Perspectives on Translation [1 ed.] 9781443894029, 9781443880473

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Perspectives on Translation

Perspectives on Translation Edited by

Anna Bączkowska

Perspectives on Translation Edited by Anna Bączkowska Series: Studies in Language and Translation Series Editor: Anna Bączkowska Advisory Board: Dan McIntyre (University of Huddersfield) Gabriela Saldanha (University of Birmingham) Ljiljana Šarić (University of Oslo) This book first published 2015 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2015 by Anna Bączkowska and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-8047-7 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-8047-3

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Contributors ............................................................................................... vii Preface ........................................................................................................ xi Part I: Corpora and Lexis n Translation Studies What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus Based Translation Studies? ....................................................................................................... 3 Laura Cantora Formulaicity in the English-Spanish Translation of Specialized Texts ..... 29 María Fernández-Parra Lexicographical and Translational Aspects of Idiomaticity: A Greek-English Perspective..................................................................... 51 Despoina Panou Part II: Quality and Training Quality in Simultaneous Conference Interpreting: A Prospective Perspective................................................................................................. 77 Cornelia Zwischenberger A Comparative Study among Approaches Adopted in Training Translators in the UK .............................................................................. 103 Suzan Wali Part III: Audiovisual Translation “I’m just crackers about cheese!” – Subtitling Wordplay into German: An Audience Reception Study ................................................................ 129 Svea Schauffler

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Bridget Jones: Approach to Impoliteness in Professional versus Fan Subtitling .......................................................................................... 151 Anita ĩytowicz Locating Plurisemiotic Features of Humour in Dubbing ......................... 181 Giovanna Di Pietro Part IV: Literary Translation Paratexts: How Translation Players Make their Marks in the Case of Translated Chinese Literature from Taiwan ........................................ 211 Szu-Wen Kung Literary Translation and Censorship: A Textual Approach ..................... 235 Jordi Jané-Lligé Foreignization, Domestication and the Problem of Imbalance between Languages and Cultures: Polish-to-English Translations of Selected Fantasy Novels by Andrzej Sapkowski ................................................... 259 Aleksandra Mucha Biblical Style of Polish and English Translations of F. Nietzsche’s Zarathustra, exemplified with references to the Decalogue .................... 283 àukasz Marek PlĊs

CONTRIBUTORS

Laura Cantora, University of Leeds, UK Laura Cantora is pursuing research towards a Ph.D. in Translation Studies at the University of Leeds. Under the working title: ‘A Corpus-based Comparative Analysis of Proper Names in English and their Translations into Spanish and Italian’, she is exploring solutions for the problem of translating culture-based references, as well as the usability of novel corpus tools for the study of translated literary texts. Laura has obtained a B.A. in Translation and Interpreting and an M.A. in Translation and Intercultural Communication, both from Valladolid University in Spain. At the same university, Laura is also a member of the research group Afriqana, who specialize in studying Sub-Saharan literature in European languages and its translation into Spanish. Laura has also had several translations of short literary texts published in the university’s translation journal Hermeneus. Her research interests include Literary Translation, Translation Theory, and Corpus Linguistics. Giovanna Di Pietro, University of Bari, Italy Giovanna Di Pietro holds a PhD in Translation Studies (University of Bari, 2013), with Professor Sara Laviosa as her dissertation advisor. She holds a BA in Philology and Foreign Languages (University of Bari, 2007), an MA in Foreign Languages, Literatures and Cultures (University of Bari, 2008), an MA in Audiovisual Translation (Roma Tre University, Rome, 2010), and a PGCE in English Language and Culture (University of Bari, 2013). Her research focuses on dubbing; humour studies; film studies; intercultural communication; non-verbal communication; and multimodal analysis. She works as a teacher and a translator. María Fernández-Parra, Swansea University, UK María Fernández-Parra studied Translation and Interpreting in the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and moved to the UK in 1994. She completed her PhD in Formulaic Language and Computer-Assisted Translation in March 2012 at Swansea University, where she is currently Lecturer in Translation Studies with Spanish and Catalan, and the Secretary of the Language Research Centre. She is continuing her research into several aspects of formulaic language and computer-assisted translation but her research interests also include translation and interpreting;

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translation technologies, the teaching of Spanish in Higher Education, and the introduction of technology into teaching. Szu-Wen Kung, University of Auckland, New Zealand Szu-Wen Kung is currently a Lecturer in Translation Studies, School of Cultures, Languages and Linguistics, at the University of Auckland, NZ. She has been co-ordinating and teaching various translation and community interpreting-related courses, both in theory and practice. She has also supervised a number of Master dissertations and translation projects. Her research interests lie in the following areas: cultural turn and sociological approaches to translation studies; literary translation in a cross-cultural context, paratext in translation; translating culture-specific items, translation of Chinese literature from Taiwan in the Anglophone American context, and teaching translation practice in Chinese context. She is particularly interested in the translation players’ mediation, power relation between languages and cultures, as well as their impact on the final translation product in literary translation. Jordi Jané-Lligé, Universitat Autònoma of Barcelona, Spain Jordi Jané-Lligé has taught German Language, Literature and Culture at the Universitat Autònoma of Barcelona since 2008. He is also a member of the research group GETCC (Grupd’Estudi de la Traducció Catalana Contemporània) at the same university. In 2006 he achieved a doctorate at the Universitat Pompeu Fabra with a thesis on the reception of Heinrich Böll’s work in Spain. He was lecturer at the German Universities of Tübingen and Stuttgart (1999-2003) and had a fellowship at the Innsbrucker Zeitungs Archiv (2003-2004). He is also a translator and has translated the following authors from German into Spanish or Catalan: Elfriede Jelinek, Gerhard Meier, Andrea Maria Schenkel, Johanna Adorján, Charlotte Roche, Saša Stanisiþand Iris Hanika. His research interests focus on both the study of postwar literature, specifically reception and translation, and the elaboration of a model of description of translated narratives. Aleksandra Mucha, Opole University, Poland Aleksandra Mucha, MA, is a doctoral student at the Faculty of Philology, Opole University, Poland. She is carrying out her specialization in literature by preparing a PhD thesis concerning the reception of a foreign author in Polish culture through his translations. She is also interested in translation studies concerning literary translations. She participated in international conferences in Brighton, Great Britain (2013) and Gdansk,

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Poland (2014).She is also interested in nineteenth century British and American literature and translation studies concerning literary translations. .

Despoina Panou, University of Leicester, UK DespoinaPanouholds a PhD in Applied Linguistics and Translation from the University of Leicester, an MA in Linguistics-TESOL (with merit) from the University of Surrey, an MA in Translation-Translatologyfrom the University of Athens (with distinction), and a BA in English Language and Literature (with distinction) from the Faculty of English Studies of the University of Athens. Her research interests are translation, corpus linguistics, and figurative/idiomatic language. She is currently working at the Greek Ministry of Education. She has published articles in international journals such as the International Journal of English Language Teaching, Journal of Language Teaching and Research, English Linguistics Research, and Theory and Practice in Language Studies. She has recently completed her monograph Idiom Translation in the Financial Press: A Corpus-based Study published by Cambridge Scholars Publishing. àukasz Marek PlĊs, University of àódĨ, Poland àukasz M. PlĊs completed his PhD in Linguistics in June 2011 at University of àódĨ, where he is currently assistant professor in the Department of German and Applied Linguistics. He holds a MA in German Philology (àódĨ, 2006), and a BA in English Philology (Warsaw, 2012). He also completed postgraduate studies in European FinancialEconomical-Legal Relations at the Warsaw School of Economics and School of German Law at Warsaw University. His research focuses on the history of linguistics, teaching German/English as a foreign language, and translation studies. For 8 years, he has also been working as a translator and a secondary school teacher. Svea Schauffler, Hochschule Augsburg, Germany Svea Schauffler is a lecturer at the Hochschule Augsburg in Southern Germany. After completing a degree in English Studies at the University of Mannheim in 2007, she moved to England to obtain an MA in Screen Translation from the University of Sheffield. In the following four years, she continued to do research in the field of Translation Studies at the same institution, while teaching in the department of Applied Languages and translating professionally. After completion of a PhD in 2012, she moved to Bavaria. Her main research interests include the translation of humour

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as well as varieties of AVT, such as audio description, surtitling, and fansubs. Suzan Wali, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, USA Suzan Wali is currently a lecturer of Arabic in Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Science at The University of Southern California. She is also the coordinator of the Arabic program where she teaches different levels of Arabic as a foreign language, and Media Arabic. She has an MA degree in Arabic/ English Translation and Interpreting from The University of Salford, UK and is currently Ed.D candidate at Rossier School of Education at The University of Southern California. Her research interests lie in the following areas: Training translators programs; language teachers’ education; language and translation pedagogy; and Arabic/English translation. Cornelia Zwischenberger, University of Vienna, Austria Cornelia Zwischenberger holds an M.A. in Translation Studies from the University of Graz as well as a PhD in Interpreting Studies from the University of Vienna. Her PhD thesis came out as “Qualität und Rollenbilder beim simultanen Konferenzdolmetschen” with Frank & Timme publisher, Berlin, in 2013. During her PhD she worked as a predoctoral researcher in the Austrian Science Fund (FWF)-funded project “Quality in Interpreting” led by Franz Pöchhacker. She currently has a position as post-doctoral researcher and lecturer at the Center for Translation Studies at the University of Vienna and is co-editor (together with Dörte Andres, Martina Behr and Larisa Schippel) of the scholarly series Transkulturalität-Translation-Transfer with Frank & Timme publisher, Berlin. Anita ĩytowicz, Kazimierz Wielki University, Bydgoszcz, Poland Anita ĩytowicz has been pursuing research towards PhD in Translation Studies and Bilingualism at Kazimierz Wielki University of Bydgoszcz, under the working title ‘Child brokering - Polish children in the UK’. For 14 years, she has been working as a professional interpreter and sworn translator for various organizations and institutions, specializing in legal and business English, as well as lecturing translation and methodology at the Private Teacher’s Training College in Bydgoszcz. Her research interests include translation, psychology, intercultural communication, impoliteness, and bilingualism. She has had several presentations and one publication on Teaching Literature to Children.

PREFACE

This volume offers a selection of current problems studied by scholars working within the broadly understood discipline of Translation Studies. The articles that make up this volume engulf topical and recurrent issues, which have long been in the forefront of Translation Studies (TS), such as phraseology, corpora, quality of interpreting, translator training, censorship, style, proper names and receptor-oriented translation. However, they also deal with relatively recent developments, such as humour and multimodality in audiovisual translation (AVT), and those developments rarely brought to a close in the context of translation, namely impoliteness, and paratexts. Composed by twelve authors from eight countries (the UK, Spain, Germany, Austria, Poland, Italy, the USA and New Zealand), the texts present research into translation seen from a variety of methodological solutions and are conducted across eight languages (English, Spanish, Catalan, Polish, German, Italian, Chinese and Greek). Despite the diversity of themes presented, the main research areas emerging from all the contributions fall into four thematic groups: (1) lexicological issues and corpora in translation studies, (2) quality and translator training, (3) audiovisual translation, and (4) literary translation. The first part of the book – Corpora and Lexis in Translation Studiesis devoted to three issues: the translation of proper names, formulaic expressions and idioms. The first two papers are corpus-based while the last one centres on the application of lexicological analysis to lexicography. Laura Cantora delves into an under-investigated problem, the translation of proper names. To illustrate this issue, she reveals the workings of the so-called “loaded proper names” – i.e. meaningful and building connotations related to their owners (Hermans 1988) – in a Chick Lit novel Amanda’s Wedding, and observes how these are transferred into Spanish and Italian. Based on a purpose-built corpus, she conducts an analysis of the translation of proper names automatically identified and extracted by means of the name-entity recognition GATE programme (Cunningham et al. 2002) – a Natural Language Processing tool devised specifically for proper name extraction. A paragraph-aligned multilingual concordance generated straightforward error-free data, which were next analyzed in terms of translation procedures employed, in keeping with the

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typology proposed by Aixelá (2000), and were plotted onto a continuum line representing two extreme notions in Aixelá’s typology, namely substitution versus conservation procedures. While the conservation procedures proved predominant in both the Italian and Spanish translation, the strategies to transfer proper names, used in the two translations, differed substantially. Most importantly, however, the author concludes that proper names are rarely left unchanged in the translations at issue. Corpus-informed methods of investigating formulaic language in specialized texts are reported on by María Fernández-Parra. She seeks to demonstrate that, contrary to a popular view according to which specialized texts are illustrative of plain style, the use of formulaic expressions in technical and scientific texts is not a rare phenomenon. With this in mind, she compiled a purpose-built English-Spanish parallel corpus of specialized texts translated by professionals. The data were examined across scientific disciplines, classes of formulaic expressions, and languages. The author presents some interesting results concerning the frequency of formulaic expressions in the source texts vis-à-vis their renditions. Drawing on this study, she deems it important to study scientific texts by examining data gleaned from comparable corpora. The translation of idioms is the topic discussed in the next paper by Despoina Panoa. A text abounding with different types of idioms – classified in accordance with Adams’s (1992) typology – was written by the author and sent to a group of fifty pre-service Greek native speaker translators (MA students in the UK) in order to find out to what extent the translators consult dictionaries, to check whether their translation decisions are idiom-type dependent, and to reveal typical translation errors committed by them. The outcome of the study proves that socio-culturally different idioms, and idioms which lack idiomatic equivalents in the target language, posed the most problems to translators (as opposed to syntactically or lexically different idioms). On a more general note, two factors causing difficulties in idiom transfer were identified, namely the degree of opaqueness and figurativeness. The author convinces that the needs of EFL dictionary users should be accounted for by lexicographers in order to secure smooth rendition and enhance the final outcome of translation. The common thread linking the two contributions presented in the second part of the book – quality and training - is the search for standards in translation by focusing on expectations set by the final recipients of translation products. While the study by Cornelia Zwischenberger discusses the problem with reference to the social norms, Suzan Wali presents survey results conducted in translation companies.

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Cornelia Zwischenberger looks into the problem of quality expectations envisaged by conference translation recipients and the views on quality expressed by professionals. Her discussion is embedded in some background concepts regarding the social norms and social roles of the interpreter. The sociological dimension added to her reflections on translation quality reveals interesting aspects of the problem, wherein the interpreter is seen as a vehicle of normative quality expectations. Moreover, quality is seen as a concept “socially and discursively constructed.” Following the popular comparison, the author resorts to the metaphor of conduit, borrowed from modern theory of metaphor, to pin down the concept of interpreter quality. However, the author maintains that it is hard to agree fully with the claim that the interpreter is supposed to be a mere transmitter of information, a relay station between the sender and the addressee or just a propagator of a message. The understanding of quality in translation presented by Suzan Wali rests on the claim that, along with teachers and learners, the translation industry should have a say in developing translator training curricula in order to bridge the ambitions of academia and students’ expectations and capabilities with the labour market requirements. The author presents an overview of approaches to translator training, inherent in university programmes in the UK from the eighties until now, emphasizing increasing implementation of innovations stemming from adopting new approaches – from teacher-centred, through developing-skills to a studentcentred and collaborative approach. This change is a natural consequence of the ongoing technological advances, which only naturally creep into translator training courses. Reflections of students, teachers and translation companies, concerning translator training course content and methods, were collected and analyzed by the author. The results clearly show that what is highly valued in translator training is hands-on experience and a genuine understanding of the nuts and bolts of the business. The author concludes that successful translator training should not depend on the expectations of a single stakeholder, and that the threefold (teachersstudents-employers) approach can be instrumental in empowering students’ position on the translation market. Texts on Audiovisual Translation, expounded upon in the third part of the volume, consist of contributions on subtitles and on dubbing. Professional and non-professional translations constitute the core of the studies described by Svea Schauffler (professional subtitling), Anita ĩytowicz (fansubbing), and Giovanna Di Pietro (dubbing). The issues of a reception-oriented translation and quality in TS, elaborated in the previous part of this volume, are continued in the first

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contribution in Part III devoted to AVT. The gist of Svea Schauffler’s incisive account resides in a comparison of viewers’ evaluations of two professional versions of subtitles written for the animated Wallace and Gromit film A Matter of Loaf and Death. The author analyses a DVD official dubbed version converted into subtitles and a purpose-built rendition created for the experiment – the latter prioritizing the achievement of humorous effects. Advanced and meticulous statistical calculations allowed the author to observe that more positive results concerning humour reception were obtained in the case of the purposebuilt translation, wherein viewers were exposed to subtitles that focused on humour at the expense of fidelity. Given these results, as Schauffler cogently argues, humour reception and achievement of comic effect should decide about successful subtitling. The topic of fansubbing, expounded by Anita ĩytowicz, is embedded in the theoretical framework of impoliteness studies; specifically, it is in line with Bousfield’s (2008) classification of impolite language. The paper aims at checking how professional and non-professional subtitlers coped with the rendition of instances of impoliteness encountered in the British film Bridget Jones’s Diary. The author demonstrates, by resorting to both qualitative and quantitative analysis, that the amateur translation failed to retain the original strength of impoliteness present in the English soundtrack. Interestingly, there are more instances of impolite language in the non-professional translation than in the original script, however, oftentimes the rude language is attenuated. The professional subtitler offered a more polite version of the film as compared with the original script and this effect was achieved not only by mitigating foul language, but also by pruning the number of instances of impolite language. Premising her investigation on the now widely acknowledged plurisemiotic, or multimodal, approach to AVT, Giovanna Di Pietro demonstrates the importance of non-verbal information carriers in the translation of humour in dubbed films. In accordance with the thesis of the plurisemiotic nature of filmic discourse, all types of semiotic resources, coming from different channels (visual and aural) and modes (written and oral), are at play and are equally mobilized in the overall meaning emergence. Moreover, they are available for a viewer simultaneously, and thus the target recipients are as much exposed to verbal information as to images and acoustic effects. This being the case, the author analyzes instances of humour occurring in American sitcoms and the translation of humour from English into Italian. She proves that a successful rendition of humour cannot ignore the plurisemiotic nature of film and that, in the

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renditions at issue, this was achieved by employing a specific range of translation strategies and also via manipulation of plurisemiotic data. Finally, the last part of the book features papers, which, in essence, deal with issues embedded in literary translation, namely: paratexts, censorship, cultural aspects of translation and biblical style retention. The topic touched upon by the first essay (paratexts), links Part III to Part IV as it continues, albeit in a different context, the topic of polisemiotic translation. There is a dearth of studies into paratexts in the translation-publishing business, which makes the contribution by Szu-Weng Kung particularly welcome for it fills this gap in the current TS research landscape. By embarking upon the phenomenon of paratexts, she sheds some light on profit-oriented practices employed by Anglo-American publishers when printing literature from peripheral cultures, in this case Chinese literature from Taiwan translated into English. The practices are to warrant high sales when launching a product into a new market. Paratextual elements, such as introductions, covers, illustrations, blurbs, dedications, etc., are used as publishers’ marketing devices. Along with the publisher, the translators – a part of the translation production team – may also resort to paratext practices in order to mark their presence, leaving their tracks, so to speak, as rightful “translation players”. The intention of translators is to assist the reader in understanding the translated text by linking the original culture with the target audience. With this caveat in mind, the translator is no longer treated as a neutral mediator and side-line observer, but rather as an active stakeholder in the translation business, seen by the author of this paper as “interventionist.” The changes introduced through paratexts stem from the publishers’ consideration of the reception of the original book in a new socio-cultural context. Paratexts are thus reception-oriented practices, which attempt to domesticate the unknown by resorting to “discourse of familiar otherness.” The essay by Jordi Jané-Lligé takes the reader on a journey through time, back to the era of Franco’s Spain. Translating literature in the Francoist regime – under censorship – was a struggle, which required skill and dexterity and, still, usually doomed the original text to many textual modifications. Such was the case of the translation of Günter Grass’s novel Katz und Maus into Spanish and Catalan. The textual approach to translation, with some extensions introduced by the author of the paper, constitutes the core of the analysis of both the Spanish and Catalan version of the novel. In the Spanish text, the interventions imposed by censorship resulted in incoherence and even absurdity. Moreover, they violated the narration leading to complete incomprehensibility, damaged the construction

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of the main character, and, equally importantly, concealed criticism of Nazi Germany. What could be observed in the analysis is that, for the most part, both versions displayed conservatism when it came to the transfer of language innovations inherent in the novel. Furthermore, the Spanish censors were very stringent with sexuality and thus deprived the translation of some crucial parts of the original text. The paper by Aleksandra Mucha tackles the problem of the translation of culture-specific items gleaned from two novels representing the fantasy literary genre, and written by Polish author Andrzej Sapkowski. Rooted in the theoretical framework of Venuti’s domestication vs. foreignization, the study is based on 760 instances of culture-bound elements examined along the following categories of description: fantastic creatures, professions, geographical names, anthroponyms, and other names. The author is also interested in the translation strategies employed in the English versions of the novels within each of these categories. The thesis, the author wishes to defend in the paper, revolves around the question whether Venuti is right in saying that transfer from a lesspowerful to a more-powerful language (Polish into English in this case) necessarily entails the adherence to domestication techniques. As the study proves, the novels under investigation show exactly the reverse, in both translations foreignization prevails, with borrowing and calque being the predominant techniques employed by translators. The final contribution, by àukasz M. PlĊs, is devoted to the translation of Zarathustra by Friedrich Nietzsche into English and Polish – a topic which has so far received only scant attention. The author tracks the change of style in the translated texts and suggests that translators should bestow more attention on the reproduction of the biblical allusions, which were expressed by making reference to the Decalogue. These allusions are part and parcel of the masterpiece, and they mark the style of this piece of literature throughout. Without them, as the author claims, the translated texts lack the intended criticism of Christian morality; thus, they do not fulfil their role and certainly invoke in the target reader quite different impressions from those the masterpiece triggers in the primary readers. A careful examination of the translated versions of Zarathustra shows, as the author concludes, that the English transfer is a more faithful version than its Polish counterpart is. I hope that this volume, which is rich in the methodological approaches engaged, the topics broached and the languages involved, will inspire scholars dealing with sundry aspects of the art of translation, and that it

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will spur further endeavours in the ever-growing research in Translation Studies. Bydgoszcz, Anna Bączkowska

PART I: CORPORA AND LEXIS IN TRANSLATION STUDIES

WHAT CAN PROPER NAMES TELL US ABOUT CORPUS-BASED TRANSLATION STUDIES? LAURA CANTORA UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS

Abstract Proper names in translation have traditionally been considered as single elements independent from the rest of the text, and treated under the general belief that they never change across cultures. However, the reality of translated texts is that proper names can, and indeed do, change in translation. This paper aims to show the array of procedures, methods and approaches employed to translate Jenny Colgan’s novel Amanda’s Wedding into two different target languages; Spanish and Italian. Corpus tools, such as NE recognition software, and a multilingual concordancer, are employed to automatically extract the names from the ST as well as from TTs, and corpus processing measurements, such as raw and relative frequency, are used to account for the usage of each individual procedure. The trilingual character of the project offers an extra dimension to the analysis, with both inter and intra linguistic data. The findings, however, show that no clear pattern can be discerned for the translation of proper names in this novel, pointing instead to a mixture of procedures being used. This will be linked to suggestions recently made by scholars, such as House (2011) and Saldanha (2011), calling for the need to incorporate extra-textual aspects of translation, such as translators’ preference for instance in the corpus approach in order to fully understand the processes that lead from ST to TT. Keywords: Corpus-based Translation Studies, Corpus Processing Tools, Proper Names, Literary Translation, and Translation Procedures

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What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus-Based Translation Studies?

1. Introduction That ‘proper names are never translated’, Christiane Nord (2003:182) observes, is a ‘rule deeply rooted in many people’s minds.’ However, ‘looking at translated texts we find that translators do all sorts of things with proper names’ (ibid.). This clash between perception and reality emphasizes the importance of studying proper names (PNs) in a translation context, as the view generally associated with them (e.g. that they do not change in translation) does not consistently reflect the reality of translators’ work. This paper aims to offer a corpus-based analysis of the translation procedures used to translate into Spanish and Italian the proper names in a British Chick Lit novel. The subject is introduced by considering theories of the translation of proper names whist describing the specific role that proper names play in this genre. The attention then moves to the work undertaken with the corpus tools used to automatically identify, and extract, the names from the SL novel, as well as from the translations. The final part of the paper combines a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the procedures identified in the texts and draws some consequences from the findings. The tendency emerging shows a mixture in the use of procedures, which perhaps implies that further extratextual analysis is needed in order to understand fully the processes used to move from SL PN to TL PN.

2. Proper Names in Chick Lit: Can they be translated? The literature on the translation of proper names has followed a similar pattern to that of translation studies in general: 1. starting traditionally from prescriptive approaches, observing detailed norms for the different types of names and what the translator should do with each category (Levy 1965, Santoyo 1988, Newmark 1981); and 2. from the mid 1990s onwards, with the rise in popularity of Descriptive Translation Studies (Toury 1995), progressively moving onto more descriptive methodologies, and tackling the problem through observation of the treatment given to proper names in real translated texts (Franco Aixelá 2000, Moya 1999, Cuéllar Lázaro 2000, Viezzi 2004, Moya 2000). Traditionally, the argument was centred on the possibility, or impossibility, of the translation of proper names. The translatability, or untranslatability, of proper names was discussed in the light of their meaning, or lack of meaning. If proper names are considered meaningless entities (Mill 1843, Kripke 1970/1980), there is no need to engage in their translation (Zabeeh 1968, Manczak 1991); on the other hand, if proper

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names do have meaning (Frege 1892, Russell 1905, Searle 1967), they should be translated (Allerton 1987, Martinet 1982, Pym 1992). There is, however, one issue common to all the scholars in favour of the translation of proper names as much as to those against it; they all believe in the special treatment that should be accorded to a proper name, which is performing a special function in the ST. Or in the words of Zabeeh (1968:69), those proper names, which are not being used ‘purely as identification marks’(ibid.), should be considered carefully. Hermans (1988) refers to those names as ‘loaded proper names’ (Ibid.:13) while he highlights the value they have acquired ‘as a result of their connoted meaning or proverbial use having become current’ (Ibid.:12). This feature of proper names is especially relevant, in a Chick Lit novel, as the most noticeable trait of the genre is the representation of modern women’s lives (Mlynowski and Farin 2006, Montoro 2012). In order to describe their contemporary society, authors make use of these ‘loaded proper names’ (Hermans 1988:13); latent in the culture that they are trying to portray. It is in this context where the connotations of the proper names ‘become current’ (Hermans 1988). Cantora (2010) highlights that the way in which Chick Lit novels through the modern lives of their protagonists aim to portray the issues, problems and concerns faced by women nowadays is through the use of real proper names alive within the community. For instance, the most popular Chick Lit novel, Bridget Jones’ Diary, (generally recognised as the origins of the genre Ferris and Young 2006, Gill and Herdieckerhoff 2006, Gormley 2009, Modleski 2008, Yardley 2006), is set in central London, and abounds with references to locations, fashion places, shops, restaurants and products popular during the late 1990s when the story takes place. Bridget Jones’ author, Helen Fielding, confesses in an interview that ‘it is good to be able to represent women as they actually are in the age in which you are living’ (Ezard 2001). It is possibly at this point when readers can identify with characters where the commercial value, and most importantly the success, of these novels lie. Authors manage to recreate a world where readers can directly relate to characters through the use of proper names deeply rooted to the culture where these novels originate. This is done by means of setting these novels in a contemporary location, familiar to the intended readers, as well as through the products that they consume and the places they go to purchase them. All these are based in reality, and exist outside the world of the novel, and in a way they evoke a sense of verisimilitude and familiarity where both characters and readers can feel at ease. For instance, when Bridget Jones meets her friends they do so in Café Rouge; this particularly resonates with British modern society, the intended

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What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus-Based Translation Studies?

audience of the original novel. By assimilation, this specific socio-cultural backdrop makes these novels extremely rich in proper names. The idea is that recognition of the referent behind the proper name triggers an association, which then helps to guide the reaction of the reader. The names are being used primarily for these associations and with the intention to evoke a reaction, and not solely with a referential function in mind, i.e. to name someone. Thus, proper names clearly transpire as connotative elements, and consequently the need to translate them becomes apparent. If translatability is accepted, the question then turns to the procedures that are used to achieve it. Looking at translated proper names in the Chick Lit novel, Amanda’s Wedding, gives and insight into the tendencies and methods used to transfer these ‘loaded proper names’ (Hermans 1988:13) into different target languages with different traditions, perceptions and values.

3. Corpus Analysis Corpus tools are used to assist with the analysis of the translations of the proper names in Amanda’s Wedding. With the permission of the Copyright holders, electronic versions of the novels were installed in a small electronic corpus. Firstly, this is done with two main aims in mind: primarily the intention is to automate the identification of the proper names in the English texts, as well as of their corresponding translations in the Spanish and Italian versions. Secondly, having an electronic corpus of the novels facilitates the quick access to the data, and its context, and renders the analysis more efficient making it possible to work more effectively than it would be possible to do manually. The corpus is aligned at the paragraph level i.e. the information contained in one paragraph of the ST is made to match the information in the corresponding paragraphs in the TTs. This feature will facilitate the automatic identification of the names in the translated texts.

3.1 Identifying Proper Names For the automatic identification and extraction of the names in the ST the Name-Entity (NE) recognition programme GATE [General Architecture for Text Engineering] (Cunningham 1999, Cunningham et al. 2002) was used in the first instance. Developed at Sheffield University, GATE’s systems attempt to identify all instances of names of people, places, organisations, dates, job titles and monetary amounts; it is possible

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to run a text of 80,000 words through GATE in minutes. GATE, has successfully been used to identify NEs in journalistic texts with up to 96% accuracy in the results obtained. The first step involves running GATE on the English text; the results are presented annotated in an XML document. A purpose-built XSL script (figure 1) is needed to show all the NEs recognized by GATE in a list that can be viewed, and manipulated, on Microsoft Excel. Figure 1: Excerpt from the XSL script used to manipulate the results generated by GATE

An analysis of this list shows that GATE identified a total of 2,585 NEs, i.e. tokens. In other words, mainly one entry each time a name is used – e.g. the name of the main character appears a high volume of times. It is to be expected that repeated occurrences of the same character’s name, or the same place, used over and over in the novel would consistently receive the same treatment in the translation, thus not offering new information for the analysis. The original list needs, therefore, to be pruned in order to retain only types, i.e. distinct proper names. Through a manual clean, a total of 299 types can be confirmed. Of those, 215 were true positives, that is, correct answers to the query, i.e. real proper names

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What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus-Based Translation Studies?

(for instance, Amanda, Kensington or Tesco). On the other hand, 84 were false positives, or incorrect answers to the query, i.e. NEs wrongly identified by GATE as proper names. Of these Chuck Alex or Aren’t Posh are two examples. Thus, this method of retrieval successfully identified 215 distinct proper names. However, before moving onto the analysis of these proper names one issue needs to be considered. GATE has been programmed to look for specific categories of NEs: people; places; organizations; dates; job titles; and monetary amounts; of these, only people, places, and organisations were used. Out of these three categories, GATE identifies most of the entities. However, a potential problem arises with other categories, such as product names; book or film titles; festivities or celebrations, etc., which, of course, GATE was not geared to look for, but which also potentially occur in the novel. As an alternative method for automatic retrieval, in the second instance, word-frequency lists were used to identify all the words marked as PN. Word-frequency lists present the complete lexical range (each different word) that can be found in a particular text. The results are generally ranked by the frequency with which the word is used in the corpus and are also often marked with useful information such as, for instance, the lexical category of each word. With manual checks of these lists, it should then be feasible to identify which words are proper names. The Word-frequency list of Amanda’s Wedding was generated using corpus tools available at the Centre for Translation Studies in the University of Leeds. The Centre has been carrying out ground-breaking research on corpus-based translation studies for the last decade; for instance, they have developed IntelliText (Wilson et al. 2010), which ‘provides a simple, integrated interface for carrying out a range of searches and statistical analysis on large, publicly available corpora in several languages’ (Kruger et al. 2011:3). In addition, the Centre is also undertaking research projects on Machine Translation (MT) (Sharoff et al., 2009), corpus-based interpreting studies (Peng 2009) and multimodality (Thomas 2009). As part of this corpus work, Sharoff (2004) developed tools as well as an interface for corpus processing. Using these tools, a list with all the running words in Amanda’s Wedding was generated. The tool presents the results online in HTML format in four columns (figure 2). The first column shows the rank of the word in the text (in chronological order, starting with the most frequent). The second column represents the number of times the word is used in the text. Column three lists the words themselves and finally, the fourth

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column shows the category of the word (preposition, verb, noun, etc.). Total numbers of types and tokens are also included. Figure 2: Excerpt from the word-frequency list for Amanda’s Wedding

Several steps were involved in processing the data: firstly, the HTML online list was imported into Wordpad with a view to converting the data into plain text. This data was then transferred into an Excel spreadsheet creating an Excel document replicating the word-frequency list found online. This list was then revised looking for all the words marked as PN (proper name), as well as those words which appear capitalized (even if they have not been marked as PN) as they could be part of a compound name (a book title, for instance). Working in this way it is possible to create an initial list with candidate proper names in the corpus. With the aid of the concordancer (searching for the words in this list of potential proper names in the corpus) a final list of names occurring in the corpus was created. The main complication with this approach was the compound names formed of two or more words (Tom Cruise, for example), which appear separated in the list. It was necessary to identify the words that go together and unite them as one item in the final list. The original frequency list comprised 2,869 tokens, that is individual instances of PNs. These included 252 distinct PNs, that is unique instances

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What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus-Based Translation Studies?

of names or Types. Out of these 127 were true positives and 125 false positives. As evidenced by the lower numbers of proper names, identified by this method than those identified by GATE, this is a far less effective method of retrieval, which additionally also requires more manual work. As a control method, and in order to evaluate the accuracy of these retrieval processes, one additional experiment was also performed. This involved the creation of a purpose-built script, with the algorithm based on the typical characteristic of proper names that they are written with an initial capital letter; this is one of the referential criteria generally used in the linguistic definition of proper names. Although this characteristic has been ruled out as a universal descriptor of proper names (Algeo 1973, Fernández Leborans 1999), as it does not apply to all languages - for example, in German both common nouns, as well as proper nouns, are given an initial capital letter - it still complies to the grammatical rules of all three languages of this study, English, Spanish and Italian, where proper names almost always start with an initial capital letter, and therefore could work as the pattern for the software to look for. Basically, this scripts works by looking for all the words, or sequences of words, in the text with an initial capital letter; with the exception of single capitalized words occurring at the beginning of a sentence. Introducing this exception ensures that the number of false positive answers is reduced, by eliminating every word which starts a sentence. 4899 tokens were identified through this method, out of which 668 were distinct. Within the distinct proper names, 102 were false positives and 420 were true positives. Overall, through the combination of the outputs of all these methods, it was possible to semi-automatically produce a list with a total of 420 distinct proper names used in this novel. This provides enough data for exploring the procedures employed in their translation. The next step involved the extraction of the names from the Spanish and Italian texts. The method devised for the automatic identification of names in TL texts involved the use of a concordancer. A concordancer identifies all the occurrences of a word, or groups of words, in a text. The software usually has an interface with a search box where the user inputs the item that they want to find and the program brings up all the instances in which the said item appears in the corpus. With aligned parallel corpora both STs and TTs come up in the results. The idea in this project was to use a concordancer to search for each individual name identified in the ST and, as the text is aligned at the paragraph level, to look then for the translation used with each name in the TTs.

Laura Cantora Figure 3: Excerpt from a search performed with the multilingual concordancer

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What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus-Based Translation Studies?

For this task, another tool developed at the Center for Translation Studies in Leeds was used: a multilingual concordancer (Sharoff 2004). This multilingual concordancer offers the extra bonus that it can interact with several languages at once; a feature that particularly suits the trilingual character of this analysis on the procedures used to translate proper names from an English SL text into both Spanish and Italian. Most of the concordancers available on the market allow a search in two languages, but a special feature of the concordancer developed at Leeds is that it allows the user to search for a word - or selection of words - in the ST, or in any of the TTs; any combination is possible. The results are presented in three columns, showing all the paragraphs in which the word or words appear in the selected search language as well as their corresponding matching aligned paragraphs in the other languages (figure 3). Identifying the translations used with each name is then straightforward. Working with the concordancer to identify all the translation also contributed to identifying a number of proper names used in the TTs where there was no proper name in the original. This concludes the description of the corpus tools used to manipulate the electronic texts. The result of this experiment is a list of all the proper names used in the original text together with the corresponding translations in the Spanish and Italian TTs. Table 1 below collects a summary of all the instances identified: Table 1: Number of distinct PNs and total of translation instances analysed

Author

Title

Jenny Colgan

Amanda’s Wedding

Names in ST

Inserted names in TTs

420 distinct PNs

1 SP TT 1 IT TT

Total number of Translation Instances (SP TT + IT TT) 842

4. Translation Procedures Through the analysis of these 844 translation instances, extracted from Amanda’s Wedding, a total of 12 translation procedures could be observed; these were adapted from Franco Aixelá’s (2000) map of translation procedures.

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Franco Aixelá (2000) analysed over 11,000 proper names translated into Spanish from English sources. The genres explored in this study include modern classics; children’s literature; thrillers; romances; poetry; essays and journalism; and range through a period of 200 years, with Blake’s Songs of Innocence being the eldest text (1789), and Wildcat - by Rebecca Brandewyne (1995) - the most recent one. Franco Aixelá aims to account for all the procedures used by translators and to set them in a progressive scale, measuring the degree of cultural transformation to which the names are subjected; that is, whether they are kept in their original form or adapted to the target language culture. Franco Aixelá encounters a total of 12 procedures, which he divides into two blocks of six. The first block includes the procedures, which show a higher degree of ‘conservation’ of the source culture. In the second block - called ‘substitution’ - the procedures neutralize or omit the foreignness of the names or their exotic aspect as elements belonging to a different culture or environment, bringing them closer to the TL culture or making them culturally plain; not part of any specific culture. The procedures identified by applying this map to the names in Amanda’s Wedding can be described as follows: Borrowing: (e.g. Amanda – Amanda) The name is maintained in the TT, that is, this procedure consists of reproducing in the TT the name in its original form. The term is adopted from Vinay and Darbelnet’s (1958/1995) original taxonomy for translation procedures; Franco Aixelá (2000) refers to this procedure as ‘repetition’. Fixed translation: (Prince William – Principe Guillermo) The name has a fixed, pre-established form in the TL, which is different from that of the SL and which the translator respects. Transcription: (Veronica – Verónica) Transcription, a well-known linguistic concept, is used when the graphic form of the name is modified in order to adapt the term to the morphologic or phonologic systems of the TL, for example adapting it to its alphabet or spelling norms. Franco Aixelá (2000) refers to this as ‘orthographic adaptation’. Literal Translation: (Caledonian Ball – El baile de Caledonia) Some or all the components of the SL name are translated word for word. The referent does not change.

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What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus-Based Translation Studies?

Gloss: (FHM – La revista FHM) With this procedure, the original name is preserved but with the addition of extra information. In the example, this is the addition of the common noun ‘La revista’ (‘magazine’) which gives the TL reader additional information to interpret the PN. An important distinction pointed out by Franco Aixelá (2000) refers to the locations of the extra information. When the information is added in the body of the text, the gloss is intratextual, whereas if the translator uses a glossary or a footnote, the gloss is then extratextual. The importance of this difference generally lies in the interruption of the reading pace, which is generally accompanied by an extratextual gloss. This is not perhaps what one would expect when reading a Chick Lit novel. On the other hand, the information included in an extratextual gloss tends to be more concise and dense than in an unobtrusive intratextual gloss. Explicitation: (BP – British Petroleum) The translator makes ‘explicit in the target text information that is implicit in the source text’ (Klaudy 1997:104). This procedure covers when the translator decides to supplement the TT with added information disambiguating some information that was only implied for the SL readers or information that the SL readership would be expected to know or be familiar with, but where the translator judges necessary to guide explicitly the TL readers. Gloss could be considered a mild form of explicitation, as extra information is added to the text in order to make it clearer, more explicit, for the target reader. However, ‘addition is not the only device of explicitation’ (Séguinot 1988:108). In some cases, the proper name might be omitted from the translation and a whole explanation of its connotations would be offered instead. In other occasions, both name and explanation would cohabit in the target text. Explicitation is a well-studied concept (Olohan and Baker 2000) (Klaudy 1997) (Séguinot 1988). Adaptation: (Amanda & Fraser Ltd. – Amanda & Fraser sociedad limitada) Adaptation covers the cases where the names undergo some sort of change in order to adapt them to the TL readership. These changes often attempt to make the name more valid in the target culture, for example by changing the referent for its equivalent in the TL (Stars in their Eyes – Lluvia de estrellas) or by replacing a SL nickname with a term from the TL (Hunky Junky - tamarro tabarro). This differs from explicitation, as the translator here introduces a slight change in perspective, opting instead

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to move the name towards the TL readers rather than a more specific case of deciphering the hidden information for them. Franco Aixelá (2000) calls this procedure ‘ideological adaptation’ and goes as far as to say that it is used when a SL concept would be invalid in the TL culture. Generalization: (The Met – La policía) The specific SL name is changed for a common noun or a word describing the class or group to which the specific proper name belongs. Franco Aixelá (2000) stresses, that the new element does not show the specific characteristics of the SL culture. The proper name here goes from the concrete to the general but, as Aixelá points out, the new entity ‘cannot be attributed to any particular culture’ (Franco Aixelá 1998:37). The new element offers a more general idea, perhaps of the type of name or of its function. Cultural Replacement: (Anthea Turner – Kate Moss) The SL name is replaced by either another name from the SL, or by a different name from another culture but still foreign in the TL culture, perhaps one deemed as better known by the TL readers. The foreignness of the novel is still maintained, although the referent behind the name has been modified. Cultural Substitution: (Maris Pipers – Coles de bruselas) The SL name is substituted by a TL name. This change can sometimes affect the foreignness of the novel, although this is not always the case. This use is different to the fixed translation or adaptation cases explored above, as the cultural substitution always implies a change in referent, which the other procedures do not always incur. Omission: - (Man U – Ø) The SL PN is deleted from the TT. The source language name, its connotations, and all information around it are omitted from the TT altogether. There is no attempt to compensate for the loss or to explain the name in any way. Sometimes whole sentences or paragraphs would disappear from the translation. Insertion: (Ø – Dalí) The translator introduces a proper name where one did not exist in the source text.

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What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus-Based Translation Studies?

5. Proper Names in Action: What happens in Amanda’s Wedding? Amanda’s Wedding tells the story of Melanie and her friends as they try to stop the wedding of their evil friend Amanda to the lovely Fraser McConnel, Melanie’s first crush during their university days. The group of friends believe that Amanda is only interested in Fraser due to the fact that he has just inherited his grandfather’s laird title. Fraser’s brother, Gus, is determined to show Fraser who Amanda really is. While attempting to ruin the wedding, Melanie also has to deal with her disastrous life as she is demoted at work; she believes that her flatmate fights against bulimia; and her best friend starts a secret relationship with her boyfriend, to name but a few of her tribulations. The novel finishes on the actual wedding day with Amanda exposing her real character, not only to Fraser, but to all the many attendees as well. Fraser then runs away into the arms of Melanie.

5.1 Quantitative & Qualitative Analysis Starting with the list of proper names obtained from the corpus tools described above (section 3, one procedure from the map was assigned to each translation instance. Using maths functions in Microsoft Excel (such as SUM and SUM IFs), the number of times a single procedure from our map was assigned to a translation instance is counted and the procedures are then ranked according to their popularity. An initial approach to the quantitative data explores the frequency of use of the procedures identified in the novel. Raw and relative frequency, are techniques used for corpus processing. Raw frequency counts the number of times a specific feature in this case a procedure – occurs, whereas its relative frequency shows the overall rank of that number in relation to the total in the corpus. Table 2 below presents the data extracted from Amanda’s Wedding according to its raw and relative frequency. This data is then plotted into a continuum where the extremes take the two blocks presented by Franco Aixelá (2000); that is, conservation to the left (for the procedures which tend to conserve the original name), and substitution to the right (for the procedures which tend to substitute the name for another one from the TL culture). In this way it is possible to illustrate the approach taken by the different translators – highlighting a tendency to either conserve, if the majority of the procedures used are found to fall near the left hand extreme of the continuum, or to substitute, if the majority fall near the right hand one. The qualitative analysis illustrates the findings with examples of the actual names used in the SL text and their translations into both TLs.

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The data Table 3: Breakdown of procedures used in each TT – Amanda’s Wedding Continuum

Procedure

Borrowing Amanda – Amanda Fixed Translation London – Lenders Transcription Veronica Verónica Literal Translation Caledonian Ball – el baile de Caledonia Gloss (intra/Extra) Rivets – Galleass Rivets Explicitation BP-British Petroleum Adaptation Stars in their Eyes – Lluvia de estrellas Generalization The Met – La policía Cultural substitution Bogus – Gatos Silvestre

Spanish

Italian

Raw Frequency

Relative Frequency

Raw Frequency

Relative Frequency

252

59.86%

214

50.83%

54

12.83%

56

13.30%

1

0.24%

0

0.00%

49

11.64%

35

8.31%

21

4.99%

6

1.43%

9

2.14%

8

1.90%

14

3.33%

13

3.09%

14

3.33%

39

9.26%

1

0.24%

5

1.19%

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What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus-Based Translation Studies? Cultural replacement Anthea Turner – Kate Moss Omission Man U – ø Insertion Ø – Orson Welles

1

0.24%

12

2.85%

4

0.95%

32

7.60%

1

0.24%

1

0.24%

From this data, borrowing immediately stands out as by far the most prominent procedure used in Amanda’s Wedding in both languages, with a relative frequency of 51% in Italian and of almost 60% in Spanish. Similarly, fixed translation ranks second in both languages. This data undeniably presents a clear domination of the procedures around the conservation extreme of the continuum over the procedures nearing the opposite extreme. Overall, the relative frequency of the procedures nearing the substitution extreme of the continuum is considerably lower for both languages than that identified for the procedures around the opposite extreme (approximately, 90% of all the translation instances are covered with procedures around the conservation extreme). It is within the procedures around the substitution extreme, however, where the strongest differences between the languages can be seen. The data for the substitution extreme of the continuum points towards a greater degree of variation in the Italian text, with fewer shifts occurring in the Spanish version. This can be appreciated very clearly, plotting the data against the continuum. Graph 1 below, clearly shows higher bars for the Spanish language than for the Italian language around the procedures located near the left hand side, the conservation extreme, whereas they are all higher for Italian than Spanish around the right hand side, the substitution extreme:

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Figure 4: Proccedure relative frequency agaiinst continuum – Amanda’s Wedding W

The impplications that can be drawn n from this daata are twofolld: firstly, despite the ddomination of borrowing and a fixed trannslation over any a other procedure, tthe uses of thee other proced dures along thee continuum cannot c be overlooked. These offer evidence thatt a mixture beetween conseerving the text with forreign elementts in some cases, while subbstituting som me others, and be takenn to prove thatt proper namees indeed channge in translation. The secoond pattern thaat emerges fro om this data aacross the diffeerent TTs shows a moore marked teendency to manipulate m thee proper nam mes in the Italian TT tthan in the Spanish S TT, where w the traanslator tends more to conserve thee proper nam mes intact. It can c be presuppposed that a translator decides to cchange one prroper name for f a differentt one; presum mably one that s/he deeems better known k in the TL culture in order to guide g the readers, faccilitating the comprehensio on of the texxt whilst avoiding the introductionn of foreign ellements into th he culture. A qualitative ex xploration of some nam mes in contexxt - analysing the different procedures chosen c by the Italian trranslator versuus the ones ussed by the Spaanish translato or - gives an insight innto the implicaations of the different d approoaches taken:

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What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus-Based Translation Studies?

