Pictures and punishment: art and criminal prosecution during the Florentine Renaissance 9780801417054

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PICTURES AND PUNISHMENT

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PICTURES AND PUNISHMENT Art and Criminal Prosecution during the Florentine Renaissance SAMUEL Y. EDGERTON, JR.

Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London

Copyright © 1985 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book,

or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University Press, 124 Roberts Place, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 1985 by Cornell University Press. Published in the United Kingdom by Cornell University Press Ltd., London.

International Standard Book Number 0-8014-1705-8 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 84-45144 Printed in the United States of America _ Librarians: Library of Congress cataloging information

appears on the last page of the book The paper in this book is acid-free and meets the guidelines

for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.

to Frederick Hartt, who opened my eyes to the fascinating interplay of art and politics in Renaissance Florence

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Contents

| Illustrations 9 Preface 13 1 Icons of Justice 21 2 Effigies of Shame: The Trecento 59

3 Effigies of Shame: 91 The Quattrocento and Cinquecento

4 Images of Public Execution 126

5 Pictures of Redemption 165 Postface 2.2.2 7

APPENDIX A

“Debtors Should Be Painted in Public Places”’ 2.27 APPENDIX B

Book of the Executed in Florence: 1420-1574 231

Index 239

8 Contents

a Illustrations

1. Giotto, Last Judgment, c. 1306 24

2. Fra Angelico, Last Judgment, c. 1440 25

3. Detail from Giotto, Last Judgment 28

late fourteenth century 31

4. Nicolé di Giacomo da Bologna, miniature from Gratian’s Decretals,

5. Judges’ bench, Palazzo Pretorio, Pistoia, 1507 34

fifteenth century 35

6. Pedro Berruguete, Saint Dominic Presiding over an Auto-da-fé, late

7. Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Allegory of Good Government, 1337/39 36 8. Unknown Trecento artist, Fall of the Duke of Athens, c. 1360 A2

9. Botticelli, Crucifixion, c. 1495 44

10. Bargello, Florence, mid-thirteenth century 46 11. Unknown Cinquecento artist, Sacrilege at Santa Maria de’Ricci: Rinaldeschi Throws Horsedung at the Virgin’s Image, early

sixteenth century , 48

12. Sacrilege at Santa Maria de’Ricci: Rinaldeschi’s Arrest A9 13. Sacrilege at Santa Maria de’Ricci: Rinaldeschi’s Trial 53

14. Sacrilege at Santa Maria de’Ricci: Rinaldeschi’s Last Prayers 54

15. The Magdalene Chapel, Bargello, Florence 56 16. Sacrilege at Santa Maria de’Ricci: Rinaldeschi’s Execution 57

9

17. Taddeo di Bartolo, Scenes of Hell, late fourteenth century 67

have been painted 72

18. Localities in northern Italy where pitture infamanti are known to

19. Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Allegory of Bad Government, 1337/39 79 20. Andrea del Castagno, sinopia drawing of an angel, c. 1447 102

1530 115

hanging, 1479 LO7

21. Leonardo da Vinci, drawing of Bernardo di Bandino Baroncelli

22. Andrea del Sarto, drawing of a nude youth hanging upside down,

23. Andrea del Sarto, drawing of a man hanging upside down, 1530 116 24. Andrea del Sarto, drawing of a man hanging upside down, 1530 117 25. Andrea del Sarto, drawing of a man hanging upside down, 1530 118 26. Andrea del Sarto, drawing of a man hanging upside down, 1530 120 27. Andrea del Sarto, drawing of two men hanging upside down, 1530 I21

28. Giotto, Iusticia, c. 1306 | 127

1337/39 130

29. Detail from Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Good Government in the Country,

30. Unknown German artist, Martyrdom of Saint Barbara, c. 1520 133

Savonarola, c. 1500 137 32. Detail from Map with a Chain, c. 1480 140 31. Unknown Cinquecento artist, Execution of Fra Girolamo

33. Annibale Caracci, A Hanging, c. 1599 143 34. Detail from Paolo Uccello, Miracle of the Host, 1468 147

century 151

35. Pisanello, Saint George and the Princess, c. 1435 149 36. Giovanni di Paolo, Beheading of John the Baptist, early fifteenth

37. Andrea Mantegna, Martyrdom of Saint James, c. 1455 153 38. Ciriaco d’Ancona (?), Execution Scene, mid-fifteenth century 154

sixteenth century 156

1543 59

39. Gian Francesco Maineri, Head of John the Baptist in a Basin, early

4oa. Initial “L”’ from Andreas Vesalius, De humani corporis fabrica, 1543 158 4ob. Initial ‘‘O” from Andreas Vesalius, De humani corporis fabrica,

4ta. Alessandro Allori, Skeleton, 1570 161 4b. Alessandro Allori, Skeleton, 1570 162 42. Alessandro Allori (?), The Risen Christ, late sixteenth century 163

LO Illustrations

43. Unknown artist, tavoletta showing Christ Carrying the Cross on one

side and a Crucifixion on the other 166, 167

44. Unknown artist, tavoletta showing a Scene of Hell on one side and a

Crucifixion on the other 168, 169 45. Unknown artist, tavoletta showing a Lamentation on one side and a Crucifixion on the other 170, I7I

Baptist 174

46. Unknown artist, tavoletta showing the Beheading of Saint John the

47. San Giovanni Decollato brother holding a tavoletta 175

48. Woodcut from Savonarola, Predica dell’arte del ben morire, 1496 177 49. Francesco Maffei, Miracles of Saint Nicholas of Tolentino, 1656 181 50. Unknown Ferrarese artist, tavoletta showing the Torture of Saint

Euphemia, late sixteenth century 186 51x. Unknown Ferrarese artist, tavoletta showing the Torture of Saint Hadrian (2), late sixteenth century 187 52. Unknown Duecento artist, Christ Mounting the Cross and the Death

of Saint Clair, Jate thirteenth century 189

53. Giacomo Jaquerio, Crucifixion, c. 1440 I91

54. Fra Angelico, Lamentation, c. 1440 193

55. lacopino del Conte, Deposition, c. 1551 195 56. Benozzo Gozzoli, Deposition, c. 1465 2.00 57a. Michelangelo, Last Judgment, 1536/41 204 57b. Detail from Michelangelo, Last Judgment 205

58. Michelangelo, Pieta, 1548/55 208

anatomica, 1559 212

59. Unknown Venetian artist, frontispiece for Realdo Colombo’s De re

corpo humano, 1560 218 61. Andrea Mantegna, Dead Christ, c. 1470 224

60. Gaspar Becerra, écorché figure from Juan de Valverde’s Anatomia del

Illustrations II

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Preface

This book investigates the relationship between the well-known artistic achievement of Renaissance Florence and its less well-known and less wellregarded institution of criminal justice. Absurd as such a connection may sound, I will provide ample evidence to suggest that between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries practitioners of both art and the law—painters, sculptors, architects, lawyers, judges, and police—could not have pursued their respective disciplines as they did without mutual interaction. I also hope that my evidence of such symbiotic cooperation will deepen our insights into the Renaissance phenomenon as a whole. Historians during the

past several decades have been busy reassessing the “‘modernity” of the Italian | Renaissance, arguing whether the period really severed itself from the Middle Ages, as Jacob Burckhardt believed, or whether, as some recent scholar is said to

have concluded, ‘it was the most medieval idea that the Middle Ages ever invented.” The truth of course is that the Renaissance belongs to both the past and the present; it is a two-faced Janus looking back on the Middle Ages with the raised eyebrow of a skeptical Machiavelli and at the same time forward to the oncoming modern age with the apocalyptic foreboding of a Savonarola. Florentine criminal justice, we will quickly learn, remained throughout the Renaissance pretty much as Savonarola would have it—uncompromising, harsh, and eschatologically anchored to the proposition that just as the sinner’s immortal soul will suffer forever in hell, so his living body must be punished on earth.

13

Florentine painting, however, was no longer so medieval. The new art-sciences of chiaroscuro and linear perspective were changing not only the way people looked at pictures but the way they thought about the world. This revolutionary Florentine art in the service of an anachronistic system of criminal law often, though quite unintentionally, contradicted the very concepts on which the old law was based. In the long run, I believe, the revolutionary realism of Florentine

art, as it spread through all of Europe during the Renaissance, helped raise people’s consciousness concerning the inhuman brutality of legalized torture and

public execution. By comparing the plight of the poor criminal on the scaffold with vividly realistic portrayals of martyred saints and Jesus’ suffering, Christians slowly became aware of their own inhumanity in practice. From the sixteenth through the eighteenth century, art prodded the Christian conscience concerning the paradox of capital punishment, just as during the nineteenth century in France, academic painting (still following in the Florentine tradition) helped to make people aware of the miserable life of peasants and laborers, thus provoking the bourgeoisie to think of democratic reform. Perhaps it was no coincidence that the first modern state to abolish capital punishment (in 1786) was the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, that is, Florence, the birthplace of Renaissance art. In my chapter titles, I use four different words to express as many different purposes of Florentine art in the service of criminal justice between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries. By the term “‘image,” in Chapter 4 especially, I mean simply “‘visual representation” in the broadest sense, in pictures, statues, the mind’s eye, or even live pageants. In Chapter 4, we will examine the varied imagery devised by the communal authorities to make capital punishment un-

derstandable and acceptable to the public. As Lynn White, Jr., has said, “To know the subliminal mind of a society, one must study the sources of its liturgies for inflicting death.”’1 We shall also note the traditions—and ambitions—that artists drew upon as they often related the ubiquitous imagery of public execution to their own popular painting of holy martyrdoms and the Passion of Jesus Christ.

My book more properly begins, however, with an explanation of a specialized form of imagery, the “‘icon,” referring to those artificial images in which the subject matter is arranged in standard compositions already familiar to the

viewer, to whom an expected, didactic message is then communicated. Icons must be located in such prepared settings as churches or law courts where the audience will be able to recognize by association the picture’s meaning. In Chapter 1, we will observe how the rulers of the urban communes during the 1. Lynn White, Jr., ““The Legacy of the Middle Ages in the American Wild West,” Speculum, 40

(1965), 199.

14 Preface

Middle Ages used the iconic arrangement of the Last Judgment, as described in scripture and depicted by artists, to lend legitimation and moral support to the secular dispensation of law and order. Here, even the seating of the local judges resembles that of Jesus and his apostles, the criminal defendants appearing at the judges’ left, just as Jesus consigns sinful souls to hell at his sinister side. Chapters 2 and 3 are concerned with “‘effigies,”’ particularly a peculiar art

form known as the pittura infamante and instituted in North Italy during the thirteenth century. This uniquely Italian genre of vicarious image-punishment was neither an offshoot of primitive voodoo nor an expression of the later Roman-law practice of executio in effigie. Rather, the Italian “‘defaming picture” was an officially sanctioned insulting portrait of a guilty citizen in contempt of court and out of reach of the local constabulary. The culprit’s effigy was painted in an appropriate public setting so that all the townsfolk could witness his humiliation, pressuring him, if he was still a man of honor, to give himself up and repent. Many famous Florentine artists, including Andrea del Castagno and Sandro Botticelli, participated in this popular defaming art, which flourished in Florence between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries. In fact, the

story of the rise and demise of the pittura infamante serves as a convenient barometer for measuring both the slow evolution of medieval communal law and the growing awareness of aesthetic beauty in a work of art no matter how “ugly” the subject matter. Finally, in Chapter 5, I speak of pictures in a more humane service: painted devotional images to encourage the condemned criminal’s redemption. No matter how ‘“‘cruel and unusual’’ were the sentences of the medieval law courts, the Christian religion, ever present as amicus rei at the culprit’s side, always held out

the possibility of salvation—not in this life of course but in the next. Here indeed is why capital punishment was still tolerated in the Christian Renaissance. Without this belief it has become so unsettling to our agnostic ethics today. During more spiritual times, capital punishment was never understood as an irrevocable sentence, annihilating a human life, perhaps an innocent human

life, forever. Rather, the executioner was thought of as remanding the condemned man’s case to a higher “‘appeals court” in heaven, where God, not the

secular judge, determined the fate of his immortal soul. The more the condemned was tortured on his way to release from this life, the more penance he was privileged to offer up for possible redemption. Capital punishment was clearly sanctioned by the Christian church,2 and legal execution remained the single occasion when a Christian was privileged to know the exact moment of his death. The condemned criminal thus had a special advantage over all other 2. See The “Summa Theologica” of Saint Thomas Aquinas, literally translated by the Fathers of the English Dominican Province (London, 1918), pt. 2, second part, QQ 42-79 (Q. 64), art. 3.

Preface 15

living mortals. He could make his confession, take his last communion, and prepare his soul, confident that he would be in a state of grace right up to the very end. Moreover, if the condemned were really innocent of the crime for which he was about to lose his life, his soul, if it had no other stain upon it, must enter immediately into everlasting glory. Such a case of mistaken execution, which so horrifies us today, would, in the pure Christian logic of the Middle Ages, have been considered the highest form of justice. Also in Chapters 4 and 5, we shall see how another venerable institution, the medical profession, began to take advantage of the peculiar attachment of art to criminal prosecution. In fact, perhaps the most important by-product of

this now three-cornered relationship was the illustrated and printed anatomy treatise, such as Andreas Vesalius’s classic De humani corporis fabrica, published in 1543. This magnificent book, a landmark in the history of science, was possible only because artists of the time were sufficiently skilled in anatomy, a subject they learned from dissecting the bodies of executed criminals. As I shall also argue in Chapter 5, this cooperation among artists, medical doctors, and

the criminal justice system worked ultimately to the benefit of all humanity. What historical irony! Without the cadavers that the inhumane executioners supplied to Vesalius and his artists, for example, William Harvey might never have prepared himself for his stupendous discovery, the circulation of the blood: the physiological revelation that revolutionized medical science and allowed mankind a new faith in miraculous salvation from the vicissitudes of this life.

My own research on the present project began in 1970 when I received a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities to study Renaissance artistic depictions of the holy martyrs for evidence of contemporary modes of capital punishment. I was greatly assisted in my research by the staff of the Harvard University Library of International Law and by the Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies (the Villa I Tatti) in Florence, where I was

invited as a fellow in 1971-1972. In 1977 the American Council of Learned Societies awarded me a generous grant to continue my researches into this and related matters. I was able to travel to Rome during the summer of that year and to examine the records of the Archconfraternity of San Giovanni Decollato and also to study in Florence the archives of the Compagnia di Santa Maria della Croce al Tempio. I was especially aided in my Roman itinerary by Henry A. Millon, then director of the American Academy, and General Goffredo Puccetti, president of the Archconfraternity of San Giovanni Decollato. During my stays in Florence and

Rome, I was similarly much helped by the scholars and librarians of the Kunsthistorisches Institut, the Biblioteca Nazionale, and the Biblioteca Hertziana. My findings during this phase of the project were published in an

16 Preface

article entitled ‘“‘A Little-Known ‘Purpose of Art’ in the Italian Renaissance,” Art History, 2 (1979), 45—61, and another, “Icons of Justice,” Past and Present, 89

(1980), 23-38. Elements of these articles are included in Chapters 5 and 1, respectively, in the present book. Also in 1977, Gherado Ortalli contacted me concerning his own extensive researches in pitture infamanti, the same subject I had been studying since 1970. His book was nearly ready for publication, so we agreed to exchange manuscripts at that time. This communication has been kindly acknowledged by Professor Ortalli in his preface. His book, La pittura infamante: “. . . pingatur in Palatio” (Rome, 1979), while paralleling my own independent work on the Florentine phenomenon, is a much wider-ranging study of defaming pictures all over Italy and has helped me not only by its wealth of additional material but in allowing my concentration on the more selective art historical ramifications of the matter. I have also been much helped by Richard Trexler, Creighton Gilbert, Anthony Molho, and Hellmut Wohl, whose ideas, generously shared, are everywhere in this book. To Daniel Snodderly and to Carol Betsch of the Cornell University Press I owe a very special debt. Without their enthusiasm as well as professional competence, my work might never have been published. Finally, I would like to thank the following individuals and institutions: James S. Ackerman, Robert Baldwin, Sarah R. Blanshei, Lodovico Borgo, Kathleen Weil-Garris Brandt, Gino Corti, Richard Egdahl, David Friedman, Walter

Gibson, Werner Gundersheimer, Marcia Brown Hall, Julius Held, George Hersey, Paul Kaplan, Minott Kerr, Herbert Keutner, Frederic Lane, Lars Olaf Larssen, Patricia Leach, Daniel Lesnick, Fred Licht, Robert Lopez, Wolfgang Lotz, Michelle Metraux, Ulrich Middledorf, Charles Mitchell, Lucia Monaci Moran and the Gabinetto disegni e stampi degli Uffizi, Alessandro Parronchi, Franklin Robinson, Charles Rosenberg, Lionel Rothkrug, Guido Ruggiero, Thomas Settle, Jill Steinberg, James Ross Sweeney, Robert Volz and the Chapin Rare Book Library at Williams College, Jean S$. Weisz, and Richard J. Wolfe and

the Francis A. Countway Library of Medicine at Harvard University. All these

have made important contributions to my ideas in this volume. During the many, many years it took to gather this material together, others have also helped and encouraged me. If I have omitted their names, I beg forgiveness, hoping this age to be more merciful to me than the Renaissance was to those poor sinners who inspired the art described in this book. SAMUEL Y. EDGERTON, JR.

Williamstown, Mass.

