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PIDLIPPINE
WORLD-VIEW
The Southeasi" Asian S'tudies Progra~~ (SEASP) was established In December 1976 by a group of scholars from Southeast Asia. It alms at promotIng comparative research and writIng on Southeast As Ia by social science and humanities scholars of the region. It is directed by a committee composed of representatives of various countries in the region, but it Is based at and formally affiliated with the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. The lns1"i1"u1"e of Southeasi" Asian S'tudles was estab I I shed as an autonomous organization in May 1968. It is a regional research centre for scho Iars and other spec I a I i sts concerned wIth modern Southeast Asia, particularly the multi-faceted problems of stability and security, economic development, and political and social change. The InstItute is governed by a twenty-two member Board of Trustees comprIsIng nomInees from the SIngapore Government, the National University of Singapore, the various Chambers of Commerce, A ten-man Executive and professional and civic organizations. Committee oversees day-to-day operations; it is chaired by the Director, the Institute's chief academic and administrative ott leer.
( i i)
PIIII,IPPINE
WOULD-VIEW EDITED BY VIRGILIO G. ENRIQUEZ
~-
~-
-~--::J
:sEASPI SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAM
[-_
----
-~
IIEJII INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES
PublIshed by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Heng Mui Keng Terrace Pasir Panjang Singapore 0511 part of this publication may be No All rights reserved. reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior consent of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ~
1986 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
ISBN 9971-988-19-4 The responsibility for facts and opinions expressed in this publication rests exclusively with the contributors and their InterpretatIons do not necessar I I y ref Iect the vIews or the poI Icy of the Institute or its supporters.
(i v)
FOREWORD
The Southeast Asian Studies Program (SEASP) was established in 1976 in response to a need to promote comparative research and writing on Southeast Asia by scholars in the Social Sciences and Humanities. Of particular concern was the lack of appropriate tertiary level teaching and reference materials pertaining to the region and written from local, though not necessarily nationalistic, perspectives. Towards this end, SEASP launched three projects: one focused on the preparation of a series of country-specific vo 1 umes on Po 1 it i cs and Government, the second on Hi story, and the third on World-View. The project on World-View initially comprised the production of a volume each on Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand, but was finally scaled down to those involving Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand only. As the work involved almost thirty scholars and the project was complicated, it became increasingly evident that the task was going to take much longer than originally envisaged. Each manuscript had to undergo a process of review by two independent referees - one from within and one from outside the region - to ensure the desired quality. The first volume of the series was published in Thailand in June this year. The second volume Malaysian World-View, was published in Singapore in September. (v)
Needless to say, the project on World-View could not have been completed without the co-operation of the individual contributors, the editor, and the co-ordinator involved. In the case of the Philippines, we are especially thankful to Prof Virgilio G. Enriquez, who in addition to being the editor, was the co-ordinator of the project as a whole. We would also like to express our appreciation to the Ford Foundation for its generous financial support to SEASP and its various projects, including that on World-View. In thanking all our benefactors and contributors, as well as others who have in one way or another helped to make this publication possible, it is clearly understood that the responsibility for the facts and opinions expressed in Philippine World-View rests with the individual authors and editor, and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of SEASP or its supporters.
THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAM
(vi )
CONTENTS
~~~~
v
Acknowledgements Notes on Contributors Introduction
viii ix 1
Kapwa: A Core Concept in Filipino Social Psychology VIRGILIO G. ENRIQUEZ
6
Food and the Filipino DOREEN G. FERNANDEZ
20
The Philippine World-View in the Visual Arts ALICE G. GUILLERMO
45
An Appreciation of the Filipino Philosophical Outlook through Filipino Popular Lyrics ELEANOR T. ELEQUIN
81
From the Philippine Revolution 1896 to Military Rule, 1972: The Changing World-View in the Filipino Short Story PATRICIA M. MELENDREZ-CRUZ
100
Portrayals of Life and Reality in Radio and Television Drama VALERIO L. NOFUENTE
128
(vii )
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The Philippine World-View was made possible through the efforts, interest,
co-operation
institutions. the
project
and
Wilfreda F. for
the
support
Arce
of
many
people
and
initiated the co-ordination of
Philippines,
a
task
seen
through
to
completion by Jesucita L. Sodusta as SEASP co-ordinator at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore. Crisanto,
Laura
Samson
and
the
Philippine
Ma. Trinidad
Psychology
Research
House with the assistance of Godofredo Lanu za and Augustin de l a Cruz participated in implementing the project in the Philippines by planning and organizing a seminar, "The Philippine World-View" held at the University of the Philippines from 29 May to 2 June
1978.
Some of the papers in the present compilation were written
in Filipino and translated into English by Josefina A. Regalado, Christopher Gonzaga and Beatrice Jacinto.
Manila
Virgilio G. Enriquez
February 1986
Editor
(viii)
NOTES ON THE CONTRIBUTORS
Eleanor T. Elequin is currently Professor of Education at the College of Education,
University of the Philippines.
She
has authored a number of books, among which is Organizing for Cross-Cu 1tu ra 1 Research:
Tactics in Culture Learning,
Vol V, East-West Center, Hawaii (1977).
Virgilio G.
Enriquez is
Psychology
Research
Philippines. Technology,
The
currently and
-
Training
National
of the
House,
Academy
Philippine
Quezon
of
City,
Science
and
Republic of the Philippines conferred upon him Scientist Award in 1982.
the Outstanding Young
1983
Chairman
April
1984 he
was
a
Visiting
From July
Professor
at
the
University of Malaya, Malaysia under SEASP.
Doreen G. Fernandez is Professor of Eng 1 ish at Ateneo de Manila University
where
Department
and
she the
is
Chairperson
Japanese
Studies
of
both the
Programme.
English She
is
founding Chairperson of the Cultural Research Association of the
Philippines
and
a
founding
member
of
the
Babaylan
Theatre Group.
Alice G. Guillenao is at present a faculty member of the College of Fine Arts, University of the Philippines where she also lectures at the Department of Humanities, and Letters. ( i X)
College of Arts
Patricia M. Melendrez-Cruz did research on the aboriginal theme in
Australian
University
literature,
for
her
at
M.A.
the
and
Australian
gained
her
National
doctorate
in
Philippine Studies from the University of the Philippines
Valerio
l.
Nofuente was
Assistant
Professor
of
Filipino
and
Philippine Literature at the University of the Philippines. He wrote various articles on Philippine literature in noted journals and periodicals as well as poems and short stories. Nofuente
met
circumstances
with in
Concerned Artists
a
1981.
violent He
has
death been
under
mysterious
honoured
by
the
of the Philippines as a martyr for the
cause of the nationalist struggle.
(x)
INTRODUCTION
VIRGILIO G. ENRIQUEZ
Anyone who finds it a challenge to pin down such concepts as truth, beauty and justice, should also attempt a definition of "world-view", more so, if the concept is qualified as a "Filipino world-view". Perhaps it is easier to handle a concept like "way of life", especially when "our way" can be distinguished from "your way". Even defining the concept "national character" is a controversial affair because of reservations, ranging from a refusal to be stereotyped to a reluctance to be i dent ifi ed with the cultural mainstream. Broadly speaking, world-view refers to the subjective basis of a subjective concept. It can refer to the underlying perceptions held of man, nature and the supernatural as expressed in a way of life or any aspect of it. The Philippine World-View is an attempt to articulate the nature of this "doubly subjective" concept as manifested in a selection of identifiable sources. Filipino food, radio and TV dramas, popular songs, short stories and native and folk arts are some of the sources chosen in the following contributions to this admittedly difficult task of articulating the Philippine world-view.
1
The
introductory article
Filipino
social
following
analyses
psychology
on
kapwa
provides
as a
a
core concept
background
for
in the
of constituent aspects of Filipino art and
culture as a basis for understanding the Philippine world-view. While
the
dictionary
translation
renders
the
word
kapwa
as
"others", the word in Filipino implies an altogether different perception in that it also includes the "self".
Kapwa, in fact,
is a recognition of shared identity for it encompasses the "self" and "others". One can catch a glimpse of the world-view of a Fi 1 i pi no in the food he takes. Accardi ng to Fernandez, what the Fi 1 i pi no eats, the sources of his food and the way it is prepared and served, indicate a relationship between man and nature as intimate
as
biological
it
is
practical.
imperative.
It
Food or eating
is
also
a
social
is
not
only a
necessity and a
socially defined phenomenon of sharing which fosters goodwill and friendship. When sharing food, the relationship can involve either the ibang-tao (outsider) or hindi category.
It
is
interesting
ibang-tao (one of us)
to note that
kapwa
is
the
so 1e
concept which embraces both categories. Guillermo, in her article on folk arts and the contemporary Filipino
painting,
stresses
the
idea
that
the
Philippine
world-view
is not a static but dynamic outcome of the circumstances in which peop 1e cope with change in the name of progress. The native and ethnic arts of the Filipinos, such as
weaving,
woodcarving
and
body
decoration,
interaction between man and nature. Filipino
house
(nipa
hut)
and
the
reflect
a
c 1 ose
Other expressions, as in the jeepney,
also
indicate a
closeness to nature and an openness to one's fellowmen.
This
kind of closeness and openness goes beyond pakikisama (level of internalized
conformity).
At
present,
there
is
a
gradual
development of mass-based artists whose aesthetic interests lie in depicting the peaks, depths, hardships and aspirations of 2
contemporary pakikiisa
Filipino
{level
of
life.
This
fusion),
the
undoubtedly highest
touches
level
on
of
kapwa
and
as
psychology. The
dialectics
of
kapwa
both
as
a
psychology
a
world-view include not only pakikiisa, as seen in the unity of man and nature, but also pakikibaka {level of fusion in a common struggle) in the face of injustice and exploitation. as
an
aspect
Filipinos' them to clutches
a
kapwa-oriented
world-view,
awakens
the
consciousness of present day realities and motivates
be as
motivation doubt,
of
Pakikibaka,
of to
one
the
in
their
neo-colonial
struggle might
because
non-antagonistic.
struggle to
the
set-up be
existing
tempered
kapwa
break away from the with
philosophy
today.
Their
reluctance is
and
basically
Elequin discovers this sentiment, reflected as
perplexity in a kapwa-oriented world-view,
in the song Digmaan
{War) by Florante de Leon:
laban sa kalooban ko man, Ako'y handang-handang lumaban Para sa ating kalayaan Ngunit bakit hindi ko maintindihan, Magkapwa-tao'y naglalaban ••• {Though my conscience disagrees I am ready to do battle For the cause of our freedom But why can't I understand A struggle amongst kapwa ••• ) Inasmuch as social Philippine social
reality shapes the Filipino world-view, the reality interpreted through contemporary song
is that of unemployment, prostitution and poverty. The relevance of social
issues also impels Cruz to remind 3
the Filipino writer that, as a Filipino, he has an obligation to respond to the people's needs and problems.
The Filipino writer,
once enchanted by the colonizer, unwittingly helped maintain the status quo as if under a spell.
The kapwa-oriented world-view
was displaced by an imported idealogy in the guise of humanism thus quelling the resistance against the existing socio-economic structure.
As
Cruz
puts
it,
a
truly
Filipino
world-view
necessarily includes the realization that the Filipinos are the "true creators of their own destiny". Nofuente goes a step further. and TV drama as powerful life,
he
is
Calling attention to
radio
instruments in the shaping of a way of
painfully aware that
manipulation by the powers-that-be.
the
media
is
vulnerable
to
Through TV and radio drama,
a distorted view of reality can be developed, conditioning the people to become passive, ills
of
the
country.
and tolerant of the existing social Thus
the
perception
of
ideological
manipulation in an attempt to manufacture a new world-view or a supposedly Filipino ideology comes to the fore.
For example, the
notion that the "oppressed are blessed" is propagated through the mass media, thus encouraging the Filipino to get stuck with his lot and not strive for betterment.
Helen
Remonteza is a good
example from Philippine drama: Helen Remonteza -- a woman, ready to shed tears, get hurt, face life, and shoulder the world of sufferings. Helen Remonteza -- will cry, hurt herself and sacrifice in the name of lave.... There
is
no
evidence
[ Nofuente, 1979] whatsoever
that
necessary ingredient of the Filipino world-view.
suffering
is
a
Recognizing and
starting out from his basically kapwa orientation is perhaps the Filipino's
first
step towards
his
liberation.
The
Philippine
World-View is a contribution towards that end -- by not simply describing the Filipino outlook as seen in their arts, in their 4
behaviour and culture, but in moving them to action on the basis of their own world-view and on their own terms.
5
KAPWA:
A CORE CONCEPT IN FILIPINO SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY*
VIRGILIO G. ENRIQUEZ
The task of identifying key concepts for understanding a people's way of life, social psychology, mind, personality or behaviour is a most difficult one.
To begin with, it is merely assumed that
such concepts already exist or can be made to exist through a process of concept formulation. to formulate a theoretical
The present paper does not aim
construct which might be useful
for
understanding the Fi 1 i pi no mind but instead proposes to identify an existing, meaningful, and lexicalized concept in the Filipino national
language which
might
provide a
key to
understanding
Filipino psychology.
The Local Language as a Source of Concept Language is not merely a too 1 for communication. agree with the
Sa pi r-Whorf hypothesis
to
One need not
be con vi need of the
clear connection between language and culture.
Given this, one
*Paper read at "Key Concepts of Soc I a I Psycho I ogy in As I a" - The 20th Annua I Conference of the Japanese Society of Social Psychology, September 1979, International Christian University, Tokyo, Japan; also appeared In Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review KLII (1-4), January-December 1978.
6
is
understandab 1y
1ed to be 1 i eve that mean i ngfu 1 concepts for
understanding a society can most probably be identified in its indigenous with
language.
While this
uncertainties,
it
is
belief
quite
is
admittedly wrought
reasonable to infer that the
language of the Philippines is as good a starting point as any, if not better than most, for understanding Fi 1 i pi no behaviour. In any case, I would find it logical to look for a key concept for
understanding
Filipino behaviour
in the
Filipino
language
without discounting the possibility that such a key concept might be found in a non-Philippine language or that it may not even exist in any other language.
In a sense, science is faced with
the task of creating a 1anguage for understanding the behaviour of man; as such, we need not assume that the key concepts needed to
understand
a
people's
world-view are lexicalized
in their
native language. In
any
source
of
concepts meaningful for and significant to the local culture.
My
attempt
to
important
case,
the
identify to
the
native
in
the
language Filipino
understanding
of
is
a
rich
language
the
some
Filipino
concepts
personality,
world-view, and behaviour, initially turned out to be a rather difficult one. myself
that,
identified.
At one point, I almost gave up, until I reassured surely,
if there is
such
a concept,
it
can
be
Besides, the literature abounds in concepts such as
hiya, utang na loob, pakikisama, bahala na and amor propio, among others,
which
have
American-oriented
already
Filipino
been
identified
by
American
social
scientists
as
important
and in
understanding the Filipino character. In
spite
of
the
American
orientation
in
the
Philippine
social sciences, and the minimal use of the Filipino language in research,
teaching,
and
publication,
some supposedly important
concepts in the understanding of Filipino behaviour have already been identified in a number of Philippine languages.
7
The
use
token
1 anguage
of
has
supposedly
Filipino
concepts
to
i dent i fi cation
1 ed
Filipino
the
national
values.
frequently
mentioned
values
propriety),
pakikisama
(yielding
1 eader amor
or the majority) , propio
bayanihan regional
values
maratabat
which
are
utang
(sensitivity
(togetherness
and
to
hiya
(sense
to
the will
na
1 oob
common
have
been
local
of
some
Among the more
personal
in
the
of
of the
(gratitude) , affront)
effort).
recognized
and Some
include
(a complex combination of pride, honour and
shame), balatu {sharing one's fortune),
ilus
{sharing
surp 1 us food), kakugi
(meticulousness and attention to
detail),
(compassion),
patugsiling
hataggusto
or
pagbibigay
kalulu
(empathy),
(generosity),
paghiliupod
(faithful ness in need or in p1 enty) , and pags i nabtanay (fidelity to one's promises).
[See Elequin 1974; cited
in Enriquez 1977.] However, the majority of such concepts eventua 11 y turn out to b, "surface" concepts consistent with the wester.n orientation a ime• to perpetuate the co 1 oni a 1 status of the Filipino.
As I observe•
later: The
problems
psychological analysis
with
the
token
use
of
Filipino
concepts
in
the
context
of
relies
on
the
English
language
that
English categories of analysis are many,
a
western and
It no doubt
can lead to the distortion of Philippine social reality and
the
furtherance
Filipinos.
of
the
mi s-educat ion
of
the
It is no coincidence that Kaut {1961) hit
upon utang na loob {debt of gratitude) as a key concept for
the
analysis
of
Tagalog
interpersonal
relations
considering that utang na 1oob is just one among many psycho-soci a 1 concepts that re 1ate to the theoretically fertile
concept
of
loob.
8
We
have
sama
ng
loob
(resentment),
kusang loob
(initiative), lakas ng loob
(guts), and many many others.
Samonte [1973] needed no
1ess than three pages just to 1 i st down such concepts. In addition, Kaut admitted that "debt of gratitude" is not
altogether
unknown
in
Washington,
DC.
Even
Americans recognize utang na loob, they just happen to prefer
kaliwaan
possible. value
is
or
misleading
whenever
to
say the
least
and
Utang na 1oob would be convenient
perpetuating the colonial
mind.
pay-offs
To argue that utang na loob is a Filipino therefore
dangerous at best. in
immediate
status of the
Filipino
For example, the Filipino should be grateful for
"American aid" regardless of how much it is shown to be a form of imperialism [Hayter, 1971].
It is interest-
ing to contrast the socio-psychological implications of sama ng loob or kusang loob or lakas ng loob to that of utang na loob [Enriquez 1977]. Instead
of
lifting
a
Filipino
concept
from
the
network
of
concepts to which it belongs, it is far preferable to make full use of the language as the main resource.
The Concept of Kapwa
The bases of interaction aspect of
social
interaction
in
life.
the
among
people is clearly an
Without
Philippine
doubt,
an
environment
important
analysis of social as
codified
in
1 anguage revea 1 s a 1 ot about our wor 1d-v i ew and character.
the For
this reason, social interaction should be the meaningful focus of analysis in the process of identifying the concept of kapwa. The
Filipino 1 anguage, on this
distinctions
among
several
levels 9
score, and
provides conceptua 1
modes
of
social
inter-
action. levels: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)
Santiago and
Enriquez
[1976]
identified
eight
such
pakikitungo (transaction/civility with) pakikisalimuha (interaction with) pakikilahok (joining/participating with) pakikibagay (in conformity with/in accord with) pakikisama (being along with) pakikipagpalagayan/pakikipagpalagayang-loob (being in rapport/understanding/acceptance of) pakikisangkot (getting involved) pakikiisa (being one with)
The distinctions among these eight modes of interaction have significance beyond the conceptual and theoretical. More importantly than just interrelated modes of interpersonal relations, these eight levels represent interactions which range from the relatively uninvolved civility of pakikitungo to the total sense of identification of pakikiisa. The different levels of interpersonal relations are not just conceptually but also behaviourally different. As an example, Santiago [1976] looks at the language of food -- which is really the language of interpersonal relationship in food-sharing -among the Filipino Bulacan middle class. She discusses five behaviourally recognizable levels under two general categories: !bang-tao or "Outsider" Category Levels: Pakikitungo (level of amenities) Pakikibagay (level of conforming) Pakikisama (level of adjusting) Hindi ibang-tao or "One of us" Category Levels: Pakikipagpalagayang-loob (level of mutual trust) Pakikiisa (level of fusion, oneness and full trust) 10
The foregoing is evidence for the claim that the domain of interpersonal
relations
elaborate
Filipino.
in
is theoretically fertile and lexically Moreover,
anyone
looking
for
a core
concept that would help explain Filipino interpersonal behaviour cannot help but be struck by the superordinate concept of kapwa. It is the only concept which embraces both the categories of "outsider"
(ibang-tao)
and
Similarly,
pakikipagkapwa
"one
of
embraces
us"
all
(hindi
the
ibang-tao).
levels
in
both
categories.
The Meaning of Kapwa Filipino-English dictionaries generally give the words "both" and "fellow-being"
as
translations
of
kapwa
[Panganiban
1972,
Enriquez 1979, de Guzman 1968, Calderon 1957]. However, when asked for the closest English equivalent of kapwa, one word that generally comes to mind is the English word "others".
In meaning, the Filipino word kapwa is very different
from this:
kapwa is the unity of the "self" and "others".
In
English the word "others" is actually used in opposition to the "self", and implies the recognition of the self as a separate identity.
In
contrast,
kapwa
is
a
recognition
of
shared
identity. The concept of pakikipagkapwa turns out to be very important psychologically as well as philosophically.
While pagtutunguhan
is another term which can be used to refer to all
levels of
interaction, only the term pakikipagkapwa can be used for 'this same purpose and at the same time indicate an ide a, va 1 ue or paninindigan important. "superficial"
(conviction)
pagtutunguhan
Besides, level
which
of
interaction: 11
Filipinos a 1 so the
consider
connotes level
of
the
most most
amenities,
while pakikipagkapwa refers to "humanness to its highest level", as Santiago [1976] puts it. A person starts
having a kapwa not so much because of a
recognition of status given him by others but more so because of his
awareness
iba-sa-akin Hindi
of
shared
(others)
identity.
The
ako
(ego)
and
the
are one and the same in kapwa psychology:
ako iba sa aking kapwa
(I am no different from others).
Once ako starts thinking of himself as different from kapwa, the self, in effect, denies the status of kapwa to the other. Brislin [1977] notes that all cultures distinguish between the in-group and the out-group; the member and the non-member; the inside!' and the outsider.
He surmises that this might be an
example of an etic or "universal" distinction.
Yet, there seems
to
fit
be
at
least
perfectly:
one
culture
that
does
not
this
mould
that of the middle class Filipino from the Philippine
province of Bulacan.
For the Bulakeno the ibang-tao (outsider)
is kapwa in the same manner that the hindi i bang-tao (one of us) is also kapwa (the unity of the one of us and the other). Presumably because of the importance of kapwa, the Filipino language
has
two
pronouns
for
the
English
inclusive "we", and kami, an exclusive "we". national
"we":
tayo,
As found
an
in the
languages of Indonesia and Malaysia, kita includes the
listener; kami excludes him. Concepts
indigenous
to
Filipinos
are
not
necessarily
peculiar only to the Philippines, but they have specific meanings which are closer to the Filipino experience [cf. Enriquez 1976]. An example of this is Jocano's comment [1975] that perhaps he was saling-pusa
(literally,
left-over food
for cats)
National Conference on Filipino Psychology.
c\t the First
The term sal i ng-pusa
(figuratively, informal member), which has no exact equivalent in the
English
language,
is s i gni fi cant.
12
It
indicates the value
attached to the feelings
of one another so that
pakikipagkapwa is avoided.
hypocrisy
in
For example, if a young girl invited
to an important gathering discovers afterwards that she is not the first choice she natura 11 y wi 11 fee 1 hurt for it wou 1 d appear that she is merely a panakip-butas {literally "filling a gap").
Pakikisama or Pakikipagkapwa? Previous
work
characters
on
in
Philippine
Philippine
values
point
interpersonal
to
three
relations.
"evil"
These
are:
(1) the walang pakikisama (one inept at the level of adjustment);
(2) the walang hiya (one who lacks a sense of propriety); and (3) the
wa 1ang
utang
na
1oob
(one
who
1acks
adeptness
in
reciprocating by way of gratitude). Lynch [1964] proposes the construct of "smooth i nterpersona 1 relations"
as
acquired
euphemism,
and
the
successful
in
and
use
penetrating
i nterpersona 1 re 1 at ions
perceived
of
a
and
in the
through
go-between. reaching
the
pakikisama,
Perhaps, highest
he
was
level
of
i bang-tao category, thus making
him believe that pakikisama is a value.
However he did not take
cognizance of the importance of the other levels of interpersonal relations beyond pakikisama, making his observation valid to a point but definitely inadequate. Kaut [1961] singles out utang na loob as a key concept for the analysis of interpersonal relations in Tagalog while hiya has been interpreted by Fox [1956] as "self-esteem" and by Bulatao [1964] as "a painful emotion arising from a relationship with an authority figure or with society, inhibiting self-assertion in a situation which is perceived as dangerous to one's ego. kind of anxiety, a fear of being left exposed".
13
It is a
The attention given to pak i k i sam a has been interpreted as consistent with the mis-education of the Filipino: In
Dissent
argued
how
education
and the
can
well
instead
consciousness. the
academician
very
mis-educator out
Counter-consciousness,
Social
concept
pakikibagay,
Constantino
as
recipient
be the
Philippine
of
professing
of
mi s-
society's the
new
scientists who unwittingly yank
of
pakikisama
pakikisalimuha,
from
pakikitungo,
pakikipagpalagayang-loob
and paikiisa and then elevate it to a status of value are
at
the
same
unintentionally)
time
reinforcing
skills
and
talents
(intentionally •••
sold
to
or the
highest bidder -- usually the elite and vested interest groups.
Without
conformity
question
and
western
they
reward
orientation.
docility,
The
logical
consequence is that they are negative on social protest (Navarro, 1974). as
value which
More accurately it is not pakikisama is
important but pakikipagkapwa as a
Filipino paninindigan.
Take the supposed social value
of pakikisama.
not
It
is
clear if one should
even
accept and identify pakikisama as a Filipino value.
If
it is truly a value, how do we explain the fact that many insist on their pagkatao {dignity) and karapatan (rights) and say outright ayaw kong mak i sama ("I don't want to conform").
Supposing one does not want to have
a part in corruption he is identified as hindi marunong makisama. and
If he does not care for docility, conformity
the western
orientation,
What kind of value is that? create
for
the
Filipino
perpetuate such an idea? for
a westerner
he
is walang
pakisama.
What self-image does that should
social
scientists
It is probably understandable
interested
in
Philippine
society to
jump to the conclusion that pakikisama is a Filipino value.