The strongest variation between the languages occurs with the procedure generalization used with 39 proper names in Italian, but only with 14 in Spanish. Out of the 39 generalizations present in Italian, eight correspond to generalizations in Spanish. The remaining six Spanish generalizations are translated with a range of different procedures in Italian where no pattern can be drawn. The other Italian generalizations are also translated with a range of procedures into Spanish, but the vast majority, (seventeen), are translated with borrowings in Spanish. The following example of a generalization being used in the Spanish TT - but a cultural replacement from the substitution extreme of the continuum - in Italian, illustrates the different effects recreated by the different choices: Example SL

Spanish

Procedure

Mystic Meg

Una adivina

Generalization

Italian una delle Charlie's Angels

Procedure Cultural replacement

This example relies on the readers’ knowledge of the connotations associated with the entertainment figure Mystic Meg - a well-known astrologer who writes the stars in certain newspapers. The reference to this celebrity appears in Amanda’s Wedding half way through the novel; the characters are desperately trying to stop the wedding between Fraser and Amanda from taking place. In an attempt to make the groom see the real nature of the bride, Melanie recorded a conversation with the bride where she admits she is mainly interested in Fraser’s money and the Laird title he has recently inherited from his grandfather. At this point in the novel, Mel has played the tape for Fraser and he reacts angrily. She feels very bad about what she has done, and thinks to herself ‘who did I think I was, Mystic Meg?’ The author uses this famous astrologer and psychic to describe the way Melanie is feeling, and to describe how she sees herself at that point. Knowledge of the referent is paramount in order to understand the comparison referred to, and what the author is trying to illustrate. Both Spanish and Italian TTs undergo a change in referent. In the Spanish version, the proper name is replaced with a common noun, and the specific referent is lost. Una adivida [fortune-teller] encompasses the profession for which Mystic Meg is most famous for, but the other connotations around her are void in this translation. The Italian translator, on the other hand, chooses to replace Mystic Meg with una delle Charlie’s

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Angels [one of the Charlie’s Angels]; still with a foreign feeling, but from a very different background. The Italian version, takes as its referent one of the private investigators in the famous American crime fiction series and film. The new name still maintains a foreign flavour - albeit not a British one - at the same time evoking certain connotations of secret investigations and plots. The new referent presumably is more easily accessible for the Italian audience, and its connotations more widely understood. More variation in the approaches chosen by the translators can be appreciated with the following names, where a literal translation (2) and a fixed translation (3) are used in the Spanish TT but more manipulation is performed in Italian: Example SL Paddington Bear (hard stare)

Spanish (Una dura mirada de) Osito Paddington

Procedure

Italian

Procedure

Literal translation

Uno sguardo da iceberg

Explicitation

Here Melanie has spent the night with her lover, Nicholas, at her house. The morning after, her friend Fran comes to visit early and the girls do not know what to do to eject Nicholas. An unforeseen turn of events follows when the postman delivers a postcard from Melanie’s long-lost boyfriend, who had unexpectedly emigrated to America the previous year without giving her any notice. He announces in his postcard that he is coming back to England. Melanie is in a state of shock, while Fran tries to take control of the situation. In the middle of all this, Nicholas is intruding with questions and does not realise he is not welcome anymore, until Fran very clearly with a ‘Paddington Bear hard stare’ sends him to buy some chocolates. The name of the famous bear is used here together with one of his bestknown traits – the hard stares that he offers when he is upset, or unhappy as a way to exemplify the hard approach that Fran has to take on Nicholas, who does not get any of Melanie’s subtle attempts to see him off. The Spanish TT shows a literal translation of the original, however, this attempt is unsuccessful at recreating the effect of the original. Dura mirada [hard stare] and osito [teddy bear] do not work together in the Spanish language or culture where this trait of Paddington bear is not so well known, and an osito always represents a cute cuddly toy. Without the

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What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus-Based Translation Studies?

clear reference to the specific trait of this one particular bear, this phrase loses its meaning and the Spanish audience are left with a phrase combining two opposing elements. The Italian TT, on the contrary, literally explicitates the meaning of the original - omitting the reference to the bear and simply describing the stare as a hard, cold one. Here, the British cultural background of the original is lost, but the connotations are maintained and the phrase recreates instance the way in which Fran is treating Nicholas. Example SL

Spanish

Procedure

Godfather (-type situation)

(una escena extraída de) El Padrino

Fixed translation

Italian scena della testa di cavallo del Padrino

Procedure Explicitation

This example takes us back to the scene when Melanie wakes up in the morning and finds Nicholas in her bed. Barely remembering the events of the night before, she imagines in her head a ‘Godfather-type situation’. This refers to the popular film, and it implies associations with mafia and crime and has specific connotations related to certain scenes in the first film in the series. The Spanish translator uses the established name of the film in Spain, el Padrino. As this is a very well-known film, the connotations associated with it can generally be expected to be understood internationally. The Italian translator also respects the established name for the film in the country, El Padrino. However, she also explicitates the meaning of the original, setting the scene clearly in relation to the scene in The Godfather I where they put the head of the horse in the bed of one of the characters and she wakes up in a fright surrounded by a puddle of blood. This was implied in the original, and is spelled out very clearly in the Italian TT. Along similar lines, a strong difference between the languages also happens around cultural substitution and cultural replacement. These procedures each occur just once in the Spanish text but show a relative frequency of 1% (five cases) and 3% (12 cases) in Italian. The majority of the names substituted or replaced in the Italian are personal names, where some celebrity or external character is changed for another one perhaps better known in the target culture. There are examples of substitutions for other foreign celebrities; for example, Anthea Turner is changed for Kate Moss and Billy Connolly for Monty Python, as well as examples of

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substitutions for referents from the target culture such as Miriam Margoyles as Nonna Papera [Grandma Duck in the classic Disney cartoons]. The names contained in (4) are examples of nicknames. Both translators attempt to recreate the effect of these connotative names in the TLs, but it is interesting to see the different approaches taken to do this: Example SL

Spanish

Procedure

Bitch Cassidy

La zorra Cassidy

Literal translation

Bitchaham Lincoln

Zorraham Lincoln

Literal translation

Italian James Stronz (agente segreto) Lyndon Stronzon

Procedure Cultural replacement Cultural replacement

These nicknames play with language forms. The main characters are once more plotting to stop the wedding. Again, they are trying to make Fraser understand the kind of person Amanda truly is. They tell him that ‘if she were a cowboy she would be Bitch Cassidy’ and ‘if she were a president she would be ‘Bitchaham Lincoln’. Here, the SL names involve the creation of new names by compounding referents to real entities – either the cowboy Butch Cassidy or the American president Abraham Lincoln - with adjectives to describe Amanda’s true character based around the adjective bitch. The referents are universal enough, and presumably clear enough, for the target audience and the new compounds work to describe - perhaps in a more explicit way than in the ST - what they truly think of Amanda. The Spanish translator maintains the same referents, choosing to translate literally the compounds, playing with the word zorra [bitch] and the same surnames found in the original. The referents remain unchanged and, as considered universal enough, the connotations too should prevail for the TL audience. At the same time, the choice of zorra brings the compound closer to the Spanish readers, both parts working together to evoke similar feelings in the TL readers. The Italian translator again chooses to replace both referents. In the first example, the cowboy is replaced by a reference to the secret agent James Bond. In the second example, an American president is still used, but this time Abraham Lincoln is replaced by Lyndon Johnson.

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What can Proper Names tell us about Corpus-Based Translation Studies?

Both work well with the Italian translation of bitch, (stronza), to form a similar compound to that found in the original, but one valid in the Italian language. Despite the change in referent, both compounds manage to evoke similar connotations and the extent of Melanie’s, and the other characters’, feeling for Amanda can be presupposed to be fully understood in both translations. This brief exploration of some names in context, illustrates the evidence shown by the qualitative analysis of the use of procedures; more changes are visible in the Italian TT than in the Spanish, where the tendency to leave the names intact is stronger. Noteworthy, though, is that this analysis of the names in context evidences - more than anything - the array of possibilities and methods used by translators in their attempt to transfer the meaning of the names when they are being used for their connotations; a trait that particularly resonates within the Chick Lit genre. These examples prominently show that the procedures around the substitution extreme of the continuum attempt to decipher the connotations, for the TL readership, more than those around the conservation extreme that leave it more up to the readers to understand the referents and connotations.

6. Conclusions This paper presented a corpus-based analysis of the proper names used in the Chick Lit novel, Amanda’s Wedding, and their translations into Spanish and Italian. The aim of the paper was to show the treatment that proper names, and in particular ‘loaded proper names’ (Hermans 1988:13), receive when translated into different TLs. The trilingual character of the project offered the possibility of comparing SL versus TL, but also TL versus TL. The work was undertaken using corpus tools for automatically identifying and extracting the names from the texts, and corpus processing measurements for studying the data; three main implications were drawn: Proper names do change in translation. Translators use all kinds of methods, and a wide range of procedures, when attempting to transfer the connotations of a proper name into their target cultures. The Spanish and Italian translators take very different approaches, dealing with connotations in very different ways. Ultimately, the lack of a clear pattern of behavior, in neither the Spanish nor the Italian TTs, implies, perhaps, that there are more factors at

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play when it comes to transmitting the contents of a proper name to a new target audience than those that can be appreciated solely through the analysis of the linguistic content of the texts. Perhaps, as scholars - such as Laviosa (2011) and House (2011) - have started to indicate a necessary move in the corpus-based approach in translation studies is the inclusion of external information to compliment the findings from the content of the text. This has already successfully been done, for example, by Saldanha (2011). In her exploration of the translators own style in translation, she supplements the linguistic data with meta-linguistic information collected externally to the body of the texts, such as bibliographical information from the publishing companies; biographical details on the translators and personal communications; and interviews with them. These lead her to affirm that ‘the most important factor in determining the translator’s choice is their different conceptualization of their role as intercultural mediators, in particular in relation to their readership’ (Saldanha 2011:255). This factor, perhaps, also played a role in the mind of the translators undertaking the Spanish and Italian translations of Amanda’s Wedding, and could potentially explain the different treatment afforded to the names each time. This paper then outlines a structure, in terms of the categorization of the translation procedures used, that could provide the framework for this extra-textual work to take place.

References Algeo, J. 1973. On Defining the Proper Name. Gainesville, University of Florida Press. Allerton, D.J. 1987. The Linguistic and Sociolinguistic Status of Proper Names. What are They and Who do they Belong to? Journal of Pragmatics, 11: 61-92. Cantora, L. 2010. Using Named-Entity recognition systems in the literary domain. In: R. Xiao (ed.) International Symposium on Using Corpora in Contrastive and Translation Studies. Edge Hill University, Ormskirk, http://www.lancs.ac.uk/fass/projects/corpus/UCCTS2010Proceedings/. Cuéllar Lázaro, C. 2000. Dobletes de Traducción y Traductología. Las traducciones al castellano en España de la literatura contemporánea en lengua alemana (1945-1990). Estudio linguistic. Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, Secretariado de Publicaciones e Intercambio Editorial.

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Cunningham, H. 1999. Information Extraction - A User Guide. Research Memo. Cunningham, H., D. Maynard, K. Bontcheva and V. Tablan. 2002. A Framework and Graphical Development Environment for Robust NLP Tools and Applications. Proceedings of the 40th Anniversary Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics (ACL'02). Philadelphia. Ezard, J. 2001. Bainbridge itlts at "chick Lit" cult. Guardian, 24 August. http://guardian.co.uk/uk/2001/aug/24/booksgeneralfiction. DOA: 29/01/2013. Fernández Leborans, M. J. 1999. El nombre propio. In: I. Bosque and V. Demonte (eds), Gramática descriptiva de la lengua española. Madrid, Espasa. 77-112. Ferris, S. and M. Young (eds). 2006. Chick-Lit: The New Woman's Fiction. New York and Abingdon, Routledge. Franco Aixelá, J. 1998. La traducción por defecto de los nombres propios (inglés-español): una nueva propuesta basada en el análisis de la realidad. Sendebar, 8/9: 33-54. —. 2000. La traducción condicionada de los nombres propios. Madrid: Almar. Frege, G. 1892. On sense and reference. In: A.W. Moore (ed.) Meaning and Reference. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 23-42. Gill, R. and E. Herdieckerhoff. 2006. Rewriting the romance. Feminist Media Studies, 6/4: 487-504. Gormley, S. 2009. Introduction. Working Papers on the Web, Special Issue on 'Chick Lit', 13 (http://extra.shu.ac.uk/wpw/chicklit/gormley.html). DOA: 29/01/2013. Hermans, T. 1988. On Translation of Proper Names, with Reference to ´De Witte and Max Havelaar´. In: M. Wintle (ed.), Modern Dutch Studies. London: Athlone. 11-24. House, J. 2011. Using Translation and Parallel Text Corpora to Investigate the Influence of Global English on Textual Norms in Other Languages. In: A. Kruger, K. Wallmach and J.MUNDAY (eds), Corpus-Based Translation Studies: Research and Applications. London and New York: Continuum. 187-210. Klaudy, K. 1997. Explicitation. In: M. Baker (ed.), Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation Studies. London and New York: Routledge. 104-108. Kripke, S. 1970/1980. Naming and Necessity. Oxford: Blackwell. Kruger, A., K. Wallmach and J. Munday (eds). 2011. Corpus-Based Translation Studies: Research and Applications. London and New York: Continuum.

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Laviosa, S. 2011. Corups-Based Translation Studies: Where Does it Come From? Where Is It Going? In: A. Kruger, K. Wallmach, and J. Munday (eds). Corpus-Based Translation Studies: Research and Applications. London and New York: Continuum. 13-32. Levy, J. 1965. Will Translation Theory be of Use to Translators? In: R. Italiaander (ed.) Übersetzen: Vorträge und Beiträge vom Internationalen Kongreß literarischer Übersetzer in Hamburg. Frankfurt: Athenäum, 77-82. Manczak, W. 1991. La Nature du nom propre: Prolegomenes. Nouvelle Reveu d'Onomastique, 17: 25-28. Martinet, H. 1982. Le noms propres dans la traduccion litteraire. Meta, 27/4: 392-400. Mill, J. S. 1843. A System of Logic. London: Harrison and Co. Printers. Mlynkowski, S. and J. Farin. 2006. A Girls’s Guide to Writing Chick Lit. Philadelphia: Quirk Books. Modleski, T. 2008. Loving with a Vengance. Mass-Produced Fantasies for Women (2nd edition). New York and London: Routledge. Montoro, R. 2012. Chick Lit: The Stylistics of Cappuccino Fiction. London: Conitnuum. Mossop, B. 2007. Reader reaction and workplace habits in the English translation of French proper names in Canada. Meta 52/2: 202-214. Moya, V. 1999. La ampliación del discurso traslativo a propósito de los nombres propios Babel, 45/1: 17-38. Moya, V. 2000. La traducción de los nombres propios. Madrid: Cátedra. Newmark, P. 1981. Approaches to Translation, Oxford: Pergamo Press. Nord, C. 2003. Proper Names in Translations for Children. Translation for children, 48/2: 182-196. Olohan, M. and M. Baker. 2000. Reporting That in Translated English, Evidence for Subconcious Processes of Explication? Across Languages & Cultures, 1/2: 141-158. Peng, G. 2009. Using Rhetorical Structure Theory (RTS) to Describe the Development of Coherence in Interpreting Trainees. Interpreting, 11/2: 216-243. Pym, A. 1992. Translation and Text Transfer. New York: Peter Lang. Russell, B. 1905. On Denoting. Mind, 14: 479-493. Saldanha, G. 2011. Style of Translation: The use of foreign words in translations by Margaret Jull Costa and Peter Bush. In: A. Kruger, K. Wallmach and J. Munday (eds). Corpus-Based Translation Studies: Research and Applications. London and New York: Continuum. 237258.

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Santoyo, J. C. 1988. La traducción de los nombres propios. In: F.A.X.E. Sabio (ed.) Problemas de Traducción. Madrid: Fundación Alfonso X el Sabio. 45-50. Searle, J. R. 1967. Proper Names and Descriptions. In: P. Edwards (ed.) The Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. New York: McMillan. Séguinot, C. 1988. Pragmatics and the explicitation hypothesis. Traduction, Terminologie, Rédaction, 1/2: 103-13. Sharoff, S. 2004. Towards basic categories for describing properties of texts in a corpus. Proceedings of LREC2004. Lisbon: Portugal. Sharoff, S., B. Babych and A. Hartley. 2009. "Irregragable Answers": Using Comparable Corpora to Retrieve Translation Equivalents. Language Resources and Evaluation, 43: 15-25. Thomas, M. 2009. Localizing Pack Messages: A Framework for CorpusBased Cross-Cultural Multimodal Analysis. Unpublished PhD Thesis. University of Leeds. Toury, G. 1995. Descriptive Translation Studies and Beyond. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Viezzi, M. 2004. Denominazioni proprie e traduzione. Milan: LED Edizioni Universitarie. Vinay, J.-P. and J. Darbelnet. 1958/1995. A Methodology for Translation. In: V. Lawrence (ed.) The Translation Studies Reader. New York and London: Routledge. 128-137. Wilson, J., A. Hartley, S. Sharoff and P. Stephenson. 2010. Advanced Corpus Solutions for Humanities Researchers. Poceedings of the Workshop on Advanced Corpus Solutions, Pacific Asia Conference on Language, Information and Computation PACLIC24. Sendai, Japan, November 2010. Yardley, C. 2006. Will Write for Shoes. How to Write a Chick Lit Novel. New York: St. Martin's Press. Zabeeh, F. 1968. What's in a Name? An Inquiry into the Semantics and Prgamatics of Proper Names, La Haye, Martinus Nijhoff.

Primary Texts Colgan, J. (1999) Amanda’s Wedding, London, HarperCollins. —. (2003) La boda de Amanda, translated by Chávez, MJ & Figueroa, A., Madrid, Suma de Letras. —. (2001) Non sposate quella donna!, translated by Daniele, V., Milan, Salani Editore.

FORMULAICITY IN THE ENGLISH-SPANISH TRANSLATION OF SPECIALIZED TEXTS MARÍA FERNÁNDEZ-PARRA SWANSEA UNIVERSITY, UK

Abstract Formulaic expressions constitute a very broad class of lexical items, which are stored in the mental lexicon and are retrieved whole at the time of use. They range from idioms (e.g. kick the bucket) to binomials (e.g. rules and regulations) and complex prepositions (e.g. in spite of), to name but a few. Although it has often been claimed that technical and scientific texts (grouped here under specialized) should be devoid of certain classes of formulaic expressions and be written in a neutral style, some studies have shown that many such expressions can indeed be found in specialized texts. Thus, this paper focuses on exploring to what extent formulaicity influences the translation of specialized discourse in a corpus of English-Spanish translations carried out by professionals, and to how formulaicity maps across the two languages, in this specific context. Keywords: technical and scientific translation, formulaic expressions, specialized discourse

1. Introduction Formulaic expressions form an extremely heterogeneous class of lexical items, ranging from idioms (e.g. kick the bucket), to binomials (e.g. rules and regulations), complex prepositions (e.g. in spite of) and comparisons (e.g. as good as gold), to name but a few. They constitute an important aspect in the use of language because they pervade everything we say and write, from general language to technical and scientific texts. For the sake of convenience, such texts are grouped here under the

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Formulaicity in the English-Spanish Translation of Specialized Texts

umbrella term of specialized. Although it has often been claimed that specialized texts should be written in a neutral style (e.g. Brekke 2004:626, Cabré 1999:75), avoiding all kinds of emotiveness and unnecessary subjectivity - which would imply a limited use of many types of formulaic expressions - some studies, such as Korning Zethsen’s (1998), have contributed to show the extent to which specialized texts can contain such expressions. Thus, after reviewing in more detail what constitutes a formulaic expression, this paper aims to explore to what extent formulaicity pervades specialized discourse and how it is mapped across the two languages of study here, English and Spanish.

2. Formulaic expressions The term formulaic is the term used here to refer to any combination of two or more words which “is or appears to be prefabricated that is, stored and retrieved whole from memory at the time of use” (Wray 2002:9). Thus, prefabrication is at the heart of formulaicity. Indeed, Erman and Warren (2000:31) use the term prefab to refer to what we call formulaic expression here. For example, it is not difficult to see that an expression such as hit the hay must be prefabricated, as it is highly unlikely that two different speakers of English would have conjured up the same combination of words as a novel expression to mean ‘to go to bed’. So, hit the hay must be stored as a single unit in the mental lexicon of English speakers who can then retrieve it and use it as required. Further, formulaicity is a matter of degree. While it may be clear that expressions such as hit the hay are formulaic, this may not be so clear-cut with expressions such as at first, which many linguists might not consider idiomatic or formulaic. Typically, prepositions “precede noun phrases (often single nouns or pronouns)” (Crystal 1997:305) and since first is not a noun, a noun phrase or a pronoun, it follows that the syntax of at first should be incorrect. In other words, the preposition at in English cannot be freely combined with any adjective to produce meaningful strings of text, e.g. at cheap, at big are meaningless expressions, whereas at large is not. The fact that at large, and, at first, is not meaningless can be explained in terms of non-compositionality. Formulaicity is not easy to pin down because it can be a rather subjective phenomenon as some linguists have reported (e.g. Erman & Warren 2000:33). Relying on speakers’ intuition is often not advisable, either, since intuition is a rather “slippery customer” (Wray 2002:22) and what some speakers may consider to be formulaic, others may not. Therefore, in order to sort the formulaic from the non-formulaic, two

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supporting (but not defining) criteria were used - namely noncompositionality and fixedness - in conjunction with the criterion of prefabrication.

2.1 Non-compositionality Any English speaker who does not have the expression hit the hay in his or her mental lexicon will probably not readily understand its meaning. This is because the separate meanings of the component words of the expression do not add up to ‘to sleep’. In other words, this expression is non-compositional. The fact that an expression has a non-compositional meaning does not necessarily mean that it is prefabricated and therefore formulaic, but we can certainly use the non-compositionality of an expression as a strong indicator of its formulaicity, thus contributing to prevent Wray’s definition from becoming catch-all definition for every multiword combination in the language.

2.2. Fixedness Fixedness has often been discussed in the context of idioms and has been variously referred to by linguists as fossilization (Skandera 2004:26), frozenness (Baker 1992:63), and fixedness itself (Moon 1998:78), among others. The term fixedness will be used here in the sense adopted by Nunberg et al. (1992:492) who explain that idioms “typically appear only in a limited number of syntactic frames or constructions, unlike freely composed expressions.” Idioms constitute one class of formulaic expression, but fixedness can be extended to other classes of formulaic expressions, each of which is likely to display different degrees of fixedness. The example used by Nunberg et al. is the idiom shoot the breeze, which would not be able to be uttered as *the breeze was shot or *the breeze is hard to shoot, etc. Fixedness is essentially a lexical property reflected in syntax and should not be confused with lexical variation (or the restricted exchangeability of the component words of an expression), although both fixedness and lexical variation are closely related. We can see lexical variability in an expression such as let off steam. This expression could also be uttered as blow off steam and still be considered as formulaic as both expressions are equivalent lexically, but the strings drop steam or drop off steam would not be considered as formulaic. In other words, one or more of the component words of a formulaic expression may vary,

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Formulaicity in the English-Spanish Translation of Specialized Texts

albeit in a limited range of options, but the expression remains essentially a prefabricated one, with a higher or lower degree of formulaicity.

2.3. Classification Formulaic expressions are abundant and come in many shapes and sizes. Weinreich (1969) suggested an estimate of 25,000 formulaic expressions in English and, more recently, Jackendoff (1997:156) conjectured that “their number is of about the same order of magnitude as the single words of the vocabulary.” Many scholars have proposed classifications of formulaic expressions (or subsets thereof) from a number of viewpoints, ranging from pragmatic viewpoints (e.g. Fernando 1996) to their treatment in lexicography (e.g. Moon 1998), but no classification to date has managed to capture all formulaic expressions while excluding all formulaic expressions. Therefore, a deliberately loose classification is used here, which will include a wide range of expressions and which will remain open to the addition of more sub-classes, as new formulaic expressions arise. Thus, our classification will include both sentential expressions and subsentential ones. Under sentential expressions we can include clichés, commonplaces and sayings (e.g. who knows?, money talks), proverbs (e.g. a stitch in time saves nine), quotations (e.g. to be or not to be), social formulae (e.g. sorry for your loss), etc. Under sub-sentential expressions, we can include invariable expressions such as foreign phrases (e.g. ex situ), binomials (aches and pains, facts and figures), nominal (e.g. poor health, sharp rise), etc. We can also include variable expressions, or expressions with an open slot, such as speak for [PRON]self (e.g. speak for yourself), on [POSS] own, (e.g. on my own), verbal expressions (e.g. raise money, rock the boat), etc.

2.4. Translation of formulaic expressions Formulaic expressions take on special importance from the translation point of view, which concerns us here. In order to translate formulaic expressions correctly, they should first of all be identified as such by the translator. As we have seen with at first, some formulaic expressions can be transparent. Transparent expressions can easily be overlooked and this can lead to mistakes in translation. When translating this expression into Spanish, for example, a literal translation such as *a primero (‘at first’) would not be possible. Instead, the translator would need to recognize it as a formulaic sequence of words in English. The next step would be to

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establish that the expression means ‘initially’, and the final step would be to render it into Spanish either as inicialmente (‘initially’) or by selecting an equivalent formulaic expression if available, for example, en primer lugar (lit.‘in first place’). The selection of a specific Spanish rendering for at first will of course depend on the given context. A priori, it is reasonable to expect that the translators of our corpus should not find difficulty translating expressions such as at first, since they were all considered to be professional. However, the challenges in translating transparent formulaic expressions remain, especially in the translation of expressions with a lower degree of formulaicity, such as collocations. For example, the expression strictly prohibited could be rendered into Spanish literally with estrictamente prohibido, but this would not be a formulaic rendering in Spanish. One equivalent formulaic rendering in this case would be terminantemente prohibido (lit. ‘categorically prohibited’). Similarly, if translating from Spanish to English, categorically prohibited would not constitute a formulaic rendering of terminantemente prohibido, but strictly prohibited would. What these examples show is that by using formulaic expressions in general, the message is more fluently conveyed and more easily understood by the intended audience or readership (cf. Wray 2002:281). This is particularly relevant in translation, as the translated texts have the specific mission of conveying the message of the source language authors. In other words, the use of formulaic expressions in translations is more often than not a beneficial one. 2.4.1 Cultural and pragmatic considerations Apart from transparency, formulaic expressions also pose cultural and pragmatic challenges in translation. From the point of view of culture, the problem with formulaic items is that they can be “so deeply rooted in their original culture that ... [they] may be unique to the culture that produced them” (Child 1992:138). This can be seen in expressions such as not everyone’s cup of tea, like a bull in a china shop, does not matter a brass farthing, you can bet your bottom dollar, etc. Although it might not seem very likely a priori that such expressions would be found in specialized texts, an initial search of our data revealed expressions such as Adam’s apple, hocus pocus, fool’s gold, leap of faith, cat’s whisker, etc. For example, the expression fool’s gold occurred in the sentence “Iron sulfides are called iron pyrites, the so called fool's gold.” In this case, the translator was not able to find an equivalent expression and it was simply left untranslated.

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Formulaicity in the English-Spanish Translation of Specialized Texts

The difficulties in the translation of some classes of formulaic expressions, of a clearly pragmatic nature, come from the fact that these expressions are best interpreted on the basis of their special pragmatic purposes and should be considered as holistic units. Very often this is exemplified with social routines such as How do you do?, Good afternoon, etc. In the context of specialized texts, it would not be surprising to find strings with special pragmatic purposes such as patent pending, and all rights reserved. Indeed, these are some of the expressions found in our corpus. A holistic treatment of these expressions into Spanish would yield renderings such as patente en trámite (lit. ‘patent in progress’) and reservados todos los derechos (lit. ‘reserved all rights’) for patent pending and all rights reserved, respectively. A translation of patent pending as patente pendiente (‘pending patent’) might be acceptable in some contexts but would not be considered formulaic. Similarly, a rendering such as todos los derechos reservados (‘all rights reserved’) would be accurate for all rights reserved but would not be considered formulaic, but rather literal, having simply been generated by the analytic rules of the language based on the given source string. The formulaic status of patente en trámite and reservados todos los derechos is further supported by their inclusion in bilingual dictionaries, such as Collins (2009).

3. Specialized texts There has been much literature on technical and scientific translation since the middle of the 20th century (e.g. Freedman 1958, Sykes 1971, Pinchuck 1977, Hann 1992, Byrne 2006). Scientific translation and technical translation are in fact two different types of translation activity, although they have often been discussed together. They differ in that, while science studies nature and the natural environment and produces theories to explain them, technical subjects concentrate on objects and machinery made by people (cf. Bédard 1986:102). The work of professional translators often involves both scientific and technical translation but it also involves work in other subjects not covered by the term technical and scientific translation, such as marketing, business, legal, administrative, political, sociological, etc., or it contains elements from these and other areas. The terms specialized translation and specialized text, therefore, are used here to refer collectively to professional translation and the type of texts that professional translators deal with, respectively.

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4. Data and methodology In order to compare the English-Spanish translations of formulaic expressions from a range of specialized domains, a parallel corpus is needed. However, no such corpus of texts was found in the context of professional translation as described here, so a purpose-built corpus was collected instead from volunteering translation agencies and professional translators. The method of collection was by direct communication and in strict observance of any relevant privacy and confidentiality laws. Therefore, some texts had been amended by the agencies and translators so as not to include any names of specific individuals and organizations, but this did not affect the occurrence of formulaic expressions in the texts.

4.1. Composition of the corpus The corpus was necessarily restricted to the texts that agencies and translators were willing or able to provide in the time allowed while respecting privacy and confidentiality regulations. The texts were obtained by direct communication and kind permission of the various translators and agencies, although it was not possible to determine who the specific translators were for some of the texts provided by agencies. By restricting the texts to professional settings, we can expect the translations to be of the highest quality possible. To the best of my knowledge, the translators held suitable qualifications and were native or near native speakers of Spanish, and the agencies held suitable certification. The main unifying feature to all the texts is that they were all translated by professional translators in professional settings, that is, they had all been commissioned by a client and translated by a freelance professional translator or by the translators in a translation agency, both in Europe and America. Further, all the source texts had been written in English originally and translated into Spanish. There was no indication that any of the texts belonged to a particular variant of Spanish, e.g. continental Spanish, Mexican Spanish. It could be that different variants of the Spanish language render the formulaic expressions differently, but there was simply not enough data in this corpus to draw any meaningful conclusions in this respect. The final size of this purpose-built corpus is of 422,286 words (199,188 words in English, 223,098 words in their corresponding Spanish translations), distributed across 88 texts. The texts belonged to a broad range of disciplines, including chemistry, radiology, forestry, etc. If we consider that a full-time professional translator can be expected to translate

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Formulaicity in the English-Spanish Translation of Specialized Texts

around 10,000 words a week, taking this as a serious professional average (cf. Sofer 2004:36), then the size of the corpus collected is comparable to some 20 weeks’ work in the life of a professional translator.

4.2. Selection of formulaic expressions The corpus was searched manually and formulaic expressions were extracted in two stages. Firstly, the English source texts were searched for formulaic expressions and these were recorded together with their rendering in Spanish, whether this be a formulaic expression or not. Secondly, the Spanish target texts were searched for instances of formulaic expressions, which did not have an equivalent in the English texts, and these expressions were also recorded together with the original wording in the source texts. This allowed us to compare how and when formulaic expressions are used (or not) in each language throughout our specific corpus of specialized texts. The essential criterion for selecting an expression from the corpus as formulaic was prefabrication. In order to distinguish what is prefabricated from what is not, two supporting criteria were also used, namely noncompositionality and fixedness, as discussed in sections 2.1 and 2.2. It should also be noted that the approach to the selection of formulaic expressions was inclusive rather than exclusive. The approach used was also lexicographic in that, if a dubious expression is listed in EnglishSpanish dictionaries and reference works, then the expression was also selected. Thus, in case of doubt whether an expression may or may not be considered as formulaic, the expression was included rather than excluded from this research. In sum, the list of formulaic expressions collected from the corpus amounted to expressions which are stored as single units in the lexicon, and which might also be regarded as a unit to be dealt with holistically in translation.

5. Analysis of results The manual searches of the corpus yielded a total of 4,555 instances of formulaic expressions in English and 4,995 tokens in Spanish. However, this does not mean that every token in English had a counterpart in Spanish. Similarly, not every formulaic expression in Spanish had a counterpart in English. This is further explored in the following sections. In addition, the results are also analyzed by the number of formulaic expressions in each specialized domain. This will allow us to identify any initial trends in a given domain being particularly rich in formulaic

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expressions.. The two langguages of thiss study are som metimes referrred to by the standardd ISO nomenclature, i.e. en for English annd es for Span nish.

5.1. Form mulaic expressions by lan nguage From the 4,555 tokenns of formulaaic expressionns in English,, we find that 3,345 (773%) were traanslated by a formulaic f exppression in Spaanish too, whereas 1,210 (27%) form mulaic expresssions had nonn-formulaic reenderings in Spanish.. We also find f that theere were 1,6650 (33%) formulaic f expressions in the Spannish texts, wh hich did not have a correesponding expression in the English source texts. This is illustraated in Figuree 1. Figure 1. Totaal number of foormulaic expresssions by languaage

It is obvvious from Figgure 1 that, as a expected, thhere is not a complete one-to-one ccorrespondencce of formulaiic expressionss in the two laanguages, although thee percentage of expressions with a coounterpart in the other language is comparable. The percentaages, shown inn Figure 1, amount a to about a quaarter of Englissh formulaic expressions nnot being tran nslated by Spanish forrmulaic countterparts. In Spanish, the ppercentages am mount to about a thirdd of formulaicc expressions occurring in the translation ns, which do not have an English foormulaic countterpart.

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Formuulaicity in the English-Spanish E h Translation off Specialized Teexts

In some respects, the 3,345 expresssions appearinng both in En nglish and in Spanish nneed not be annalyzed any fu urther here beecause they co onstitute a bilingual lisst of correctlyy translated fo ormulaic exprressions. For example, the expressiion pay attenntion to is co orrectly transslated into Sp panish as prestar atennción a ( lit. ‘lend attentio on to’). The oother two monolingual subsets of eexpressions, thhat is, the 1,2 210 expressioons in English h and the 1,650 expreessions in Spaanish, warrantt further inveestigation becaause they may shed soome light as too how formulaaicity varies inn specialized discourse in the two languages. However, H the 3,345 tokenns are includeed in the discussion of the results byy category of formulaic f exprression in secttion 5.3. mulaic expresssions only in English E 5.1.1. Form The factt that 1,210 tokens t of forrmulaic expreessions in thee English source textss were not translated into Spanish S with fformulaic cou unterparts raises the qquestion of why w those fo ormulaic exprressions did not have formulaic reenderings in Spanish. S In thee event that ann equivalent formulaic f expression eexists in Spannish but the traanslator chosee not to use it, a further question cann be raised ass to why the trranslators favvoured a non formulaic f translation oover a formullaic one in th hat particular case. A closeer look at how the Ennglish formulaaic expressions were deallt with in thee Spanish translations reveals that thhe lack of form mulaic renderrings in Spanish can be grouped intoo three main categories c and d into two smaaller ones, as shown in Figure 2. Figure 2. Classsification of thhe English expressions withoutt Spanish countterparts

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In the largest category, almost half (48%) of the 1,210 English tokens were translated into Spanish by single words. This means that, for example, an expression such as come to light in (1a) was rendered into Spanish with the verb descubrirse (lit. ‘to be discovered’) as in (1b). (1a) ...discoveries that have come to light... (1b) ...se descubrieron dos nuevas especies... (‘two new species were discovered’) Secondly, about a quarter (26.5%) of the English tokens were simply translated into Spanish with non formulaic alternatives. For example, the expression meet the challenge in (2a) was translated into Spanish as durante el proceso (lit. ‘during the process’) as in (2b). (2a) Lessons were learnt while trying to meet the challenge... (2b) Las enseñanzas adquiridas durante el proceso... (‘lessons learned during the process’) The third largest category (22%) of non formulaic renderings in Spanish is made up of English expressions, which were simply untranslated into Spanish. This appears to be due to two main reasons. On the one hand, some English originals and their Spanish translations differed slightly in content. This is presumably so in order to allow for localizing the text according to the source language and target language audiences since, for example, some Spanish texts contained more information about events in Peru than the English source text, whereas their English counterparts contained more information about events in the United States than the Spanish translations. It follows that if the formulaic expression happened to be included in the text that did not appear in the Spanish translation, then that expression was clearly not translated into Spanish. On the other hand, it appears that the captions in the English texts were often not translated into Spanish, although the graphic would be inserted into the translation. Therefore, if a formulaic expression happens to occur in the English caption, then that expression would often not be translated into Spanish. These two main reasons for the lack of formulaic renderings in Spanish do not seem to be constrained by any aspect of formulaicity. Amongst the two smaller categories, we find, first of all, that 3% of the English expressions were incorrectly rendered into Spanish. For example, the expression throughout the world was translated as a través del mundo

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Formulaicity in the English-Spanish Translation of Specialized Texts

(lit. ‘through the world’), which clearly does not convey the same meaning as its English counterpart. Although it is surprising to find errors in translation in our data set, we can only speculate as to the reasons for such incorrect renderings and, in any case, this category constitutes too small a percentage in our data set to draw any meaningful conclusions. Secondly, we find that 0.5% of the English expressions – in the Spanish translations - were left in English. This amounts to two tokens of the expression hot spot, and one token of the expressions what’s new and for life. In each of these cases, we can trace the lack of Spanish renderings to a specific reason. In the case of for life, we observe that it was left in English on purpose because it was part of a company logo, rather than because the translator failed to translate it. In the case of hot spot, which in English appeared in the string in (3a), included in the “left in English” category in Figure 2 above, the Spanish translator has deliberately left hot spot in English, as in (3b), as if confident enough that the target language readership would understand the term. (3a) ...one of the world’s “biodiversity hot spots.” (3b)...uno de los “hot spots” de biodiversidad del planeta. (‘one of the biodiversity “hot spots” in the planet’) The expression what’s new appeared as a section title in the Spanish translation and, again, the translator seems to have gauged the phrase as understandable enough by the target language readership. In these two cases, the fact that both phrases were left in English, in the Spanish translations, speaks further of their formulaicity. Both what’s new and hot spot are sufficiently established in English so as to be deemed by the translator as recognizable enough to a Spanish-speaking readership in that specific domain. 5.1.2. Formulaic expressions only in Spanish The fact that 1,650 tokens of formulaic expressions were found without a formulaic counterpart in the English source texts raises the question of what gave rise to the formulaic expressions in the Spanish translations. A closer look at the Spanish subset reveals that the vast majority (1,170 or 71%) of these expressions had single words as counterparts in English. Instead of focusing on whether these differences can be contributed to linguistic typological differences rather than options

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proposed coonsciously by the translatorss, I will focus on the perforrmance of the translatoors, i.e. how they chose to t translate thhe expression ns, to see whether inteeresting insighhts can be draw wn from thesee choices. For exam mple, today was w translated into Spanissh as hoy en n día (lit. ‘today in dday’, i.e. ‘now wadays’) and d usually wass translated as a por lo general (lit. ‘by the generral’, i.e. ‘geneerally’). The rremaining 29% % (or 480 expressions)) can be divided into two groups, i.e. “predicative in i source text” and “added in transllation.” This iss illustrated inn Figure 3. Figure 3. Classsification of thhe Spanish exprressions withouut English countterparts

The grouupings, show wn in Figure 3, call for fuurther explanaation. By grouping some expressionns under “predicative in soource text,” I mean m that adjectives, which occurrred in a pred dicative posittion in Engliish, were translated innto Spanish with w a formu ulaic expressioon. For exam mple, lifethreatening in (4a) was trranslated into o Spanish withh the expressiion poner en peligro (llit. ‘put in dannger’, i.e. ‘to endanger’) e as in (4b). (4a) ...pootentially life--threatening acctive tuberculoosis... (4b) ...ell desarrollo dee tuberculosiss activa que poodría poner en e peligro sus vidass... (lit. ‘the development of active tubeerculosis whicch could endan nger their lives’).

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Formulaicity in the English-Spanish Translation of Specialized Texts

An example from the “added in translation” class is the English string in (5a), which was translated with the string in (5b) into Spanish, where the meaning contributed by por completo (‘completely’) does not appear in the English version. (5a) ...as the last dries. (5b) ...se le permita secar por completo. (lit. ‘...[until] it is allowed to dry completely’). It should also be noted that the English strings in the “predicative in source text” category constituted a rather mixed bag of pre-nominal hyphenated strings, such as long-term, high-risk, full-time, etc. Although the number of these source strings is small in our data (4.5%), it may be revealing to note that they all led to formulaic renderings in our data, therefore this might be indicative of a trend, which would be interesting to investigate on larger corpora. The monolingual Spanish data, then, suggest two main trends for the occurrence of formulaic expressions in Spanish translation without an English counterpart to trigger it. On the one hand, both single words and words in a predicative position in English can lead to formulaic conceptualizations in Spanish. On the other hand, it appears that the professional translators of our texts internalize the deep meaning of the source text and encode it in Spanish by adding formulaic expressions where necessary in order to convey that meaning appropriately. In some respects, then, it would appear that the translators compensate for any gaps in meaning in the deep structure compared to the meaning in the surface structure, or they make such meaning explicit in the surface structure in Spanish by means of formulaic renderings, in order to ensure that the source message is conveyed as convincingly as possible.

5.2. Formulaic expressions by field As the focus of this paper is on specialized domains, as explained in section 3, exploring the occurrences of formulaic expressions per domain may shed some light on whether there are differences in the number and type of formulaic expressions used in the two languages in each domain. In order to do this, first of all the 88 texts in our corpus were classified into fields and disciplines on the basis of the UNESCO Nomenclature for Fields of Science and Technology (SKOS 2012).

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According to the SKOS web site, the various domains in science and technology are classified based on a three-tiered hierarchy, with fields at the top level, disciplines at the next level and subdisciplines at the bottom level. Fields are simply described as referring to general domains, such as Philosophy or Anthropology, whereas disciplines “provide an overview of specialty groups in Science and Technology” (SKOS 2012), such as Ethnography and Ethnology in the field of Anthropology. As for subdisciplines, they “represent the activities that take place within a discipline” (SKOS 2012). Further, fields are encoded with two digits, e.g. 51 for Anthropology, disciplines are encoded with four digits, e.g. 5102 for Ethnography, and subdisciplines are encoded with six digits, e.g. 5102.05 for Habitat. Once the texts were classified according to this nomenclature, the number of formulaic expressions across languages and fields was calculated. The results are shown in Table 1, arranged by number for English formulaic expressions per field in descending order. Table 1. Formulaic expressions by field Field Technological Sc. Life Sciences Medical Sciences Pedagogy Mathematics Economic Sc. Chemistry Physics Astronomy TOTAL

Expr. (en) 2,445 863 536 405 113 70 54 50 19 4,555

Expr. (es) 2,694 793 714 438 128 98 60 49 21 4,995

No. texts 25 10 29 4 5 9 2 3 1 88

Word count (en) 99,019 48,983 26,246 13,256 3,366 2,359 2,788 2,373 798 199,188

Word count (es) 11,4671 49,976 30,250 15,148 4,281 2,849 2,703 2,340 880 223,098

At first glance, the results in Table 1 show a rather mixed composition of the corpus in terms of number of texts per field and, therefore, the number of formulaic expressions per field. For example, only one text was able to be collected for Astronomy, whereas 25 texts were able to be collected for Technological Sciences and 29 for Medical Sciences. Instead of attributing this to limitations in data collection in the time allowed, the results rather show that Technological Sciences and Medical Sciences, followed by Life Sciences, are the fields, which appear to need more translation into Spanish than other fields.

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Formuulaicity in the English-Spanish E h Translation off Specialized Teexts

Althoughh Table 1 shows the resultss by field, it shhould be noted that the results werre also calcuulated by dissciplines andd subdisciplin nes. This revealed thaat five texts, which w belongeed to the subddiscipline of Computer C Software - and to the discipline d of Computer Scciences - aree actually categorised in Table 1 under u Mathem matics, as Maathematics is the field where Com mputer Sciennces and Computer Softw ware are caategorised according too UNESCO. However, thee results obtaained by grou uping the texts into diisciplines andd subdisciplinees are not anaalyzed furtherr here, as they produced too many subcategories s with one item m only and did d not lend themselves tto any meaninngful comparisons. Althoughh we can seee that the Teechnological Sciences stan nd out in terms of the number off formulaic ex xpressions (2 ,245), this sh hould not come as a suurprise given the total numb ber of words ((99,019) in th hese texts. In the Mediical Sciences, the number of formulaic expressions is i 536, or about four ttimes smallerr than that fou und in the Teechnological Sciences. Similarly, thhe total numbeer of words in n the Medical Sciences is 26,246, 2 or about four tiimes smaller also a than thosee in the Technnological Scieences. Thus, in order to makke the data mo ore comparablle across field ds, we can calculate hoow many exppressions on average a occurr per 1,000 words w per field. This iss illustrated inn Figure 4. Figure 4. Freqquency of form mulaic expressio ons per 1,000 woords per field

The resuults shown inn Figure 4 preesent a differeent perspectiv ve on the data. Despitte having the largest l numbeer of formulaicc expressions per field, as shown in Table 1, the Medical M Scien nces; the Life Sciences; and d, to some

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extent, the Technological Sciences, have lower frequencies of formulaic expressions per 1,000 words than other fields. In our data, the frequency of formulaic expressions per field ranges from 17.6 (Life Sciences) to 33.5 (Mathematics) expressions per 1,000 words in English and from 15.8 (Life Sciences) to 34.4 (Economics) expressions in Spanish. It is not surprising that both languages have a similar range of frequencies, since the Spanish texts are translations of the English ones. What is more surprising is the extent to which formulaicity pervades specialized discourse. It follows that, in addition to dealing with issues arising from the translation of technical terminology, translators must devote some of their relatively small amount of time before deadlines in order to translate such expressions.

