figure 4 gauntlets and gloves  170, 174, 176, 178 heavy (white)  23–24, 147–51, 224 lames  23, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 176 light  23, 147, 169–71, 176 leg-harness  169–70, 171–72 medial ridge  24, 152, 171 padding  161, 162, 169, 174, 179 pauldrons  174, 175–76, 178 peytral 164 reinforcing  24, 152, 171, 172, 178, 179 rondel  174, 179; Figures 3, 6 shaffron 179 testing  150, 179 turned edges  24, 173 see also helmet; mail armor; metalworking Asia  93, 205 Ayora, Gonzalo de  2, 12–13, 27, 33, 231, 270 body-parts  28, 69–76, 82–85 Bohemia and Bohemians  92, 93, 251 breath  147, 148, 150, 162, 173, 174, 249 Brittany and Bretons  92, 93, 102, 105–6, 205, 252

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cape  17, 121 Castiglione, Baldesar  4, 6, 272 n. 23 children  66, 81–82, 218–19, 283; see also age clothing  95, 244, 250, 274, 276; see also lacing-point compass 219–20 complexions  6, 25–26, 52–65, 80–82, 85–86, 193–95, 279–81 in combat  54, 56, 58–61, 200–1 in running  53–57, 58–60, 255 in throwing  53–57, 58–60, 264–65 in vaulting  258 in wrestling  54, 58–60, 247–49 cotton  169, 179 crossbow 154, 207, 224, 276 dagger  16–17, 45, 123, 126, 156 Duarte I, king of Portugal  15–16, 18–19, 21 dueling see single combat  elements  25, 57–58 England and the English  92, 94, 204, 252, 253 Exercise of Arms  8–11, 29, 33, 275 Fajardo, Alfonso  216–17 fear  86–87, 151, 167, 206 Ferdinand king of Naples  222 Ferrara  5, 76 firearms  154, 179, 207, 224; see also gunpowder weapons food  88, 95, 191–92, 274 France and the French  91–92, 94, 112, 201, 204, 222 Frisian horses  73, 205 Germany and the Germans  92, 94, 112, 164, 201, 203, 205, 224–25, 226

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Index

Granada  6, 12 grapper  19, 164; Figure 3 Greece and the Greeks  93, 205, 253 gunpowder weapons  205; see also firearms halberd  17, 126, 224; Figure 15 helmet  150, 162–63, 167, 170, 173 armet  173–74, 178; Figures 1, 3, 6 casquet  170, 173 jousting helm  19, 162–63; Figures 8, 9 sallet  175; Figures 1, 2 Hercules  217, 268–70 heredity 65–67 horses  71–72, 73, 160, 205, 256–57, 266–67 armor for  179; see also armor: peytral, shaffron mounted combat  18–19, 129–30, 140–47, 153–55, 179 mounted throwing  46–47, 183 riding  19–20, 228–29; Figures 1, 2 see also reins; saddle humors see complexions Hungary and Hungarians  92, 93, 94, 201, 203, 251 hunting  127, 208 Innsbruck  23, 179 Isabella, queen of Castile  5 fn. 10, 7, 231 Italy and Italians  91, 107, 179, 205, 222, 252; see also Milan; Rome; Sicily Italian language  28, 35, 48, 75, 83 jousting  18–19, 160–68; Figure 3 jumping  20–21, 95, 190–91, 208, 262–63 knife 156 lacing-point  24, 165, 170, 172, 177, 250; Figure 4 lance-rest  19, 164–67, 178; Figures 6, 8, 9 Latin language  27–28, 33, 42, 48, 82–85, 185 left-handedness  125, 135–36, 139–40, 243 life preserver  220–21 lunge  17, 78, 117, 118 mail armor  169, 170, 171, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179; Figure 4 brayette  36, 177–78

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collar 170 fauld 177–78 gauntlets 127 gussets  170, 177 leggings 169–70 sleeves  170, 177 massed combat  145, 150, 156, 174, 197–98, 202; see also single combat measurements  71–72, 262–63, 268–72, 275–76 memory 67–69 metalworking  22–23, 173, 179–80 heat-hardening  22–23, 135, 173, 179–80 rivets  23, 174, 177 tinning  23, 169 see also steel Milan  4, 7, 179, 252 Monte, Pietro  27–28, 179, 187, 259, 260, 270, 275, 283 biography 3–8 writings  2–3, 8–14 Moors  20, 141; see also Africa Naples  179, 222 North Star  219–20 pollaxe  16, 35–36, 41–42, 110–14, 127, 137–38, 149, 156; Figures 4, 10 Portugal  90, 102, 252 pouch (for a lance)  19, 164; Figure 8 proverbs  2, 50–52 quarterstaff see staff quintain 167 reins  134, 142, 143, 146, 147, 149, 188 rest see lance-rest Rome 269–71 ronca  36, 126, 157; Figure 14 running  20, 47, 95, 191, 253–57 saddle  19–20, 157–60, 183; Figure 1 bindings  19, 152, 163, 164 jineta 158–60 jousting  159, 165 Sanseverino, Galeazzo da  4, 31, 179–80, 186, 259, 261 Sforza, Ludovico  4, 186, 259 shield  17, 36, 44, 121–23, 128, 224–25