After all
he is not immersed in the culture,
14
his interests and goals are different, and he does not even understand the 1 anguage~ However, the Fi 1 i pi no should marshal his knowledge as a culture bearer and as a speaker of the language to heighten his awareness of Philippine social reality [Enriquez, 1977]. In another article it was argued that pakikipagkapwa, not pakikisama, is what Filipinos value: In spite of the fact that western psychology looms large in psychological work in the Philippines, especially in western-oriented universities, the full use of Filipino has led to the identification of the value pakikipagkapwa which is surely more important than pakikisama. The barkada (peer group) would not be happy with the walang pakisama but the Philipine society at 1arge cannot accept the wa 1ang kapwa tao. Pakikipagkapwa is both a paninindigan (conviction) and a value. It includes all the other mentioned modes and Pakikisama is a form of levels of inter-action. pakikipagkapwa but not the other way around. In fact, pakikisalimuha is even closer than pakikisama in meaning to pakikipagkapwa [Enriquez, 1977]. One argument for the greater importance of kapwa in Filipino thought and behaviour is the shock or disbelief that the Filipino registers when confronted with one who is supposedly walang kapwa (-tao) [without respect for another human being]. If one is walang pakisama, others might still say "He will eventually learn" or "Let him be; that's his prerogative". If one is walang hiya {shameless), others say "His parents should teach him a thing or two". If one is wa 1ang utang na 1oob others might advise "Avoid him". But if one is walang kapwa tao, people say "He must have reached rock-bottom"; napakasama na niya, "He is the worst". 15
Pakikipagkapwa as a conviction does not simply imply either paki kitungo (amenities) or paki ki sama {adjusting) or any of the other modes and levels of inter-action. Pakikipagkapwa is much deeper and profound in its implications. It also means accepting and dealing with the other person as an equal. The company president and the clerk in an office may not have an equivalent role, status, or income but the Filipino way demands and implements the idea that they treat one another as fe 11 ow human beings ( kapwa-tao). This means a regard for the dignity and being of others. the socio-psychological dimension, Aside from pakikipagkapwa has a moral and normative aspect as a value and paninindigan (conviction). Situations change and relations vary according to environment. For example, pakikipagkapwa is definitely inconsistent with exploitative human transactions. Giving the Filipino a bad deal is a challenge to kapwa (-tao) [Enriquez, 1977 J. If on 1y to correct the impression that pak i ki pagkapwa is other-oriented 1 ike pak i ki sam a, one must note that the Fi 1 i pi no does not always concede. He knows how to resist even when he seems utterly powerless. He knows the meaning of co-operation and concerted action. He knows that pakikibaka (joining a struggle) is a valid aspect of pakikipagkapwa in the face of injustice and adversity. Let me cone 1ude with a Tag a 1og proverb: Mad a 1 i ang magi ng tao, mahirap ang magpakatao (It is easy to be born a tao [human], but it is not as easy to act 1 ike one). The Pampangos de 1 i ver essentially the same idea with: Malagua ing maguing tao, masaguit ing magpacatau.
But the Tagalogs add: 16
Kung mahirap ang
maging
tao,
lalong
mahirap
ang
makipagkapwa-tao
(If
it
is
d i ffi cult to be tao, it is even more difficult to mak i pagkapwatao) [Eugenio, 1967].
l7
Boston, Lynn C. 51 ( 1968).
11
FIIlplno Bahala Na and American Fatalism".
In Silliman Journal
Brlsl In, Richard. Personal Communication. Culture Learning Institute. West Centre, Honolulu, Hawaii, USA, 1977. Bulatao, Jaime C.
"Hiya".
Calderon, Sotronlo G. 1957.
East-
Philippine Studies 12 no. 3 ( 1964).
Talasalltaan ng lnang Wlka.
Manila:
lnang Wlka Pub. Co.,
Bagong Dlkslyonaryo Plllplno-lngles/lngles-PIIlpino. de Guzman, Marla Odullo. Manila: National Bookstore, 1968. Elequln, Eleanor. "Educational Goals, Alms and Objectives". Report of a study by a workIng group In As I a. UNESCXJ NI ER Reg ion a I Programme tor Educat lena I National Institute tor Educational Research, Research In Asia. Tokyo: 1974. Enriquez, P. Jocobo, et al. Engllsh-Tagalog Vlsayan (Cebuano-llongo) Vocabulary. Manila: Phil lpplne Book Co., 1949. Enriquez, VIrgilio G. "PIIIplno In Psychology". Development of Scientific Terminology as Part of the Elaboration and Intel lectuallzatlon of PII lplno. Informal roundtable conferences on the Development of the Phil lpplne National Language. Manila, 7 December 1976. "Filipino Psychology In the Third World". Psychology 10 no. 1 (1977>.
In Philippine Journal of
Eugenio, Damlana L. "Philippine Proverb Lore". In Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review 31 nos. 3-4 (September-December 1966). Feliciano, Gloria. "The Limits of Western Social Research Methods Philippines: the Need tor InnovatIon". In L1 punan no. I ( 1965 l. Fox,
Robert. ~T~h~e~~F~I~I~I~p~ln~o~~C~o~n~c~e~p~t~~o~t--~S~e~l~t--=E~s~t~e~em~. Area Handbook Philippines. Vol. I Pt. 2. Chicago: University of Chicago, 1956.
Hayter, Teresa.
Aid as Imperialism.
Middlesex, England:
In Rural
ot
the
Penguin, 1971.
Jocano, F. Landa. Ang mga Babaylan at Katalonan sa klnaglsnang slkolohlya. Ulat ng Unang Pambansang Kumperensya sa Slkolohlyng Plllplno. Lungsod Quezon: Unlbersldad, 1976. Kaut,
Charles R. "Utang-na-loob: A system ot contractual obligation Tagalogs". In Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 17 (1961).
18
among
Lynch, Frank. Social Acceptance. Four Readings on Philippine Values. Edited by F. Lynch. 2nd rev. ed. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University, 1964. Panganlban, Jose VIlla. Dlksyunaryo-Tesauro Manlapaz Publishing Co., 1972.
Plllplno-lngles.
Quezon
City:
Samonte, Elena. "Kabuuan ng mga kahulugan ng mga sallta sa larangang lekslkal ng 'loob"'• Unpublished paper. Dillman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1973. Santiago, Carmen. "The language of food". Culinary Culture of the Philippines. Edited by Cordero, Gilda F. Bancom, Philippines: Audlovlslon Corporation, 1976. Santiago, Carmen and VIrgilio G. Enriquez. "Tungo sa pan ana II ks I k". Slkolohlyang Plllplno: Mga Ulat at Ballta Also published In Panday I no. I (January 1973).
19
makaplll plnong no. 4 ( 1976l.
FOOD AND THE FILIPINO
DOREEN G. FERNANDEZ
M.F.K.
Fisher
anyone at all
[1971],
a
famous
food
writer,
have devoted at 1east one of them to his not
a
that
who has had more than three thoughts, is sure to nourishment.
writes that even "Albert Einstein once said: is
once wrote
good
political
adviser',
as
Fisher
'An empty stomach
simply
as
if
he
were
chalking one more equation on the world's blackboard." The Filipino is no different.
Food punctuates his life, is
a touchstone to his memories, is a measure of his relationships with
nature,
with
his
fellowmen,
with
Christmas to a Filipino, and he will say:
the
world.
Mention
Oh yes, we always had
ensaimada and chocolate for breakfast, or puchero for lunch, or puto
bumbong and
bibingka after misa de
galla.
Not
trees or
presents or the weather does he remember but the food that he can almost sense in the remembering:
chocolate thick and frothy in a
small white cup, bibingka, golden on a singed banana leaf eaten with moist white grated coconut that make a little juice on the tongue.
Ask about his hometown, and a Filipino will
remember a
spinster aunt who made a past ill as de pili; or tul i ngan brought fresh
off
the
fishing
boats
on
the
seashore;
or
armfuls
of
dampalit gathered in fishponds for pickling; or ulang speared in shallow waters; or green mangoes snitched from the neighbour's trees.
Even
taste-buds
after
have
much
been
travel
attuned
to
and
acculturation,
wine
and
caviar
even and
after French
sauces, the Fi 1 i pi no will speak longingly of silver-grey shrimps 20
jumping in the basket, of bangus stuffed with tomatoes and onions and
thrown
on
a fire till
black and crusty,
of sawsawan and
pamutat and kamayan. Jean Anthelme Brillat Savarin, the French lawyer (1755-1826) renowned
as
the
philosopher
succintly
in
his
fourth
of
cuisine,
said
it
all
aphorism -- one of 20 that
preamble to his book The Physiology of Taste: eat, and I shall tell you what you are". aphorism, by the way, said:
very
serve as
"Tell me what you
The less quoted third
"The destiny of nations depends on
how they nourish themselves."
But that is a totally different
area of exploration. It
is
the
thesis
of
this
paper,
therefore,
that
an
exploration of what the Filipino eats --the sources of his food, the way it is prepared and served -- will reveal something of his view of the world, of nature, and of his fellow man.
Filipino Food and the Natural Environment The
Filipino's
indigenous
cuisine,
his
native
food before colonization by Spain and the United States, reveals an intimate knowledge of his environment.
It is a cuisine drawn directly
from nature -- from the biyaya ng lupa -- from nature thoroughly explored and imaginatively used. Let us look first at the foods he has chosen to cull from nature. tropical forests food:
Because of the anatomy of his country-- islands in a clime,
strung through teeming
are close at hand, the waters
seas, where fields
he has three principal
-- the sea, rivers,
and
sources of
brooks, estuaries, even
rice paddies; the plant life in the fields and forests; and the animal life that flourishes both on land and in the waters. 21
Since our ancestors typically settled near water sources, along rivers, on coastal lands, the waters constitute perhaps the most immediate source of food which is why most everyday Filipino dishes revolve around fish and seafood.
We do not spurn any of
the bounty of the waters; from the shark ( k i nunot na pat i ng) to the barely visible pinhead-size tabios; from the lobster to the a l amang; varieties
from the capi z to the lowly tul ya; and crabs of all --
from
the
tiny
talangka,
hundreds
of
which
are
immolated to produce the orange taba that we prodigiously pour on hot rice, to the igud or coconut robber crab which, because of its diet, carries within it the makings of its own sauce.
We eat
the heads of fishes, savouring the eyes, the maws, the brains; we suck out the fat in the heads of shrimps; we salt and pickle fish roe; we know how to savour the goodness of watery creatures in all their stages of growth, from tiny fry to giant breeder (for example, the sabalo, or mother bangus). The plant life around us bountiful
source
of
food.
provides us with our next most
From
the
vines,
shrubs,
plants,
grasses, and trees come the galaxy of gulays which we enjoy all year round.
We are amazed that the American table has little
more than lettuce and cabbage, peas and carrots, and potatoes for everyday found
on
seemingly
vegetables the
(artichokes
ordinary
endless
American
variety
of
and
Brussels
table).
For
roots
(gabi,
sprouts we
are
revel ube,
not in
a
kamote,
singkamas), delicate leaves (dahong bawang, malunggay, alugbate, pechay,
pako,
etc.),
tendrils
(talbos
ng
ampalaya,
kalabasa,
sayote), fruits (jack fruit and banana are vegetables as well as fruits),
seeds
(not only beans,
even flowers (katuray, squash).
but, say jackfruit seeds) and Lacking any dietary inhibitions,
we find provender in swamps, sea growth (sea weeds, for example), rice or cane fields or even on sidewalks.
We make use of what
some might call weeds (kulitis saluyot, talinum), of stalks and shoots, of pulp, peel and seed.
22
In field degrees
and
sinigang. or
forest,
varieties
too, we have found all
of
tartness
to
add
the shades,
piquancy
to
our
"Souring" with something obvious like kalamansi (lime)
tomatoes
imagination "souring" kamias,
and
is,
to
when
there
elements guavas,
the
native mind, are
around:
green
so
many
sampalok
pineapples,
abysmal
poverty
delightfully fruits
the
different
or young
leaves,
leaves,
batuan,
alibangbang
green mangoes, or combinations of these.
of
The native tongue has
tried and experienced their subtle differences, and their effects on the sour broths that are so refreshing in hot weather. In this plant environment, too, are available the spices, herbs, and flavourings that were not what Magellan was 1ooki ng for,
but which we know how to use with our native fare:
tanglad
or
lemon
grass which
Visayans
stuff
the
into lechon; the
star-shaped anise seed or sangke which gives aroma to certain putos; the kasubha which we put into arroz ca 1do and which is related to saffron; dilaw or turmeric and langkawas, which look like ginger but are quite different;
and all
the chillis and
peppers that render food hot and exciting. From the p1 ant 1 i fe in the environment too, come two gifts of cardi na 1 importance to the Fi 1 i pi no:
rice and the coconut.
The coconut is more than food to us, of course.
From its leaves
come palaspas for Palm Sundays, hats and balls for picnics, walls and
roofs
for sheds and entablado, while the stripped mid-rib
makes walis tingting and now matchstick curtains; the husks scrub our floors; the trunks bridge our creeks; the shells are scoops, mou 1ds, 1 adl es.
By way of food, we make use of the coconut from
birth to maturity.
The sap of the bud ferments into tuba; the
"cooling" water and the tender, translucent flesh of the buko are not only enjoyed fresh but also cooked with young shrimps in the Quezon pinais or with chicken in the Visayan binacol; the mature white meat we grate to go with kakanin, or squeeze for gata; the "freak" macapuno is a stap 1 e of the nation a 1 sweet tooth; and we
23
demand the death of the tree in order to have the fresh heart, the ubod for our lumpiang ubod. Rice cere a 1 •
is
even more
important,
for
it
is
more than
basic
It is the background against which a 11 our food is meant
to be eaten, and thus shapes our tastes and, in no small part, our cuisine.
Why do we
heavily
(tuyo,
Because
the
daing,
"sour"
(sinigang and paksiw)
bagoong),
b1 andness,
the
pepper
humility
or of
desirability of strong, sharp contrasts not demand.
flavour rice
or salt strongly?
suggests
the
something bread does
This is why the Filipino on a diet a 1ways moans:
But what is Filipino food without rice?
One can quite easily eat
steak and fried chicken without bread, but how can kari -kari and binagoongang baboy be enjoyed without rice? Rice can,
furt~er,
be ground into flour, and thus made into
the ka 1 ei doscope of rice cakes and sweets, puto of all colours and flavours,
found all over the Philippines, from the
Muslim south to the north.
The significance of rice is seen when
we discover that just about all victory
rituals
shapes,
in
our feasts
indigenous
(weddings, burials,
societies,
Christmas
Christianized regions) are associated with a rice specialty. the
expatriate,
the cosmopolite, the provincial,
and all
in Ask will
remember some form of rice cake marking the misa de gallo, or the media noche, or Christmas day itself:
the puto bumbong served
with free sa 1a bat in the early morning; in Pampanga the putong lusong with panara for media noche; in Vigan the tinubong cooking in bamboo tubes while all knelt at midnight Mass. Rice, therefore, is celebrative fare as well as the humble, daily, year-round stap 1 e.
Its water from washing provides broth
for sinigang; its young grains pounded flat make pinipig; it can be fermented into wine, or into the relish called buro.
Even the
tutong at the bottom of a cooking pot is eaten, not from hunger but with pleasure, as another taste experience.
24
In Quezon towns,
on
the
feast
colourful
of
San
wafer
Isidro
called
Labrador,
kiping
which,
rice
also
shaped
becomes
into
the
sunbursts,
chandeliers and whirls, decorate houses, and are also fried and eaten. Apart from the waters,
the
fields and forests, the third
source of food is the living animal Pi gafetta [1975] native hosts. pig
or
recorded that they were served pork by their
We do not know if that came from a domesticated
a wild
hesitate to
world in the Philippines.
one,
seek
since
for
the
food
Filipino,
beyond
his
even
now,
backyard.
does
not
He does
not
restrict himself to the pigs and chickens that he raises, but tries wild boar, mountain chicken, deer; the dog and the carabao (water buffalo); even his fighting cock when it loses its fight (there
is a special
other foods
Batangas dish
the
balut,
locust,
snake,
iguana,
fruit
octopus, ant eggs,
bat,
field kamaro
rat,
unhatched
(cricket),
Why not?
the
cooking very
freshness.
methods
did
the
wisest.
Because
Filipino
of
and
their
develop
for
baby
this
The very simplest
proximity,
all
life are avail able in all
this their
So what would be the best way to cook what is not
helado, frozen, or plastic-wrapped: pail
cat,
Biyaya ng lupa.
seafood and plant and animal
a
wild
in
All belong to the bounty of sea
varied feast gathered from his surroundings? and
duckling
the woodworm or tamilok -- almost anything
that flies or swims.
What
and
that the westerner considers either disgusting or
exotic:
and land:
called talunang manok)
shrimp;
jumping
for hito still thrashing in
from the tumpok,
and
crabs
still
nipping thumbs and crawling out of the kaserola? The best way to prepare food so fresh is to do as little as possible:
Do not mar its pristine quality; do not drown it in
heavy sauces and spices (which were used in Europe to distinguish food some steps away from freshness). 25
Eat it
raw, as oysters
from unpolluted waters should be eaten; or merely marinated in good strong native vinegar, as in kilawing dilis or tanguingue or hipin; or lightly steamed, as in halabos na hipon; or roasted on coals.
The special maliputo of Taal may be cooked in butter and
lemon,
but
kalamansi.
it
is
best
coal-roasted
with
bagoong
balayan
and
Or cooked in a little vinegar and garlic as paksiw,
which is good hot or cold, and is an excellent way of preserving food
where there are
broth as sinigang.
no
refrigerators.
Or cooked
in
a sour
Or just lightly boiled as tinola or pesa, or
nilaga. The rich,
greasy, cho l estero 1-hi gh methods of cooking are
alien to our understanding of what is proper for the freshness which nature
bestows
on us.
Because freshness
available, we demand it as a birth-right.
is
immediately
This plus the fact
that rice is a basic dietary staple and "background taste" have shaped our indigenous cuisine. Indigenous Philippine cuisine is thus clearly a result of the Filipino's peasant closeness to the land and to nature.
Not
only has he explored its nooks and crannies, cycles and seasons, sea,
plant
and
animal
life,
but,
in
his
work
as
farmer,
fisherman, carabao tender and gatherer of forest products, he is from birth attuned to season and weather.
He knows when ul ang
abound in the rivers; when to plant kamoteng kahoy or go out with lamp and fish net; when the wild edible fern is to be found and where; which bananas are for boiling, which for eating from the tree; which mushrooms are safe and what rains bring them. knowledge
is
empirical,
experimentation, experience.
gained
from
exposure,
observation,
The simplicity -- indeed meagreness
-- of his means made him an inventive improviser unneedful strict
formulae
His
(no native cook uses
of
recipes, or is bound by
"musts"; what is available is used), flexible, and able to make do.
This same simplicity makes him sensitive to flavour: the bitter, the succulent, the aromatic, the sour. His language has
26
words
for
equivalent
in
English:
malinamnam,
manamisnamis,
maanggo,
maaskad,
malabo,
no
mapakla,
malangsa,
stark
lifestyle
The
etc.
have
that
differences
subtle
those
developed
makes him waste nothing, not the gabi stalk {it is stripped for strings to tie the leaf-bundles in pinangat), the chicken feet or intestines (barbecued for pu 1a tan) or any i nterna 1 organs, b1 ood Native cuisine, born out of the land, the weather
or even bile. and
and
means
the
seasons,
the
people
of
lifestyle
in
an
agricultural society, reflects a relationship with nature that is inti mate, adventurous, pragmatic, and eminently wise -- as even the
gourmet
and
dietician
modern
would
cuisine minceur)
(of
agree.
The Filipino and his Fellow Man: are
There
relationship
Filipino's separate
his
to
would
but
studies,
his
in
aspects
many
•The Language of Food•
to
a number
worth
fellow man like
indicate
which
cuisine
focus
on
two
the of
rather
the sawsawan, and what Carmen E. Santiago has
disparate ones:
called "the 1 anguage of food" [Fernando, 1976]. When one partakes of a meal cooked by a French chef and asks for catsup or,
insult.
unpardonable
A-1
horrors, The
sauce, one is guilty of a great,
French chef, you see, ordains how a
dish should taste, and one is not supposed to add even a grain of salt or a pinch of pepper -- much less a glob of the
Filipino
taste.
chef.
He
does
not
prescribe
how
catsup~
a dish
Not so should
Although he knows the precise degree of sourness proper
to a sinigang, or of anghang proper to his pinangat, he fully expects his cooking to be embellished, enhanced, adjusted, and adapted to individual tastes by means of the sawsawan or dipping sauce.
In
other
words,
he
is
professing
no superiority; the
consumer has a part in the creation of the dish just as he has.
27
Our simple cooking methods -- boiling,
steaming,
roasting, and
sour-stewing -- do have flavours built in, but they are simple and basic, and invite "consumer participation". So squeeze kalamansi on your food; sprinkle it with patis; dip it in vinegar sprinkled with crushed garlic, black pepper, or crushed chillis; accompany it with a side-dish of bagoong sauted with bits of pork and sprinkled with wan soy, diced green mangoes mixed with tomatoes and bagoong, or bean paste sauted with onion and tomatoes.
Surround yourself, if you so please, with a galaxy
of
saucers
little
combinations. wish.
Tease
imagination.
Make your
containing
each
bite
tongue,
different
a different
tickle
your
flavour-teasing
experience,
palate,
Invent, combine, experiment.
if you
plunder
your
Aside from the basics
like toyo, suka, patis and kalamansi, Filipinos have added to the dipping lexicon:
tomatoes, onions, crunchy slices of kamias, the
young shoots of mango trees, little sour green paho, coriander 1 eaf or wan soy,
Chinese ce 1 ery or ki nchay, fermented
rice and
fish, fish roe, salted eggs, etc. What does it all mean?
That the chef and the eater -- the
creator and the consumer -- are on equal footing; that eating is an act of creation in which both participate, an experience in which both are creators and critics.
No Filipino cook would,
1 ike the chef Vate 1 , commit suicide because not enough fish had been delivered for a banquet. with
galunggong,
hipon,
and
He would probably have made do let
his
audience
share
in
the
adjustment he had to make. Our use of the sawsawan, therefore, betrays a laissez faire, non-prescriptive relationship between man (cook) and man (cooked for). It is a relaxed relationship, relationship with surrounding nature.
one of
a
piece
in the
The language of food is properly the study of psychologists
28
and perhaps psycholinguists. It certainly requires much more attention than has been devoted to it so far. However, what is very obvious to any Filipino is the fact that food "talks" -- as a gift it is always proper; it always says the right things. It is proper for a girlfriend, to whom one gives perhaps past ill as or candy. It is proper for an equal, like a fellow worker in an office or university, to whom the gift may range from Juicy Fruit (chewing gum) to mangoes or suman. It is proper for a superior, like one's boss or dean or ni nang or benefactor, to whom one gives either something unimaginative but expensive like a baked turkey, a bottle of Chivas Regal or a hamper, or, something small and rare, like leche flan made from carabao, milk cooked by one's own grandmother or a tin of Iranian caviar. And it is a proper gift for one way beyond one's social world, like visiting royalty or the local equivalent as when the relationship is casual, when it is intimate; when it is one of supplication and gratitude; when it is one of commitment, and also when it is non-committal. It carries favour, it stores up goodwill, it expresses friendship and it represents utang na loob and yet it can never be called a bribe. Food, then, is obviously a versatile "counter in the exchange of goodwill", a coin of different values that can be graded up and down and is never nakakahiya (inappropriate) to give or to accept -- an authentic language, the nuances of which are well understood by both the giver and the receiver. Yet another facet of its function as a language is seen in its sharing. When one is eating something, be it a sandwich or a feast, one is expected to invite whoever is around to share it -a bite, a sip, a lick must be offered even when patently impossible to accept. The obligation becomes stronger in one's home. Anyone who comes in (except perhaps a bill collector or the basurero), at meal-time or otherwise, should be fed something or invited to join a meal in progress. The soft drink or cracker 29
offered is a word of welcome: even more symbolic is the way the guest is urged to sit and join the meal
If one's
in progress.
presence, expected or not, occasions a fuss:
special dishes that
take time to prepare, served on guest china and silver kept in the cupboard for the purpose, then one is of the "bisita or ibang tao category" as noted by Carmen Santiago.
The dishes served to
such a guest are not usually those of the native cuisine (not paksiw and inihaw) but adapted from that of the colonizers -indigenized
Spanish
dishes
like
relleno
and
puchero,
indigenized American dishes like fried chicken and salad. however, fuss,
one's
presence,
or If,
expected or not, does not occasion a
but involves the use of the daily -- perhaps plastic --
tableware and the customary fare (pritong galunggong and ginisang ampalaya), then one is hindi ibang tao (one of us) and can share sawsawan and whatever food there is with the family.
The deepest
level of being hindi ibang tao is evident when one can walk into the kitchen to help oneself to a glass of water, or help bring out the food:
kasi
hindi ka naman bi sita ("You are now one of
us, no longer a guest"). The language of food
varies
in nuance and vocabulary, of
course, in urban and rural settings and in the different social classes.
In
a
burgis
{bourgeois)
home,
your
being
served
Filipino, Chinese, American, Spanish, or French food, is already an indication of the regard in which you are held. of
catering
and
eating
out,
there
is
a
In these days
whole
new
lexicon
involving the caterer your host chooses for the dinner honouring you
--
Aling
Gloria,
Magnolia
Rendezvous,
Plaza,
Via
Mare,
Peninsula -- or the place to which you are taken to lunch or dinner Italian Village, a coffee shop in one of the new hotels, Barrio Fiesta, La Tasca, Old Manila, for example. Does he take you there to show off?
To impress you because
he considers you a fellow gourmet or bon vivant?
Because it is
what
crispy
he
can
afford?
Because
30
he
really
likes
pata?
Because it is convenient, or quiet and a place to talk?
(If the
invitation is between a man and woman, of course, a whole new system of meanings comes into p1ay in which the sharing of food stands for anything from a hunger-stopper to tryst to seduction.)