5.3. Categories of formulaic expressions In order to ascribe each token of the formulaic expressions to a category, as described in section 2.3, the most salient feature of the expression based on the context in which it occurred was used. This means that a variety of syntactic and pragmatic criteria were used. Among the expressions, which were best classified from the syntactic point of view, we find, for example, verbal expressions such as take heat from or come to grips with or nominal expressions such as special needs or best bet. From the pragmatic point of view, we find routine formula such as get well or thank you. The distribution of the tokens of English formulaic expressions into classes is shown in Figure 5. In addition to the examples above, in order to illustrate the remaining categories shown in Figure 5, under “Binomials” we find expressions such as black and white or rules and regulations. Examples of “Participial” expressions include based on and happily married. The expressions free of charge and thus far constitute examples of “Adjectival” and “Adverbial” expressions, respectively. Under “Prepositional” we find expressions such as on a quest and to date. Finally, under “Other”, we include all those categories of expressions with fewer than 100 occurrences in our corpus. Such expressions range from sayings (e.g. best that money can buy) and foreign expressions (e.g. ipso jure) to trinomials (e.g. before, during and after). It should also be noted that, although the results in Figure 5 correspond to English expressions only, the percentages by category are too similar to those in the Spanish data set to discuss them separately. This is only to be expected, as approximately three quarters of the English expressions had formulaic counterparts in Spanish.

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Formuulaicity in the English-Spanish E h Translation off Specialized Teexts

mulaic expressio ons in English Figure 5. Cateegories of form

The cateegories in Figuure 5 clearly show that thee majority of formulaic f expressions occurring in our o specializeed texts are veerbal and prep positional. There are allso many adveerbial and nom minal expresssions. These results are probably beest interpretedd as general trrends, given tthe loose classsification used here, tthe subjectiviity in teasing apart the foormulaic from m the non formulaic, aand the fact that many ex xpressions maay be classifiied under more than onne heading.

6. Conclusions This paaper set out to investigate the occuurrence of formulaic f expressions in the translaation from Eng glish to Spani sh of specializzed texts. The aim was twofold; (a) to establish to what extentt formulaic ex xpressions can be foundd in specializeed discourse in both languaages, and (b) to t explore how formulaaicity is mappped from English into Spaniish. With reggard to the firsst aim, althou ugh we startedd from the preemise that formulaic eexpressions arre generally abundant in language - and that, therefore, w we can expect them to occu ur in specializzed discourse too - the

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results show that formulaic strings are more pervasive than might have been initially considered. For example, having distributed the expressions occurring on the basis of specialized field, we find frequencies of occurrence in English ranging from 17.6 expressions per 1,000 words in the Life Sciences to 33.5 per 1,000 words in Mathematics. In Spanish, these frequencies ranged from 15.8 expressions per 1,000 words in the Life Sciences to 34.4 in Economics. In addition, we found that the three fields with the highest percentages of occurrence of formulaic expressions per 1,000 words were Mathematics (33.5 expressions), Pedagogy (30.5 expressions) and Economic Sciences (29.6 expressions) in English. As for Spanish, the field with the highest occurrence was Economics (34.4 expressions), followed by Mathematics (29.9 expressions) and Pedagogy (28.9 expressions), the same fields across the two languages. This leads us to the generalizations that, on the one hand, professional translators are likely to translate a large number of texts belonging to the Technological Sciences, Life Sciences and Medical Sciences. On the other hand, the fields that are the most likely to contain large numbers of formulaic expressions per 1,000 words are Mathematics, Pedagogy and Economic Sciences, bearing in mind that in our data set the texts classified under Mathematics belonged to the discipline of Computer Sciences. Therefore, these results suggest that formulaic expressions constitute a major part of specialized discourse both in English and in Spanish, and that their pervasiveness defies the traditional concepts of the neutrality of specialized discourse to some extent. With regard to our second aim, the results suggest that a large proportion (73%) of formulaic expressions in English have one-to-one correspondences with Spanish formulaic renderings. The reasons why the remaining 27% (1,210) were not translated with Spanish formulaic counterparts are varied. Almost half of 1,210 (48%) English expressions were conceptualized into a single word in Spanish. About a quarter of 1,210 (26.5%) were simply rendered with non formulaic alternatives, whereas 22% were simply not translated due to a variety of factors, which can be considered practicalities, such as attempts to localize the translations for the specific readerships. The remaining 3.5% included a few incorrectly rendered expressions and some that had been left in English in the target text. As for the formulaic expressions in Spanish, we find that almost three quarters (71%) of the expressions, which did not have a formulaic counterpart in the English source texts, were conceptualized into a single word in Spanish. The remaining 29% is made up of expressions - which appear to be added in the Spanish translations as a method of

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Formulaicity in the English-Spanish Translation of Specialized Texts

compensating, or making explicit the meaning at deep structure level in the source texts - and of formulaic expressions, which are triggered in Spanish by prenominal hyphenated strings in English. The results reported in this paper are based on the comparison of parallel corpus of English and Spanish texts. Interesting trends and results might be found from analyzing comparable corpora (cf. Pearson 1998:47), that is, from comparing a corpus of texts originally written in English to a corpus of texts originally written in Spanish in similar disciplines and sub-disciplines, where the Spanish texts are not directly translated from the English ones, but whose content is similar enough to allow for meaningful comparisons of the occurrences of formulaic expressions in each language. Finally, there is considerable scope for further research on defining the boundaries of the formulaic vs. the non formulaic, and on the mapping of formulaicity between the two languages in specialized discourse. Although our data set was relatively small, it is nevertheless representative of 20 weeks’ work on average in the life of a professional translator and, therefore, similar trends may be found by studies on larger corpora. In the meantime, this research hopes to have shown that formulaicity is a major aspect for professional translators to contend with in specialized translation.

References Baker, M. 1992. In Other Words. London: Routledge. Bédard, C. 1986. La traduction technique: principes et pratique. Montreal: Linguatech. Brekke, M. 2004. Linguistic Aspects of the Translation of Scientific and Technical Texts. In: H. E. Wiegand (ed.), Translation. An International Encyclopedia of Translation Studies Vol. 1. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter. 619-635. Byrne, J. 2006. Technical Translation: Usability Strategies for Translating Technical Documentation. Dordrecht: Springer. Cabré, T. 1999. Terminology: Theory, Methods, Applications. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Child, J. 1992. Introduction to Spanish Translation. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Collins Spanish-English English-Spanish Dictionary, 2009, 9th ed. Glasgow: Harper-Collins Publishers. Crystal, D. 1997. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Erman, B. and B. Warren. 2000. The Idiom Principle and the Open Choice Principle. Text, 20/1: 29-62. Fernando, C. 1996. Idioms and Idiomaticity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Freedman, M. 1958. The Seven Sins of Technical Writing. College Composition and Communication, 9/1: 10-16. Hann, M. 1992. The Key to Technical Translation. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Korning Zethsen, K. 1998. Expressivity in Technical Texts. Hermes, Journal of Language and Communication, 2: 225-232. McEnery, T. 2003. Corpus Linguistics. In: R. Mitkov (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Computational Linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 448-463. Moon, R. 1998. Fixed Expressions and Idioms in English. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Nunberg, G., I. Sag and T. Wasow. 1994. Idioms. Language, 70: 3. 491538. Pearson, J. 1998. Terms in Context. Amsterdam: John Benjamin. Pinchuck, I. 1977. Scientific and Technical Translation. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Skandera, P. 2004. What Are Idioms? In: D. J. Allerton, N. Nesselhauf and P. Skandera (eds), Phraseological Units: Basic Concepts and Their Application. Basel: Schwabe Verlag. 23-36. SKOS: UNESCO Nomenclature for Fields of Science and Technology http://skos.um.es/unesco6/. DOA: 24 Aug. 2012. Sofer, M. 2004. The Translator’s Handbook. Rockville, MD: Schreiber Publishing. Sykes, J.B. 1971. Technical Translator’s Manual. London: ASLIB. Weinreich, U. 1969. Problems in the Analysis of Idioms. In: J. Puhvel (ed.), Substance and Structure of Language. Los Angeles: University of California Press. 23-81. Wray, A. 2002. Formulaic Language and the Lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

LEXICOGRAPHICAL AND TRANSLATIONAL ASPECTS OF IDIOMATICITY: A GREEK-ENGLISH PERSPECTIVE DESPOINA PANOU GREEK MINISTRY OF EDUCATION

Abstract The present paper aims at examining the relationship between translators and dictionaries by addressing three interrelated questions: (a) to what extent Greek native speakers resort to dictionaries when translating a Greek idiom into English; (b) if dictionary consultation is interrelated to idiom-type; and (c) what kind of translation errors are made in Greek-English idiom translation. Translation tests were used in order to determine whether, and to what extent, dictionaries were consulted for the translation of idioms, different at the syntactic, lexical, and sociocultural level, and idioms that do not hold cross-culturally. The results obtained indicate that socioculturally different idioms, and idioms that do not hold cross-culturally, are more prone to dictionary consultation than syntactically and lexically different idioms, whereas the most frequent translation mistakes are because of the inaccurate wording or structure of L2 idioms and the literal rendering of source-text idioms. The paper concludes by outlining what the problems might be for dictionary compilers and users, and suggests specific proposals with regard to Greek-English idiom lexicography that could enhance idiom translation and lexicography. Keywords: translation, lexicography, idioms

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Lexicographical and Translational Aspects of Idiomaticity

1. Introduction It has been suggested (e.g. Ricks 1999) that failing to realize the meaning of an idiom may have serious repercussions. In fact, a number of researchers (e.g. Liu 2008; Yorio 1989; Parianou and Kelandrias, 2000; Panou 2013a) have observed the ubiquity of idioms in the human lexicon as well as the difficulty that these multi-word items cause to L2 learners, translators and English teachers due to their semantic and syntactic idiosyncrasies. In trying to deal with the challenges that idioms present, L2 learners, translators and language teachers tend to resort to dictionaries. The aim of the present paper is to explore whether Greek native speakers resort to dictionaries when translating an idiom and to what extent, as well as what types of errors occur during the idiom-translation process.

2. Literature Review: Lexicographical approaches to idiomaticity From a lexicographical point of view, it could be argued that there are many idiom dictionaries purporting to give the English language user guidance in dealing with this complex, yet very frequent, part of vocabulary. What varies is the methodology adopted in each dictionary as regards the type of idiomatic expression that should be included, its categorization and presentation. A significant contribution to idiom lexicography has been made by Antony P. Cowie and Ronald Mackin in their Oxford Dictionary of Current Idiomatic English volumes I and II (1975). In other words, their predecessors’ dictionaries, such as William McMordie’s English Idioms (1978), the three collections of idioms by F. T. Wood, namely, English Prepositional Idioms (1969), English Verbal Idioms (1966) and English Colloquial Idioms (1979), were organized in similar ways; they contained the idiom, a paraphrase meaning, and one or more examples to illustrate the case in point. In contradistinction to the above lexicographers, Cowie and Mackin (1975) were the first to draw on modern linguistic theory in selecting and developing the content of their entries. They set, as their primary target, the needs of the foreign-language user and selected only those idioms that were likely to be most useful to them. In more detail, Volume I (1975) was devoted to phrasal verbs with prepositions, whereas Volume II (1975) mainly covered more complex types such as phrases (red herring), semiclauses (spill the beans) and whole sentences (The coast is clear). What is noteworthy in both volumes is the nature of the grammatical and lexical information that is provided in each entry. Not only are we informed about

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the grammatical status, style and register of the idiom, but we are also made aware of its transformational potential. What is worth mentioning, in Cowie and Mackin’s study, is how grammar and semantics are intertwined to create idiomaticity and how idiom variability can significantly affect the internal structure of idioms as well as their syntactic behaviour. The recognition of variability in idioms’ lexical integrity has enabled Cowie and Mackin to steer away from the sharp dividing line between idioms and non-idioms, thus recognizing a number of intermediate categories such as open collocations and semiidioms. Hence, their principal contribution to the study of idiomaticity lies in their focus on idioms’ grammatical, semantic and stylistic aspects, and on the recognition of idiom variability, thus proving how modern linguistic theory can be practically applied for the benefit of foreign language users. Following this contemporary line of thought are many modern dictionaries, including those which dominate the market such as the Longman Dictionary of Idioms (1979), the Cambridge International Dictionary of Idioms (1995), The American Heritage Dictionary of Idioms (2003), and The Oxford Dictionary of Idioms (2000). In addition to these, there are also specialized dictionaries such as a Dictionary of Idioms for the Deaf (1975) and idiom dictionaries for other languages, apart from English, such as a Dictionary of Japanese Idioms (2006), which indicate a shift in the nature and increase in the level of interest in the study of idioms today. As far as the Greek language is concerned, a close look at the situation in the Greek market indicates that there is low documentation of idioms in bilingual dictionaries. With respect to Greek-English idiom dictionaries, to my knowledge, there are only two specialized books on the Greek market that deal with Greek idioms and how these are translated into the English language. The first one is by Adam Adam, retired Professor of English Studies at the University of Athens, who is the author of Greek Idioms in English Idiomatic Language (2006). This book consists of 1059 Greek idioms, their meanings and their corresponding English idiomatic expressions. The second book is by the English teacher Apostolos Evagelopoulos, entitled Greek-English Dictionary of Idioms, Similes and Sayings (2007). In this book, the Greek idiom and its equivalent in English are presented with no meanings whatsoever. On closer inspection of these two books, it can be seen that both of them have their inadequacies since they both lack examples of use and they do not take into account register considerations.

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Now, turning to English-Greek idiom dictionaries, it should be mentioned that Alexander International published Alexander Dictionary of English Idioms: English-Greek (1997) but this is not available on the Greek market anymore. A search of major booksellers such as Amazon, Alibris, Blackwells, WH Smith, and Waterstones, revealed that this item is no longer available from these particular sellers in question because it has gone out of print. In 2001, Grivas published an English-Greek Dictionary of English Idioms, which contains 14,000 idioms, 3,000 phrasal verbs and 1,000 sayings and their corresponding Greek idiomatic expressions. Unfortunately, this dictionary is also now out of print. In 2011, the Greek ELT publishing company Andrew Betsis ELT, which works with the COBUILD team and publishes the Collins English-Greek Dictionary (2007a) and the Collins Greek-English Dictionary (2007b) as well as the Collins COBUILD Dictionary of Idioms (CCDI) in Greece (2002), decided to translate the CCDI into Greek and the Betsis Collins English Idioms in Greek: Collins COBUILD Dictionary (2011) was created. The entry system used was the same as the Collins COBUILD Dictionary of Idioms (2002). Moreover, this dictionary employed a tripartite model for translating idioms. It firstly provided the Greek equivalent idiomatic expression, then the definition of the idiom in Greek and finally the origin of the idiom, whenever this was possible. Despite its merits, this dictionary has its shortcomings too. To be more specific, not all meaningrelated aspects of the translated idioms are included. In some cases, no Greek idiomatic equivalent is provided and in others, the origin of the idiom is not mentioned. In addition, some idiomatic expressions may be considered too archaic because they are mainly used by the elderly whereas others may be considered too much like slang since they are mostly used by teenagers. This being so, one may question the role of English-Greek and Greek-English dictionaries in idiom translation, and to what extent they actually facilitate the translation process.

3. Research Tools The aim of the present research is to explore the relationship between translators and dictionaries by addressing three interrelated questions: (a) to what extent Greek native speakers resort to dictionaries when translating a Greek idiomatic expression into English, (b) if dictionary consultation is interrelated to idiom-type, and (c) the type of translation errors made when translating Greek idioms into English. Following Alnaser (2010), I decided to use translation tests in order to assess the usefulness of dictionaries in idiom translation. More specifically, I

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constructed a 400-word Greek text, which comprises sixteen idiomatic expressions and is in fact a conversation between a mother and a daughter. This is an informal, conversational and highly idiomatic text, where a mother and a daughter are discussing various topics amongst which are the current political and financial situation in Greece, as well as a wedding that took place recently (In Appendix A, the dialogue and its backtranslation into English can be found; word-for-word translation is employed in most cases since the aim of the back-translation is to facilitate the discussion of idiom-translation patterns). This dialogue ‘invites’ the use of idioms since it is a rather informal, everyday conversation. With respect to the idiom typology used, I adopted Adam’s (1992) idiom classification, which distinguishes Greek idioms at the syntactic, lexical, pragmatic, sociocultural and cross-cultural level. In more detail, Adam argues that there are idioms identical, similar and different at the syntactic, lexical, and sociolinguistic/sociocultural level, and idioms identical and similar at the pragmatic /functional level. He also maintains that there are certain idioms, which do not hold cross-culturally. In more detail, Adam (1992) argues that by juxtaposing English and Greek idioms, the following thirteen categorizations can be made: A. Idioms identical in syntactic form cf. Touch wood: ȤIJȪʌĮ ȟȪȜȠ [BT: touch wood] (imperative + noun: imperative + noun) B. Idioms similar in syntactic form cf. You never know: ȆȠIJȑ įİȞ ȟȑȡİȚȢ [BT: never you know] C. Idioms different in syntactic form cf. Easy come, easy go: ǹȞİȝȠȝĮȗȫȝĮIJĮ, įȚĮȕȠȜȠıțȠȡʌȓıȝĮIJĮ [BT: Wind gatherings, devil scatterings] D. Idioms identical at the lexical level (structure) cf. His right hand: ȉȠ įİȟȓ IJȠȣ ȤȑȡȚ [BT: his right hand]

E. Idioms similar at lexical level cf. In God’s/Christ’s name: īȚĮ ȩȞȠȝĮ IJȠȣ ĬİȠȪ/ȋȡȚıIJȠȪ [BT: for the name of God/Christ]

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Lexicographical and Translational Aspects of Idiomaticity

F. Idioms different at lexical level cf. Laugh, and the World laughs with you; weep, and you weep alone: ȂĮȗȓ ıIJȘ ȤĮȡȐ țĮȚ ȤȫȡȚĮ ıIJȘ ȜȪʌȘ [BT: together in happiness and apart in sadness] G. Identical at pragmatic/functional level cf. To pull strings: ȀȚȞȫ IJĮ ȞȒȝĮIJĮ, «ȕȐȗȦ IJĮ ȝȑıĮ» [BT: move the threads] H. Similar at pragmatic/functional level cf. To lay off a worker: ǹʌȠȜȪȦ İȡȖȐIJȘ [BT: to fire a worker] J. Identical at sociolinguistic/sociocultural level cf. A good Samaritan: ȅ țĮȜȩȢ ȈĮȝĮȡİȓIJȘȢ [BT: a good Samaritan] K. Similar at sociolinguistic/sociocultural level cf. God helps those who help themselves: ȈȣȞ ǹșȘȞȐ țĮȚ ȤİȓȡĮ țȓȞİȚ [Along with Goddess Athina, move your hand] L. Different at sociolinguistic/sociocultural level cf. Dog does not eat dog: ȀȩȡĮțȠȢ țȠȡȐțȠȣ ȝȐIJȚ įİȞ ȕȖȐȗİȚ [BT: a raven does not eat a raven] M. Idioms that do not hold cross-culturally cf. English hum and haw/ um and aah: Greek – N. Idioms almost identical at all levels e.g. To play with fire: ȆĮȓȗȦ ȝİ IJȘ ijȦIJȚȐ [BT: play with fire] (adapted by Adam, 1992:37-38) Out of these thirteen idiom-categories, it was decided to include four idioms from four categories that were hypothesized to be the most intriguing, translationally speaking; idioms different at the syntactic, lexical and sociolinguistic/sociocultural level and idioms that do not hold cross-culturally. In more detail, idioms different at the syntactic level have a similar meaning but differ in syntactic terms. For example, the English idiom in full feathers consists of a prepositional phrase whereas the Greek idiom ȞIJȣȝȑȞȠȢ ıIJȘȞ IJȡȓȤĮ (= dressed to the hair) consists of a verb phrase that has an embedded prepositional phrase. Both these idioms convey the

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same meaning, but are realized differently at the syntactic level. Along similar lines, idioms different at the lexical level consist of different lexical items. For instance, the English idiom on cloud nine is transferred in Greek as on the seventh cloud. They both bear the meaning of being extremely happy but use different lexical items to do so. Similarly, the English idiom in for a penny, in for a pound (= when you have decided to become very involved in an activity, and to put a lot of money or effort into it) and the Greek one ȐȝĮ ȝʌȒțİȢ ıIJȠ ȤȠȡȩ șĮ ȤȠȡȑȥİȚȢ (= if you enter the dance you are going to dance) are different at the sociocultural level. Lastly, there are some Greek idioms which cannot be transferred in English by using a similar or different target-language idiomatic or metaphorical expression. According to Adam (1992:38), these idioms do not hold cross-culturally. It should be specified that these idioms are not transferrable in the English language since Adam does not mention their transferability potential to any other language. Hence, the types of idioms employed and the specific idiomatic expressions used in the Greek text are shown below: A.

Idioms different at the syntactic level 1. ȂȠȣ IJȡȑȤȠȣȞ IJĮ ıȐȜȚĮ = make your mouth water 2. ȀȐȞȦ țȪțȜȠȣȢ = go around in circles 3. ȃIJȣȝȑȞȠȢ ıIJȘȞ IJȡȓȤĮ = in full feathers 4. ȈIJĮ ȤĮȡIJȚȐ = in black and white

B.

Idioms different at the lexical level 1. ǺȡȑȤİȚ țĮȡİțȜȠʌȩįĮȡĮ = it’s raining cats and dogs 2. Ǿ ıȐȡĮ, Ș ȝȐȡĮ țĮȚ IJȠ țĮțȩ ıȣȞĮʌȐȞIJȘȝĮ = rag, tag and bobtail 3. ȈIJȠȞ ȑȕįȠȝȠ ȠȣȡĮȞȩ = on cloud nine 4. ȈIJȒșȠȢ ȝİ ıIJȒșȠȢ = neck-and-neck

C.

Idioms different at the sociolinguistic/sociocultural level 1. ȀȩȡĮțȠȢ țȠȡȐțȠȣ ȝȐIJȚ įİȞ ȕȖȐȗİȚ = dog does not eat dog 2. DZȝĮ ȝʌȒțİȢ ıIJȠ ȤȠȡȩ șĮ ȤȠȡȑȥİȚȢ = in for a penny, in for a pound 3. ĭșȘȞȩȢ ıIJȠ ĮȜİȪȡȚ țĮȚ ĮțȡȚȕȫȢ ıIJĮ ʌȓIJȠȣȡĮ = penny wise and pound foolish 4. ǵʌȠȣ ȜĮȜȠȪȞ ʌȠȜȜȠȓ țȠțȩȡȠȚ ĮȡȖİȓ ȞĮ ȟȘȝİȡȫıİȚ= too many chiefs and not enough Indians

58

D.

Lexicographical and Translational Aspects of Idiomaticity

Idioms that do not hold cross-culturally 1. ǹʌȩ IJȠ ıIJȩȝĮ ıȠȣ țĮȚ ıIJȠȣ ĬİȠȪ IJȠ ĮȣIJȓ (= from your mouth and to the God’s ear meaning that you hope a wish you have made will become true) = 2. ĬĮ ijȐİȚ Ș ȝȪȖĮ ıȓįİȡȠ țĮȚ IJȠ țȠȣȞȠȪʌȚ ĮIJıȐȜȚ (= the fly will eat iron and the mosquito steel referring to an intense future disagreement, fight or disaster) = 3. ȀȐȞȦ ȞIJȠȣ (= make ooh meaning make a sudden appearance) = 4. ȉȠ țĮțȩ ıȠȣ IJȠ ijȜȐȡȠ (= your bad monk of the Catholic Church meaning that you express your frustration about something someone has said or done) = .

4. Procedures Fifty Greek native speakers who are currently doing their Masters Degree in various universities in the United Kingdom were randomly selected to participate in this research. In particular, all subjects (44 female and 6 male) were between 23 and 38 years of age, had a bachelor’s degree from the University of Athens and were Cambridge Proficiency holders. In more detail, twenty-six participants were graduates from the English Department of the University of Athens, nineteen from the Greek Philology Department of the University of Athens and five from the Department of History and Archaeology of the University of Athens. In greater detail, all subjects were volunteers and all of them had received at least eight years of instruction in the English language and are all currently living in the U.K. Prior to the distribution of the translation test, all participants were e-mailed and asked whether they would be able to meet with the researcher at their university library where the test would be distributed. It was decided to meet each individual separately at their own university library in order for them to feel at home and have access to both hard-copy and online dictionaries. During the time span of June-July 2012, the translation test was distributed personally by the researcher to each of the fifty participants in order to make sure that the respondents did not cheat in terms of the amount of time devoted to the task. All the participants were asked to translate the Greek text into English within an hour. In addition, they were told that they could resort to the help of whichever bilingual or monolingual dictionary suited them. Furthermore, they were explicitly instructed to write down for which words they used what kind of dictionary (hardcopy or on-line) in order for the researcher to be able to determine whether, and to what extent, dictionaries were consulted for the translation of the idiomatic expressions in question. The

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participants were not informed of the purpose of the test because it was judged that it might interfere with the end result.

5. Findings One of the research questions addressed in this study mainly dealt with the extent to which Greek native speakers consult dictionaries in their effort to translate Greek idiomatic expressions into English. Preliminary results indicate that students do consult dictionaries, but the percentage of consultation varies according to idiom-type. According to the answers provided by the respondents, the dictionaries consulted were the Collins Greek-English Dictionary (2007), the Oxford Greek-English Learner’s Dictionary (1998), and the on-line dictionaries onelook.com, leksiko.net, wordreference and Babylon. The percentages of Greek-English dictionary consultation according to idiomatic expression are shown in a more analytic fashion in Table 1: Table 1: Percentages of Greek-English dictionary consultation Greek idiomatic expression and its back-translation

ȂȠȣ IJȡȑȤȠȣȞ IJĮ ıȐȜȚĮ [BT: make your mouth water] ȀȐȞȦ țȪțȜȠȣȢ [BT: go around in circles] ȃIJȣȝȑȞȠȢ ıIJȘȞ IJȡȓȤĮ [BT: in full feathers] ȈIJĮ ȤĮȡIJȚȐ [BT: in black and white] ǺȡȑȤİȚ țĮȡİțȜȠʌȩįĮȡĮ [BT: it’s raining cats and dogs] Ǿ ıȐȡĮ Ș ȝȐȡĮ țĮȚ IJȠ țĮțȩ ıȣȞĮʌȐȞIJȘȝĮ [BT: rag, tag and bobtail] ȈIJȠȞ ȑȕįȠȝȠ ȠȣȡĮȞȩ [BT: on cloud nine] ȈIJȒșȠȢ ȝİ ıIJȒșȠȢ [BT: neck-and-neck] ȀȩȡĮțȠȢ țȠȡȐțȠȣ ȝȐIJȚ įİȞ ȕȖȐȗİȚ [BT: dog does not eat dog]

Percentages of dictionary consultation 0% 0% 85%

0% 5% 77% 13% 11% 16%

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DZȝĮ ȝʌȒțİȢ ıIJȠ ȤȠȡȩ șĮ ȤȠȡȑȥİȚȢ [BT: in for a penny, in for a pound] ĭșȘȞȩȢ ıIJȠ ĮȜİȪȡȚ țĮȚ ĮțȡȚȕȩȢ ıIJĮ ʌȓIJȠȣȡĮ [BT: penny wise and pound foolish] ǵʌȠȣ ȜĮȜȠȪȞ ʌȠȜȜȠȓ țȠțȩȡȠȚ ĮȡȖİȓ ȞĮ ȟȘȝİȡȫıİȚ [BT: too many chiefs and not enough Indians] ǹʌȩ IJȠ ıIJȩȝĮ ıȠȣ țĮȚ ıIJȠȣ ĬİȠȪ IJȠ ĮȣIJȓ 1 [BT: from your mouth and to the God’s ear] ĬĮ ijȐİȚ Ș ȝȪȖĮ ıȓįİȡȠ țĮȚ IJȠ țȠȣȞȠȪʌȚ ĮIJıȐȜȚ [BT: the fly will eat iron and the mosquito steel] ȀȐȞȦ ȞIJȠȣ [BT: make a sudden appearance] ȉȠ țĮțȩ ıȠȣ IJȠ ijȜȐȡȠ [BT: your bad monk of the Catholic Church]

58% 37% 95% 100% 100% 100% 100%

On closer inspection, it can be seen that in terms of dictionary consultation, all the students used dictionaries for the translation of the idioms that do not exist cross-culturally, whereas no dictionaries were consulted for the translation of the three first idioms mentioned in Table 1 that are different at the syntactic level. Moreover, there was a high percentage of dictionary consultation for socioculturally different idioms, whereas idioms different at the lexical level exhibited a lower percentage of dictionary consultation, as can be seen in Figure 1. Now turning our attention to the percentage of correct and incorrect translations, it can be seen that the biggest percentages of correct translations were found for the idioms ȝȠȣ IJȡȑȤȠȣȞ IJĮ ıȐȜȚĮ (= make your mouth water), țȐȞȦ țȪțȜȠȣȢ (= go around in circles) and ıIJĮ ȤĮȡIJȚȐ (= in black and white), whereas the lowest ones were for the four idioms that do not exist cross-culturally; Įʌȩ IJȠ ıIJȩȝĮ ıȠȣ țĮȚ ıIJȠȣ ĬİȠȪ IJȠ ĮȣIJȓ (= from your mouth and to the God’s ear), șĮ ijȐİȚ Ș ȝȪȖĮ ıȓįİȡȠ țĮȚ IJȠ țȠȣȞȠȪʌȚ ĮIJıȐȜȚ (= the fly will eat iron and the mosquito steel), țȐȞȦ ȞIJȠȣ (= make a sudden appearance), IJȠ țĮțȩ ıȠȣ IJȠ ijȜȐȡȠ (= your bad monk of the Catholic Church). In fact, the percentages of correct and incorrect translations according to the idiom in question are shown in Table 2.

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Figure 1: Percentages of dictionary consultation

Percentages of dictionary consultation 120.00% 100.00% 80.00% 60.00% 40.00% 20.00% 0.00%

Percentage of dictionary consultation

Table 2: Percentages of correct and inappropriate translations of the 16 idioms Greek idiomatic expression and its backtranslation ȂȠȣ IJȡȑȤȠȣȞ IJĮ ıȐȜȚĮ [BT: make your mouth water] ȀȐȞȦ țȪțȜȠȣȢ [BT: go around in circles] ȃIJȣȝȑȞȠȢ ıIJȘȞ IJȡȓȤĮ [BT: in full feathers] ȈIJĮ ȤĮȡIJȚȐ [BT: in black and white] ǺȡȑȤİȚ țĮȡİțȜȠʌȩįĮȡĮ [BT: it’s raining cats and dogs]

Percentages of correct translation 100%

Percentages of incorrect translation 0%

99%

1%

58%

42%

98%

2%

75%

25%

62

Lexicographical and Translational Aspects of Idiomaticity

Ǿ ıȐȡĮ Ș ȝȐȡĮ țĮȚ IJȠ țĮțȩ ıȣȞĮʌȐȞIJȘȝĮ [BT: rag, tag and bobtail] ȈIJȠȞ ȑȕįȠȝȠ ȠȣȡĮȞȩ [BT: on cloud nine] ȈIJȒșȠȢ ȝİ ıIJȒșȠȢ [BT: neck-and-neck] ȀȩȡĮțȠȢ țȠȡȐțȠȣ ȝȐIJȚ įİȞ ȕȖȐȗİȚ [BT: dog does not eat dog] DZȝĮ ȝʌȒțİȢ ıIJȠ ȤȠȡȩ șĮ ȤȠȡȑȥİȚȢ [BT: in for a penny, in for a pound] ĭșȘȞȩȢ ıIJȠ ĮȜİȪȡȚ țĮȚ ĮțȡȚȕȩȢ ıIJĮ ʌȓIJȠȣȡĮ [BT: penny wise and pound foolish] ǵʌȠȣ ȜĮȜȠȪȞ ʌȠȜȜȠȓ țȠțȩȡȠȚ ĮȡȖİȓ ȞĮ ȟȘȝİȡȫıİȚ [BT: too many chiefs and not enough Indians] ǹʌȩ IJȠ ıIJȩȝĮ ıȠȣ țĮȚ ıIJȠȣ ĬİȠȪ IJȠ ĮȣIJȓ [BT: from your mouth and to the God’s ear] ĬĮ ijȐİȚ Ș ȝȪȖĮ ıȓįİȡȠ țĮȚ IJȠ țȠȣȞȠȪʌȚ ĮIJıȐȜȚ [BT: the fly will eat iron and the mosquito steel] ȀȐȞȦ ȞIJȠȣ [BT: make a sudden appearance] ȉȠ țĮțȩ ıȠȣ IJȠ ijȜȐȡȠ [BT: your bad monk of the Catholic Church]

38%

62%

69%

31%

74%

26%

53%

47%

35%

65%

49%

51%

28%

72%

10%

90%

5%

95%

3%

97%

0%

100%

These results indicate that students had considerable difficulty in coming up with a correct translation of non-existent idioms crossculturally. Particularly troublesome were also the socioculturally-different idioms, whereas idioms different at the syntactic and lexical level were dealt with in a more satisfactory fashion, as shown in Figure 2:

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Figure 2: Percentages of correct and inappropriate translations

100.00% 90.00% 80.00% 70.00% 60.00% 50.00% 40.00% 30.00% 20.00% 10.00% 0.00%

Percentage of correct translations Percentage of incorrect translations

Now with respect to the translation errors found in the translation of the abovementioned sixteen idioms, these could be informally divided into two categories, namely literal translation and incorrect translation because of: (i) lexical errors and/or (ii) grammatical errors, in the form of the L2 idiom. With respect to the first type of errors, it could be argued that when Greek native speakers fail to realize that a particular construction functions idiomatically then they translate it literally. In particular, literal translations were produced for the idioms: in black and white, neck-and-neck, dog does not eat dog and too many chiefs and not enough Indians, whereas incorrect translations were produced for all lexically and socioculturally different idioms as well as idioms that do not hold cross-culturally. In more detail, one participant added an extra word in the idiom rag, tag and bobtail, thus producing the inaccurate idiom rag and tag and bobtail. Two other participants missed the preposition in, in the idiom in for a penny in for a pound, whereas three participants used

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Lexicographical and Translational Aspects of Idiomaticity

the preposition in instead of on to render the idiom on cloud nine. Furthermore, the use of the wrong tense was observed in the idiom it’s raining cats and dogs where the tenses of simple present and simple past were employed by five participants. In addition, two participants used a wrong word for the idiom penny wise and pound foolish, and translated the idiom in question as penny wise and pound stupid. Similarly, the idiom too many chiefs and not enough Indians was wrongly rendered as too many bosses and not enough Indians. As can be seen, the erroneous words employed are semantically related to the correct ones. What is also worth commenting on is the treatment of idioms that do not hold cross-culturally. It seems to be the case that participants perhaps understood that they were dealing with an idiomatic expression but could not come up with an idiomatic equivalent, so they either translated the source-language idioms in question with inappropriate idiomatic expressions or they resorted to meaning-driven translations. In particular, meaning-driven translations were employed for the following idioms; țȐȞȦ ȞIJȠȣ (= make a sudden appearance) and IJȠ țĮțȩ ıȠȣ IJȠ ijȜȐȡȠ (= your bad monk of the Catholic Church), which were wrongly translated as țȐȞȦ ʌȠȜȪ șȩȡȣȕȠ (= make a lot of noise) and IJȘȞ țĮIJȐȡĮ ȝȠȣ ȞĮ ’ȤİȚȢ (= I curse you) respectively. However, there were instances where different idiomatic expressions were employed for the translation of the idioms șĮ ijȐİȚ Ș ȝȪȖĮ ıȓįİȡȠ țĮȚ IJȠ țȠȣȞȠȪʌȚ ĮIJıȐȜȚ (= the fly will eat iron and the mosquito steel), ȩʌȠȣ ȜĮȜȠȪȞ ʌȠȜȜȠȓ țȠțȩȡȠȚ ĮȡȖİȓ ȞĮ ȟȘȝİȡȫıİȚ (= too many chiefs and not enough Indians), and Įʌȩ IJȠ ıIJȩȝĮ ıȠȣ țĮȚ ıIJȠȣ ĬİȠȪ IJȠ ĮȣIJȓ (= from your mouth and to the God’s ear), which have different contexts of use or connotations. For instance, the source-language idiom șĮ ijȐİȚ Ș ȝȪȖĮ ıȓįİȡȠ țĮȚ IJȠ țȠȣȞȠȪʌȚ ĮIJıȐȜȚ (= the fly will eat iron and the mosquito steel) was translated as to blow someone to kingdom come. The target-language idiom refers to a violent destruction or shooting, whereas the source-language idiom refers to future negative consequences that will happen. Hence, the Greek idiom is more general and does not have such specific applications as the English one does. Furthermore, the idiom Įʌȩ IJȠ ıIJȩȝĮ ıȠȣ țĮȚ ıIJȠȣ ĬİȠȪ IJȠ ĮȣIJȓ (= from your mouth and to the God’s ear) was translated as fingers crossed. The latter is an expression used to wish someone good luck, whereas the former is said to indicate that God’s help is desired for achieving something difficult. Lastly, the idiom ȩʌȠȣ ȜĮȜȠȪȞ ʌȠȜȜȠȓ țȠțȩȡȠȚ ĮȡȖİȓ ȞĮ ȟȘȝİȡȫıİȚ (= too many chiefs and not enough Indians) was rendered in the target-language as in the catbird seat, which means to be in a dominant or controlling position. This translation could be argued to have wrong connotations since it implies that someone does not want to give up a current

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prestigious post they hold, whereas the source-text idiom is meant to transfer the meaning of having enough people in charge of an organization but not enough to do the actual work.

6. Discussion of the findings The above data analysis lends itself to the discussion of both translational and lexicographical aspects of Greek-English idiom translation. With respect to the translational aspect, it seems that translation difficulty is geared by two factors: transparency/opaqueness and the degree of figurativeness of the idiom in question. More specifically, the results show that in transparent idioms – like make your mouth water and go around in circles - participants were able to produce the correct idiomatic equivalent. On the other hand, idioms that are opaque such as in full feathers, rag, tag and bobtail, and in for a penny in for a pound caused considerable difficulty to the participants. In other words, they were unable to come up with an equivalent idiomatic expression even though they had resorted to the help of dictionaries. The end result was the production of incorrect, or sometimes incomplete, target sentences since participants tried to guess the meaning of the idioms in question and often produced faulty or inaccurate translations. In addition, the degree of figurativeness seems to have a say in idiom translation since the greater the degree of figurativeness, the more the translation difficulty and vice versa (Panou 2013b:481). A characteristic example is the idiomatic expression Įʌȩ IJȠ ıIJȩȝĮ ıȠȣ țĮȚ ıIJȠȣ ĬİȠȪ IJȠ ĮȣIJȓ (= from your mouth and to the God’s ear), which was translated literally by the majority of students who had considerable difficulty in transferring the heavy metaphorical component of the source-text idiom in the target language. Also worthy of attention is the translation of idioms that do not hold cross-culturally. Apart from incorrect or literal translations, a small number of students resorted to meaning-driven translation, which had the form of a paraphrase and rendered successfully the meaning of the sourcelanguage idiom. The question that emerges is whether translations would generally be ‘better’ if idioms were translated more often. The answer has been given by Baker (1992:68) who argues that it is unrealistic to expect to find absolute equivalent idiomatic expressions between any two languages. The same argument is put forward by Dobrovol'skij (2005), who claims that “the view that it is important for an adequate translation to have the same number of idioms in the target text as in the source text is absurd” (2005:66). In other words, an idiom may have an equivalent target-language idiomatic expression but it may sound odd or even

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inappropriate in a given context. Hence, a single word or a paraphrase may sound better in a particular target text since not all idioms feature prominently in all kinds of genres, thus denoting that idioms tend to be highly register-sensitive multi-word constructions (Panou 2014). In this respect, the desideratum for idiom translation is not an equation with an equal number of ST and TT idioms but a target text that reads as a whole, makes sense, and is adequate in terms of functional equivalents rather than lexical ones. The one thing that counts is, as Dobrovol'skij (2005) puts it, “the translation adequacy of the whole text” (2005:66), which implies a more holistic approach to idiom translation and one that places an emphasis on the text as a whole rather than on isolated lexical units. Of course, such a view does not exclude the possibility of the literal translation of idioms, especially in cases where there are similar or identical idiomatic expressions between two languages. Such is the case of the idioms make your mouth water and go around in circles, which can be translated literally without loss of meaning. Moreover, here lies the usefulness of the dictionaries, which function as auxiliary tools to the work of translators and are meant to facilitate them in this rather complex and demanding task.

7. Conclusions and implications Realizing the usefulness of dictionaries and, in particular, GreekEnglish idiom dictionaries, one is prompted to think what an ideal (GreekEnglish) idiom dictionary might include, and what the problems might be for dictionary compilers and users. For compilers, I imagine that identifying which idioms to include might be a problem. A valuable source of help, with respect to idiom-identification, is Greek native speakers. It might be a good idea for lexicographers to consult all three generations of Greek native speakers: the young, the middle-aged and the elderly. Each one of them may prove to be an invaluable source of help, contributing either by finding the Greek equivalent once the English idiom is described, or by directing lexicographers as to how best to find the idiom’s meaning by describing its origin. Furthermore, Greek blogs (newsbeast, trelokouneli) and forums (translatum, Greek translation forum, hellenism. net forum) may also be used. Another issue is idiom translatability. More specifically, a number of digital sources may facilitate the work of translators, such as translation websites: (Translatum (2013), Ilektronikos Komvos (2013) and Babylon Greek Translation (2013), dictionaries (Collins Greek-English Dictionary (2007), the Oxford Greek-English Learner’s Dictionary (1998), the Great

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Dictionary of the Greek Language (2008), the Hyperdictionary of Modern Greek Language (2005), and internet dictionaries (onelook.com), the European multilingual term base Eurodicautom (2013), and the website http://www.slang.gr (2013). Moreover, the primary aim of lexicographers should be to enable translators to have access to some major meaning-related aspects of the idioms in question and thus, save them time and effort. In addition, a Greek-English idiom dictionary would be more complete if orthographic and word variants of the idioms were provided; if synonyms, antonyms or other semantically-related terms were included; and if usage restrictions and register considerations were carefully specified (Svensen 2009:193). As Vicente (2007:65) argues, these problems are only solved if idioms are included as lemmas with syntactic-semantic information. Another issue that should be addressed is electronic availability of the dictionary, which significantly enhances usability. In more detail, electronic dictionaries can take the form of CD-ROMs and DVD-ROMs; they can be handheld electronic dictionaries, also known as “pocket electronic dictionaries” or PEDs; or they may be applications in smart phones or even tablet computers. With the advent of technology, it could be argued that dictionary software exceeds traditional printed dictionaries in various aspects. Not only are they more extensive, including more headwords and definitions, but on-line dictionaries may also entail an interactive verb conjugator, and a grammar reference section. Some bilingual electronic dictionaries (e.g. The TshwaneDJe Swahili-English Dictionary) are even capable of word stemming and lemmatization. Taking the above into consideration, it could be claimed that an electronic Greek-English idiom dictionary - including multimedia content, such as audio pronunciations and video clips showing the origin of the idioms in question - would be attractive to a wide range of audiences. An electronic, specialized, bilingual idiom dictionary could significantly assist Greek translators in their work. Thus, the optimistic message that idioms can be translated successfully by combining lexicographical resources and human effort could be transmitted to language learners, English language teachers, translators, lexicographers, and to all those people who enjoy getting into the process of searching to find the meaning of a word, or a set of words.

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Notes It should be specified that for idioms that do not hold cross-culturally there was a word-for-word translation.

Acknowledgements I wish to thank Dr. Agneta Svalberg and Dr. Dimitris Asimakoulas, because the idea for this research paper emerged from the comments and suggestions they made on my doctoral thesis.

References Adam, A. 1992. The Semantic Categorization of Idiomatic Expressions. Athens: Giannikos publications. —. 2006. Greek Idioms in English Idiomatic Language. Athens: Express Publishing. Alnaser, M. 2010. Multi-word Items in Dictionaries from a Translator’s Perspective. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis. Durham: Durham University. Source: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/384. DOA: 5 January 2013. Ammer, C. 2003. The American Heritage Dictionary of Idioms. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. Babylon Greek Translation. 2013. Source: http://translation.babylon.com/greek/. DOA: April 2013. Baker, M. 1992. In Other Words. London: Routledge. Betsis, A. (ed.). 2007a. Collins English-Greek Dictionary. Piraeus: Andrew Betsis ELT Publications. Betsis, A. (ed.). 2007b. Collins Greek-English Dictionary. Piraeus: Andrew Betsis ELT Publications. Betsis, A. (ed.). 2011. Betsis Collins English Idioms in Greek: Collins COBUILD Dictionary. Piraeus: Andrew Betsis ELT Publications. Betsis, A. and Express Publishing (eds.). 2002. Collins COBUILD Dictionary of Idioms. Greek Edition. Athens: Andrew Betsis ELT Publications and Express Publishing. Boatner, M.T. and J.E. Gates. 1975. Dictionary of Idioms for the Deaf. New York: Barron’s Educational Series. Cambridge International Dictionary of Idioms. 1995. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cowie, A.P. and R. Mackin. 1975. Oxford Dictionary of Current Idiomatic English. Vol. 1 and Vol 2. London: Oxford University Press.