Preface 17

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PICTURES AND PUNISHMENT

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CHAPTER 1

Icons of Justice

A remarkable quality of the waning Middle Ages, observed Johan Huizinga, was the propensity to convert every philosophical concept into a pictorial image.1 Perhaps never before or since the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in Western Europe has the realization of abstract ideas been so dependent upon the sense of sight. This visualizing actually intensified throughout the Middle Ages in direct proportion to the general atrophying of scientific thought after the demise of Greco-Roman civilization. Indeed, even the ars nova of Jan

Van Eyck in fifteenth-century Flanders was less a break with this medieval tradition than its culmination. It was as if Jan’s miraculous oil technique finally made it possible for the human eye to perceive Saint Augustine’s conceptual formae. Contemporary viewers of Jan’s Ghent Altarpiece were suddenly confronted with a completely plausible image of the mystic Terrestrial Paradise, where they could physically sense God’s primal light, breathe in his heavenly atmosphere, and touch the Font of the Four Rivers in which our First Parents bathed.

Similar “‘miracles of painting’? had of course already been achieved by Italian artists; by Giotto and his contemporaries at Assisi in the early Trecento and by Masaccio in Florence during the early Quattrocento. In Florence, as 1. Johan Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages (first Dutch ed., Leiden, 1919; first English ed., Leiden, 1924). See esp. chaps. 1 and 19.

21

nowhere else, citizens appreciated how God, though reserving his scriptural blessings for those who believed but did not see, was nonetheless tolerant of graven images, the more lifelike, the better. The Florentine sculptor Verrocchio

cast a bronze statue of Christ and Saint Thomas in the early 1480s for the Mercanzia niche on the main street facade of Orsanmichele, showing Jesus exposing his sacred wound, even shaping his garment around it with his hands so that the doubting saint could see and touch the wound as if it were an artifact framed like a picture. Florentines came more and more to demand like Saint Thomas the empirical evidence of their visual and tactile senses. Such obsession with seeing and touching sacred images also served secular political purposes in the waning Middle Ages. During the four-century evolution in northern Italy, in which agrarian feudalism gradually gave way to urban capitalism, the ancient concept of civitas underwent a special metamorphosis in the imaginations of those persons seeking security and prosperity in commerce. They needed, and thus invented, spiritual affirmation that their urban way of life was just as God-anointed as the old feudal vision of society. These nuovi ricchi urban patricians sought scriptural sanctions for the evolving style of their new status. They wished to convince the other social classes that their existence and even leadership enjoyed God’s favor more than that of the old barons, and that republican government promised the truest form of New Jerusalem on earth. Thus were artists frequently called upon to mirror God’s Paradise by depicting images in public places intended to encourage respect for the communal laws and customs. Not only by means of pictures, but through the organization of public demonstrations, tableaux vivants, did the civic leadership attempt to underscore and legitimize its power. Indeed, even the public punishment of criminals took on the stylized form of a morality play, a visual allegory in which the community could see that anyone daring to insult the government’s temporal authority risked eternal damnation as well as earthly chastisement. During the late Middle Ages, the fundamental iconic image for representing the concept of law and justice was the Last Judgment. Eschatological visions haunted and obsessed medieval Christians, and no image more impressed itself on the popular mind than that of Jesus in Glory, calling all mankind before his throne and in one final act condemning sinners to hell and raising the saved to

heaven. The primary source for this awesome vision is found in Scripture, particularly the Gospel according to Matthew: When the Son of Man shall come in his glory, and all the holy angels with him, then shall he sit upon the throne of his glory: And before him shall be gathered all nations: and he shall separate them from one another, as the shepherd divideth his sheep from the goats: And he shall set the sheep on his right hand, but the goats on his left: Then shall the King say unto them

22 Pictures and Punishment

on his right hand, Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world. . . . Then shall he say to them on the left hand, Depart from me ye cursed, into everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels. . . .2 During the early Middle Ages, the iconography of the Last Judgment in painting

and sculpture tended to emphasize the apocalyptic end of the world and the Second Coming. By the twelfth century, however, the arrangement of the scene was changed so that depicted Last Judgments were likened to courts of law with Jesus as judge and mankind as defendant. In the course of the next four centuries, such juridical Last Judgment iconography became uniform and iconic. It often lent itself to local political interpretation, if one wanted to make it appear that Jesus was in favor of one local secular interest over another. Craig Harbeson has recently demonstrated how sixteenth-century Protestants and Catholics each invoked the same Last Judgment imagery against one another. Such political adjustments of the Last Judgment composition also suited the

ruling-class art patrons of Italian republican towns in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. We may compare two painted Last Judgments: Giotto’s giant version for the entrance wall of the Arena Chapel in Padua, c. 1306 (fig. 1) and Fra Angelico’s (or one of his close follower’s)4 smaller altar panel of the subject for the Florentine church of Santa Maria degli Angeli (and now in the Museo San Marco, Florence) of c. 1440 (fig. 2). In both pictures Jesus dominates. He

sits in glory, enthroned in the upper axial center of each composition. Equal rows of apostles and saints are seated to either side of the Saviour, and at his feet angels trumpet toward the dead below, who arise from their tombs and divide

off to the left and right. At the right hand of Jesus the judge, the saved souls ascend into heaven; at his left, the damned tumble into hell. In Giotto’s painting, Jesus is the largest in size of all the figures, and the Virgin Mary is the largest among all those blessed saints entering paradise below and at Jesus’ right.5 In Fra Angelico’s panel, the Virgin Mary, also enlarged, sits in an even more ennobled position. She is the chief intercessor for all mankind at

the Last Judgment throne. Opposite her in equally exalted position but to the Saviour’s left sits Saint John the Baptist, second only to Jesus’ mother in divine 2. Matt. 25:31-46. A much more apocalyptic account of the Last Judgment is described in Rev. 4 and 20. 3. Craig Harbison, The Last Judgment in Sixteenth-Century Northern Europe: A Study in the Relation between Art and the Reformation (New York, 1976). 4. Concerning the argument of Fra Angelico’s authorship of the San Marco Last Judgment, see John Pope-Hennessy, Fra Angelico (New York, 1974), pp. 192-193. 5. See Dorothy C. Shorr, “‘The Role of the Virgin in Giotto’s Last Judgment,” Art Bulletin, 38 (1956), 207—214; republished in James Stubblebine, ed., Giotto: The Arena Chapel Frescoes (New York, 1969), pp. 169-182.

Icons of Justice 23

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influence.® Saint John is missing in Giotto’s Padua painting, but it was significant that Fra Angelicc remembered him in his Florentine Last Judgment. While Saint John the Baptist or the Evangelist were traditionally represented in Last Judgments by artists all over Christendom, the Baptist, after all, was patron saint of Florence and very special to its citizens. Florentines enjoyed being reminded that they had their own advocate at the ear of Christ. One of the most lavishly celebrated feasts of the Florentine calendar was (and still is) June 24, the Baptist’s Day, when the saint and the populace pledge anew their mutual trust and promise to serve one another faithfully for the coming year. Also at the Saviour’s favored right, below the blessed souls at the bottom of the composition, Giotto painted a conspicuous figure of his living patron, Enrico Scrovegni, on his knees before another image of the Virgin and awarding her a model of the Arena Chapel.7 It was well known that Enrico inherited his wealth from an unscrupulous father, Reginaldo, whom Dante disdainfully named as a

sinner in the seventh circle of his Inferno.8 Enrico may have hoped that by building this chapel and dedicating it to the Virgin, he could win his father’s redemption. Thus he might have bade Giotto paint this scene as a pictorial prayer to Mary, that she intercede in favor of his family at the Final Reckoning. In Fra Angelico’s Last Judgment, also at Jesus’ favored right, the blessed souls approach heaven through a delightful flowering meadow. Heaven itself, in the upper corner, is conceived as a walled city, entered through a turreted gate. This little detail of heaven looks exactly like a typical Tuscan town of the Quattrocento; indeed, much like Florence itself. Fra Angelico often depicted Jerusalem

or paradise as a contemporary Tuscan townscape in his paintings; a homely detail that he surely knew would attract his viewers and instill in them patriotic associations. On jesus’ lower left in both Giotto’s and Fra Angelico’s paintings, as well as in all such Last Judgments, are images of the various tortures of the damned. We note that some of the women being pushed into the pit in Fra Angelico’s version

have long blond tresses not braided or tucked modestly under a veil. Such vainglorious hairstyling aroused the wrath of many conservative preachers, such 6. For a general synopsis of the changing iconography of Last Judgment imagery, see Philippe Aries, The Hour of Our Death (New York, 1981; originally published as L’>bomme devant la mort

[Paris, 1977]), pp. 99-112, 184-185, 257-258, and passim. See also Theodore Herbert Feder, Rogier van der Weyden and the Altarpiece of the “‘Last Judgment” at Beaune (University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Mich., 1975), pp. 133-134. Another revealing study about the use of the Last Judgment in support of secular law and order already in the twelfth century has been undertaken by Willibald Sauerlander: “Omnes perversi sic sunt in tartara mersi, Skulptur als Bildpredigt; Das Weltgerichtstympanon von Sainte-Foy in Conques,” Jahrbuch der Akademie der Wissenschaften in

Gottingen, 1979, Pp. 34-47. 7. See Ursula Schlegel, ‘““On the Picture Program of the Arena Chapel,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 20 (1957), 125-146; republished in Stubblebine, Giotto, pp. 185—186. 8. Stubblebine, Giotto, pp. 108-109.

2.6 Pictures and Punishment

as Fra Angelico’s Dominican superior Fra Antonino Pierozzi, prior of San Marco, archbishop of Florence, and later canonized as Saint Antonine.? The Church, of course, entertained a long tradition of fire-and-brimstone sermonizing against the vanities of earthly existence. Vivid descriptions of the devil’s punishments,

like the well-published Vision of Tundale, could always be drawn upon for hellish images intended to strike terror in the hearts of the living sinful.1° Artists as well as sermonizers quickly worked up a repertory of tortures. Hell itself was

often represented as a system of dark caverns or cut-away niches looking not unlike the dank jail cells of the old podesta’s palace in Certaldo, which survives to this day. In each of hell’s caverns, demons perform specialized horrors upon the damned who are usually without clothes, wearing only a headpiece of some sort which alludes to their earthly sin. Trecento artists took pains to show these sinners as naked and not nude—the distinction being that the former is a condition of embarassment while the latter, as perfected by artists in the following centuries, became a condition of pictorial beauty. Artists of the Middle Ages, especially those living in such urban communities as Florence and Siena, would frequently have seen living wrongdoers stripped naked in public, as a form of punishment prescribed by the local law courts. Some acts of obscene humiliation often accompanied these sentences in real life, which Giotto and Fra Angelico

also reflected. In Giotto’s fresco (detail, fig. 3), two sinners in hell are shown hanging upside down, a man by a rope attached to his penis and a woman by a hook in her vagina. In the lowest lefthand corner (from Jesus’ point of view), both painters have depicted the devil as a hairy monster stuffing human bodies into his mouth. Florentines were practically born in the presence of this terrible but traditional representation since it also stared down at every newly christened child of the city from the mosaic ceiling of the twelfth century Baptistery. Fra Angelico even painted his Satan biting a bloody sinner in half, but the good friar did spare his viewers one disgusting detail that Giotto and other earlier painters frequently included: a depiction of Satan squatting to defecate the squirming bodies of devoured sinners from his anus (see fig. 23). We turn now from subject matter to ponder the psychological meaning of the formal composition of the Last Judgment itself. What associations would people of those times have made with the symmetrical and hierarchical arrangement of the picture? Formal compositions in the visual arts have always fascinated the 9. Concerning St. Antonine’s unhappiness about female vainglory, see his Summa moralis or collected sermons, originally inscribed in the 1440s and 1450s and published in the eighteenth century. A facsimile edition of the latter is available from Graz, 1959; see vol. 2, tit. 4, cap. §, cols. 590 f. under “De praesumtione.” Fra Giovanni Domenici, St. Antonine’s Dominican mentor, also wrote a much shorter tract in which he also worried about the vanity of women: D. Salvi, ed., Regola del governo di cura familiare (Florence, 1860). to. See Pasquale Villari, Antiche leggende e tradizioni che illustrano La Divina Commedia (Pisa, 1865), pp. 3-51.

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building, the Bargello, then called the Palazzo del Podesta, the main police headquarters of Florence. We recognize it only by its distinctive tower, which rises just to the viewer’s left of the Palazzo Vecchio. This tower was known as La Montanina; all Florentines of that time were quite familiar with its lugubrious bells that tolled the announcement of any impending public execution.

This Bargello, or “home of the jailer,”’ is now the innocuous national sculpture museum of Italy.32 But from the mid-thirteenth century when it was built until the sixteenth century, it was the home of the podesta, literally ““‘power,”’ the chief police magistrate of the city.33 In this building were housed both criminal

and civil law courts, torture chambers, and jail cells for condemned criminals awaiting execution. There was also a chapel where the condemned could rest his last night in spiritual preparation. Unfortunately, the interior of the Bargello (as we shall continue to call it for convenience’ sake) has been completely altered. The exterior nevertheless remains much the same (fig. 10). Cold and fortresslike, its gray-brown walls are relieved only by a few gothic windows. There are no attractive decorations anywhere on its four facades. Only the circular red cross

on a white field, insignia of the popolo of Florence, is still visible over the massive entrance portal on the Via Ghibellina. So plain indeed is the Bargello that the distinguished architectural historian Wolfgang Braunfels has written, “(The Bargello] is in no way a monument to civil authority.’’34 But Braunfels’s remark clearly ignored certain sights and sounds once vividly associated with the Bargello and which are now long forgotten. The very austerity of the building’s facades was in fact aptly symbolic of its purpose. What indeed must a poor culprit have thought about the Bargello’s “civil authority” as he was being dragged manacled through the great gate by the podesta’s birri (“cops’’) ?

Let us therefore follow a true case history, of an actual culprit prosecuted in 32. For histories of the Bargello in both form and function, see G. B. Uccelli, IJ Palazzo del Podesta (Florence, 1865); Luigi Passerini, Curiosita storico-artistiche fiorentine (Florence, 1866); Janet Ross, Florentine Palaces and Their Stories (London, 1905), pp. 208-234; Walter Paatz, “Zur Baugeschichte der Palazzo del Podesta in Firenze,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in

Florenz, 3 (1931), 287-321; and Wolgang Braunfels, Mittelalterliche Stadtbaukunst in der Toskana (Berlin, 1953), pp. 189-193. 33. Concerning the nature of the podesta’s office and his “family,” and also the other police magistrates in Florence, see Stefano Fioretti, Illustrazione storico artistico della gran Sala del Consiglio detta dei Cinquecento in Palazzo Vecchio (Florence, 1860), p. 8. In the sixteenth century, the headquarters of the Captain of Justice, known as the bargiello or “‘jailer,’’ was moved to the Palace of the Podesta. The designation of that office became more and more associated with the building, and so it has been called ever since. 34. Braunfels, Stadtbaukunst, p. 190: “Im Gegensatz zum Palazzo Vecchio ist noch der Bargello ein solcher nach innen gerichteter Bau. Zu keinem Zeitpunkt bildete er ein stadtebauliches Problem. Er fiigt sich gleich den Privatpalasten organisch den bestehenden Strassenziige ein. Er wirkt keineswegs als ein Monument der Staatsmacht.”’

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Christ have mercy on my soul.” The real subject of this panel, however, is not the hanging of Rinaldeschi but rather his redemption. In the very center of the scene, the artist represented a cosmic battle between angels and devils for the possession of Rinaldeschi’s soul. The angels, as we see, successfully beat off the demons with their swords. They hold aloft a tiny, naked, praying figure. It is Rinaldeschi’s spirit, at last reprieved because of his sincere contrition and terrible penance.

58 Pictures and Punishment

CHAPTER 2

Effigies of Shame:

The Trecento

Seven beautiful figure drawings in red and black chalk, usually attributed to the early Cinquecento Florentine painter Andrea del Sarto, still exist today in the Gabinetto di disegni of the Uffizi Gallery and the Duke of Devonshire Collection, Chatsworth. They are on five separate sheets; obviously studies for a painting of a common subject since all show a young male. One drawing shows him nude, the rest in contemporary military garb, hanging upside down by one foot (figs. 22—-27).! What strange and undignified poses! It almost seems that Vasari’s “perfect painter” had abandoned the rules of Alberti and was instead here designing images for tarot cards. What are we to make of these handsome sketches of such unusual iconography? The fact is that these are preparatory studies for pitture infamanti, officially commissioned effigies of shame or more properly “‘defaming portraits” of indi-

vidual enemies of Florence. They are, furthermore, the only extant pictorial evidence anywhere of what was once a rather thriving genre not only in Florence

but in other North Italian cities such as Bologna, Siena, Milan, Parma, and Rome. Moreover, the commissioning of pitture infamanti provided one of the earliest models for state patronage of the arts at the dawn of the Renaissance. Why did this art flourish only in northern Italy, and why did it go out of fashion 1. These drawings have all been published and discussed by John Shearman, Andrea del Sarto (Oxford, 1965), 1:161—1623 2, 320—321, 324, and 340—341. See also S. J. Freedberg, Andrea del

Sarto (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), catalogue raisonné, pp. 196-198.