The Filipino and the World: Although
the
foregoing
Novelty and Change in Native Cuisine
discussions
on
what
Filipino
cuisine
reveals about the Filipino's relationship to nature and to his fellow man cannot but indicate his world-view -- his intimacy with nature, his understanding of it as source of life, his imaginative exploration of its resources, his development of uniquely Filipino ways of handling (cooking) these resources, and his development of his own ways of using food as "coins" in social, economic and political transactions -- perhaps further insight can be achieved by an examination of how the Fi 1 i pi no handles change in his cuisine, specifically, the influence of foreign cooking. Certainly the two major influences on Filipino cuisine come from the Chinese and the Spanish [Lumbera and Maceda, 1977]. What was absorbed and how, from either foreign cuisine, makes an interesting study.
the
To Chinese cuisine we owe just about all our noodles: all pane it (noodles) , using mi ki , bi hon, sotanghon, pane it
Canton; noodles transparent, opaque, fat or thin. So thoroughly and well have we absorbed the noodle that almost no region is without a pancit of its own, varied and indigenized according to locale. Thus the fishing town of Malaban has pancit Malabon, with oysters and seafood; modest Lucban developed pancit habhab, "poor town's fare", says Monina A. Mercado, of miki cooked in the marketplace and eaten off squares of banana leaf. 31
Other regions used flaked tinapa, ground chicharron, Chinese sausages, sauces, mixtures of noodles. From the Chinese too, we 1earned to add broth to noodles, to produce l omi and mami ; to wrap vegetables in a thin rice wrapper to make lumpia; to encase meat in dough as siomai and siopao or in leaf lard or other wrapping to make kekiam. These are the Chinese dishes that have been most widely absorbed into our cuisine, cooked in homes, in small corner merenderos, and in school cafetarias. The legacy from Spanish cuisine is quite different, since its chief characteristic is its richness. From the Spaniards we learned how to saute. While they used olive oil and tomato sauce, we indigenized this into sauteing in garlic, onions, and tomatoes. From Spain too, came our rich stews like cocido and puchero, stews which would have been way beyond the native lifestyle, with their reckless combination of pork, chicken, beef, vegetables, chori zos, jamon China, morci ll a. Also Spanish are the rice-meat combinations that are derivations of paella, like arroz a la Valenciana. Very Spanish, certainly, are other fiesta dishes such as galantinas and rellenos, and the rich desserts that require time and leisure {the kind only our legions of old-maid aunts have to spare) to make: brazos de Mercedes, tortas imperiales, borrachos, suspires, etc. Also, the Christmas castanas, ensaimadas, and jamon Pina. One readily notices that the Chinese, who first came as traders, settlers, merchants, had their food absorbed into lower and middle-class cuisine, in homes, turo-turo restaurants, corner panciterias. The Spanish, on the other hand, who came as conquerors, as avowed superiors, exercised their culinary influence mainly on the elite, on the ilustrado class, and thus their food, even now, is mainly fiesta fare. The native -- or what we may call Malay -- cuisine is served at all levels as the "heartland" cuisine, but principally in the lower classes, where often even the Chinese influence is but barely felt because of economics. 32
However,
as
with
Fi 1 i pi no changed,
everything
i ndi geni zed,
else
he
adapted.
in
a
sweetish,
powdered peanuts.
garlicky
adopted,
the
The Chinese 1 umpi a is
now unmistakably Filipino, dipped in toyo, smothered
has
vinegar and garlic,
sauce,
or
spinkled
with
The Spanish paella has on the one hand assumed
a dignity it does not have in Spain by being made impossibly rich and expensive, and also evolved into a native dish, the sticky bringe, with malagkit and gata, and the variations in between. American
fried
chicken
is
marinated
in
soy
and
kalamansi
or
vinegar and garlic before frying; pies are filled with buko, and sa 1 ads
with
kaong;
pizza
seasoned
to
the native tongue.
And
although the Filipino wi 11 a 1ways fee 1 that the best bi bi ngka is made from hand-ground galapong and cooked on a banana leaf with coals above and below it, he adjusts to convenience and schedules by using baking powder, mixes, new ovens (he invents them).
He
may even, in an emergency, use sinigang mix from a packet, frozen shrimp, and the pressure cooker instead of the traditional, slow simmering
method
of
preparation.
The
layer of adaptation
is
evident, and necessary, but the core of the Filipino's thinking about food is a 1 oya 1ty to what nature provided, to the way it was intended to be, understood and used -- because that is the right way.
Being in harmony with nature is not just habit and
tradition; it is rightness. This harmony is fundamental to the Filipino's world-view and seen in his relations with his fellow men.
Historically, in the
agricultural
many
dominant
community
today,
which
harmony
because of mutua 1 need.
with
determined one's
fellow
men
values was
still
necessary
In a 1 i festyl e with but few resources,
the mutual help between neighbours contributes greatly to a man's wealth.
As suggested in the discussion of food as language, food
functions to keep this harmony operative.
The mutual sharing of
functions between the cook and the cooked-for, and the use of food
as
a
social
lubricant,
as
an
infinitely
communicator in all kinds of relationships, proves this. 33
flexible Food is
better than 1anguage, in a way, because it hardly ever offends, and
yet
its
non-verbal
meaning
is
communication
non-confrontative,
causes
unmistakable. the no
It
Filipino
pain,
and
so
is
the
kind
of
prefers;
it
is
does
disrupt
not
harmonies. The young Filipino's food preference is of course changing, si nee modern 1 ife is 1eadi ng him further and further away from tradition.
It is not only that few housewives have the time to
search for a 1 i bangbang and green pi neapp 1e with which to "sour" sinigang na baboy, or rear and fatten chickens for the Christmas tinola.
Even
convenience
is
more
notable
than
the new taste
the
supermarket-to-freezer
for convenience,
fast
food and,
especially, for the beguiling products of the transnational food corporations, like hamburgers, fried chicken and doughnuts.
The
young,
and
enticed
by
filet-a-fish,
french
fries,
pan
pizza
hamburgers, will soon look back on provincial cooking with little nostalgia, and no sense of loss.
Their children to come may well
be camp 1ete ly ignorant of subt 1et i es of sourness and sweetness, their tastes homogenized by global standards. When the preferences in the choice and preparation of food change,
it
will
be
an
indication
that
the
social
bases
are
changing too -- those which intimate the relationship to nature, to one's fellow men, and to the world. The legacy and experience of what was an agricultural community in the matrices of Filipino art,
drama,
expression
literature, among
most
food,
values,
Filipinos,
even
world-view, those
raised
still in
find urban
centres. In the future, however, this primal voice may be drowned out by changes too massive and powerful to be gracefully i ndi geni zed and adapted at the culture's own pace. When that happens, alas for the passing of inihaw sa uling, of sorbete sa garapinera, of burong dalag, and all they mean and imply beyond the flavour and taste of the Philippine countryside.
34
GLOSSARY alamang
very small shrimps made into a salty paste called bagoong
alibangbang
butterfly-shaped 1eaves of a small tree, used for "souring" certain dishes
alugbate
a succulent, herbaceous vine eaten as vegetable, especially in the Visayas
anghang
chilli-hotness in food; spiciness
arroz caldo (Sp.)
chicken and with ginger
bagoong
a salty paste used as an accompanying sauce
bagoong balayan
a bagoong made of small fish instead of small shrimps, for which Balayan (a town in Batangas, Philippines) is noted
balut
a Philippine delicacy consisting of a boiled duck's egg, with a partly formed chick inside
ban gus
milkfish
basurero
garbage collector
batuan
a sour fruit about 2 em. in diameter, with an acid, juicy edible pulp around a large seed; also used for "souring" broth
bawang
garlic
bibingka
a fat rice cake topped with slivers of carabao milk cheese and sometimes w1th salted eggs, eaten with grated coconut
bihon
Chinese rice noodles
35
rice gruel
flavoured
binacol
a boiled chicken dish formerly cooked in a length of bamboo or in a coconut; sometimes with strips of young coconut
binagoongang baboy
pork cooked in bagoong
bisita
guest
biyaya ng lupa
grace from the earth
buko
young coconut, the flesh eaten in a salad or by itself, the water taken as a refreshi ng drink
burgis
colloqui alized form of "bourgeoisie", now used to refer to the wealthy, those apart from the masses
buro
a fermented rice, fish
burong dalay
fermented mudfish
capiz
placuna shell with edible flesh, commonly used for the shell making window panes and lamps
chicharr on
pork cracklin g
cuisine minceur (Fr.)
cu1s1ne; "slim" nouvelle cuisine
dahong bawang
garlic leaves, used as a green vegetabl e or made into pickles
daing
fish split lengthwise and laid out flat, salted and sun dried
dampal it
a fleshy, spreading-branched herb growing along the seashore or in fishpond s, the stems and leaves of which are made into pickles
di maabot ng kawalng-malay
idiom for "that which the innocent mind cannot comprehend"
dilaw
tumeric; yellow ginger
36
food,
for
a
example,
term
for
ensaimada (Sp.)
a large, soft, sweet bread, buttered and dusted with sugar; sometimes laced with grated Edam cheese and slivers of ham; served at breakfast or with hot chocolate
entablado (Sp.)
stage
gabi
taro
ga 1a pong
rice flour
galunggong
a kind of fish scad"
gat a
coconut milk; made by grating coconut and 1eachi ng out the mi 1 k with water
ginisang ampalaya
sauted bitter melon
gulay
vegetables
halabos na hipon
steamed shrimps
helado (Sp.)
ice; stored on ice
hindi i bang tao
idiom for of us"
hipon
generic term for shrimps
hi to
catfish
ibang tao
idiom for "outsider"
igud
the coconut robber crab, feeds on coconut meat
inihaw
charcoal-broiled
kakanin
small snacks eaten between meals
kalabasa
squash
kal amansi
small native 1ime
37
known as
"not an
"round
outsider; one
which
kalan
a trivet, especially made of stone, used for cooking food direct over the fire
kamaro
cricket
kama ron
large shrimp; from Spanish camaron
kamay an
eating with one's hands; the act of eating together thus
kamias
a green, acidic cylindrical fruit used for "souring" broth
kamote
sweet potato
kamoteng kahoy
cassava root
kaong
sugar palm whose immature seeds are made into sweets
kare-kare
a stew of oxtail, calf's feet, intestines and tripe, with a sauce of crushed peanuts and ground toasted rice
kari -kari
(as above)
kaserola
saucepan; stewpan
kasi hindi ka naman bisita
"because you're not an outsider"
kasubha
a plant, the dried stigma and styles of which are used for colouring and flavouring food; similar to saffron
katuray
a semi-wild tree, the large, white flowers of which are eaten raw or steamed; the young pods are also edible
kilawing di 1is
long-jawed anchovy, boned and marinated in vinegar and onions
kinchay
Chinese celery
kinunot na pating
baby shark cooked in coconut milk
38
kiping
leafbright-coloured, edible, as used wafers shaped thin decoration at the Lucban and other Quezon province fiestas
kulitis
a wild p1ant, the tender 1eaves and stems of which are eaten as a vegetable; also called native spinach
langkawa
an aromatic ginger-like root
1eche (Sp.)
milk
lechon (Sp.)
roast pig with lemon grass stuffing
lumpia
spring roll
lumpiang ubod
spring roll filled with heart of palm cut into julienne strips, and sauted with pork and shrimps; may be fried
maanggo
with or having spoiled meat
maaskad
with or having a slightly bitter acrid taste
macapuno
"freaked" coconut
mal agkit
glutinous rice
mal abo
spongy in consistency, as fruits or tubers
malangsa
fishy; sme 11
malinamnam
creamy and tender quality of taste and texture, associated with something very fresh
maliputo
fresh-water jack, found only in Taal Lake
malunggay
the horseradish plant; the young leaves are eaten as a leafy vegetable; sometimes even flowers and half-ripe fruits are cooked 39
the
smell
of
having a fishy taste or
manamisnamis
on the sweet side of taste
mapakla
acrid in taste, as of young guava fruits or unripe bananas
media noche (Sp.)
the midnight meal traditionally taken on Christmas eve
merenderos
snack sellers
miki
a noodle made from wheat flour, and sold fresh, not dried
misa de galla (Sp.)
dawn masses held for nine consecutive days before Christmas
nakakahiya
shameful; disgraceful
nilaga
boiled
ninong
godfather
paho
a fruit that looks like a miniature mango; eaten as a pickle or as a component of a dip or side dish
pako
an edible cooked
paksiw
fish or pork cooked in vinegar, garlic, and long cooking peppers
palaspas
palm leaves, woven into various shapes and taken to the church on Palm Sunday for blessing
pamutat
referring to something used as a side dish or eaten as horsd'oeuvres
panara
a fried rice-flour turnover or pasty, fi 11 ed with sauted vegetables
pan cit
a generic term for a noodle dish
pans it
(as above)
panciteria
noodle restaurant 40
fern,
eaten
raw
or
pastillas de pili
sweets in the form of little bars or cylinders, made of tubers or milk, with pili nuts
pat a
leg of pork
patis
a very coloured sauce
pechay
one of the most widely-grown vegetab 1es in the Phi 1i ppi nes, with soft, large green leaves and white petioles
pes a
fish boiled in rice washing with ginger, tomatoes and onions
pinais
fish or shrimp wrapped in banana leaves and steamed with onions, tomatoes, and young coconut
pinangat
spicy Bi co 1 dish with stuffed taro leaves and hot peppers
pinipig
young rice pounded flat, somewhat like corn flakes; usually eaten with coconut mi 1 k or hot chocolate
pritong galunggong
fried round scad
puc hero
a stew Spanish in or1g1n consisting of beef, chicken, sausages, chick peas and vegetables; and a tomato sauce
pulutan
canapes
puto
generic cake
puto bumbong
a sticky, chewy purple snack based on wild glutinous rice, steamed in narrow bamboo tubes set vertically on a fire, and eaten with sugar and grated coconut
putong lusong
anise-flavoured rice cake
41
salty, thin, amberliquid fish or shrimp
term
for
steamed
rice
relleno
chicken; a stuffed, stuffed referring to chicken, turkey, fish, etc
sabalo
a large milkfish from the sea, not from a fishpond
salabat
ginger tea
sampal ok
tamarind
sangke
star anise
sawsawan
dips usually mixed by the diner himself at table to go with whatever he is about to eat
sayote
Chayote; a light-green, fruit (10 em), soft and when cooked
singkamas
tuberous root, large, whitefleshed and turnip-shaped, eaten raw as a fruit or cooked as a vegetable
sinigang
a dish of pork, beef, shrimp or fish in a broth soured with acidic fruits
sorbete sagarapinera (Sp.)
ice cream
sotanghan
translucent noodles
suka
vinegar
tab a
fat
talangka
small variety crabs, their orange fat
talbos ng ampalaya
tendrils of the bitter melon vine; used as a vegetable
talinum
a fleshy herb; used as substitute for spinach
talunang manok
"defeated cock"; a dish made from a rooster defeated in a cockfight
tanglad
lemon grass or citronella 42
eaten
ova 1 bland
for
tanguingue
Spanish mackerel
tinapa
smoked fish
tinola
a dish of chicken, green papayas, common gourd, and broth, flavoured with ginger and peppercorns
tinubong
rice cake cooked in a bamboo tube; a Christmas food of Vi gan, Il ocos Sur
to yo
soya sauce
tuba
nipa or coconut wine
tulingan
big-eyed tuna
tulya
tiny fresh-water clams
tumpok
a small mound, used as a unit for selling fish or vegetables
turo-turo
food stalls
tutong
that part of boiled rice left sticking at the bottom of the cooking pot
tuyo
dried salted fish, whole
ube
yam
ubod
pith or heart of a palm; eaten raw as a crisp salad or cooked as a vegetable
ulang
variety large crayfish
utang na loob
debt of gratitude
walis tingting
a stiff coarse broom made from the ribs of coconut leaves
wan soy
coriander leaves used as seasoning
43
of
fresh-water
REFERENCES
Brll lat-Savarln, Jean Anthelme. The Physiology of Taste or Meditations on Transcendenta I Gastronomy. Trans I a ted by M. F.K. FIsher. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971. Fernando, Gilda Cordero, ed. The Culinary Culture of the Philippines. Bancom Audlovlslon Corporation, 1976.
Manila:
Lumbera, C.N. and T.G. Maceda, ads. Rediscovery, Essays on Phil lpplne Lite and ~· Manila: National Book Store, Inc., 1977. Plgatetta, Antonio. ~M~a~g~e~l~l=a~n-'=s__V~o=y~a~g~e=:~~A~~N~a~r~r~a~t~l~v~e--~A=c=co==u~nt~~o=t~-t~h~e=-~F~I~r~s~t Navigation. Translated and edited by R.A. Skelton. London: The Fol lo Society, 1975.
44
THE FILIPINO WORLD-VIEW IN THE VISUAL ARTS
ALICE G. GUILLERMO
A close study of the Filipino world-view as manifested in the arts is of primary value in shedding light on the question of nation a 1 identity. First,
the
In such a study, two points come to the fore.
concept of national
identity is
based on national
interest, on the interest of the broad masses of the people, and not on the values and interests of a single social class, such as the middle class or the petty bourgeoisie based in Manila and other urban centres. pegged
to
political,
one and
Secondly, a world-view is not static or
historical economic
period
aspects
alone,
since
of national
the
social,
life are dynamic
forces that continually develop and usher in change. The
world-view
of
a
people,
or
the
concept of national
identity for that matter, is unlike a painting or portrait which has already received the finishing touches of the painter's brush and which is then presumed to serve as model for all values and manners now and for all time. of
a
"national
spirit",
for
The same may be said of the idea while
it
is true
that
a nation
possesses a unifying spirit, nevertheless it is not possible to view it as a static or immutable configuration.
If at first
glance there seem to be e 1ements which remain constant, these elements took shape over a long period of time and did not appear overnight.
Central
to the concept of national
identity is the
capacity to change and to re-interpret the nation a 1 interest in the light of historical development. 45
There are some, however, who consider national
identity as
something that is already complete or fully realized, instead of looking at it as a process of continual realization.
The static
point of view is bred of the philosophy of "essences" which hold an
absolute
character.
Such
an
a
priori
development and adaptability to change.
outlook
precludes
It also maintains the
conservative position that the solution to our present problems lies
in
our
past
patterns
of
response
in
our
customs
and
traditional beliefs. There are many pitfalls in this kind of thinking.
It may
lead us to a romantic and false view of our past, engendering a form of nativism which limits itself to values of our indigenous culture.
It may also rebound to a pessimistic determinism that
regards character and identity as basic givens, with inherent and therefore
unchangeable
defects
and
shortcomings.
This
easily
relates to the line of thinking that we have a petty and limited mentality, that reckon
in
we are a people who think small
terms
of
vinegar and oil. shortcomings
15
and
25
centavos
worth
and can only of
cornerstore
A critical harping on what are believed to be
inherent
in
the
national
character
can
only
perpetuate a condition of neo-colonial dependency. The term
"visual
painting
and
artistic
expressions
textiles,
sculpture
products
of
indigenous
of
done and
bamboo,
Southeast Asia. colonial
rooted
used
by
here
known
ethnic
and
or metal,
design. in
the
refers
not
only to
but
also
to
art,
such
as
artists,
jewellery,
wood
indigenous base
as
called
ornaments
receptacles
Spanish
arts"
folk
woodcarving, as
well
Philippine larger
pottery,
as many culture
cultural
other
has
an
complex
of
The arts produced by the Filipinos before the period
artistic expression.
are
the
first
forms
of
indigenous
Extant pieces discovered in archaeological
excavations have found their way to various museums where one can view these silent existing testimonies of our early culture -46
clay vessels, weapons, jewellery and other artifacts that were buried beneath the dust of centuries and are only being revealed to
our
eyes
relationship
ancient between
arts
that
life and art.
tell
These
of
the
intimate
indigenous arts are
also mentioned and described in the records of Spanish friars and adelantados Chirino
{high
[Jocano,
ranking 1975],
officials).
among
others,
Pigafetta referred
to
and
Padre
the
anitos
(idols) of clay, wood and even gold, as well as to the fabrics and body ornaments worn by our ancestors. In our time, indigenous aesthetics is made manifest in the ethnic
arts
of
the
various
groups
that
resisted
or actively
fought against the incursions of Spanish and American colonization.
These groups have refused Christianity or have otherwise
lived
outside
its
reach
and
the
forces
of
westernization.
Despite Spanish attempts at massive destruction and burning of the products of indigenous faith and thought, these groups were able
to
hold
on
to
traditions
threatened
by the
colonizers.
These groups now called "cultural communities" have long suffered oppression chauvinism.
and
deprivation
due
to
Christian
and
colonial
Among them are the Ifugao, Bontok, Kalinga and other
re 1 a ted groups of the north.
In the south they are the Maranao,
Magindanao, Tausog, Samal and other Muslim groups, as well as the T'boli, Bagobo, Mandaya, Mansaka, and others in the mountains and forests of Davao and Cotabato.
Ethnic Art Ethnic
art
carries
the
indigenous
aesthetics
uninfluenced by colonial and Western culture. Southeast Asian as well two
aspects
which
are
and
world-view
This art carries a
as a particularly Philippine character, closely
interrelated.
What
we
call
"indigenous" is formed out of the Asian spirit and culture and
47
the local
adaptations of these to our social
and geographical
environment. These
arts
carry
our
indigenous
traditions
of
artistic
forms, designs and techniques which go back to the pre-colonial past.
Ethnic art is slow to change:
firstly because it is bound
to religion and to religious and social rituals; secondly because it is a product of a long-maintained simple economy based on planting, hunting, and fishing.
In such a context the rhythms of
life are slow and the concept of time is cyclic following the basic activities of planting and harvesting that are related to the wet and dry seasons.
Relationship to Nature and Religious Beliefs Si nee the economy of our ancestors as well as the broad base of the
present
population
including
the
cultural
communities
is
agricultural, their arts have shown the close relationship of man and his natural
environment.
In the ancient animistic outlook,
the whole of nature is a living force that holds the divine and magical properties of the nature and ancestor gods, the anitos. Man is part of this vast natural environment, as expressed in the legend of Kalakas and Maganda who emerged from the bamboo.
In
this view of nature, plants, trees, and flowers, as well as the creatures of air, earth and water are ascribed with human traits -- attributes which relate to the values of the community and society. In
Ifugao texti 1 es and tattoo marks, the 1 ightning motif
symbolizes bravery.
In the Maranao okir (Muslim visual art), the
nag a, which is the Asian serpent archetype and symbo 1 , is used for the kris so that the weapon may assume the snake's deadly power.
Weapons, shields and spears recall the shape of birds so 48
that they may acquire
swiftness and agi 1 i ty.
In Tuwaang, the
epic of the Bagobos, the interstices of rattan weaving patterns are compared to the eyes of different kinds of birds.
Weapons
such as the spear are given the names of their victims or of folk heroes, as well
as those of animals and snakes.
The blade one
draws from the sheath is 1 i kened to a restless dog that tugs at its leash and cannot wait to break away.
Thus, objects acquire a
life and spirit of their own drawn from the natural environment. In this outlook in which man and nature closely interrelate, man and beast, bird,
fish or plant can exchange properties in
metamorphosis.
is
metamorphosis nature-based
This of
man
symbolism
relationship.
In
borne into
out bird,
developed
Bontok
by
weave,
the
beast
many or
from
this
for
instance,
legends
plant.
of Rich
intimate man-nature the
motifs
of
standing man, lizard or crocodile, shield, axe, spear and star constitute
a
series
exp 1 a nation of the
within
a
single
band.
Bontok, the hunter will
with his spear and axe; the shield will star his guiding light.
According
to
the
slay the crocodile
be his defence and the
They use the beautiful blankets bearing
these motifs as shrouds for the dead.
The Mansakas of Mindanao,
on the other hand, p1 ace a high va 1 ue on the sun symbo 1 •
They
wear this symbol on their person in the form of a 1 arge and thin silver disc that emblazons their colourful attire. These motifs and symbols drawn from nature are also linked to
religious
around us.
animism that gives life and
power to the things
It becomes important that these forces that influence
man's 1 i fe be wooed and honoured, and not offended or angered. Man's
actions
can
either maintain
or
disrupt
harmony
between
himself and these forces. The component indigenous
religious of
animism of our ancestors
ancestor-worship.
respect
and
This
reverence 49
is
given
a 1 so
included the
at
the
root
of
the
to
the
elderly
and
recognized 1eaders of the group by reason of their experience and wisdom. form
in
the
many
rich 1 i fe
The departed ancestors may a 1 so be given
statues
of
anitos
honoured
with
ritual
offerings. Many arts associated with rituals for the dead attest to the indigenous belief in the afterlife.
In many places the dead is
carefully clothed and provided with numerous goods to establish him in his new existence.
Among these are precious objects such
as porcelain plates and bowls, jewellery and weapons.
The wooden
coffins may be carved with various symbols to serve as guides and guardian
figures.
Among
the
Sam a 1 ,
the
ornate 1y
carved
gravemarkers manifest their esteem and respect for the dead. the
pre-colonial
period,
with incised motifs.
some
groups
The Manunggul
fashioned
burial
gold
In
eye-masks
jar is particularly
distinctive for its sculptural cover featuring two human figures in a boat.
Their large round eyes seem to signify the vast and
mysterious world of spirits towards which they trave 1 in their journey by water. Records of the early Spanish missionaries attest to the fact that the early inhabitants of the country worshipped idols of stone, wood or gold set up in altars where they placed offerings of food and flowers -- a religious custom possibly derived from Up to our times, religous images, be they of anitos or
Hinduism.
Christian saints, hold an important place in the household. Ifugao house usually feature bulol
figures
An
(wooden statues), a
male and female pair, which are believed to guard the house and granary. without
The the
possessing
bulol
is
carved
individualizing a
strong
and
in
a
intent impressive
creatures of the underworld,
the evil
simple conceptual of
portraits,
presence.
style,
but As
for
often the
spirits that hide under
cover of darkness and hover by houses in search of prey, these recall the bi hang (wood sculpture of the Cordill eras) of fearsome mien intended to drive away ma 1 i gnant influences. 50
The fantastic
and
hair-raising
mythical
appearance
imagination
relates
of
the
to
the
monsters rich
and
devils
Southeast
Asian
of and
Indian mythologies.