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De Schryver, G.M. and D. Joffe. 2009. TshwaneDJe Kiswahili Internet Corpus. Pretoria: TshwaneDJe HLT. Dimitrakos, D. 2008. ȂȑȖĮ ȁİȟȚțȩȞ IJȘȢ ǼȜȜȘȞȚțȒȢ īȜȫııȘȢ. Athens: Proodos Publications (Great Dictionary of the Greek Language). Dobrovol'skij, D. 2005. On the cross-linguistic equivalence of idioms. In: D. Dobrovol'skij and E. Piirainen, (eds), Figurative Language: Crosscultural and Cross-linguistic Perspectives. Amsterdam: Elsevier. 5578. Eurodicautom. 2013. Source: http://iate.europa.eu. DOA: 13 April 2013. Evagelopoulos, A. 2007. ǼȜȜȘȞȠ-ǹȖȖȜȚțȩ ȁİȟȚțȩ ǿįȚȦȝĮIJȚıȝȫȞ, ȆĮȡȠȚȝȚȫȞ, ȇȘIJȫȞ. Athens: M. Sideris Publications (Greek-English Dictionary of Idioms, Proverbs, Sayings). Grivas, C.N. 2001. An English-Greek Dictionary of English Idioms. Athens: M. Sideris Publications. Harrison, M. 1997. Alexander Dictionary of English Idioms: EnglishGreek. Thessaloniki: Alexander International. Hellenism.net. 2013. Source: http://www.hellenism.net/cgi-bin/forums/Blah.pl?b=6. DOA: 20 January 2012. Ilektronikos Komvos. 2013. Source: http://www.komvos.edu.gr. DOA: 15 April 2013. Lange, W. de. 2006. Dictionary of Japanese Idioms. Warren, CT: Floating World Editions. Leksiko.net. 2013. Source: http://leksiko.net.DOA: 18 May 2013. Liu, D. 2008. Idioms. Description, Comprehension, Acquisition, and Pedagogy. New York: Routledge. Long, T.H. and Summers, D. (eds). 1979. Longman Dictionary of English Idioms. London: Longman. McMordie, W. 1978. English Idioms and How to Use Them. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Newsbeast. 2013. Source: http://www.newsbeast.gr. DOA: 18 May 2013. Onelook. 2013. Source: http://www.onelook.com. DOA: 11 April 2013. Panagopoulos, A. 2005. ȊʌİȡȜİȟȚțȩ IJȘȢ ȃİȠİȜȜȘȞȚțȒȢ īȜȫııĮȢ. Athens: Pagoulatoi Publications (Hyperdictionary of Modern Greek Language). Panou, D. 2013a. Study of Idiom Translation from English in the Greek Press. Doctoral dissertation. University of Leicester. —. 2013b. Idiom translation in financial discourse: English vs. Greek press. In: G. Rata, (ed.) Linguistic Studies of Human Language. Athens: Athens: Institute for Education and Research. 469-482.

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—. 2014. Idiom Translation in the Financial Press. A Corpus-Based Study. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Parianou, A. and P. Kelandrias. 2000. ǼȚįȚțȒ ȝİIJȐijȡĮıȘ țĮȚ ȚįȚȦIJȚıȝȠȓ [Special translation and idioms]. In: D. Pantelodimos (ed.), Proceedings of the International Symposium in Translation, Conference held in Athens, Greece, Nov. 25-27, 1999. Athens: University of Athens. 261-271. Ricks, D. 1999. Blunders in International Business. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Slang. 2013. Source: http://www.slang.gr. DOA: 9 January 2013. Speake, J. 2000. The Oxford Dictionary of Idioms. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Stavropoulos, D.N. and A.S. Hornby. (eds). 1998. Oxford Greek-English Learner’s Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Svensen, B. 2009. a Handbook of Lexicography: The Theory and Practice of Dictionary-Making. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Translatum. 2013. Source: http://www.translatum.gr. DOA: 13 April 2013. Translatum Forum. 2013. Source: http://www.translatum.gr/forum/index.php. DOA: 3 May 2013. Trelokouneli. 2013. Source: http://www.trelokouneli.gr. DOA: 21 May 2013. Vicente, E.F. 2007. The relationship between the typical errors in the translation of business idioms and their lexicographical treatment. Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses, 20: 65-93. Wood, F.T. 1966. English Verbal Idioms. London: Macmillan. —. 1969. English Prepositional Idioms. London: Macmillan. Wood, F.T. and R. Hill. 1979. Dictionary of English Colloquial Idioms. London: Macmillan. Wordreference. 2013. Source: http://www.wordreference.com/gren. DOA: 22 May 2013. Yorio C.A. 1989. Idiomaticity as an indicator of second language proficiency. In: K. Hyltenstam and L.K. Obler (eds), Bilingualism Across the Lifespan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 55-72.

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Appendix Greek Text M=mother D=daughter D= ȂĮțȐȡȚ ȞĮ ʌȐȡȠȣȝİ IJȘ įİȪIJİȡȘ įȩıȘ. [BT: I hope we do get the second bailout.] Ȃ= ǹʌȩ IJȠ ıIJȩȝĮ ıȠȣ țĮȚ ıIJȠȣ ĬİȠȪ IJ’ ĮijIJȓ. [BT: From your mouth and to the God’s ear.] D= ĭĮȞIJȐȗİıĮȚ IJȚ șĮ ȖȓȞİȚ ȐȝĮ įİȞ IJȘȞ ʌȐȡȠȣȝİ; [BT: Can you imagine what will happen if we don’t get it?] M= ȀĮȜȐ, șĮ ijȐİȚ Ș ȝȪȖĮ ıȓįİȡȠ țĮȚ IJȠ țȠȣȞȠȪʌȚ ĮIJıȐȜȚ. īȚĮ ȞĮ įȠȪȝİ IJȚ șǯĮʌȠijĮıȓıİȚ IJȠ ǻȃȉ. [BT: Well, the fly will eat iron and the mosquito steel. Let’s see what the IMF will decide.] D= ȉȠ țĮțȩ IJȠȣȢ IJȠ ijȜȐȡȠ. ȀȡĮIJȐȞİ IJȩıİȢ IJȪȤİȢ ıIJĮ ȤȑȡȚĮ IJȠȣȢ. ǹȜȜȐ IJȚ ĮȞȐȖțȘ ȑȤȠȣȞ ĮȣIJȠȓ; ǼȟȠȣıȓĮ ȑȤȠȣȞ, IJȠ ʌĮȡĮįȐțȚ ʌȑijIJİȚ țĮȚ Ƞ ȝȒȞĮȢ ȑȤİȚ İȞȞȚȐ. īȚĮIJȓ ȞĮ ȝȘȞ İȓȞĮȚ ıIJȠȞ ȑȕįȠȝȠ ȠȣȡĮȞȩ; [BT: Their bad monk. They hold so much fortune in their hands. But what need do they have? They have authority, money and no worries. Why not be on cloud nine? Ȃ= DZıIJȠȣȢ ʌĮȚįȐțȚ ȝȠȣ, Ƞ țĮșȑȞĮȢ ȝİ IJȘȞ IJȪȤȘ IJȠȣ. [BT: Let them alone, my child, each one with their luck.] D= ȂĮ įİȞ ȕȜȑʌİȚȢ IJȚ ȖȓȞİIJĮȚ ȝİ IJȠȣȢ ȣʌĮȜȜȒȜȠȣȢ IJȦȞ ǻǼȀȅ; ȋIJİȢ ȕȖȒțİ ıIJȘ ijȩȡĮ ȩIJȚ ȣʌȐȜȜȘȜȠȢ ʌĮȓȡȞİȚ 8.000 İȣȡȫ IJȠ ȝȒȞĮ. [BT: But don’t you see what goes on with DEKO employees? Yesterday, it was revealed that the salary of a DEKO employee is 8,000 euro a month.] Ȃ= ȈȠȕĮȡȐ ȝȚȜȐȢ; [BT: Are you serious?] D= Ǽ, IJȚ ȝʌȡȓțȚĮ țȠȜȜȐȝİ; [BT: No kidding?] Ȃ= Ǽ, ȕȑȕĮȚĮ, țȩȡĮțȠȢ țȠȡȐțȠȣ ȝȐIJȚ įİȞ ȕȖȐȗİȚ. ǼȞȫ İȝȐȢ ȝĮȢ țȩȕȠȣȞİ țĮȚ ĮȣIJȐ ʌȠȣ ȑȤȠȣȝİ. [BT: Of, course, dog does not eat dog. But we get to lose the ones that we have.] D= ǻİȞ IJȠ ȟȑȡİȚȢ; ȅȚ įȘȝȩıȚȠȚ ȣʌȐȜȜȘȜȠȚ țĮȚ ȠȚ ıȣȞIJĮȟȚȠȪȤȠȚ ʌȜȘȡȫȞȠȣȞ ʌȐȞIJȠIJİ IJȘ ȞȪijȘ. ǹȜȜȐ IJȚ ȞĮ țȐȞȠȣȝİ; ȉȫȡĮ ʌȠȣ ȝʌȒțĮȝİ ıIJȠ ȤȠȡȩ șĮ ȤȠȡȑȥȠȣȝİ. [BT: Don’t you know? It is always civil servants and pensioners

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who pay the bride. But what can we do? In for a penny, in for a pound.] Ȃ= īȚĮ IJȠ įȫȡȠ IJȦȞ ȋȡȚıIJȠȣȖȑȞȞȦȞ ȐțȠȣıİȢ IJȓʌȠIJĮ; [BT: Have you heard anything about the Christmas bonus?] D= DZȜȜĮ ȜȑİȚ Ƞ ȑȞĮȢ ȐȜȜĮ ȜȑİȚ Ƞ ȐȜȜȠȢ. [BT: Different people say different things.] Ȃ= ȀĮIJȐȜĮȕĮ, İȓȞĮȚ ĮȣIJȩ ʌȠȣ Ȝȑȝİ ȩʌȠȣ ȜĮȜȠȪȞ ʌȠȜȜȠȓ țȠțȩȡȠȚ ĮȡȖİȓ ȞĮ ȟȘȝİȡȫıİȚ. [BT: I understand. It is what we say, too many chiefs and not enough Indians.] D= ǹ, įİȞ ıȠȣ İȓʌĮ, ʌȒȖĮ ıIJȠ ȖȐȝȠ IJȠȣ ǻȘȝȒIJȡȘ țĮȚ IJȘȢ ǼȜȑȞȘȢ. [BT: Oh, I forgot to tell you, I went to Dimitris and Helen’s wedding.] Ȃ= ȂĮ țĮȜȐ, ĮȣIJȠȓ įİȞ ȒIJĮȞ ʌĮȞIJȡİȝȑȞȠȚ; [BT: I thought they were married weren’t they?] D= ȈIJĮ ȤĮȡIJȚȐ ijĮȚȞȩȞIJȠȣıĮȞ ʌĮȞIJȡİȝȑȞȠȚ ĮȜȜȐ Ș ǼȜȑȞȘ ȒșİȜİ ʌȠȜȪ ȞĮ țȐȞȠȣȞ țĮȚ șȡȘıțİȣIJȚțȩ ȖȐȝȠ. [BT: They were married in black and white but Helen wanted to have a Church wedding.] Ȃ= ȆȫȢ ȒIJĮȞ; [BT: How was it?] D= DzȕȡİȤİ țĮȡİțȜȠʌȩįĮȡĮ țĮȚ ȑțĮȞĮ ȝȚıȒ ȫȡĮ țȪțȜȠȣȢ IJȠ IJİIJȡȐȖȦȞȠ ȖȚĮ ȞĮ ȕȡȦ ȞĮ ʌĮȡțȐȡȦ. Ǿ IJİȜİIJȒ ȒIJĮȞ ȦȡĮȓĮ ĮȜȜȐ ȝȑıĮ ıIJȘȞ ĮȓșȠȣıĮ ȒȝĮıIJĮȞ IJȩıȠ ıIJȡȚȝȦȖȝȑȞȠȚ ʌȠȣ įİȞ ȝʌȠȡȠȪıĮȝİ ȞĮ ıIJȡȓȥȠȣȝİ. ǼȓȤĮȞ țĮȜȑıİȚ ʌȐȞȦ Įʌȩ 350 ȐIJȠȝĮ, ȩȜȘ IJȘ ıȐȡĮ, IJȘ ȝȐȡĮ țĮȚ IJȠ țĮțȩ ıȣȞĮʌȐȞIJȘȝĮ. ǼȓįĮ țĮȚ IJȘȞ ȈȦIJȘȡȠʌȠȪȜȠȣ țĮȚ IJȘȞ ȆĮʌĮįȠʌȠȪȜȠȣ. DzįȦıĮȞ ȝȐȤȘ ıIJȒșȠȢ ȝİ ıIJȒșȠȢ ȖȚĮ ȞĮ ʌȐȡȠȣȞ IJȘ șȑıȘ IJȘȢ ǻȚİȣșȪȞIJȡȚĮȢ. ȉİȜȚțȐ IJȘ șȑıȘ IJȘȞ ʌȒȡİ Ș ȈȦIJȘȡȠʌȠȪȜȠȣ. ȄȑȡİȚȢ İȓȤİ IJȠ ȖȞȦıIJȩ ȣijȐțȚ ȩʌȦȢ ʌȐȞIJĮ țĮȚ ȒIJĮȞ ȞIJȣȝȑȞȘ ıIJȘ IJȡȓȤĮ. [BT: It was raining cats and dogs and I went around in circles for half an hour in order to find somewhere to park. The ceremony was nice but it was so crowded in the Reception Hall. They had invited more than 350 people, all the rag, tag and bobtail. I saw Sotiropoulou and Papadopoulou. They fought neck with neck for the manager’s position. In the end, Sotiropoulou got the place. You know, she had the usual attitude and she was dressed in full feathers.] Ȃ= Ǿ ȞȪijȘ ʌȫȢ ȒIJĮȞ; [BT: How was the bride?] D= ĭȠȡȠȪıİ ȑȞĮ ȞȣijȚțȩ ȤȐȜȚĮ. ǹȜȜȐ ĮȣIJȩ ʌȠȣ ȝǯİȞIJȣʌȦıȓĮıİ ȒIJĮȞ Ƞ

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ĮȞșȠıIJȠȜȚıȝȩȢ. ĬĮ ʌȡȑʌİȚ ȞĮ įȫıĮȞ ʌȐȞȦ Įʌȩ įȚȤȓȜȚĮȡȠ. [BT: She was wearing an awful wedding dress. But what impressed me were the flowers. They must have paid more than two thousand euros.] Ȃ= ǻİȞ IJȠȣȢ ȟȑȡİȚȢ; ȂȚĮ ȗȦȒ ijIJȘȞȠȓ ıIJȠ ĮȜİȪȡȚ țĮȚ ĮțȡȚȕȠȓ ıIJȠ ʌȓIJȠȣȡȠ. [BT: Don’t you know them? They have always been penny wise and pound foȠlish.] D= ȉȠ țȜȠȣ IJȘȢ ȕȡĮįȚȐȢ ȒIJĮȞ ȩIJȚ IJȡĮȖȠȪįȘıİ Ș țĮȜȪIJİȡȘ IJȡĮȖȠȣįȓıIJȡȚĮ IJȘȢ ʌȩȜȘȢ. [BT: The high point of the evening was that the best singer of the town sang.] Ȃ= DZȞIJİ; [BT: Really?] D= ȃĮȚ, ȑțĮȞİ ȞIJȠȣ ȝİIJȐ IJȠ țȩȥȚȝȠ IJȘȢ IJȠȪȡIJĮȢ țĮȚ țȐșȚıİ ȖȚĮ țĮȞȐ įȓȦȡȠ. [BT: Yes, she appeared suddenly after the cutting of the cake and stayed for a couple of hours.] Ȃ= ǹȡțİIJȐ ȝİ IJȠ ȖȐȝȠ IJȫȡĮ. DzȜĮ ȞĮ ijĮȢ ȖȚĮIJȓ șĮ țȡȣȫıİȚ IJȠ ijĮȖȘIJȩ ıȠȣ. [BT: Enough with the wedding now. Come and eat because your food will get cold.] D= ȉȚ ȝĮȖİȓȡİȥİȢ; [BT: What have you cooked?] Ȃ= ȆĮıIJȓIJıȚȠ. [BT: Pastichio.] D= ȂȚĮȝ, ȝȚĮȝ ȝȠȣ IJȡȑȤȠȣȞ IJĮ ıȐȜȚĮ. [BT: Yummy, yummy, you make my mouth water.]

PART II: QUALITY AND TRAINING

QUALITY IN SIMULTANEOUS CONFERENCE INTERPRETING: A PROSPECTIVE PERSPECTIVE CORNELIA ZWISCHENBERGER CENTER FOR TRANSLATION STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF VIENNA

Abstract Quality is one of the most extensively investigated topics in conference interpreting research. This paper argues that quality, as the result of situated action, should be investigated from a sociological perspective. For this purpose a new framework is offered, which views “quality” as a social construction and integrates the two concepts of “social role” and “social norm” into the discourse on interpreting quality. Every single role played by a simultaneous conference interpreter, in professional practice, is loaded with normative expectations on quality. Thus, the definitions of the role/s of an interpreter are inextricably linked to the notions on quality. The paper will show that many of the notions on quality, and/or role/s of the conference interpreter produced within the social system of conference interpreting practice, are metaphorically constructed and can furthermore be traced back to a basic metaphoric concept that operates as a supernorm. Keywords: quality, simultaneous conference interpreting, social construct, social role, social norm

1. Introduction Quality in conference interpreting is a key issue for everyone involved in the profession and/or for those who depend on it. This is why a whole series of empirical, mainly questionnaire-based, research has been

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undertaken among practitioners and users of conference interpreting since the mid-1980s (Bühler 1986). The latter perspective, on quality particularly, has been investigated extensively with the notion that conference interpreters are service providers orienting themselves towards customer needs and marketing principles (e.g. Kurz 1989, 1993; Moser 1996, Collados Aís [1998]/2002). In these studies, quality was presented as something measurable and objectively detectable. Empirical research on quality was undertaken as quantitative research, either by means of surveys or by means of a combination of experiment and survey. More recently, web-based surveys have been employed in quality research among practitioners as an alternative to conventional paper-and-pencil questionnaires (Chiaro and Nocella 2004; Zwischenberger 2013). Other than the series of empirical research, there have also been many interpreting studies, which approach the issue of quality in conference interpreting from a more theoretical perspective (e.g. Moser-Mercer 1996, Viezzi 1996, Shlesinger 1997, Pöchhacker 2001, Kalina 2005). Many of these contributions propose approaches or models on how to best assess and/or assure quality in conference interpreting. Kalina (2005) proposed a holistic model for quality assessment, which includes pre-process, periprocess, in-process, and post-process factors or conditions. Viezzi (1996:78-105) names four quality criteria that should be fulfilled by a high-quality interpreting performance: equivalence, accuracy, appropriateness, and usability. Pöchhacker (2001) warns against defining quality over the fulfilment of some pre-established linguistic criteria, and suggests, rather, an assessment of the end-product in its own right: “[…] The concept of quality cannot be pinned down to some linguistic substrate, but must be viewed also at the level of its communicative effect and impact on the interaction within particular situational and institutional constraints” (Pöchhacker 2001:421). Some of these more theoretical contributions, however, also seek to elucidate the concept of quality because, despite the importance of this issue in conference interpreting research, no uniform and consensual definition of the concept itself yet exists. While Shlesinger (1997), like many other interpreting studies scholars, pointed out the elusiveness and variability of the concept of quality, Moser-Mercer (1996) proposed a definition of quality: “Optimum quality in professional interpreting implies that an interpreter provides a complete and accurate rendition of the original that does not distort the original message and tries to capture any and all extralinguistic information that the speaker might have provided subject to the constraints imposed by certain external conditions.” (Moser-Mercer 1996:44)

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Thus, optimum quality is something any interpreter has to strive for, and that can be reached if external conditions allow it. However, the question remains: how can this desideratum be operationalized and consequently actually measured? None of these studies so far has analysed quality from a sociological perspective. Only in recent years has conference interpreting been investigated empirically from a sociological perspective (Angelelli 2004, Diriker 2004, Monacelli 2009). In all these recent empirical studies, the invisibility and non-agency of conference interpreters are challenged. This paper argues that the sociological perspective should not only be adopted for investigating conference interpreting per se, but also for quality research. The focus of this contribution will be on simultaneous conference interpreting, as it is the main mode used in conference interpreting nowadays. The aim of the paper is to present a sociological framework for the study of quality that integrates both the “social role” and “social norm” concepts into the discourse on quality, and regards quality as a social construct. Furthermore, the paper will ultimately show why there can be, and also has to be no uniform definition of “quality.”

2. Reasons for neglect of the sociological perspective For decades, the cognitive paradigm has been absolutely dominant in research on simultaneous conference interpreting. The aim of empirical research conducted within this paradigm was to elucidate the cognitive processes and constraints occurring in the black box of the simultaneous interpreter when performing his/her task. The first empirical studies on simultaneous conference interpreting were conducted by experimental psychologists in the 1960s. They investigated the impact of various input variables, such as noise, input speed, spontaneous, semi-prepared or fully-prepared speeches on an interpreter’s performance or output (Gerver [1969]/2002, Barik 1971). Information processing models were then developed in order to explain how simultaneous interpreters cognitively deal with the constant simultaneous in- and output (Chernov 1973, Gerver 1975, Moser-Mercer 1978). These models were all based on, or at least influenced by, the then predominant information transfer model in communication studies devised by Shannon and Weaver (1963). The model depicted communication as a linear process, involving an information source where the message is produced, using a transmitter, a channel, a receiver and a destination where the message ends up.

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Probably the most influential scholar of the cognitive paradigm, in research on conference interpreting, is Gile, who developed his effort model in the 1980s in order to explain the cognitive strains and ensuing problems involved in simultaneous interpreting (Gile 2009). According to the effort model, the process of simultaneous interpreting involves a Listening and Analysis effort, a Short-term memory effort, a Speech production effort, and a Coordination effort. Only a specific amount of cognitive energy is available to an interpreter. If one of the efforts consumes a particularly high amount of this energy, there is less total energy left for the other operations. This ultimately has a deterioration of quality as a consequence (Gile 2009:157-190). The absolute predominance of the cognitive paradigm, however, may have been the main reason that the profession’s sociological dimension was completely blanked out. Consequently, the notion of simultaneous conference interpreters as neutral information processors could spread. What the cognitive paradigm has meant to conference interpreting research, Seleskovitch's (1978) "theorie du sens" has meant to conference interpreting practice, and partly also to pedagogy (see section 3.1). The notion of interpreters as conveyors of the sense of the original is still propagated by the powerful and influential International Association of Conference Interpreters (AIIC) today in its various metatexts on conference interpreting (see sections 3.1 and 5.2). With this notion, the role/s of a conference interpreter seem(s) to be clear and do(es) not require any further specifications.

3. The making of quality through history All of the following notions or models of quality that have been developed for the field of simultaneous conference interpreting through history, are based on the presupposition that quality is something objectively identifiable and/or measurable. This notion has recently been challenged by a social constructionist approach to “quality” (Grbiü 2008, Zwischenberger 2013). According to the social constructionist approach, quality is not objectively identifiable and inherent to an object or performance, but rather quality is something that is attributed to something and is thus constructed discursively by the members of a social system (Berger and Luckmann [1966]/1980). From this follows that quality is not just there as a measure of how good or bad an object or performance is as defined by the exponents of quality management (Geiger and Kotte 2008), but a timeand context-bound phenomenon. This explains the high variability of

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quality judgements, and the various notions of quality generated by the three social systems of conference interpreting - research, practice and pedagogy - throughout history. The constructs presented in the following sections are not, and can by no means be, exhaustive.

3.1 Qualities and qualification make quality: The practice view The following construct describes quality in a more or less explicit manner as a function of the interpreter’s living up to certain personal qualities or qualifications. This quality construct was devised by the members of conference interpreting practice. The early writings of the profession’s pioneers did not provide an explicit description of quality, but rather gave a list of qualities that make for a successful conference interpreter. In one of the very first writings on conference interpreting, the “Interpreter’s Handbook”, Jean Herbert (1952) - one of the profession’s pioneers - names the three qualities, apart from a knowledge of languages, that an interpreter has to bring with him/her: “The basic qualities required of the interpreter are not exceptionally rare, but their combination is very uncommon. They are: A capacity for being receptive, i.e. for drinking in readily and without any personal reaction all that may be said by the speaker. The type of quick-wittedness which makes for prompt and effective repartee, interpretation being a sort of mental game of tennis. A good memory, because all the tricks of the trade are intended only to make up for its deficiencies.” (Herbert, 1952:5; my emphasis in italics)

This focus on the qualities, or aptitude criteria, of interpreters can also be found in the writings of other pioneers (e.g. Glémet 1958, van Hoof 1962). The pioneers belonged to this small elitist circle whose members of course boasted this rare combination of qualities, as expressed in the introduction to Herbert’s manual: “His [Herbert’s] exceptional gifts destined him to be interpreter to nearly all the great contemporary statesmen” (Stelling-Michaud 1952:V). The qualities, which made an interpreter, were something obvious to the pioneers and thus, objectively identifiable. This small early circle of conference interpreters were not concerned about giving a thorough definition or description of quality, as each elite member considered him/herself to be a guarantee for quality as expressed by another pioneer of the profession: “[...] there is no such a thing as a bad interpreter. One is an interpreter or one is not” (Meister-Hedinger 1954:8).

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While the writings of the early pioneers were mostly anecdotal, selfreflective, and presented no stringent logic, Seleskovitch (1978) described simultaneous conference interpreting in more detail, and basically as a three-stage process: “Auditory perception of a linguistic utterance which carries meaning. Apprehension of the language and comprehension of the message through a process of analysis and exegesis. Immediate and deliberate discarding of the wording and retention of the mental representation of the message (concepts, ideas, etc.). Production of a new utterance in the target language which must meet a dual requirement: it must express the original message in its entirety, and it must be geared to the recipient.” (Seleskovitch 1978:9)

The "theorie du sens" is thus an interpretative theory of deverbalization according to which the interpreter does not have to be faithful to the words of the original, but has to convey the sense that is inherent to the original. Quality thus depends on the interpreter’s ability to be absolutely faithful to the sense of the original, as delivered by the speaker. This notion of the interpreting process, and consequently quality, was very well received by the circle of pioneers to which Seleskovitch herself belonged. Seleskovitch was also among the founding members of AIIC. It may, consequently, be no wonder that the notion of quality as propagated by Seleskovitch (1978) is still the one advocated by AIIC to a large extent today. Qualified conference interpreters are thus professionals who “must [...] understand what the speaker is saying, [...] they must also be able to transpose the meaning into the target language. [...] Real professionals will constantly be looking for the meaning that lies beneath the words” (AIIC, 2005a; my emphasis in italics). The notion of quality of the social system of practice, thus, consists in the interpreter’s ability to remain loyal and faithful to the speaker, and his/her original, by decoding and transmitting the one and only sense inherent to the original. The extraction of this one and only sense is presented as something that is objectively feasible, and should not be questioned at all. The responsibility for the content of the message lies completely with the sender. The professional interpreter acts as a transmitting instance in this process only. This qualification, and thus the quality of an interpreter, is ascertained by AIIC and its internal sponsorship system. Only interpreters who can demonstrate having a minimum of 150 days' working experience as conference interpreters, and whose quality of work is confirmed by three active members or sponsors of AIIC can join the prestigious association.

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The association’s ultimate goal consists of ensuring perfect quality with its system: “Interpreters are employed to ensure perfect communication across language barriers” (AIIC 2004; my emphasis in italics). Ensuring, or at least striving for, perfection is also the key notion onto which conference interpreting pedagogy has built its quality construct.

3.2 Striving for perfection makes quality: The pedagogic view In the field of simultaneous conference interpreting pedagogy there are various approaches to quality, all of which can ultimately be pinned down to the notion of quality as a result of the strive for perfection. This quality construct can basically be divided into two streams. The first encompasses all approaches aimed at detecting and classifying errors in a student’s performance in order to be able to eradicate them eventually. All of these works are based on the error typology and purely linguistic notion of error by Barik1 (1971) who was, as mentioned previously, among the first researchers to undertake experimental research into simultaneous conference interpreting. Altman (1994) devised a typology of errors for the teaching of simultaneous conference interpreting, which was divided into four categories - “omissions,” “additions,” “inaccurate renditions of individual lexical items” and “inaccurate rendition of longer phrases.” All of these four error categories constitute (linguistic) deviations from the original. Thus, to deliver a “perfect” rendition, the interpreter is expected to stay absolutely true to the speaker and his/her original. Unlike Barik (1971) however, Altman (1994:26) extended her error typology to the communicative aspect: “All the inaccuracies listed […] will therefore be evaluated in terms of the extent to which they constitute an obstacle to communication.” The work of Altman (1994) inspired further error typologies for the teaching of simultaneous conference interpreting (Russo and Rucci 1997, Falbo 1998). Both of the latter two error typologies are categorised into two macrocategories of: (a) content - and delivery-related errors (Russo and Rucci 1997); and (b) content - and form-related errors (Falbo 1998). These two error typologies differ from Altman’s, since their two broader categories contain a whole series of subcategories. Therefore, they are much more differentiated and distinguished. The second stream, which regards quality as the result of striving for perfection in a student’s rendition, encompasses approaches, which devise and use evaluation schemes. With these approaches, the fulfilment of

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certain pre-established quality criteria becomes central, while the listing and classification of errors only plays a marginal role. Schjoldager (1996) was the first interpreting researcher and teacher to devise such an evaluation scheme for the teaching of simultaneous interpreting. Further evaluation schemes were developed by Riccardi (2001) and Kutz (2005). All of these schemes consisted of a series of macro- and microcriteria, which had to be fulfilled by a high-quality student simultaneous interpreting performance. None of these schemes, however, contained any scales for the assessment of the students’ performances. In this context, the assessment scales of Lee (2008) are worth being mentioned, even if the scales were designed and tested for students’ consecutive interpreting performances. The model of assessment, however, may also be employed for the assessment of simultaneous interpretations. The scales consist of a total of three main and predefined categories, namely accuracy, target language quality and delivery, as well as a series of respective subcategories with their specific weighting and points. The fulfillment and/or rating of various quality parameters also played a key role in the quality constructs as devised by simultaneous conference interpreting research.

3.3 Asking professionals and users makes quality: The research view Surveying the profession, and particularly its users, has become the key instrument in empirical research on, and into, quality in simultaneous conference interpreting. This research tradition was initiated by the Viennese translation studies scholar Bühler (1986) who conducted the very first quality survey among AIIC members. She asked participants of her study to rate the relative importance of a total of 16 linguistic and extralinguistic quality criteria2 on a four-point ordinal scale ranging from “highly important” to “irrelevant.” Bühler (1986:233) developed the hypothesis that “the criteria as discussed in this paper reflect the requirements of the user as well as fellow interpreter in a (hopefully) wellbalanced mixture.” This hypothesis triggered a whole series of questionnaire-based research undertaken among users, which then falsified it (Kurz 1989, 1993; Vuorikoski 1993, Mack and Cattaruzza 1995, Moser 1996, Collados Aís [1998]/2002). The majority of these studies adopted Bühler’s research design and her criteria, or adapted them. Although these surveys among users falsified Bühler’s initial hypothesis as a whole, and proved that interpreters and users do not hold the very same expectations

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towards quality, the vast majority of the surveys, however, confirmed the absolute priority given to sense consistency with the original or being faithful to the sense of the original as produced by the speaker. The aim of survey research on quality undertaken among users was to elaborate various user profiles and their expectations towards quality. One of the main methodological problems with user surveys, however, is that the target population cannot be clearly defined, as no lists exist of simultaneous conference interpreting users. Subsequently, this has consequences for the generalizability of the results gained by such user surveys. Thus, strictly and statistically speaking, inferential statistics cannot be applied and one can only undertake case studies. The elaboration of user profiles is therefore not really possible (Zwischenberger 2013). On the contrary, however, it is relatively possible to define the target population for surveys among conference interpreters. Professional associations, such as the international AIIC - or smaller national associations for conference interpreters, such as the German VKD, the Czech ASKOT, or the Italian Assointerpreti - dispose of membership lists (Zwischenberger 2013). The professionals’ view on quality has, however, been quite neglected until today. After Bühler (1986), quality surveys among conference interpreters were only resumed in the new millennium by two web-based approaches (Chiaro and Nocella 2004, Zwischenberger 2010). In both web-based quality surveys, the criteria of Bühler (1986) were adapted and the relative importance of the interpreter’s need to be faithful to the speaker, and the sense produced by her/him, was once again reconfirmed. Thus, the discourse of conference interpreters as faithful conveyors of the sense inherent to the original, who are thus not actively involved in producing the message, is constantly reproduced via the results of these surveys too. The results of these quantitative surveys appear to be completely objective, as it is the respondents who express their opinion and produce these results. Yet, no matter how sound a study’s methodology is, one has to bear in mind that it is the researcher who constructs the results and thus ultimately also the respondent. She/he does this with the methodology and the statistical operations adopted, and the way in which the results gained through this process are interpreted. As reception studies undertaken from the perspective of (British) cultural studies remind us: “[…] audiences are not just constructs; they are the invisible fictions that are produced institutionally in order for various institutions to take charge of the mechanisms of their own survival. Audiences may be imagined empirically, theoretically or politically, but in all cases the product is a fiction that serves the needs of the imagining institution. In no case is the

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A construct therefore always serves a certain purpose. The common denominator of all these constructions of quality in the field of simultaneous conference interpreting is the salient importance of the interpreter’s being loyal to the speaker, and the sense produced by him/her. This expectation is a binding one for conference interpreters and fulfills a particular function within the field of conference interpreting. Expectations define the role/s of the interpreter. The definition of the interpreter's role/s ensures that the dominant quality constructs are fulfilled in order to guarantee the profession’s survival. The roles of an interpreter function as carriers of quality expectations.

4. The social roles of the simultaneous conference interpreter In research on simultaneous conference interpreting, the concept of the role of the interpreter has become a prominent one only in recent years (Angelelli 2004, Diriker 2004, Monacelli 2009, Zwischenberger 2013). On the contrary, to conference interpreting, the investigation of rolerelated issues has a very long tradition in the field of community interpreting research, and has produced a huge amount of work and insights. This particular research focus dates back to the 1980s (e.g. BerkSeligson 1988). It is explained by the very nature of community interpreting, which is characterized by: “[…] wide cultural gaps, power imbalance, urgent communication needs, lack of resources, lack of professional profile, face to face interaction during situations, which are often dramatic.” (Valero-Garcés and Martin 2008:2) The often conflicting and controversial nature of role definitions for the various domains of Community Interpreting - as found in the Code of Ethics, or as produced by clients - was elaborated in detail (e.g. Roy 1993, Hale 2008, Mikkelson 2008). Several large-scale empirical studies were specifically undertaken to shed light onto the functions of an interpreter in Community interpreting (e.g. Berk-Seligson 1990, Wadensjö 1998, Roy 2000). All of them showed that interpreters are not merely transmitting a message, but are actively involved in its construction and the coordination and steering of the entire communication process. In all of the Critical Link-proceedings so far, the issue of the interpreter’s role or rather roles (see section 4.1) received a lot of attention.

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In the first two proceedings, the issue of the interpreter role was even given a respective section of its own (Carr et al. 1997, Roberts et al. 2000). Despite the bulk of research on what the interpreter does, or is expected to do, in Community interpreting practice, it is astonishing that the theoretical background of the concept of “social role” - which has its roots in sociology, social psychology and cultural anthropology - has never been defined, but rather it has been taken for granted.

4.1 Social role and social position In sociology, a social role is defined as a bundle of normative expectations that is directed to the owner of a social position by one or more reference groups or single persons (Peuckert 2006a:242). Based on this definition it becomes clear that the single role of the interpreter, which is usually described as a complex and multilayered one in the literature, does not exist. The roles of a simultaneous conference interpreter are as many as the reference groups or persons directing their sets of expectations towards the interpreter. Thus, there cannot be one uniform and consensual definition of quality, but it should always be specified which role/s is/are under investigation. What in the literature on interpreting is usually described as the interpreter’s role may be more appropriately defined as the social position of the interpreter. The social position is a sort of point of reference within a network of social relations. Social positions are complex and entail a whole series of role segments. With regard to the social position of the simultaneous conference interpreter, there are, for example, the following role segments: “simultaneous conference interpreter-listeners,” “simultaneous conference interpreter-speaker,” “simultaneous conference interpreterboothmate” etc. (Sader 1969:209-211). A boothmate will have quite different expectations towards his/her colleague than, for example, the speaker or the head of the entire interpreting team “Very often, a good interpreter is two quite different people, being one thing to a conference participant and another to a colleague” (Cartellieri 1983:213). This prompts the interpreter into playing many different roles and trying to fulfill the expectations linked to them when doing his/her work. In sociological role theory, an expectation itself is defined as a phenomenal correlate between rights and duties in the cognitive processes of a single person, group, or other collective of people (Sader 1969:211). A group, or other collective of people, is called a reference group in sociological role theoretical vocabulary. These reference groups can be of

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a more or less loose nature (Bahrdt 2003:70). The listeners or users of a simultaneous interpretation, with their rather heterogeneous backgrounds, could be regarded as such a loose reference group that is linked to the social position of the simultaneous conference interpreter. Usually the listeners form a group for the time of the congress only, but not beyond. On the contrary, professional associations, like AIIC, form a homogenous reference group with a strong consciousness as “we as a group” and have mechanisms to impose their expectations with sanctions, as explicitly stated in AIIC’s Code of professional ethics: “The Disciplinary and Disputes Committee […] shall impose penalties for any breach of the rules of the profession as defined in this Code” (AIIC, 2000). However, not only are there expectations directed from reference groups or single persons to the social position of the simultaneous conference interpreter (nomothetic dimension), but the interpreter also has expectations him-/herself (ideographic dimension) (Getzels and Thelen 1960, Gentile et al. 1996:30). Figure 1 shows the social position of a simultaneous conference interpreter in a concrete communication situation with its various role segments and expectations, which are directed to the interpreter from outside and the expectations he/she holds him-/herself. This network of social relations and positions is called a “position field” (Dahrendorf 2006:35). A role, however, does not usually come into life on the basis of pure expectations. As already stated in the definition of the social role concept at the beginning of this section, a social role consists of a bundle of normative expectations. Thus, social norms and sanctions are integral parts of any role to make sure it is played appropriately. Something so vital as quality, for any profession, necessarily needs to be based on norms and ensured by sanctions. Norms may thus be regarded as the link between the role/s of the simultaneous interpreter and quality, as they make sure that the expectations associated with, and carried by, a role are actually fulfilled.

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Figure 1: Position field with the roles of a simultaneous conference interpreter in a concrete communication situation (Zwischenberger 2013:62).

4.2 Social norms and sanctions Unlike the role concept, the norm concept has a rather long history in the field of translation and interpreting studies. Furthermore, its theoretical background has also been investigated and defined. The integration of the norm concept goes back to Toury (1980) who first used and defined the concept for literary translation. In the late 1980s, the concept was then extended to conference interpreting research by Shlesinger (1989); the concept itself has its roots in sociology. Neither in sociology nor in translation studies is there a consensus regarding the definition of the norm concept. In sociology, as well as translation studies, norms are often defined as specifications of the values of the members of a social system into performance instructions. This way they relieve an individual from constantly developing new ways of action for a particular situation. As a consequence, norms also lead to a certain regularity in behavior (Toury 1999:14, Peuckert 2006b:213).

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Norms, however, never appear alone but always in the company of sanctions. Sanctions are a way of rewarding norm-conforming behavior, as well as a way of punishing deviations from it. Any profession has its methods to control the fulfilment of norms, and to employ sanctions. In the field of conference, interpreting AIIC employs sanctions with its acceptance or denial of joining the prestigious association with its internal sponsorship system (see section 3.1). As specifications of the values of the members of a social system into performance instructions, social norms can be regarded as, and appear as, a class of speech acts that are based on orders and the imperative form. Norms as speech acts work either on a more abstract or concrete level. In the latter case, the norm as a speech act has a directly observable and perceivable change in a person’s behavior as a consequence; as soon as a person is confronted with the respective speech act. On the abstract level, however, the speech act appears with a certain frequency in the written and oral discourses of a social system (Eichner 1981:42-46). In the field of simultaneous conference interpreting, the norms of the simultaneous interpreter to interpret in the first person, the norm to be loyal to the speaker and his/her original, and the interpreter’s detachment or neutrality, are normative speech acts, which appear with a certain frequency in the written and oral discourse on the profession. These norms, as speech acts, are aimed at ensuring interpreters behave as emotionally detached loyal allies of the speaker and his/her original. As shown in sections 3.1, 3.2 and 3.3 these normative expectation(s) are dominant in the construction of quality. Very frequently, these norms, as speech acts, appear as metaphors in the definitions of a conference interpreter.

5. Norms in the disguise of metaphors It is within the nature of norms not to show themselves easily and quickly. Instead a certain behavior is presented as a matter of course and, thus, as the only logical and natural way of behaving (Eichner 1981:43). There may be no better and less suspicious way for a norm to appear than through a metaphor or metaphoric language. The definitions of a simultaneous conference interpreter, and thus ultimately the constructions of quality, are full of metaphoric language. In the following two sections, the role-related (metaphoric) definitions of two norm-setting authorities in the field of conference interpreting will be presented, namely those used by the pioneers of the profession, in addition to AIIC and other, smaller, professional bodies for conference interpreters.

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The following definitions all describe what a good interpreter is supposed to do.

5.1 Pioneers and their (metaphoric) definitions of a conference interpreter The noble thought of interpreters as helpers who strive to overcome a language barrier is very present in the early definitions of a conference interpreter as already expressed in the preface to the “Interpreter’s Handbook”: “By eliminating the language barrier that separates them, the interpreter directly ushers men into the thoughts of others, and thus performs the function of an intermediary, enabling their minds to achieve intellectual communion.” (Stelling-Michaud 1952: I; my emphasis in italics)

The metaphor of the helper or assistant was then also broached in the “Interpreter’s Handbook” itself. Herbert (1952) expanded on the notion of the interpreter as a helper: “The mission of the interpreter is to help individuals and communities to acquire a fuller knowledge and a deeper understanding of one another, and what is still more important, a greater respect for one another” (Herbert 1952:3). The helper is scrupulously faithful to the thoughts of the speaker: “[The speaker] is satisfied that his thought will be carried fully and faithfully to the people on the other side of the table” (Herbert, 1952:4; my emphasis in italics). This notion of interpreters as noble and distinguished helpers who bring people closer to one another, thus, seems to be at the very heart of the functions, and also the identity of a good conference interpreter. According to another veteran conference interpreter this mission, however, can only be accomplished, if the interpreter regards him-/herself as a bridge builder: “Cette mission […] est une mission de rapprochement entre individus, entre groups, entre nations. L’interpète est un jeteur de ponts, le pontifex comme on l’a nommé, le servant d’un humanisme pratique […].” (Van Hoof 1962:55) “This mission [...] is a mission of bringing together individuals, groups and nations. The interpreter is a bridge builder, a pontifex as he/she would be called, the servant of practical humanism [...].” (Van Hoof 1962:55; my translation)

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This distinguished mission, however, again obliges the interpreter to be an absolutely faithful conveyer of all that is content-wise and emotionally inherent to the original (Van Hoof 1962:32). This is then explained in metaphoric language in greater detail: “Il [l’interprète] se ne permettra jamais d’être le ténor sur lequel se concentre l’attention de toute une sale. Cela suppose, de sa part, la facultè d’être passivement receptive, c’est-à-dire, d’absorber sans reaction les idées exposées par l’orateur.” (Van Hoof 1962:55; my emphasis in italics) “He [the interpreter] would never allow himself to be the star player on whom the attention of the whole auditorium is focused. This presupposes the ability, on the interpreter’s part, to be passively receptive, in other words to absorb all the ideas exposed by the speaker with no personal reaction.” (Van Hoof 1962:55; my translation)

The interpreter is thus the passive element in the communication process who is just there to absorb all that is exposed by the speaker in order to reexpress it in another language. It is also quite common, as in the quotation above, to find comparisons with the performing professions in the early definitions of conference interpreters. The comparison with the acting profession can be found particularly frequently in the early metatexts: “[L’interprète] doit aussi être acteur. Qui donc, sinon un acteur, est capable de s’identifier totalment avec l’homme qui vient de parler et dont il doit transmettre fidèlement le propos?” (Cary 1956:147). “[The interpreter] also has to be an actor. Who, if not an actor, is capable of identifying totally with the speaker and whose words he/she must faithfully transpose?” (Cary 1956:147; my translation)

Such ability to totally identify with the speaker and faithfully convey his/her original discourse is supposed to be germane to the profession of a conference interpreter, and distinguishes it from all other forms of interpreting. While the commercial interpreter does not have to be too accurate and only give an approximate rendition of the original and the military interpreter works for the benefit of a military commander, the conference interpreter has to be scrupulously faithful to the original and grasp and convey all the nuances, emotions and the entire personality of the original discourse (Cary 1956:147). In some writings, this scrupulous fidelity towards the speaker and the original to be maintained by the interpreter throughout his work is expressed in a much harsher way. The interpreter is then compared to a

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machine or instrument that is just there to do his/her job as unobtrusively as possible: “The moment a conference begins, the interpretation service begins, and it is expected to be as accurate, as unobtrusive, as neutral and helpful to everyone as documents-distribution. It must transfer into another language or languages each individual speech with the same faithfulness as soundamplification or précis-writing.” (Glémet 1958:105-106; my emphasis in italics)

All the descriptions used by the pioneers reappear in the metatexts on conference interpreting generated by AIIC and other professional bodies to a very large extent.

5.2 AIIC and other professional bodies and their (metaphoric) definitions of a conference interpreter The notion of interpreters as detached instruments of the speaker is also touched upon in one of AIIC’s innumerous definitions of a conference interpreter and/or conference interpreting: “Professional interpreters are other people’s mouthpiece and keep their own opinions, if they have any, to themselves” (AIIC 2010). The interpreter's primary function is already described in greater depth on the association’s starting page: “Interpreters make sure nothing gets lost in translation. Professional interpreters are trained to convey ideas, and not words alone. They have to relay the message received in one language into another, remaining true to the original intent, tone, register, and meaning.” (AIIC 2013; my emphasis in italics). The focus here lies on the interpreter’s ability to concentrate on a message’s meaning rather than on its words. This explicit emphasis on the importance of focusing on a message’s meaning rather than on its words, can also be found in the definition of a simultaneous interpreter of the Italian Assointerpreti (Assointerpreti, 2013). The conference interpreter, as a bridge or intermediary, is also a notion frequently taken up in the associations’ definitions of a conference interpreter: “Conference interpreters bridge the gap in all kinds of multilingual settings where speakers want to express themselves in their own language and still understand one another” (AIIC 2001; my emphasis in italics). In yet another definition, the notion of the bridge (builder) or intermediary is linked to that of service provider: “You are a verbal communication expert, a multilingual, intercultural go-between providing a service to people who depend on you” (AIIC 2010; my emphasis in

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italics). The notion of conference interpreters as professional language, and/or intercultural intermediaries also appears very frequently in the metatexts of the German VKD (VKD, 2013). This notion of the bridge (builder), or intermediary, always goes along with the metaphoric notion that there is a gap, space or barrier that has to be overcome, and that the message has to be put across: “An interpreter’s task is to ensure accurate and efficient communication across language barriers” (AIIC 2005b; my emphasis in italics). In the metatexts of AIIC one can also, however, find the image of interpreters as helpers or servants. According to one of AIIC’s metatexts one of the basic traits of a professional conference interpreter consists of “a commitment to helping others communicate” (AIIC 2001; my emphasis in italics). All of the presented metaphoric descriptions of or metatexts on the conference interpreter can be regarded as illocutionary speech acts. They are not just neutral descriptions and/or definitions of a conference interpreter’s function, but rather they are descriptions on how s/he is expected to fulfil this function. With these illocutionary speech acts the speakers express certain normative expectations that are to be fulfilled.