59

so suddenly in the sixteenth century, leaving us with only these drawings as examples of its once fearsome potency as an instrument of official state punishment? Before studying the drawings further in their own historical period (see

Chapter 3), we shall attempt to set them in the larger cultural context of the medieval Italian city-state under revived Roman law during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In early Florence, the pittura infamante had much to do with the bitter struggle between Guelphs and Ghibellines, and perhaps because of that heroic memory, the defaming art held out longer there than in any other Italian community. The legitimacy of the pittura infamante is rooted in the ancient Roman-law doctrines of fama and infamia. “‘Quid sit fama?’”’ So began a major section of Tractatus de maleficiis, an important early commentary on criminal law as

defined in the Justinian Codes by one Albertus Gandinus, judge in the podestarial court of Florence in 1288 and again in 1310.2 “Fame,” the author wrote (following exactly the words of the third-century Callistratus in the Digesta of the Codex iuris civilis), “is truly the status of dignity without stain, according to the established customs and laws, undiminished in any way.’’3 In other words, fama, as a concept in the law of urban communes like Florence, had to do with a person’s good name, his or her honor, trustworthiness, and reputation among peers and neighbors. Before any citizen of the commune could

present a case in the civil courts, he had first to establish his fama. On this depended the credibility of his testimony. If, on the other hand, it should be found that the litigant suffered an infamous reputation, then he could be subject

to torture, on the grounds that his testimony was not believable. In the sixteenth century, a man branded “infamous” should be assumed a coward and not to be trusted.5 To the ancients like Callistratus, fama was understood as a matter of earthly renown only. To the early Christians, however, one’s reputation in this world 2. Hermann Kantorowicz, ed., Albertus Gandinus und das Strafrecht der Scholastik (Berlin/Leipzig, 1926), 2:51—56; Gandinus’s Tractatus is here published in Latin without translation; see also H. Kantorowicz, “Leben und Schriften des Albertus Gandinus,” Zeitschrift der SavignyStiftung fiir Rechtsgeschichte, 57, Romanische Abteilung, 44 (1924), 224-358. Gandinus was born

near Crema about 1245, studied law at Padua and Bologna and served as judge and podesta in Lucca (1281), Bologna (1284, 1289, and 1294), Perugia (1286), Florence (1288 and 1310), Siena (1298), and Fermo (1305). He died in 1310. 3. ““Equidem fama est inlese dignitatis status, moribus ac legibus comprobatus, et in nullo diminutus.”’ See Kantorowicz, Albertus Gandinus, 2:51. Gandinus’s definition here is derived from

Callistratus’s commentary in the Digesta, lib. 50, tit. 13, 5, 1. See also Theodor Mommsen, ed., Digesta Iustiniani Augusti (Berlin, 1870), 2:930.

4. Kantorowicz, Albertus Gandinus, 2:75 ff.; see also Piero Fiorelli, La tortura giudiziaria (Giuffre, 1953), 1:265. 5. See Frederick Robertson Bryson, The Point of Honor in Sixteenth-Century Italy: An Aspect in the Life of a Gentleman (New York, 1935), p. 37; also Mariano d’Amclio, ed., Nuovo digesto italiano (Turbin, 1938), 6:s.v. “‘infamia,”’ 1054—1055.

60 Pictures and Punishment

was vainglory. The true Christian must have contempt for the honors of such worldly fame. He should seek instead his fama in the realm of heaven. Real fame, that is, Christian glory, can be awarded only by God. That any Christian, no matter how humble his origins or evil his sins, could attain eternal fama

through good works and penance was one of the great appeals of the new religion over classical paganism. During the Middle Ages, however, both the pagan and Christian ideas of fama blended, especially in the chivalric code. The knights of King Arthur and the paladins of Charlemagne pursued the Holy Grail equally for earthly honor and the glory of God. This blending also served the new urbanism of Italy during the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries. The growing communes, many

like Florence, were filling up with merchants asserting their right to carry on commerce in spite of assaults by the privileged magnati. These merchants very much needed a tradition of fama which they could promote and support with as much vigor as the feudal barons defended their own honor. The leaders of this new burgher class thus sought to equate Christian salvation with selfless public service to their commune. All individual desires must be subordinated to the common good. Thomas Aquinas, by no coincidence an Italian, wrote in his thirteenth-century Summa theologica that it was natural for man to seek fame and honor, but he should not yearn only for earthly renown.7 Since the qualities that earn earthly fame are not intrinsic but come as gifts from God, it does not behoove the individual to take full credit. Rather, he must thank God for his fama and above all receive his wordly praise with humility. The good citizen should avoid the sin of pride, so often associated with the haughty hereditary barons. At the same time, the new urban merchant rulers suffered their own intrinsic class sins, that of avarice and vainglory.8 By the early Trecento, a specific statute of Florence forbade any government official from placing his arms on the facades of public buildings or displaying them publicly beside images of Christ, the Virgin Mary, the patron saints, the Holy Church, the emperor, the king of France, or the commune and people of Florence.? Civic monuments to an individual’s fama could only be erected by others, preferably after the honored was deceased. 6. I am grateful to Professor Georg Nicolaus Knauer of the University of Pennsylvania for allowing me to read his unpublished article “Uber den Nachraum bei den Griechen und R6mern.”

7. For a discussion of Aquinas’s attitude on fame and glory, see Curtis Brown Watson, Shakespeare and the Renaissance Concept of Honor (Princeton, 1960), pp. 34-37 and passim. 8. See Lester K. Little, ‘Pride Goes before Avarice: Social Change and the Vices in Latin Christendom,” American Historical Review, 76 (1971), 16—50. 9. Statuti di Firenze, rubric 109, lib. 3, June 20, 1329, published in Giovanni Gaye, Carteggio inedito d’artisti dei secoli 14, 15, 16 (Florence, 1839), 1:473; Luigi Passerini, Curiosita storicoartistiche fiorentine (Florence, 1866), pp. 15—16; and Walter Paatz, ““Zur Baugeschichte der Palazzo del Podesta in Florenz,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 3 (1931), 319.

Effigies of Shame: The Trecento 61

It may be fair to state that the rise of the art of portraiture in medieval Italy owes much to this increasing legal attention to fama.10 One might also surmise that interest in classical Roman models—that is, sources for portraiture in ancient Roman sculpture—only wheited burgher temptation for vainglory. In any case, the public display of portraits of celebrities was a matter of no casual significance in the urban communities of the late Duecento and Trecento. In 1310, for instance, the Florentines offered their highest compliment to the visit-

ing Robert, king of Naples, by painting a full-length portrait of him on the facade of the headquarters building of the Guelph party.11 Not only was the portrait itself important in this sense, but where it was displayed. The “‘setting”’ of such honorific art, as Richard Trexler has noted, communicated to the view-

ing public more than the representation itself that here was a subject to be honored. 12 In the instance of King Robert’s portrait in 1310, the Guelph party building symbolized the political attitude of the Florentine government, oppos-

ing the power of the German emperor Henry VII, who was attempting to reinstall Ghibelline rule in Italy. The Florentines, in vain as it turned out, were seeking to enlist the French king of Naples in their struggle against the emperor. More often, of course, the church building served as the appropriate setting for portraits of fama. When the English condottiere Sir John Hawkwood (better known to his Florentine soldiers as Giovanni Acuto) died of old age in 1394, the commune decided to erect a monument “‘per fama,” as one chronicler noted, to the old warrior who had performed such good services to Florence.13 This monument was finally completed in 1435 by Paolo Uccello in the form of the huge fresco still extant in the interior of the Florentine Duomo. What the artist attempted to capture in this portrait was an image of dignity and great reserve. The old soldier is shown in armor astride his war horse, but neither rears up as in the turmoil of battle. Rather, Hawkwood is depicted reining his horse to a parade walk. He is a veritable icon of self-control, a symbol of nature tamed and the triumph of virtuous reason over unrestrained passion.1!4 to. On the development of the portrait in Italy, see Emil Schaeffer, Das Florentiner Bildnis (Munich, 1904); Harald Keller, ““Die Entstehung des Bildnisses am Ende des Hochmittelalters,”

Romisches Jahrbuch fiir Kunstgeschichte 3 (1939), 229-356; and Rab Hatfield, “Four Renaissance Portraits,’ Art Bulletin, 47 (1965), 315-335. 11. Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze 3:537. 12. Richard C. Trexler, ‘Ritual Behavior in Renaissance Florence: The Setting,” Medievalia et Humanistica, n.s. 4 (1973), 125-144. 13. Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli, Ricordi, ed. Vittore Branca (Florence, 1956), p. 316 (originally written between 1371 and 1421). 14. See Eve Borsook, “‘L’ ‘Hawkwood’ d’Uccello et la ‘Vie de Fabius Maximus’ de Plutarque,”’ Revue de l'art, 55 (1983), 44—52. In the same year in which Uccello painted his equestrian portrait of Hawkwood, the Florentine humanist Leon Battista Alberti finished the Latin and Italian editions of his treatise on painting, De pictura, the first Renaissance discussion of what we today would call

aesthetics. Alberti’s advice to the painter to invest his figures with dignitas and “pleasing and graceful movements” seems to have been taken by Uccello. Alberti urged painters especially to

62 Pictures and Punishment

From the last decades of the Duecento, through the Trecento and Quattrocento, Florentines watched artists become ever more able to adorn their pictures with convincing attributes of fama, not only in portraits of the living but even in the imagined likenesses of saints and ancient heroes. The people saw these representations as agreeable mixtures of the individual and the ideal, and they yearned to have themselves so portrayed. To have one’s likeness painted or carved, especially in proximity to one’s tomb, meant that all the virtues of the deceased would be preserved and enshrined for posterity. This desire may have reached its obsessive peak toward the end of the fifteenth century in the production of wax votive portrait statues. The sculptor Verrocchio and his assistants apparently earned a fortune in this enterprise. The Florentine church of Santissima Annunziata became so filled with these wax figures, some even dressed in the original clothes of the subjects, that they had to be hung from the ceiling and stacked against the walls.15 There is no need to argue further that the momentum gained by the new “realistic” art of Quattrocento Florence derived from the conviction that this style mirrored the virtue and fame, indeed the heroic Roman heritage, of the

Florentine people. This is particularly clear in the sculptures of Donatello, Ghiberti, and Nanni di Banco at Orsanmichele, the paintings of Masaccio and Masolino in the Brancacci Chapel, and the writings about painting, sculpture, and architecture by Leon Battista Alberti, all of which stress the didactic tmpor-

tance of the arts in providing models of nobility and honor for the viewing public.16 If this be so, how could Renaissance art in the same breath also be argued as serving to degrade and punish transgressors of these esteemed social values? How did the evolving “‘realism”’ of late Duecento, Trecento, and Quattrocento painting and sculpture lend itself to a judicial system still trying to relate the punishments for crime in this world to the eternal damnation of the sinful soul in the next? Just as Roman law, having been adapted to the local needs of the Italian communes, carefully spelled out the doctrine of fama, so also did it specify avoid “movements that are too violent” and representations of figures “that throw their limbs about a great deal’ because by doing so, artists ‘“‘cast aside all dignity in painting and copy the movements of actors.” The writer, of course, was presenting a theory of art which would have painting teach moral values. His concept of compositione in pictures had to do with the representation of forms which would induce a feeling of nobility and moral uplift and at the same time play down any appeal to the baser emotions or “‘extravagant artistic temperament.” See Cecil Grayson,

ed., Leon Battista Alberti ““On Painting’ and “On Sculpture’ (London, 1972), pp. 84-85. 15. Aby Warburg, “Bildniskunst und florentinisches Biirgertum,”’ Gesammelte Schriften (Lich-

tenstein, 1969), pp. 89-126 (originally published in Leipzig, 1902); also Julius von Schlosser, “Geschichte der Portratbildnerei in Wachs,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhochsten Kaiserhauses, 29 (1910/11), 171-258. 16. See, for instance, Frederick Hartt, ““Art and Freedom in Quattrocento Florence,” in Lucy Freeman Sandler, ed., Essays in Memory of Karl Lehmann (New York, 1965), pp. 114-131.

Effigies of Shame: The Trecento 6 3

infamia. Two kinds of infamy were recognized: de jure and de facto. Infamia de jure must be imposed by a court as specific sentence for a crime. It was often

related to the banishment and confiscation of the goods of an individual punished for crimes ranging from treason to nonpayment of debts.17 The legally

defamed culprit was forbidden to hold any public office or participate in any way in the affairs of the commune. Since infamia de jure was a decreed penalty, it could also be rescinded by the same judicial authority. Far more insidious then was infamia de facto. This meant loss of one’s good name for reasons beyond the victim’s capacity to correct, that is, from gossip and innuendo, local prejudices and neighborhood taboos. Certain persons were infamous de facto auto-

matically, by virtue of their religion, occupation, or status of birth: Jews, Mohammedans, prostitutes, actors, and executioners, for instance. So were the sons and daughters of those defamed de jure. A stain of infamy of either kind could destroy a family for generations by making it impossible to negotiate advantageous marriages and favorable business opportunities. 18 Most Italian city-states kept a ‘Book of Malefactors’’ in which were inscribed the names of all citizens infamous de jure. These would be read before the legislative sessions each year in order to ensure that the defamed would not slip back and reclaim their privileges.19 In Florence, this book was known as the 17. On infamia in Roman law, see Paul Krueger and Rudolph Schoell, eds. (with Theodor Mommsen), Codex iuris civilis (Berlin, 1892), lib. 2, tit. 11; Mommsen, Digesta, 1:pp. 81-86 (lib.

3, tit. 2); Antonio Pertile, Storia del diritto italiano 2d ed. (Rome/Naples/Milan, 1902), 5:359 (hereafter cited as Pertile, Storia del diritto); and Paullys Real-Encyclopddie der classischen Altertumwissenschaft (Stuttgart, 1916), 9: cols. 1537 ff. Concerning the application of infamia to the punishment of banishment, see Nello di San Gimignano, Tractatus de bannitis (Pescia, 1486), pt. 1,

fols. 32r-33v; Hans Planitz, “Der Schuldbann in Italien,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fiir Rechtsgeschichte, 65, Germanische Abteilung, 52 (1932), 134-259. 18. Concerning the lingering code of medieval honor still present among peoples of the Mediterranean world, see Jean G. Péristany, ed., Honour and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society (Chicago, 1966). See also John Kennedy Campbell, Honour, Family and Patronage: A Study of Institutions and Moral Values in a Greek Mountain Community (Oxford, 1964), for a remarkable observation of how the simple folk of a remote Greek village, untouched by the mores of the twentieth century, remain beholden to the old taboos of infamia just as if they lived in Trecento Florence; for example: “Each family faces the total community in a condition of dependence. The position it is able to occupy in public life, the quality of the marriage aliances it establishes, depend entirely on its social prestige, that is, they depend on the favourable response of enemies; or more accurately, on the inability of enemies effectively to denigrate a family’s reputation. Prestige and ‘name’ concern [the community] in every context of public action. ‘Better to lose your eye than your name,’ runs a common proverb. . . . Since the downfall of one family validates

and in some sense improves the status of other families, men attempt by every means of allusive gossip and criticism of conduct to deny each other their pretensions to honour. . . . The subtlety of gossip and ridicule as sanctions is that since they do not generally operate in his presence, they offer a man no excuse to do violent response. He may respond to the insult of an individual, but not to the laughter of the community which he senses but seldom hears” (pp. 270-272, 315). Concerning a relevant issue of honor and the taboos associated with its violation in early Renaissance Florence,

storiche, 10 (1980), 287-310.

see Thomas Kuehn, “Honor and Conflict in a Fifteenth-Century Florentine Family,” Ricerche 19. Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, 4.1:588—589; Pertile, Storia del diritto, 5:346.

64 Pictures and Punishment

Libro dei maleabiati. It had wooden covers decorated with the emblems of each of the four quarters of the city, and any magistrate sentencing a person to infamy had to report the name and circumstances to the keeper of the book within three days.20

Also related to infamy de facto and de jure were punishments of diminutio capitis, that is, punishments resulting in public humiliation for offences against the communal morality. This form of punishment meant that the culprit would be visibly shamed before his peers, often stripped naked and tied by an iron collar (called in Italian Ja gogna from vergogna or “‘shame’’) to a post in the middle of a busy market square. The place where this pillory once stood in Florence can still

be traced in the present Mercato Nuovo.21 The culprit would also be mitriato, that is, forced to wear a mitra or a foolscap of paper on which were inscribed his misdeeds,22 and to shout ‘‘Cedo bonis!” (I give up my possessions!).23 Sometimes the culprit would be driven through the streets and whipped, and sometimes he would be made to bear something symbolic of the crime.24 For instance, a man who pimped for his wife had to wear a two-horned cap;25 a butcher accused of cheating by short-weight must wear a pair of scales around his neck; a shrew 20. Joseph Kohler and G. degli Azzi, Das florentiner Strafrecht des 14. Jahrhunderts (Mannheim/Leipzig, 1910), pp. 198-199. 21. Pertile, Storia del diritto, 6: pt. 2, 386—387. In Padua there is still to be seen the pietra del vitupero where culprits were forced to stand humiliated before the public. See also Jacob Dopler, Theatri poenarum, suppliciorum et executionum criminalium, oder Schauplatzes der Leibes- und Lebenstrafen (Sondershausen, 1693), 1:738 (hereafter cited as Dopler, Theatri poenarum). 22. The origin of the mitra is discussed in Dépler, Theatri poenarum, 1:797—798; also p. 1135, where the author recounts how, in 1415, John Hus was led to the stake capped by a paper mitra bearing pictures of demons and the word haeresiarcha. This image of Hus is remarkably similar to that of condemned heretics painted by Pedro Berruguete (see fig. 6, above). In DuCange’s Glossarium madiae et infimae Latinatis (§: s.v. “‘mitra’’) is the following excerpt from the fourteenthcentury statutes of Mantua: ‘‘Falsum comittens qualibet vice in falsitate deprehensus et condemnatus aliquo ex casibus suprascriptis, si praesens fuerit, mitretur cum mitra papiri, in qua sit scriptum nomen et praenomen ipsius mitrati, et cognomen et agnomen, et causa qua sit mitratus, et per totam civitatem Mantuae ducatur per loca publica dictae civitatis et demum cum dicta mitra ad berlinam ponatur, in qua per totam diem resideat... .” 23. Pertile, Storia del diritto, 6: pt. 2, 386—387; also Dépler, Theatri poenarum, 1; 738; and Wolfgang Briickner, Bildnis und Brauch: Studien zur Bildnisfunktion der Effigies (Berlin, 1966), p. 286. During the late Middle Ages, hats were especially important in various punishments by humiliation. Convicted defrauders would be forced to wear a cap of special color so that people would everafter be forewarned of their character. Jews had to wear black, gray, or yellow caps. In antiquity, slaves were distinguished by wearing no hats at all. On the other hand, a red or brown hat distinguished a person of respect. It is interesting that hats denoting rank or office are often the only items of clothing allowed by medieval and Renaissance artists to sinners in hell. 24. Pertile, Storia del diritto, 5:346 ff.; also Georg Dahm, Das Strafrecht Italiens im ausgehenden Mittelalter: Untersuchung tiber die Beziehung zwischen Theorie und Praxis im Strafrecht des Spatmittelalters, namentlich in 14. Jahrhunderts, Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Strafrechtspflege, no. 3 (Berlin/Leipzig, 1931), 305-307. 25. Pertile, Storia del diritto, 5:346.