Indigenous Aesthetics ·and Socio-religious Values How then does the indigenous concept of self take shape?
What is
the self-image of the indigenous Filipino as seen in the forms of ethnic art? is
formed
To the unwesternized Filipino, the concept of self from
collective.
its
relationship
with
divinity and the social
The search for values of individualism and privacy
would lead nowhere.
The norms of behaviour are social and find
outward expression in work such as agriculture and hunting, in participation in religous rituals, and in group worship of the gods. For
the
T'boli,
their
society
elaborate attention to physical
demands
particular
adornment and clothing.
and It is
important for them to wear beautiful handwoven clothes as well as jewellery and tattoos, which
is why they have evolved a rich
variety of forms and designs for bodily ornaments.
They believe
that beauty of person will please the gods and will win them many favours. weeks
Their clothing of t'nalak weave which takes
of
embroidery,
close
work,
and
their
everyday wear. from
personal
their wide
jackets bands
of
covered
with
beaded
design
several
colourful are
for
Their concept of self seems to be inseparable adornment, the lack of which would constitute a
severe omission in the sight of the gods and the community. Body ornamentation
such as j ewe 11 ery and tattoos
fact, related to religious beliefs and social values. form
of
jewellery such as necklaces,
are,
in
The first
earrings and waistbands,
also had the original function of charms or anting-anting to ward
51
off
danger
and
evil.
The
tattoos
on
the
chest
serve
to
illuminate the soul, and that on the 1 egs serve to release the soul
upon
death.
Aside
from
these
functions,
clothing
and
adornment also signify one's position in the group or society. In
the
epic
Lam-ang,
for
instance,
personal
family wealth are given primary importance.
possessions
and
In courting the lady
Ines Kannoyan, Lam-ang boasts of his seven chains of gold so fine that
they melt
in the sun, and of his
pantaloons,
shirt and
kerchief embellished with distinctive embroidery designs. A close
relationship
religious ritual. ritual: create
All
exists
between
indigenous
art
and
forms of artistic expression converge in
song, dance, music, drama, and art objects all together a
colourful
event
or
celebration.
Indeed,
no
sharp
distinctions exist to separate the various arts; instead, they all create a total experience within the social framework. To be sure, the indigenous arts have a social significance. Tattooing, for instance, is not only a beauty ritual, it is also an endurance test for working in the fields.
Bilaan and T'boli
maidens wear a wide waistband with numerous bells to announce their presence with tinkling grace.
But above all, these arts
are signs of social standing in the community. Among
the
Bagobo,
the
red
kerchief
bordered
with
fine
embroidery can on 1y be worn by a rna 1e reputed for bravery, one who has also killed a number of people.
To the Maranao, the
yellow malong (sarong) is reserved only for prominent families, such
as
that
of
the
sultan.
Another
social
symbol
sarimanok (bird motif) of wood, brass or other material okir designs of the Maranao.
is
the
in the
Its size, fineness of execution,
and expense of material are indications of the wealth and social position of the owner. To the Ifugao, the nagabi, which is a ceremonial bench carved from a single tree trunk, is a traditional sign of status.
And for the Maranao, again, objects 52
such as the brass gadur, a handsome vessel incised with geometric designs, are gifts for weddings and special occasions, the social significance of which exceeds their purely functional aspect.
As
many of the traditional arts have a meaning in the religious and ritualistic context, these cannot be sold to outsiders for they form
part
of
the
family's
important
possessions
and
prized
heirlooms. The
indigenous
aesthetics
is
seen
in the many objects of
everyday use, such as kitchen utensils, farm and fishing tools objects which combine function
aesthetic design.
wooden ladles and coconut grater
There are
ornamented with the curvilinear
okir, as well as the agita used as a mat press to give lustre to newly woven mats, the colourful lakub with its geometric designs used to hold tobacco or betel chew, or the decorative food covers made of pandanus 1 eaves.
The
Ifugao have a 1 ong tradition of
basket weaving in a wide variety of sizes, shapes, and functions.
Principles of Composition Indigenous
art
qualities
based
including on
ethnic
spatial
value, and craftsmanship.
and
folk
composition,
manifests
line,
shape,
certain colour,
With regard to the use of space, one
characteristic is the filling up of space or the covering of the entire surface with design motifs.
This may follow a rhythm of
alternating patterns, as in the t'nalak (tie-dye) weave of the T'bol i.
It may observe a sectional
composition of horizontal
bands intersected in areas by vertical panels, as in the lfugao blankets and Maranao malong.
Ifugao cloth may have a broad and
white central section which strongly contrasts with the adjacent areas of black and red.
This is also seen in the landap malong
where broad colourful sections are intersected by the 1 angkit of intricate woven design.
The Taosug pis or head kerchief shows an
53
integrated design composition within its square format. The design of the sections and the borders relates symmetrically to the central square pattern. These ex amp 1es i 11 ustrate the various spatia 1 compositions in indigenous art. The first is the composition based on the simple alternation of motifs within one band and between the bands themselves. The second is the division into sections, vertical and horizontal, with a central vertical panel distinctive for its broader width or different and sometimes more e1abo rate design. The third is the fi 11 i ng up of space with a compact and integrated composition featuring a central section and symmetrical side sections within a square format. The handwoven cloth serves as a good illustration of indigenous design and use of space in which figure and ground are interrelated. The figure or design is not simply a positive element against a negative space thus expressing a static relationship; on the contrary, figure and space and ground relate dynamically. This is borne out in the reversible t'nalak cloth of the T'bol i in which the geometric design and the ground are equal in importance. In the malang, the sections or fields of intense colour -- red, yellow, or green -- are not mere passive vehi c1es of the bands of geometric design. This i nterre 1at ionship of figure and ground contributes to the richness and liveliness of indigenous art.
Penchant for Curvilinear Lines As to line, the curvilinear line occurs in great frequency in the traditional arts. There are long curved lines that meander, spiral, or spring out in flourishes. The okir-a-datu of the Maranao exhibit the curvilinear line in their carving on numerous 54
objects such as vessels and tools made of wood.
The designs may
be of growing ferns, spreading vines or legendary creatures such as the naga or the sarimanok. The curv i 1 i near ok i r is found in numerous everyday objects, in
musical
instruments
such with
as
the
kudyapi
graduated
brass
(guitar)
and
the
gongs),
in
the
kul i ntang
(instrument
ornamental
panels and beams of the torogan, which is the large
wooden house of the datus (chiefs), in status symbols such as the sarimanok, and even in gravemarkers and boat prows. many objects also conforms to the curved 1 ine:
The shape of
rattan baskets,
bladed weapons, shields, as well as women's ornaments. There are a number of possible explanations for the artist's penchant for the curvilinear line. tropical
This may derive from a lush
environment in which curve of leaf, branch, tree, fruit
and flower becomes engraved in the artistic sensibility.
Man is
surrounded by a kind and generous nature providing all his needs the fertility of a land yet unpoisoned by exploiting greed. The curvilinear line is akin to the rhythm of ritual religious festivity, as well The
spirit
of
relationships seen,
for
ritual
of
the
instance,
especially elders or people one
hardly
as the wavelike chanting of epics.
pervades
indigenous in
the
much
of
Filipino
the
and
interpersonal
Asian.
This
indirect way of addressing
superior~,
knows.
and
Much
honoured value
guests,
is
is
people,
strangers, or
placed on
respectful
greeting and exchange, as in the use of the third person sila or kayo in direct address and not the second person i kaw except for members of the family and close friends. not
mentioned
right
away
but
are
Desires or requests are preceded
by
preliminary
conversation; criticism is softened by the use of metaphors. genera 1 ,
the
i nterpersona 1
re 1at i onshi ps
of
the
In
indigenous
Fi 1 i pi no has a ri tua 1 i st i c character bound with the s 1 ow rhythms of man and nature in a feuda 1 setting.
55
Furthermore,
the
curvilinear
line
that
flourishes
into
branches and leaves as in the okir and its motifs such as the pako-rabong
(growing
fern),
expressive of emotional
naga,
and
manuk-manuk
(bird)
spontaneity in the arts as well
outgoing and out-reaching orientation.
is
as an
The indigenous aesthetics
is bound with much that is lyrico-romantic in feeling. Nevertheless, there exist side by side with the curvilinear, forms of geometric and austere artistic expressions.
This second
type is found primarily in the north with its mountainous regions and narrow coastal existence.
The
straightforward groups, bulols.
their
strips that geometric
and stern
austere
set more arduous conditions of
style
is
figure
sculpture
ancestral
also
figures
and
linked of
to
the
the mountain
guardian
gods,
the
The geometric style also exists among the Mangyans in
the many versions of the pakudos, basically cross figures, that are used as embroidery designs for their blouses.
The Function of Colours In
indigenous
colours.
art, much
value
is
placed
on
bright
and
vivid
Bright colours are much more desirable than pale tints
which are often considered as faded.
Strong and vivid colours
also express vitality and life; warm and emotional, they can be likened to fragrant and rich aromas. often of high
intensity and
The col ours used are thus
saturation.
In
indigenous colour
schemes, lively reds and yellows may occur side by side, as in painted woodcarving or in textiles.
Another scheme may juxtapose
a rich deep red with dark black as in Bontoc textiles.
The use
of colours may follow traditional symbolism, as red for bravery and · yell ow
for
royal
status.
Often,
bright
col ours
are
expressive of abundance, while pale and dull tints are associated with deprivation.
But above all , the use of col our is generally
56
expressive of feeling and of a warm and romantic temperament. This also relates artistic expression and emotional values in an art steeped in a sunlit tropical climate that has never known the darkness and cold of winter. But alongside this, there are a number of poor national minorities with a limited sense and experience of colour as well as a weak capacity for distinguishing colour. They perceive primarily in terms of values ranging from very dark to very light rather than in terms of hues. As a consequence, their design is based on the pairing or alternation of dark and bright or vivid and pale colours, or on the interrelationship of dark and light elements. When bright colours are juxtaposed, the colours are applied flat on the surface without tonal modulations within one area. If the I'wak have a very limited colour sense, confined only to black, white, and red, the T'boli exhibit a refined sense of values from dark to light and vivid to pale in their woven textiles. In the practice of the various arts, much value is placed on difficulty of execution and on the technical dexterity of the artist. One of the most difficult weaving processes is involved in the making of the t'nalak. The threads are counted and sections covered with twine, after which they are soaked in dye. The mass is then dried in the sun until it achieves the desired shade of colour, deep red, green or brown. Only then is it finally woven with the intricate design taking shape. T'boli beadwork also involves a painstaking process. For it is not enough for them to string them on a single thread; they must
weave the
beads into wide bands of ingenuous geometric design. Other artistic expressions requiring painstaking work are the landaE malong with its lan9kit, which is a colourful panel of woven geometric design, the ok i r in carved wood with its rich designs, and the Samal mats of a marvellous intricacy. 57
Ethnic art manifests a different valuation of materials.
In
its various forms, particularly in body ornaments and in vessels or containers, together.
a wide
There
assortment of materials may be brought
are,
for
instance,
bamboo or
rattan
baskets
decorated around with wide bands of beadwork and with hanging tufts
of
horse
hair.
T'boli
earrings
combine tiny chains of
brass with equally tiny and fine chains of horsehair. an
indigenous
appreciation
for
There is
organic materials derived
animals and plants, such as bone, teeth,
from
hair, seed, grain or
fruit, since all these belong to nature.
Folk Art With Spanish colonization, the indigenous traditions persisted in the ethnic art of groups who resisted colonization and in the folk art of the Christi ani zed l owl anders. aspects:
Folk art carries two
the indigenous which it shares with ethnic art, and the
colonial with its Christian religious subject matter or Western artistic
influence.
It
retains much of the
indigenous spirit
despite its Christian and Western stamp. With variety
the of
spread
arts
of
and
Christianity,
crafts
they
revolving
developed
around
a
wide
fiestas.
The
ceremonies to honour the patron saint and the processions which began
from
replaced
the
the
church
earlier
and
through
rituals
led
by
the the
streets
of
babaylan
the
town
(shaman
or
native high priest).
Everybody converged at the plaza to watch
the
and
religious dramas
bamboo
and
flowers
were
participate in the games. constructed
and
families
Arches of brought out
their best in food and fiesta fare. The Christian fiestas and celebrations served in drawing the people to the new religion.
These were likewise of significant 58
influence
on
people,
as
the
were
and
artistic
occasions
of
creativity
lavish
and
of
the
colourful
Of a most impressive aspect were the 1arge statues
saints,
formal
imagination
they
spectacles. of
the
of
church
Christ,
the
Virgin
and
the
holy
statues often of Caucasian features,
patrons:
heavy with
gold and jewellery from their crown to their lavishly embroidered clothes.
Looked
divine as
up
well
as
to
and
worldly
venerated, power.
they became symbols of
In their glittering,
costumes, they reaffirmed the authority of the colonial class
and
number
of
de 1 i cacy,
the
landed
image the
elite.
types:
Furthermore,
the
Virgin
there
regal ruling
developed
a
of exceeding modesty and
humb 1 e and 1 ong-sufferi ng Christ, or the
kingly
Christ who perpetuates monarchic power. These
images
of
wealth
counterpart in the moro-moro
and
royalty
also
(folk drama) and
had
their
religious dramas
which provided ample opportunity to display costumes vying with one
another
in
rich
material
and
trimmings.
A survival
of
monarchic values, this tendency continues to manifest itself in the Santakrusan in the month of May. clothes
and
sparkling
jewellery was
The wearing of beautiful a
symbolic
habit
of the
ruling class which the people sought to emulate. The feast days of the saints attested to the influence of the
new
religion
and
its concommitant
values.
These entailed
leaving the work in the fields in order to participate in the festivities which could last for a whole week. maintain or assert social
The desire to
status involved preparing a generous
table and wearing new clothes.
The duties of piety necessitated
a tour of the churches preferably on foot summer sun; otherwise on most
in the heat of the
feast days one wa 1 ked on one's
knees on the cold floor tiles traversing the whole length of the nave from
portal
to altar; one may also light
votive candles
before religious statues and wear habits patterned after those of the saints, such as that of the Nazarene in maroon with a gold
59
cincture which is worn by wrinkled grandmothers and protesting toddlers alike. public
more
The more valorous of the menfolk may opt for a
and
painful
profession
of
faith
by
joining
the
procession of flagellants on Good Friday, while the faint-hearted content themse 1 ves with devout 1y wiping the statue or its glass case with a kerchief which they kiss and wear on their person for its healing properties, and then in making a seemingly endless chain of signs of the cross. Above
all,
the
fiesta
unites
the
whole
town
in
its
collective character.
A good example is the Pahiyas of Lukban in
which all
participate in ornamenting their exterior
walls
households
with
colourful
kiping,
thin
and
glazed
rice wafers the
shape of 1 eaves, with first fruits all in a heavy bunch or with sheaves of
rice on the
stalk, if not with finely woven hats,
wooden c 1 ogs and other househo 1d era fts meant to honour their patron saint, Isidro the Ploughman.
Towns such as Antipolo and
Obando attract pilgrims because of the famed miraculous efficacy of their patrons. inspired people
ardent from
The vivid
religious
their
and colourful
feeling
oppression
and
at
images of religion
served
the
same
to distract the time
that
they
reinforced the people's hope in the promised salvation through prayer and sacrifices.
Persistence of Indigenous Aesthetics In
the
the fact,
folk
statues of These
of
derived saints
believed are
the
spirit
Catholicism
component are
art
indigenous
to
offered
in from are be
Christianized
inspite
of
its
the
Philippines
the
earlier
regarded
endowed flower
wreaths
60
one
has
a
systems
of
like
with
groups colonial
the
idols
individual and
piously
perceives
content. strong
In folk
belief. of
old
magical wiped
The which
powers. with
a
kerchief
in
the
hope
of
absorbing
some
of
their
miraculous
properties. New
elements
Biblical
are
sometimes
also
introduced
stories such as that of the
around
which
the
Marinduque
centurion masks,
into
original
passion of Jesus
moriones,
a
festival
revolves elaborating on the
Christ
with
Roman
role of Longinus.
The highly creative and colourful masks, often grotesque or twofaced
and
furbished
Christian recall
with tin
iconography.
ancient
foil,
There
times
such
are
as
do
not
belong to orthodox
likewise
the
festivities
Ati-atihan
and
which
Binirayan of
Anti que fo 1 k theatre which re 1 ate the story of the ten Bornean datus (chiefs). The old holy
amulets made of teeth and
medals,
agnus
dei
and
bone were
scapulars
or
by
replaced
new
kinds
by of
charms be 1 i eved to have miraculous properties such as providing immunity Latin
to
prayers.
counteract and
bullets As
magic
misfortune
weapons.
It
Colorum a 1 ong
in
weapons
pre-colonial and
well
was the
bladed
spells as
uprisings with
and
times,
witchcraft,
as
to
belief
reappearance
to
during in
of
ward
are
the
and
period became
native
worn
pig to
off sickness
bullets
amulets the
of their
these
deflect
particularly that
because
metal of
the
widespread
priests
ca 11 ed
babaylan. There are still
other
folk arts
related to fiestas:
the
sweet and thin San Nicolas bread baked in finely carved wooden moulds with the image of the saint surrounded by flowering vines, the
pastillas
(soft
candy)
wrappers
of
thin
featuring cut-outs of letterings with floral
coloured
paper
and scenic designs.
Palm Sunday is the time for hundreds and hundreds of plaited palm fronds,
palaspas, entwined with colourful
to folk ingenuity in the use of materials.
flowers, which attest Not to be overlooked
are the Christmas 1 anterns which vie with one another in design
61
whether and decorative detail : flickering in tune with music.
revolving,
lighting
up
or
If ethnic art served the needs of a particular group, folk
art covers a larger area of function.
While it answers the needs
of a community, town, or region, it also fills the demands of the colonial ruling elite and the landlord class. new
religion
demanded
religious folk arts: elaborate
virinas
production
of
The Church and the a
large
variety
of
statues of saints decked in colourful and
costumes,
procession,
the
carriages for
t·o
ho 1 d
family altars.
folk craftsmen made jewellery of all
these
For the
statues social
in
elite,
kinds, clothes accessories
such as hats and canes, and furniture, often copied from European models.
Indeed,
folk
art answered the needs not only of the
folk, but also of foreign patrons with their different aesthetic standards.
Colour Scheme and Spatial Composition Folk art is related to ethnic art in the indigenous qualities evident in both popular and elitist types.
The use of bright
colours is also seen in the Moriones masks of European features, in the costumes of performers of the komedya and moro-moro, in Paste's papier mache figures of animals, birds and people, and in the popular example of the jeepney.
Even more striking is the
use of colour in food and native delicacies made of rice flour. The sweet glutinous cakes of malagkit rice are of a bright red, yellow, or green; haleya puddings are of dark violet, the colour of the ubi
root crop;
reddish-brown egg-yolk.
and
while kutsinta
popular
pan
de
(rice cakes)
limon
is
of
the
are a rich colour
of
Anatto seed colouring (atsuwuete) is frequently used
in foods such as pansit luglug and kare-kare.
Salted eggs have
she 11 s dyed a deep red and even shrimp paste ( bagoong a 1 amang) 62
has a reddish colouring.
In the San Isidro festival
of Lucban,
the facades of houses are hung with colourful kiping {glazed rice wafers)
arranged
into giant flowers,
like enormous petals.
lanterns, or set in rows
This penchant for bright colours indicates
the desire for festive spectacles and visual entertainment in a warm and happy ambience.
It is likewise indicative of a folk
openness, vigour and strength of feeling. In ethnic and folk art, there is the obvious tendency to cover
the
entire
space
with
left
free,
or
motifs
or
intentionally variety
of
generosity, and wealth.
design.
the
designs
Hardly
any
up
space
filling is
of
expressive
of
area
is
with
a
abundance,
It implies fields dense and heavy.with
rice grain, trees and orchards bursting with fruit, large hauls of fish from the sea, or even the sky aglitter with a myriad of stars.
The fertility of the soil and the sea is of primary value
to farmers and fishermen, and in Central Luzon alone, all depends on the yield of the vast, low-lying fields that stretch out of view.
This value of fertility and natural
expressed
in
folk
abundance has been
arts and era fts in a manner related to the
primitive belief that what occurs in the image will also occur in real1ty. lack,
On the other hand, space which is not filled may imply
deprivation
and
poverty,
all
negative
qualities.
This
valuation may also extend to social occasions and fiestas where the
ideal
is
to
cover
the
table
with
numerous
dishes
and
delicacies in the common folk attitude that to err in excess is a lesser sin than to fall short of social expectations. This folk treatment of space is likewise seen in the Pahiyas of Lukban, which space:
is again
another good example of the use of
kiping, rice stalks, fruits, even hats and shoes cover
entire walls
along the street where the procession will
pass.
The same is seen in the costumes of the actors of folk dramas, an important attraction of which consists in the glittering robes full
of
detail
and
covered
with 63
multicoloured
sequins
and
embroidery,
and
performance.
the
number
of
costume
changes
This treatment of space is
in
a
single
related to the value
placed on fertility and abundance in an agrarian society. not
enough,
twin
desirable:
fruits
thus,
a big
signify
good
luck,
and
One is
quantity
is
harvest, many fruits, much food, many
changes of clothing, many household utensils, even many children. For the farmer or fisherman, this abundance derives from nature which they woo with diligent labour and the fruits of which they may enjoy. With the development of a money economy and the growth of industries land-based wealth is transformed into capital.
In the
new economic context, the value placed on the numerical quantity of goods becomes easily translated complete
set
into a drive to acquire a
of household appliances while the well-to-do
buy
appliances for display in addition to those actually used in the kitchen.
Middle-class
everyday use as well soot
away
from
the
households
may
have a dining
room
for
as a dirty kitchen to keep the sweat and guests.
There
is
the common
tendency to
display rows of canned goods and bottles of spices filling the kitchen
shelves
colourful
and
drawing
packaging.
The
attention
same
concept
to
their
bright
is
displayed
in
and the
bedrooms where bottles of perfume and lotion as well as cases of various cosmetics line the tocador shelves on both sides of the mirror. display
In the living of
considered
fine too
room there are glass cabinets
chinaware,
expensive
or
bric-a-brac, too
beautiful
figurines,
for or
to
be
soiled
may
be
hung
the toys by
children's wear and tear.
The Filipino House and its Extensions Inside
the
house,
the
doors
and
windows
with
crocheted curtains; even the sofa and the rest of the furniture 64
may have head and armrests of crocheted designs. an
interesting study of Filipino values.
found
framed
holy
images
or
statues
The walls are
On these are usually
on
a
stand
with
candle
holders or blinking light bulbs, the most popular being that of the Sacred Heart or Christ the found
the
framed
diplomas
King.
Alongside these may be
of the members
of the
family
from
elementary to college, including Boy Scout or barangay awards. Then there are the family pictures both old and new, "solo" or-in groups, as well as pictures of film idols especially those who have
gone
mirror
up
from
framed
by
poverty.
an
On
assortment
the
of
same
sea
small
pictures inserted in the wooden frame.
ledge
or
on
plaster of
top
Boddhisatvas savings
in
of
the
nipa
coconut-lined beach.
obese
of
the
common
these,
there
from hut
in
the
may
or
be
with
a
more
In a corner on a
be a colourful
and
manner
Aside a
radio may
laughing
the
banks.
landscape
of
Paris,
wall
shells
Buddha
in
and surrounded by child
fields
stereotype may or
be
of
used as
a
formula
sunset
in
a
As for other paintings, the dining area may
feature a cheap version or reproduction of the ori gina 1 Leonardo da
Vinci's
relief.
Last
Supper,
which
Another popular wall
can
also
be
in
wood
or metal
decor is a woollen tapestry of a
tiger or peacock or some such colourful creature in a woodland setting.
In the bedroom, the mats may be colourful, with flowers
and vines along the border while in the centre may be a legend bearing
the
"Recuerdo",
words
"Mr.
expressive
and of
Mrs.", the
"Love
familial
and
Devotion",
sentiments
of
or the
Filipino. Close family ties are seen in the indigenous house. standard
nipa
hut,
regional
variations,
which
is
the
there are no
basic
indigenous
room partitions.
In the
house
with
There are
likewise no partitions in the Bontok or Ifugao house or in the Maranao house, such as the datu's torogan. family
all
relatives
sleep and
together
even
guests.
in one
room, often
Little 65
The members of the
value
is
including other thus
placed
on
Even in errands individualism and privacy. Filipino shuns aloneness and seeks a companion.
and
trips,
the
The qualities of the indigenous house and its use of space are also seen in public conveyance. In fact, vehicles such as the jeepney, bus, or taxi are often made into extensions of the house. It is particularly in jeeps where people are seated next to each other, face to face, with knees touching, so that one can see the closeness and gregarious nature of the Filipino. Passengers often engage in lengthy conversations regarding their personal experiences within the hearing of the others. Such close physical propinquity with strangers is not often seen in other countries. Elsewhere, because of the desire for privacy, trains are divided into compartments curtained off from the other areas. The absence of partitions in the indigenous house as well as the maximization of space in houses and vehicles may also be related to the poverty and poor living conditions of the majority of the people. Individualism and privacy cannot be primary values in a society which is basically semi-feudal and semi -colonial. Public conveyances such as jeeps, buses, taxis, even tricycles are furbished with house decor. These often sport curtains of cloth, crocheted yarn, or plastic trimmings all along their windows. The entire panel above the windshield beside the driver's mirror is treated like a miniature exhibit wall. Juxtaposed here are pictures of Christ and the Virgin, their statuettes or wooden icons adorned with red blinking lights or framed with rosaries and sampaguita lie alongside garish stickers of scantily-clad sirens. These stickers as well as the wood and plastic hangings may contain mostly humorous expressions of latter-day folk wit regarding sex, work, or life in general, or they may simply contain titles of songs, designed apparently to encourage the passengers to fantasize about their "theme songs". It is also in these public conveyances that one finds the 66
concerted use of a great variety of materia 1 s:
on the hood, a
pair or several pairs of chrome horses that link up the jeepney with
older
calesa
traditional
(horse-cart),
forms
of
plastic
transportation
trimmings
and
such
as
the
furbelows
in
all
colours, crocheted curtains for the windows, and saints of wood and plaster of Paris. The folk treatment of space is also seen in the garden or in the disposition of plants with respect to the house.