5.3 Common metaphoric (back-) ground In all of the above definitions, or rather prescriptions, the use of metaphors is striking. The process of conference interpreting is a very complex one and metaphors help to understand and explain this process with, and over, another concept or entity. The concept, or entity, used metaphorically to explain another one does not necessarily have to show any external similarity with the latter. It is ultimately the experience that is made with a certain object that decides whether the object is used as a metaphor for another one or not (Lakoff and Johnson 1980:147-155). Whether the conference interpreter is expected to act as a helper, bridge, intermediary, instrument, or mouthpiece, for the speaker, all of these definitions or rather prescriptions can ultimately be pinned down to another metaphor, namely that of the conference interpreter as a conduit. Conduits are characterized by their ability to convey a liquid from one end to another without any loss (Reddy 1993, Roy 1993). This basic metaphoric concept of interpreters as conduits is extremely effective, as we also understand the function of language itself with this metaphor (Lakoff 1993, Reddy 1993). We understand language as a tool to send our thoughts safely and completely to another person. The thoughts just have to be packed correctly into the words and sentences chosen by

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the sender and then they must be decoded correctly by the receiver of the message. This seems to be a very simple task, as Reddy (1993:168) ironically observed: “receiving and unwrapping a package is so passive and so simple – what can go wrong? [...] if it is undamaged, and successfully opened, who can fail to find the right things in it?” The responsibility for the sense of a message, thus, lies entirely with the sender of a message. This is also expressed in so-called dead metaphoric expressions that are not recognised as such anymore: “You have to put each concept into words very carefully” or “Can you actually extract coherent ideas from that?” (Reddy 1993:167). An interpretation from the receiver is explicitly unwanted: “You are reading things into it” (Reddy 1993:169). This holds all the more true for the interpreter who is considered and expected to be a mere relaying station in this process between speaker and listener(s).

6. Conclusions The paper has shown that “quality” is socially and discursively constructed. Hence, quality does not exist outside certain discourses, and is not anything that adheres ontologically to an object or performance. The paper has shown the tight conceptual link between the three concepts of “quality,” “social role” and “social norm” and thus also provides a new sociological framework for the study of “quality” - or rather the various constructions of quality. There cannot be a single, uniform and consensual definition of quality for simultaneous conference interpreting, because a simultaneous conference interpreter adopts several roles in a concrete communication situation. These roles are loaded with normative expectations directed towards the interpreter. Future research on quality should thus concentrate on (a) certain role/s, and (b) the norms associated with it/them. This paper has concentrated on the normative expectations that have been formulated within the system of simultaneous conference interpreting. The focus has been on the social system of conference interpreting practice, and its expectations regarding quality and a conference interpreter. These two notions are interdependent. An analysis of the expectations produced by pioneers shows that they are reflected in those expectations of today’s practitioners, or rather their professional bodies. This proves that the pioneers were powerful enough to impose their discourse on today’s generation of conference interpreters. In this respect, the conference interpreter is confronted with a nomothetic as well as ideographic role dimension insofar as professional associations,

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such as AIIC, represent a reference group and direct their expectations to the social position of the simultaneous conference interpreter. The association, however, consists of practising conference interpreters and is thus supposed to represent the expectations held by the interpreter him/herself. The main expectation on how the interpreter should behave in order to guarantee high quality in interpreting is based on the conduit-metaphor. According to this dominant notion of quality, the detached interpreter channels everything produced by the speaker without any loss, the main focus being on the sense inherent to the original message. This expectation is highly binding and may thus be considered a norm, or even a supernorm, which dominates the belief system of simultaneous conference interpreting practice (Zwischenberger 2015). This supernorm is so popular among practitioners because the image of the interpreter, as a passive element in a communication process, can be marketed very well to outsiders. The image may be of particular importance in the field of conference interpreting, often the place where important leaders of various other fields meet. The speaker in these contexts makes him-/herself heard through the interpreter. This metaphor is easily understood and does not require any further explanations or justifications. Furthermore, this metaphoric image is so persistent in conference interpreting, particularly in simultaneous interpreting, due to the very nature of this profession. Simultaneous conference interpreters work in their sound-proof booths, very often placed at the very back of a conference hall, and are virtually invisible. Their work is often perceived as a technical and automatic activity by outsiders to the profession. In such a context, the propagation of the passive channel image may be more credible than in other interpreting contexts. These examples show that the metaphor of interpreters as conduits or channels, may also fulfill a social function. The true, complicated and complex nature of simultaneous conference interpreting hides behind this metaphor. It keeps conference interpreters at the very end of the social hierarchy at a congress. This is presumed to be a safe place, whereas it turns out to be an erroneous assumption. This partly self-imposed position prevents simultaneous interpreters from obtaining the true recognition they deserve as communication professionals, actively involved in the construction of the message.

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Notes 1. Barik (1971) devised a typology, which contained the three main categories of “omissions,” “additions” and “errors” and various subcategories. 2. The 16 linguistic and extralinguistic quality criteria were: native accent, fluency of delivery, logical cohesion of utterance, sense consistency with original message, completeness of interpretation, correct grammatical usage, use of correct terminology, use of appropriate style, pleasant voice, thorough preparation of conference documents, endurance, poise, pleasant appearance, reliability, ability to work in a team and positive feedback from delegates (Bühler 1986:231-232).

References AIIC.2000. Code of professional ethics. Source: http://aiic.net/page/54/code-of-professional-ethics/lang/1. DOA: 29 June 2013. —. 2001. Advice to students wishing to become conference interpreters. Source: http://aiic.net/node/2672/advice-to-would-be-interpreters /lang /1. DOA: 30 June 2013. —. 2004. Quality issues in conference interpreting. Source: http://aiic.net/page/1405/quality-issues-in-conferenceinterpreting/lang/1. DOA: 04 July 2013. —. 2005a. Budding Interpreter FAQ. Source: http://aiic.net/page/1669. DOA: 28 June 2013. —. 2005b.Tips for beginners. Source: http://aiic.net/p/1674. DOA: 29 June 2013. —. 2010. Interpretation: one profession, several jobs. a talk with Silvia Camilo. Source: http://aiic.net/page/3397/interpretation-one-profession-severaljobs/lang/1. DOA: 01 July 2013. —. 2013. AIIC. Source: http://aiic.net/. DOA: 03 July 2013. Angelelli, C. V. 2004. Revisiting the Interpreter’s Role. A study of Conference, Court, and Medical Interpreters in Canada, Mexico and the United States. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Altman, J. 1994. Error analysis in the teaching of simultaneous interpretation. In: S. Lambert and B. Moser-Mercer (eds), Bridging the Gap. Empirical Research in Simultaneous Interpretation. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 25-38. Assointerpreti. 2013. Interpretazione simultanea. Source: http://www.assointerpreti.it/. DOA: 10 July 2013. Bahrdt, H. P. 2003. Schlüsselbegriffe der Soziologie: eine Einführung mit Lehrbeispielen. München: Beck. 9th edition.

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Barik, H.C. 1971. A description of various types of omissions, additions and errors encountered in simultaneous interpretation. Meta,16/4: 199210. Berger, P. and T. Luckmann. [1966]/1980. Die gesellschaftliche Konstruktion der Wirklichkeit. Eine Theorie der Wissenssoziologie. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Verlag. Berk-Seligson, S. 1988. The impact of politeness in witness testimony: the influence of the court interpreter. Multilingua, 7/4: 411-439. —. 1990. The bilingual courtroom. Court Interpreters in the Judicial Process. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Bühler, H. 1986. Linguistic (semantic) and extra-linguistic (pragmatic) criteria for the evaluation of conference interpretation and interpreters. Multilingua, 5/4: 231-235. Carr, S. E, R. Roberts, A. Dufour and D. Steyn (eds). 1997. The Critical Link. Interpreters in the Community.Papers from the first conference on interpreting in legal, health, and social service settings (Geneva Park, Canada, June 1-4, 1995). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Cartellieri, C. 1983. The inescapable dilemma: Quality and/or quantity in interpreting. Babel, 29/4:209-213. Cary, E. 1956. La Traduction dans le monde moderne. Genève: Georg. Chiaro, D. and G. Nocella. 2004. Interpreters’ perception of linguistic and non-linguistic factors affecting quality: a survey through the World Wide Web. Meta, 49/2: 278-293. Chernov, G. V. 1973. Towards a psycholinguistic model of simultaneous interpreting. Linguistische Arbeitsberichte, 7: 225-260. Collados Aís, Á. [1998]/2002. Quality Assessment in Simultaneous Interpreting.The Importance of nonverbal communication. In: F. Pöchhacker and M. Shlesinger (eds), The Interpreting Studies Reader. London/New York: Routledge. 326-336. Dahrendorf, R. 2006. Homo Sociologicus: ein Versuch zur Geschichte, Bedeutung und Kritik der Kategorie der sozialen Rolle. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. 16th edition. Diriker, E. 2004. De-/Re-Contextualizing Conference Interpreting. Interpreters in the Ivory Tower. Amsterdam/Philadelphia. John Benjamins. Eichner, K. 1981. Die Entstehung sozialer Normen. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Falbo, C. 1998. Analyse des erreurs en interprétationsimultanée. The Interpreters’ Newsletter, 8: 107-120.

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Lee, J. 2008. Rating Scales for Interpreting Performance Assessment.The Interpreter and Translator Trainer 2/2: 165-184. Mack, G. and L. Cattaruzza. 1995. User Surveys in SI: a means of learning about quality and/or raising some reasonable doubts. In: J. Tommola (ed.), Topics inInterpreting research. Turku: Centre for Translation and Interpreting. 37-49. Meister-Hedinger, E. 1954. The Interpreter’s Viewpoint. L’Interpréte [Bulletin], IX/ 3: 8-11. Mikkelson, Holly. 2008. Evolving views of the court interpreter’s role. Between Scylla and Charybdis. In: C. Valero-Garcés and A. Martin (eds), Crossing Borders in Community Interpreting. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 81-97. Monacelli, C. 2009. Self-Preservation in Simultaneous Interpreting Surviving the role. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Moser, P. 1996. Expectations of users of conference interpretation. Interpreting,1/2: 145-178. Moser-Mercer, B. 1978. Simultaneous Interpretation. A Hypothetical Model and its Practical Application. In: D. Gerver and H. W. Sinaiko (eds), Language interpretation and communication. New York: Plenum Press. 353-368. —. 1996. Quality in interpreting: some methodological issues. The Interpreters’ Newsletter, 7: 43-55. Peuckert, R. 2006a. Rolle, soziale. In: B. Schäfers and J. Kopp (eds), Grundbegriffe der Soziologie.Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. 242-245. —. 2006b. Norm, soziale. In: B . Schäfers and J. Kopp (eds), Grundbegriffe der Soziologie.Wiesbaden: VS Verlagfür Sozialwissenschaften. 213-216. Pöchhacker, F. 2001. Quality assessment in Conference and Community Interpreting. Meta, 46/2: 410-425. Reddy, M. J. 1993. The conduit metaphor: a case of frame conflict in our language about language. In: A. Ortony (ed.), Metaphor and Thought. Cambridge: University Press. 164-201. Riccardi, A. 2001. Die Bewertung von Dolmetschleistungen während der Ausbildung und in der Berufspraxis. In: A. F. Kelletat (ed.), Dolmetschen: Beiträge aus Forschung, Lehre und Praxis.Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. 267-278. Roberts, R. et al. (eds). 1997. The Critical Link 2. Interpreters in the Community. Selected papers from the second international conference on interpreting in legal, healthand social service settings (Vancouver, BC, Canada, 19-23 May 1998). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

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A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF APPROACHES ADOPTED IN TRANSLATOR TRAINING PROGRAMMES IN THE UK SUZAN WALI UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES, USA

Abstract This article analyses approaches adopted in translator training programmes in the UK, from the 1980s to the present, and suggests further improvement for these programmes. This study presents the reasoning behind increased calls for innovation in translator training programmes, and compares the three approaches adopted at certain MA programmes. It also emphasises the relationship between these three approaches and the deductive/inductive approaches adopted in teaching theories of translation. Finally, this study explores the impact of these approaches on managing the class, selecting materials for practical classes, presenting theories of translation, and improving students’ skills. Conducted in 2011, this study comprises three surveys, two of which collected data from teachers and students of post-graduate studies in translation at seven universities, and another sent to eighteen translation companies (see appendix). The surveys compiled the thoughts of teachers, students, and translation companies regarding approaches adopted in translator training programmes. The study concludes with suggestions on improving current post-graduate programmes of translation in the UK. Keywords: translators training, teacher-centered approach, developingskill approach, student-centered approach

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1. Four Concerns about translators training Nord (2005), Champe (1996), Robinson (2003) and Wilss (1996) argue for an increasing concern among scholars of translation pedagogy regarding the development of translator training programmes. These scholars assume that no innovation exists in training programmes due to four reasons. The first is that each new generation of trainers/teachers inherits and applies the same techniques and approaches, which they experienced as trainees of translation. Nord (2005:209) states: “So far, there is no institutional training for translator trainers....maybe life would be a little easier for them (and for their students?) if they had had some kind of special instruction and were not forced to re-invent the wheel of translation pedagogy over and over again”

The second concern is that certain programmes do not identify boundaries between language teaching and translator training. Champe (1996) and Sorvali (1996) argue that some trainers of translation attempt to apply approaches of foreign language teaching to translator training, with the result that these translator training classes are taught as language classes. Champe (1996:289) adds: “It is a good use of time and energy to explain and demonstrate to colleagues that once a student has progressed beyond the level of language acquisition, translation studies is a distinct discipline.”

He argues that new trainees of translation should master the languages before applying for training programmes, as these programmes should focus mainly on theories of translation, practice, solving problems and adopting techniques involved in the profession of translation, rather than on improving language knowledge. The third concern is the tension between the university and the translation market. Champe (1996:292) notes the “tension between the university environment and the idea of professionalism, especially where the core disciplines involved lie within the humanities,” since the market requires more concentration on technical, legal and scientific translation. Robinson (2003:175) argues that translators training programmes should narrow the gap between the learning environment and the real world of translation, by preparing students for possible challenges: “responding, making active and informed and ethical decisions about how to react to the pressures placed on one to act in a certain way in a certain situation: the function of translation theory and translation instruction must be to enhance translators’ ability to make decisions.”

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The fourth concern is the huge gap between the development of academic research of translation studies and the applied field of translation. Wilss (1996) claims that recent articles have been written about translation pedagogy, which discuss aspects including: the significance of teaching theories of translation, teacher-student relations, the differences between teaching translation and teaching languages, and the assessment of translation quality. Not enough studies or articles on applied translation exist, however, and even initiative articles about translation pedagogy do not contain evidence concerning the process of translation, or the acquisition and development of necessary skills for efficient translation. Wilss (1996) states that, although such initiatives begin to improve investigation and innovation in the applied field of translation pedagogy decently, more studies are needed. In order to follow the development of translators training and to show innovations in this field, we will present the teacher-centred approach, the developing-skills approach, and the student-centred approach, all of which are adopted in practice classes, lectures and seminars in Translator Training Programmes.

2. Teacher-centred approach In practical classes, students acquire translation knowledge and skills from the teacher and practise them in controlled exercises. House (1980, in Kiraly 1995:7) describes the traditional practical classroom: “The teacher of the course, a native speaker of the target language, passes out a text (the reason of the selection of this text is usually not explained, because it is often a literary essay that the teacher has just found by accident). This text is full of traps, which means that the teachers do not set out to train students in the complex and difficult art of translation, but to ensnare them and lead them into error. The text is then prepared, either orally or in written form, for the following sessions and then the whole group goes through the text sentence by sentence, with each sentence being read by a different student. The teacher asks for alternative translation solutions, corrects the suggested versions and finally, “corrected” form ....this procedure is naturally very frustrating for the students...”

We can highlight several aspects of the traditional teacher-centred approach in this quotation. First, the qualifications of a successful teacher are discussed, as well as the debate regarding the ability of a native speaker, or even a teacher of the target language, to teach translation. Sorvali (1996) argues that trainers of translation should be experienced

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translators or interpreters, so that their strong background in translation enables them to discuss their experience as a translator. A trainer also should study theoretical aspects, in order to disseminate information regarding problems of translation. According to Sorvali, an ideal trainer should be actively involved in translation research, if not in translation pedagogy. Second, within this approach are identified the characteristics and choice of texts introduced in practical classes. In this quotation, the text is normally literary and is found by chance. Newmark (1991) and Sorvali (1996) argue that teachers of translation should be “translation specialists” who occasionally freelance, so that they can use their translation of authentic texts, after their clients’ approval, as class material. This would allow students to work on authentic materials and to encounter real translation problems. On the contrary, using inauthentic material would result in artificial activities. Moreover, frustration would arise, if students were aware of the gap between texts they translate in practical classes and materials they encounter in the real world. Furthermore, students’ autonomy, empowerment, and participation may be reduced dramatically. Third, within the teacher-centred class, the teacher does not help in developing or improving translation skills but rather focuses on identifying students’ linguistic errors. In this way, it approximates a language class, not a translation class. Ladmiral (in Kiraly, 1995:21) criticizes this aspect of the traditional teacher-centred approach and argues for the need to change the idea that “the more or less faulty performances of students are the trials and errors that mark the itinerary that must take them to the level of the teacher, which is considered the ideal.” Ladmiral also proposes a move from the focus on the eradication of errors toward the improvement of students’ knowledge and skills. Holz-Manttari (in Kiraly, 1995) agrees with Ladmiral and claims that concentration on students’ grammatical errors leads to the neglect of translation performance. She also rejects the activities in this traditional class, since they merely concentrate on the “transcoding” of phrases and sentences. The teacher often carries out this activity, while students follow and imitate the way of “transcoding” through watching passively. Within the teacher-centred approach, Kiraly (2000) criticizes the passivity of students while listening to corrections of the teacher in class. Kiraly (2000) describes these classes as a reflection of the transmission concept of learning. This concept views knowledge as a “static entity,” which the teacher - the only source of knowledge - transmits to learners, who passively absorb it. In this process of transmitting knowledge, the teacher provides input and feedback to fill gaps in the students’ knowledge

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and to minimize the gap between his/her model translation and students’ translations. Kiraly argues (2000:22) in this teacher-centred class: “From a transmissionist perspective, the learner comes to the classroom as a passive listener, a consumer of knowledge. And if knowledge can be packaged for distribution, then it can be conveniently dissected into digestible chunks for transmission ... As the teacher is considered the fountain of knowledge, then naturally it is the teacher who should have control of the knowledge distribution process in the classroom.”

The aforementioned quotation of House also notes the lack of theoretical discussion. Kiraly (2000) argues that, in practical classes, which adopt the teacher-centred approach, students do not have the opportunity to determine translation rules or to apply the theories that they study in lectures on practical exercises. Pym (1993) argues that any exchange of knowledge among students would be considered as disrespectful and distracting to the teacher, who is the “fountain of knowledge” and has complete authority over the class. According to Kiraly (2000:53), adopting this approach in practical classes is: “far removed from the complex social interaction and cognitive-problem solving of the translator’s actual activities. In such classes, translation activity is reduced to a mechanical search and replaces game.”

Adopting the teacher-centred approach in translation lectures and seminars results in deductive teaching of translation theories as the lecturer introduces a theory through quotations from the literature, with the possibility of applying this theory to some examples of translations. In this deductive approach of teaching theories, students absorb a theory by listening passively to lectures, assuming they can apply it to practical texts. Fernandez and Sempere (2010) reject this assumption, as they argue that different modules in translation programmes do not integrate together in a way that allows students to apply theories studied in lectures and seminars, to materials tackled in practical classes. Pym (1993) argues that, in the transmission approach, a lack of discussion may cause confusion and even frustration in students. In agreement, Nord (2005:215) states, “When the students start practicing they will have forgotten what they have learnt in theory.” In other words, lectures and practical classes do not mutually serve in building students’ skills and understanding of the profession. As the teacher-centred approach does not satisfy the requirements of the real world of translation, new innovative approaches and techniques

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must prepare trainees in translator training programmes to work in the translation market.

3. Developing-skills approach Thus, several scholars of translation, including Sainz (1992) and Nord (in Kiraly 2000), suggest a different approach to build students’ awareness of translation skills, and to enhance their performance by gradually moving them from more controlled to less controlled activities. Sainz invents new techniques, such as introducing texts on the same topic in the source and target languages, back translating students’ own work, comparing students’ translations with published versions, and comparing translations collaboratively in pairs. Even in seminars, students should work in groups to prepare and to report specific topics to classmates. Nord (in Kiraly 2000) adds activities to develop the trainees’ skills of translation in practical classes. She divides activities into three categories depending on student skill levels: novice, intermediate and advanced. The activities adopted in this approach improve practical classes of translation through increased student involvement in the class. Nord (2005) argues that the developing-skills approach can be adopted also in teaching theories. In this “pig-tail method,” students should “start out with a small portion of theory, which is then applied to practice, where the need of more theory becomes obvious, which is then satisfied by another portion of theory, and so on.” This method needs integration between practical classes and lectures of theories.

4. Student-centred approach According to Kiraly, the teacher-centred approach does not equip students with skills necessary for the profession, while the developingskills approach depends on inauthentic materials and artificial learning environments. Therefore, Kiraly (1995) proposes that the student-centred approach, which depends on the transforming concept of knowledge, emphasises the autonomy and empowerment of the learner. Thus, every student is treated as having his/her own way of thinking, acquiring knowledge, and finding relations between means and results. In this approach, teachers cannot impose knowledge on students, but rather facilitate the process of acquiring translation skills. Thus, students should be trained to find their own solutions to possible problems they face, and to build general hypotheses that enhance their work and knowledge.

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Sorvali (1996) and Kiraly (2000) agree that these programmes of translator training must simulate - in at least some way - the real world of translation. Students should experience possible problems in the translation market, so that they join the translators’ community by graduation. Fernandez and Sempere (2006:10) argue that translator training programmes should: “provide a situational context that offers students a clear experience of what goes on in the professional environment and so prepares them for the “real” world of work. By doing this, they improve students’ workreadiness and employability.”

Kiraly (2000) argues that translator training programmes should result in translator competence rather than translation competence. Kiraly explains that the term “translator competence” includes improving nonlinguistic and specialized skills, which allow graduating students to translate difficult scientific and technical texts. Students should be trained to produce a highly adequate translation in both content and language under time pressure. Kiraly (2000) stresses the importance of using new professional software, translation memory databases and terminology databases, which impact the profession of translation and translator training. Kiraly argues that translation classrooms should be equipped with network stations, so that each student can access online references, dictionaries and encyclopaedias through hands-on experience. Furthermore, this “collaborative-learning environment” significantly allows students to choose and experience different sub-tasks, which match their interests, abilities and skills. Therefore, students “learn how to learn” and to determine the methods of learning, which they can complete successfully in their vocational life, such as project management, translating, editing, proofreading, or tackling CAT tools. This approach helps students to develop self-reliance and selfconfidence through less need for the teacher. This learning environment moves students gradually to the community of professional translators as they continually negotiate and solve translation problems, as well as defend their solutions with peers. Students, thus, should work on projects as Fernandez and Sempere explain (2010:6): “When you provide a real translation project as a learning situation and give students control and responsibility to carry out the project, you facilitate problem-based learning. Students will be faced with problems that will develop different type of competences. This range from the traditional translation related problems (language, textual, subject, cultural, transfer, and (re) search), technical/instrumental problems (IT/CAT

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Approaches Adopted in Training Translators in the UK software related), process related (organizational, managerial, strategic) to team-work problems (communicative, interpersonal, attitudinal, negotiation).”

The student-centred class may solve the tension between theory and practice, or the debate regarding the inclusion of translation theories in curricula. Pym (1993) and Zhu (in Hung, 2002), among other scholars of teaching translation, assume two reasons for this tension: the imposition of abstract theories on students, and the past instruction of these theories through the deductive approach in teacher-centred lectures and seminars. Pym (1993:100) agues that “the logic[al] basis for teaching translation is induction rather than deduction.” Thus, in the student-centred approach, students should start by translating as much as possible to identify general hypotheses. Then, they can turn these hypotheses into conclusions for application on other texts. In this way, global translation concepts, notions and theories would derive from experience and not vice-versa. In addition, he argues that translators and students of translation are suspicious of translation theories. Some even refuse to teach or study these theories due to their abstraction and lack of application on practical texts. To solve this problem, Sager (1992) argues that students should discover the use of theories by allowing them to find norms and rules while practising translation. In other words, as translation itself should be taught inductively in student-centred classes, theories also should be inductive. Kiraly claims that “seminars need not simply to be ersatz lectures, where students take on the role of knowledge disseminators as proxies for the teacher” (2000:64). Rather than listening passively to a lecturer, as in the teacher-centred approach, seminars can become a research-workshop where students and teachers create an active learning environment, described by Davies (2005:71) as “a discussion forum and hands-on workshop.” In applying the student-centred or collaborative approach in lectures and seminars, students and teachers do not need to present topics individually but rather prepare topics in groups at home, where they can discuss the topics together and determine their presentation to colleagues. This approach encourages students to read, research, discuss, debate, negotiate, and organize their thoughts. They do not need to report literature of translation, but to create their own perspectives after analyzing and summarizing the experts’ views. Contrasting their final perspectives with other groups will encourage more discussion, which will enrich their knowledge and polish all skills acquired throughout this learning process.

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5. Case Study Three electronic surveys collected data to gauge opinions about the three approaches discussed in this study and to clarify the degree of adoption in current translator training programmes in the UK. The first survey was sent to trainers to investigate which approaches they adopt. The second survey was sent to trainees to determine satisfaction with the approaches adopted in their programmes and the likelihood that their training would allow smooth integration in the real world of translation by graduation. The third survey was sent to eighteen translation companies to analyse the evaluation of translators with degrees from translator training programmes (see appendix). As this study does not investigate approaches adopted in translator training in a particular language or school, the first and the second surveys were sent to translator training programmes at University of Salford, Newcastle University, University of London Metropolitan, University of Leeds, University of Surrey, University of Bath, and Herriot-Watt University. These universities offer translation programmes in European languages, including English, French, Spanish, German, Italian, and Polish, and other languages, such as Arabic, Chinese and Japanese. With variety in languages comes variety in the backgrounds, attitudes, objectives, and responses of both teachers and students. As the study does not evaluate or criticize any training programme, the three surveys were anonymous. Nineteen trainers and sixty-one trainees completed the surveys. It is not known if all teachers/trainers in one programme adopt the traditional teacher-centred approach, developingskills approach or student-centred approach. It is also difficult to determine if all students in a programme are satisfied with the adopted approaches. Twelve translation companies completed the survey. As the responses were anonymous, they do not reflect the companies’ attitude toward a particular programme, but toward the role of the translators training programmes in educating and preparing new translators in the UK. The teacher and student surveys have ten questions, which are the same in both surveys and cover four main aspects. The first aspect is teaching theories of translation, questions discover which approaches are adopted in teaching theories of translation, and the impact of these approaches on new translator training. The second aspect concerns practical classes, the questions concentrate on the approaches, techniques and materials, which should create a fruitful learning environment in the programme and should guarantee translation and translator competence.

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The third aspect questions the qualifications of translator trainers, which enable them to guide and train students. The fourth aspect is more open: questions ask how teachers may enhance class organization and how students would improve their programmes of study. The third survey, sent to translation companies, questions if these companies find more benefit in translator training through deductive or inductive approaches in teaching theories of translations. The survey also asks them how they best simulate work conditions while conducting practical classes of translation. Furthermore, the third survey asks if companies of translation allow students in training programmes to practice authentic materials. The last question concerns the spheres of translation in which students should train for real world experiences.

6. Teaching theories In trainer and trainee surveys, three questions evaluate the approaches adopted in teaching theories of translation. The first question investigates approaches adopted in translation theory teaching at the MA level. In lectures on translation theories, Trainers’ Students’ strategies and principles, the lecturer Response Response usually (all applicable choices): Percentage Percentage 1- Speaks and explains for most of the 52.6% 86.9% class and then allows students to ask questions. 2- Asks students to read and prepare 57.9% 3.3% articles at home individually or in groups, with more discussions in new groups during the lecture. 3- Provides handouts for small-group 36.8% 9.8% discussion, followed by general discussion. 4- Follows lectures with seminars for 52.6% 2% small-group discussion. 5- Other 21.1% 10% 86.9% of students agree that they listen passively to the lecturer, and then they ask questions. This percentage of the students experienced the transmission approach (Kiraly 2000), as one student commented: “We had never read or prepared before the lectures. Most of the time, we listened passively or took notice but there was no group work or real

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discussions. Some questions were asked at the end of the lecture, but I would not say that it was a real discussion.”

Concurrently, 9.8% of the students state that discussion of hand-outs in groups is followed by general discussion, which allows for input from different sources and not only one-way transmission of knowledge from the teacher. Comparing the results of student and teacher surveys, we find that teachers tend to adopt new approaches in teaching theories. 52.6% of teachers argue that they follow their lectures with seminars, as Davies (2005) recommends. In addition, 57.9% of teachers ask students to read and prepare topics or theories before class discussion. 52.6% adopt the traditional teacher-centred approach. One comment states: “I tend to apply all of them depending on the topic that is being discussed,” while another comment notes: “We do not teach theory in our programme, as it is vocational.” Such responses encourage more studies on the preference between translation studies programmes specialized in teaching theories, and applied translation programmes specialized in vocational studies. The second question, in the teacher and student surveys, regards the application of theories studied by students while translating. After lectures of translation studies and theories/principles, students normally:

Teachers’ Reponse Percentage

Students’ Response Percentage

1- Understand translation theories and can apply them. 2- Understand translation theories but cannot apply them.

47.4%

36.1%

26.3%

41%

3- Do not understand translation theories and cannot apply them.

0.0%

23%

4- Other.

26.3%

15%

Although 23.0% of students state that they neither understand theories nor apply them, teachers claim that students do not encounter such problems. 41.0% of students, and 26.3 % of teachers, state that students understand theories but “often need practice in applying them.” One student states that s/he “did not really make the connection between the various translation theories studied and the actual translation modules.”

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Another student says, “There was a gap usually between practical classes and the lectures. They do not serve each other.” One teacher supports this idea: “A lot of students report that what they feel is a huge gulf between theory and practice. This seems to stem from the 'mythification' of theory, i.e. students often find it too esoteric to be practical.” These quotations reflect the wide gap, identified among students by Fernandez and Sempere (2010), between lectures of translation and practical classes due to a lack of mutual integration. Zhu (2002) and Pym (1993) also argue that theories which facilitate the process of translating should be introduced, and not abstract theories. Another point discussed in the three surveys concerns the adoption of deductive or inductive approaches in teaching theories of translation. You find it more helpful if students:

Teachers’ Response Percentage

Students’ Response Percentage

1- Study theories and apply them to texts. 2- Translate as much as possible and induct rules to be applied to later texts. 3- Ignore translation theories, concepts and rules. 4- Other

42.1%

23%

Translation Companies’ Response Percentage 30%

26.3%

32%

50%

0.0

9.8%

30%

31.6%

9%

10%

26.3% of teachers, 32% of students, and 50% of translation companies agree that adopting the inductive approach helps student involvement in the translation process. One student commented; “I think it is the same way theorists induct theories, so it is more practical and sticks in our minds, not the other way round.” One company adds: “Translators should learn analysis techniques, so that they can propose their own theories to cover the gaps they find when translating.” Remarkably, 42.1% of teachers think the adoption of the traditional deductive approach in teaching theories is more helpful. In addition, four of the nineteen teachers who completed the survey suggested combining the two approaches. Furthermore, although nearly all teachers notably reject the idea of ignoring or avoiding translation theories while training new translators,

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9.8% of students and 33.3% of companies agree with Chesterman and Wagner (2002) that teaching theories does not help students to become professional translators. One teacher states: “I have had a long and successful career without consciously applying any translation theory to the task. Some would argue that I apply them unconsciously, but I would argue that each text requires several different theoretical approaches in order to be rendered professionally to the satisfaction of the paying client.”

7. Teaching practical classes The second point investigated in the surveys concerns approaches texts adopted in teaching practical classes of translation. Most texts you normally use in practical classes are: 1- Authentic STs that you actually translated as a translator or were provided by agencies. 2- Literary articles from papers, journals and websites. 3- Technical and scientific articles from papers, journals and websites. 4- Other

Teachers’ Response Percentage 63.2%

Students’ Response Percentage 42.6%

57.9%

86.9%

73.7%

23%

21.1%

10%

63.2% of teachers’ state that they use authentic materials in teaching practical classes. One teacher noted: “For reasons of confidentiality, I am limited with the number of texts I can use in class that I have translated myself.” Results show also that 42.6% of students believe that they have the opportunity to practice authentic materials, as one student wrote: “Many times, they are real texts the teacher has translated for an agency or other project. They are all real texts.” Furthermore, 83.3% of translation companies indicate that they would allow students to practice authentic material, if confidentiality is guaranteed. On the contrary, 86.9% of students comment that they translate unauthentic materials, 57.9% of teachers note their use of literary materials, and 73.7% specify their use of technical and scientific materials found in papers, journals and websites. We cannot know if these

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unauthentic texts are chossen randomly or for certainn purposes. If materials are chosen rrandomly, studdents may nott deal with tran anslation probllems they may encounnter while trannslating autheentic texts, paarticularly if 23.0% 2 of students arggue that they trranslate literarry materials m more than tech hnical and scientific texxts. One studeent writes: “Except iin the TPM moodule, we had never translateed authentic teexts .... Almost alll the texts we translated weree literary texts ffrom newspapeers and magazinees.”

Another student comm mented: “Teaachers usuallyy provide the texts that belong to thheir area of exppertise... It is also quite connvenient as they do not have to preppare themselvves for the claasses.” These two commen nts reflect House’s quootation (in Kirraly, 1995) con ncerning the sselection of teexts in the traditional teeacher-centredd approach. The secoond question about practicaal classes conncerns techniq ques used while traininng translators.. In practical classes, studdents usually:

T Teachers’ R Response P Percentage

1- Translatte a text indiviidually at hom me under no time preessure, follow wed by group discussion in class.

668.4%

Students’ S Response R Percentag P e 90.2% 9

2- Translatte a text in grooups at home, followed by class discussion in neew groups. 3- Translatte a text indiviidually, then in i pairs or groups iin the class, without w preparaation at home. 4- Other

5 .3%

23% 2

5 .3%

50.8% 5

221.1%

30.1% 3

90.2% oof students, annd 68.4% of teachers, stat ate that they adopt a the teacher-centtred approach, in which stu udents work oon texts indiviidually at home (usuallly under no time t pressure)), followed byy general disccussion in class. One student desccribes the reeasons for heer preferencee of this approach: “I most ppreferred to trannslate a text at home by myseelf, because it would words, and go at my allow mee to research annything I needeed to, look up w own pacee. Often when I work in class I feel rushed, oor when I work with a

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group I disagree with the other students' choices.”

This quotation reflects that some students consider neither the time pressure translators usually face nor the nature of working in translation companies, where translators work as a team. Students should understand the merits of the collaborative approach (Kiraly 2000), as one teacher commented: “In my experience students often do not like to engage in group work inside or outside of the classroom, but it is important because translators often work in teams in the real world.”

This situation explains why many teachers agree that they “would do all three [approaches] over the course of a semester” to satisfy different learning styles. 50% of translation companies suggested that students should work on texts in groups at home, under time pressure, before discussing them in class. In this way, they adapt to the material, discuss all problems and different techniques for translating a text, and finally work in new groups in class. This technique supports Kiraly’s collaborative approach, as students thus discuss several opinions and negotiate their decisions until they agree. Adopting this approach helps students to adjust to teamwork and to defend their decisions, as Pym (1993) suggests. This approach notably has already been adopted in some practical classes, where students produce a group translation using a wiki and then discuss it in class. Another question asks about activities adopted in practical classes. Which of the following techniques are adopted in practical classes: 1- Compare students’ translations to a model translation (teacher’s translation). 2- Choose several students’ translations and discuss their mistakes.

Teachers’ Response Percentage 36.8%

Students’ Response Percentage 37.7%

36.8%

59%

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3- Ask students to compare two published translations of the same text. 4- Compare two or more student translations. 5- Discuss source texts on a chosen topic in the SL and the TL. 6- Do not translate but normally discuss the main translation problems in the text. 7- Ask students to choose from multiple choice translations. 8- Ask students to work on guided translation, in which the teacher has marked translation problems in advance. 9- Give students test translations, in which students translate texts under examination conditions, followed by class discussion. 10- Ask students to work on a text as if it is a project, so that they prepare quotations and invoices, distribute tasks (translation, editing, reviewing), use CAT tools and meet deadlines. 11- Other.

52.6%

24.6%

68.4% 47.4%

60.7% 39.3%

47.4%

27.9%

5.3%

11.5%

31.6%

11.5%

21.1%

9.8%

47.4%

18%

5.3%

5%

Obviously, the three approaches are adapted to different extents, with the student-centred /collaborative approach achieving the highest rate. 60.7% of students, and 68.4% of teachers, state that they compare students’ translation so that students negotiate their solutions. In addition, 18% of students, and 47.4% of teachers, note their work on translation projects. In projects, students produce estimations, quotations, invoices, and distribute tasks among themselves, including translating, proofreading, editing, reviewing, and using CAT tools. These results show that a considerable number of practical classes achieve the aims which Sorvali (1996), Kiraly (2000) and Fernandez and Sempere (2006) have discussed, namely simulating the real world of translation and preparing MA students to integrate into the translation community. This question also shows that teachers adopt the developing-skills approach through the techniques suggested by Sainz (1992) and Nord (in Kiraly 2000), and enhance students’ skills gradually with different techniques to achieve certain goals. For example, 39.3% of students, and 47.4% of teachers, state that they discuss texts on chosen topics in the SL and the TL. 24.6% of students, and 52.6% of teachers, agree that they compare two published translations of the same source text. 27.9% of

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students, and 47.4% of teachers, admit that they sometimes do not devote time to translating a text but to discussing its typology, mode and culture references. Although students do not spend much time practising translation with these techniques, such discussions polish students’ knowledge and train students to accept that no one ideal translation for each original text exists, but rather different acceptable translations, as argued by Holz-Manttari (in Kiraly 1995). 37.7% of students, and 36.8% of teachers, together note that teachers usually compare some students’ translations to the teacher’s model or ideal translations; a technique rejected by House & Holz-Mattari (in Kiraly 1995). In addition, 59% of students, and 36.8% of teachers, agree that teachers choose some students’ translations and discuss their linguistic mistakes; another technique rejected by Ladmiral & Holz-Manttari (in Kiraly, 1995). These last two points prove that some teachers adopt the teacher-centred approach, in which the teacher has an ideal or model translation, which all students should imitate. Some teachers, however, do not agree on this approach: “I never promote a translation that I have produced as a 'model' as this suggests that the lecturer is always right and that students cannot produce a piece of work deemed 'good enough', which is wrong and demotivating for students in my view. Also just focusing on 'errors' in translation is also a negative way to view the process and so my approach is much more constructive - there are often many suitable translations to any one piece of text.”

Another question in the surveys concerns the use of teaching aids and CAT tools in practical classes. In discussing students’ translations, you normally: 1- Discuss them orally without other visual aids. 2- Show them on OHP (Over Head Projector). 3- Use networked computers in the classroom.

Teachers’ Response Percentage 26.3%

Students’ Response Percentage 80%

36.8%

44.3%

68.4%

41%

The results of the surveys do not show if technology is commonly used in current training programmes. Although 80.3% of students agree that translations are discussed orally without any visual aids or professional

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Approaches Adopted in Training Translators in the UK

tools, 68.4% of teachers indicate the use of networked computers in classrooms, while only 26.3% state that they work orally. Although the results do not reveal which technique is commonly used, we may assume that several techniques are used, as one student comments: “One or two of the students read their translation aloud and the rest should listen and pick the problems in the translation. It is really hard to concentrate while listening which shut us down so we did not participate. The communication in the class did not seem like a learning environment. There were networked computers in the class, but we had never used them. In other classes, the teacher used the OHP to project our translations.”

One teacher states: “All my classes take place in a computer lab so we use shared documents, wikis, view each other's individual and group versions, compile glossaries etc.” Another question checks if training programmes guarantee translation and the competence of translators. By the end of the programme, you believe students have acquired: 1- Translation competence in translating legal, scientific, medical and technical texts. 2- Translator competence in communication, management, marketing and negotiation with clients. 3- Competence in CAT tools. 4- Other.

Teachers’ Response Percentage

Students’ Response Percentage

73.7%

62.3%

Translation Companies ’ Responses Percentage 25%

68.4%

44.3%

50%

47.4% 10.2%

65.6%

50%

The results show the gap between translation programmes and the market of translation. Although 62.3% of students agree with 73.3% of teachers that students can achieve competence in translating legal, medical and scientific texts by the end of MA programmes, just 25% of translation companies agree. One teacher commented: “An MA in Britain is usually quite short (9 months) so it would be wrong to suggest students would be competent (as in 'experts') in fields like law and medicine. They will probably have gained an insight into the fields but would need to consolidate these insights with further experience and specialist training in some cases.”

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One student commented: “We did not have any training in CAT tools or teaching on communication, management, marketing and contacting clients.” On the contrary, one student who studied these aspects stated: “As I was the manager of the TPM, I gained a good experience in project management, marketing and contacting clients,” which proves the assertion of Fernandez and Sempere (2008) regarding the importance of introducing trainers to translation Project Management.

8. Trainers’ roles This paper shows that one main difference between the three approaches of teaching translation is the role of the teacher/trainer. House (1980, Kiraly 1995) argues that teachers/trainers who adopt the teachercentred approach are usually linguists or teachers of languages, who do not differentiate between language acquisition and translation skills. Sainz (1992) agrees that the role of language teachers is quite different from that of the translation trainer, as the latter can create techniques and activities to build students’ knowledge in translation rather than in linguistics. According to Kiraly (2000), translation trainers should be professional translators who establish a learning environment that simulates the market of translation. Therefore, the teacher and student surveys cover a third aspect of successful trainer qualifications. In the surveys, teachers and students must choose the three most important qualifications of translator trainers. You think a teacher of translation should be: (three points) 1- Native speaker of the target language. 2- Linguist. 3- Professional translator /freelancer. 4- Translation theorist. 5- Specialist in translation pedagogy (teaching translation). 6- Experienced in translation software programmes. 7- Other.

Teachers’ Response Percentage 84.2% 26.3% 89.5% 31.6% 78.9%

Students’ Response Percentage 63.9% 19.7% 85.2% 16.4% 49.2%

21.1%

19.7%

5.3%

The results of the surveys show that 89.5% of teachers, and 85.2% of students, agree that the most significant qualification of a teacher of

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translation is as a professional translator, or freelancer. One comment adds that being a professional translator guarantees being accustomed to CAT tools. 84.2% of teachers, and 63.9% of students, think that a teacher of translation should be a native speaker of the target language. 78.9% of teachers, and 49.2% of students, prefer their trainer to be a specialist in translation pedagogy, with this high percentage proving the need for more institutions to prepare trainers of translation (Nord 2005). As schools of education prepare teachers for their specialities in all disciplines, they must likewise educate trainers of translation. The lowest qualification scores in the two surveys are as a linguist or translation theorist.

9. General suggestions The final questions in the three surveys allow teachers, students, and translation companies to suggest improvements in translator training programmes in the UK. Twenty-one students suggest scheduling more time to practise translation and less time on theories. Many students also agree that modules should show students how to apply translation theories, as one student wrote: “Texts selected for translation should be clearly linked to particular approaches in translation studies.” Two trainers and eight students suggest that MA programmes may offer two trends: the first includes abstract theories for those who wish to continue in academic studies of translation, and the second for those who need more vocational training to become professional translators. Fifteen students ask for more specialized courses, with 66.7% of companies agreeing on this suggestion. Twelve students also prefer to work on authentic materials in practical classes. 75% of translation companies notably suggest that more time in translator training programmes should be devoted to training translators on proofreading and research skills. 58.3% of companies emphasize the importance of including CAT tools and project management in training translators to achieve translator competence, as trainees usually do not have necessary skills, including editing, proofreading, referencing, and using CAT tools. To overcome these problems, students should experience first-hand the pressures and constraints placed on professional translators. In other words, translator training programmes should develop students’ awareness of the tasks’ purpose, problem solving in authentic tasks and projects, and adjustments to the constant changes in the field. In addition, students’ translations should be evaluated not only pedagogically but also professionally, as evaluation by professional translators would be beneficial. Even in seminars and hands-on

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workshops, professional translators, and representatives of translation companies, may also participate to supervise students.

10. Conclusion To conclude our discussion of this study, we argue that the teachercentred approach, the developing skills approach, and the student-centred approach, all have positive impacts on educating new translators. Each can be adopted at different points throughout the programmes in order to respect different learning styles. Students may need the teacher-centred approach at the beginning of the programme to obtain general knowledge of basic concepts and principles of translation. The teacher then may adopt the developing-skills approach to achieve certain goals or to direct students’ learning. Once students master the translation skills and principles, trainers can adopt the student-centred approach, in which activities develop students’ self-confidence gradually. The adoption of this last approach is necessary to cope with the development of the translation profession, which changes rapidly due to technology and globalization. Therefore, translator training programmes should be updated with innovative concepts - including collaboration, empowerment and learner autonomy - so that students learn more than memorizing and regurgitating passively received knowledge. We must stress here that - in order to move gradually from approach to approach - teachers should play different roles, such as instructor, guide and facilitator. To sum up, teaching translation is a young discipline and needs more studies that will improve teaching approaches, by comparing the learning outcomes of training programmes with the expectations and requirements of translation companies. Sending surveys to translation companies, class observation, and students’ evaluation on each module, will help translator training programmes to make necessary changes in their goals and will guide teachers to adjust their teaching approaches to facilitate the learning process. Such studies may improve the process of training translators, so that they satisfy the needs of the translation industry.