Effigies of Shame: The Trecento 65

would have a stone tied around her neck.26 These kinds of penalties remained popular in village societies even until recent times. (One thinks of Hester Prynne forced to wear her scarlet “‘A”’ for having committed adultery in Puritan Boston, Massachusetts.) Yet another form of ignominious punishment was to associate the culprit in a ludicrous way with an inferior beast. For example, he or she might be made to ride backward on an ass holding its tail like the reins of a horse.27 This image, suggesting a “world turned upside down,” was intended to degrade its victim by reversing the traditional shibboleth of the equestrian hero. Infamous persons

might also be forced to kiss the posterior of a pig.28 In fourteenth-century Florence, as the Guelphs fought to gain the upper hand from the Ghibelline magnati and their allies, punishments of ignominy were especially popular. In 1303, for instance, a Florentine judge condemned for having Ghibelline sympathies was made to dress as a peasant and then be dragged to his execution by a donkey.29 Obviously, punishments of this sort should in principle be more effective against upper-class transgressors than persons with little ‘“‘name’’ to

lose.30 /

Trecento Italians, even as they mocked their errant neighbors shivering at the pillory in the public square, naked except for a ridiculous mitra, were also aware that every sinner in hell, which one day might include themselves, could expect just such humiliation for all eternity. In 1304 the Florentine chronicler Antonio Pucci described an actual theatrical spectacle of hell performed in the city by zealous youths, actors dressed in black as devils with animallike fangs, pitching forkfuls of manure at human souls represented by inflated cow bladders.31 This event was staged on a barge in the Arno. So many people attended that the Ponte Carraia, the wooden bridge from which they were watching, collapsed into the river resulting in much injury and death. The chronicler did not relate these tableau-vivant images to contemporary communal punishments, but there is certainly much circumstantial evidence, including Dante’s own vision of the netherworld, which indicates a popular belief that a distinct parallel existed between temporal and eternal vindictive justice. Certainly painters of the period borrowed from local images of public chastisement for their own representations of the inferno in the Last Judgment. Taddeo di Bartolo frescoed an especially ribald assortment of such punishments in his scenes of hell in the 26. Ibid., 343 27. Ruth Mellinkoff, ‘““Riding Backwards: Theme of Humiliation and Symbol of Evil,” Viator,

4 (1973), 193-177. 28. Pertile, Storia del diritto, 5:341. 29. Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, 3:341. 30. Pertile, Storia del diritto, §:343, 420. 31. Antonio Pucci, Centiloquio, in Delizie degli eruditi toscani (Florence, 1785), 4: canto 31; also Villani, Cronica, bk. 8, chap. 70.

66 Pictures and Punishment

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member of his family ever challenged the city again. It could hardly have escaped Florentines during the decades of the 1440s, ’50s, and ’6os that the great styles of Florentine painting, of Giotto through his disciple ““Giottino,” and of Masaccio (“Giotto reborn’’) through his disciple Castagno, had patriotically served the city by humbling its arrogant enemies. Gino Masi transcribed another revealing Latin document from the Archivio di Stato of Florence, which I have reproduced and partially translated in Appen-

dix A. Masi published it without comment and with an erroneous date that confused later scholars. The document is a long provvisione or record of a deliberation in the Florentine signory from the year 1465, in which the priors of the city lament the fact that the old statute concerning the painting of defaming pictures of debtors is no longer being properly obeyed. They are particularly worried that pitture infamanti are not being displayed “openly and publicly” as the original law demanded. The signory goes on to assure itself that the statute had been passed “‘for the best of reasons, because certainly more people abstain from said bankruptcies for fear that they may be painted than for any other reason.”” However, the priors complain, wrongdoers at the present time are either not being painted at all, or their effigies are hidden in obscure locations where the public cannot see them. The deliberators then conclude by reaffirming the old law and ordering that defaulters have their defaming portraits painted also on the public facades of their private houses. The signory seems thus to admit that the traditional settings for these pictures, the Bargello and the Captain’s Palace, are no longer adequate. Gherardo Ortalli has interpreted this document as indicating how pitture infamanti were going out of fashion in the late Quattrocento.28 I would argue

instead that the signory’s concern in 1465 may have had more to do with popular artistic reaction to Andrea del Castagno’s famous defaming pictures of the Albizzi traitors that already filled a large space on the Bargello walls. We remember, after all, that the Palace of the Podesta in that year still exhibited from its street facades not only the eight grand effigies of the Albizzi but also ‘“Giottino’s” much heralded pitture infamanti of the duke of Athens and his gang. Moreover, these same walls may still in 1465 have shown some or all of the eleven defaming portraits painted of condottiere renegades in 1425. In any case, the Bargello by mid-century had become a veritable art as well as rogues’ gallery. One can even imagine the podesta conducting guided tours of his palace, showing off not only the city’s notorious traitors but paintings by some of its most famous artists. As Vasari recorded, people who “‘understood about painting” appreciated these frescoes for their naturalism and skillful poses. Indeed, the priors’ lament in 1465 may have been forced by podestarial reluctance to 28. Ortalli, La pittura infamante, pp. 74-75.

Effigies of Shame: The Quattrocento and Cinquecento 103

add pitture infamanti indiscriminately, especially if painted by inferior artists. _ The provvisione in the Archivio di Stato thus seems to acknowledge a new standard in the art of defaming portraits. These pictures were being judged by the populace as much for their artistic quality as for their intended official insult. Good art, the signory should have understood, was driving the bad from the Bargello walls. The last documented pittura infamante series painted in Florence during the

fifteenth century was displayed on the Palace of the Captain of the People, behind the Palazzo Vecchio, and by an artist every bit the equal of Andrea del Castagno. These portraits were of the notorious Pazzi traitors, the very defaming pictures that Vasari confused with those by “‘Andrea of the Hanged Men.”

For some reason the first art historian overlooked a statement in one of his regular sources, the Anonimo Magliabecchiano, which says that the painter was none other than Sandro Botticelli. Vasari’s confusion is understandable. We too can appreciate how Lorenzo de’ Medici must have been so impressed by the ability of Florentine artists like Andrea del Castagno, with their marvelous foreshortening

and chiaroscuro effects, to render such naturalistic likenesses as those of the Albizzi conspirators that he decided to go the earlier painter one better. First, Lorenzo ordered his enemies to be hanged in fact, and then he bade his artist, Botticelli, to copy their dangling bodies in fresco. Lorenzo may even have invented a new style of capital punishment to suit this occasion, which in turn inspired Botticelli’s art and even that of Leonardo da Vinci, as we shall see. After Cosimo d’Medici died in 1464, followed by the death of his heir Piero in 1469, the reins of the state passed to the hands of twenty-year-old Lorenzo, Piero’s oldest son. Several wealthy families of the city suspected that Medici

power had weakened, and they moved to test the young leader. The most unscrupulous and ambitious of these families was the Pazzi, whose assets included a close tie with the papacy in Rome. Both Pazzi and papal antagonism to the Medici reached a crisis eight years later when Lorenzo refused to acknowledge Pope Sixtus IV’s appointed archbishop to neighboring Pisa, Francesco Salviati. After much wrangling, the Pazzi entered into a pact with Salviati, and with the pope’s blessing they plotted to depose the Medici in a murderous coup, to take place on Sunday, April 26, 1478. After a dramatic confrontation in the Duomo of Florence, even as Archbishop Salviati attended High Mass with the Medici, Lorenzo’s brother Giuliano was stabbed to death, Lorenzo himself was slightly wounded, and Francesco de’Pazzi, one of the conspirators, painfully cut as he slashed away at Giuliano. But with failure to kill Lorenzo, the coup collapsed. Lorenzo quickly gained the upper hand. After resisting an assault on the Palazzo Vecchio, pro-Medici adherents rounded up most of the Pazzi conspirators including Archbishop Salviati. Lorenzo, enraged over the murder of his

104 Pictures and Punishment

brother, exacted a brutal revenge. During that same Sunday afternoon and for days and weeks following, dozens of the Pazzi and their allies, anyone with the slightest connection or suspicion of connection to the plot, were hanged by the neck from the windows of the Palazzo Vecchio and adjacent Palace of the Captain of the People. One of these victims was Archbishop Salviati, hanged from a window dressed in his official episcopal robes. Even though most of the conspirators had been captured and executed, Lorenzo decided on a further act of vengeance, to have them painted as pitture infamanti. This was an unprecedented action. Almost all pitture infamanti in Florence were of criminals still alive and away from the city in contempt of court. Lorenzo hired as his artist the painter most often associated with his reign, Sandro Botticelli. Still extant is the payment voucher for this commission: “Item ... [the otto della custodia] deliberated and paid Sandro Botticelli for his

work in painting the traitors; forty large florins.”29 The best record of what these frescoes contained, however, comes from the sixteenth-century Anonimo Magliabecchiano: [Botticelli] painted in 1478 on the facade where once was the jail above the

Doghana, Messer Jacopo, Francesco, and Renato de’Pazzi, and Messer Francesco Salviati, archbishop of Pisa, and the two Jacopo Salviatis; the one the brother and the other a kin of the aforesaid Messer Francesco, and Bernardo Bandini, all hanged by the neck, and Napoleone Francese hung by one foot, because they were involved in the plot against Giuliano and Lorenzo de’Medici; for which Lorenzo then composed epitaphs at the feet

of each... .3°

Aside from the remarkable fact that Botticelli was the painter, we learn also that the commission was completed within three months of the initial crime; that it was painted on the Palace of the Captain of the People (the original bargiello or ‘house of the jailer’) just behind the Palazzo Vecchio on the Via de’Gondi and

above the Dogana (torn down in 1495 and replaced by Il Cronaca’s Sala del 29. Milanesi, “Di Andrea del Castagno,” 5, n. 1: “Item servatis etc. deliberaverunt et stautiaverunt Sandro Botticelli pro eius labore in pingendo proditores flor. quadraginta largos.”’ 30. All known documents concerning Botticelli’s relationship to the Pazzi pitture infamanti are published in Herbert Horne, Alessandro Filipepi Commonly Called Sandro Botticelli, Painter of Florence (London, 1948). See also Ronald Lightbown, Sandro Botticelli, Life and Work (Berkeley, 1978), 1:47-49. The Anonimo Magliabecchiano document was also published in Cornelius Fabriczy, Il codice dell’Anonimo Gaddiano (Florence, 1895), pp. 71-72: “‘Dipinse nel 1478 nella facciata dove gia era il bargiello sopra la doghana, Messer Jacopo, Franco. et Rinato de Pazzi, et Messer Franco. Salviati archiveschovo di Pisa, et dui Jacopi Salviati, luno fratello et altro affine di detto Messer Franco., et Bernardo Bandini, impicchati per la gola, et Napoleone Franzesi impicchato per uno pie, che sitronorono nella congiura contro a Giuliano et Lorenzo de Medici, alli quali Lorenzo poi fece ai piedi li epitaffi, et infra l’altri a Bernardo Bandino che in questo modo diceva: ‘Son Bernardo Bandini un nuovo Giuda/Traditore micidiale in chiesa io fui/Ribello per aspettare morte pill cruda.’”

Effigies of Shame: The Quattrocento and Cinquecento 1O5

Cinquecento); and that for the first time in our history we have public depictions of culprits not just humiliated but dead. The Anonimo Magliabecchiano tells us that eight figures were painted, seven hanging by the neck and one by the foot. The seven whom Botticelli showed in such attitudes of death were the actual ones hanged from the windows of the

palace in the aftermath of the conspiracy. The lone conspirator described as hanging by his foot was Napoleone Francese, the only person in the plot who was never caught. As to the full measure of Lorenzo’s obsession to bring all the

conspirators to justice, the Anonimo’s account left out one absorbing detail. Perhaps the conspirator most reviled by Lorenzo was Bernardo di Bandino Baroncelli, one of the two assailants who had knifed his brother Giuliano (the other being Francesco de’Pazzi). In the confusion of the first days after the assassination, Bernardo, along with Napoleone Francese, managed to slip out of Florence. In the following year Bernardo was discovered in Constantinople, and Lorenzo spared no effort to have him extradited. He even persuaded the Muslim sultan to arrest Bernardo and send him back to Florence. At last, on December 29, 1479, Lorenzo had the pleasure of watching his brother’s murderer strangle at the end of a rope from the window of the Captain’s Palace, a ‘‘cruel death”

just as he promised this ‘new Judas” in the poem he had Botticelli inscribe under the original pittura infamante (see note 30 above). As an additional humiliation, Lorenzo ordered that Bernardo be hanged dressed as a pagan Turk. Before Bernardo’s capture, he too, along with Napoleone Francese, should

have been depicted as hanging by one foot in Botticelli’s pittura infamante according to the traditional manner of defaming criminals in contumaciam. After Bernardo’s capture, Botticelli—or someone else—must have then been ordered to correct the painting as finally described by the Anonimo. While there

is no clear evidence that Botticelli himself did not repaint Bernardo’s figure properly hanging by the neck, we do have a drawing now in the Musée Bonnat in Bayonne, France, by Leonardo da Vinci, which shows Bernardo (fig. 21) as described by the Anonimo.31 This is a picture clearly ritratto di naturale. Not only that, but the artist made written notes at the side in his inimitable reversed script that listed the colors of the victim’s bizarre garments, as if in preparation for a painting. Leonardo, it seems, was hoping to receive the commission himself for updating Botticelli’s defaming portrait gallery. However, there is no reason to believe that he was in any way responsible for the final version. 31. Leonardo’s handwriting accompanying the drawing of Bernardino is transcribed as follows: “‘berettino di tani, farsetto di raso nero, cioppa nera foderata, giubba turchina foderata di ghola de gholpe, el chollare della giubba soppannato di velluto appicci, lato nero e rosso, Bernardino di Bandino Baroncigli, chalce neri.” In the Libro dei giustiziati of the Confraternity of Santa Maria della Croce al Tempio (see Appendix B below), Bernardo’s execution is listed as no. 435 (1479): “Bernardo di Gio, di Bandino Baroncelli impiccato 28. dicembre pel caso di Lorenzo de Medici il quale Lorenzo fece veniva infine di Turchia legato con catene e vestito come Turco fu impiccato alle finestre e sepolto.”

106 Pictures and Punishment

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107

When Botticelli received the commission in the first place, he was no naive beginner as Andrea del Castagno had been. He was already a mature artist of thirty-four in 1478. Indeed, he had already exhibited special skills as a master of gory subject matter in his c. 1470 Judith and Holophernes panels now in the Uffizi. In spite of the graceful, ethereal style (to our modern eyes) of his later Primavera, Botticelli was regarded in his own time as a “virile” painter, and Lorenzo de’Medici apparently had no qualms about the artist’s ability to represent hanged men.32 Lorenzo de’Medici was not cast in the same bourgeois mold as his grandfather Cosimo. His own notion of fama was more like that of the arch-aristocrat Giangaleazzo Visconti. His pittura infamante instructions to Botticelli had no precedent in the history of the Florentine republic. Perhaps he sensed that the old defaming practice, especially after having been converted to “art” by Andrea del Castagno, had gone soft. In any case, Lorenzo was so moved to personal revenge that he instituted a completely new level of cruelty to the traditional modes of punishment. The execution itself of the Pazzi conspirators, by means of hanging from the windows of the Captains’s Palace, was unprecedented. According to contemporary sources, more than eighty persons were so hanged during the first few days of Lorenzo’s rage. The records of the Florentine Compagnia di Santa Maria della Croce al Tempio, the lay confraternity responsible for comforting

criminals on the way to execution, state that Lorenzo did not even allow his victims the customary last rites before their summary deaths.33 We are left finally to conclude that Botticelli painted effigies of these hanging victims not so much for public edification but so Lorenzo, personally, could relish the images of his enemies suffering.