Often one
sees potted plants along the walls of the house, or they may hang from the window eaves and sills especially when there is little p1 anti ng
space.
Thus,
rows of p1 ants may 1 i ne the walls
and
windows as well as both sides of the stairs or the main door.
In
fact, the whole house may be surrounded with potted plants, and the pathway from the gate to the door may be 1 i ned with pots. The exterior of the house and the garden both imply the value placed on numerical
quantity and the multiplication of objects.
Most often then, the garden is a grouping of potted plants grown and
collected
through
the
years,
surviving hardily in one corner.
or
even
of
plants
in
cans
The concept of the garden, like
that of the interior wall of the house, is based on accumulation and multiplication of units
rather than on a unified
plan or
design.
Economic Set-up and Social Values As a matter of fact, we have a natura 1 penchant for collecting and
accumulating
things,
including
old,
worn
out
and
useless
objects, like old clothes and shoes, broken toys and dolls, empty batt 1 es and cans.
As in the use of space, the va 1 ue p1 aced on
numeri ca 1 quantity and the accumulation of goods and objects is part and parcel of the poverty economy.
We are reluctant to part
with o1d and defective objects in the hope that these can be
67
One reason for the keeping
reused or recycled in whatever form. association
emotional
objects
these
of
accumulation
and
may
they
as
relatives and friends, things pertaining to them Aside from the fact that these
are carefully kept and treasured.
Because much
past.
the
of
also
are
they
money,
hard-earned
with
bought
were
things
friends,
of
reminders
be
or
Because of the high value placed
relations or memorable events. on the family,
mementoes
sentimental
their
is
importance
emotional
is
placed on past experience and on family history, objects which serve as souvenirs or reminders are not thrown away so that the Thus the present is enriched by
past is never camp l ete l y lost. the
past and the future both converge in the
past, while the
present. The
long-term
on
placed
value
semi-feudal
a
In
relationships.
on the
based
is
objects
on
placed
value
sentimental
of
people,
particularly within the family, is of great importance.
This is
society,
what
from
different
quite
relationship
harmonious
and
close
the
obtains
industry such as the United States.
a
in
society
by
run
big
In the interest of the fast
turn-over of production, there is a rapid change of objects for use.
every year and sporting the latest in
Owning a new model
measure
the
fashion
become
current
products
are
immediately replaced.
economic
of
disposable, Industrial
power.
discarded
of
Many after
use
the and
production is speeded up, and
buying, using, discarding and replacing proceed at the same fast rate.
view
This
orientation
is
of
objects
different
from
based
on
an
our traditional
active
consumer
view of
things
based on human relations in a semi-feudal set-up. As in ethnic art, a high premium is placed on difficulty and intricacy of execution in folk art.
Sometimes the making of a
folk art can constitute a technical
puzzle or problem and the
artist's skill
is much admired.
This is seen, for instance, in
the hand-carved centrepieces of Pakil which are very finely done
68
sculptures of pineapples, trees of life, fantastic birds, or fans often held by a chain carved from a single piece of palo-china wood.
Such delicate craftsmanship is also seen in the pastillas
wrappers of San Miguel, Bulacan, made of thin coloured paper and featuring fine cut-outs of flowers, ni pa huts and other designs with words of greeting for a particular occasion.
The barong
embroidery
calado
of
open-work
Batangas
design
in
also which
features every
a
difficult
thread
is
counted.
or The
importance placed on handicraft and manual skills is still part of the land-based economy especially in the countryside, where the impact of mechanized and mass production of objects is hardly felt.
Art in the Spanish Colonial Period Colonial
art
in the Philippines emerged with colonization and
Christi ani zat ion. patron artists
of
the
and
For a 1ong period the Church was the biggest
arts;
consequently,
craftsmen
was
the
channelled
talent
into
of
our
religious
native
art.
To
practice their occupation painters, sculptors, and engravers were required
to
secure
ecclesiastical
permission
and
work
under
ecclesiastical guidance as a safeguard against the intrusion of animistic or pagan elements. The
power
people's
minds
Spaniards.
of
authority
colonial
with
town
the
became
planning
impressed
introduced
on
the
by
the
The plaza complex included the town squares flanked
on each side by major public buildings such as the cathedral or church and the town hall.
All over the archipelago buildings in
a native adaptation of ornate baroque began to spring up. residential
houses
of
stone
and
wood
secular power and economic authority. reflected the monarchical
also
became
The
symbols of
Colonial art and culture
system of Spain, and colonial art and
69
architecture
heightened
the
difference
between
the
social
classes. Manila,
being
the
seat
of the colonial
became the focus of foreign influence. application indigenous
of
Western
aesthetic
everyday 1 ife were
aesthetic
values
that
government,
also
With the introduction and concepts
long
and
standards,
constituted
a
part
of
For one thing,
there
arose the new dichotomy between "fine" and "applied" art.
Fine
art,
such
as
g radua 11 y modified.
painting
and
sculpture,
required
absorbed
contemplation and aesthetic deliberation, a form of leisure which suited the upper social classes.
On the other hand, the applied
arts were related to everyday needs and to manual work.
Because
of their aristocratic attitude which disdained art combined with function, the Spaniards had a lower regard for the applied arts. As a consequence, some arts came to be regarded as "higher" and other
arts
as
"lower"
or
secondary
--
a
view
based
on
an
aristocratic and hierarchical social system. Colonialism also brought with it the concept that the work of art
should
not only answer
present needs
address itself to future generations. qualities
considered
universal
and
but
should also
Much value was placed on eternal
rather
than
on
qualities peculiar to a social group or a people or even to a particular time. artist for
Thus, it became the aspiration of the native
to create masterpieces
all
time,
beyond
his
which would address own
country
and
all
people
contemporaneous
realities. Such a view of art is rooted in classical philosophy which lays stress on the ideal and the unchanging absolute.
This is at
variance with the indigenous view of art which is rooted in the daily needs of the community.
What is important for the ethnic
or folk artist is that art be a continuous activity, an unbroken exercise and expression of artistic creativity rather than the
70
making of individual and unique masterpieces.
For indigenous art
is not an isolated or occasional thing but a process, indeed, a living stream related to life and social needs.
New Forms of Artistic Expression Colonization also brought over new forms of artistic creation. Among these was the new medium of easel canvas
and
Painting,
with
and
the
figurative arts
in
and
painting using oil
narrative
general,
subject
became
vehicles
religious propaganda of the Spanish missionaries.
on
matter. for
the
Religious art,
the image of the saints in painting and sculpture, could reach the large masses of the population and win them to the new fatih. For the public images, the friars imported or brought copies and models for painting, engraving, and sculpture from Europe. Painting in the Philippines, however, flourished only in the middle of the nineteenth century. the country to
world trade.
This period saw the opening of
As a result,
the
landlord class
gained in wealth because of export crops paid in cash, while the peasant
class
imposed
by
became
more
new conditions.
impoverished Another
because
factor
of
pressures
of change was the
opening of the Suez Can a 1 in 1869 which shortened the distance between Spain soon
began
and
the
Philippines.
Ilustrado
(elite)
families
sending their sons to Europe where these gentlemen
savoured the fullness of Western culture and received exposure to progressive
socio-political
thought,
a
product
of
the
French
Revolution and the Industrial Revolution in England. It
was,
indeed, the
ilustrado class which
benefited most
from the economic progress of the mid-nineteenth century.
The
ilustrado
the
were
the
first
Filipinos
to
gain
entrance
in
colleges of Manila which were originally open only to Spaniards. 71
They spent a number of years in major European cities where their outlook and philosophy were reshaped according to Western modes until
they desired to share and possess this culture which set
their
criteria
in
life
and
art.
A number
of
them
became
propagandists who worked for reforms within the co 1 on i a 1 system seeking
to
free
themselves
from
colonial
oppression
and
discrimination, to safeguard their class interests and to bind political power with their economic power. The infatuation with Western culture was manifested in the lifestyle of the ilustrado class. from
cash crops,
they
With their considerable income
imported furniture
and
precious crystal
from Europe to furnish their mansions of wood and stone.
They,
too, emerged as patrons of the arts, as they began to commission paintings, well
as
demand.
at
first
sculpture,
religious was
and then
invigorated
as
secular.
Painting, as
a
of
result
ilustrado
Likewise, in Europe, patronage of the arts was shifting
from the Church to the
large middle class, in
recognition of
which fact, the Spanish King Charles III relaxed the ruling on ecclesiastical permission and freed the artists from the bends of the Church in 1785. secular
forms
From then on, art in the colonies developed
such as
portraits, landscapes, and
still
lifes.
The artist sought and found his new c 1 i ents in the 1 andl ords and merchants.
It was then in painting and the other arts that the
values of the elite class found expression. Because of the need of the il ustrado class for symbols of their privileged position, painting became a visual document of their class. of
formal
The portraitists of the period turned out a gallery and
unsmiling
faces,
conscious
of
their
social
position, but more than this was the painstaking attention paid to the costumes rich in exquisite embroidery on the large sleeves and on
the neck piece,
to the fetching designs on the si 1 k or
satin skirts, or to the handsome military uniforms of men.
At
times, the richly-dressed daughter of the house would pose her 72
fingers on the ivory keys of a piano, as in a painting of Melantic. Or she might devoutly hold a prayer book with hands bejewelled on every finger, as in one of Justiniano Asuncion. The interests of the client demanded of the painter a meticulous care in the rendering of the deta i 1 s of costume and design, as well as a sensitiveness to textures -- the thin and transparent ~veiling the finely moulded arms, or the thick glossy fall of choice silk-- a literal verisimilitude made the principal criterion of the artist's talent. A larger number of portraits of women subjects than of men were painted, for the lady or daughter of the house was showered with all kinds of luxury because of her role as image and symbol of social status. In fact, these paintings do manifest the values placed by the ilustrados of the period on material property and objects equated with economic power. Feudal values were g1v1ng way to mercantilist values, although the new wealth was still derived from land ownership.
Luna and Hidalgo The political
orientation of the ilustrados and their position
with respect to the colonial set-up is seen in the paintings of Juan Luna and Felix Resurreccion Hidalgo, Filipino expatriate artists in Europe peripherally associated with the propagandists. In the Madrid Exposition of 1884, Luna's Spoliarium won a gold meda 1 , and Hi da 1 go's Vi rgenes Christi an as Expuestas a 1 Popul acho won a silver meda 1 • The subject of their paints was drawn from classical Roman antiquity, depicting the period of the Roman persecution of the Christians. In fact these images of oppression were an allegory of the injustices within the Spanish colonial system. Yet, what the propagandists strove for were reforms within the system and the change of the status of the country from a colony to a province of Spain in which they would enjoy equal rights with the Spaniards. 73
Compact
Legaspi and Sikatuna.
treaty
the
represents
which
between
friendship
of
Blood
Luna's
in
seen
point of view is also
The colonial
What strikes the viewer in this painting,
however, is the stress the artist places on the superior power While Legaspi is shown full-face
and strength of the Spaniards. raising
and
soldiers
cup
the
under
of
friendship
flag
the
surrounded
Spain,
of
Si kat una
by
friars
and
his
back
has
Thus,
completely turned as if without any supporting company.
the painting does not give an equal and balanced representation of the two parties, an indication of the colonial orientation of the artist. Espana y Filipinas or
painting
This is also true of the Spain
Here,
Leading the Philippines on the Path of Progress.
woman garbed in a classical gown
Spain is represented as a tall
Madre
and friar figure in blue.
who guides Filipinas, a small
Espana points to the sun rising in the east while they walk up the marble steps strewn with roses. The
expatriate
other
Felix
artist,
Resurreccion
Hidalgo
painted in the same period of the Propaganda Movement a 1 arge having as Estado, canvas entitled La 19lesia Contra el subject
the Bustamante y
the
of assasination Bustillo by the
friars
Governor in
Genera 1
Manuel
This
subject
1719.
re 1 a ted to the anti-c 1 eri ca 1 sentiments of the propagandists who demanded the expul sian of the friars and the secularization of parishes.
Except
for
this
canvas,
Hidalgo
largely
remained
outside the political movements of his time; most of his works were idyllic landscapes far from the conflict and social change in his native country. he
celebrated
the
In Per Pacem et Li bertatem done in 1902,
acceptance
of
the
Philippines
of
the
new
American colonial regime even while armed resistance continued in the countryside.
74
Art during the American Regime
The .American col on i a1 era saw a new patronage of the arts in the many .Americans who came over to explore the new colony. They had an eye for "orienta 1 exoticism" , tropi ca 1 scenes, picturesque nipa huts, ricefields, carabaos (water buffaloes), and colourful peasants who would grace many postcards and calendars. The artist who amply responded to the expectations of the new patrons was Fernando Amorsolo whose career reached its peak in the Commonwealth Period. From his studio issued hundreds of paintings of sun-drenched ricefields and "pretty" peasants. The new virgin of art was the maiden working in the fields, carrying fruits in a basket, cooking rice over a fire, or bathing in a stream, her delicate complexion unmarred by the sun and the weather. These images perpetuated feud a1 va 1ues such as coyness and submissiveness in women. Charming indeed are such rural idylls but how remote from the rea 1i ty of wide spread agrarian discontent. It was also during the .American Regime that the Rizal call was deliberately fostered by the new colonialists. The spirit of Rizal the reformist was more in tune with the ambitions and desires of American colonialism than the incendiary and subversive inclinations of Andres Bonifacio. When Guillermo Tolentino, the outstanding sculptor of the period, was commissioned to do the Bonifacio movement in Calorcan, he executed it in such a way that there was hardly a tree 1eft for dynamism and force of the revolutionary patriot.
The Rise of Modernism
Modernism in art gradually reached Philippine shores from Europe and the United States. The first painters who espoused and 75
introduced the Carlos
new art were Vi ctori o Edades, Ga 1 o Ocampo, and
Francisco,
Vicente 1946,
followed
Manansa 1 a, the
Cesar
United
by
Diosdado
Legaspi ,
States
and
Lorenzo, Anita
"granted"
fact,
public
the
American
education
colonial
which
regime
supported
its
Ocampo,
Magsaysay-Ho.
independence
Philippines, though colonialism persisted In
H.R.
In
to
the
in a disguised form. had
given
political
priority to and
economic
interests.
The period saw the cream of Filipine students sent to -ehe United States as pension ados or scho 1 ars who 1ater occupied high positions in education and government. It was national to
the
in the decade of the fifties that the prob 1 em of
identity, raised by a number of cultural writers, came fore.
Many
painters
and
artists
develop our own culture and art.
tried
drawing images from the familiar environment. to
more
paintings
cockfights still
of
nipa
in the
huts
romantic
to
They saw the and
to
This, however, led
ricefields,
rural
respond
importance of carabaos
and
genre of Amorsolo.
In
time, these subjects, which constituted a simplistic approach to the
problem,
became
familiar
stereotyped
pub 1i c
artists and the outworn
and
lifeless
formulas.
The
came to rea 1 i ze that the use of these
motifs
contributed
little
or
nothing
to
the
shaping of our national art and culture. With
the
Second
World
War came widespread
and
grievious
misery and economic strife in both countryside and city.
Many
peop 1e 1ost their homes and their 1 i ve 1 i hood and became beggars and vagrants. In these difficult times, the social consciousness of artists was awakened and they turned out canvases of social import. thorns
Galo Ocampo did a series of Christ figures crowned with and
aircraft.
besieged
from
overhead
with
bombs
and
flaming
Of this period, too, Manansala's Madonna of the Slums
with its image of poor mother and child in a background of gray lean-tos Even
H.R.
stood
out
Ocampo,
as
a
later
statement of the known 76
for
his
Filipino condition. abstracts,
also
did
paintings of impoverished beggars and workers where he contrasted slums
with
high-rise
buildings
and
where
he
protested
the
conditions of the worker as exploited and exposed to the hazards of industrial
pollution.
paintings, which,
This was the period of barong-barong*
as one moved away from the war years,
lost
their social meaning and became purely decorative compositions. A successful use of Filipino themes and materials is seen in the work of Carlos historical
Francisco, an Angono painter.
An assiduous
researcher, he drew his themes from native folktales
and legends, from the ancient pre-colonial past, from episodes of history, and from the daily life of farmers and fishermen. paintings
and
his
historical
mural
done
for
the
The
Maharnilad
celebrate indigenous valour and beauty, as that of Raja Seliman and
the
qualities
legendary of
Maria
indigenous
Makiling. art
such
In
as
his
the
works
are
seen
predominance of the
curvilinear line and of bright, warm colours, expressive of the exuberance of the native temperament. Meanwhile,
the
influence
of
modernism
and
the
new
art
continue to be felt -- styles such as surrealism, cubism and the abstract idioms.
The influence of these European styles can be
seen in the works of our artists, but these have been modified to suit
the
Filipino
sensibility.
The
cubism of
Manansala,
for
instance, does no violence to the subject of human figures and objects, unlike in the works of Braque and Picasso who dissected and
fragmented
their
figures.
In
the
Filipino
artist
is
a
reluctance to break up the human figure, perhaps out of feelings of reverence, especially for the face which is not made to suffer the
artist's
analytical
dissection.
In
Manansala,
too,
is
the indigenous use of space as it is filled up with a variety of closely interrelated forms.
*Make-shift shacks where painters worked.
77
In abstract painting, colour often becomes expressive of feeling as Filipino painters are acutely sensitive to the emotional expressiveness of colour. This is seen in many of the works of Cesar Legaspi where his reds, oranges, and greens seem to exude a rich fragrance. It is likewise seen in Joya's abstracts where deep blues, cool greens, and warm reds and yellows drawn from the hues of nature express a wide range of feeling. This use of colour is also true of Nena Saguil as well as of younger painters. As the painter approaches the latest modernist trends in the West, the emotional valuation of colour is gradually replaced by the objective and scientific approach to it. In geometric abstraction, the Filipino painter often cultivates the values of neatness and precision. Except for the influence of abstract expressionism in the decade of the fifties, he avoids diffuseness and eruptive spontaneity in favour of circumspect and disciplined form, expressive of his care in interpersonal relationships in which he rarely adopts a hurting, threatening, or startling posture. At present some artists persist in the tradition of nostalgia and rura 1 romanticism. There are some who borrow the Western theme of alienation and solitariness, or the theme of man 1ost in the vastness of his environment. But these themes do not jibe with our native consciousness. The experience of nature for the indigenous Filipino is based on an intimacy with his surroundings with which he closely interacts. And the 1i fe of peasants in the countryside has no place for solitariness but is marked by the bayanihan spirit of co-operation. In the shaping of the Filipino spirit in the arts, some artists turn to hi story to shed light on the present and prepare for the future. An increasing number of artists who seek to integrate indigenous and Asian motifs and aesthetics into the 78
modern idioms. with the
There have also been young artists who have dealt
life and
art of the minorities.
All
these efforts
canst i tute recent and laudable trends in contemporary Philippine art. More and more painters and scul pta rs have come to realize the relation of commercialism to elitism.
At the present, the
artist works only for the small sector of the social elite.
In
order
to
to
remedy
this
situation
and
make
everyone, there are a number of pass i bil it i es.
art
available
One would be to
hold art exhibits in open public places such as plazas, parks, and churches, as well as to hold art caravans over the country. Moreover,
artists
need not to confine themselves to works on
canvas, but could rather explore other media which could reach a larger
number
of
people,
such
as
print-making,
stencilling,
comics and cartoons. By going against the currents of commercialism and elitism, the artists will move towards creating an art available to all and sensitive to the aspirations of the Filipino, an art born of the life, loves, struggles and sufferings of the people. art
will
finally
be
restored
to
all
who
will
Then
share
participate in the making of a truly meaningful Philippine art.
79
and
REFERENCE
F.
Landa
Jocano,
EnterprIses,
ed.
The
Phi I i pp I nes
I 97 5.
00
at
the
SpanIsh
Contact.
Man I I a:
MCS
AN APPRECIATION OF THE FILIPINO PHILOSOPHICAL OUTLOOK THROUGH FILIPINO POPULAR LYRICS*
ELEANOR T. ELEQUIN
This paper attempts to generate some insights into the Filipino philosophy or world-view drawing on the lyrics of Filipino popular music. It is not concerned with giving a historical account of Filipino music, though such an undertaking would be of great value, but with looking at it as an expression of the Filipino philosophical outlook. For example, these lines taken from a popular song are an apt description of how we, Filipinos, perceive 1ife in genera 1 : Mahiwaga ang buhay ng tao Ang bukas ay di natin piho At manalig lagi sana tayo Ang Diyos, siyang pag-asa ng mundo
(Mysterious is the life of man Tomorrow is uncertain Let us always have faith In God, the hope of the world} From:
*Trans I a ted
from
Mahiwaga (Mysterious), A. Torres and M.P. Villar
F i I i pi no
by
Josef i no
Psychology, University of the Philippines.
81
A.
Raga I ado
of
the
Department
of
Well
acclaimed among
people from all
walks of life,
from the
lowest to the highest strata of society, this song can be heard coming
from jukeboxes
five-star
hotels
of
in cheap Roxas
restaurants as well
Boulevard,
sung
by
as
famous
in the Filipino
entertainers for an audience of tourists or moneyed compatriots. In
other
words,
the
song
Mahiwaga
caters
to
the
general
sensibilities of the Filipinos. The value and significance of exam1 n 1 ng a song as a way by which we can take a closer look at Filipino philosophy has been observed in the analyses of several scholars.
According to E.
Thayer Gaston [1968], a song is a medium through which people can express
their
emotions.
Man's
music
thoughts, aspirations, and beliefs.
reflects
his
deepest
From the very content of his
music can be gleaned the rationale for his manifest behaviour. Similarly, to Curt Sachs: man.
the story of music is the story of
Thus, a better understanding of man can be inferred from
the meaning of his music.
The foregoing statements underlie the
evolving interest in ascertaining what aspects of man's thoughts and actions can be transformed into the musical dimension. What is the re l at i onshi p between the Filipino song and the philosophy and behaviour of Filipinos?
While this may seem an
interesting topic worthy of discussion among those involved in the relevant scholarly disciplines, its wider relevance to the understanding of the motives and aspirations underlying the daily lives of Filipinos should not be denied. our concept of Filipino music?
But, firstly, what is
Relatedly, do we really have an
indigenous Filipino music? In reply to these questions opinions
of
two
scholars
of
I would like to refer to the
Filipino
music.
Felipe de
Leon
commented that there are some who believe that Filipino music is a result of the historical contact and synthesis of eastern and western music.
With the passage of time, it is argued, foreign
82
musical influences have been adapted and incorporated in what was and is Filipino.
In other words, Filipino music can be likened
to what is otherwise known as the mestizo Filipino race. Pfeiffer gave a simple but different view on Filipino music. According
to
elements
unique
him,
temperament,
Filipino music and
that
attuned
which
is that which the
to
clearly
possesses the
Filipino
expresses
his
taste
and
thoughts
and
feelings, virtually a part of his psychology and personality. He also added that there really exists an indigenous Filipino music -- the music of our forefathers -- which shapes our attitudes, sentiments, beliefs, values and traditions. Undoubtedly
it
can
permeated by foreign particular.
be
said
that
influences
our
customs
have
been
the American and Spanish in
Nonethe 1es s, we can be proud to say we have our own
identity -- one which existed prior to the Spanish colonization. As
can
valued
still
be observed,
aspects
example.
At
of
the
this
even at
Filipino
point,
it
present,
heritage
would
seem
we
still
cherish
like
the
family
for
that
the
problem
is
actually that of having a system of understanding the thought processes, feelings, beliefs and values of Filipinos and, consequently, the articulation of these in Filipino music. It
is
quite
aforementioned Filipino
music.
materials
from
difficult
statements To
to
best
quote
determine
explains
Pfeiffer:
researchers to
the "There
which true is
not
authoritatively explain
music, its meaning and its entirety".
of
meaning
the of
enough Filipino
Based on this, we could
very well say that this insufficiency of data on Filipino music, specifically the popular song, is a significant setback to the cause of research in this area. It is the observation of the scholars mentioned that have prompted this effort of taking a closer look at Filipino music,
83
especially difficult
popular
contemporary
to contend that
song.
the
It
latter
is
would
not
be
truly
rather
Filipino,
particularly those composed by Filipinos themselves.
That such
compositions
does
show
traces
of
foreign
influence
not
necessarily mean they are not Filipino but, rather, that they are reflective of accepted
present
that
Filipino thinking.
such
influences
at
It
the
also
has
present
to be
time
are
unavoidable, being a consequence of modern communication.
Comments on the Lyrics of Selected Filipino Popular Songs In spite of the dearth of materials, I have attempted to analyse the
lyrics
philosophical specific
of
a
selection
content.
aspect
of
of
have
our
music
Filipino
songs
concentrated which
to
for
primarily
popular
their on
belief
a is
representative of the kind of music which appeals to the greater majority of the pub 1 i c -- Fi 1 i pi no contemporary song, which I further
categorize
as
popular
song.
will
now
present
a
selection of some Filipino songs which I collected and analysed closely. In
analysing
philosophy of
the
lyrics,
life clearly
musical compositions.
the
emerged
Filipino
between
the
concepts
and
lines of the
It can be said, as a generalization, that
these concepts represent the philosophy and goals of the greater majority for whom the compositions cater.
What then are these
concepts? Incorporated in the themes of the songs are the Filipinos' view of the meaning of life, fate, love, joy, and suffering. song
Mahiwaga
predetermined
quoted fate.
earlier, What
expressed
transpires
on
the
belief
earth
manipulation of a powerful Supreme Being or Force.