References Champe, G.G. 1996. The Education of a translator: Thoughts on Some Models for the United States. In: M.G Rose (ed.), Translation horizons beyond the boundaries of translation spectrum, State University of New York, Binghamton. 285-292.

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Chesterman, A. and E. Wagner. 2002. Can Theory Help Translators? A Dialogue between the Ivory Tower and the Worldface. St. Jerome, Manchester. Davies, M.G. 2005, Minding the process, improving the product: alternatives to traditional translator training. In: M. Tennent (ed.), Training for the new millennium, John Benjamins, Amsterdam/ Philadelphia. 67-82. Fernandez, C. and F. Sempere. 2008. Developing the translation project managers of the future - a simulation project for students following MAs in Translating at Salford University (UK). Conference Training the Translators of the Future, held in Tanger, Marocco, 8-10 November 2006. École Supérieure Roi Fahd de Traduction. Fernandez, C. and F. Sempere. 2010. Shifting from translation competence to translator competence, can constructivism help?. In: V. Pellatt, K. Griffiths and S. Wu (eds), Teaching and testing Interpreting and Translating, ISFLL Vol.2, Peter Lang, Bern. 131-147. Kiraly, D. 1995. Pathways to translation. Pedagogy and Process. The Kent State University, London, Ohio and Kent. —. 2000. A Social Constructivist Approach to Translator Education: Empowerment from Theory to Practice. St. Jerome, Manchester. —. 2003. From instruction to collaborative construction. In: B.J Baer and G.S Koby (eds). Beyond the Ivory Tower: Rethinking Translation Pedagogy. American Translators Association Scholarly Monograph Series, Vol. XII. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.1-27. Lonsdale, A. 1996. Teaching Translation from Spanish to English. Ottawa: University of Ottawa. Newmark, P. 1991. About Translation. Toronto: Multilingual Matters. Nord, C. 2005. Training functional translators. In: M. Tennent (ed.), Training for the New Millennium. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 209-222. Pym, A. 1992. Translation error analysis and the interface with language teaching. In: C. Dollerup and A. Loddegaard (eds), Teaching translation and interpreting. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 279-288. —. 1993. Epistemological problems in translation and its teaching. Calaceit: Edicions Caminade. Robinson, D. 2003. Becoming a Translator. 2nd edition. London/New York: Routledge. Sager, J.C. 1992. The translator as terminologist. In: C. Dollerup and A. Loddegaard (eds), Teaching Translation and Interpreting. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.107-118.

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Sainz, M.J. 1992. Developing translation skills. In: C. Dollerup and A. Loddegaard (eds.), Teaching Translation and Interpreting. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 69-73. Sorvali, I. 1996. Translation Studies in a New Perspective. Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Wilss, W. 1996. Knowledge and Skills in Translator Behaviour. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Zhu, C.H. 2002. Translation: Theories, practice, and teaching. In: E. Hung (ed.), Teaching Translation and Interpreting 4: Building Bridges. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 19-30.

Appendix Employers’ survey: 1. In training new translators, trainees should: 1- Study translation theories and apply them on texts. 2- Translate as many texts as possible to induct rules and theories. 3- Deduct and induct theories at the same time. 4- Ignore theories and do more practice. 5- Other. 2. Would you allow MA trainees to work on authentic materials supplied by your company/agency under the supervision of their teacher: 1Yes 2No 3Maybe under certain conditions. 3. To simulate working conditions, do you think it is more helpful to train students to translate texts: 1- Individually at home under no time pressure. 2- Individually in the class under time pressure. 3- In groups at home under time pressure and then in new groups in the class. 4- In groups in the class under time pressure with no previous preparation. 5- Other.

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4. Translators, who have just obtained MA degree in translation, usually show: 1- Translation competence in translating specialized texts, such as legal, scientific, medical and technical texts. 2- Translator competence in multiple responsibilities, such as communication, management, marketing and contacting clients. 3- Competence in using CAT tools. 4- Other. 5. In training new translators, it would be useful to spend more time training them on (click all applicable points): 1- Specialized translation. 2- Proofreading. 3- Terminology. 4- CAT tools. 5- Preparing estimates and invoices. 6- Theories of translation. 7- Project management. 8- Team working. 9- Knowledge of translation standards. 10- Research skills. 11- Other.

PART III: AUDIOVISUAL TRANSLATION

“I’M JUST CRACKERS ABOUT CHEESE!” – SUBTITLING WORDPLAY INTO GERMAN: AN AUDIENCE RECEPTION STUDY SVEA SCHAUFFLER UNIVERSITY OF AUGSBURG, GERMANY

Abstract The project which this paper addresses represents a rarely undertaken, yet arguably crucial type of research in the field of (Audiovisual) Translation Studies. It is a receptor-oriented, experimental study which investigates the reception of two different strategies for subtitling English wordplay into German. The short film Wallace and Gromit in a Matter of Loaf and Death was subtitled into German, creating two different renditions, which only differ in terms of the translation of the numerous cases of wordplay. One translation prioritized the transfer of humour, while the other focusses on non-divergence from the original dialogue (the latter being the official translation). Both versions were screened for separate German-speaking audiences, while one original version was tested on an English-speaking control group. The reaction on the part of the audiences was then documented in questionnaires. The study also explores the influence of source language comprehension on the reception of both versions, as it is assumed that a formally different subtitle text could be interpreted as "incorrect" by members of the audience with knowledge of English. Finally, the question of subtitling acceptance in a language community, such as the German one, traditionally labelled a “dubbing country,” was investigated. Keywords: audiovisual translation, subtitling, wordplay, animated films

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1. Introduction In a Monty Python sketch from 1969 entitled “The funniest joke in the world”1, which is set in the Second World War, a joke writer invents a joke so funny that anyone who hears or reads it dies laughing. The military translate it into German in order to use it as a weapon, every translator only renders one word, so as not to succumb to the devastating power of the joke (one of them accidentally reads two words and has to spend a few weeks in hospital). The translated German version is then used in battle, killing numerous enemies. The Germans attempt a counter-joke – their best one is selected and used in action, but the translated English version is so bad that it has no effect on the British troops. This seemingly absurd skit in true Monty Python style touches upon an issue, which might have been familiar to the well-known comedy troupe themselves. If something is funny in one language and in its associated cultural context, can it be transferred into another language and still have the same effect as in its original form? If so, is the word-for-word approach employed by the British army in the sketch the appropriate way of tackling this task? Could the German counter-joke have had the desired impact on the British troops had a different translation approach been employed? Was it perhaps due to the particular type of humour that the British joke had the desired effect, while the German one was inherently untranslatable and therefore could never have succeeded in English? Or is there perhaps such a divergence between tastes in humour, and the cultural conventions as to what is funny in both language communities, that even the most skilful translator would have been unable to accomplish a successful cultural transfer? These questions have remained at the centre of research into humour translation for a long time, even leading to discussions between scholars as to whether or not linguistic humour is indeed ever translatable at all. Instead of an approach to humour as a translation “problem” in need of a “solution” (e.g. Davis 1997, Vandaele 2011), which is arguably part of a more general problem-based view of translation studies, an alternative approach is to focus research on strategies rather than on the categorization of norms and solutions. One area where such strategies are required is the translation of wordplay in audiovisual translation (AVT). As wordplay is an integral part of comedy films and series and likely to remain so, the question arises as to how – not if – it is possible to achieve a successful transfer of wordplay into a target language, in this particular case for subtitling purposes.

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Subtitling is characterized by the simultaneous presence of two texts, which means that this mode of language transfer allows the viewer to compare the source and target text and, therefore, to arrive at an evaluation of the relative appropriateness of a given translation of any one utterance. Evidently, this is only possible if the viewer possesses sufficient knowledge of the source language to enable such judgements, as is the case with many German viewers, as in the project at hand. Therefore, another question, which was investigated in the experiment, is whether source language comprehension interferes with the reception of wordplay which has been subtitled using different strategies - and how this interference is manifested. The final question to be addressed by this paper is one of acceptance of subtitling as a method of language transfer in a country, which has in the past been assigned the label “dubbing country,” in an age where these distinctions are gradually softening.

2. Wordplay translation The phenomenon frequently referred to as “wordplay,” but also as “punning” (Delabastita 1997), “verbal play” (Chiaro 1992), or viewed as a subcategory of “language play” (Schröter 2005), has been the subject of varied research within diverse fields, such as linguistics, anthropology, psychology, semiotics, and literary criticism, but also within the field of translation studies. Views on what constitutes wordplay are relatively homogenous despite the different terminologies employed. Joel Sherzer defines wordplay as “a projection of the paradigmatic onto the syntagmatic” (1978:341), which refers to the fact that it takes advantage of the ambiguity inherent in a lexical item. This is indeed the most prominent characteristic of this type of humour; wordplay uses the ambiguity contained in a signifier – a word, phrase, syntactic structure or idiomatic expression – in order to create humorous effect. Koestler’s definition stresses the same point: “The pun is the bisociation of a single phonetic form with two meanings – two strings of thought tied together by an acoustic knot” (1964:65). As is illustrated here, the terms pun and wordplay are not synonymous, but refer to the same concept of ambiguity, with wordplay also incorporating creative language use in which the ambiguity of a lexical item or structure is not the predominant element. Chiaro (1992:2) regards wordplay as “every conceivable way in which language is used with the intent to amuse. Wordplay stretches way beyond the joke which, in itself, is indeed a handy container in which such play might occur, but this blanket term also covers the sort of double entendre which is so common in conversation, public speeches, headlines and

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graffiti.” Again, the concept of creating double meaning with the objective of amusing listeners, readers, or viewers is at the centre of the concept of creative language use. Dirk Delabastita (1995:128) defines wordplay as follows: “Wordplay is the general name indicating the various textual phenomena in which structural features of the language(s) used are exploited in order to bring about a communicatively significant confrontation of two (or more) linguistic structures with more or less similar forms and more or less similar meanings.”

His definition places emphasis on the fact that wordplay can involve a varying range of similarity between the signifiers, which is relevant insofar as puns frequently rely on paronymy, in which humorous effect is derived from similarity rather than identity. Alan Partington (2009:1795) distinguishes between “exact puns,” where two sound sequences are identical, and “near puns” – those which play on the resemblance of two lexical or phrasal items. The subject of how wordplay is treated in audiovisual translation has been explored by several authors, mostly from a descriptive angle. A prominent researcher in this field, Henrik Gottlieb (1997), takes into account the polysemiotic nature of the audiovisual text in his analysis of wordplay translation. He establishes a link between the characteristic difficulties involved in wordplay translation and the typical constraints associated with subtitling. Gottlieb describes a “dual gap” (1997:211) inherent in subtitling as a method of translation: the linguistic and cultural discrepancy between the two audiences, coupled with the fact that viewers listen to the original language whilst reading the translation on the screen. The translatability of verbal humour has also been investigated by Juan José Martinez-Sierra (2005), in a case study focussing on the animated series The Simpsons. He concludes from his analysis that “most humour is translatable” (2005:294), and that the existence of shared background knowledge is essential for the successful translation of humorous items (ibid.). Research in this area carried out by Thorsten Schröter (2005) is also relevant to the study at hand, as it constitutes a descriptive rather than theoretical foundation. In his thesis, which investigates how what he refers to as “language-play” (and of which wordplay is only one component) is dealt with in dubbing and subtitling, Schröter pays specific attention to factors, which are commonly expected to influence the finished product, such as the chosen method, the target language and the individual translator.

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In the study at hand, the examples of wordplay in the test film were identified according to their deliberate intention to use ambiguity for humorous effect. It is important to note that, in the case of film dialogue, ambiguity is not necessarily inherent in the lexical item but can be constructed by the context – often the visual sign system. The filmmaker uses the visual dimension and takes advantage of the concept of lexical priming and forces an alternative reading upon the viewer (through a process of backtracking and new interpretation), which they would not normally have perceived. When it comes to the translation of wordplay, a central dilemma resides between the retention of clarity and credibility and the maintenance of formal fidelity to the source text (as well as the consequent prioritization of the transfer of information) on the one hand, and the preservation of comedic value by selecting the funniest option – even if this entails a move away from the original – on the other hand. Subtitled comedy films represent a genre in which these two priorities meet and indeed often clash. If the first approach is chosen, there is a distinct possibility that the humorous quality of a scene is lost or diminished in the process. In this scenario, subtitles merely serve as a guide to comprehension, while the viewer relies on his or her knowledge of English for the comprehension of wordplay. In the second case, the audience might recognize the formal divergence between source and target text and interpret this as a “wrong” translation. This approach, however, could also be received successfully by viewers if they are able to recognize the creative effort that has gone into the translation in order to retain comic effect, which could add a further positive dimension to the viewing experience. In order to establish a tendency of preference towards one or the other, an experiment was conducted, which aims to gauge the audience’s reaction to each translation approach through the use of two different German translations of the same film dialogue. It was deemed important to investigate exactly which features characterize a “quality translation” to the prospective audience, thereby taking into consideration the transparency of subtitling as a translation method (which means that the source text is audible at all times), by conducting an experimental reception study which involves English-speaking as well as German-speaking viewers. In order to achieve this, two subtitled versions of the animated short feature Wallace and Gromit in a Matter of Loaf and Death (Aardman Animations 2008), as well as an un-subtitled version, were screened to three different groups of viewers (around 30 in each group), who then recorded their response in a questionnaire. A control group of English

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native speakers watched the original, un-translated, version of the film, in order to provide a basis with which the evaluation by the two experimental groups could be compared. Two groups of native speakers of German viewed two subtitled versions respectively, each one identical to the other but for the translation of wordplay. One version is based on the existing German translation, which was broadcast on television and published on DVD (released by Aardman in 2009), whilst the alternative translation was developed specifically for this project. Díaz Cintas and Remael (2007:11) argue that “the traditional notion of formal fidelity […] has now been revised and has made all translations more flexible, but this is especially the case of subtitling and other forms of audiovisual translation.” Can we consider, however, that such flexibility extends to wordplay, where, in the majority of cases, formal fidelity and equivalent effect constitute a classic dichotomy?

2.1 Different approaches The approaches specified by Gottlieb (1997:209) and Delabastita (1993:202) serve as the theoretical basis for a set of translation strategies for wordplay, which was used for the descriptive analysis of the existing translation of Wallace and Gromit in a Matter of Loaf and Death, as well as the creation of an alternative (wordplay) translation, which was then screened to a group of German-speaking viewers during the experimental stage of the reception study. The strategies are the following: Replacing wordplay with non-wordplay - either selectively, nonselectively or as a paraphrase Not rendering wordplay - but instead using the available space for other dialogue Rendering the relevant utterance verbatim – this may or may not allow for the successful transfer of wordplay Adapting wordplay to local setting - changing the formal and/or semantic structure of the wordplay so that it functions in the target language Replacing a pun with a "punoid" Direct Copy Transference These strategies can be classified into those that result in nonambiguous and therefore non-wordplay solution, which maintains formal and narrative similarity, and those that result in a translation, which, in one

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way or another, also constitutes creative and humorous language use. Analyzing the existing translation of the film, it becomes evident that the translator seems to have focused on formal similarity (or was simply too pressed for time to employ a more creative approach). Consequently, the alternative translation for the reception study was produced in line with an approach, which prioritized the transfer of humorous effect. In a filmic text, the translator dealing with wordplay acts within a highly narrow frame. Many utterances only turn into wordplay with the interplay with the visual image, for example, when idiomatic wordplay emerges due to the image evoking the literal, less salient, meaning of an idiom. As the image cannot be altered, a translation, which retains the comedic value of the original requires great creativity. Table 1: Examples of wordplay based on the visual sign system Original dialogue

Version a (Existing)

You can’t be everybody’s cup of tea, can you? [Wallace and Gromit are clinking their tea cups, disillusioned with their love lives]

Man kann nicht mit jedem gut Kirschen essen.[literal: You can’t eat cherries with everyone. figurative: You can’t be everybody’s cup of tea.] Du altes Brötchen wirst gleich richtig getoastet![You old bread roll are about to get a toasting! (no figurative meaning)]

Your buns are as good as toasted! [Villainous Piella to Wallace as he has a bomb stuck in the back of his trousers. He is a baker.]

Version B (Alternative) Naja, erstmal abwarten und Tee trinken. [literal; Well, let’s wait and drink tea. figurative: Well, let’s wait and see.]

Gleich kriegst du Feuer unterm Hintern! [literal: a fire is about to be lit under you bum! figurative: You are about to receive a motivational kick in the backside!]

In terms of an appropriate methodological framework, it could be argued that a study involving German participants and subtitled films remains flawed, as dubbing is the more wide-spread method in this language community. Irrespective of the fact that the project would not have been feasible using an alternative dubbed version, as it would have been impossible to reproduce an almost identical soundtrack but for different wordplay renderings (this would have required a recording studio

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and the same dubbing actors which recorded the existing version), the question remains as to whether the traditional distinction between dubbing and subtitling countries is still appropriate in this day and age. It should be noted that there has been a remarkable development concerning the influence of the English language in Germany, notably in the incorporation of English expressions into the German vocabulary, as well as a tendency towards earlier and more widespread learning of the English language in schools. This trend may have an effect on viewers’ preference for greater linguistic authenticity, as they are increasingly able to understand the original dialogue of English-language films. Other contemporary phenomena, such as the popularity of fansubbing, the use of subtitles in mainstream films, and the rise of the DVD with its choices of viewing modes, might have a similar influence on today’s audience. In this study, the level of English knowledge amongst the test audiences and its impact upon their reception of a subtitled film, as well as their understanding of successful wordplay translation, was investigated. The development described above is not only a potentially influential factor regarding the future of subtitling and its acceptance amongst German speakers, but could, in turn, exacerbate English-language comprehension amongst German viewers. This, then, constitutes a crucial element in the transparency of subtitling as a method of audiovisual translation, and the resulting accountability of the translator (Gottlieb 1994:268). The overall question remains, therefore, whether the transparency of subtitles as a method – combined with the factor of increasing audience comprehension – are more influential in the reception of a comedy translation than its potential to make viewers laugh. Interestingly, although translation can be regarded as a service for the benefit of a user, research in translation studies is more often than not of a descriptive, rather than experimental, nature (Fuentes Luque 2003:293). It is important to assert the significance of a contribution to the (as yet rather underrepresented) receptor-oriented approach to the discipline by conducting a study, which focuses on the reception of a translation by the very people for which it is commissioned: the audience. Such projects not only complement the descriptive, text-oriented research, which is also crucial in the field, but can establish a stronger link between the academic field of translation studies and the translation or audiovisual translation industries, which can incorporate its findings into contemporary practice.

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2.2 Intersemiotic interference As Díaz Cintas and Remael (2007:45) point out, audiovisual translation is mostly characterized by the semiotic complexity of the text that is translated, where several sign systems co-operate to create a coherent story. It should be pointed out that “[...] the relationship between the different channels in translated film media is first and foremost an issue for the subtitler and the viewers” (Schröter 2005:39). It is true that the nature of audiovisual texts as polysemiotic entities has implications for the viewer as well as the translator. Due to the additive nature of subtitles, which means that subtitles are added to the existing sign systems without replacing the source text (which is therefore available at any time), there exists an ever-present “dual gap” in television subtitling. This gap exists not just between two groups of recipients (the “home” audience and the target audience), but also between the two modes of reception – listening to the source text (SL) dialogue and reading the target text (TL) dialogue (Gottlieb 1997:211). Depending on the degree to which the target audience can comprehend the source language, this can lead to interference between the two: the so-called feedback effect, which can be either an advantage or a problem for the subtitler. As verbal humour “highlights the interplay between the […] semiotic systems of the medium” – the synchronicity of word and image can be the basis of a joke, as can the interplay between spoken and written language (De Linde and Kay 1999:13). This acts as a restrictive factor for the subtitler faced with the need for a creative solution. It becomes clear from these theoretical considerations that, based on the unique situation in which the source and target text can be directly compared, subtitles incorporate a type of accountability, which is not inherent in any other form of translation. Any translation that differs noticeably from what is said in the original dialogue could be perceived as a “breach of reference” (Pedersen 2007:35) or indeed an “authenticity problem” (Gottlieb 1994:269), if this is identified by the viewer. This “intersemiotic feedback” is based on audience comprehension, but also refers to the interference of the visual code with the written text (Gottlieb 1997:219), thus giving a collision between two semiotic channels enough influence to “render a more idiomatic, domesticated rendering counterproductive” (ibid., 268). The question was investigated whether this is true for comedy, where a transfer - which looks on the surface to be appropriate to a non-expert audience - is likely to be unsuccessful from a perspective of humour transfer (as the translator is often required to take advantage of the full comical potential of the target language, which may involve a diversion from the source text surface structure). The likelihood

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that a translation, which prioritizes humorous effect and therefore foregoes formal equivalence wherever necessary, will achieve a mixed or even negative reception by the target audience is higher in the event that a large part of the audience is able to understand the source language. It was therefore of great interest to see whether there is a correlation between a viewer’s knowledge of English and their reception of a subtitled comedy film.

3. Methodology For the purpose of this experiment, at first the existing translation as used for the dubbed rendition, which was broadcast on German television and published on DVD, was converted into a subtitled version (Existing Version). In order to do this, most of the dialogue was retained, but condensed in places where this was required due to the space and time constraints associated with subtitling as a method of audiovisual translation. Following this, an alternative translated version was produced and also made into a subtitle file (Alternative Version). Both sets of subtitles were identical in terms of size, font, timing, and segmentation. The only difference between these two versions remained that of the respective strategies used for wordplay translation – these were based on different approaches for the two versions, as the example below shows. A third, un-subtitled, version of Wallace and Gromit in a Matter of Loaf and Death was also used in the experiment as a basis for comparison; this version was only shown to native English speakers recruited in the UK (Group CG). They were then given a questionnaire to express their reaction. The two subtitled versions were taken to Germany and shown to two separate heterogeneous groups of native German speakers (Group Alt and Group Ex), whose reaction was also assessed in a questionnaire. Group Alt consisted of 29 people, whilst Group Ex contained a total of 30 participants. The process of screening the different version of the test film to the relevant participants was kept as similar as possible for all three groups. Both versions of the questionnaire included a general section on age and gender, as well as a set of questions, which focused on the reception of the film, specifically in terms of humour. Participants were asked to assign the film to a genre, rate its suitability for specific age groups, specify the elements of the film that most appealed to them, and express their opinion on its quality as a humorous film. The German questionnaire additionally included a section focussing on English language proficiency, as well as a

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question regarding the reception of the subtitles as such, and the translation from English. One of the main methodological challenges of the experiment was assessing the ability of the German audiences to comprehend the original English dialogue. The objective was to gauge their overall language proficiency on the basis of their learning history, and habits of language use. Within the field of second language acquisition (SLA), much research has gone into the identification of influencing factors, which affect its progress. Based on the assumption that an assessment of these factors allows conclusions regarding a person’s learning history, with the aim of arriving at an impression regarding their L2 proficiency, a set of five questions was developed, which take these influences into consideration: the factors formal tuition, extent of L2 use, length of residency in an English-speaking environment, as well as attitude/confidence are enquired about. Together they made up the second part of the German-language questionnaire and their responses were quantified to form a score between zero and twenty-five, which reflects the participants’ individual situation regarding English as a second language and therefore the variable Level of English. A similar system was developed for the variable Humour Reception. In this case, answers to the question in the relevant section corresponded to points between 0 and 5, in the order they appeared in the questionnaire. In the case of the Humour Reception variable, the quantification is slightly more complex. The questions, which formed a part of this variable, were the ones that dealt with participants’ reception of the film, with a particular focus on the reception of linguistic humour. They include the questions regarding genre assignment, targeted age range, specific appeal, and assessment of ‘funniness.’ Scores range from a maximum of five points for positive reception, to a score of zero for a response that suggest an indifferent or negative reaction to the humour in the film. Values between zero and five were given to individual answers, but also to combinations of answers where it was possible to give more than one response. Together they add up to a score of between zero and twenty.

4. Data analysis The independent variables in the experiment are constituted by the three different groups for the test screenings. These were heterogeneous in terms of age, gender, and – in the case of the German-speaking groups – level of English knowledge. Therefore, the variables Age, Gender and Level of English are extraneous variables, with the variable Humour

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Reception being a dependent (or outcome) variable. Due to the fact that the selection of participants was random, the author’s hypothesis was that the groups were balanced for all three extraneous variables, which means that there are no significant differences regarding the variables Age and Gender in all three groups, as well as regarding Age, Gender and Level of English in the two German-speaking groups. Another independent variable for the German-speaking groups is their reaction to the subtitles as such, as expressed in the relevant question (Subtitle Reception). This relates directly to the common assumption in the industry, as well as in the academic field of Audiovisual Translation, that the large language communities in Europe (Spain, France, Italy, Germany) are “dubbing countries” and viewers are therefore unable to accept subtitles as a method of language transfer, since they are unaccustomed to seeing them on the screen. The subtitle-specific question in the questionnaire gave participants four distinct, non-scalar, answers representing four possible reactions to a subtitled film, from which they were asked to choose one. They could express whether they had been distracted by the subtitles or whether they had in fact not taken any notice of them at all. Option three gave viewers a chance to differentiate between the method itself and the functional quality of the subtitles by acknowledging their necessity while also expressing dissatisfaction with the translation. Option four presents a positive reaction to both the method of linguistic transfer and the translation itself. The two (subtitle technology and translation quality) are evaluated separately as they represent different requirements for the subtitler, yet they are intrinsically linked in the audience’s minds. For the extraneous variables Gender and Age, statistical tests (Mann Whitney test (p = 0.547)/chi-square test (p = 0.833)) showed no significant difference between groups, which means that gender and age are not significant variables across groups. As far as Level of English is concerned, however, there was a difference. Group Ex had a significantly higher average level of English (mean score 13.93 compared to 10.1 in Group Alt, t-test resulted in p = 0.0038). Note, however, that the standard deviation (divergence from the mean) was similar in both groups (4.769 in Group Alt, 4.968 in Group Ex). The histograms below display a difference in average reception scores between the groups (a mean score of 15.9 in Group Alt compared to 13.83 in Group Ex), while at the same time displaying a divergence in distribution. The distribution in Group Alt is relatively homogenous, with a standard deviation of 2.425, while the range of responses in Group Ex is more varied, with a standard deviation of 4.921. The English-speaking

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control group obtained the highest mean score (16.93) with regards to Humour Reception, followed by Group Alt (15.9) and then Group Ex (13.83). The result of a t-test shows a significant difference in humour reception between the two German-speaking groups (p = 0.04624). With respect to the control group there is a significant difference between the average score for the humour reception of this group and that of Group Ex (p=0.0109) but there is no significant difference between the means of the Control Group and Group Alt (p=0.2469). Not only was there a significant difference in humour reception between the experimental groups, one of them was similar in response to the control group while the other one was significantly different. Graph 1: Humour reception in Group Alt

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Subtitling Wordplay into German: An Audience Reception Study

Graph 2: Humour reception in Group Ex

This means that the linguistic humour in the film had virtually the same effect on the audience with one translation approach, but a significantly different effect with another approach. Thus, the humour inherent in the test film received a significantly more positive reaction in Group Alt than in Group Ex. The translation approach based on equivalence of effect evoked a more positive reaction on the whole, in comparison to the approach based on the transfer of information. Evidently, it was necessary to rule out any interference from the extraneous variables by ruling out correlations, firstly between Age and Humour Reception. A Spearman’s correlation test showed no significant relationship between the variables in two groups (Group Alt: p = 0.217, Group CG: p = 0.225). In Group Ex the two variables were correlated (p=0.000), meaning that the null hypothesis is rejected. In this group, as age increased, the humour reception score decreased. The fact that this was only the case in one group suggests that this correlation was not due to

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filmic elements, such as the animation technique (which might have been less appealing to older viewers), but rather to group-internal factors. A Mann-Whitney test for a correlation between Gender and Humour Reception showed no significant relationship between the two variables Gender and Humour Reception in any of the groups (Group Alt: p=0.875, Group Ex: p=0.061, Control Group: p=0.702). This means that a participant’s gender did not exert an influence on their reception of the film and any difference between the groups, in terms of humour reception, is not due to this variable. A Spearman’s correlation for both groups, with a correlation coefficient of 0.570, showed that there was a positive correlation between Level of English and Humour Reception in Group Ex (enjoyment of humour increased while knowledge of English increased), while the pvalue of 0.001 proved that this correlation is significant. This was not the case in Group Alt (correlation coefficient 0.089, p=0.310), which means that in Group Ex, the viewing experience was influenced significantly by viewers’ ability to understand English, while in the case of the alternative translation approach this was not the case and enjoyment of the film was more independent of source text comprehension. In addition to the nonparametric Spearman’s correlation, a parametric test was run in order to support this result. A linear model for the variables Humour Reception and Level of English obtained the following results: In Group Alt there is no correlation between the two variables (p=0.669). In Group Ex, however, the linear model produced a significant positive correlation between the level of the English attained by a person and the extent to which they found the film funny (p= 0.008). Consequently, the result from the parametric test confirmed the result from the non-parametric Spearman’s correlation: the relationship between the variables Humour Reception and Level of English is significant only in Group Ex. A cross tabulation showed that in Group Alt, the majority of viewers (21 out of 29) found the translation to be successful, while only one viewer was distracted by the subtitles as a method of linguistic transfer. In Group Ex, the majority of participants (11 out of 30) assessed the translation as unsuccessful, regardless of the fact that subtitles were found necessary for comprehension of the film. In the same group, 5 viewers were distracted by the subtitles in a negative way (German word “gestört” in the questionnaire). In order to determine whether this result is statistically significant, a chi-square test was used. The result showed a p-value of 0.004, which means that the difference in response between Group Alt and Group Ex is statistically significant.

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A one-way ANOVA (analysis of variance) was used to test for a significant relationship between the variables Age and Subtitle Reception in either group. Nominal data will not be normally distributed but is also unlikely to be severely skewed (the situation that causes most problems to ANOVA tests), therefore as a basic way of analyzing independent and extraneous variables, an ANOVA was used. The table below details the results of this: Table 2: Age and Subtitle Reception – descriptives

Treatment

Group Alt

Group Ex

N

Mean

Distracting

1

2.00

not noticed

3

2.33

necessary but unsuccessful translation

4

3.00

successful translation

21

2.76

Total Distracting

29 5

2.72 2.60

not noticed

5

2.20

necessary but unsuccessful translation

11

2.55

successful translation

8

3.13

Total

29

2.66

The “Descriptives” table above, which shows the mean values for Age separated by the different multiple choice options for the question regarding subtitles, gives the impression that the difference in mean age

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for every option is relatively similar (values ranging from 2.0 to 2.76 in Group Alt, and from 2.2 to 3.13 in Group Ex). An ANOVA test determines if this difference is statistically significant. The result of the ANOVA showed that there was no significant relationship between age and subtitle reception in either group (Alt: p=0.721; Ex: p=0.427). Similarly, a test was required to see whether there is a significant relationship between the variables Gender and Subtitle Reception. Due to the type of data involved (binary and nominal), a chi-square test was conducted. The p-values resultant from this test was 0.358 for Group Alt and 0.257 for Group Ex, which means that there was no significant relationship between the two variables in either group. Any difference in subtitle reception between the groups can therefore not be attributed to gender. In the next stage of the analysis, a one-way ANOVA explored whether there was a correlation between the variables Subtitle Reception and Level of English in either group. The hypothesis was that the ability to understand the English dialogue and the resulting dependence on subtitles for comprehension had a significant effect on viewers’ evaluation. The table below gives the mean English scores for each different option provided by the subtitle question: Table 3: Level of English and Subtitle Reception – descriptives

Treatment

N

Mean

Group Alt

Distracting

1

23.00

3 4

14.33 11.00

Group Ex

not noticed necessary but unsuccessful translation successful translation Total Distracting

21 29 5

8.71 10.10 17.60

not noticed necessary but unsuccessful translation successful translation Total

5 11

18.60 13.73

8 29

8.88 13.90

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This table shows that the participant in Group Alt who was distracted by the subtitles has a high English score (23), while the mean score for viewers who did not pay attention to the subtitles is 14.33. The subgroup of participants in Group Alt who found the subtitles satisfactory and the translation successful is relatively low (8.71). In Group Ex, the mean score of those distracted by the subtitles (17.6) is lower than in Group Alt, but still more than twice as high as the mean score of viewers who appreciated the subtitles (8.88). A one-way ANOVA test showed this relationship between the variables Level of English and Subtitle Reception to be statistically significant (Group Alt: p=0.003, Group Ex: p=0.000). After the first stage of data analysis, it also seemed necessary to test the data for group effects under circumstances where one extraneous variable is controlled. This was to ensure that any differences between groups are not related to the age, gender, or level of English of the participants. More specifically, since it was shown that Group Ex had a statistically significant higher level of English than Group Alt, it was necessary to establish whether the group effect in relation to Humour Reception and Subtitle Reception is due to the alternative subtitles or merely due to the different levels of English in both groups. In order to address this question, a two-way ANOVA was used. This statistical test analyses the effect of more than one independent variable (or “factor”) on an outcome variable, by adjusting the data in such a way that one factor is controlled. It is therefore used to show how different variables interact with each other. First, the data was tested for group effects for the variable Subtitle Reception in a situation where the extraneous variable Age is adjusted. The ANOVA result showed that there is still a significant group effect (p=0.003), when the data is adjusted for Age. Secondly, the same was done with the variable Gender. Again, the group effect holds when the data is controlled for this variable (p=0.002). Thirdly, the same procedure was run for the extraneous variable Level of English. Here, the ANOVA showed that when adjusted for the variable Level of English, the variable Group is NOT significant (p=0.127). This means that if an equal level of English was assumed for all participants across groups, there would not be a significant difference between Alt and Ex as far as subtitle reception is concerned. Therefore, due to the significant relationship between Level of English and Subtitle Reception, if the extraneous variable Level of English is ruled out, the different reaction to the subtitles is no longer statistically significant. Consequently, the significant difference between Subtitle Reception and Group is a result of a significant difference in the Level of English between the different groups and, thus, if we rule out this

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extraneous variable the different reaction to the subtitles in the two different groups is no longer statistically significant. Finally, a two-way ANOVA tested the significance of group effects for Subtitle Reception when the data was adjusted for Humour Reception. When adjusted for Humour Reception, Group was still significant (p=0.000). This means that the response to the subtitling question was unaffected by how funny participants found the film. The data analysis showed that the function-oriented translation shown to Group Alt was received significantly better than the existing version, which prioritized formal equivalence. This is the case regardless of the viewer’s age, gender, or level of English knowledge. Consequently, the appeal of the translation, which aimed to maintain the multi-layered nature of the linguistic humour in the film, is broader. Older viewers (including people over the age of 65) were able to appreciate the film to an equal extent as younger members of the audience. This is especially relevant in light of the fact that the official German translation of the feature was broadcast on a children’s channel and was marketed as appealing to a young audience only. At the same time, source text comprehension was not required for the enjoyment of the humour in this group (Group Alt). Participants who relied on the subtitles found the film no less humorous than those viewers whose English was good enough so they could follow the original text. Furthermore, there was no significant difference between this group and the control group as far as humour reception was concerned. This means that humour reception was uninfluenced by source language comprehension in this group, and also, and especially, that the reception of the subtitled version did not differ significantly from the reception of the original film by a native English-speaking audience. On the other hand, when the translation approach was one of formal equivalence, as in Group Ex, the reception was significantly more negative. Furthermore, there was also a positive correlation between humour reception and the level of English in that group, meaning that those viewers who were more proficient in English enjoyed it more than those who had only a basic, or poor understanding, of the original dialogue. It follows from this result that the appreciation of the linguistic humour required the ability to understand the English text. Also, the results from the statistics suggested that this version of the film was considered funnier by younger members of the audience than by older viewers (the variables Humour Reception and Age are negatively correlated in Group Ex), suggesting that the more sophisticated, adultoriented humour is not transferred as well into German as this was the case in the alternative version. Furthermore, there was a significant difference

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between the humour reception in this group and the control group of English speakers. A further question to which this study was seeking an answer was one of subtitle acceptance. The results from the experiment provide evidence to support the view that an audience’s acceptance of interlingual subtitles as a practical method is directly linked to a person’s ability to understand the original dialogue. The acceptance was greater (fewer participants felt disturbed by the subtitles), and the reception significantly more positive in the group where the translation approach was one which prioritized the transfer of humour over the transfer of information; however, when the data was adjusted for Level of English, the analysis showed that this difference in subtitle reception was in fact due to the difference in English knowledge between the groups.

5. Conclusion At the beginning of this project, the question was asked whether the approach, which is predominantly employed in Europe for the translation of wordplay (Schröter 2005), is indeed received favourably by the audience. Also, it was explored whether source language comprehension amongst viewers would stand in the way of a successful transfer, should an alternative approach be pursued in the classic dilemma of form versus effect. The data analysis showed that the skopos-oriented translation was received significantly better than the existing version, which prioritized formal equivalence, but, for the skopos-oriented translation only, there was no significant difference in reception to the English-speaking audience. When the translation approach was one of formal equivalence, on the other hand, the reception was significantly more negative than in both other groups. Furthermore, there was also a positive correlation between humour reception and the level of English in that group, meaning that those viewers who were more proficient in English enjoyed it more than those who had only a basic, or poor understanding, of the original dialogue. It is also highly relevant in the context of considerations regarding AVT in general, that German-speaking viewers were relatively undisturbed by the subtitles as a method of language transfer. This finding proved to be uninfluenced by the extent to which they enjoyed the film otherwise and confirms the hypothesis that the classification of the German language community as a “dubbing” one, with an added concern that audiences in this region are unaccustomed to subtitles and therefore reject them, does not hold in the current situation revealed by this research.

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The main finding, however, to come forth from this project is the difference in audience reception depending on the approach employed by the translator. If we concur that for a translation to be successful the reaction from its receptor should be as similar as possible as that from the original receptor, this means that the approach used for the translation of wordplay in Group Ex is less successful than the translation approach used in Group Alt. Any feedback effect from the source text dialogue, potentially caused by the relative divergence between SL and TL in humour translation, was not strong enough to affect viewers in their enjoyment of the film. The results from both the quantitative analysis and the qualitative comments show that the adult-oriented humour and appeal were acknowledged and appreciated more if the translation approach was one of creative freedom and a focus on humour transfer. The other highly relevant difference between the reception in both audiences is that the more positive reaction occurred regardless of English knowledge, whilst the formally equivalent translation resulted in a reception, which was affected by source language comprehension. This suggests that an approach that prioritizes equivalence of effect will receive a better reaction from a diverse audience, of which some sections will be highly proficient English speakers, while others will concentrate mainly on the German subtitles. Both will appreciate the linguistic humour in a film, meaning that there is no interference from SL comprehension and therefore no valid reason for foregoing this positive reaction by choosing a more conservative approach for the translation of humour. The results are relevant for other scenarios and could for example be applied to other language communities where subtitling is traditionally more widespread, such as the Scandinavian countries. Equally, the findings can apply to more exclusively adult-oriented films as opposed to family-aimed animated features. An animated film was chosen for its great density in terms of wordplay; however, other films within the comedy genre, which rely on linguistic humour to appeal to their audience, can also benefit from a translation approach that has been received favourably by test audiences. Also, there is an extensive and increasingly global market for television comedy series, such as sitcoms, which are produced in English-speaking countries, and whose linguistic and cultural transfer is potentially problematic and could be facilitated by a greater awareness and more developed specialism on the translator's part. Finally, it remains evident that there is a need for further experimental, receptor-oriented research in the field of audiovisual translation. In view of the constant change and rapid development of both the media landscape and patterns of

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consumption amongst its users, it is crucial that AVT research is not removed from the requirements and preferences of its audiences.

Notes 1

This sketch originally appeared in the first episode of the TV programme Monty Python's flying Circus (BBC 1969-74)

References Davis, K. 1997. Signature in translation. In: D. Delabastita (ed.). Traductio: Essays on Punning and Translation. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. 23- 43. Delabastita, D. 1997. (ed.). Traductio: Essays on punning and translation. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. De Linde, Z. and N. Kay. 1999. The Semiotics of Subtitling. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. Díaz Cintas, J. and A. Remael. 2007. Audiovisual Translation. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. Fuentes Luque, A. 2003. An empirical approach to the reception of AV translated humour. The Translator, 9/2: 293-305. Gottlieb, H. 1994. Subtitling: People translating people. In: C. Dollerup and A. Lindegaard (eds.). Teaching Translation and Interpreting 2. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 264- 274. —. 1997. “You got the picture?” – On the polysemiotics of subtitling wordplay. In: D. Delabastita (ed.). Traductio: Essays on Punning and Translation. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. 207- 031. Koestler, A. 1964. The Act of Creation. London: Hutchinson. Pedersen, J. 2007. Cultural Interchangeability: The effects of substituting cultural references in subtitling. Source: http://www.multilingualmatters.net/pst/015/pst0150030.htm. DOA: 18 February 2008. Schröter, T. 2005. Shun the Pun, Rescue the Rhyme? The Dubbing and Subtitling of Language-Play in Film. Karlstad: Karlstad University Studies. Sherzer, J. 1978. “Oh! That’s a Pun and I didn’t mean it”. Semiotica 22: 3/4: 335-350. Vandaele, J. 2011. Wordplay in translation. In: Y. Gambier and L. van Doorslaer (eds). Handbook of Translation Studies, vol 2. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 180- 183.

BRIDGET JONES: APPROACH TO IMPOLITENESS IN PROFESSIONAL VERSUS FAN SUBTITLING ANITA ĩYTOWICZ KAZIMIERZ WIELKI UNIVERSITY

Abstract Contemporary dictionaries, scholars and various resources offer more or less similar typology of aggression as well as impoliteness (following Bousfield’s definition “an intentional or incidental threats to face”). Derek Bousfield in Impoliteness and Interaction, 2008 presents various types of impoliteness and aggravation such as snubbing; using inappropriate identity markers; taboo words and sarcasm; being threatening or condescending; and many others. How is impoliteness handled within subtitles? How to make good subtitles, accurately timed, conveying the author’s intent? How close to the original can a translator get, whilst retaining the style and intention of the speaker at the same time? What techniques can a subtitler use when translating ironic, sarcastic, or abusive remarks? The paper is an attempt to answer these questions by comparing the impoliteness treatment in professional vs funsubtitles in a well-known, romantic comedy “Bridget Jones’ Diary.” It will analyse the most commonly occurring types of impoliteness (following Bousfield’s typology) found in the film, examining whether the translators managed to retain them in the Polish version and, if neither prevailed, which path they followed: increasing or lessening the degree of impoliteness. Keywords: impoliteness, translation, fan-subs, face threatening

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1. Introduction This paper is an attempt to demonstrate that the translation of impoliteness is not only a difficult venture for the professional subtitler but also a task not often accomplished by a non-professional one. The author assumes that in these examples the professional translator managed to maintain impoliteness categories in Polish subtitles, whilst the nonprofessional subtitler enhanced their degree. The author has analysed professional vs non-professional subtitles of the popular film Bridget Jones, based on the novel by Helen Fielding, directed by Sharon Maquire, starring Renee Zellweger, Colin Firth and Hugh Grant, focusing on examples of impoliteness (following D. Bousfield’s taxonomy – Impoliteness in Interaction, volume 167, 2008). The paper has been divided into 6 chapters. The first is an overview of subtitles definition and rules that translators must follow when translating them; the second provides the answer to what FTAs are; and the third presents the impoliteness types that the author analysed, following Bousfield’s model. Chapter four presents the methodology of the research; detailed analysis of the utterances; and the comparison between impoliteness treatment in professional, versus amateur, subtitles. In each example, impoliteness type and the author’s comment have been included. The fifth part of the paper is a general summary of the research, with a statistical presentation of the results. It includes two figures – one showing numerical, and the other percentage, results of the analysis, as well as detailed enumeration of impoliteness types and discrepancies found. Chapter six is a conclusion of the paper. All the examples of FTAs have been carefully noted, analysed, and compared between professional as well as amateur subtitles and the original. Particular types of impoliteness have been pointed out and the number of examples, in a given category, counted. The author has looked into one example of fan-subs only, to achieve preliminary results and confirm whether a posed hypothesis that non-professional translators will enhance the level of impoliteness is true. In order to receive more quantitative data a larger scope of research will be attempted in the future. The author has been collecting examples of fansubs of Bridget Jones the Edge of Reason, and intends to carry out a quantitative analysis of the material.