Whatever the Florentines in the street thought of this display of princely retaliation, we do have record of one interesting response from Pope Sixtus IV in Rome, who, at the moment Botticelli was engaged in the painting, declared war on Lorenzo and imposed an interdict on Florence. Sixtus was especially incensed about the treatment of his nephew and his private secretary caught in the plot, and of the ignominious, shameful execution of Archbishop Salviati of Pisa.34 32. Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy (London, 1972), p. 2.6.

33. See Chapter 4, note 30 below. 34. Agnolo Poliziano, Lorenzo’s poet-in-residence, wrote a vicious Latin epigram about Francesco Salviati, describing how the archbishop was hanged out the window wearing his mitra— the badge simultaneously of his bishop’s office and of his shame (published in Giovanni Adimari, ed., Angeli Politiani V.Cl. Conjurationis Pactianae 1478 Commentarium [Naples, 1769], pp. 51— 52): “Quid tam furta doles, laqueus cum gestiat? Heu, heu! Salviatum eripuit celsa fenestra

meum./Salviatus Mitrae sceleratus honore superbit./Et quemquam coelo credimus esse Deum? /Scilicet haec scelera, hoc artes meruere nefandae?/ At laqueo en pendet. Estis io superi./Et laqueum, et gestans rutilum fortuna galerum,/Utrum, inquit, mavis, accipe Salviate. /Respondit: sat Mitra caput decet. Ipsa quid inde/Conveniat collo tu quoque caeca vides.”

108 Pictures and Punishment

This latter was an intolerable stain on the Church, made worse by the archbishop’s pittura infamante. Of the twenty-four conditions that the pope proposed to Lorenzo in order for peace to be restored, number two on his list was that the painted effigy of the archbishop be erased. In 1480 peace was reestablished, and, in accordance with the treaty, Archbishop Salviati’s scurrilous portrait—but not those of the other conspirators—was dutifully ““depainted.”’35 Pope Sixtus apparently harbored no grudge against the painter of these insults to his Church, for in the very year of the treaty he hired Botticelli among others to come to Rome and decorate his new Sistine Chapel. While Pope Sixtus IV was much concerned that art should serve politics (the Sistine Chapel commission was intended to propagandize in favor of the Petrine succession), he apparently did not worry about the politics of his individual artists. In 1494, after the Medici family had been driven from power by an aroused populace (who finally realized that Lorenzo, recently deceased in 1492, had all but destroyed the city’s ancient republican tradition), all remaining pitture infamanti of Medici enemies were erased. If, as Cambi and Nardi claimed (see note 20 above), the defaming portraits of the Albizzi clan were among those “‘cancelled”,—meaning they were still on the Bargello walls until this late date—then we do have evidence that the old insulting art had lost much of its bite by the end of the Quattrocento. In fact, the Albizzi family was back in favor in Florence by 1486, and one of its female members, in spite of her relatives’ continuing painted humiliation, was recruited into marriage with the Tornabuoni, close allies of the

Medici. |

Nonetheless, after 1494 the people were happy to destroy any pictorial symbol of Medici domination. Even the wax funereal images of the family in Santissima Annunziata were systematically defiled.36 Oddly enough, only the crumbling Trecento pitture infamanti of the duke of Athens and his henchmen were allowed to remain on the cleansed Bargello facades. Even though the Medici had taken advantage of these ancient political pictures to contrast their own benev-

olent rule, Florentines in 1494 reversed the association. Walter of Brienne’s defaming portrait was recharged once again as an effigy of Florence’s shame, ever reminding the people of their weakness before the blandishments of tyranny.37 35. Published in Sigismondo dei Conti da Foligno, Le storie de’suoi tempi dal 1475 al 1510 (Rome, 1883), 1:388: “Item cum per eosdem oratores oblatum fuerit quod pictura, et imagines illorum deleantur de ipsorum Florentinorum palatio, ad quod per eamdem Sanctitatem responsum est: illud esse debitum, et quod sit honori suo consulere, propterea placet Suae Sanctitati ut cum effectu id faciant.’’ Concerning other documentation of the erasing of Salviati’s defaming portrait in response to the treaty, see Lightbown, Botticelli, 2:215. 36. For more on such Florentine iconoclasm, see Richard C. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence (New York, 1980), pp. 118-128. 37. One reason why the duke of Athens’s defaming portrait was not erased with all other pitture infamanti in 1494 was that the Medici overthrow was equated with the duke’s own

Effigies of Shame: The Quattrocento and Cinquecento LO9

With the demise of the Medici, the city did enjoy a few more years of republican renovatio. Traditional—but unfortunately by now anachronistic— institutions were restored as Florence tried to relive its sentimental past, ignoring certain harsher realities of the changing world. It is ironic that just as Savonarola was enjoining the city to trust in the religious fundamentalism of the Middle Ages, Machiavelli was trying, in vain, to awaken his fellow citizens from their political naiveté. On the other side, however, even in exile the Medici were not

asleep. They managed to rebuild their power around Cardinal Giovanni, Lorenzo’s second son, who led the family triumphantly back to Florence in 1512. In the following year, Cardinal Giovanni was elected Pope Leo X, and the once-proud republic on the Arno was reduced to the ignominy of a papal state. But suddenly, when the second Medici pope, Clement VII, was diverted from his suzerainty over Florence by the sack of Rome in 1527, Florentines jubilantly declared their republican independence once again. From 1527 until 1530, the

Tuscan commune lived in giddy conviction that if its citizens really purified themselves as Savonarola once admonished, then angels would miraculously appear and protect Florence from all harm. Jesus was thereupon proclaimed King of the City. The painting of the Madonna of Impruneta, that thirteenthcentury miracle-working icon to which Florentines traditionally prayed for rain,

was brought into the city proper, an unheard of—and unlucky—precedent. Dress styles even reverted to a less modish, more spartan taste. Thus was launched the “Last Florentine Republic,”’ so movingly detailed by Cecil Roth.38

For two years Pope Clement VII tolerated this insurrection against Medici authority. Finally, in 1529, he decided to end the nuisance. He borrowed a Spanish army from his new ally, the Holy Roman emperor, and dispatched it to lay siege to his native city. What treachery! A Florence-born pope attacking his own people with foreign mercenaries! “Papa Clemente, il papa che mente” (Pope Clement, the pope who lies!), the people chanted.39 During the first summer and autumn, the Florentine forces did earn some heady successes. Michelangelo lent his own mighty abilities to the city’s inflated cause by redesigning the fortifications on the south. His recently sculpted David, now grown more gigantic than the unseen Goliath, was an obvious republican reference that must have abetted everyone’s superiority complex. So sure of themselves were the people that they arrogantly played soccer in open view of the Spanish gunners.49 One bold youth unfurled a large banner with the pope’s downfall; Walter of Brienne’s scurrilous Trecento portrait thus became a timely monument to the infamy of the Medici; see Ronald M. Steinberg, Fra Girolamo Savonarola, Florentine Art, and Renaissance Historiography (Athens, Ohio, 1977), pp. 103-106. 38. Cecil Roth, The Last Florentine Republic (London, 1925).

39. Ibid., p. 208. 40. Ibid., p. 201.

IIo Pictures and Punishment

insignia in plain sight of the enemy, and then exposed himself before it.41 One Vettorio di Buonaccorso Ghiberti, descendant of the famous Lorenzo, painted a private pittura infamante of sorts on the door of one of Florence’s militia headquarters, showing the pope on a gallows’ ladder.42 But such bravado could hardly last. As winter arrived, the harsher realities of military siege began to be felt in the city. Shortages of food and fuel wore away the thin patriotism of many citizens. Defections increased. Even Michelangelo went into hiding in order to escape Medici-paid assassins who had filtered into Florence.43 The signory began to publish lists of punishments for all persons suspected of waffling in their allegiance. As a last-ditch weapon with which to shame the inconstant, the government revived the pittura infamante punishment, unused in Florence since the Pazzi conspiracy. The signory was still dependent on mercenaries to bolster the city’s sagging defenses. As usual, these condottieri could only be relied upon when weather was good, victory easy, and reward high. As prospects for Florence’s ultimate triumph looked increasingly gloomy, the condottieri were less enthusiastic. On February 2, 1529, three of these captains, Cecco and Jacopantonio Orsini and Giovanni da Sessa, sent to guard peasants gathering firewood outside the walls, suddenly slipped away to join the enemy, taking all their troops and even, it was alleged, the army’s payroll.44 A few days later, three other members of prominent Florentine families also decided to abandon the cause.45 The signory reacted immediately. Three sets of defaming effigies were to be set up. One of these commissions was awarded to a certain Sandro di Lorenzo the ‘“‘sculptor’’ to make rag dummies of the defecting condottieri. These were to

be hung, each by the foot, on the hill of San Miniato and faced toward the Giramonte, the bastion the three captains allegedly intended to betray. Each also was to be labeled with ‘“‘epitaphs’’ attached to head and feet.46 This is a rare 41. Ibid., p. 208. 42. Benedetto Varchi, Storia fiorentina (originally written in Florence, c. 1565); see the Milan, 1845, edition, 1:492: “[Ghiberti] dipinse nella facciata della principal camera della casa (del signor Giovanni, il gonfalone lion d’oro), papa Clemente in abito pontificale e col regno in testa, in sulla scala delle forche, al quale fra Niccolé della Magna a guisa di giustiziere dava la spinta, lacopo Salviati a uso di battuto gli teneva la tavoluccia innanzi agli occhi, e l’imperadore a sedere con una

spada ignuda in mano, che in sulla punta aveva scritto queste parole: Amice, ad quid venisti? laccenava. Dispiacevano queste tali troppo licenziose e malvage scicchezze a’ pitt prudenti, ma eglino non ardivano, non che correggerle, biasimarle.”’ 43. The interesting story of Michelangelo’s hiding in Florence in 1530 is given in Alessandro Parronchi, “Michelangelo al tempo dei lavori di San Lorenzo in una ‘ricordanza’ del Fiogiovanni,” Paragone, 175 (1964), 13-22. 44. Varchi, Storia fiorentina, 2:19~—20. The allegation that the three captains stole the payroll is not made by Varchi but by Vasari; see’ Vasari-Milanesi, 5:53, and 6:63. 45. Luigi Passerini, Curiosita storico-artistiche fiorentine (Florence, 1866), p. 30, n. I. 46. Varchi, Storia fiorentina, 2:20: “ed essi contraffatti di cenci furono impiccatti per un pié sul puntone dell’orto di San Miniato, colla faccia volta verso Giramonte, con due scritte a lettere

Effigies of Shame: The Quattrocento and Cinquecento TI.

instance of official defaming “‘sculpture,”’ yet it indicates that some people still believed that the more “‘in-the-round”’ the effigy, the more efficacious the in-

sult.47 The other two sets of pitture infamanti were more traditional, to be painted on the facades of prominent public buildings. The three citizen traitors were to be displayed on the Bargello, and the three captains, already defamed

with hanging dummies, were to be painted either on the Mercanzia or the Condotta. Both of these painted pittura infamante commissions may have been awarded to Andrea del Sarto, the most distinguished artist after Michelangelo then living in Florence. Andrea was an outspoken patriot and devoted his life and honor to the Commune cause. Still, as Vasari described, the painter was reluctant to take on this job: During the siege of Florence, there had fled with the pay some captains of the city. Andrea was requested to paint on the facade of the Palazzo del Podesta and in the Piazza [Signoria] not only the said captains but also some citizens who had fled and were made rebels. He said he would do them, but he didn’t wish to acquire, as Andrea del Castagno, the nickname “of the Hanged Men.” So he let it be known that one of his garzone, called Bernardo del Buda, was doing them. He made a large turret that he entered

and left only at night; he would paint those figures in a manner that appeared as if they were alive and natural. The soldiers who were painted in the Piazza, on the facade of the old Mercanzia near the Condotta, have

been covered with white for many years so they cannot be seen; and similarly the citizens, which he finished by his hand on the Palazzo del Podesta, were destroyed.*® grandicelle per ciascuno, una da pié, nella quale era scritto il nome e cognome di esso, e una da capo la quale diceva: PER FUGGITIVO, LADRO E TRADITORE.” John Shearman, Andrea del Sarto (Oxford,

1965), 2:402, has published the pay voucher for the above: “‘1o febbraio, 1529 . . . Spese—lire 46, cioé lire 34.15 a Sandro di Lorenzo scultor per haver formati di paglo li 3 capitani si partirno con le compagnie et andaronsene nel campo del nimici con putatoni drento oltre allo suo fatico li vestimenti et mascheroni conperati per formaveli su, lire 8.16 a Giovanni d’Antonfrancesco dipintor per 6 epitaffi messi dappie et dacapo alli prefati 3 capitani formati come disopra et lire 2 soldi 9 a duo persone per le quali si feciono apichar a bastioni.”” Shearman lists this document under the modern

dating system, that is, 1530 rather than 1529 Florentine style. 47. Concerning the medieval belief that three-dimensional effigies might have greater “‘magical” power than two-dimensional pictures, see Ortalli, La pittura infamante, pp. 122-123. 48. Vita of Andrea del Sarto in Vasari-Milanesi, 5:53—54: “Erano, per l’assedio di Firenze, fuggitisi con le paghe alcuni capitani della citta; onde essendo richiesto Andrea di dipingere nella facciata del palazzo del Potesta ed in piazza non solo detti capitani, ma ancora alcuni cittadini fuggiti e fatti ribelli, disse che gli farebbe; ma per non si acquistare, come Andrea del Castagno, il cognome deg]l’Impiccati, diede nome di fargli a un suo garzone, chiamato Bernardo del Buda. Ma fatta una turata grande, dove egli stesso entrava e usciva di notte, condusse quelle figure di maniera, che parevano coloro stessi vivi e naturali. I soldati che furono dipinti in piazza, nella facciata della Mercatanzia vecchia vicino alla Condotta, furono gia sono molt’anni coperti di bianco, perché non si vedesseno; e similmente i cittadini, che egli fini tutti di sua mano nel palazzo del Potesta, furono guasti.” The ““Mercatanzia’’ mentioned by Vasari was the building, still standing along the eastern flank of the Piazza Signoria just to the rear and north of the Palazzo Vecchio by the Via de’Gondi (today the Conzorzio Agrario of Tuscany), which once was the government headquarters of guild

I1I2 Pictures and Punishment

A payment voucher made out to Bernardo del Buda for painting the three captains still exists, proving a Vasari anecdote for once correct.49 However, this voucher does not mention the three private citizens depicted on the Bargello; neither does another account of the same story by the sixteenth-century historian Benedetto Varchi,5° nor indeed does yet another anecdote by Vasari himself

wherein he mentions how the sculptor-architect Il Tribolo made three wax figures in-the-round so Andrea del Sarto could use them as models for the

hanging captains.51 ,

The set of defaming portraits of the three citizen defectors on the Bargello are mentioned in a number of documents,52 but none save Vasari gives the name of the artist. Varchi, however, best describes the pictures: administration. This Mercanzia, as it is better known, was contiguous with the Condotta, the government office of mercenary military affairs. According to another pay voucher published by Shearman (Andrea del Sarto, 2:402), the three captains were frescoed on the Condotta and not the Mercanzia. Similarly, the payment voucher to Bernardo del Buda (see note 49 below) also specifies the Condotta. Since the Condotta, not the Mercanzia, was one of the traditional settings for pitture infamanti, especially of turncoat condottieri, it seems that Vasari as well as Varchi erred (see note 50 below) and should have identified Andrea del Sarto’s paintings with this building.

49. Ibid., 54, n. 1; found and published by Milanesi: “E deono dare addi iiti aprile scudi diciotto d’oro di sole per loro, a Bernardo di Girolamo dipintore per aver dipinto per traditori tre capitani alla Chondotta per commissione de nostri signori X, cioé Lucha Giovanni da Sessa, Jachopantonio Orsino e Ceccho Orsino.” 50. Varchi, Storia fiorentina, 2: p. 20: “‘e oltra questo furono fatti dipingere nella facciata della Mercatanzia vicino alla Condotta, dove si vede ancora il bianco e lo scancellato, in nome da Bernardo del Buda discepolo d’Andrea del Sarto, ma in fatto da esso Andrea, il quale non si voleva acquistare né nimista di persona, né soprannome di dipintore d’impiccati, e furono dipinti cosi vivi | e naturali, che chiunque gli aveva pure una sola volta veduti, gli riconosceva subitamente. 51. Vita of Il Tribolo in Vasari-Milanesi, 6:63: ‘‘e per Andrea del Sarto suo amicissimo (Tribolo fece) tre figure di cera tonde, delle quali esso Andrea si servi nel dipigner in fresco e ritrarre di naturale in piazza presso alla Condotta tre capitani, che si erano fuggiti con le paghe, appiccati per un piede.”’