84
is
in
The man's
due to the
Even love is ascertained by fate, according to Filipino belief: Kaya't tayo'y magpasalamat sa ating kapalaran Nasa atin ang kaganapang hinahanap Ng bawa't Nilalang na may puso rin
(So let's be grateful for our fate Ahead is a fulfilled tomorrow Sought by everyone ••• ) From:
May Minamahal (In Love), W. Cruz
Dahil sa iyo Nang maitadhanang ako'y isilang sa mundo Upang sa araw-araw ay siyang makapilang mo
(Because of you Destiny brought me into this world That we may, forever, be together) From:
Ngayon at Kailanman (Now and Forever), G. Canseco
That fate also determines one's social and economic status, is another belief: Bakit ba ganyan ang buhay ng tao Mayro'ong mayaman May api sa mundo ••• Kapalaran kung hanapin Di matagpuan At kung minsa'y lumalapit Nang'di mo alam ••• 85
(Why is the 1ife of man so Some are rich Some are oppressed Destiny, when searched for Is nowhere to be found And sometimes, just comes Without notice ••• ) From:
Kapalaran (Destiny), 0. Ilacad E. de la Pena
Through music a Filipino expresses his values and goals -the high regard for the family, the care of parents for their children and vice versa is the norm: Nang isilang ka sa mundong ito Laking tuwa ng •agulang .a At ang ka.ay nila ang iyong ilaw
000
(When you were born into this world Your parents rejoiced greatly~ And their hands became your light ••• ) From:
Anak (Child), Freddie Aguilar
The high value placed on education is so because it has become the basis of social status, it seems: Ako'y isang anak •ahirap Sa akin ay walang tumatanggap Mababa raw ang aking pinag-aralan Grade one lang ang tinapos ko No read, no write pa ako Paano na ngayon ang buhay ko? 000
86
(I am a poor man's son ••• Nobody accepts me For I am of a low education I reached only first grade I can't read nor write How then can I go about life?) From:
Dukha (Poor), Judas
The sublime aspiration to achieve national identity has been expressed thus: Ako'y Pinoy Ako'y Ako'y
isang Pinoy sa puso't diwa na isinilang sa ating bansa hindi sanay sa wikang mga banyaga Pinoy na mayroong sariling wika
(I am a Filipino in heart and spirit Born a Filipino into our nation am not skilled in foreign tongues I am a Filipino of my own ••• ) From:
Pinoy (Filipino), Florante de Leon
An oft-expressed value beliefs:
is that placed on traditions and
At bakit nangyayari ito Nagkalayo-layo na tayo Ibalik natin ang dating pagtitinginan ••• Pagmamahal sa Diyos ang dapat Nang itanghal Pa~a.ahal sa kapwa at sarili
87
(And why has this happened We have parted Let's put back the lost intimacy Let's proclaim the love of God The love of kapwa and self.) From:
Magkaibigan tayo (Friends, You and I), M. Hanopel
And, of course, a Filipino's underlying doubts, fears and conscience are also philosophically treated: Lahat tayo•y naglalakbay Aking nakikita Saan tayo tutungo Saan tayo pupunta Hanggang saan aabot Ang ating paghinga •••
(We are all on a pilgrimage I can see Where are we going Where to ••• To where Are we to live ••• ) From:
Ihip ng Hangin (Wisp of the Wind), H. Bartolome
Masdan n yo ang ating paligid Alcala mo•y walang ligalig May saya at mayroong awit Ngunit may namimilipit At siya•y humihibik ••• 88
(Look around us Peace is apparent There is joy and there are songs But there are some who suffer and plead) From:
Oy Utol (Hey Brother), H. Bartolome
Laban sa kalooban ko man Ako'y handang-handang lumaban Para sa ating kalayaan Ngunit bakit hindi ko maintindihan Magkapwa-tao'y naglalaban ••• (Though my conscience disagrees I am ready to do battle For the cause of our freedom But why can't I understand A struggle amongst kapwa ••• ) From:
Digmaan (War), Florante de Leon
From popular
the songs
philosophy.
foregoing,
it
incorporate
some
be
seen
central
that
the
aspects
lyrics
of
of
Filipino
In the succeeding analysis, I would like to give a
commentary of the changing music
can
bearing
in
mind
that
trend it
I is
have observed necessarily
in
Fi 1 i pi no
preliminary
in
nature due to the insufficiency of materials to substantiate a more rigorous explanation.
The Changing Themes of Filipino Popular Music Filipino popular music can be readily classified into two types:
89
the realistic and the romantic.
Traces of these are incorporated
not only in the lyrics of the songs, but also in the rhythm and melody, so influencing their organization medium and texture, and other artistic elements.
(The latter mentioned elements are not
within the scope of this study which deals only with the lyrical content.
It is hoped that future research will clarify and focus and equally relevant-- elements of music.)
on the other
Popular music of the sixties and seventies was characterized by derivations from American melody and copied in their compositions.
rhythm which Filipinos
Some of these songs still survive,
like Di Magmamaliw (Never to Fade) which is set to the melody of Evergreen by Paul Williams and Barbara Streisand.
There are also
some Filipino compositions whose form is patterned on that of foreign music, for example, jazz, rock and roll, or country and western music. The themes of the musical pieces of that era show no attempt to deviate from those of foreign music and romanticism.
Musical
performers like Nora Aunor, Vilma Santos, Tirso Cruz III and now, Rico Puno, Hajji Alejandro, Basil Valdez and others exemplify the vogue
of that
expressed
in
period. their
From
music,
a
an
analysis
seeming
direction in thought can be inferred.
of the
confusion
or
philosophies absence of
It would seem that, not
knowing how to re 1 ate to what was rea 1 i ty, we ran away from it. Nora
Aunor
became
Filipino, who,
a success
for
she symbolized the perplexed
at a loss to confront the meaning in life and
events, sang songs that made him forget and thus provided him a diversion. or
having
It was easier to indulge in fantasies about happiness the
luxuries
in
life
than
to
discover the true form and flow of life. tools
which
were
easily
accessible
for
observe,
search
and
We readily utilized this
spoon-fed with imitations of foreign culture.
purpose,
being
Our isolation and
sufferings were given catharses in the laughter generated by the gestures of Rico Puno, the sad stories of dejected lovers in the
90
songs of Ti rso Cruz
I I I, Basil
Va 1 dez, and the 1 ike.
Through
fantasies, what we envisioned to be the natural flow of life were made real. However, to my mind, we are closing in on the discovery of ourselves. confront
Contemporary reality,
to
lyrics,
give
show
direction
aspirations and beliefs expressed.
an to
honest the
flow
effort of
to
ideas,
The Filipino is beginning to
"see" himself and assess the natural endowments of his person. Contemporary music expresses more clearly and obviously the Filipino
philosophy,
viewing life.
showing
a
greater
sense
of
realism
in
Consider the analysis of day-to-day activities in
Pasahero:
•pasahero• Kay hirap ng buhay Punung-puno sa bus, tila sardinas ••• kakaway-kaway, di makasakay ("Passenger" Life is so difficult The bus is packed like sardines making gestures and still without a ride) From:
Pasahero (Passenger), H. Bartolome
Or consider the awakening perceptions of real needs and problems in Awit sa Magulang and Buhay Pinoy:
Mga magulang Maadan ninyo ang mga bata Gutom sila araw-araw Di niyo ba nakikita 91
Sila'y mga bubad Mga payat at may sakit Humihingi ng paglingap Nguni't kapos ang daigdig
(Parents Look at your children They are hungry everyday Can't you see They are thin and ill Begging for care But the world is wanting) From:
Awit sa Magulang (A Song to Parents), H. Bartolome
Tingnan ninyo sa bangketa, pulubi ay naghilera Mga kamay laging nakasahod, doon sila natutulog Ako'y .ayroong kaibigan, siya'y hindi nakapag-aral At dahil sa kanyang kahirapan, siya'y napilitang magnakaw
(Look at the beggars on the sidewalk There they sleep, and beg with palms outstretched I have a friend who did not go to school And because of poverty, was driven to steal) From:
Buhay Pinoy (Filipino Life), H. Bartolome
Both these songs, according to Sison, consider overpopulation as the source of poverty, but, he goes on to question: But is this the case? Is overpopulation the real cause of poverty? I don't think so. There may be a 1ot of 92
people,
but
if
the
wealth
poverty won't be a problem.
is
equally
distributed,
Overpopulation is simply a
concurrent excuse to cover up for the real cause of the situation which is the exploitation of the Filipinos by the ruling class. Despite this limitation, the song Buhay Pinoy sends a message
which
Magulang.
is
relevant,
compared
to
Awit
sa
This is because Buhay Pinoy poses questions
1 ike:
Ganyan ba talaga ang buhay Pinoy? Ganyan be talaga tayo sa habang panahon? Problema'y dumarami, sana'y isipin niyo Sana'y 1s1p1n niyo na mayroong pag-asa Isipin niyo, isipin niyo (Is Pinoy life really like this? Shall we remain this way forever? The problems of life are increasing I hope you think this over There is still hope Think it over, think it over) Aside
from
throwing
"thought-provoking"
questions
to
the
audience,
it
also
provides an optimistic attitude towards the
problem.
It also
implies that there is a deeper side to the
dilemma (in the last few lines of the song), thus, suggesting that we should think things over more closely. The massive migration of Filipinos to other countries tackled in the song Pinay:
Dapat ka bang mangibang-bayan? Dito ba'y Mala kang paglagyan? 93
is
(Do you have to leave the country? Don't you have a place there?) From:
Pinay (Philippine Woman), Florante de Leon
The song Nena is about the plight of Nena, a poor girl forced into prostitution: Ang nanay niya•y ummiyak, ang tata•y niya•y patay Naipit ng makina doon sa pabrika Sinikap ng kanyang nanay na sila ay mabuhay Sa paglalaba ay tumulong siya
(Her mother was crying, in anguish over the death of her father Who died while operating the machines in the factory The mother tried her best so that they will survive In helping her with the washing, Nena had to leave school) From:
Nena, Bartolome and Banyuhay
Due to the hardships that the family encounters, Nena then has to earn a living: Bago dumilim si Nena•y uma1is Laging nana make-up, maigsi ang damit Bukas na ng umaga ang kanyang balik Ayaw ni Nena ngunit siya•y nagigipit
(Before dark, Nena leaves the house 94
Her face always with make-up, her dress very short It would be morning when she comes back This is not what she wants, but she has to) From:
Nena
Sison gives his analysis: The
lowly state
in
without rea son. labourers blame. to
the
like
which
Nena
finds
herself is not
The factory owners (who exp 1oi t their the
case
of
Nena's
father),
are
to
When Nena's father died, no damages were given bereaved
unreasonable.
family.
The
labour
practices
are
The only solution to this is to fight
imperialism, the root of all this exploitation of our labourers.
Because of imperialism, only a few enjoy
the wealth created by the "productive force"
of the
country.
general
The
case
of
Nena
exemplified
labour policy in the Philippines:
the
if you don't have a
high educational attainment, a good job is not for you. Prostitution is a product of the oppressive system of our
society
where
exploitation
is
prevalent.
The
economic nature and cause of the problem is obvious. An analysis by Sison of the song Saranggol a ni Pepe (Pepe' s Kite) by Nonoy Gallardo is imaginative and interesting:
Matayog ang lipad ng saranggola ni Pepe Matayog ang pangarap ng matandang bingi Umihip ng hangin, nawala sa paningin. Sigaw ng kahapon, nilamon ng alon (Pepe's kite soared in the sky As high as the old and deaf man's dreams The wind blew, the eyes lost sight of them 95
The echoes of yesterday, swallowed up by The waves in the ocean) In this song, Pepe represents the Filipino who has high hopes for the motherland. But everything changed (the wind blew, the eyes lost sight of them ••• ) when the foreigners took over the Philippines. Our native culture faded from the scene because they gave us a foreign culture. Malabo ang tunog ng kampanilya ni Padre Maingay ang taginting, rosaryo ng babae
(The sound of the Padre's Church bells can faintly be heard from A distance but the sound of women Saying the rosary is loud and noisy) The first colonizers of the Philippine shore were the Spaniards (symbolized by the Padre). Christianity was used as a tool to bring the Filipinos under their control. The taginting (tinkling), kampanilya (church bells) and rosaryo (rosary) led us to oppression by the Spaniards. Hinuli ang ibon, pinagsuot ng pantalon Tinali ang pisi, hindi na nagsinturon Dumaan ang jeepney at gumuhit pa Sa kalye. Mauling ang iniwan, Hindi na tinabi
(He caught the bird, made it wear trousers Used a string and no belt to hold it Together. The jeepney passed by and Lined the streets, left some dirt Behind, didn't even have the sense to Push it aside) 96
The Filipinos passed from the hands of the Spaniards to those of the Americans. The Americans gave us civilization (so they say), taught us how to dress up decently (so they say, as symbolized by the trousers), but instead of a belt, what was simply used was a string, which means that the Filipinos were fooled and deceived, exploited and brought away from their native culture. Here, we also witness the mis-education of the Filipinos. Lastly, the jeepney also represents the United States si nee the spare parts are imported from the United States. Pinilit uma.nt, ang naglaro'y isang ingit Lumuha ang langit, ang mundo'y manliit Kumakaway sa bakod ang anghel na nakatanod Sumusuway sa utos, puso'y sinusunod
(He tried to sing, but what came out Was a grunt, so heavens wept, the world Felt small. The angel in watch waved From the fence going against the rule He followed his heart) There were attempts to unite and fight this type of neocolonialism. Although there are collaborators and followers, they did not give in so easily. Instead, they defied the orders of the authorities to win their freedom. These are only a selection from the many contemporary songs which expresses the prevailing Filipino outlook in life. If we organize the concepts embodied in the songs, articulations of Filipino thought emerge clearly. By way of conclusion, three important questions posed by Sison may be useful in directing discussion in this area: Is Filipino music a reflection of Filipino culture and society? Does it answer an existing need and, if so, what is that need? 97
Does it respond to the needs of the majority? the
discussion
of
Filipino
popular lyrics
It is hoped that
introduced
in
this
article will suggest a research pattern for the study of Filipino philosophy through music and serve to draw the attention of researchers to some of the elements of contemporary song which, I believe, can effectively elucidate how Filipinos view and interpret life.
98
REFEREN:ES
de Leon, Felipe, "Poetry, Music and Social Consciousness", Vol 17, No 2 (1973), Gaston, E, Thayer,
Music In Therapy.
New York:
Philippine Studies,
MacMillan Book Co,, 1968,
Maim, William P, Music Cultures of the Pacific, the Near Asia, Prentice Hall, 1967,
New Jersey:
Pfeiffer, WII I lam, Music in the Phi I ippines, Indigenous, Folk, Modern: Introductory Survey, Dumaguete City: Sll I iman University, 1975, Rodriguez, Ces, ed, Jingle Chordbook Magazine, Jingle Clan Publications Corp,, 1976, Jingle Chordbook Magazine, Publications Corp,, 1976, Jingle Song Hits Publications Corp,, 1977,
Chapter XXIII,
Chapter XXVI II,
Magazine,
No
Quezon City:
Quezon City:
Quezon
23,
An
City:
Jingle Clan
Jingle
Clan
Romantic Song Movie Magazine, Vol VI, No 12, Sachs, Curt,
The Wellspring of Music,
New York:
McGraw-HI I I Book Co,, 1965,
Scheider, E,H, and R,D, Sedorls, Current Issues in Music Education: A Symposium for College Teachers of Music Education, the Ohio State University. 1967, SIson B, "The ReI evance and I rre I evance of PI noy Rock and Rhythm", Collegian, University of the Philippines, 26 March 1979,
99
Ph I I I pp I ne
FROM THE PHILIPPINE REVOLUTION, 1896 TO MILITARY RULE, 1972: THE CHANGING WORLD-VIEW IN THE FILIPINO SHORT STORY*
PATRICIA M. MELENDREZ-CRUZ
A literary work has its own character, its own life and truth. At the same time, it is a social creation and, therefore, historical in character. This is true because a literary work is the creation of a particular writer in a particular society, time, and culture. A literary work embodies the writer's world-view which in turn reflects that of the class he represents or the one prevalent in the society. Because of his heightened sensibility, the writer is able to voice either the feelings, principles, beliefs, and aspirations of the class to which he belongs or those which are more widely accepted in society. Further, the writer's world view does not only dictate the subject matter, it also gives form meaning and value to his art. This paper will attempt to identify the socio-political philosophies of writers at different times in history through an analysis of their short stories. It wi 11 also situate these works in the historical contexts giving rise to the specific philosophy of the writer and his society. Based on the philosophies expressed by the writer, he will be assessed either as a supporter of the existing order or a catalyst of social change.
*Translated from Filipino by Beatrice Jacinto, Department Comparative Literature, University of the Philippines.
100
of
English
and
The Inception of American Colonization and the Development of the Filipino Short Story: The Pre-War Period Spanish colonialism
gave birth to
Filipino nationalism -- the
awareness among Filipinos that they are the on 1y ones who caul d free
themselves
colonizers.
from
The
their
bondage
contradictions
by
in
fighting
the
against their
society
Revolution for Philippine independence in 1896.
led
to
the
It was then that
the United States entered the scene in support of the Filipino revolutionaries
against
the
Spanish
colonizers,
purportedly
because of the former's democratic tradition and, supposedly, to help the
Filipinos win their independence.
At this time, the
United States had already begun their intervention in Cuba. Not
long
Philippines
after,
surfaced
Philippine-American
however, when
the
its
United
1899 in
War of
colonial
an
aims
States
on
the
ignited
the
attempt to justify her
conquest of the country.
It did not take 1 ong before the fervour
of
was
Filipino
nationalism
military prowess turned
its
subdued,
not because of
American
but because the ruling F·ilipino middle class
back
on
the
revolutionary
government.
The
intelligentsia saw an opportunity to perpetuate itself under the new colonial
order
through
the
pacification
campaign
and the
benevolent assimilationist policy. The
new
colonizers
learned
from
the
mistakes
refused to
of
their
predecessors.
While the Spaniards had
provide the
Filipinos with
schools and share with them their language and
culture, which the Americans, because of their "generous hearts", required
all
assimilated
these in
this
for
the
manner,
Filipinos.
The
maintaining
their
colonials, the "obedient brown Americans". intellectual
Filipinos status
were
as good
The sympathies of the
class were won over by the new government through
the policy of Filipinizing the bureaucracy, which also eliminated any possible opposition to the imperialist aims of the United
101
States.
Even after being forced to grant po 1 it i ca 1 independence
to
Philippines,
the
the
United
still
States
maintains
its
occupation,
the
economic grip within the country today. During dagli,
the
the
published
first
decade
incipient in
the
form
of the
of
the
nationalistic
American Tagalog
papers.
short
story,
Nationalism
was
was then
suppressed by the Sedition Law, the Anti-Brigandage Act, and the Flag Law. The
relevant
daglis
followed
nationalistic propagandists. to
stop
them,
the
tradition
of
the
Despite attempts by the colonizers
writers
through their writings.
the
rekindled
nationalistic
feelings
In Kaalakbay sa Daan (Fellow Traveller)
by Gonzalo C. Malay [1908], freedom, the birthright of the race, is presented as the cure to the ills of mother country.
In Luha
ng Alipin (Tears of a Slave), Inigo Ed. Regalado [1909] justifies the use of violence to restore the freedom and honour which were violently seized by the colonizers, while Antonio Abad [1910] in Sa Sumpa ng Ina (In the Mother's Curse), brands as traitors, the Filipinos who co-operate with the colonizers. The nationalistic sentiment was also shown in the negative portrayals of the Americans.
In Pagwawagi ng Katwiran ni Pag-Asa
(Triumph of Pag-Asa's Argument), a writer known as "Mapagsikap" [1908]
relates
things
they do.
how drunken The
Americans
Americans
are
have no qualms about the also
portrayed
in
"Mister
Drunkard" written by one "Sinamok" not only as drunkards but also as
burot
(braggarts)
who
act
as
if they
are
somebody
when,
actually they are nothing more than small fries back in America. Corollary
to
anti-Americanism,
the
dagli
indicted
the
colonial-minded Filipinos.
Inigo Ed. Regalado [1907], using the
pen
depicts
name
"Tengkeleng",
them,
in
Estrangheritis
("Foreignities"), as admirers of what is foreign and who cannot be expected to serve the country although they benefit from it. 102
The
short
stories
also
criticized
the
Filipinos'
moral
decline with the introduction of nightclubs, bars and gambling dens by Americans who aimed to make easy money. Katwiran
ni
Pag-Asa,
the
Filipinos
materialism of the Americans.
are
In Pagwawagi ng
influenced
by
the
Maikling Kasaysayan (short story,
1906), written by a certain "Malay", warns against gambling; the traditional beliefs of our ancestors in fate and luck serve as a strong attraction towards this vice. With secularism came criticisms of fanatic Taos
na
Pangarap
(Heartfelt
Dream),
by
beliefs, as in
Francisco
Laksamana
[1908], also known as "Fidel", and Ang Huling Himala (The Last Miracle),
by "Ric A Clarin", the pseudonym of Rosauro Almario
[1911]. Two vices learned by the Filipinos from their Spanish and American colonizers, fanaticism and gambling respectively, became negative means of escape for the Filipinos from their oppressed life.
But as social critics, the writers were not able to link
these to colonialism; instead they took a moralistic view towards these vices.
It was only Francisco Laksamana [1911] who realized
that that the lowly life of the Filipino worker was rooted in the colonial situation of the country, as shown in Buhay at Kalayaan (Life and Freedom). Consciousness of the oppression and lowly life among urban and
rural
workers
is
evident
in
the
short
stories
Arsciwals, Patricio del Rosario and Antero Gempesaw. Bavani
of
Juan
In Isa Pang
(Another Hero), Arsciwals [1915] relays to the labourers
the idea that if they do not sacrifice their love for themselves and their talents for the good of the many, slavery will not be solved nor redemption attained. In Puring, del Rosario [1918] informs the workers that they belong to one class: 103
• •• Ang KATUBUSAN ng mga manggagawa nat in, tulad sa ibang bansa ay tatamuhing walang sala sa pamamagitan ng BANAL NA PAGDADAMAYAN, TAPAT NA PAGSASAPI-SAPI at MASIKAP NG PAGPARANGAl ng lahat sa kanilang pagkamanggagawa. ( ••• The SALVATION of our workers, like those of other countries, HONEST
is
inevitable through
UNIONIZING
and
SACRED CO-OPERATION,
EARNEST ELEVATION by everybody
for their being labourers.) The two agrarian problems, tenancy and usury, are discussed by
Gempesaw
Living). (How
[1918]
The
Idiotic
in
Mga
Suliranin
ng
germinal
idea of
feudalism
of
written
by
Me),
surfaced in Katubusan (Redemption).
one
Buhay
(Problems
of
in Napakatunggak Ako named
"Liling"
[1909]
The tenants are oppressed by
the landlord; to free themselves from this slavery they are urged to unite to achieve redemption through unity and alliance, their main union
sources
of power in their struggle against capital.
becomes
The
an organization through which the oppressed can
help each other and eliminate usury. As
reflected
established
and
in
Gempesaw's
headed
by the
in
1902
by
the
intellectual
union -- Union de Litografos e established
book,
first
unions
were
class.
(The
first
Impresores de Filipinas -- was
Isabelo
de
los
Reyes.)
It
was
not
surprising, therefore, that these unions held the political views of the ilustrado (educated elite).
The leaders saw in unionism
an effective weapon for improving the economic situation of the workers.
But,
between capital
because they did
not see the conflict existing
and labour, they did
existing economic structure.
not aim at changing the
The foremost aim of the union was
to teach the workers how to become good citizens, the second, to help
its
members
in
their
Constantino, The Philippines:
financial
difficulties
A Past Revisited, 1975]. 104
[Renata
The socially conscious views of writers at the turn of the century
were
more
reformist
than
radical.
The
writers
unwittingly accepted free enterprise capitalism as introduced by the
Americans.
They
self-discipline,
upheld
industry,
the
ethics
economy
and
of
labour
initiative
such and
as
urged
workers to save so that they can start their own businesses to overcome their poverty. labour
and
capital
As far as the writers were concerned,
were
forces of production.
not
conflicting,
but
complementary,
The existing evils did not stem from the
socio-economic system but from the morally-flawed character of the peop 1e canst itut i ng the system.
They therefore appea 1ed to
the capitalist's conscience -- to 1 imit the concern for profit, to treat workers in a humane manner.
Likewise, the workers were
advised to be industrious and thrifty, to avoid vices like wine, gambling
and
women,
which
corrupted
them
physically
and
spiritually. The writers also accepted as a social reality the division into
classes
recognized
according
the
to
resultant
economic class
status.
relations
as
But
though they
exploitative
and
oppressive, they did not relate it to the differing interests of classes.
Instead, they believed, the classes would be brought
together by love. During the twenties and thirties, there was an increase in the number of stories centring on love, mostly between the rich and
the
Stories:
poor
as
in
1925-1935),
Mga
Kuwentong
edited
by
Ginto: Alejandro
1925-1935 G.
(Golden
Abadilla
and
Cl odua 1do de 1 Mundo [1936], and 50 Kuwentong Gi nto ng 50 Bat i kang Manunulat
(50 Golden
Stories by 50 Story Masters), edited by
Pedrito Reyes [1939]. The prevalence of the themes of love and courtship confirmed the
success
of colonial
education
as
contra ll i ng the minds of the Filipinos. 105
a means
of taming
and
Whereas in the past the
Spaniards
had
used
religion
as
the
primary
instrument
of
subjugation, education -- long denied by the Spaniards -- was the instrument
of
bondage
employed
Pagwawagi ng Katwi ran ni
by
the
Americans.
The
story
Pag-Asa reflects the Fi 1 i pi nos' desire
for education as a means of improving themselves, the society and the
nation.