2. Subtitles, constraints and non-professional translations Anyone wishing to undertake the challenge of translating any kind of text must bear in mind the fact that translation is an entity with several

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facets and as Gottlieb (2005) has put it, covers at least two dimensions: (1) time, including the semantics and temporal progression of the translational process, and (2), space, including the semiotics and texture, or composition, of the translational product. However, a subtitler has an even more difficult job to do, since translating subtitles includes additional constraints, such as ‘diamesic shift’ with writing being more concise than speech or the ‘six seconds-rule’ – displaying some 12 subtitle characters per second (cps), dictated by the fact that the reading speed of an average viewer is believed to be slower than the speech tempo in the original dialogue. Subtitles should not only meet these constraints but also convey the message, including cultural background and communicative aspects (not solely the language), yet at the same time allow the viewers to enjoy the film. The reductions made during the process of translating subtitles often concern repetitions, colloquialisms, slang, cursing, pragmatic particles and taboo words (impoliteness category); some of the former being crucial to properly understand and convey the message of the verbal text. Redundancy may vary in degree. At one end of the continuum, it may involve anything additional to what is minimally required to convey the meaning. At the opposite extreme, it may mean unnecessary repetition, which may actually make communication ineffective. Zabalbeascoa (2000) equates redundancy to repetitions that are regarded as unnecessary, superfluous, or dispensable. However, in certain cases, i.e. when abusive language/taboo words are used, we can treat redundancy as a positive tool, used to increase the efficiency of communication. In a later article (2008), Zabalbeascoa further clarifies his concept of excessive redundancy, by making a very important distinction between redundancy and repetition. There is non-redundant and redundant repetition, depending on whether the repetition adds/changes the meaning or not. Especially for AV texts, redundancy may be due to the text producerǯs fear that part of the target audience might miss something through lack of attention, or certain impairment in hearing or in eyesight (Zabalbeascoa 2008:31). As far as possible, each subtitle should be syntactically self-contained. What is more, the language register must be appropriate and correspond with the spoken word. It should also be grammatically correct since subtitles serve as a model for literacy. There must be a close correlation between film dialogue and subtitle content; source language and target language should be synchronized as far as possible. No subtitles should contain more than two lines, with the upper one being shorter if possible. It is obvious that the translator has to organize the data or information and shorten the original text, taking into consideration the assumed knowledge of the viewer and using the appropriate translating strategies such as substitution,

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simplification, explication, expansion, omission and the like. Subtitles must be reduced to two lines only so as not to cover the picture too much, as Dȓas Cintas and Remael (2007:146) put it: “viewers must also watch the action on the screen and listen to the soundtrack, so they must be given sufficient time to combine reading with watching and listening.” One must remember that reading subtitles is not the same as reading a book, nor ignore the fact that there is some sound and picture in the background that is at least as important as the text itself. The viewer knows that subtitles will always be in the same place, not dancing all over the screen, and treats each slot as a separate entity, forgetting the former when a new one appears. Therefore, a subtitler is obliged to proof-read, rewrite, and analyse the final product not only from the language and cultural perspective, but also with the awareness that the overall impression gained by the viewer should be correct and of the highest quality, yet unobtrusive and clear at the same time. According to Felicity Mueller (2001:168) “Quality in subtitles is not easy to define - its absence is far more noticeable than its presence.” So is it possible to answer the question: What makes a good subtitle? Quoting Hazel R. Morgan (2001:164) a good subtitle is one, which, within the time available, conveys the author’s intent. The written words have to appear when the utterance starts and disappear when it ends. To start with, basic is best, yet one must not forget about hints, implications, or ‘between the lines’ phrases, which require a skilful hand. Thus, there must be a paralell between the film dialogue, body language, tone of voice, and the presence of subtitles. It has been argued, by Jan Petersen (during the lecture given at an InaTra 2014 conference, entitled: “Foreign voices and what to do with them - an interdisciplinary analysis of AVT choice”), that the aspect that needs to be further researched on is the actual time a person, with basic or no understanding of the target language, spends watching the film as opposed to reading subtitles. Pedersen points out, that if we assume that most of the understanding of the dialogues comes from the written text, than such elements as the tone of voice, gestures, facial expressions, and all those “hidden between the lines” types of impoliteness, might go unnoticed. This belief was confirmed by Dan McIntyre, during his lecture delivered at the same conference, entitled: “The stylistics of subtitling: the impact of deaf and hard-of-hearing subtitles on characterization,” who argued that certain omissions and additions made in the subtitles might have a detrimental influence on the character perception by the deaf and hard-ofhearing (DHOH) viewers. Therefore, it can be assumed, that in order to give a true picture of the characters and their relationships a subtitler should pay particular attention to translating aggravation.

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Non-professional translating has been one of the most widespread forms of translation for decades. Fansubs (translated versions of Japanese anime programmes) originated in the 1980s, and stand for “fan-subtitled.” Usually attempted by ordinary people, often possessing only a basic knowledge of the language. Fansubs have become widely available online and distributed worldwide via the Internet, thanks to the development of computer technology and globalization. The question that has yet remained unanswered is “Does non-professional usually mean of lower quality’? I believe that, in the case of subtitles, it does.

3. Subtitles and impoliteness Another description of impoliteness comes from Bousfield (2005), “Hydén, an academic concerned with theories of Social Work, considers two varieties of aggression: verbal aggression and physical violence.” Björkqvist et al. (2000) working within the field of developmental psychology outlines three varieties of aggression: physical, direct verbal and indirect aggression. I would like to focus on the verbal type, both direct and indirect. The subtitler has to be very careful when selecting the most appropriate vocabulary to represent the intended meaning, bearing in mind that the viewers often have a good understanding of taboo words and their equivalents in their mother tongue, and thus have certain expectations. Nevertheless, I believe that it is not the obvious, bold on record, impoliteness or aggression that poses a problem for the translator, as this is easy to identify and translate. It is the hidden, less explicit or multi-level impoliteness that is the most difficult to interpret. Good subtitles convey concisely the author’s intentions in a style as close as possible to the original, especially when some things are “hidden between the lines” as often is the case of sarcasm, irony or other impoliteness categories. Subtitles are particularly informative, as they convey the message in three dimensions simultaneously: pictorial; the original sound track; and the written text; thus the latter must always be parallel with the former. In this paper, I will follow the definition of impoliteness, suggested by Bousfield (2008:72), as face damaging activity: “impoliteness constitutes the communication of intentionally gratuitous and conflictive verbal facethreatening acts (FTAs), which are purposefully delivered.” In the next section, I will present a detailed taxonomy of impoliteness, based on Bousfield’s model. There have been several scholars who described both politeness and impoliteness. Apart from Bousfield’s, the most recognized and detailed taxonomies seem to be those advocated by Labov 1972;

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Lachenicht (1980); Leech 1983; Brown and Levinson (1987). Austin (1990); Jay (1992); Beebe (1995); and Culpeper et al. (2003). Goffman (1967:14); contrary to the others, presents a rather general division and suggests that there are only three types of actions that constitute threats to face: intentional, incidental and accidental. All researchers analyzing impoliteness underline the importance of the role of the speaker and hearer, their intentions, background information, context, and purpose of the utterance. For impoliteness to be successful two interlocutors are needed and one of them must understand the words uttered by the other as offensive, aggressive or in some way directly threatening.

4. Impoliteness, FTA types and their abbreviated forms invented for the purpose of the analysis a) Intentional face threat - Snub – attacking the intended recipient’s want to be approved of (face threatening). – Snub b) Disassociation from the other, e.g. to avoid sitting together or associating the interlocutor with a ‘negative image’. – Isolation c) Being uninterested, unconcerned, and unsympathetic. – Ignorance d) Use of inappropriate identity markers (sarcastic, patronizing remarks and insincerity) which intentionally threaten face and additionally ensure self-gratification. – Patronization e) Avoiding agreement. – Disagreement f) Use of taboo words, swearing or abusive or profane language. – Taboo g) Threaten/frighten – instilling a belief that action detrimental to the other will occur. – Scare h) Condescend, scorn or ridicule – emphasizing your relative power and being contemptuous. – Contempt i) Explicitly associating the other with a negative aspect – personalize, using the pronouns ‘I’, ‘you’. – Label j) Sarcasm, mock politeness, irony – intentionally trying to offend the recipient. – Irony/MPL k) Witholding politeness – (on record). – WP l) Use of obscure or secretive language (e.g. Jargon or code known only to the others in the group but not the target). – Code m) Invasion of the other’s space literally (positioning yourself closer than the relationship permits) or metaphorically (asking for or speaking about information that is too intimate, given the relationship). – Space invasion

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n) Putting the other’s indebtedness on record – INOR o) Making the other feel uncomfortable, (e.g. do not avoid silence, joke, use small talk). – steal comfort p) Criticism of the other (e.g. the action or inaction of the other, or asituation in which he/she has participated). – Criticism q) Hinder/block the other physically or communicatively (deny turn or interrupt deliberately). Hinder r) Enforcing a role shift (forcing the intended recipient out of their social and/or discoursal role and into another). – Role shift s) Multi-level face threat (using various strategies simultaneously) MLFTA t) Shouting – Shout u) Calling names – Swear v) Mock impoliteness (to strengthen the social friendship pertaining between the speakers). Mock-Imp

5. Bridget Jones, methodology and impoliteness Firstly, every single utterance has been analysed and FTAs have been searched for. If an utterance carried any traces of impoliteness, first the categories were identified and named. Once all the impolite utterances were quantified and qualified in the original version, the professional and amateur subtitles were analysed. Next, each impoliteness type was compared, analysed, and all differences marked. In some examples, categories were maintained, while in others the level of impoliteness was lessened or enhanced – the percentage representation has been presented in Figure 1 and the statistical results in Figure 2. At the end, all cases of impoliteness were counted and presented in the table as the total number of a particular type in comparison with those found in the subtitles (both professional and amateur) – Table 1. In several utterances, FTA types were changed or added, which has also been included in Table 1 and described in detail in chapter 4. Below, all the examples of subtitles, in which the translators (either one or both) failed to maintain the original type of impoliteness with the author’s comment, are presented.

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1.FTA type – patronization

English version: There you are, dumpling.

FTA type patronization FTA type no impoliteness

Prof. Transl.: Jest mój pączuĞ.

{2039}{2083}

Non-prof. Transl.: No nareszcie jesteĞ kochanie.

Comment: no impoliteness is found in the non-prof. translation as „Kochanie” – means „Darling,” being a positive, unmarked word. The mother seems to be critical of her daughter’s weight, therefore addresses her as „dumpling” – patronizes her. In the prof. Translation, Polish word „pączuĞ” has a negative connotation and clearly appeals to a person’s weight – so the category is the same. 2.FTA type – patronization

FTA type – patronization but at a lower degree FTA type concern – no impoliteness

English version: You’ll never get a boyfriend… if you look like you’ve wandered out of Auschwitz. Prof. Transl.: Nie znajdziesz cháopaka ubrana jak jeniec wojenny.

{2899}{2926} {2927}{2974}

Non-prof. Transl.: Nigdy nie záapiesz cháopaka, jak bĊdziesz tak wyglądaü.

Comment: Non-prof. translation seems rather neutral, with concern (it was said by the mother who had no reason to be ironic) rather than patronizing – so the level of impoliteness is much lower. It would sound more like “you’ll never catch a boyfriend looking like this.” However, in the professional translation version “jak jeniec wojenny” would be more ‘like a war prisoner’ in English not “if you look like you’ve wandered out of Auschwitz”, being a very strong remark, appealing to the shabby rags and general look of the concentration camp prisoners as opposed to “ordinary” war prisoners. So the degree of impoliteness in the professional translation seems lower as well.

Anita ĩytowicz

3.FTA type – space invasion, patronization FTA type – space invasion, patronization FTA type – space invasion, yet stronger

English version: Geoffrey: There she is. My little Bridget.|So...how's your love life?

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{3839}{3912}

Prof. Transl.: Kto to przyszedá! Moja maáa Bridget. Jak tam sprawy sercowe? Non-prof. Transl.: Jak tam twoje Īycie erotyczne?

Comment: The professional subtitler managed to maintain all the categories of impoliteness, but the non-professional failed to show patronization and enhanced space invasion, translating only part of the utterance, which sounded more like ‘How is your sexual life?’. 4.FTA type – isolation, space invasion, patronization, irony FTA type – space invasion, irony FTA – no impoliteness

English version: Still no fellow, then, eh?|I don't know. You career girls.|Can't put it off forever. UNA: Tick-tock, tick-tock.

{3967}{4015} {4015}{4075} {4076}{4121}

Prof. Transl.: Nadal bez faceta? Nie moĪna tego odkáadaü. Zegar bije! Non-prof. Transl.: Nie pozwalaj im na zbyt wiele... Ty to siĊ znasz na dziewczynach...

Comment: The non-professional version is totally incorrect and fails to maintain impoliteness, being something like ‘Don’t let them go toofar.. You are an expert in girls…’ By shortening the original utterance by half, the professional translation seems to have maintained only space invasion and irony. The second part of the utterance was changed into ‘You can’t put it off,’ and it does not seem to be patronization or isolation of the listener.

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5.FTA type – MLFTA: irony and patronization, label

English version: Mother, I do not need‫ۄ‬a blind date. Particularly not with some‫ۄ‬verbally incontinent spinster... who smokes like a chimney,‫ۄ‬drinks like a fish... and dresses like her mother.

FTA type – MLFTA at a lower degree

Prof. Transl.: Nie musisz mnie swataü. Zwáaszcza z rozgadaną starą panną, która pije, pali i ubiera siĊ jak wáasna matka. Non-prof. Transl.: Mamo, nie potrzebujĊ randki w ciemno. Na pewno nie ze zrzĊdliwą starą panną... co to wydziela wiĊcej dymu|niĪ komin w fabryce. Pije jak ryba i ubiera siĊ jak swoja matka.

FTA type – MLFTA at a higher degree

{6779}{6840} {6841}{6904} {6905}{6948} {6949}{6998}

Comment: non-prof. translation provides literal translation, which sounds both funny and strange. To start with ‘the blind date’ is no longer ‘blind’ as he knows the girl, so the literal ‘randka w ciemno’ sounds bizarre; the expression ‘verbally incontinent’ is translated as ‘grumpy’ and the idiomatic phrase ‘smokes like a chimney’ is translated literally and so sounds more like “emits more smoke than a factory chimney.” What is more, “drinks like a fish” has one equivalent in Polish “nie wylewa za koánierz,” which, however, does not sound sophisticated enough or appropriate in this context, so the translator created his/her own new version of the idiom by translating it word by word, namely ‘pije jak ryba,’ being incorrect and non-existent in Polish. Moreover, this version is too long, remembering the 38-marks rule. Finally, ‘like her own mother’ – ‘jak swoja matka’ sounds awkward in Polish, since the grammatically correct form is ‘jak wáasna matka.’ Still this version enhances the impoliteness level. The professional version sounds less impolite than the original and is surely not as bold on record in nature as the English one, mainly due to the fact that the idioms were not translated at all.

Anita ĩytowicz

6.FTA type – MockImpl

FTA type irony

FTA type irony

English version: Bridget: What are you doing here? Mark: I've been asking myself‫ۄ‬the same question. I am with a colleague. So how are you? Bridget: Well, apart from being‫ۄ‬very disappointed... not to see my favorite‫ۄ‬reindeer jumper again... I'm well. Prof. Transl.: Co tu robisz? TeĪ siĊ nad tym zastanawiam. Przyszedáem ze znajomą. Jak siĊ masz? ĩal mi, Īe nie widzĊ swego ulubionego swetra w renifery. Non-prof. Transl.: a co ty tu robisz? Sam zadajĊ sobie to pytanie. Przyszedáem tu z koleĪanką z pracy. Jak siĊ masz? CóĪ, jestem rozczarowana nie mogąc zobaczyü|ulubionego pulowera z jeleniem...

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{27564}{27616} {27617}{27694} {27745}{27778} {27779}{27825} {27826}{27900} {27901}{27932}

Comment: Both professional and non-professional subtitlers enhanced the level of impoliteness, changing it from mock-impoliteness to irony. In this case, it puts the utterance and relationship between the speakers in an entirely different light. Bridget was trying to show Mark her fondness of him, not sound ironic or contemptuous. 7.FTA type – mockimp FTA type – mockimp FTA type – snub, taboo

English version: Bridget: So how do you feel about‫ۄ‬this whole situation... in Chechnya?|Isn't it a nightmare? Daniel: I couldn't give a fuck, Jones. Prof. Transl.: Nie sądzisz, Īe sytuacja w Czeczenii jest okropna? Mam to gdzieĞ. Non-prof. Transl.: Co myĞlisz o tych wydarzeniach w Czeczenii?|To koszmar, prawda? Co ty mi tu, kurwa, pleciesz?

{33634}{33687} {33688}{33732} {33733}{33766}

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Comment: The expression ‘I couldn’t give a fuck, Jones’ was translated as ‘What the fuck are you talking about’ by the non-professional subtitle, which increased the impoliteness level. The main point is missed – that instead of strengthening the bond between them, Daniel offended Bridget. 8.FTA type – label, mockimp FTA type – label, mockimp FTA type – snub, swear no label, no mockimpl

English version: Daniel: Now, look, how do you‫ۄ‬know Arsey Darcy? Bridget: Apparently, I used‫ۄ‬to run 'round naked... in his paddling pool. Daniel: I bet you did, you dirty bitch. Prof. Transl.: Skąd znasz dupka Darcy’ego? Podobno biegaáam nago w jego brodziku. Ty rozpustnico.

{33767}{33860} {33861}{33931} {33932}{33967} {33968}{34021}

Non-prof. Transl.: Daniel: Skąd znasz Marka Darcy? Bridget: Bawiáam siĊ kiedyĞ nago|w jego brodziku. Daniel: ZaáoĪĊ siĊ o to, ty brudna suko...

Comment: The professional subtitler maintained all kinds of impoliteness on the contrary to the non-professional one, who shifted the types from one utterance to the other. First, the label ‘Arsey Darcy’ – was skipped, next, ‘I bet you did, you dirty bitch’ was said by Daniel to strengthen the bonds between them, not to offend Bridget. ‘Brudna suka’ is a bitch that is dirty, and is a very rude, offensive remark.

Anita ĩytowicz

9.FTA type – contempt, taboo, label

FTA type – contempt, label

FTA type – enhanced impl -

English version: Bridget: Has she actually moved out then? Dad: Apparently, she and this‫ۄ‬tangerinetinted buffoon... are suddenly an item. Half our friends have had them‫ۄ‬around to bloody dinner. She's even‫ۄ‬taking Jaundice Julian... to Una Alconbury's‫ ۄ‬Tarts and Vicars party. Prof. Transl.: NaprawdĊ siĊ wyprowadziáa? Na pewno ma romans /z tym czekoladowym bufonem. Razem odwiedzają /naszych przyjacióá. Ma go zabraü /na bal przebieraĔców do Uny. Non-prof. Transl.: Bridget: Wygląda na to, Īe na dobre siĊ wyprowadziáa… Dad: NajwyraĨniej mama i ten farbowany bufon… Nagle zostali przyjacióámi, spĊdzającymi czas|na cholernych obiadkach. Zabiera go nawet na przyjĊcie…

163

{44102}{44152} {44154}{44246} {44247}{44276} {44277}{44349} {44350}{44412} {44413}{44456}

Comment: ‘Jaundice Julian’ is a clear contemptuous label stuck to the name of the person, yet was skipped by both subtitlers. At the same time ‘bloody dinner’ was not translated by the professional subtitler and literally translated by the non-professional one. In the non-professional version the whole sentence ‘Half our friends have had them around to bloody dinner.’ was misinterpreted and sounds more like ‘Suddenly they became friends who spend time going to bloody dinner.’ The degree of impoliteness has therefore changed.

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10.FTA type: patronizing, steal comfort, irony, sarcasm,

FTA type – patronizing, withholding politeness, steal comfort, irony, sarcasm FTA type – patronizing, mock surprise (new concept)

Bridget Jones: Approach to Impoliteness in Subtitling

English version: Una: Didn't you telephone‫ۄ‬Colin and Bridget? Geoffrey : How's my little Bridget? Bop, bop. Oh. Una: Geoffrey. Geoffrey: So, where's this chap‫ۄ‬of yours, then, eh? Bridget: Ah, yes, well,‫ۄ‬he had to work, so... Geoffrey: Ha! a likely tale. Off they run. Whee! Prof. Transl.: Una: Nie zadzwoniáeĞ? Geoffrey: Jak moja maáa Bridget? Una: Geoffrey Geoffrey: a gdzie Twój facet? Bridget: Musi pracowaü. Geoffrey: Akurat Uciekają.

{53725}{53773} {53774}{53819} {53820}{53847} {53848}{53881} {53881}{53912} {53913}{53961} {53962}{54000} {54001}{54048} {54054}{54092}

Non-prof. Transl.: Geoffrey: Jak siĊ ma moja maáa Bridget? Geoffrey: a gdzie siĊ podziaá twój czarujący mĊĪczyzna? Bridget: Musi pracowaü. Geoffrey: Dziwne...|Z takim atrakcyjnym mĊĪczyzną...

Comment: Part of the dialogue was translated as ‘And where is the charming man of yours? […]Strange… with such a handsome guy?’ by the non-professional subtitler. He/She skips the last two utterances and seems to have substituted ‘steal comfort and irony’ with surprise (which is not a type of impoliteness), thus making it sound more polite.

Anita ĩytowicz

11.FTA type – mock politeness, mock sympathy (new concept), irony, MPL

FTA type – mock politeness, mock sympathy (new concept), irony, MPL FTA type – lowered degree of impoliteness

English version: Una: Oh Bridget, there you are. Don’t worry, you’re not the only one. This is Penny. Geoffrey didn’t get in touch with her either. Penny: I am sorry? Una: I was just saying Geoffrey‫ۄ‬didn’t contact you, either... to tell you that‫ۄ‬the Tarts and Vicars concept... had gone out of the window. Penny: Oh, yes, he did. Una: Lovely dress. Very exotic Prof. Transl.: Una: O, jesteĞ. /Nie tylko ty siĊ przebraáaĞ. Do Penny Geoffrey teĪ nie zadzwoniá. Penny: Sáucham? Una: Geoffrey Ci nie powiedziaá. ĩe bal przebieraĔców odwoáany. Penny: Powiedziaá. Una: Ach tak. Urocza sukienka. /Bardzo egzotyczna. Non-prof. Transl.: Una: MówiĊ, Īe Jeffrey ciĊ nie powiadomiá,|iĪ konkurs zostaá odwoáany. Penny:Powiadomiá mnie. Una :Co za wspaniaáa suknia! Bardzo egzotyczna.

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{56438}{56485} {56486}{56516} {56517}{56580} {56581}{56580} {56610}{56654} {56655}{56688} {56694}{56724} {56725}{56770} {56801}{56841} {56842}{56879}

Comment: The non-professional subtitler shortened the translation nearly by half, skipping the first three lines (irony, mock sympathy, and mock politeness), making it sound much less impolite than the original. Moreover, ‘lovely dress’ was enhanced into ‘wonderful/fantastic’ expressing admiration rather than mock politeness.

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12.FTA type – irony, steal comfort, mock sympathy, patronizing FTA type – irony, steal comfort FTA type – irony, steal comfort, patronizing

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English version: Una: What a shame you couldn’t‫ۄ‬bring your boyfriend, Bridget. What's his name?|David? Darren? Mark: Daniel Cleaver Una: I hope he is good enough for our little Bridget. Prof. Transl.: Una: Szkoda, Īe nie ma twojego faceta. /Jak ma na imiĊ? Mark: Daniel Cleaver Una: BĊdzie dobry dla Bridget? Non-prof. Transl.: Una:Szkoda, Īe twój cháopak nie mógá siĊ zjawiü. :- Nazywa siĊ...Darryl?|- Daniel Cleavier. Una: Mam nadziejĊ, Īe jest odpowiedni|dla maáej Bridget.

{56965}{57009} {57010}{57042} {57043}{57079} {57157}{57213}

Comment: ‘I hope he is good enough for our little Bridget,’ the beginning of the utterance can be perceived as mock sympathy while the end: […] our little Bridget’ is apparently a remark, which aims at patronizing Bridget. The professional subtitler made a question out of a statement, which sounds more like: “Will he be good for Bridget?,’ at the same time skipping ‘little’ and this way decreasing the level of impoliteness. This sentence seems to express concern rather than patronization or mock sympathy. 13.FTA type – label, steal comfort FTA type – label, steal comfort FTA type – no impoliteness

English version: LARA: |I thought you said she was thin.

{61112}{61183}

Prof. Transl.: Lara: MówiáeĞ, Īe jest szczupáa. Non-prof. Transl.: Wydawaáo mi siĊ,|Īe powiedziaáeĞ, iĪ jest tylko przyjacióáką.

Comment: The non-professional translation fails to maintain impoliteness as the utterance was translated as: ‘You said she was just a friend.’ which neither labels Bridget as fat, nor steals her comfort at the same time.

Anita ĩytowicz

14.FTA type – label and irony, mock-impl

FTA type – mock-impl FTA type – label, enhanced irony

English version: Perpetua: I want to hear this,‫ۄ‬because if she gives one inch... I'm going to fire‫ۄ‬her bony little bottom anyway... for being totally spineless. Prof. Transl.: ChcĊ to usáyszeü, bo jeĞli ustąpi o krok, wywalĊ ją za brak charakteru. Non-prof. Transl.: Zostanie tu jeszcze chwilĊ,|a podáoĪĊ jej ogieĔ pod tą króliczą dupĊ za szpiegowanie.

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{71470}{71542} {71543}{71583} {71584}{71647}

Comment: ‘[…] bony little bottom […] for being totally spineless’ are apparently examples of label and irony together, yet aimed at showing Bridget support, so should be understood as mock impoliteness. In the professional version, the degree of impoliteness seems lower as the subtitler skipped the middle part of the utterance. Therefore, it does not reflect the positive attitude of Perpetua towards Bridget. The non-professional version seems rather odd and much more impolite than the original, due to the fact that the subtitler translated it freely: ‘I will set fire to that bunny ass for spying.’ 15.FTA type – irony, sarcasm, steal comfort FTA type – irony, sarcasm, steal comfort FTA type – no impoliteness

English version: Thank you, Daniel.‫ۄ‬That is very good to know... but if staying here... means working within 10 yards of you... frankly, I'd rather have a job‫ۄ‬wiping Saddam Hussein's ass. Prof. Transl.: DziĊkujĊ. Dobrze wiedzieü. Gdybym miaáa nadal pracowaü tuĪ obok Ciebie, to wolĊ podcieraü tyáek Saddamowi Husseinowi. Non-prof. Transl.: Miáo mi to sáyszeü. Praca tu znaczy tyle co|"PostĊpowaü ĞciĞle z zapatrywaniami Daniela". Ja szczĊĞliwie dostaáam pracĊ, w której|nikt mi nie kadzi.

{72166}{72237} {72238}{72271} {72272}{72331} {72332}{72425}

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Comment: In the non-professional version neither sarcasm nor stealing comfort has appeared. The translator once more presented a pretty free version of a clearly impolite utterance, where Saddam Hussein seems to be a key figure: ‘Working here means following blindly Daniel’s opinions. I am happy to have got a job where nobody butters me up’. 16.FTA type – irritation (new concept) FTA type – irritation FTA type – swear

English version: RICHARD: Neville, what‫ۄ‬the fuck is going on?

{74422}{74484}

Prof. Transl.: Co jest, Neville?

Non-prof. Transl.: Co siĊ tam, kurwa, dzieje?!

Comment: The ‘fuck’ word seems to have been unnecessarily enhanced in the non-professional translation, making it sound ruder, than the original, as the intention of the speaker was not to offend the listener, rather express his annoyance, irritation, and anger. We can assume that most adult viewers are familiar with its meaning and do not need to translate it each time it occurs. 17.FTA type – steal comfort, space invasion, isolation, irony, sarcasm, label, contempt FTA type – steal comfort, isolation, space invasion, label, irony, sarcasm

English version: Cosmo: Hey, Bridge‫ۄ‬how’s your love life? Oh... Cosmo: Still going out‫ۄ‬with that publishing chappie? Bridget: Uh, no, no. Cosmo: Never dip your nib in the office ink. Prof. Transl.: Cosmo: Bridget, jak twoje miáoĞci? Nadal chodzisz z tym wydawcą. Bridget: WáaĞciwie nie. Nigdy nie maczaj pióra w biurowym kaáamarzu

{76620}{76693} {76695}{76727} {76728}{76786} {76787}{76842} {76878}{76942}

Anita ĩytowicz

FTA type – steal comfort, space invasion enhanced; irony and sarcasm lessened, no label or isolation

169

Non-prof. Transl.: Bridge, jak tam twoje|Īycie erotyczne? ciągle chodzisz z tym facetem|z wydawnictwa? JuĪ nie. Nigdy nie wsadzaj stalówki w materiaáy biurowe...

Comment: ‘[…] chappie’ was skipped by both translators whereas Cosmo used it purposefully, showing contempt to Bridget. Moreover, while the professional subtitler managed to maintain other types of impoliteness, the non-professional one enhanced space invasion by translating ‘love life as sexual life,’ and lessened the second part of the dialogue, by proposing a different version of the last utterance: ‘Never put a pen tip between the stationery.’ While, Cosmo saying: ‘Never dip your nib in the office ink’ was clearly ironic, even sarcastic, and hoped to label and isolate Bridget showing his contempt to her. 18.FTA type – irony, isolation, steal comfort, patronizing, label FTA type – advice, mock concern, irony FTA type – irony, patronizing, isolation, steal comfort, label

English version: Cosmo: You really ought to hurry up... and get sprugged up, you know, old girl? Time's a-running out. Tick-tock. Prof. Transl.: Lepiej siĊ postaraj o dzieci. Czas páynie tick-tak. Non-prof. Transl.: Musisz siĊ w koĔcu poĞpieszyü i|kogoĞ zaáapaü, malutka... Czas ucieka. Tik-tak.

{76980}{77009} {77010}{77072} {77073}{77157}

Comment: The professional subtitler shortened the first utterance by half, into ‘You’d better have kids.’ and thus failed to maintain the same level of impoliteness. It sounds more like advice or mock concern while Cosmo’s intention was isolation and the stealing of Bridget’s comfort. In the second translation, the types of impoliteness were preserved, yet Cosmo’s remark concerned having children, not finding a guy.

Bridget Jones: Approach to Impoliteness in Subtitling

170

19.FTA type – mockimp FTA type – mockimp FTA type – swear, snub

English version: Collin: I'm joking, you daft cow.

{109833}{109894}

Prof. Transl.: Collin: ĩartujĊ, gáuptasie.

Non-prof. Transl.: Collin: ĩartujĊ sobie, ty gáupia krowo.

Comment: Collin wanted to show his wife that the bond between them was still strong, not offend her, therefore the literal translation of the rude phrase ‘daft cow,’ proposed by the non-professional subtitler enhances the level of impoliteness and offends the listener. 20.FTA type – patronizing FTA type – lack FTA type – patronizing

English version: Natasha: Come on, Mark. Be helpful, please.

{113503}{113554}

Prof. Transl.: Natasha: PomóĪ mi, Mark. Non-prof. Transl.: Natasha: No, bądĨ chociaĪ trochĊ pomocny.

Comment: Natasha bluntly patronized Mark, yet the professional subtitler failed to show that, by translating this utterance as ‘Help me Mark.’ The non-professional translator managed to maintain the impoliteness level.

6. The summary of the analysis Upon forming the thesis of this article, I assumed that if the nonprofessional subtitler failed to maintain the same category of impoliteness they would rather enhance its level, than lower its degree or even skip the utterance. I believed that, in the case of professional translator, I would find hardly any discrepancies. I counted all the examples of impoliteness found in the film, however in chapter 4, presented only those which did not follow the same impoliteness category, either in professional, nonprofessional or both versions of subtitles. Those that maintained the same

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category of impoliteness are not quoted in the analyytical part of the t paper, yet are incluuded for statisstical purposee as the overalll count of a particular p type of im mpoliteness, i.e. there were, w altogethher, 17 exam mples of patronizationn in the film, yet discrepan ncies were fouund only in 10 0 cases: 6 in the profeessional, and 4 in the am mateur subtitlees. Interesting gly, most impolite utteerances includded more than n 2 impoliteneess types. As expected, the analysedd examples shhow that the non-professionnal version is definitely d more impoolite than thhe original with 13 exxamples of enhanced impolitenesss (without tabboo words, wh hich were refleected upon sep parately), yet to my suurprise, it turnned out that att the same tim me the amateurr subtitler failed to maintain the sam me level of imp politeness, lesssening its deg gree in 27 cases. Whilsst, the professsional subtitlerr enhanced thhe level of imp politeness in 1 examplle only and addded a catego ory in 2, he/shhe failed to maintain m it and even diiminished its power in 17 cases. When it comes to a detailed summary off impolitenesss types and th he problems thhat they posed d, we can see the perccentage repressentation of the results as well as the numerical n one in Figurre 1 and Figurre 2 below, resspectively. Figure 1 – perrcentage repressentation of the impoliteness caategories

We can see that the most m common nly occurring types of imp politeness turned out to be: mockk impolitenesss – 21, labeel – 19, iron ny – 18,

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Bridget Joness: Approach to Impoliteness I inn Subtitling

patronizationn – 17, stealinng comfort – 13, space invaasion – 8, sarccasm – 5, contempt – 5, snub – 4, swear – 2, isollation – 2, moock politeness – 1 case, respectivelyy. Taboo wordds, which appeeared 25 timess (with fuck making m the most of it – 22 whilst shhit – 2 and bloody – 1) annd can be treeated as a separate insstance, as it is i commonly accepted to skip them orr provide ‘decent’ equuivalents ratheer than literal translation. T Therefore, theey are not included in tthe tables. Figure 2 – thee number of exaamples of particcular impolitenness categories

*snub and sw wear were addedd by the amateu ur translator in 3 cases each

Statisticaally, isolation n is the type of o impolitenesss that both trranslators had most troouble preserviing: twice skipped by the nnon-profession nal (2 out of 2 = 100% %) and once by the profeessional (1 ouut of 2 = 50%), even though it apppeared in thee film less often than otherr categories. Moreover, M the amateur subtitler hadd major probleems with mainntaining sarcasm as it was skippedd twice and enhanced e in one o (3 out off 5 = 60%) and a space invasion, w which was twicce enhanced an nd once skippped (3 out of 8 = 37%). Interestinglyy, the next - onnce more prob blematic for bboth translators - turned out to be paatronization, as the professional translaator failed to keep k it or lessened itss degree in six, and the non-professiional in fourr, out of

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seventeen cases (35% and 23%, respectively). Patronization seems to be particularly difficult to maintain, mainly due to the dual nature of the utterance and - to be properly reflected - needs to be handled with care. Label, present in nineteen utterances, was not maintained in three cases in either the professional or amateur subtitles (15%). Mock impoliteness, found in twenty-one utterances, failed to appear in three professional and six non-professional subtitles, (14% and 28% respectively), implying that the amateur subtitler either lacked the experience in identifying the subtle difference between factual and mock impoliteness or wanted to be too literal, as this category was replaced with bold on record snub/swear in all cases (Figure 1 - *the examples added by the amateur translator). Stealing comfort, present in thirteen utterances, seems to be yet another type of impoliteness that posed difficulty for the non-professional subtitler, as it was not found in three examples and was enhanced in one (30%), whilst the professional translator missed it and enhanced its degree once only (2 out of 13 = 15%). As for irony, once more it turned out to be much more difficult to handle for the non-professional subtitler – missed in four cases and enhanced in two (6 out of 18 = 33%), as opposed to the professional subtitler, who failed to keep this category in one and lessened its degree also in one case only (2 out of 18 = 11%). However, both subtitlers added this type of impoliteness; the non-professional translator in one, and the professional translator one in two cases. What is more, the types of impoliteness, which seem to be more blunt, rude and offensive turned out to be added by the non-professional translator only, with three cases of swear and three of snub (*300%). Swear words were found in the original in two, and snub in four examples – in both cases maintained by both translators. Finally, contempt was skipped once by both translators (1 out of 5 = 20%). Mock politeness, which appeared once in the original, was preserved in the professional subtitles but was not found in the nonprofessional translation. Looking at the analysed examples, we can immediately notice that certain types of impoliteness suggested by Bousfield were not present in the film: ignorance, disagreement, scare, code, putting ones indebtedness on record, hindering or blocking a person physically, criticism, role shift, and shout. However, another aspect worth mentioning is new examples of impoliteness found: mock sympathy and concern (3 cases each), surprise and irritation (1 case each), not mentioned in Bousfield’s taxonomy. It proves, what Bousfield (2008) implied himself, that there are far more abusive behaviours we are exposed to; one can steal another person’s comfort and offend them easily without necessarily being blunt or

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aggressive. Nonetheless, I noticed an interesting phenomenon concerning taboo markers: the non-professional subtitler enhanced them in ten and added in one case (10 out of 25 = 40% + 100%), which implies that the professional subtitlers are more aware of the translation techniques, are more skilled at handling swear words or abusive remarks, and are more hesitant to use taboo markers if it is not necessary (skipped 15 times (correctly) and handled with care in the remaining 10 cases). There were several versions and varieties of translation of the taboo word ‘fuck’, starting from the most commonly used ‘cholera’ (fucking tuna – cholerny tuĔczyk, come the fuck on – choc juĪ do cholery), through, ‘o kurde’ (fuck me), up to ‘pieprzonego/pieprzyü’ (fucking Paris, fuck him), and the ultimate ‘kurwa’ - found only in the non-professional version - (What the fuck is going on? – co tu siĊ kurwa dzieje; what the fuck do you think you're doing? – co ty kurwa wyprawiasz, etc.). The latter seemed to be favoured and were used more often by the non-professional translator, while the former were used by the professional translator. In 15 cases in professional subtitles, i.e. ‘[…] totally fucking finito; what the fuck is going on?, for fuck’s sake; fuck me, that hurt; […] fucking tongue, fucking throat or […] thinking, what a fucking idiot I've been,’ the famed taboo word was not translated at all, as it did not require translation following the approach that we should translate them only if necessary, when the scene lacks the character. Lastly, there were also several cases of expressions that might be interpreted and understood as rude or impolite, however, since they were not directed at a person but expressed as Bridget’s own thoughts, they cannot be treated as abusive and therefore fail to meet the core of the definition of impoliteness.

3. Conclusion To put the outcome of the analysis in a nutshell, I would like to conclude that, as suspected, the non-professional translator did not manage to follow and maintain the original categories of impoliteness. Contrary to what I had expected, he/she chose the rougher path of aggravation in thirteen utterances only (6 times enhanced + 7 added) and decreased its intensity in twenty-seven cases. Presumably so, due to lack of translation skills as the categories that he/she found most difficult to preserve were those that require both linguistic knowledge and experience, namely: mock impoliteness, stealing comfort, contempt, irony, and patronization. However, I was surprised to find that the professional subtitler made impoliteness seem more polite, lessening its degree in seventeen examples, adding a category (irony) in two and enhancing the degree of impoliteness

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in one utterance only. I assume that it was done mainly due to a careful and linguistic approach to translation, and perhaps a too careful selection of vocabulary. Treatment of taboo words seems to be the aspect a non-professional subtitler should work on, remembering that swear words do not sound fine and in the right place, in each case. Thus, when it comes to ‘dirty language’ the famous minimalistic, design approach ‘Less is More’ sounds just right in linguistics as well. After all, to me interpretation is art and interpreters are expected to possess unlimited vocabulary, creativity, sense of appropriateness of the situation, context and place. Whereas translation is craft, and translators or subtitlers act more like skilled painters than artists, showing a great deal of imagination but rather limited freedom of choice.

Bridget Jones: Approach to Impoliteness in Subtitling

2

3 6 3

3

3

1

2

1

Label 19

Mock Impoliteness 21

Stealing Comfort 13

Irony 18

Contempt 5

1

4

4

6

2

1

2

1

Space Invasion 8

/Patronization 17

1

2

Enhanced

Sarcasm 5

1

1

Isolation 2

2

Skipped/ decreased

Added

Skipped/ decreased

Impoliteness category& no of examples in the original

Enhanced

Amateur translator

Professional translator

Table 1 – Differences in impoliteness categories: the original versus Polish translations

176

1

Added

1

Taboo words

25

15

10

1

3

Swear 2

Mock Politeness 1

3

Snub 4

Anita ĩytowicz 177

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Tracy, Karen. 1990. “The Many Faces of Facework.” In Handbook of language and social psychology, Howard Giles and William P. Robinson (eds.), 209–226. Chichester: Wiley. Zabalbeascoa, Patrick. 2000. “From Techniques to Types of Solutions”. In Beeby, Allison et al (eds) Investigating Translation, John Benjamins —. 2008. “The nature of the audiovisual text and its parameters.” In Díaz Cintas, Jorge (ed.), The Didactics of Audiovisual Translation.

LOCATING PLURISEMIOTIC FEATURES OF HUMOUR IN DUBBING GIOVANNA DI PIETRO UNIVERSITY OF BARI, ITALY

Abstract This paper analyses the interplay between verbal and nonverbal communication within the field of dubbing from English into Italian, the translation strategies employed, and the potential modifications of humour in the dubbed audiovisual products involved. It will report on the findings obtained from the multimodal analysis of a bilingual corpus composed of the original and dubbed Italian versions of three contemporary American TV series (How I Met Your Mother, Scrubs and The Big Bang Theory), in the attempt to investigate the whole spectrum of acoustic and visual data, and provide for a holistic analysis of translated humour. The purpose of such an analysis is threefold: (1) searching for modifications in the types of plurisemiotic interplay due to the translation process; (2) looking for consequent manipulations of the humorous effect; (3) trying to understand the reasons behind such phenomena and identify some translational patterns. Particular attention has been paid to nonverbal humourtriggering resources (e.g. paralanguage, kinesics, music) and culture-specific references because these aspects are usually considered as the major stumbling blocks for audiovisual translation, especially when, as it happens for dubbing, only verbal language is modifiable and no glosses, footnotes or prefaces are allowed in the translation process. Keywords: dubbing – English to Italian – (non)verbal humour

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1. The plurisemiotic nature of audiovisual texts Film is not a discrete system of signification. Even more than any other text type, audiovisual texts are composed of a reticular web of messages and codes incorporating the separate technologies and discourses of the camera, lighting, editing, set design, and sound – all simultaneously contributing to the meaning. Turner (1994:121) emphasises the relevance of audiovisual communication by stating that “there is a ‘language’ for virtual representation, too.” In order to understand how its language-like system works, an interdisciplinary approach taking into account linguistics and film studies is needed; a system of analysis, which began with verbal language but which has “broadened out to include those other activities which produce social meaning” (Turner 1994:121, my emphasis). Zabalbeascoa (2010:37) corroborates this point by claiming that: “just as there is filmic language, we can also speak of audiovisual grammar (syntax, morphology, textuality…) and just as there is verbal grammar, we might wish to explore the nature of AV grammar”. On several occasions, Chaume (2004, 2012) has stressed the relevance of considering the fields of film studies, linguistics and translation studies as closely interlaced: “audiovisual texts are usually built according to the conventions of film language, a complex language that overcomes linguistic communication and has its own rules and conventions” (Chaume 2004:12, my emphasis).

They communicate through the simultaneous use of semiotic channels (aural and visual) and codes (written and verbal) by combining different meaning-making resources into a multimodal signifying whole (Table 1). In this perspective, the role of the translator is in: “disentangling the meaning and functioning of each of these codes, and the possible impact of all signs, linguistic and non-linguistic, on translation operations” (Chaume 2012:100, my emphasis).

Therefore, language is not the only audiovisual code worth analyzing. As Zabalbeascoa concludes: “verbal signs combine in various ways with other sounds and images to make up different patterns of cohesion, intertextuality and the other features of textual structure and meaning” (2008:23).

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Table 1. The audiovisual channels and codes

Verbal code Nonverbal code

Acoustic channel Verbal language Paralanguage

Visual channel Written language Kinesics

Music

Setting, clothing, scenery

Sounds

Camerawork

Sound effects

Editing Photography

It is on this interaction between verbal and nonverbal codes that our research is based. The nonverbal code comprises a vast repertoire of acoustically and visually expressed semiotic modes, such as paralanguage (i.e. prosody), music and sound, kinesics (i.e. body movements, gestures and face expressions), photography, scene design, camerawork and editing, which can co-occur with verbal codes in several combinations. Zabalbeascoa (1996) listed the main types of audiovisual humour, which are broken down into verbal, nonverbal and plurisemiotic. This study takes into account the latter category and its translatability through a multimodal analysis (Di Pietro 2013) of the contemporary American sitcoms How I Met Your Mother (HIMYM), Scrubs, and The Big Bang Theory (TBBT) in their original and dubbed Italian versions. The data are analysed via the individuation of the main translation techniques, and the identification of the reasons behind them in the light of the linguistic, semiotic and pragmatic nature of the texts involved.

2. Interdisciplinary aspects of AVT The plurisemiotic nature of audiovisual humour represents the most challenging factor in producing quality translations for the screen (Benincà 1999:58-59). The reasons for this difficulty can be summarized as follows: a. Cultural differences between SL and TL. b. Linguistic obstacles. c. Individual differences concerning one’s sense of humour.

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Locating Plurisemiotic Features of Humour in Dubbing d. Dubbing-specific constraints. e. The relationship between verbal and nonverbal codes. f. The sum of two or more of the above.

2.1 Cultural and linguistic differences Cultural and linguistic differences (reasons a. and b.) are shared with other translation types: the former concern the relation of proximity/distance between the two languages involved in the translational process, and the degree of mutual understanding, the level of possible negotiation of meanings, and all sorts of intercultural or sociolinguistic matters, e.g. the rendition of lingua-cultural realia and intertextuality, or the translation of culture-specific humour. The latter depend on the translator’s mastery of both the SL and TL and call for a high competence in the fields of intercultural communication and pragmatics. They mostly regard sociolinguistic and pragmatic aspects (e.g. the translation of verbal puns, fixed expressions, and metaphors). One of the major problems arising from translation, for dubbing purposes, regards the linguistic transfer of culture-specific references that are familiar to source-language viewers but prove to be totally unknown to the target audience. In this case, the translator should keep in mind four fundamental factors: Pointing out the dominant element in such culture-bound references, sacrificing secondary elements if necessary. Considering the target audience’s expectations and background knowledge. Considering the nature of the text he is translating in order to understand his margin of creative freedom. Always aiming at lingua-cultural credibility.

2.2 Individual differences Individual differences concerning one’s sense of humour (reason c.) exert a direct influence on a translator’s agenda, and on the product of his work. Since humour is not readily identifiable and its appreciation depends on a person’s state and personality (Ruch 1988), Chiaro (2007:124) states “the concept of humour is an extremely slippery one” and its translation is a Herculean task, especially for dubbing. Nevertheless, as she emphasises, comedies and sitcoms do cross linguistic barriers. Veiga (2009:175) explores the “threefold challenge” demanded to translate audiovisual humour:

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“First stage: recognition of humorous stimulus/i (humour awareness); Second stage: process of meaning negotiation between source and target languages (humour competence); Third stage: decision-making according to language (relevance; recontextualization; priorities and restrictions), culture (cultural encyclopaedia in both languages), and technical boundaries (imposed by medium constraints) so that the perlocutionary equivalence and force can be achieved (audiovisual humour translation competence).” Veiga 2009:175)

The scholar’s view is shared by Vandaele (2002:150), who adds that: “the comprehension of humour (and its appreciation) and humour production are two distinct skills; […] translators may experience its compelling effect on themselves and others (laughter) but be unable to reproduce it. Thus, there are good reasons to think of humour (re)production as talent-related, not learnable (hence not teachable) […]. [T]he appreciation of humour varies individually.”

Moreover, individual differences in humour appreciation and production may produce a hiatus between the translator’s intentions and the dubbing actor’s interpretation of his role, or the dubbing director’s opinion. Given the multi-authorial nature of dubbed audiovisuals, the text delivered by the translator: “will serve as the starting point for a lengthy and complex process during which the text will pass through many hands and operations, which may be more or less respectful of the original translation” (Martìnez 2004: 3).

Indeed, translated scripts can be modified by pretty much anyone in the dubbing industry, with potential reverberations on humorous features and effects.