52. Three of these documents are given below as published in Passerini, Curiositd, p. 30, n. I: “13 februarii 1529... Alessandro Corsini seguita al male: egli é ribelle, e ribelle si faccia: e perché e sia exemplo a tutti gli altri, perché e’non ha casa da stracciare, giudico che fra quindici di sia dipinto per traditore al palagio del Potesta, accio gli altri imparino da lui. “3 marzo, 1529... El nome di Dio repetito. giudico che a Taddeo Guiducci sia dato bando di ribelle colla confiscatione dei beni sua secondo la legge, e perché e’non ha casa in Firenze che sia sua, per non se gli poter stracciare, sia dipinto al palagio del Potesta. allato a Alessandro Corsini nel modo che sta decto Alexandro.” “To marzo, 1529... Sopra la querela di Pierfranceco Ridolfi, di che oggi si tracta, io giudico che come inimico capitalissimo della sua citta et inimico di questa santissima liberta come sempre

fu, pertanto lo giudico in pena et bando di rubello con tutte le prohibitioni dei ribelli come permettono le vostre legge, et di pitt che e’sia dipinto al palazzo del Potesta impiccato per uno pié allato a Taddeo Guiducci infra 15 di come traditore della Patria col bleve del suo nome appié a lectere grosse.”’ Uccelli, Palazzo del Podesta, p. 174, adds an interesting detail: a reprisal by Corsini and some of his friends against the scaffolding and painting materials set up before the Bargello for frescoing the pitture infamanti. ““Addi 24 febbraio, 1529 in la sera di Berlinghaccio essendo al Palago del Potesta 1.° palco fatto per dipingnervi, Alexandro di Gherardo Corsini passo di quivi a hore sei, Philippo di Ser Lorenzo Cioli, Agnolo di Francesco Allegri e Piero... . Ser Franceschi

attacharono fuocho a una tela che era a detto palcho; di che arse la tela et una parte del

palcho....”

Effigies of Shame: The Quattrocento and Cinquecento 113

On Easter morning it was discovered that three citizens were painted on the Palazzo del Podesta: Alessandro di Gherardo Corsini in a long coat and cappuccio, Taddeo di Francesco Guiducci, blind in one eye and dressed in the same clothing, and Pierfrancesco di Giorgio Ridolfi hung by one foot. Each had inscriptions with his name and the name of his family at the bottom, and these words in large letters: FOR THE TRAITOR TO HIS COUNTRY.>3

In this commission, only one of the figures seems to have been painted upside down. The other two were shown standing upright and dressed in derogatory

costumes, that is, deliberately archaized in the manner of Trecento pitture infamanti. It was for one or both of these sets of defaming portraits during 1529-1530 that Andrea del Sarto prepared the seven figure drawings with which we opened our discussion in Chapter 2 (figs. 22-27). Not only are these drawings the sole

evidence we have concerning the last painting commissions of the doomed Florentine republic, but they also manage to give us some indication of why the defaming art altogether went out of fashion. John Shearman in his monograph on Andrea del Sarto has suggested a grouping of the drawings that will help us

understand how the painter thought about these frescoes that, according to Vasari, caused him such embarassment.54 It is an intriguing aesthetic question:

just how could Andrea, this quintessential master of the High Renaissance, create beautiful art from a commission that was supposed to bring insult and humiliation upon its subjects? Figures 22 and 23 seem to have been the earliest preparatory studies. The former shows a hanging nude; the latter shows the figure in the same pose but clothed. We also know that the sculptor-architect Tribolo, close friend of Andrea del Sarto, made wax models of the hanging captains in order that the painter might better realize their unusual postures di naturale. The use of wax figurines as anatomical guides was becoming widespread among artists by the sixteenth century.55 In any case, figure 22 is a careful anatomical study clearly dependent on a model. Both it and the clothed version are depicted as lighted

from the left side, a common Renaissance studio practice, as Shearman has pointed out.5¢é 53. Warchi, Storia fiorentina, 2:39: ““La mattina della pasqua di Resurresso si scoprirono tre cittadini dipinti nella facciata del palagio del potesta: Alessandro di Gherardo Corsini in mantello e cappuccio, Taddeo di Francesco Guiducci, cieco da un occhio nel medesimo abito, e Pierfrancesco di Giorgio Ridolfi impiccato per un pié, ognuno de’quali aveva scritto a pié il nome e casato suo in un breve, il quale diceva a lettere da speziali: PER TRADITORE DELLA PATRIA.”

54. Shearman, Andrea del Sarto, 1:161—162. 55. Laurie Fusco, ““The Use of Sculptural Models by Painters in Fifteenth-Century Italy,” Art Bulletin, 64 (1982), 175-195. 56. Shearman, Andrea del Sarto, 1:162.

II4 Pictures and Punishment

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What we have here, as in the even more ‘developed detail by Ambrogio Lorenzetti in his c. 1338 Allegory of Good Government in Siena (fig. 7), is a personification of “Distributive Justice,’ who, according to Saint Thomas Aquinas, “gives to each what his rank deserves . . . good and bad, honor and shame.’’! In Giotto’s charming representation of this abstract concept, Iusticia rewards the

good with a crown and punishes the bad by “removing” the crown, that is, decapitating the wrongdoer. In Ambrogio’s more complex Siena variant, Commutative Justice does all the rewarding, while Distributive Justice alone does the punishing. Close examination of this detail in the Palazzo Pubblico fresco shows

Distributive Justice in the pan in the right hand of Justitia, simultaneously beheading one person who kneels before her and ripping a crown from the head of another. Ambrogio emphasized this latter action by painting tension lines in the cloth bonnet that holds the crown around the victim’s chin; Distributive Justice

tries to pull it loose in what appears to be an awkward divestiture ceremony.? Both victims of Distributive Justice’s retribution in Ambrogio’s fresco have swords that indicate they are members of the upper, perhaps magnate, class. Implicit in this painting, therefore, is the message that beheading, as a form of legal punishment, symbolizes the taking away of rank, that is, the crown. Only members of the upper classes could wear the ‘‘crown” in the first place. When 1. The “Summa Theologica” of Saint Thomas Aquinas, literally translated by the Fathers of the English Dominican Province (London, 1918), pt. 1, QQ 1-26 (Q. 21), p. 298. For a more detailed analysis of the iconography of Giotto’s Iusticia, see Jonathan B. Riess, ‘Justice and the Common Good in Giotto’s Arena Chapel Frescoes,” Arte cristiana, 42, no. 701 (1984), 69—81. 2. I believe the reason Ambrogio reversed the “good” and ‘‘bad” side of Iustitia in his Siena Allegory once again had to do with composition. By placing the rewarding action of Commutative Justice in Iustitia’s left hand, he included the two figures receiving money and arms among the other benefits of Siena to the proper right of Buon Comune. Had the artist not done this, the two malefactors, whom Distributive Justice decapitates and decrowns, would have appeared incongruously at Good Government’s right hand. For further detailed study, see Edna Southard, The Frescoes in Siena’s Palazzo Pubblico, 1289-1539: Studies in Imagery and Relations to Other Communal Palaces in Tuscany (New York, 1979); also Selma Pfeiffenberger, The Iconology of Giotto’s Virtues and Vices at Padua (University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Mich., 1966), pp. V24— V37. In another recent and especially perceptive article, Robert Smith (‘“‘Giotto: Artistic Realism, Political Realism,” Journal of Medieval History, 4 [1978], 267—284), has pointed out that Giotto’s Arena Chapel Iusticia is seated upon a pointed-arch, gothic-style throne, while her counterpart vice, Iniusticia, painted directly opposite on the other side of the chapel nave (and thus to the left of Jesus

in the entrance-wall Last Judgment), is enthroned before a cracked and crumbling Romanesque gate with battlements. Iusticia’s more ‘““modern”’ gothic setting, according to Smith, represents the

new Guelph order of communal republicanism supported by the pope, while Iniusticia, whom Giotto depicted as a devilish-looking man, symbolizes the old rejected Ghibelline rule of the barons.

Indeed, the crenelated wall before which he sits is reminiscent of the fortified palaces of the Ghibelline lords. If this analogy is correct, then it is the first example I know of where an earlier and later architectural style are not only contrasted by a painter but given iconographical meaning: the

earlier style symbolizing that which is bad and passé, while the newer indicating the good and progressive. That late medieval painters were prone to make such connections, at least by 1325, has

been shown by Panofsky; see his Early Netherlandish Painting (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), 1: 135-137.

128 Pictures and Punishment

they failed in their duties, their peers performed poena capitis upon them, “punishment of the head’’—capital punishment. Because of this picturesque symbolism, kings, queens, and nobles accused of treason were generally beheaded. Vespasiano da Bisticci, the genteel Florentine

bibliophile, recorded in his Quattrocento Vite de’uomini illustri with some bemusement how his former friend the Englishman John Tiptoft, the duke of Worcester, was executed for treason in 1470. The aristocratic Tiptoft asked ‘‘to die as kings had died,” noted Vespasiano, and the scaffold was thereupon covered with tapestries, carpets, and ornaments. Tiptoft then bade the headsman take off his head with three strokes “in honor of the Holy Trinity.”’3 On the other hand, hanging by the neck was the punishment reserved for vulgar disturbers of the public peace. Let us turn again to Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s fresco, this time to another detail from Good Government in the Country (fig. 29). Here we observe again a female personification, Securitas, flying above the city gate of Siena looking out toward the surrounding countryside. Security, as

distinct from Justice, represents the right of common citizens to enjoy their livelihoods within the commune free from harm by criminal foreigners. She holds an inscribed scroll in one hand and in her other, a miniature gallows from which

hangs a blindfolded man, his coat blowing in the wind. If Justice within the commune promises to behead anyone who violates her public trust, then Security without the city gate will hang any criminal who dares to threaten the peace of Siena’s indigenous population. This message is proclaimed on her banner: Without fear, let each man freely walk, And working let everyone sow, While such a commune This lady will keep under her rule

, Because she has removed all power from the guilty.4 This concept of Securitas passed unchanged from the medieval city republics of Italy to the ‘‘law and order”’ of the American ‘““Wild West,” as Lynn White, Jr.,

has wonderfully documented. Hanging thus became the traditional punishment for hostile outsiders who would disturb the fragile peace of frontier civilization.5 Such emphasis on the visual imagery of capital punishment, however, goes all 3. See Myron Gilmore, ed., Vespasiano: Renaissances, Princes, Popes, and Prelates; the Vespasiano Memoirs, Lives of Illustrious Men of the Fifteenth Century (New York, 1963), pp. 337—

338 William M. Bowsky, A Medieval Italian Commune: Siena under the Nine, 1287-1355 (Berkeley, 1981), p. 290 5. Lynn White, Jr., “The Legacy of the Middle Ages in the American Wild West,” Speculum, 40 (1965), I9I—201.

Images of Public Execution 129

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the way back to pagan antiquity. Edgar Wind reminds us of how sacral was public execution of criminals in antique times and how the ancient executioners made use of cosmic symbols, such as the wheel signifying the sun, or the cross representing the coordinates of the omphalos, the “navel of the universe,” or the quartering of the victim’s body and posting each part toward a cardinal direc-

tion. The condemned criminal was thus offered as sacrifice to the gods.¢ In antiquity, in both Latin and Germanic Europe, capital punishment was performed always out of doors so all the gods could see. Public execution in the Christian era may not have been considered quite so sacral as in pagan times, yet the Christian criminal was still seen as affronting God’s laws just as surely as he had abused the civil codes. His punishment was determined not only for societal revenge or even as a deterrent to others, but as an act of penance for the salvation of his own sin-stained soul.7 Therefore, if the condemned entered into his physical suffering on the scaffold with dignity and decorum, appearing brave but penitent like a stoic Christian martyr, then God might be impressed enough to grant redemption in the hereafter. With similar logic, the secular authorities felt a responsibility in the sight of God to show that law and order in the community was ever in harmony with the divine master plan. People believed that harm would surely befall any community in which the citizenry tolerated something “unnatural.” They lived in dread that some fool might single-handedly jeopardize them all through a stupid act of sacrilege, and no crime, as poor Rinaldeschi discovered, drew such violent reaction as that of blaspheming a sacred icon.

Official public punishment was often meted out less for its own obvious 6. Edgar Wind, “The Criminal God,” Journal of the Warburg Institute, 1 (1937/38), 243—245. See also Theodor Mommsen, Romisches Strafrecht (Leipzig, 1899), and Karl von Amira, Die germanischen Todesstrafen: Untersuchung zur Rechts- und Religionsgeschichte, Abhandlung der Bayrischen Akademie der Wissenschaften; Philosophische, philologische, und historische Klasse, 31, vol. 3 (Munich, 1922), 198—235. Friedrich Nietzsche, in his On the Geneology of Morals, second essay, section 6, points out with devastating insight the innate human enjoyment at seeing cruelty inflicted; indeed, its close association with festivals among primitive peoples and its outright “deification”’ in higher cultures: “It is not long since princely weddings and public pageants of the more magnificent kind were unthinkable without executions, torturings, or perhaps an auto-da-fé, and no noble household was without creatures upon whom one could heedlessly vent one’s malice and cruel jokes.”’ Sir James Frazer has also devoted an entire volume of his classic study, The Golden Bough, to this phenomenon (vol. 9, The Scapegoat [London, 1913], esp. chap. 8 on the festival of Saturnalia). 7. This very thought was expressed by Bartolomeo d’Angelo in his Ricordo del ben morire (Brescia, 1589), pp. 364-365: ‘“‘A quelli che dicono che ’| suo delitto non meritava tanto, a’ quali si

respondera che egli é vero, ma che Dio vuole cosi per darli purgatorio in questa vita presente d’alcuni altri suoi peccati et che ancora Christo e tanti martiri morirono innocentemente.’”’ See also Alberto Tenenti, I/ senso della morte nel Rinascimento (Milan, 1957), pp. 347 and 368; and further

in Georg Dahm, Das Strafrecht Italiens im ausgehenden Mittelalter: Untersuchung tber die Beziehung zwischen Theorie und Praxis im Strafrecht des Spdtmittelalters, namentlich in 14. Jabrbunderts, Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Strafrechtspflege, no. 3 (Berlin/Leipzig, 1931), 287.

Images of Public Execution 131

cruelty than for the symbolic image it engendered in the minds of both the condemned and the observing populace. Careful hierarchies of punishments thus evolved which fit either the social station of the culprit or the nature of the crime. Not only should they express revenge for the result of the crime (an eye for an eye), but they were expected also to mirror the actual criminal act. For example, a blasphemer might have his tongue cut out, a fugitive his foot cut off,

or a forger lose his writing hand.8 Dante applied this doctine in a famous passage in the Inferno. In Canto 28, the poet and Virgil encounter Bertrand de

, Born, condemned to remain forever decapitated. In life, Bertrand fomented dissent between King Henry II of England and his son. Thus Bertrand must suffer this torture because separating father and son is like cutting the head from the body. “‘You see in me this retaliation [contrappasso],”’ Dante has Bertrand

woefully complain. ,

There was also another visual aspect of decapitation which made it especially significant to Christians. Except in insular England and a few other unsophisti- © cated places, the usual procedure in continental beheading was not for the victim to place his or her head on a block (where it would be cut off by a headsman swinging a cleaverlike axe in the manner of splitting wood), but rather to assume a posture as if kneeling in prayer. The headsman would then strike the victim’s neck upright and from behind, swinging a long, heavy sword in the manner of a baseball bat. Such an image of the condemned, actually appearing to be implor-

ing for divine mercy at the moment of the fatal blow was poignant in the extreme. Artists in particular were moved by it, and hundreds of pictures were painted in late medieval and Renaissance Europe of Christian saints being martyred in this way. Indeed, the image of the martyr, preferably a young female, kneeling in fervent prayer while a cruel male executioner prepares to let loose his terrible sword, was one of the most moving in all of Christian art. Its peculiar power owed to the very basic human elements revealed in utter simplicity, good and evil personified as if in cosmic combat. We may appreciate just how compelling this potent theme was to a contemporary audience in a German chiaroscuro drawing of c. 1520, showing the Martyrdom of Saint Barbara (fig. 30). In this picture, a beatific and obviously innocent young maiden prays resolutely and stoically while behind her a diabolic headsman, garbed as a Turk, prepares to strike. In actuality during the Renaissance, the public office of executioner was often 8. Dahm, Strafrecht Italiens, 284 ff; also Heinrich Kaspers, Wilhelm Schmidt-Thomé, and Hans Geriz, Vom Sachsenspiegel zum Code Napoléon (Vienna/Cologne), 1961, pp. 110 ff. In 1344/45, the captain of the people in Florence condemned a man to have his foot cut off for having kicked with muddy shoes the image of the marzocco, the Florentine symbol; see Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze 4.1:579. In 1441 the painter Pisanello was sentenced in absentia to have his tongue cut out for having insulted the government of Venice (sentence later rescinded); see Raffaello Brenzoni,

Pisanello, pittore (1395 circa—ottobre 1455) (Florence, 1952), pp. 51-52.

132 Pictures and Punishment

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filled by persons of just such exotic appearance. He was frequently recruited from the swarthy races, from among Neapolitans, Sicilians, and possibly Africans, his dark complexion making his presence on the scaffold all the more devilish.? In Renaissance Italy, the executioner was often dubbed il manigoldo, a word that derives from the German for “‘red beet,”’ a plant that bleeds when the flower is ripped from its root.1° In Florence he served a six-month term, being appointed by the podesta or captain of the people. Apparently, he lived in the Bargello along with the podesta and the rest of his official famiglia.11

In spite of his status as officer of the law, the public executioner in late medieval and Renaissance times did not enjoy normal social acceptance. In spite of his relatively high salary, he often lived the life of an outcast. According to law, he was automatically infamous and thus denied certain rights of citizenship. In some European communities, he was forced to live in a special house outside the city walls. Symbolically, he was regarded as the vicar of the devil, counterpart to the judge, who was the vicar of Christ. The executioner’s ambiguous role

in the community was rationalized much the same way as the relationship between God and Satan. Omnipotent God can be done with Lucifer whenever he wishes, but he needs the prince of darkness. As long as man has free will, God will employ the devil to keep him tested. Similarly, the public executioner was tolerated as a necessary evil in this world.12

He was also expected to play his vicarious devil’s role to the letter. His physical appearance was anything but reticent. He was given to gaudy feathered hats, skin-tight britches with prominent codpieces, and he often stripped bare to

the waist to perform his functions. On the scaffold, as the executioner confronted his kneeling victim, a fascinating iconic image was presented to the observing populace. Whatever the crimes of the about-to-be beheaded, the 9. In Florence, the executioner’s assistants were often referred to as scalabrini, i.e., “Calabrese’”’; see Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, 4.1:605. The Libro dei giustiziati or “Book of the Executed”’ of the Confraternity of Santa Maria della Croce al Tempio in Florence (see below and Appendix B) has a notation (under execution no. 1133, in the year 1541) that the city’s own onetime executioner was himself condemned to death. His native town is given as ‘““Bronto,” probably Bronte in Sicily: “Giovanni Battista alias Bitorso di Martino da Bronto fu boia da Firenze poco fa. 9 dicembre impiccato e sepolto al Tempio.”