American
military
rule
was
also
aided
by
the
wide spread pub 1 i c education estab 1 i shed in 1901 , the Pension ada (scholarship)
Programme in 1903 and the use of English as the
medium of instruction. and
Love),
Gempesaw
mentality intent
brought
in
In Ang Diwa at ang Pag-ibig (Principle
[1919]
about
remoulding
by
the
de-Filipinizing them.
criticises the
the
American
character
of
resulting system
the
of
a
chance
education
Filipinos
in
As could be expected, the revolutionary
zeal of the revolutions of 1896 and 1899 was quelled. stand
colonial
against
the
public
schools'
It did not
indoctrination
of
Filipino youth which included singing the Star-Spangled Banner daily in front of the waving Stars and Stripes; memorizing the Gettysburgh Address;
listening to stories about Washington and
the cherry tree; and being fined for using the native language. The
literary
colonizers writers.
environment
suppressed
the
nationalistic
by
the
sentiments
American of
the
Just as the Spaniards propagated the 1 i terature of the
Middle Ages 1 ike the pasyon passion
cultivated
of
Christ)
and
( narrative verse on the 1 ife and
the
awit
and
korido
(both
metrical
romances either on the 1 ife and adventures of knight-errants or those of saints), the American teachers placed more emphasis on the outward appearance and 1ess on the essence of Anglo-American romanticism. Hiawatha,
The literary fare consisted mainly of works like Miles
Standish,
Alhambra,
Sohrab
and
Rustum,
Evange 1 i ne, Anna be 1 Lee, The Lady of the Lake, The Raven, Be 11 s, Treasure
Island,
The
Last
of
the
Mohicans,
Rebecca
of
the
Sunnybrook, How Do I Love Thee, My Last Duchess -- works which like the pasyon, awit, and korido, directed the attention of the Fi 1 i pi no writers and readers to matters other than the here and 106
now.
Thus, the writers did not imbibe true romanticism but only
puerile sentimentalism. Understandably, writers
to
the Americans
discover
the
did
romantic
not
allow the
ideas
about
Filipino
revolution,
individual ism, progress and, most of all, national ism, precisely because these were the effective weapons against them. have
suicidal
been
for
them
to
enrich
Filipino
It would
nationalism.
Thus, on the who 1e stories that were written were directed away from the realities of life and society and the writers abnegated their role as social critic but not as preacher of conventional morality.
Japanese Occupation and Post-war Social Concerns The world of the writers was shattered by the difficult struggle caused by World War II.
Like previous colonizers, the Japanese
justified their occupation as being for the good of the nation. They "saved" the Filipinos from the Americans and offered them the blessings of their culture and of their Co-Prosperity Sphere in the Greater East Asia Programme.
To win the allegiance of the
Filipinos, the Japanese emphasized the policy of developing the Filipino native culture.
They prohibited the use of English and
proclaimed Tagalog and Nippongo as official languages.
With this
move towards Filipinization, the Filipino culture was enriched; writers turned their attention to the native land. The
romantic
sentiments
for
the
nation
can
be
Narciso G. Reyes' [1943] Luoang Tinubuan (Native Land). glance,
strict But a
will
seems sense
"safe" the
theme
in
the of
subversion to the Japanese colonizers.
107
light
of
At first
the
eye
work
in
censorship during the period -- the theme was patriotism. keener
the
seen
nationalism,
which spelt
A nationalist fights for
independence as the condition for the freedom and the rights ot the
people.
Only
the
people
can
determine
and
chart
their
destiny and from them the nation derives its sovereignty. The Suyuan
idyllic
countryside life of Macario Pineda [1943] in
sa Tubigan
(Courtship in
the Paddies), is corrupted by
modernization in Nagbibihis na ang Nayon (The Barrio Now Grooms) by Brigido Batungbakal
[1937]:
ugly is the other face of the
countryside; inevitable change brings both evil and good. The
city,
Nagmamadali
ang
"buy-and-sell" worldly,
presented
by
(Manila
Maynil a
period,
materialistic
Serafin
Gui nigundo Hurries),
is
troublesome,
and
deceitful.
[1943]
during
confusing, In
this
in that
uncertain,
"jungle",
an
individual survives through wiliness, cheating, and selfishness. Poverty in the city is more pronounced because the poor worker has no one to turn to. family.
Staging a strike means hunger for his
See Genoveva Edroza [ 1938], Wa 1 ong Taong Gu 1ang (Eight
Years Old) and Hernando R. Ocampo [1939], Bakya (Wooden Shoes). Nevertheless, the workers have no choice but to strike to get their share of capital. their
strength
rests
They only
realize that in their struggle, in
themselves.
Not
even
the
journalists, who are supposed to reveal the injustices committed in the society are on their side as they are controlled by the enemy class.
See Batungbakal [1940], Akiasan (Strike).
It is in times of crises that one's character is tested and maul ded. Kahoy,
Poverty and need move the character of Ang Tao, ang at
Aristeo
ang
Florida
calamity.
Bagyo
(The
[1943],
to
Man, put
the
Tree,
and
the
aside superstitions,
Storm), and
by face
In Jose Sibal's [1946] May Gunita Pa ang mga Bulaklak
(The Flowers Still Hold Memories), the male character is able to accept
his physical
handicap as a result of war, because this
symbolizes freedom of the motherland.
Love for country over 1 ave
for oneself is shown by Pablo Pilar [1943] in Tabak at Sampagita 108
(Bolo and the Sampaguita). Balantukan
(The
Scar
Mabini
Remains),
Rey Centeno's Maghilom Ma'y
depicts
how
businessmen
take
advantage of crises to earn money, even if it is to the detriment of their fellowmen.
In Dugo at Utak (Blood and Brains), Cornelio
Reyes [1943] shows how a character's creativity gives way to the responsibilities of love and the needs of daily living. Despite improvement
the
widening
scope
of
subject
of
writing
techniques,
a
matter
and
deepened
the
soc i a 1
consciousness among the writers did not result because of their world-view.
In
general,
the
writers,
assumed a responsibility as moral
as
disciples
of
art,
teachers or guides of their
race in accordance with their Christian point of view, wherein the world order including personal, social and national relations are ordered and dictated by the Creator. accepted anyone
and who
considered did
so
was
sacred. punished.
obedience was to be rewarded. accepted
as
ordained
Creator's trials.
To
by
Such a world order was
disobey On
the
was other
to
sin,
hand,
and blind
As such, the social structure was
God.
Suffering
and
Man comes from God and will
abuse
were
the
go back to Him
once he has proven that he is worthy of the heavenly kingdom by leading a good earthly life.
He is blessed who is poor for he
will inherit the kingdom of God.
Didn't Christ preach that it is
easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter God's kingdom? the whole world but loses his soul?
What will
he gain if he owns
Thus, poverty and suffering
were seen as willed by God and not as caused by the existing socio-economic structure.
The 1950s and Early 1960s:
The Ideals of Liberal IndividualiSII
and Free Enterprise Capitalis• In the stories during the 1950s liberal individualism prevailed. 109
In enclosing themselves in their "cockroach-infested temples" in brushing aside the so-called "earthly concerns" of society and country, writers of that period could not link their art with the march of the nation's history. Thus, the events of that decade were not given much attention. Even if they were, the treatment was superficial. There was the Cold War for example, where the nation a 1 1eadershi p' s proud support for the Americans' foreign policies resulted in the country's involvements in the Korean and, later, the Vietnam wars. Accordingly, in their blind allegiance to the American crusade against communism, the Filipino leaders outlawed the Hukbalahap movement and the National Farmers' Union. Socio-economic conditions worsened leading to the Hukbalahap Revolt (1950-52) aimed at changing the existing order. It was not that these events did not affect the general consciousness of the writers; but their approach was humanistic rather than ideological. They did not perceive the need for a radical social change. Thus, in the final analysis, unwittingly perhaps, they are identified with the powerful landlords. In Nagtatanong s i I ton (I ton Questions), by Centeno [ 1948], I ton continues to be frustrated in his longed for social change •
••• Nagunita ni Iton na sa nakalipas na panahon, ang mga kanayon din niyang ito, katuld niya, ang nakinig at nan i wa l a sa i ba nillllilng. Matandang Tano, i ba 1 t i bang lider at sa bawat bagong lider ay isang bagong pag-asa, at i sang pani bagong pana l angi ng nawa 1 y ito na nag ang pagkakataon, ito na nga sana ang manunubos. (... Iton remembers that in the past, these same townpeople, like him, listened and believed in other Old Tanos, numerous leaders who individually promised a new hope, and a new prayer -- "May this be the right person now. May he be our redeemer".) The ending of the story is ambiguous. 110
Isang mapait na ngiti
ang gumuhit sa labi
ni
Iton,
ngunit isang uhiwagang kislap ang naglaro sa kanyang mga mata. Ipinagpatuloy niya ang pagkain. (Iton
smiles.
Ironically.
His
eyes glittering with
He continues his eating.)
mystery.
Can this glitter be a prelude to !ton's course of action?
Can
this mean that Iton 's constant disappointments wi 11 1ead him to his own alternatives? movement?
Wi 11
he take on the 1 eadershi p of the
Does Centeno want to portray to the farmers that the
leadership of the movement should come from them? In contrast to Centeno's vague ending is Olimpio Villasin's [1947],
in
Kamatayan
ng
Isang
Huk
(Death
of
a
Huk),
where
punitive military actions push the orphans and survivors to join the Hukbalahap movement in revenge for the oppression they have suffered and the deaths of their loved ones. viewpoint
is
defeatist.
With
the
However, Villasin's
senseless
death
of
the
character, what is conveyed is a sense of hopelessness. In Liwanag sa Usok ng Punlo (Light in the Smoke of the Gun), Batungbaka
[1948]
depicts
the
senseless
killing
of
both
government troops, and their opponents, the Huks, because both are from the poor classes. aims
of
individual
the
Hukbalahap,
participant
organization when he their
enemies
fighting.
are
Although Batungbakal he
gives
soldier.
The
more Huk
justifies the
importance
to
the
character leaves the
realizes that the soldiers they regard as also
from
the
class
for
which
they
are
Honouring the death of the soldier, the author writes:
Ang maglinglood sa hukbo ay isand tungkulin sa bansa ••• dapat paglinkuran ang bansa upang ~~~aibalik ang kapayapaan ng mga si•ulain. 111
( ••• and to serve in the army is a duty to the nation ••• The nation should be served to bring back harmony.) The humanistic view of Batungbakal places him on the side of the existing order; he accepts that the conflicts within the system need to be resolved, but does not favour a radical manner of attaining them. His is the view of the reformist. The stories Luntiang Bukid (Verdant Fields) by Eduardo B. Reyes [1959-60] and Ponciano P.B. Pineda's Malalim ang Gabi (Deep is the Night) portray the Hukbalahap movement as violent and destructive to the peaceful citizens. Reyes' liberal individualism can be seen in his main character, Mang Itoy, who, as an independent person, values labour greatly and believes that he alone has a right to the fruits of his 1abour for which he will fight even to the point of death because: "in the fourth part of that harvest rests my dreams for you Nene and Totoy ••• my rights over what belongs to me ••• and my faith in living on one's own efforts". The views of Manue 1 Ocampo [1951-52] in Kamatayan sa Gu 1od (Death on the Hill ) , and Ed roza-Matute [1951-52] in Pagbaba 1 i k (The Return), are founded on the moral character of the Huk. Ocampo praises Ta syo, the rna in character, for standing firm on his principles and for his humanity in not shooting at a surrendering ally. Matute dramatizes the treachery of a Huk towards his companion, and his subsequent repentance and suicide. Both Ocampo and Matute portray the absolute nature of moral values. Another manifestation of liberal individualism was the high regard among writers for education. To them, this was the pathway to progress and improved life. In Lupa, Ulan ••• at Supling (Earth, Rain and Saplings), Martin del Rosario [1955-56] portrays the endeavours of a farmer to provide his 112
children with education for a better future, free from the burden of the soil. In
Sending his children to school
the story Angkan
is an investment.
(Lineage), by Elpidio Kapulong [1950s], a
family gains when an educated son begins to earn.
In Panahon ng
Aking Pag-ibig (Season of my Love), Andres Cristobal Cruz [1956] upholds the idea that an individual decides his own destiny; one need only depend on one's abilities to attain a good life. finishing
his
By
studies, the character-writer is able to escape
from life in Tondo.
This, however, does not mean abandoning it.
For Cristobal Cruz, in Panahon ng Aking Pag-ibig (Season of My Love), Pedro Ricarte [1958-59], in Estero (Slum Alleys), and Pedro Dandan [1947], in May Buhay sa Looban (There is Life in the Sl urns),
poverty
impossible.
in
the
1 ooban
From these
( s 1 urns)
stories,
to
one
fulfil
does not make
humanism
notes the belief in the
individual's
ability
himself
regardless
environment.
Such is the measure of his value as well.
of
his
Macario Pineda [1950] writes of feudalism and paternalism in society in Kasalan sa Malaking Bahay (Wedding Feast in the Big House).
Realizing
the
class
differences
in
society,
Pineda
however, does not accept that classes conflict with each other: there
will
be
no
problem of
if
the
loving
upper
one's
class
neighbour
practises as
the
Christian
commandment
one loves
oneself.
Pineda also believes that love can bring the classes
together; love is the foundation of a good society. P.P.B.
Pineda's [1957-58] Ang Mangingisda
(The Fisherman),
distinguishes between the social classes -- on the one hand the rich,
represented
by
Don
Cesar,
represented by the rna in character.
and
on
the
other
the
poor,
However Pi ned a's approach to
the social and economic problems presented is romantic.
He makes
the sea and fate the enemies of the fisherman, not Don Cesar who owns the powerful
fishing boats.
The fisherman also dreams of
owning just one boat and works hard to fulfil this dream. 113
But,
while Don Cesar's boats increase in number, he remains Finally, after days of luckless fishing, he empty-handed. Instead of decides to use dynamite which leads to his death. reaching the conclusion that the social structure forced his death -- because Don Cesar's boats were taking most of the catch Pineda saw the hand of fate. Thus, the main character emerges as a romantic rebel, standing alone in a mean world. The main character in Kinagisnang Balon (The Well that was There), by Cristobal Cruz [1959-60] is also a romantic rebel. Narsing rebels against the kind of life which like the old well handed down to him by the previous generation -- to become a water carrier, an occupation which his father, in turn, inherited from his father. Although the story is given a socio-politicoeconomic dimension through the treatment of the feudal and co 1oni a 1 character of society which 1 imits Nars i ng' s future and the nation's progress, the writer still maintains the reformist view. Still rebellious, Narsing accepts the 1 ivel ihood passed on to him and decides to take care of the backyard that used to be theirs. The story proposes no change in the existing order. Instead, it advocates striving for the best possible under the present order. Those who wrote about the war were, likewise, humanist in their view. They portrayed the horrors of war which remained in the minds of the people: an individual degenerates and eventually loses his humanity, turning into a murderer as in Alfredo S. Enriquez [1950s], Ang Ulo (The Head), Dandan, [1956-57], Sukat ng Digma (Wound of War); the decline in the moral values of the people as in Centeno [1948], Si Tinong Kikil (Tino, the Tong Man); Gonzalo P. Flores [1948], Mga Kamay (Hands); or the illnesses at the spiritual level-- worse than phys i ca 1 ones -- which, even if they he a 1 , 1eave 1 ife-1 ong sears. Nevertheless, hunger, disease, disorder and oppression do not erase the people's humanism as in Efren Abueg [1959], Mapanglaw 114
ang Mukha [1946],
ng
At
Buwan
(Sad
Patuloy
is the Face of the Moon);
ang mga
Anino
(And the
Shadows
Dandan [1950s], Ang Inahing Aso at Limang Tuta
Guinigundo Continue);
(The Mother Dog
and Her Five Puppies). The humanistic view of the writers is clearly seen in their stories
on
people
with
mental
or
physical
promote compassion for the handicapped. [1950s],
Vicenteng Bingi
disorders.
They
See Jose V. Panganiban
(Vicente, the Deaf); Dandan [1955-56],
Mga Butil ••• Mga Busal (Bits and Pieces); and Mabangis na Kamay, Maamong Kamay
(Savage Hands, Gentle Hands); Kapulong [1945-55],
Batingaw (Bell); Simplicia Basa [1957-58], Mahaba ang Daangbakal (The Railroad Stretches Far); Mariano Pascual [1943], Matamis ang Liwanag (Sweet Illumination); Rogelio Sikat [1962], Quentin; E.B. Reyes [1956-57], Pag-uugat ••• Pagsusupl i ng (Roots ••• Saplings); Domingo (Petals
G.
Landicho
on
conditions
[1966-67],
the
Barren
inside
the
Mga
Land). national
Tatulot
sa
Similarly
Pagas
treated
penitentiary
as
in
na
Lupa
are
the
Wilfreda
Virtusio [1966], Ang Bilanggo (The Prisoner). Liberal about
family
individualism can also be observed in the stories relationships where writers
each member to be respected.
invoke
the
rights of
The number of stories on the family
is proof that it is a primary social
institution.
Dealing with
the relationships between husband and wife, parents and children, or those among siblings and relatives, the stories show children as the main reason for the existence of the family. bility of the parents is given much weight.
The responsi-
They should be ready
to sacrifice anything to ensure their children's future as a manifestation of their love for them.
On the other hand, children
are expected to show gratitude to their parents; they too should be
willing
to
make
sacrifices
for
their
parents.
Aid,
in
whatever form, to the family and close relatives is also valued. Liberal individualism is also reflected in the indictment of
115
certain traditions and current practices, such as grand weddings as in Eleotrio Fojas [1950s], Kasalan sa Nayon (Wedding in the Country);
immoderate camaraderie as in Fernando Samonte [1955]
Kamatayan ng !sang !dolo (Death of an Idol); the dependence of married couples on parents as in Guinigundo [1948],
Babagyang
Tag-araw sa !sang Tahanah (Little Summertime in a Family); and the phenomenon of growing materialism as in Cenon Rivers [1950s], Bangus (Milkfish); Hernani de la Riva (Amado V. Hernandez) [1956] Kamag-anak (Relative). Even during the 1960s, and especially during the first half, the prevalent outlook was still that of liberal individualism. The
main
tenet
of
liberal
individualism
individual moulds his own fate through personal obvious in several
that
an
effort -- are
works such as Dominador Mirasol [1967], Ang
Yaman sa Kagubatan (The Wealth in the Forest); Sikat [1963], Lupa ng saril ing Bayan (In the Land of My Country); [1968], Kung Saan Nakaluhod ang Bathala (Where God
~
Landicho Kneels);
Edgardo M. Reyes [1964], Si Ama (My Father), and Levy Balgos de la Cruz [1967], Bulaklak sa Gilid ng Landas (Blossoms Along the Road).
Stories were also written in defence of a child choosing
his own future as in de la Cruz [1965], Ginintuang Katulad ng Palay
(Golden
Like
the
Palay);
Landicho
[1968],
Himagsik
ni
Emmanuel Lazaro (The Rebellion of Emmanuel Lazaro); Sikat [1963], Pagbabal i k sa Sa Rogue (Return to San Roque); Abueg [1962], May Pugad ang Langay-Langayan (Langay-Langayan has a Nest).
Others
dealt with the right to one's own happiness as in Sikat [1964], Sa Kasal
ni
Ate Elena
(In
Sister Elena's Wedding).
Nor did
hardships pose obstacles to success as in Abueg [1965], Huwag Kang Lilingon (Don't Look Back); Mirasol [1970], May Baitang sa Hangarin (The Step to the Goal); Sikat [1963], May !sang Sagala (The Muse in
the
Procession);
Landicho [1969],
Ang Bughaw na
Langit ni Angelo (The Blue Sky of Angelo); and de la Cruz [1969], Nakangiti ang mga Rosas (The Roses Smile). 116
The
writers
of
the
entrepreneurial capitalism.
.. ':0s
a 1so
up he 1d
the
ide a
of
Th1s is seen in the resolution to
the problems of the working classes; the characters are enjoined to engage in small businesses as in Jose Rey Munsayac [1968], Ang Biyahera't
ang
Magpapalay
(The
Woman
Man); Mirasol [1966], Ang Kasal
Traveller and the Palay
(The Wedding); and de la Cruz
[1969], Ang Pamana (The Inheritance). Education was of foremost value as a means to self-progress in the eyes of many liberal individualist writers as in Mirasol [1967], Ang Makabagong Mesiyas (The Modern Messiah); Munsayac [1969], Emmanuel; de la Cruz [1971], Paalam sa Buwan (Goodbye to the Moon); and Ang Bal iw sa Mangubat (The Fool of Mangubat); Ave Perez Jacob [1961], Kislap ng Kadakilaan (Glitter of Greatness); Landicho [1967], Nang Yumao ang Matanda sa Malaking Bahay (When the Old Man in the Big House Died); and Abueg [1960], Bahala ang In similar vein, the social Hinaharap (The Future Knows). progress brought about by graduates upon returning to their hometowns was also a common theme as in Mirasol [1969], Dalawang Mukha ng Kapalaran (Two Faces of Destiny); Abueg [1965], Ang Salot (The Plague); Landicho [1969], Elias at Salome (Elias and Salome); Jacob [1960], Sa San Pascual Isang Umaga (In San Pascual One Morning). This
humanism
is
a
component
of
the
individualism of their, and even our, time. writers nature, -- that through
be 1 i eved in the goodness good. Together with this the social order can be man's efforts. But the
prevailing
liberal
As romantics, those
of man inasmuch as he is, by was their belief in meliorism improved, and this is achieved view is still reformist and
mora 1 i st because it centres on inner change of the i ndi vi dua 1 • As writers, they stood firm in their idealism against the materialism of the existing socio-economic order. In pace of the enslaved and oppressed life, they depicted an ideal nature -- a peaceful, beautiful and humanistic life. As liberals, they
117
upheld freedom as the foremost value.
As individualists, they
believed that the individual is the matter of himself, and that he holds in his hands his fate.
It is only when he is free that
he becomes human and part of society. democratic;
whatever
everybody else.
they
asked
for
These writers were also themselves
was
also
for
Everyone is deemed equal -- with rights to life,
liberty, happiness, self-fulfilment and possessions. While the writers saw contradictions stemming from the socioeconomic
structure
which
are
detrimental
they mistook the result for the cause. go beyond reformism. dualists, selves.
their
to
self-advancement,
This is why they did not
Added to this was the fact that, as indivi-
rebellion
did
not
transcend
their
individual
Since they were from the lower and middle classes, the
writers viewed society as a neutra 1 ground wherein each man is free to achieve self-fulfilment; if he fails, no one else but himself is to blame, for he makes his own destiny.
The existing
social order, therefore, remains blameless and inviolable. the writers
accepted
Also
stratification according to capabilities,
which for them was different from stratification based on wealth or lineage.
Not to mention the fact that it flattered their ego.
Thus, the writers consciously or unconsciously supported the existing socio-economic structure.
Their beliefs directed their
minds away from the more important social
issues of the times.
As a result, they were not able to instill Filipino
conscience;
and
they
failed
to
in themselves the verbalize
the
true
aspirations of the Filipino people for a free and dignified life in a just and humane society.
The Early 1960s: Naturalism and the Response to Growing Social Inequality During the first half of the 1960s, the worsening socio-economic 118
situation brought about by oppression, poverty, vi o 1 ence and the colonial mentality led to changes in the optimistic view of life held among the writers.
Naturalism, which brought to light the
gloomy conditions of people and society, to an extent replaced romanticism.
The characters in stories were then presented as
prisoners
of
their
obstacles
and
environment,
frustrated
in
unable
their
to
overcome
attempts
to
society's
improve
their
lives. The
writers
still
considered
the
city
a
jungle
as
in
Mabangis na Lunsod (Savage City) by Abueg [1961] where power and violence rule.
The little the poor make are ferociously grabbed
by the strong who refuse to work.
Strength overpowers the puny
whose poverty is worsened by the cruelty of their fellowmen.
So
does the city destroy one's efforts to lead a dignified existence in Isang Ina sa Panahon ng Trahedya (A Mother in Time of Tragedy) by
Mirasol
[1969].
The
life
of
Aling
Marta's
good
mercilessly destroyed by the evils of the looban.
son
is
Justice cannot
be sought because his murderer is an illegitimate son of a police sergeant.
Force
also
wins
in
Sikat's
[1961-62]
Impeng
Negro
(Impen, the Negro).
The main character uses violence to finally
end
--
his
oppression
respected
by
others.
the The
only
way
--
conclusion
so
that
he
is:
in
a
will
be
violent
surrounding, one also becomes violent. Poverty is seen as widespread in society, worsened by the fact that innocent people are the ones victimized. ng Kawalang Malay
In Di Maabot
(Beyond the Innocent), by E.M. Reyes [1960],
the child who is the main character, cannot comprehend how her mother can support the three of them or how she is able to bring home pancit (noodles) and medicine. The countryside was still depicted as a paradise in Abueg's [1963]
Bagong
situation,
Paraiso
however,
did
(Modern not
Paradise).
last long. 119
In
This
Eden-like
Abueg's
[1963-64]
Dugo sa Ulo ni Corbo (Blood on Corbo's Head). war destroys peace in the barrio and the death of the farmer-soldier is as dreadful as the death of his carabao (water buffalo).
The story Sa Lupa
ng Sariling Bayan (In the Land of My Country) by Sikat [1963], once
again
deals
with
love
for
one's
native
land,
though
differently from that in earlier works like Lupang Tinu~~~~ (Land of Birth) by Reyes, and At Nupling ang Luntiang Halaman (And the Green
Tree
Bears
Fruit)
by
Dandan
[1948].
Reyes
and
Dandan
justified love for one's country in terms of Ibrras in Rizal's Noli Me Tangere -- because one owes the country one's happiness. On the other hand Sikat took the position of Elias -- because the country gave him his sufferings.
This notwithstanding, the main
character remains faithful to his country. In
Bagong
Paraiso
the
corrupting
influence
of
the
city
enters the barrio, and in Lugmok ng ang Mayon (The Countryside is Aground) by E.M. Reyes [1964], city people take advantage of the goodness
of their
countryside
relatives.
Thus
does
the
city
prosper. By now, the writers clearly saw the class conflicts in their society.
They no longer believed the classes exist harmoniously.
In Tata Selo
(Old Man
Selo),
Sikat [1963] presented the poor
conditions of the peasant class which comprises the majority of the people in a feudal society. in
the
tragic
Social injustice is incorporated
life of Tata Selo who, aside from
having been
robbed of his parcel of land, was dishonoured by the landlord who abused his daughter.
Land is at the root of conflict.
The land
is valuable because it is the source of livelihood for both the landlord and the tenant.
The case of the tenant is more basic as
he is more dependent on the land which is as valuable as his life -- his reason for being.