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Index adarga  121–22, 125, 140–41, 154–55; Figure 2 buckler  36, 120, 122 jousting  19, 165–66 rondache 122–26 Sicily  91, 205 Sigismund, archduke of Austria  24, 179–80 single combat  135, 145, 147–53, 156, 168–69, 172, 176, 178, 197–98, 202; see also massed combat skirmishing  23, 154–55, 201 sling  183, 268 soltura  15, 76–77, 190 Spain and Spaniards  6, 90, 121, 158–59, 218, 221, 228–29 horses  67, 205 in Italian Wars  179 in warfare  93, 203, 204, 205 wrestling 252 Spanish language  5–6, 13, 28–29, 33–36, 48, 55, 75, 82–85, 180, 190, 202, 234, 257–58 spear  17, 18, 21, 114, 129, 140–41, 156 asta  263, 265, 268 dart  157, 181, 265, 268; Figure 4 jineta  114–15, 127, 129, 156, 180–81 lance  18, 156, 160–61, 163–68 lanzón  116–17, 127 partisan  36, 124–26, 128, 156; Figure 12 pike  115–16, 224–25 spetum  17–18, 126–28; Figure 13 staff (quarterstaff)   117 staff weapons  17, 29, 35–36, 41, 110, 115, 127; see also halberd; pollaxe; ronca; spear; staff steel  22–23, 169, 170, 179, 224

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swimming  208, 218–21 Swiss  201, 224–25 sword  16–17, 35, 41, 134–35 design of  134–35, 139, 176 estoc  18, 35, 134, 141–42, 144–46, 157 one-handed  17, 117–23, 131–40, 155–56 scimitar 156 two-handed  16, 42–44, 117–18, 137, 156 throwing  21, 45–47, 124–26, 128, 129, 154, 180–84, 263–68, 271–73 tilt  19, 161, 167 time  118, 122, 132, 133, 135, 186, 237 training  37, 62, 95–96, 134, 153–54, 162, 166–67, 208–10, 274–75 Urbino  4 fn. 9, 5 Vaudrey, Claude de  24, 179 vaulting  21–22, 47–49, 95–96, 184–89, 228, 258–61 Vegetius  21, 25, 202–3 Vinci, Leonardo da  3 vocabulary  27–28, 33–36, 82–85, 185; see also Italian language; Latin language; Spanish language warhammer  18, 142–43, 144, 156, 174, 177; Figures 1, 11 weapons, design of  112, 127, 134–35, 143, 155–57; see also sword weightlifting  95, 274 wrestling  15–16, 18, 34–35, 38–41, 99–110, 123, 150, 153–54, 233–53 rules for  105–6, 249–53 regional styles  106, 107, 252–53

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Monte describes the techniques of personal combat with various weapons, including the two-handed and one-handed sword, pollaxe, and dagger, as well as wrestling, armored and mounted combat. He also documents the athletic activities used by knights to hone their physical abilities: running, jumping, throwing, and vaulting. Finally, the Collectanea is the sole medieval text to provide extensive discussion of the design of arms and armour. This translation includes an illustrated introduction to Monte and his technical subject-matter, as well as a translation of Book 5 of Monte’s De Dignoscendis Hominibus (1492), which overlaps much of the technical content of the Collectanea. Jeffrey L. Forgeng is Curator of Arms and Armor and Medieval Art at the Worcester Art Museum, and teaches as Adjunct Professor of History at Worcester Polytechnic Institute. Cover image: Master DS, The Battle of Dorneck, c. 1510 (Kunstmuseum Basel, Inv.

X.1876).

Pietro Monte's Collectanea 9781783272754 FINAL.indd 1

PIETRO MONTE’S

COLLECTANEA The Arms, Armour and Fighting Techniques of a Fifteenth-Century Soldier TRANSLATED BY JEFFREY L. FORGENG

Jeffrey L. Forgeng

ARMOUR AND WEAPONS

PIETRO MONTE’S COLLECTANEA

P

ietro Monte’s Collectanea is a wide-ranging treatise on the arts of knighthood, focusing on martial arts, athletics, arms and armour, and military practice, but touching on subjects as diverse as diet, zoology and the design of life preservers. Monte, a courtier, soldier and scholar who won the respect of men like Leonardo da Vinci and Baldesar Castiglione, wrote the work in Spanish in the late 1400s, and later produced an expanded Latin translation. The Latin version, published in Milan in 1509, forms the basis of this translation.

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