10. Dopler, Theatri poenarum, 1:530. _ rz. Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, 4.1:605—606. 12. Albrecht Keller, ed., A Hangman’s Diary: Being the Journal of Master Franz Schmidt, Public Executioner of Nuremberg, 1573-1617 (London, 1928); Gerald D. Robbins, ‘“The Executioner: His Place in English Society,” British Journal of Sociology, 1§ (1964), 234-253; Finn Hornum, ‘““The Executioner: His Role and Status in Scandinavian Society,” in Marcello Truzzi, ed., Sociology and Everyday Life (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1968), pp. 125-137; Helmut Schumann, Der Scharfrichter: Seine Gestalt, seine Funktion (Allgau, 1964); A. Ademollo, Le annotazioni di Maestro Tito, carnefice romano (Citta di Castello, 1886); Franz Heinemann, Der Richter und die Rechtsgelehrten: Justiz in friiheren Zeiten (Leipzig, 1900; reprinted in facsimile, 1969); and Barbara Levy, Legacy of Death (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1973).

134 Pictures and Punishment

Christian viewer saw not only the performance of temporal justice but a symbolic drama, a rehearsal of the eternal battle between the angels of God and the demons of Satan. At this moment, the viewer imagined the executioner as a

demon, and the kneeling victim, if not an angel, at least as a pitiable soul struggling for salvation.13 We must never forget this fundamental Christian faith in the possibility of redemption, even for the perpetrator of the most heinous crimes. If the criminal accepted his punishment with obvious courage, if he looked pious and repentant, the assembled audience might feel sympathetic

and help him with their forgiving prayers to win a favorable Last Judgment. In Florence and Siena only three forms of execution were commonly practiced: beheading, hanging, and burning. After the fourteenth century under the increasing influence of Roman law, beheading was reserved, theoretically at least, for malefactors in high office. Hanging remained a punishment designed for criminals of lower status or for crimes of particular repugnance.!4 Burning was rare and tended to be the sentence for extreme heresy or repeated sodomy. The terrible ‘“wheel,’”? common in northern Europe, fortunately found litile popularity in Tuscany.15 Of all these forms, burning, even though little prac13. Sometimes spectator support for the victim on the scaffold grew so vehement that the executioner was actually attacked. Luca Landucci, the Florentine diarist, recorded that on March

29, 1503, the people turned on the headsman when he botched the execution of a young man whose brave demeanor won their sympathy. When it was whispered that this same executioner had put Fra Girolamo Savonarola to death a few years before (see below), the mob then stoned him to

death. See Luca Landucci, A Florentine Diary from 1450 to 1516: Continued by an Anonymous Writer till 1542, trans. Alice de Rosen Jervis (New York, 1927), pp. 130-131. The same event is documented in the Libro dei giustiziati of the Compagnia di Santa Maria della Croce al Tempio (see below in this chapter and in Appendix B) under execution no. 651 (1503). Not only was the executioner assaulted, but apparently the brothers of Santa Maria della Croce al Tempio, comforters to the condemned victim, also were put in grave danger: “Girolamo di Sandro de Bartolo di Berti fonderaio fiorentini decapitato per la corte del Capitano 29. Marzo per havere fatto ammazzato per invidia Andrea Banderaio e sepolto a S. Maria Novella quando costui fu tagliato il capo il boia lo fece stentare e per tale compassione il popolo ammazzo con sassi il boia detto e fu in

gran pericolo la Compagnia e paura.”’

14. Dahm, Strafrecht Italiens, p. 301; also Pertile, Storia del diritto, 5, 273; also Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, 4.1:610. The notion of hierarchies of criminal punishment goes back to ancient Rome; see Edward Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (London,

1788), 4: chap. 44. The following entry from an anonymous diary of the fourteenth century underscores again how Florentines regarded beheading viz-a-viz hanging and burning: (Alessandro

Gherardi, ed., “‘Diario d’anonimo fiorentino dall’anno 1358 al 1389,” in Documenti di storia italiana... per le provincie di Toscana, dell’Umbria, e delle Marche (Florence, 1876], 6:405): “Oggi, a’di xviiii di novembre, 1379, messere Cante di messer Jacopo de’Gabriegli d’Aggobio mando a tagliare il capo a Nicolé chiamato Gozzo ... come ruffiano di donne, e uomo di mala condizione e fama. Doveva essere arso. Onde domand6o grazia, si gli fecie mozzare il capo. E co’lui ando a prendere ouella grazia un giovane da Radda, ch’aveva tolti danari e altre cose, onde doveva essere impiccato. Ebbe la grazia col Gozzo insieme, e amendere furono dicollati.”’ 15. This device was commonly employed north of the Alps (its origin is Germanic) as a means

of punishing lower-class criminals who had committed especially evil crimes. The condemned would first be spread-eagled on the ground with his wrists and ankles bound to stakes. The executioner would then smash his arms and legs with a heavy iron mace. Next, the victim would be

Images of Public Execution 135

ticed, must have been the most spectacular, creating a frightful, indelible image in the memories of all its witnesses.16 Everyone today who visits the Convent of San Marco in Florence is attracted

immediately by a poignant pair of paintings, hardly great works of art to be sure, but visually gripping nonetheless. They show the Execution of Fra Girolamo Savonarola, and were painted by some unknown artist shortly after the turn of the sixteenth century. The artist in fact may well have witnessed the actual event, which took place in the Piazza Signoria on May 23, 1498.17 Figure untied from the stakes and retied to a large wagon wheel, his broken limbs sometimes twisted around the rim. Man and wheel would then be hoisted onto a pole and left in the open air until the victim’s flesh rotted and his bones fell through the spokes. Pieter Bruegel the Elder frequently recorded this grim image of the wheel as a background detail in his often ironic art. Robert Campin, in his painting The Bad Thief, now in the Stadelsches Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt, depicted both legs of the thief with compound fractures. The artist apparently took as his model some poor victim actually broken on the wheel in the artist’s own community (see Robert Herrlinger, “Zur Frage der ersten, anatomisch richtigen Darstellung des menschlichen K6rpers in der Malerei,”’ Centaurus, 2 [1953], 283-288). On the other hand, Jacques Callot, in his engraving The Wheel from his “Large Miseries of War” series, c. 1633 (see Daniel Ternois, Jacques Callot [Paris, 1962], p. 199) has depicted the punishment incorrectly. The artist showed the victim having his limbs smashed while already tied to the wheel, an impossible feat since it would have resulted in the wheel being smashed too. Moreover, the popular imagery of St. Catherine of Alexandria being tortured by a wheel also had nothing to do with the execution form as practiced in, medieval Europe. St. Catherine’s wheel was rimmed with teeth which would gouge the saint as it rotated. The wheel as archetypal sun symbol is of course a common metaphor in classical mythology. Zeus also used the wheel to punish Ixion, who had raped Hera. The insolent mortal, father (by Hera) of the Centaur race, was strapped to a blazing wheel and forced to roll through Hades forever; see Erwin Roos, “Das Rad als Folter- und Hinrichtungswerkzeug in Altertum,” Opuscula Archaeologica, Proceedings of the Swedish Institute in Rome (Lund, 1952), 2:87—104. Another especially brutal form of capital punishment not practiced in Florence but common in northern Europe after the fourteenth century was “drawing and quartering.” The victim, usually an arch-traitor, would be dragged to the place of execution and there horses were tied to each of his arms and feet. The horses would then be driven in opposite directions, literally pulling the condemned apart limb from limb. A Flemish follower of Hugo van der Goes painted a rare image of this torture in his Martyrdom of St. Hyppolytus, now in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts (see Julius Held, “Observations on the Boston Triptych of St. Hyppolytus,” in Josua Bryn et al., Album amicorum, J. G. Van Gelder [The Hague, 1971], pp. 177-185). 16. Concerning the methods of burning as practiced in medieval Florence, see Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, 4.1:606—607; also idem, Forschungen zur Geschichte von Florenz (Berlin, 1900), 2:319; and Giuseppe Rondoni, “I ‘giustiziati? a Firenze (del secolo 15 al secolo 18),”’ Archivio storico italiano, 28 (1901), 222—225. For a particularly grisly printed image of burned victims, represented in characteristic post-mortem ‘‘chicken poses” by Lucas Cranach the Younger, see F. Holstein, German Engravings, Etchings, and Woodcuts, c. 1400-1700 (Amsterdam, 1954), 6:131. 17. For a vivid, eyewitness account of Savonarola’s execution and its aftermath, see Landucci, Florentine Diary, pp. 130-131. See also Alfredo Lensi, I] Palazzo Vecchio (Milan/Rome, 1929), pp. 86—94. In the Libro dei giustiziati of the Confraternity of Santa Maria della Croce al Tempio, whose brothers are depicted as comforting three condemned frati, appears the following, under execution nos. 594, 595, and 596 (1498): “‘Frate Geronomo Savonerola [sic] da Ferrara /Frate Domenico di [word left out] da Pescia/Frate Silvestro Marutti da Firenze/questi tre frati di S. Domenico osservanti di convento di S. Marco di Firenze furono in prima degradati con [illegible word] gli ordini in su la ringhiera della Palazzo de Signoria a di 23 Maggio per commissione e mandato del Papa Alessandro 6. ed poi immediatamente per sentenza de Signori gl’otto impiccati a un palo in su la piazza di Signoria et arsi e ridotti in cenere frettamente furono gettati in Arno.”

136 Pictures and Punishment

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31 is the more ‘“‘close-up” of the two. It shows Fra Girolamo and his two Dominican aides, Fra Silvestro and Fra Domenico da Pescia hanging from a gallows at the base of which a huge fire blazes. Fra Girolamo, who resided in the

Dominican Convent of San Marco, had just been tried and condemned for heresy. The Piazza Signoria, here shown, had only just recently been the location

of another huge bonfire, the so-called Burning of the Vanities and even an aborted ordeal-by-fire to test whether Savonarola really was the prophet of God as he claimed. The artist, still practicing in the old medieval narrative manner, depicted the condemned frati three separate times in the same picture. First (top, center right)

we see them kneeling, dressed in white after having been defrocked, receiving their sentences on the ringhiera flanked by Donatello’s Marzocco and Judith before the Palazzo Vecchio. They are in front of an altar behind which to the left are seated the otto, the secular magistracy of the city, and to the right, the collegi representing the Church. Next, the three frati are being escorted down a ramp (top, center left) especially built for the occasion. Each is in the company of two black-robed “‘comforters” from the lay brotherhood of Santa Maria della Croce al Tempio, who hold small tavolette or “‘little pictures,” about which we shall

hear more in the next chapter. Third, the frati are shown at the top of the tall gallows, having been taken up the ladder by the executioner, who stands below with a feather in his cap and a sword at his belt (middle, left). This same manigoldo was to meet his own death by a mob in 1503. The people remembered how he cruelly executed Savonarola, and so when they encountered him botching a beheading five years later, they picked up rocks and stoned him to death (see note 13 above). On the gallows in the San Marco painting, Fra Silvestro and Fra Domenico face outward; Fra Girolamo hangs with his body turned toward the Palazzo Vecchio, according to an old custom that would have the criminal hanged facing in the direction of his crime.18 The gallows itself looks very much like a cross, an issue that apparently worried the authorities so much at the time that they ordered the top part sawed off lest the frati appear as Christian martyrs.19 Below the gallows, on a specially built circular platform, a great fire has been prepared. Even though already dead, the three heretics were burned, again according to an old Christian custom founded in Scripture.29 The Florentine druggist Luca Landucci, who was an eyewitness to this terrible scene, 18. Hermann Kantorowicz, Albertus Gandinus und das Strafrecht der Scholastik (Berlin/ Leipzig, 1926), 2:272-273. 19. Landucci, Florentine Diary, p. 142. 20. Albertus Gandinus (Kantorowicz, Albertus Gandinus, 2:273) invoked this passage from Josh. 7:15: “And it shall be, that he that is taken with the accursed thing shall be burnt with fire, he and all that he hath: because he hath transgressed the covenant of the Lord, and because he hath wrought folly in Israel.”’ See also J. R. Reinhard, “Burning at the Stake in Medieval Law and Literature,” Speculum, 16 (1941), 186-209.

138 Pictures and Punishment

has described in grisly detail how the bodies of the frati were consumed in the fire and how their ashes were spirited away by the authorities and dumped in the Arno lest the people savor the remains as holy relics.21 The artist of this graphic painting was clearly in sympathy with Savonarola, since he showed the three Dominicans even a fourth time, in the upper left-hand corner, fully resurrected in their Dominican habits and being assumed into heaven as saints.

Figure 32 illustrates a detail of one of the most well-known topographical views of Florence, the so-called Map with a Chain drawn about 1480 perhaps by the painter Cosimo Rosselli and cut into a number of large wood blocks in order to form a gigantic printed cityscape. Our illustration shows only that part of the old walled town which stretched along the north side of the Arno to the east looking toward Settignano and Badia a Ripoli. We also see very clearly in this detail a rendering of the municipal gallows of the city, raised up on a platform or

scaffold and entered apparently by a stairway encased in a shed. The gallows was just beyond—by statute, one-thousand braccia22— the city walls marked by

a gate, the grim Porta della Giustizia,23 and a tower, the Torre della Zecca Vecchia, which still stands today. Just beside this tower, in the Map with a Chain detail, can be seen the rooftop of the now destroyed little chapel of the lay brotherhood of Santa Maria della Croce al Tempio, clearly marked IL TEMPIO. While some executions, like the sensational punishment of Savonarola, were staged in various parts of Florence for political reasons, the majority took place at the municipal gallows. The location came to be known as the Pratello della Giustizia or “Little Meadow of Justice.” Before 1315 this location was outside

the Porta San Piero Gattolino, now the Porta Romana opening onto the road south to Rome.24 After 1531, however, the gallows was moved again, about a half kilometer northward to a place just outside the Porta alla Croce, now the Piazza Beccaria.25 In any case, between 1315 and 1531, at the Pratello della 21. Landucci, Florentine Diary, p. 143. ' 22. Romolo Caggese, ed., Statuti della Repubblica Fiorentina (Florence, 1921), 2, Statuti del Podesta dell’anno 1325, lib. 3, rubric 87, 242; also in Statuta Populi et Communis Florentiae ...anno... 1415 (Freiburg, 1785), vol. 1, rubric 27, 247. See also Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, 4.1:603 ff. This idea may have derived from the Roman custom of having the place of execution at the first milestone beyond the city gate; see Mommsen, Romisches Strafrecht, p. 913. 23. During the Trecento this gate was usually known as the Porta Santa Candida or the Porta di San Francesco in reference to nearby convents. For the history of this unpleasant location, see G. B. Uccelli, Della Compagnia di Santa Maria della Croce al Tempio (Florence, 1861), pp. 59-79. See also Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, 4.1:603—607. Since the removal of the city walls in the nineteenth century, the Porta della Giustizia no longer stands. Only the old Torre della Zecca Vecchia marks the site today, at the busy intersection of the Lungarno and the Viale della Giovane Italia. 24. Davidsohn, Storia di Firenza, 4.1:605. 25. A small image of the gallows can be seen in this location in the Stefan Bonsignori map of Florence dated 1584, now in the Museo di Firenze com’era in Florence.

Images of Public Execution 139

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“Book of the Executed”’ still exists in manuscript in the Biblioteca Nazionale in Florence. It contains among other papers of the confraternity a chronological and cross-indexed list of nearly two thousand executions from 1420 through 1744. In Appendix B, I have furnished a table, derived from the Libro, showing by year the number and types of execution—beheading, hanging, burning alive, and other unusual and infrequent forms—which occurred from 1420 through 1574. The latter year marks the death of Grand Duke Cosimo I, whose reign

saw the transition of Florence from a medieval to a relatively modern state. These statistics offer interesting evidence concerning the nature and exact timing of this transition with implications for the issue of artistic style in the service of politics during the period under investigation.