He invests his physical strength on the
land, owns it as long as he has the strength to till, but loses the
rights to
it
once
his
strength
is
gone.
Ironically the
greater the strength he invests on the land, the sooner he loses 120
it.
On the other hand, the landlord does not treat him as a
human being but as an instrument.
He has authority not only over
the tenant but also on the latter's family; he can take whatever he wants -- even the honour of his subjects. In Dugo ni Juan Lazaro (Blood of Juan Lazaro) by Rogel io Ordonez [1961], the worker is forced to become selfish for the good
of
his
family.
In
his
Buhawi
(Tornado),
the worker
is
forced to use violence -- to axe the foreman who refuses his plea to keep his job.
The sawmill owner's dog is treated even better
than the workers in Aso sa Lagari an (Dog in the Saw Mill), by Mirasol [1963] where the company is able to get the most of the workers' labour without giving them just compensation. Although
they
correctly
diagnosed
the
social
ills,
the
writers are misled by their naturalistic view in propounding the cure.
The
violent
action
resorted
to
by
their
respective
characters out of desperation is individualistic and anarchistic.
The Prelude to Military Rule, Emergence of Class Consciousness
1972:
Nationalism
and
the
In the stories during the second half of the 1960s up to the imposition of martial
law in 1972, the nationalistic ideas of
Senator Claro M. Recto surged forth.
The stories made clear that
poverty, violence, oppression and the colonial mentality were the effects of the colonial
and feudal
socio-economic structure in
society, and presented the conflict between American imperialism and the interests of the Filipino people as the primary problem. The once tamed nationalistic sentiment was rekindled. Also influential in shaping the awareness that was gathering momentum
during
that
period 121
was
Amado
Guerrero's
[1971],
Philippine Society and Revolution which clarified the foremost antagonistic contradiction in Philippine society, and the proper level
of class stuggle towards launching a national
revolution. twenty
democratic
A national cultural revolution had begun after about
years
of
organizations
slumber.
united
Among
under
the
the
militant
Movement
nationalistic
for
a
Democratic
Philippines was an organization of writers, PAKSA
the Panulat
Para sa Kaun l a ran ng Sambayanan (Writing for the Progress of the Nation) which served as a cultural counterpart to the ideological activism of the
turbulent
period
martial law on 21 September 1972.
prior to the declaration of PAKSA was organized under what
was called the Second Propaganda Movement (in recognition of and to 1 ink it to the first which had given way to the Philippine revolutions of 1896 and 1899) which held that literature and art were
to
specifically
Filipino people.
serve
the
interests
The writers were to deal
and
causes
of
the
with the life and
struggles of the Filipino people for greater freedom and social equity.
Literature was
to
be
"from and
for
the
masses"
written from the point of view of the proletariat in Filipino. PAKSA aimed to create a body of 1 iterature imbued with the essence of national
democracy and to help shape the political
consciousness of the masses: to
one
class.
Therefore,
the consciousness that they belong committed
literature
was
a
class
literature in support of the revolution for national democracy. However
all
these
plans
were
nipped
in
the
bud
with
the
declaration of martial law. The intense nationalistic
ideas
reflected
in the Filipino
short stories during the second half of the 1960s intertwined with
the emergent class-oriented
perspective.
In
Daluyong
sa
Ilaya (Storm in Ilaya), Abueg [1971] portrays a society divided into classes by the private Ol''nership of the production forces, and the unjust division of labour; the majority are poor and needy, and progress belongs to the few who own the natural wealth 122
of the country. the
1 aw that
In this society "one law alone is deified
if you
persevere,
no matter
barriers you meet, you wi 11 overcome them".
what
hardships
and
This law is up he 1d
and praised even by the rich who see it as proof of justice under the systern.
Therefore, as a sacred responsibility of everyone in
the society, the structure should be preserved -- a view shared by numerous poor people.
They cling to this belief in the hope
that someday they will be able to rise from poverty.
This same
hope
oppressed
suppresses
life.
any
desire
to
revolt
against
their
Thus, this law was a justification for the perpetuation of
the socio-economic structure. The inhumane
existing and
all
society
is
seen
institutions
as
are
unjust
pest-ridden:
structure would collapse in no time at all Jr., [1967-68] Anay (Termites).
because
it
the
is
whole
as in E. San Juan,
In this society, the worker in
Ordonez's [1968] Inuuod na Bi sing sa Tiyan ng Buwaya (Worm-eaten Arm in the Crocodile's Stomach), like the farmer,
(in Sikat's,
Tata Selo),
His wage
is oppressed
by the
powerful
hardly enough for himself and his family. to keep him strong enough to work. relationship
between
the
two
class.
is
It is not even enough
There is no justice in the
classes:
while
the
worker
capitalizes on his life and the capitalist on an instrument or property, the latter gets the greater benefit, 1 ike a vampire sucking the blood of the working class. But working
there
is
class,
for
a
limit when
to
the
injustice
suffered
oppression
threatens
the
individual it has to be stopped.
by
the
life of an
The working class will realize
that they need to unite or else become easy prey for the ruling class.
To 1 ive -- and not just exist -- they have to fight for
their rights and their former status as a force in production. This is the discovery by the workers in Landicho's [1972] Dugo ang Langit sa Balon (The Sky of the Well is Blood).
123
Unionism as the first collective view,
rather
step in a class struggle, and the
than
that of the
individualist, were
emphasized in the works of the conscientized and nationalistic radical youth, in and out of the campus Jacob [1972], in Ang Pagdating ni Elias Plaridel {The Arrival of Elias Plaridel); Landicho [1969], in Elias at Salome {Elias and Salome); Virtusio, [1970],
in Maria,
ang
Iyong Anak
(Maria, Thine Child);
Norma
Miraflor [1970], Sulat Mul_~~~PritJ.l (Letter from Pritil) were among those sowing the seeds of revolutionary thought and enriching the proletarian consciousness. As the proletarian consciousness in literature deepened through the concomittant involvement of the radical youth, the proletarian struggle rose to the political level symbolized by the movement in the hi 11 s: the armed struggle which waul d free the working class and the whole society from the oppressive inhuman capitalist social order as in Abueg [1971], Daluyong sa Ilaya (Storm in Ilaya). In Kamatayan ni Tiyo Samuel
(Death of Uncle Samuel), Abueg
[1966] dramatizes the neo-colonial condition of the country after
America granted it its "independence" in 1946. Exposing shades of American neo-colonialism in the Philippines, Abueg suggests a nationalistic
industrialization
to
free
the country
from
its
situation. In Mga Bang kay sa Da 1amp as i gan ng mga Uwak (Corpse Along the Shore of the Crows), Mirasol [1969] reveals the foreign -- Spanish, American and Chinese -- domination of the whole Philippine economy. The Filipinos, enslaved in their own country, are thus forced to use violence. They are, however, faced with the forces of the law and nature. By this time, the evils of American imperialism had been widely exposed; the fallacy of the view that the presence of foreign interests in the country was to the advantage of the Filipinos was clear. The pro-American sentiment of Batungbakal 124
[1948],
in
Walang
Hanggang
Pangarap
(Foremost
Dream), or of
Carlos Bulosan in America is in the Heart, was gone. State fascism was also now depicted as a support of the semi-feudal and neo-colonial structure in suppressing the growing awareness of the free and freedom-seeking class as in Virtusio, Maria, ang Iyong Anak (Maria, Thine Child); Landicho, Dugo ang Langit sa Balon (The Sky in the Well is Blood); Ricardo Lee [ 1971], Si Tatang, s i Freddie, s i Tandang Senyong at i ba Pang Tauhan ng Aking Kuwento (Father, Freddie, Old Man Senyong and Other Characters in My Story). Isang Araw sa Buhay ni Juan Lazaro (A Day in the Life of Juan Lazaro) by Munsayac [1970] shows that the mass base of the military comes from the peasant class for its perpetuation through the military. The peasant class is now presented as a support of the powerful military institution in eliminating itself. For the contemporary society, individualism and selfishness were seen as prevalent. In Virtusio's Maria, ang Iyong Anak (Maria, Thine Child), Maria, because of her selfishness, allows herself to be used by the ruling class against her own. In Isang Daang Damit (One Hundred Dresses) by Fanny Garcia [1972], the main character, in her desire to alleviate herself from poverty, attends on 1y to her own needs. The story Dapi thapon ng I sang Mesiyas (Dusk of a Messiah) by Lee [1969] similarly portrays Dong, who turns his back on his own class origin. The nationalist writers of this period instructed that the fulfilled life could not be achieved through separate, individual and selfish actions but by joining those oppressed and poor and participating in their struggle to achieve class consciousness. In Edgardo Maranan's [1971] Ipis sa Guhong Templo {Cockroaches in the Ruined Temple), and Lee's Si Tatang, si Freddie, si Tandang Senyong at iba Pang Tauhan ng Aking Kuwento (Father, Freddie, Old Man Senyong and Other Characters in My Story), the authors show 125
that, for that phase of history, the social consciousness of the writer was
no
longer enough;
consciousness.
the
writer should possess class
It was no longer enough to expose and criticize,
writers had to suggest the course of action and participate in the class struggle for a free, progressive and peaceful society. Uncommitted and false writers, like the one in E. San Juan Jr.,'s [1967], Masaya ang Alitaptap sa Labi
ng Kabibe (The Firefly on
the Lip of the Clam is Happy), had no place and significance in the scheme of things being advocated. and
ideology
flowed
freely
Nationalistic sentiment
through
the
stories
considered.
Independence from foreign interests and domination was presented as
the
condition
for
Philippine
freedom
as
was
the
need
for
liberation from the bondage of feudalism.
Concluding Remarks All
the
writers
in
the
period
Christian humanism, liberal
covered
held
humanistic views:
individualist humanism, and national
collective humanism and national democracy, all of which prevailed
simultaneously
during
the
1960s and
early 1970s.
Writers
began to recognize that the Fi 1 i pi nos are the true creators of their
own destiny,
nation's
needs,
the
that
if they
nation
continuously attended to the
would
inevitably
become
free
and
1 i berated. But, colonial
before
this,
influences,
their consciousness.
writers
to connect
need
to
their
free
national
themselves
from
character with
Only by going back to the fountain of life
of their art -- the Filipino people -- by participating in the national struggle, and by basing literature on the aspirations of the Filipino people, will writers be able to fulfil their duty as communicator and giver of meaning to the Filipino experience, and voice
the
hope
of
the
people
progressive and free society. 126
for
a
humane,
just,
peaceful,
Today, the most important step for Filipino writers is to first recognize and accept the reality that they are Filipino, and write well.
This is the "vow to freedom" of the writer and
of art.
127
PORTRAYALS OF LIFE AND REALITY IN RADIO AND TELEVISION DRAMA*
VALERIO L. NOFUENTE
Radio and TV drama are close kin. Radio drama was born first -some claim that radio programmes were aired even before the outbreak of early 1960s, drama, like spelled the
the World War II [Vitug, 1975]. Later, during the TV drama arrived. In America the appearance of TV the Biblical character Cain who slew his brother, demise of its close kin, radio drama. So captured
was the attention of viewers that, because of the stiff competition, radio drama ceased in 1960 [Laguardia, 1977]. However, in the Philippines, radio and TV drama flourish side by side and continue to share programmes and even manpower -- from directors and script writers, down to performers. If the programmes presented by commercial radio and TV stations are compared, it can therefore be surmised that they would be almost the same in content and form, both playing three kinds of drama; real life, usually about domestic problems and love; make-believe or fantasy, and comedy [Vitug, 1975]. On TV, the one-hour drama was the norm until Gulong ng Palad (Wheel of Life) [BBC Channel 2] introduced serialized drama in 1977, fo 11 owed by Mga Kuwento-ng Pag- i big (Love Stories) [RPN Channe 1
*Translated from Fit lplno by Christopher Gonzaga, University of the Philippines.
128
9] and Damdamin (Emotion) [GMA Channel 7] in 1978. On radio, serialized dramas are usually broadcast in five half-hour episodes from Monday to Saturday. Rea 1 1i fe drama on radio is more common than the comedy drama; on TV, there are almost the same number of both. Presentations on TV are often borrowed from the radio, for example, Tang Tarang-Tang (Daddy, Oh Daddy, Daddy), Kuwentong Kutsero (Fish Story), Habang May Buhay (As Long as There's Life), Kahapon Lamang (Just Yesterday), Gulong ng Palad (Wheel of Life), and Ito ang Inyong Tia Dely (This is Your Auntie Dely). Radio and TV are powerful public attractions. According to the study of J. Walter Thompson, 78 per cent of the families in the Philippines own a radio [Chanco III, 1976], the most popular programme is the drama [Perni to, 1972]. There were over 800,000 television sets in the Greater Manila area, so that some 59-70 per cent of the Greater Manila population enjoy home "theatre" [Chanco III, 1976]. Considering that the Filipino family is usually an extended family, and that the neighbours are close to one another, ignored.
the
influence
of
TV
on
a community cannot
be
Why are radio and TV so popular in the Philippines? Firstly, because of their relative 1ow cost a few turns of the electric meter or a few batteries 1ast the whole day. Secondly, they are easy to use as they are portable and accessible, and provide a variety of programmes at the flick of a switch.
Portrayals of Life and Reality in Radio and TV Drama Views or portrayals of life are a people's perception of reality and not reality per se. Reality is the existing condition and perception is the subjective estimate of this. 129
Views
of
life,
subjective views political
of
an
individual
or
a
collective,
like
of anything, vary according to the personal,
and social
grew up in a feudal
upbringing of an individual.
Anybody who
society should be expected to possess a
different perception from somebody who grew up in a capitalist society; perceptions within each of these may also vary with the social
status
of
a
person
in
such
societies
prosper while the poor are exploited.
where
the
rich
Views of life are also
dynamic, not static; a nation's view of life may change over time due to soc i eta 1 changes, or factors which they need to face the future.
It is also possible for the view of life of the ruling
class to be fed to the exploited class such that the latter's view of life will no longer be manifested. Present day radio and TV drama in the Phi 1 i ppi nes dull the perceptions of reality of the people instead of clarifying them. Without doubt radio and te 1 evi s ion produce a view of 1 i fe which greatly influence Filipino behaviour and thinking.
Radio and TV
stations are owned by those in the capitalist class, or to the c 1 ass that benefits from the present order in society and radio and TV feed the public with drama, and a variety of shows which all contain a view of life. may
alter
if
the
need
Unlike presentations on stage which occurs,
even
during
successive
performances, presentations on radio and TV are not continually repeated
and are,
therefore,
unchangeable.
The public accept
them as they are, prepared and controlled by the capitalists and their adherents.
In the context of this relationship between the
producers and the consumers of radio and TV drama, a number of views of life are distinguishable.
That Destiny Decides Everything on Earth Fate is the great Cause and consequent Effect of all that happens 130
in the world.
If one suffers today, it is God's test; if one is
happy, it is God's reward.
"We cannot resist Destiny, let us
accept His dictum", Auntie Lading always tells Loida whenever she asks for advice on her love for Raul, an ex-convict in Maja Vida This same view Is given by Midlng (~ayed by actress
[RPN DWWW].
Rosa Rosal) to her children grumbling over the little food they share
in
death:
a
scene
in
Ulila
(Orhpan)
soon
after
her
husband's
"Don't complain anymore.
At least, we have fried fish.
We have a lot to thank God for.
And continue your studies" in
Kailan
Sisikat ang Araw
(When Will
the Sun
Rise),
Ulila [BBC
Channel 2]. Destiny
is also
conflicts. (played
In
shown
Damdamin
by actress
as the giver of resolution to all
(Emotion)
Alicia
Alonzo)
7],
[GMA Channel is
Rosa Reyes
brought to court
by her
husband who maltreated, tyrannized, and 1eft her in his attempt to blackmail
her; Dante, the husband (played by Nante Montreal),
knows Rosa's secret which will send her to prison.
However, five
minutes before the end of the final episode, Dante is reported to have
been
killed
Investigation
by
(NBI).
the
agents
This
view
of
the
National
encourages
people
Bureau to
of
accept
destiny as the force behind everything, to accept life as it is. It removes their incentive, creativity and desire to change their way of 1 ife.
life Among the Poor is Peaceful As often shown in drama, the poor are blessed because the life of the rich is full of complications and problems.
In Kasaysayan ni
Aida Nunez (Story of Aida Nunez), True Confessions [DZPH], Aida Nunez,
the
only
daughter
of
a
industrious at home and in school. to
get
rich
even
through
unlawful
131
poor
couple,
1earns
to
be
Her father, in turn, strives means.
He succeeds.
Aida
experiences what it is to have a lot of money; she changes; begins to socialize; learns how to drink and smoke marijuana. Later, she becomes the "sugar mommy" of her boyfriend. Poor people are also happy.
In an old television show, My
Family Thr~~· Tina Revilla, Jingle and Frankie Navaja, Jr., have a dilapidated bus as their house but they are very happy and are occupied with nothing more than singing, dancing and caring for one another. In John and Marsha, the family of John (played by comedian Dolphy) try living in a beautiful apartment owned by his mother-in-law Dona Delilah (played by Dely Atay-Atayan). Finally John leads his family back to their old shanty because he feels more comfortable there. In Pinagpala (Blessed) [DZRN], mother and daughter Merced and Remedios are unhappy because their rise to riches goes to the head of Raymundo Alfon, the head of the family who becomes increasingly bad tempered and with their financial success.
ill-mannered
So, why should one strive to improve his lot? Those in poverty are lucky, for theirs is peace on earth, and glory in heaven. God loves the poor -- hence their great number. A camel can pass through the eye of a needle more easily than a rich man can enter the kingdom of God. From this, it is clear that if people in economic bondage who need independence listen daily to the message glorifying the poor in their condition, how can they possibly free themselves? People suffer poverty because only a few control the wealth of the country; surely every poor individual cannot be experiencing Shangri-la.
The Oppressed are Blessed It is common on Philippine radio and TV drama for the main character to be oppressed by those around him, or by destiny.
132
This is the typical situation of: or
daughter;
gambler; abused
a by
a woman child
her
who marries
with
a
master.
(Heartbeat)
and
victims
oppression
of
a mother with a delinquent son
very Even
karate
strict
the
Ramon first
unloving,
babysitter;
muscleman
expert in
a lazy, Vic
Zamora part
a
Vargas in
drunkardhousemaid in
Pintig
Monza,
a1 ways
of their
respective
shows, typify the ritualistic sufferings of Christ. Women, it seems, have been destined to portray the role of the oppressed.
Take,
for
example,
the beginning of the drama
Helen Remonteza: Helen Remonteza -- a woman, ready to shed tears, get hurt, face life, and shoulder the world of sufferings. Helen Remonteza -- will cry, hurt herself and sacrifice in the name of love. When slapped, Helen Remonteza is like Christ, offering the other cheek; after suffering, she forgives all in the end.
The Present Order Offers Hope After
every
evening
brightness of day.
comes
the
dawn;
after
the
storm
is
the
This is the message of each drama production:
sacrifice -- and tomorrow will be yours; Christ reached heaven after Calvary. The happy-ever-after ending is very common.
The unfaithful
husband will
come back; the delinquent child will
culprit shall
be punished; the innocent will receive material or
repent; the
spiritual reward.
This is reflected even in the titles:
na
(Forgotten
Madaling
Araw
Morn)
[DZXL];
Lumipas
Bukang-Liwayway
sa
Takipsilim (Dawn at Dusk) [DZRH]; Habang May Buhay (As Long as
133
There's Life) [IBC Channel 13]; and Gulong ng Palad [BBC Channel 2]. The narrator in a dramatized true-to-life story always spends a minute or two at the end mora 1 i zing and offering some hope and encouragement: "Don't 1ose hope. If you were robbed of your land, seek the help of the authorities. are the robbers, seek the help of
If the authorities
God~"
Drama has also created numerous defenders of the oppressed in: Luis Latigo (Luis, the Whip), Eddi Junior: Detektib (Eddie Junior, Detective), Johnny Davao, Lag a 1ag, Kapitan Ki dl at (Captain Thunder), Daria: ang Babaeng Lawin (Daria: the Woman Eagle), Monza, Kolbok, Cleopatra Jones, Ginang Hukom (Mrs Judge), Ginang Milyonarya (Millionairess), and Kuwatro Bravos (Four Brave Men). If justice prevails, there comes Ginang Hukom (Mrs Judge); if the powerful oppress, Kapitan Ki dl at (Captain Thunder) arrives to the rescue; and when deep in poverty, wait for the financial aid of Ginang Milyonarya. Why then should one spend energy thinking about the solution to oppression? Why not, with arms folded, just wait for the help of the supernatural heroes?
Everything in life is love If the problems in the drama are analysed, it will be seen that
love is the primary problem of man; 90 per cent of the dramas on radio and TV deal with love. Love is powerful In Makul ay na Dai gdi g ni Nora (Wonderful World of Nora) [RPN Channel 9], the mother of Nora is imprisoned because of her fury over her beloved. Nora, on the other hand, commits murder because of the loss of her lover. The last part was pitiful; the two criminals, mother and daughter, are together in one prison cell in the correctional institute.
134
Love is powerful ••• The rich man falls in love with a poor and uneducated woman. He gives up his riches just to marry the girl. Here, it is clear that the struggle between the rich and the poor is being covered up while an improbable love affair is fantasized between the two characters. Even the titles foreshadow the theme of 1 ove: Mga Kuwento ng Pag- i big (Love Stories) [RPN Channel 9], Damdamin [GMA Channel 7], Di ko Malilimot (I Will Never Forget) [RMN DZXL], Ala-ala ng Isang Awit (Memory of a Song) [RMN DZXL], Hi bi k ng Puso (Utterances of the Heart) [DZXL], Kapantay ay Langit (Up To the Heavens) [RPN DWWW], and Love Story [DZRH].
Drama as
Pasti~
There is a traditional alienation people: it
tradition in the Philippines of categorizing drama -or contemporary -- as a pastime. This has caused the of the content of drama from the vocation of the has become an escape from reality.
A clear example is the drama on the radio generally listened to by housewives and maids while working in the house. People listen to these, according to a study, to forget their problems and the hardships of everyday household chores. The main character in the drama is usually as preoccupied with problems as the listeners, but is portrayed such as to enliven and enlighten the depressed listeners. Drama is a pastime that teaches everybody to dream, escape, and become insensitive to the problems in society.
of
Comedy drama is similarly formulated as entertainment. Some them on radio include: John and Marsha, Buhay Artista
(Performer's World), Tang-Tarang-Tang, Son of My Son, Prinsipe Abante, and Baltic and Company on TV, and Jeprox Jr., Bionic 135
Atsay (Bionic Housemaid), Tambul i:
Ang Teksas na Pato (Tambul i:
the White Game Cock) and Larga Manak (Cockfighting). Laughter is already an institution, and jesting and making fun
are
very
Channel 2].
common.
Take
the
case of Tang- Tarang- Tang [BBC
It has been broadcast as Sebya, Mahal Kita (Sebya, I
Love You) as far back as the 1950s. through
other media
Yantok Mindoro ~--------~~ Father)
and
--
films
{Mindoro
Inaku
and
Rattan),
Tatang
Since then it has continued television
under the titles
Si Tatang Kasi ~~~~~~~
(Mother,
Look
at
(Because
Father)
--
of
with
practically the same script and cast.
In the original script by
Deer Flores, only Bentot was retarded.
With the passing of time,
Leroy Salvador, the older brother of Ben tot, acts in a seemingly retarded manner too.
Though already losing his hair, he is still
satisfied with ligaw-tingin (courting a girl by just looking at her and not by telling her of his feelings). Melodrama
on
the
causing them to fall
other
hand,
entertains
the
public
by
into tears while their favourite character
is maltreated by the strict mother or babysitter, a masochistic experience
after
which
the
audience
feel
relieved
and
forget
their own problems.
Portrayals of Life:
Truth or Illusion?
The view of life being fed to the Filipino people through radio and TV should be assessed in relation to the existing realities in
society.
Filipino.
Our In
country
is
not
a
paradise
for
the
average
it, 90 per cent of the people suffer poverty, a
situation that worsens with the passing of time and the rampant oppression all
over the
Philippines.
Class oppression exists:
workers are not all owed to stage strikes, the common people are not given the chance to speak out through the mass media, and the
136
country
is
ruled
by
the
power
of
the
gun
and
Oppression and poverty are not institutionalized. foreign investors exploit our natural wealth.
harassment.
Added to this,
If the Philippines
is a prison camp for its citizens, it is a paradise for these people.
Teaming up with the few powerful
rich Filipinos, these
foreigners control the radio and TV; they are the creators of the drama witnessed by the people. On the whole, Filipinos realize that they are being fed with nothing more than a feudalistic view of life: destiny and
fate,
and to
beyond the law to control Drama
has
existing
become social
an
accept their oppression
-- which
is
-- with love, tears and contentment.
anaesthetic
order.
to have faith in
The
for
the
pain
feudalistic
caused
by
the
of
life
is
view
maintained to perpetuate the colonial order in the country. While one
would expect a revolutionary impoverished
Filipino
people,
reaction they
from the
oppressed
and
seem
to
be
passive.
As some have commented, if what is happening in the
Philippines today had happened elsewhere those living there would have
revolted
a long time
ago.
Through colonization,
several
foreign powers have ruled over the Phil i ppi nes; now it is under martial
law.
Why is it that the people seem to have accepted
everything? No-- the Filipino people are not happy with their existing objective reality; life is both sad and full of hardships.
But
the views of life being fed to thern by those in power served to perpetuate
the
imbalanced
order.
Thus
fed
thus injected with anaesthetic, they dreamed:
137
with
make-believe,
they forgot.
REFEREt«:ES
Chanco, Pedro
Ill.
the Medium. Pernlto,
VIrgilio.
thesis!.
"Mass medIa and natlona I developement". In The Village to Communication Foundation for Asia, 1976.
Manila:
"Soap
Quezon City:
Vitug, Virgilio.
11 Pabrlka
Opera
and the Sexual Attitude of 1-busewlves" University of the Philippines, 1972.
ng luha at pantasya".
138
IM.A.
Sagslsag 14 (September 1975).