According to the Tempio records, the most common capital punishment in the fifty years following 1420 was beheading. Then, after the late 1460s, the number of beheadings relative to hangings decreased, and the latter punishment increased at a rate of nearly two to one. For the rest of the next three centuries hanging remained the most common execution practiced in the city of Florence. Why this sudden shift in execution style, from a form that insinuated upper-class

rank to the condemned, to one more degrading? In 1420, when the Tempio records begin, Florence had a population of some thirty-eight thousand souls. For such a population, the listed number of executions, averaging only about seven each year until 1478, appears low, indicating that the city had a relatively minimal crime problem. Its social classes seemed to be working harmoniously together.22 Furthermore, the larger number of beheadings also represented a certain sense of “‘democracy on the scaffold.”’ In self-consciously republican Florence, even the menial culprit was often granted the right to die “‘as kings had died.” After 1477 until 1537, however, the city suffered wrenching social and political upheavals, beginning with the Pazzi conspiracy, the consolidation of Lorenzo il Magnifico’s absolutist rule, the Savonarola affair, the fall of the Medici, the

rise and fall of the last Florentine republic, and the terrible reign of Duke Alessandro. During this period of turmoil, the annual average of executions in the city rose to more than eleven, and with dramatic fluctuations (especially in 1478/79 and between 1528 and 1537). When Duke Cosimo I came to power in 1537, the average declined again to about nine executions per annum. While the increase in average numbers of executions after 1478 can be explained by corresponding increases in the overall population of Florence, the fact that the style of capital punishment changed at the same time leads one to 29. For documentation that Florence really has achieved a relatively peaceful society during the early Quattrocento, see Marvin Becker, ‘‘Changing Patterns of Violence and Justice in Fourteenthand Fifteenth-Century Florence,’ Comparative Studies in Society and History, 18 (1976), 281-296.

144 Pictures and Punishment

believe that something besides demography was also at work. We may make an educated guess that the ruling class at this time feared that crime was getting out

of hand and that the old symbolic forms of punishment, once keeping crime comfortably in check, had now grown impotent. In any case, the new popularity of hanging indicates that the authorities felt that perpetrators of some types of crime should not be allowed to make a bella figura on the scaffold. Instead, the criminal should be made to appear as demeaned and humiliated as possible. The Cinquecento records of the Tempio Libro dei giustiziati detail increasingly an officially sanctioned policy of desecration and mutilation of the criminal’s body even after its execution. The beginning of this change in execution form, which parallels the change in artistic style in Florence from blunt Masacciesque realism to High Renaissance elegance and bellezza, can be traced specifically to Lorenzo il Magnifico’s brutal revenge against the Pazzi. Not only did he have their pitture infamanti painted by Botticelli, but he ordered the conspirators actually hanged even though they were members of some of the most distinguished families in Italy. Moreover,

Lorenzo added a vengeful touch to this punishment which made it more demeaning than ever. He had his enemies hanged right out of the windows of the Palazzo Vecchio and adjoining Captain’s Palace on the Via de’Gondi. The Libro

of the Tempio confraternity notes this hanging variation for the first time in 1478. While the confraternity scribe listed only three persons so executed in that year and sixteen in the next, he admitted that some eighty had been dispatched in one way or other during Lorenzo’s bloodbath, and that the Tempio comfor-

ters had not even been informed.3° The sight of hanging bodies out of the Palazzo Vecchio windows must have been bizarre. In at least one instance in 1478 two persons were hanged out of one window at the same time. So gripping was this live imagery of death that the punishment of hanging criminals out of the windows of the Captain’s and Podesta’s palaces became an institution in Florence and other Italian cities thereafter. No doubt part of the popularity of this new execution was due to the familiarity Florentines had with pitture infamanti. The people were already used to seeing “bodies” hanging against the walls of their police buildings, albeit artificial effigies painted di naturale. Lorenzo’s ingenious hanging variation, however, added the ultimate realism, and we know already how he bade Botticelli intensify the infamy of the 30. In the Libro dei giustiziati (see Appendix B) in a note at the bottom of the page after execution no. 396 (1478): “In quest’anno per insino a 2. aprile [sic] furono impiccati e morti senza

la Compagnia pid di 80 corpi per lo stato e caso di Lorenzo de Medici e de Pazzi e degli non faciamo mentione [illegible word] ci essendo intervenuti.’’ Lorenzo himself became an honorary member of the Tempio, so his exception here to the usual practice of allowing the brothers to comfort the condemned was both premeditated and deliberate. In later executions involving the Pazzi conspirators, however, Lorenzo relented, even allowing the brothers to comfort the most hated of all the plotters, Bernardo di Bandino Baroncelli, hanged in 1479 (see Chapter 3, note 31).

Images of Public Execution 145

Pazzi by depicting the conspirators hanging by their necks instead of their feet. In commissioning Botticelli’s pittura infamante in this manner and having it painted on the same wall against which he had executed the Pazzi in actuality, Lorenzo hoped to lower his enemies to an unprecedented nadir of disgrace and damn their family’s memory forever. Ironically, however, the intended insult of Botticelli’s defaming portraits must have been rendered somewhat innocuous by such a comparison. Similarly in 1529/30, Andrea del Sarto’s pitture infamanti competed against the awful imagery of sixteen actual bodies hanging by the neck against the walls of the Captain’s Palace not two dozen yards away from the

Mercanzia/Condotta (it is to the credit of Duke Cosimo I that he not only discontinued pitture infamanti in Florence but he also curtailed the practice of hanging criminals from the windows of his public buildings).

But let us now return to the ever-observant Renaissance artist to see more evidence of his own individual reaction to these highly visual ceremonies of capital punishment. Certainly the Renaissance painter was no mere morbid voyeur at these affairs. In his eagerness to paint or sculpt di naturale he often attended such grim occasions to see firsthand how an executed victim would look, in order to better serve his own patrons, who were demanding more and more realism. The horrors of physical torture had to be especially well painted to enhance the glorious sacrifice of the holy martyrs. The more terrible the execution, the more courageous-looking the martyred saint in the face of brutal chastisement, the more the Christian viewer should be moved to have faith in the glory of death with salvation. Imagine, for example, how the Florentine painter Paolo Uccello would have been touched by the real event described briefly yet poignantly in the Tempio Libro dei giustiziati: “Sano da Modena the Jew, called

Salomone, was burned alive on the first [?] day of December [1464] by the authority of the podesta. This person after he arrived at the place of justice requested baptism for himself, and thus was baptized and then buried at the Tempio as our Christian brother.’’31 There is no way of knowing whether or not Paolo was eyewitness to this cruel execution in his native city, yet we do know that just a few years later he was commissioned by the Confraternity of Corpus Christi in Urbino to paint an altarpiece predella having as subject a currently

popular story of Jewish sacrilege and punishment by burning.32 One of the 31. Libro dei giustiziati, under execution no 310 (1464): “Sano da Modena Ebreo detto Sig. Salomone fu arso a di primo dicembre pel podesta. Questo tale poiche fu giunto al luogo della iustizia chiese la per se il battesimo e cosi fu battestato e poi sepolto al Tempio come fratello X ey The story of the Jew and the Host as adapted by Paolo Uccello for his predella panels is best told by Marilyn Aronberg Lavin in ‘““The Altar of the Corpus Domini in Urbino: Paolo Uccello, Joos van Ghent, Piero della Francesca,” Art Bulletin, 49 (1967), I-25.

146 Pictures and Punishment

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centur oilection O e Art Institute o Chica O Photo : Courtesy of e Art Institute of C icago.

the neck. Perhaps Giovanni di Paolo had actually seen firsthand a headsman similarly botch the beheading of some poor culprit in the jail of Siena.38 Quattrocento artists were interested not only in the anatomy of the mutilated condemned but also in the mechanics of execution technology. As early as the Trecento many localities in Italy began to employ a special guillotinelike de-

capitating device known as the mannaia. This machine seems to have been introduced to the peninsula by the Germanic invaders after the fall of the Roman Empire.32 It consisted of two short posts placed in the ground about two feet apart. The posts would be slotted on their inner, facing sides, and in these slots, between the posts, would be fitted a sliding metal blade. The condemned should lie on his stomach, flat on the ground, so that his head was between the posts and under the blade raised to rest on the back of his neck. The manigoldo would

then smash down the blade by striking it on top with a mallet. Sometimes a block of wood or ceppo was placed on the ground under the victim’s head as in an English beheading.

The best-known depiction of an execution by the mannaia is by Andrea Mantegna, the Martyrdom of Saint James, c. 1455, once in the Eremitani Church in Padua (fig. 37; the original fresco was destroyed in World War II). The artist depicted the saint prostrate, his head under the mannaia blade, as the executioner, bare-legged and in a tattered tunic, prepares to strike it down. So devilish indeed does Saint James’s executioner appear that some incensed viewer was moved to take a sharp instrument and scratch out his painted eyes. Mantegna chose here to paint the unaesthetic mannaia because he no doubt considered it an authentic classical detail. In truth, the mannaia was a popular instrument of justice in medieval Rome and continued in use there through the Renaissance. In a contemporary manuscript by another Paduan antiquarian and friend of Mantegna named Giovanni Marcanova (fig. 38) we see the Capitoline Hill supposedly in ancient Roman times.4° Since the Capitoline was also the 38. Such fascination with anatomical accuracy recalls the famous anecdote recorded by Carlo Ridolfi in his Le maraviglie dell’arte of 1648 (ed. Detlev Freiherr von Hadeln [Berlin, 1924], 1:57— 58) concerning the Venetian painter Gentile Bellini and Sultan Mahomet II of Turkey. Bellini was visiting the sultan’s court in Constantinople, and while examining Bellini’s own version of the Head of John the Baptist on a Platter, the sultan argued that the painter had not shown certain muscles in the neck correctly. To prove his point, Mahomet ordered a slave beheaded on the spot to demon-

strate that he was right. 39. Else Angstmann, ‘‘Der Henker in der Volksmeinung,” in Teuthonista: Zeitschrift fur deutsche Dialektforschung und Sprachgeschichte, supplement 1 (Bonn, 1928), 14-15. 40. Giovanni Marcanova, Collectio antiquitatum, ms. a.L.5.15=Lat.992, c.26r, Biblioteca Estense, Modena, and reproduced in Christian Huelsen, La Roma antica di Ciriaco d’Ancona (Rome, 1907), pl. 4, fol. 28; see also p. 26. One of the earliest depictions of the mannaia which I have found occurs in an Italian manuscript, c. 1350, of the Decretum Gratiani (see above, Chapter I, note 14), but here, however, the mannaia is no more than an axe propped on the victim’s neck, which the executioner pounds down with a mallet. Another crude example is described and illustrated as used in Lucca by Giovanni Sercambi in his Croniche of 1399, published in Fonti di

I§2 Pictures and Punishment

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Christian emphasis on private, ecstatic confrontation with God. Moreover, Michelangelo projected himself into this apocalyptic scene by way of a unique and terrible personal signature. In the lower center, just to’the symbolic left of Christ, the artist added his self-portrait. We see Michelangelo’s inimitable fea-

tures in the rumpled skin that Saint Bartholomew holds with his left hand, dangling it above the yawning pit of hell (fig. 57b). Saint Bartholomew, who was martyred by being flayed alive, is often shown holding his own skin, but here the

artist painted the saint with skin still healthily attached; he holds not his own but that of Michelangelo himself. Michelangelo imaged his gruesome autoexecution no doubt from reading the popular Christianized legend of Cambyses, the Persian lord who punished a bribe-taking judge, Sisamnes, by having him similarly skinned alive. The artist would also have been familiar with Ovid’s tale of Marsyas, the vain and impertinent satyr who challenged the god Apollo to a musical contest and suffered also to be flayed alive for his insolence. Both of these legends were understood in the sixteenth century to prefigure the Last Judgment. The victim’s skin represented

his evil humors and sin. By removing it, he is purgated and redeemed; his skinless body symbolizes truth revealed. That Michelangelo fully understood this symbolism is amply evident in his poetry; for example, in one of his many sonnets: ‘So too I’d want to have my fate adorn / My Lord, while living, with my dead remains; / As on the rock the serpent sheds its skin, / Only in death can my condition turn.’’38 38. This translation is from Creighton Gilbert and Robert N. Linscott, trans. and ed., Complete Poems and Selected Letters of Michelangelo (New York, 1963), poem no. 92. The original Italian is

given in N. Girardi, Rime de Michelangelo Buonarroti (Bari, 1960), poem no. 94, p. 278: “Cosi volesse al mie signor mie fato/Vestir suo vivo di mie morte spoglia/Che, come serpe al sasso si discoglia, /Pur per morte portia cangiar mie stato.” In the verse following, Michelangelo implores that his “hairy skin” (irsuta pelle) be made into a garment to be clasped at the breast of his Saviour. That St. Batholomew’s skin contains Michelangelo’s self-portrait was first proposed by F. La Cava in Il volta di Michelangelo scoperta nel Giudizio Finale (Bologna, 1925). Most scholars have subsequently agreed. There are several Christian sources for Michelangelo’s inspiration. One is found in the artist’s favorite poem, Dante’s Divine Comedy, Paradise, Canto 1, ll. 19-21, where the poet calls upon Apollo as exemplar of the divine spirit to enter his soul: “Entra nel petto mio, e spira tue/si come quando Marsia traesti/della vagina delle membra sue.” Another, referring to the Cambyses legend, is the Gesta Romanorum, a popular reference book for sermons, written in the early 1300s but later printed in numerous editions in the sixteenth century. The text is Latin, and Michelangelo would certainly have known the story since it was already incorporated in the Catholic Mass. The Gesta story explains how an unnamed emperor sentenced an unjust judge to be flayed alive. His skin was then to be used to cover the judge’s throne, to be occupied now by the condemned man’s son, and the skin should therefore remind the son both of his father’s evil and of the Passion of Jesus, for “Christ not only gave his skin for us in the seat of his cross, but also his life” (Gesta Romanorum [Louvain, 1484], chap. 29): “Pellem pro pelle: et quicquid homo habet dabit pro anima sua. Pellis quae ponitur pro memoria in sede est Christi Passio quam homo debet habere retentam in sede cordis sui ne contra deum et salutem animae sue delinquat sicut scriptus est. Memorare novissima tua et in eternum non peccabis: Christus non tantum pellem in sede crucis pro nobis dedit sed etiam vitam.” For further documentation, see Lawrence Price Amerson, The Problem of the Ecorché: A Catalogue Raisonné of Models and Statuettes from the Sixteenth

206 Pictures and Punishment

Michelangelo was also familiar with the preachings of Savonarola, whose writings, certainly the Sermon on the Art of Dying Well, he read with greater appreciation each passing year.39 Savonarola’s transcendental thoughts on death, his antagonism toward the Medici, and his eventual martyrdom made him a natural hero in Michelangelo’s eyes. During his long sojourn in Rome, Michelangelo underwent a profound transformation in his outlook on life, from active advocacy of republican politics to passive meditation and longing for private spiritual salvation. The great artist’s philosophical evolution at this time parallels the history of pictures in the service of justice we have been studying so far in this book.40 And ultimately, we have Michelangelo’s late works that harmonize so perfectly with the spiritual aims of San Giovanni Decollato. During the decade of the 1550s, Michelangelo entered the most intense agonizing about his mortality.

In this period he produced his most mystical poetry and his ineffable Christ Century ana Later Periods (University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1975), pp. 77—101. The argument is outlined also in Heinrich Schmidt and Hans Schadewaldt, Michelangelo und die Medizin seiner Zeit (Stuttgart, 1965), pp. 82 ff; and William S. Heckscher, Rembrandt’s “Anatomy of Dr. Nicolaas Tulp”’: An Iconological Study (New York, 1958), pp. 89-90, 99, 161-162, nN. 163.

The best-known depiction of the ““Cambyses”’ legend is the painting by Gerard David, c. 1498, which once adorned the law court in the city hall of Bruges. On association of this story with

Renaissance law courts, particularly in the Low Countries, see Ursula Lederle-Grieger, ““Gerechtigkeitsdarstellungen in deutschen und niederlandischen Rathausern”’ (inaugural diss., Universitat zu Heidelberg, Phillipsburg, 1937), pp. 42-45. Finally, a weird Vasarian anecdote testifies to the superstitions still associated with the bodies of the condemned in Michelangelo’s time which may well have had some influence on his St. Bartholomew imagery. According to Vasari, a certain

sculptor named Silvio Cosini of Fiesole, working in Tuscany during the second quarter of the sixteenth century was, like Michelangelo, also a member of a lay confraternity, the Misericordia of Pisa, which comforted the condemned on the scaffold. One night Cosini, garbed in the black cowl and cassock of his compagnia, stole the body of a just-hanged criminal in order to dissect it. Having satisfied himself about the anatomy, Cosini then peeled off the cadaver’s skin and made himself a

leather vest of it which he wore over his own shirt, believing it gave him some kind of occult protection and power. See Vasari-Milanesi, 4:483. For an even more bizarre—and judicially approved—nineteenth-century English example of such obsession with the skin of a condemned criminal, see Heckscher, Rembrandt’s ‘““Anatomy,” pp. 164-166, n. 180. 39. Alice Sedgwick Wohl and Hellmut Wohl, trans. and ed., The Life of Michelangelo by Ascanio Condivi (Baton Rouge, 1976), p. 105; also David Summers, Michelangelo and the Language of Art (Princeton, 1981), pp. 114-116. 40. Also symptomatic of Michelangelo’s flagging republican zeal was the matter of his unfinished bust of Brutus, which he left, along with the Florentine Pieta, to his student Tiberio Calcagni to finish. The Brutus had been undertaken originally, about 1539, as a tribute to Florentine republicanism after the murder of Duke Alessandro and an aborted attempt to overthrow Cosimo I. By 1545, however, Michelangelo had given up on the statue because he could no longer condone tyrannicide, and, like Dante, believed that Brutus was a traitor to be condemned to the lowest pit of hell. Assassination, even if it restored the republic, was an intolerable act of arrogance. A good end, Michelangelo is said to have stated, cannot be achieved by bad means. In any case, during those years in which he was also working on the Pieta, the aging artist seemed to have made his peace with the Medici in Florence, even carrying on a friendly correspondence with Duke Cosimo. See Howard Hibbard, Michelangelo (New York, 1974), pp. 263-265.

Pictures of Redemption 207

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