2.3 Dubbing-specific aspects Unlike lingua-cultural factors, medium-based and sync-related aspects of AVT are considered as dubbing-specific (reason d.).The former depend on the plurisemiotic nature of audiovisual products, and are therefore linked to reason e. The audiovisual translator’s knowledge of the interplay between the semiotic channels and codes composing the texts he is working on, determines his ability to make the dubbed version a meaningful, semiotically coherent, and cohesive text. This aspect builds a

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bridge between Film Studies and Translation Studies by linking the essential features of an audiovisual text with the translator’s agency. Sync-related aspects of dubbing have been addressed by a number of scholars, with a particular focus on lip sync (e.g. Fodor 1976, Goris 1993). However, lip sync alone is no more considered as a predominant constraint in dubbing practice, but it is only one of the elements that define this translation modality as partial and constrained. It is partial because only the verbal and paralinguistic sound track can be modified, while all the other semiotic data remain unaltered, during the translation process, and is constrained (Mayoral et al. 1988) because it depends on dubbing-specific limitations such as lip sync, isochrony, kinesic sync, prosodic credibility, intersemiotic cohesion and coherence. As Whitman (1992:125) warns: “the problem is that the visual image is inviolable. Scenes cannot be reshot for the sake of confronting the new audience with familiar settings and stories. […] The only means of re-molding is linguistic.”

Besides, unlike many other translation modalities (e.g. literary translation), dubbing does not allow for the addition of explanatory glosses or footnotes making up for possible ambiguities and areas of untranslatability because of spatio-temporal restrictions, the target text needs to work as a self-sufficient product. Therefore, dubbing-dependent aspects rely on the translator’s ability to analyse the semiotic interplay composing the text he is adapting, on his mastery of synchronization types, and on the target viewer’s sensory perception of the translated audiovisual as a new, internally consistent work of art. Sync-related aspects of dubbing comprise lip sync, isochrony, and kinesic sync (Chaume & Garcìa 2001:121). Lip sync consists in adapting the translated script to the actors’ labial articulation, while isochrony is based on the temporal and rhythmical “syllable convergence” (Whitman 1992:28) between a source-language utterance and its dubbed counterpart. According to Agost (1999:66), the utmost attention should be paid to this synchronization type, because it is the most noticeable, and has direct repercussions on the quality of the final translation; a dubbed audiovisual, which does not respect isochrony, is usually judged poorly by the critic and the average public. Kinesic sync depends directly on the aural-visual interplay and aims at matching the actor’s body movements with the dubbing actor’s voice. The difficulty in pursuing such an aim derives from the fact that gestures and facial expressions are usually culture-bound (despite some universal displays of psychological disposition, like the expression of fear and joy). As a consequence, the translation needs to

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take, simultaneously, into account the unalterable visuals and the messages they convey, while aiming at cultural credibility and overall effectiveness. This brings us to reasons e. and f. i.e. the relationship between verbal and nonverbal codes and the sum of more aspects of AVT that may hinder a smooth interlinguistic transfer. In order to examine and understand such aspects, it is necessary to adopt a multimodal approach perceiving the audiovisual text as a unifying whole that integrates meanings from all the semiotic modes represented in the text (Kress & Van Leeuwen 2001). As Poyatos (2002:54) states: “[w]ith relation to the message that we wish to express verbally, our nonverbal behaviours can confirm it (e.g. a gesture that supports it visually), duplicate it (e.g. a gesture that repeats it), emphasize it (e.g. a tear that intensifies it), weaken it (e.g. a voice type that weakens its credibility), and even contradict it (e.g. a voice type that betrays exactly the opposite), but also mask it with other nonverbal signs that sort of camouflage it (e.g. pretending indifference in order to conceal the anxiety something is causing us).”

These different types of interaction are crucial to humour analysis, as we will see in the next sections.

3. Features of (non)verbal humour in the corpus The universal nature of nonverbal humour is debated; some basic kinesic reactions are universal across cultures, minimizing the need for translation. This factor could explain why silent pantomimes and slapstick humour are so easily understood worldwide, Chiaro (2000:28) claims. This holds true for many instances of nonverbal comicality in the corpus (which is composed of the first five seasons of the TV series How I Met Your Mother, Scrubs, and The Big Bang Theory, as can be seen in Table 2), e.g. Barney’s magic tricks in HIMYM, or most of J.D.’s daydreams and antics in Scrubs.

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Table 2. Quantitative data regarding the number of episodes and viewing hours in the corpus HIMYM

SCRUBS

TBBT

N. EPISODES

112

117

111

N. HRS.

37 hours and 33 minutes

39

37

TOTAL N. EPISODES TOTAL N. HRS.

340 113 hours and 33 minutes

However, several scholars (e.g. Chaume 1997, Bucaria 2005, Sanz Ortega 2011) have tackled the issue of nonverbal lingua-cultural specificity and its reverberations on audiovisual translation. The dubbed adaptation of visual-verbal puns based on kinesics (e.g. Marshall and Lily’s funny charades in HIMYM), or visual humour hinging on fixed expressions, can prove particularly arduous because of the immutability of the visual datum, especially if the ST expression involved does not have a similar TT counterpart. When Scrubs’ main character, J.D., finds himself in a “deer in headlights” situation (Figure 1), he imagines himself as a deer suddenly getting blinded by the flash of car headlights as a horn blows loudly. In this case, reasons a. (cultural differences between SL and TL), b. (linguistic obstacles), and c. (individual differences concerning one’s sense of humour) apply as the visual and verbal codes interact and are cohesively brought together in J.D’s set phrase. The translation is then constrained by the interaction of these codes and, since the Italian language does not have an equivalent expression, the target audience will miss the comical effect produced in the original audiovisual.

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Figure 1. Visual-verbal humour

On other occasions, however, kinesics can easily cross interlinguistic borders. In the following example (1), taken from HIMYM, Ted cannot find the courage to kiss Robin, the girl he likes, because he is waiting for some sort of “signal” from her. Barney mocks his friend’s cowardice by means of a sarcastic remark, which is made even more poignant by the joint use of ad hoc paralinguistic and kinesic behaviour: his eyelashes batting intermittently and his words, uttered with a drawling syllabic duration and with a staccato rhythm voiced monotonously, add to the overall humorous effect. In the TT, the aggressive charge in Barney’s words is strengthened by the use of a more assertive tone (with no hesitations and repetitions), and by a longer articulation of the syllables, as if to further indulge in his ruthless mockery. Regardless of the different rendition of paralinguistic features – which is probably due to reason c. i.e. the dubbing actor’s interpretation of his role – kinesic-driven humour is unaltered in the TT, since the reference to Morse alphabet is easily understandable by the Italian audience. (1) Ted: (speaking very fast) She didn’t even give me the signal! Ted: Non mi ha fatto nessun segnale! Barney: What, is she gonna-is she gonna bat her eyes at you in Morse code? (bats eyes) “TED…” (bats eyes) “TED…” (CL) “Kiss me!”— (mocking intonation, smiling) NO! YOU JUST KISS HER! Barney: Ma cosa doveva fare? Sbattere gli occhi facendo l’alfabeto Morse?? “Teed… Baa-cia-mii!” —(reproachful intonation) NO! TU dovevi baciare lei!

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Another aspect that seems to challenge the veracity of dubbed humour is paralanguage. As claimed by Pettit (2004:35), tone of voice and intonation may affect the way in which the verbal content is perceived. The actor’s voice is the major channel through which the translation of a film is completed; therefore, special attention is needed when a dubbing actor is chosen in order to fulfil “character synchronization” (Whitman 1992:33), i.e. the harmony between the voice of the dubbing actor and the physical appearance of the original actor. Nonetheless, Italian dubbing practices seem to modify important aspects of the original version, which can cause some significant changes in humour production and appreciation. Marzà i Ibanez and Chaume (2009:36) include the standardized diction of dubbing actors among the features of dubbese by claiming that: “[t]he prosodic and phonetic level is oral by nature, but the professionally clear articulation and intonation of dubbing actors place it high along the register line.”

For instance, the Italian dubbing actor voicing Sheldon, in TBBT, has a more “normal” intonation than his American counterpart. As a result, his interpretation has nothing of the physicist’s cold, robot-like speech, with a consequent modification of characterization and overall funniness, as can be seen in Example (2). (2) [CalTech University scholars Leonard and Sheldon have just spotted Penny, their new neighbour] Leonard: New neighbor? Leonard: Prima non c’era. Sheldon: (flat) Evidently. Sheldon: No, mai vista. Leonard: Significant improvement over the old neighbor. Leonard: La vicina che c’era prima l’hanno rottamata. Sheldon: (monotonous voice, inexpressive face) Two-hundred pound transvestite with a skin condition? Yes, she is. Sheldon: (ironictone) Se accettano trans di 100 chili con la cellulite sulle guance…

Much of the humour in TBBT is based on the contrast between the main characters’ overly rational reasoning about life’s minutiae and their incapability to adjust to everyday events that usually require less academic-oriented approaches. As a consequence, they tend to examine trivial events, like the arrival of a new and more attractive neighbour, with a scientifically detached attitude. In this case, the humorous effect

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undergoes two different alterations in the TT: one is linked to verbal language, which is modified by means of a rewriting strategy that further specifies the reference to the previous neighbour’s skin condition by defining it as “cellulites on his cheeks.” The other one (which is probably due to reasons a. and c.) regards the paralinguistic delivery of Sheldon’s line, which is normalized via a sarcastic intonation that over-clarifies his non-bona fide communicative intentions1, but at the same time clashes with his impenetrable facial expression. Many deadpan wisecracks and sarcastic remarks uttered with a straight face, by Barney in HIMYM or Dr Cox in Scrubs, lose part of their strength when dubbed because Italian dubbers tend to (either willingly or spontaneously) minimize the semiotic dichotomy between verbal and nonverbal aspects of communication by “spelling out” the humorous intentions of said utterances. The resulting shift in the interplay between verbal and nonverbal codes (from contradicting to reinforcing each other) inevitably annihilates the illocutionary and perlocutionary force of the characters’ lines. A similar situation occurs in Example (3), where Lily reproaches Ted for not making a move on Robin while her kinesic behaviour and paralinguistic features seem to suggest sincere sympathy (with the pity smile and the cuddly voice), her sarcasm transpires from the words uttered. However, the TT employs the euphemistic paraphrase “te lafacevi sotto e hairifiutato” (“you soiled your pants and called it quits”) to avoid the expletive “b…h,” with a consequent diminution in the face-threatening charge of Lily’s utterance. An overtly sarcastic tone is used to compensate for the minced verbal aggression (reasons a. and c.), with a consequent manipulation of her message: (3) Ted: Look, this woman could be my future wife! I want our first kiss to be amazing. Ted: Potrebbe essere la mia futura moglie! Il primo bacio dovrebbe essere indimenticabile! Lily: (in a falsely soft voice as she nods and smiles) Aww, Ted, that is so sweet! So you chickened out like a little b…h! Lily: (in a contemptuous voice) Ooh, Ted, ma quanto sei statocariiino! Quindi tu te la facevi sotto e hairinunciato!

Camerawork and editing are used in a variety of ways to convey humour, especially in HIMYM and Scrubs - the two sitcoms, which seem to contain a higher amount of fantasy shots and intertextual references to well-known films and TV shows. A directing style, inspired by action films, is adopted for humorous purposes on several occasions in HIMYM.

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For instance, when Barney steals Ted’s truck as a joke, blackmailing him under the self-aggrandizing pseudonym “The Commodore,” the camera frames an intense close-up of Barney accompanied by dramatic music as he says in a deep voice “this is not Barney. But I hear that guy is awesome” (Figure 2). It is exactly on this mise-en-scène that humour hinges. In this case, translation is simply not an issue because the film genre parodied is extremely popular in Italy; it is therefore reasonable to think that most TL viewers will be able to understand this humoristic element and laugh about it. Figure 2. Dramatic close-up

Exaggerated editing effects, such as explosions and big buzzwords advertising Barney’s egotistic personality in his video CV (Figure 3), are another example of visual humour intermingling with other semiotic resources. In this case, reasons d. and e. interfere with the translational process as more meaning-making codes overlap, not all of which are easily transferrable from one language to another. First of all, Barney’s words co-occur with the presence of graphic signs (e.g. “trustworthy”) that need to be translated. Moreover, a hard rock song (played by the character himself) whose lyrics praise Barney’s qualities2 can be heard in the background as he speaks. Yet, the translators chose to leave it in English, with a consequent loss in terms of humour for most Italian speakers.

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Figure 3. Humorous editing and graphic signs

Photography contributes to creating humorous situations in HIMYM: bright spotlights and shocking colours create an Eighties-nostalgia atmosphere in young Robin’s pop music videoclips (Figure 4). In TBBT, Star Wars lover Howard is seen dimming the lights, putting on some romantic music, and turning on a pair of crossed light-sabres over his bed to “set the mood” before sleeping with Bernadette (Figure 5). Both these examples present cultural references that are familiar to the target audience; as a consequence, their perlocutionary effect is unaltered.

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Figures 4-5. Humorous photography

Setting, clothing and scenery are used for humour purposes in several ways. J.D.’s daydreams in Scrubs feature highly imaginative use of camera action. On one occasion, the young doctor fantasizes about being Fonzie from Happy Days and healing a young man in a coma by bumping his fist on the patient’s chest, just like the Fonz used to do with jukeboxes (Figure 6). Since the American TV show is well known in Italy, the intertextual reference is not lost on the target viewers. Clothing especially represents an inexhaustible source of nonverbal humour in the corpus. Barney’s countless disguises in HIMYM, and superhero and science-fiction costumes in TBBT (e.g. geeky Leonard asking his girlfriend Priya to wear a Battlestar Galactica suit during foreplay), create funny situations along with setting and scenery. Once again, the degree of translatability depends on two main factors: the presence (or lack) of a shared cognitive background between the creators

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of a given sitcom and their prospective audience (which may, or may not, be shared by the target viewers), and the degree of plurisemiotic complexity (reasons a., b. and e.). The more semiotic codes and channels co-construct humour, the harder it will be for the translator to retain their interplay. Figure 6. Fantasy shot: J.D. as Fonzie

The relevance of music in audiovisuals is confirmed by its pervasive presence in the corpus. In virtue of its evocative power, it has a chiefly expressive function. The priorities for music translation are thus represented by rhythm and melody, which acquire a higher communicative force than language itself. Consequently, isochrony (i.e. the need for the dubbed text to respect the rhythm and tempo of the original dialogue lines) and singability (i.e. the a musico-verbal fit of a text to music from the prosodic, poetic and semantic-reflexive point of view, according to Franzon 2008) prevail over mere semantic content (Low 2005). Needless to say, songs can only be translated, despite the communicative value deployed by the soundtrack as a whole3. Nevertheless, the translated song lyrics, composing the corpus, present apparently very erratic translational strategies (Di Pietro, forthcoming); some are dubbed, others are subtitled, and others are left untranslated (see above). Interestingly enough, the rendition of all the musical moments in HIMYM has been omitted completely, despite the high culture-bound density of humorous elements contained in the song lyrics and their relevance, both for characterization and for the development of the story. The effects of this zero-translation choice are particularly evident in the funny music video clips showing Robin’s embarrassing past as a Canadian popstar, e.g. Let’s Go to the Mall4; the original soundtrack plays in the Italian version of the episodes with potentially incomprehensible English

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lyrics and images laden with symbols of the Canadian culture that are destined to be a visual enigma for the target audience if not supported by some form of verbal explanation. Some captions would have sufficed to fill in the interlinguistic and intercultural gap.

4. Translation strategies The analysis conducted on the sitcoms revealed the presence of eight main strategies for translating plurisemiotic humour in the corpus: Cultural borrowing Literal translation Explicitation Simplification Addition Reduction Rewriting Normalization.

An overview of the strategies is shown in Table 2. Cultural borrowing is a form of direct transfer used when some SLrealia have their own names without a TL-counterpart. This technique is very frequent in HIMYM, which abounds with jokes based on Robin’s Canadian descent (see above). It is particularly typical of proper nouns, such as brand names, toponyms or VIPs, as the translation of Example (4) shows: (4) Barney: (covering his ear, visibly disgusted) Thank God that song’s over! Who the hell was that old lady singing? […] Barney: Bleargh! Grazie a Dio la canzone è finita! Chi è quella vecchietta che cantava? […] Robin: (visibly offended) Neil Young – is a Canadian treasure. Do-notmake-fun… of Neil Young. Robin: Neil Young – è un’istituzione canadese. Io-ti-proibisco… di sfottere Neil Young. Barney: (serious tone) Robin, I would never make fun of the… (straightfaced) defenseless old lady with vocal cord paralysis. Barney: Robin, non mi permetterei mai di sfottere una vecchietta indifesa con una paralisi alle corde vocali.

In order to preserve the couleur locale of the original text, the cultureladen reference to Canadian-born singer Neil Young is retained tel quel in the TT, with no loss in meaning and amusement.

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Literal translation is the result of stringent word-to-word translation and aims at appearing exotic to the target audience. It includes the transcription of a given culture-specific reference, but also its transliteral transposition and its orthographic (and phonological) adaptation. It is usually employed for the translation of language-specific and culturespecific references such as idioms, nicknames, metaphors, similes and other figures of speech, which express the local vividness of the source culture. In some cases, it is used to preserve the aggressive load of a superiority joke on Canada, as can be seen in Example (5). (5) [Ted suspects Robin may be married to a Canadian man. Lily comforts him] Lily: Look, even if she’s married, it’s a Canadian wedding. (smiling) It’s like their money, or their army: nobody takes it seriously. Lily: Ted, anche se è sposata, è un matrimonio canadese! E’ come i loro dollari e il loro esercito: nessuno li prende sul serio.

In other instances, it is used to retain the illocutionary and perlocutionary force of a culture-bound double entendre (Example 6), e.g. “did he take your maple leaf?”, which translates to “è quello con cui haiperduto la fogliad’acero?”, or the felicitously concise allusion to Robin’s “Oh, Canada face”, literally rendered as “la faccia da Oh, Canada.” Even though the reference to the Canadian anthem may not be understood by some Italian viewers, the position of the actor uttering the line (close-up, facing the camera) and the long duration of the “oh” sound make the synchronization of visual and aural data a priority. (6) [Robin is talking about her ex-boyfriend from Canada. Her friends’ sarcastic comments ensue] Marshall: (smiling sarcastically) Did he take your maple leaf? Marshall: E’ quello con cui hai perduto la foglia d’acero? Robin: (offended) No, it wasn’t like that. Robin: (infuriated) No, niente affatto! Barney: (pretending to be serious) Sounds to me like he gave you your first (prolonging the “oh” sound in a sexual way, closing his eyes) “Ohhh, Canada” face. Barney: Scommetto che hai fatto la faccia da “Oh, Canada” con lui!

Explicitation defines or explains a given culture-specific item by means of paraphrase (Tomaszkiewicz 2001). It is a strategy aiming at spelling out whatever is implicit in a culture-based utterance by adding background information to it in order to explain otherwise obscure, equivocal or vague expressions and/or images and make them more

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accessible to the target audience, e.g. “Danbys” becoming “la catena Danbys” (“the Danbys franchise,” Example 7). This strategy is quite rare in the corpus analysed, probably because, as Pedersen notices, “it is space consuming and could be regarded as patronizing” (2005:5). Nonetheless, Chaume (1997:323) sees it as a necessary compensation technique when dealing with plurisemiotically expressed humour and culturemes: in such cases, “it might be advisable to […] make explicit the character’s intention.” (7) Barney: Ted, your place is too cluttered. It’s like you’re living in a Bennigan’s. (Everybody laughs) Barney: In casa tua c’è troppa roba! Sembra di vivere in un autogrill! Robin: Or at Danbys. (People stop laughing and give her a puzzled look) What, they don’t have Danbys in the US? (They shake their heads no) Really? We-well, then where do you get grizzly bear ice-cream sandwiches? Robin: O in un Danby! Non avete la catena Danby qui? Davvero? E dove le comprate le brioches imbottite di gelato variegate? Ted: (grabs her hand, in a low tone, tactfully) Just… stop, sweetie. Ted: (in a harshtone) Non dire altro: è meglio. Ok?

Simplification is the tendency, on the part of the translators, to “subconsciously simplify the language or message or both in the target text” (Ulrych 2000:419) by replacing a culture-specific item or a complex phrase with a more generic term of reference, which is likely to be better known or understood by the target audience; usually a hyperonym or a generalizing paraphrase. This strategy may have the effect of flattening the specificity of a joke by weakening its tight link with the imagery it evokes. For instance, in the following Scrubs excerpt (8), Dr Cox’s justifiable anger at finding out two shocking pieces of news in a sequence (J.D. sleeping with his wife’s young sister in his own apartment, and J.D. using his son’s picture to hide his genitalia) is conveyed at a plurisemiotic level through his paralinguistic features (the alternation between sarcasm, pretending calm tones and sudden bursts of rage), his and J.D.’s kinesic behaviour (Cox’s smile as he accuses J.D. of nearly raping his sister-inlaw, J.D.’s inadvertent idea of picking up the first thing he finds to cover himself and then flipping the picture with hilarious results, his innocent smile after he realizes what he has done), and the camera zooming in on J.D’s waist to focus on the involuntary comicality produced by his gaffe (Figures 7-8). By contrast, the Italian translation dilutes the humorously offensive charge of Cox’s phrase “your nerdy, G-rated sexcapades” by referring to it as “acrobazie sessuali” (“sex acrobatics”), thus altering the lexical complexity of the joke and levelling out its aggressive nature.

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(8) [Dr Cox barges in on his wife’s sister and J.D. as they are about to have sex. J.D. quickly grabs something off the dresser to conceal himself] Dr Cox: O-kay! Now, just because Jordan thinks it’s (airquotes, sarcastic smile) “cute” that you’re violating her little sister (angry) doesn’t mean that you can use my guest room for your nerdy, G-rated sexcapades. (Looks down on J.D. and notices he used his son Jack’s picture to cover his genitalia) And oh-my-God, what are you doing with my little boy, YOU SICK, SICK B*****D!? Dr Cox: Ok! Anche se Jordan pensa che sia “cariiino” che tu abusi della sua sorellina, non puoi usare la mia stanza degli ospiti per le tue acrobazie sessuali! E… oh – mio – Dio! Cosa diavolo stai facendo al mio povero bambino, schifosissimo b******o!? J.D.: (looks down, realizes that the item he picked up to hide behind is a photo of little Jack) My bad. (He flips the picture around. Now he has got Dr Cox’s face over his nether regions. He smiles) It’s a beautiful shot of you. J.D.: (smiles, embarrassed) Sbagliomio! … (in a hesitant, trembling voice) E’-è venuto bene in questa foto! Figures 6-7. Funny camerawork and props in Scrubs

Addition is used rarely in the corpus, which is quite predictable because it further elongates the target text, thus posing difficulties to translation due to isochrony and kinesic sync. In the following TBBT example (9), however, the addition of the adjective “aderente” (“tightfitting”) intensifies the humorous charge of Howard’s utterance by emphasizing the embarrassing reference to his superhero underwear. Moreover, a whole line is added to enhance plurisemiotic cohesion, while in the ST Leonard and Raj communicate only kinesically, the TT presents a verbal exchange between the two characters, which makes their illocutionary and perlocutionary acts more explicit. In this case, addition is made possible by the position of the actor playing Leonard, whose back is facing the camera, allowing the translator for a greater margin of freedom. (9) Leonard: (trembling voice) Take me to a bar with women.

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As the example above shows, addition is aimed at increasing the degree of redundancy and plurisemiotic coherence when the messages conveyed by one or more semiotic codes are not immediately understandable by the target audience via “the explicitation of equivocal or vague expressions and logical links, and the addition of spoken text in support of images” (Ulrych 2000:419). Indeed, audiovisual translators can choose to enrich the text they are working on by adding sounds, words and even entire dialogue lines to the original scripts when possible (e.g. when the actor is off-screen or not clearly visible) for heightened dramatic purposes. Reduction is among the most frequently used strategies in the corpus, together with simplification and rewriting. It is usually employed by reason of isochrony as a solution to the prolixity of the Italian language, in the form of condensation, or elimination, of parts of the funny utterance. In the following TBBT example (10), Leonard is nervous about his first date with his neighbour, Penny. He starts preparing in advance, dresses up and spritzes his favourite perfume in the hope of impressing the girl of his dreams, but then ruins everything by starting to sweat copiously. When he asks Sheldon for advice, the latter responds – as usual – with ruthless sincerity. His analytical judgement makes his reply sound like thinly veiled (though involuntary) sarcasm. The TT maintains the perlocutionary effect of Sheldon’s utterance, but the reduction strategies employed downplay the caustic charge of his words. The Italian version eliminates Sheldon’s detailed description of Leonard’s perspiration (simply referring to it as “chiazzescure,” i.e. “dark stains”) as well as his snarky comment on the “cloud of Aramis”, thus annihilating the humorous reference to the cheap brand of cologne Leonard appears to be so fond of – but which is

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probably not going to work its magic on Penny. The effect produced by this translation strategy and the manipulation of paralanguage (especially regarding Sheldon’s Italian voice) is a modified treatment of humour, which somewhat “normalizes” the characters’ portrayal in the TT: (10) Leonard: (trying to conceal his nervousness, trembling voice) How do I look? Leonard: Che te ne pare? Sheldon: (looking at him from head to toe, unemotional voice) Could you be more specific? Sheldon: Potresti essere più specifico? Leonard: (frowning and squinting) Can you tell I'm perspiring a little? Leonard: Si vede che sono un po' sudato? Sheldon: (detached intonation) No. The dark crescent-shaped patterns under your arms conceal it nicely. What time is your date? Sheldon: (sarcastic) Nooo! Quelle... chiazze scure che hai sotto le ascelle lo nascondono egregiamente. A che ora vi vedete? Leonard: (looks at his watch, adjusts glasses, nervous voice) Six-thirty. Leonard: 18.30. Sheldon: Perfect. That gives you two hours and 15 minutes for (points to Leonard’s shirt) that dense molecular cloud of Aramis to dissipate. Sheldon: (sarcastic) Ottimo. Hai esattamente 2 ore e 15 minuti per far evaporare le molecole di quegli aloni color seppia.

Rewriting is a domesticating strategy that entails rephrasing a given utterance, either by reducing its sense or by employing a paraphrase that fits the context. It is typically used when translating metaphors and figures of speech, which do not have an immediate TL counterpart, as in the following Scrubs example (11): (11) Dr Kelso: (curtly) Perry! Hi. How are you, etcetera? The wife and I just took out a new insurance policy and I need a physical. Dr Kelso: Perry, ciao, come stai, eccetera. Io e mia moglie abbiamo una polizza nuova e mi serve una visita. Dr Cox: (serious tone and face) Bob, the day I willingly cradle your dusty old twig and berries and get a whiff of your chronic halitosis while you turn your head and cough, is the day you can look for me up on the roof singing “I Believe I Can Fly.” Dr Cox: Bob, il giorno in cui sarò disposto a cullare le ciliegine del tuo batacchio e a beccarmi uno sbuffo della tua alitosi mentre tu giri la testa e tossisci è il giorno in cui salirò sul tetto a cantare “Voglio volare”! Dr Kelso: (faking a polite smile) Great stuff. See you about twoish. Dr Kelso: Gran pezzo. Ci vediamo intorno alle due. Cox’s sarcastic reaction to Kelso’s request is inventively rewritten in the target version. The convoluted metaphor used to describe Kelso’s nether

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Normalization is used in almost all the occurrences of lingua-cultural jokes or language-specific humour. It aims at the stylistic neutralization of spoken language, accent and slang, by levelling out any mark of specific sociolinguistic identity so that it loses its uniqueness and results in being more comprehensible by the target audience, sometimes to the detriment of the humorous effect, as is especially the case with “oot,” “aboot,” “soorry,” “hoose” and similar instances of supposedly pan-Canadian diatopic variation in HIMYM. In the translation of Example (12), “soorry” is standardized via the sarcastically formal expression “chiedo venia” (“excuse me”), while “aboot” is compensated for by the old-fashioned “di grazia” (“I beg your pardon”). Here, the dominant element of the dialogue (i.e. language-driven sarcasm) is retained, although with a change from sociolinguistic to register-driven humour. (12) Robin: I’m soorry. Sometimes I forget how seriously you guys take American Thanksgiving. Real Thanksgiving happened over a month ago. Robin: a volte mi dimentico quanto lo prendete sul serio voialtri americani! E comunque quello vero è stato un mese fa! Barney: (sneering) I’m… “soorry”! Did you just say Canadian Thanksgiving was, and I’m quoting, “the-real-Thanksgiving”? Barney: Chiedo venia: hai detto che il giorno del Ringraziamento canadese sarebbe – cito testualmente – il “vero Ringraziamento”? Robin: Huh-huh. Robin: Mmm-mmm! Barney: What-do-Canadians-even-have-to-celebrate “aboot”? Barney: E, di grazia, che cosa avrebbero i canadesi da festeggiare? Sono curioso!

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Table 2. Overview of translation strategies in the corpus

5. Conclusion Through the analysis of a bilingual corpus of American and dubbed Italian sitcoms, this study has attempted to describe three aspects of audiovisual humour, namely its plurisemiotic nature, the difficulties a translator can find in producing a dubbed version of a sitcom, and the main translation strategies employed to cope with said difficulties. The multicoded semiotic resources composing audiovisuals are an issue that cannot be ignored during translation, and the constrained nature of dubbing represents a further hindrance to the creation of an effective TT. However, the examples provided show that humour is retained in most instances, although with some modifications in its semiotic composition. Identifying the functions of a text, its dominant messages, and the way in which such messages are conveyed, is the key element in defining what the translator should prioritizes when translating humour. This approach is followed by functional theories, according to which dynamic equivalence can be conceived as a relationship between two texts capable of producing the same - or a similar - perlocutionary effect (Attardo 2002), as a result of the translator reconstructing the ST’s intention and recoding it in the TT. As Chaume (2012:148) maintains, “in comedy, making the audience laugh is the highest priority of the text, and […] translators may have to manipulate the source text” in order to make it enjoyable for its new audience. As a consequence, plurisemiotic elements of humour can be made accessible in a number of ways, depending on: the semiotic nature of

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said elements and their interaction, their relevance for the overall funniness of the text, their lingua-cultural proximity/distance from the target audience, and their degree of adaptation to dubbing constraints, not to mention the individual sensitivity of the people responsible for their translated version and the TL-viewers’ expectations. Elements of audiovisual comicality can be borrowed from the source culture or translated literally, but also made more explicit or even simplified when needed. If possible, they can be added on for a heightened effect, or reduced if necessary. Rewriting strategies are envisioned when an element is so rooted in the source culture that it hinders comprehensibility on the part of its target addressees, or when its semiotic composition allows for a certain degree of creative adaptation, while normalization is opted to standardize spoken language, especially when its culture-embeddedness prevents the message from getting across. In conclusion, we can observe a tendency to clarify language in dubbed audiovisuals in order to make texts more accessible to target audiences, along with a manipulation of plurisemiotic data in interests of naturalization, comprehensibility and enjoyableness. In the excerpts analysed, the translators often prefer to standardize and simplify the dialogues or alter the original utterances according to the gestures and the action; a strategy used to create a stronger cohesive link between the new dialogue and the original image. Although the perlocutionary effect of translated humorous elements offers similar results, a shift from a holistic to a mainly language-based construal of comicality is noticed, which is justifiable in the light of the fact that language is the only code that translators can actually mould.

Notes 1

Raskin emphasises the importance of the non-bona fide communication mode in the production of humour. In bona fide communication (1985:100), speakers are supposed to follow Grice’s cooperative principle, avoiding ambiguity, irrelevance, and superfluous or untruthful information. However, humour seems to flout Gricean maxims. When joking, speakers may purposely violate one or more cooperative principles in order to arouse the hearers’ laughter. 2 “Barney Stinson/Barney Stinson/That guy’s awesome/This is not Barney Stinson playing this song/That would be very lame/I’m just one of the many admirers who think that guy’s awesome/References available/Awesome!” 3 In Scrubs, comical sound effects and music jingles function as response-eliciting markers of funniness (similarly to the laugh track in HIMYM and TBBT) highlighting clumsy or embarrassing moments or emphasizing a particularly witty or corrosive remark (e.g. a drum roll after sarcastic comments or sassy comebacks).

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4

The lyrics begin as follows: “Come on, Jessica/Come on, Tory/Let’s go to the mall/You won’t be soorry/Put on your jelly bracelets/And your cool graffiti coat/At the mall, having fun/is what it’s all aboot”. The fun resides in the fact that Robin’s Canadian pronunciation of words like “sorry” and “about” is used to create rhymes.

References Agost, R. 1999. Traducciòn y doblaje: palabras, voces e imàgenes. Barcelona: Ariel. Di Pietro. 2013. Reel fun. A multimodal study of linguistic and culturespecific humour in dubbed sitcoms. University of Bari. Unpublished PhD thesis. —. forthcoming. Take a walk on the dubbed side. On the translation of song lyrics in dubbed TV sitcoms. Attardo, S. 2002. Translation and humour: an approach based on the General Theory of Verbal Humour (GTVH). The Translator, 8/2: 173194. Benincà, S. 1999. Il doppiaggio: uno studio quali-quantitativo. Quaderni del doppiaggio II. Comune di Finale Ligure: Finale Ligure. 53-148. Bucaria, C. 2005. Dark humour as a culture-specific phenomenon. a study in audiovisual translation. Saarbrücken. Verlag Dr Müller. Chaume, F. 1997. Translating non-verbal information in dubbing. In: F. Poyatos (ed.), Nonverbal communication and translation. New perspectives and challenges in literature, intepretation and the media. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 315-326. —. 2004. Cine y traducciòn. Madrid: Càtedra. —. 2012. Audiovisual translation: dubbing. Manchester/Kinderhook. St Jerome. Chaume, F., Garcìa, C. 2001. Eldoblaje en España: anglicismosfrecuentes en la traducciòn de textosaudiovisuales. Rivista internazionale di tecnica della traduzione, 6: 119-137. Chiaro, D. 2000. ‘Servizio completo?’ On the (un)translatability of puns on screen. In: R. M. Bollettieri Bosinelli, C. Heisse, M. Soffritti, S. Bernardini (eds), La traduzione multimediale: quale traduzione per quale testo? Bologna: CLUEB. 27-42. —. 2007. Lost, found or retrieved in translation? Cross-language humour on screen. In: M. G. Scelfo, S. Petroni (eds), Lingua, cultura e ideologia nella traduzione di prodotti multimediali (cinema, televisione, web). Roma: Aracne. 123-138. Fodor, I. 1976. Film dubbing. Phonetic, semiotic, esthetic and psychological aspects. Hamburg: Helmut BuskeVerlag.

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Franzon, J. 2008. Choices in Song Translation: Singability in Print, Subtitles and Sung Performance. The Translator, 14/2: 373-399. Goris, O. 1993. Investigating French dubbing. Target 5/2: 169-190. Kress, G., J. van Leeuwen. 2001. Multimodal discourse. The modes and media of contemporary communication. London: Arnold. Low, P. 2005. The pentathlon approach to translating songs. In: D. L. Gorlée (ed.), Song and significance. Virtues and vices of vocal translation. Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi. 185-212. Martìnez, X. 2004. Film dubbing. Its process and translation. In: P. Orero (ed.), Topics in audiovisual translation. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 3-7. Marzà i Ibàñez, A., Chaume, F. 2009. The language of dubbing: present facts and future perspectives. In M. Freddi and M. Pavesi (eds), Analysing audiovisual dialogue. Linguistic and translation insights. Bologna: CLUEB. 31-39. Mayoral, R., D. Kelly and N. Gallardo. 1988. Concept of constrained translation. Non-linguistic perspectives of translation. Meta 33/3: 356367. Pedersen, J. 2005. How is culture rendered in subtitles? In: H. Gerzymisch-Arbogast, S. Nauer (eds), MuTra 2005 – Challenges of Multidimensional Translation: Conference Proceedings. Source: http://www.euroconferences.info/proceedings/2005_Proceedings/2005 _Pedersen_Jan.pdf. DOA: 28 August 2013. Pettit, Z. 2004. The audio-visual text: subtitling and dubbing different genres. Meta 49/1: 25-38. Poyatos, F. 2002. Nonverbal Communication across Disciplines. Volume II: Paralanguage, Kinesics, Silence, Personal and Environmental Interaction. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Ruch, W. 1992. Assessment of appreciation of humor: studies with the 3 WD humor test”. In: C. D. Spielberger and J. N. Butcher (eds), Advances in personality assessment. Hillsdale: Erlbaum. 27-75. Sanz Ortega, E. 2011. Subtitling and the relevance of non-verbal information in polyglot films. New Voices in Translation Studies 7: 1934. Tomaszkiewicz, T. 2001. Transfert des référencesculturellesdans les soustitres filmiques. In: Y. Gambier, H. Gottlieb (eds), (Multi) media translation. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 237-247. Turner, G. 1994. Film languages. In: D. Graddol and O. Boyd-Barrett (eds), Media texts: authors and readers. Bristol/Buffalo/Toronto: Multilingual Matters. 119-135.

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Ulrych, M. 2000. Locating universal features of translation behaviour through multimedia translation studies. In: R. M. Bollettieri Bosinelli, C. Heiss, M. Soffritti and S. Bernardini (eds), La traduzione multimediale: quale traduzione per quale testo? Bologna: CLUEB. 407-429. Vandaele, J. 2002. Introduction. Special issue of The Translator 8/2: 149172. Veiga, M. J. 2009. The translation of audiovisual humour in just a few words. In: J. Díaz Cintas (ed.), New trends in audiovisual translation. Bristol/Buffalo/Toronto: Multilingual Matters. 158-175. Whitman, C. 1992. Through the dubbing glass. The synchronization of American motion pictures into German, French and Spanish. Frankfurt am Main/Berlin/Bern/Bruxelles/New York/Oxford/Wien: Peter Lang. Zabalbeascoa, P. 1996. Translating jokes for dubbed television situation comedies. The Translator 2/2: 235-57. —. 2008. The nature of the audiovisual text and its parameters. In: J. Díaz Cintas (ed.), The didactics of audiovisual translation. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: JohnBenjamins. 21-37. —. 2010. Translation in constrained communication and entertainment. In: J. Díaz Cintas, A. Matamala and J. Neves (eds), New insights into audiovisual translation and media accessibility. Media for All 2. Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi. 25-40.

PART IV: LITERARY TRANSLATION

PARATEXTS: HOW TRANSLATION PLAYERS MAKE THEIR MARKS IN THE CASE OF TRANSLATED CHINESE LITERATURE FROM TAIWAN SZU-WEN KUNG UNIVERSITY OF AUCKLAND

Abstract The present article analyses paratextual elements of translated Chinese literature from Taiwan – published in the dominant AngloAmerican culture – and identifies implications of mediated imprints of translation players. The analysis of the paratexts emphasizes the terrain of textual elements, including prefaces, introductions, titles, dedications and blurbs that surround the translated work and carry the intentional implications with regard to the translation production. I will attempt to explore the functions of these paratexts, the intentional marks left by the translation players such as translators, editorial board members, and publishers, which underlie the translation production. Two questions will be looked into: First, how translation players use the discourse of familiar otherness through paratextual presentation as a marketing device; and second, how paratextual elements are employed by the translation players as a way to amalgamate the source culture as a whole and promote the translated work from Taiwan. It is also hoped that this study may provide some implications to understand the role of paratexts in translation research. Keywords: Paratexts, paratextual analysis, translation studies, Chinese literature from Taiwan

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1. Introduction One of the primary foci in Translation Studies fundamentally emphasizes the study of the translation of ‘texts’ or the translated texts. Through the analysis of the translated texts, translation researchers are able to explore a variety of issues and phenomena surrounding the production of translation, including (re-)presentation of the source culture/text image, the construction of cultural identity, and translationmediated traces of translation players (Hermans 1997; Bassnett 2002, et al.). The broad repertoire of research undertaken in Translation Studies is endowed with the mediated nature of the translated texts. Crossing the cultural border between the words of the source and target texts, the complicated relationship of textual practices and textual systems to different cultural and social contexts are embedded in the translated texts (Tymoczko 2002:13). While the translated text continues to hold its place as the vital source of investigation for translation studies, paratexts - a term that will be discussed later - begin to gain importance as a methodological tool in studying the contextualization of translation practice. Although not as a part of the actual translated text itself, the study of paratextual elements can be instrumental in offering a holistic and narrative account of the production of translated texts by focusing on the translation phenomena that are not explicitly present in the translated texts. In other words, paratextual materials can be studied as intermingled parts of the “text,” which exert a pragmatic function in modifying how text is received (Sipe 2010:206). As Colilli points out, “the paratext is the locus of a pragmatics and of a strategy to negotiate an optimal reception and a more pertinent reading of the text in the service of and in the eyes of the reading audience” (2007:446). In this regard, the context in which an asymmetrical cultural exchange between dominant and peripheral cultures happens, is said to be a rich source for paratextual analysis. This type of analysis can be useful in exploring the traces of translation players left in translations, and also in revealing their intent underlying the production and presentation of certain translated works; even regarding the image of the source culture (Kovola 1996). The present article aims to analyse the paratextual elements of selected translated Chinese literature from Taiwan published in the dominant Anglo-American culture, and identify the implications of mediated imprints of the translation players involved. The analysis of the paratexts emphasizes the terrain of textual elements that surround the translated work and carries the intentional implications with regard to the translation

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production. The paratextual elements analyzed include prefaces, introductions, titles, dedications and blurbs. I will attempt to explore the functions of these paratexts, the intentional marks left by the translation players, which underlie the translation production. Two questions will be looked into: First, how translation players use the discourse of familiar otherness through paratextual presentation as a marketing device; and second, how paratextual elements are employed by the translation players as a way to amalgamate the source culture as a whole and promote the translated work from Taiwan. I hope that this study may provide some implications to understand the role of paratexts in translation research.

2. Approaches to visual and textual information in Translation Studies Before turning to the significance of “paratext” for research in Translation Studies, it may be worthwhile to devote some more space here to a brief overview of the theoretical approaches to the interpretation of visual and textual information. Prior to the recent attention given to the application and research of paratext - which, as will be discussed in section 3 and 4, can serve as a methodological tool in revealing the ideological traces and mediation of the translation players - semiotics has been one of the theoretical frameworks of an amount of research in conceptualizing the correlation between verbal and non-verbal elements of different modes of communication, such as books, films, or cinematic play. Semiotics, implying any channel of expression in any act of communication, carries meaning and provides a framework for identifying factors, which potentially contribute to completing the meaning-making process (Stecconi 2010:314). While there are various approaches to semiotics, such as, structural linguistic, linguistic-anthropological-cultural, and literary critical (Petrilli & Ponzio 2007: n.p.), it is the broader sense of semiotics, i.e. “how we produce, interpret and negotiate meaning through signs” (Stecconi 2010:314), that most researchers apply to particularly explore the construction of the collaborative meaning of multi-channel messages – or polysemiotic texts in Gottlieb’s term (2001:1). The polysemiotic texts imply the inclusion of non-written or non-verbal elements, that is, images and sounds, which are hardly regarded as parts of the “text,” or to be more specific, “written documents.” These multilayered messages do not make much sense if one or more layers of the non-verbal semiotic signs are stripped off (ibid:1). More simply put, different signs, verbal or non-verbal, need to combine with each other before the texture of message can be completed (ibid). This perspective of

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semiotic mode serves as the basis of the concept of “multimodality” (Kress 1997; Kress & Van Leeuwen 1996 as cited in Chuang 2006:373) in explaining multimodal communication; in other words, “all kinds of meaning-making are always employed with a multiplicity of modes of representation” (Chuang 2006:373). Drawing upon the concepts borrowed from semiotics including “polysemiotic” and “multimodality,” Translation Studies researchers recognize their significance in conceptualizing the text vs. non-text relationship, particularly in the area of audiovisual or subtitle translation. Audiovisual text is a complicated composition of multi-layered signs for the viewer to interpret and infer meaning. The intricate network of textual (subtitle) and non-textual (image and sound) signs indicates that it is vital for the audiovisual translator to take into consideration the distinct elements before the rendering, or translation strategy, can be decided upon (Pettit 2007:177). For example, Chuang (2006:972-383) investigates subtitle translation from the viewpoint of multimodality in an attempt to consider subtitle translation as intersemiotic translation. Her study highlights the involvement of different semiotic modes in subtitle translation, and their relationship with the representation of subtitle translation. These semiotic modes in question include the spoken word, the mode of sound effects, the mode of moving images, the mode of music, and the written mode. In a similar approach, Pettit (2007:177-190) explores the interaction between visual and verbal signs in film and how this interaction could impact on subtitling and dubbing. A review of the relevant research above indicates the methodology taken by Translation Studies researchers in approaching the interrelations between visual and textual information in the translation process. The following section will pay attention to the concept of paratext and its application in Translation Studies.

3. Paratext: an overview The term “paratext” originated in Gérard Genette’s seminal work Seuils or Paratexts (1987), in which his taxonomical study of paratexts attempts to distinguish the various textual devices surrounding and merging with the text proper. These can be the materials accompanying the final presentation of a text and the making of a book, such as titles, covers, blurbs, prefaces, introductions, and illustrations. In a wider sense, paratexts can also be the extended textual materials placed outside a book, including interviews, letters and advertisements. Genette (1987:7-11) labels the former group of paratexts as “peritet” and the latter “epitext”

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(Genette). By identifying various paratextual components, Genette also distinguishes the functions and impacts paratextual materials can potentially have on the reader’s reception and interpretation of the text (Watts 2000:29-32). Such a role of the paratext was illustrated as texts that work as a “threshold” between the world of literary texts and the reality (Alvstad 2012:78-79). That is to say, Genette believes that paratextual elements are not only supplementary to the main text, but also enable a complete presentation of a book to public readership. The paratexts function to “communicate messages and meanings to the reader” (Colilli 2007:445). Despite the fact that the paratextual materials are situated on the marginal part of the entire book, they can exert an impact on how readers interpret the main body of the text. Pragmatically speaking, paratexts can be regarded as a strategic means to optimize reception and enable a more relevant reading of the text by the reading public (Coilli 2007:446).

4. Studies of paratext in Translation Studies Academic disciplines, like literary studies and the sociology of literature, have already drawn on the concept of paratextuality (McGann 1991, cited in Kovala 1996). While Genette’s work elaborates on the implications of paratextual material and their impact on readers, his discussion does not have any direct connection with, or special emphasis on, their translation. Nevertheless, his ideas have attracted a lot of attention in Translation Studies. A review of relevant literature suggests that paratextual studies have started to gain a great deal of prominence in Translation Studies. Urop Kovala’s pioneering article highlights the methodological value of paratexts in disclosing the ideological aspects, which underlie the translation production process (1996). Tahir-Gürçaglar (2002:44-60) points out the valuable insight that paratexts can offer into how translation is produced and received; furthermore, paratexts can be useful in identifying the intention and the interpretation by the translation players in terms of making their traces during the production, which would otherwise only be implicit in translated texts themselves. In a similar vein, Harvey (2003:43-45) draws on the paratextual analysis approach to study the translated texts of three homosexual fictions translated from English into French, and also to understand the ideological strains present in these texts. Harvey argues that paratextual features, or in his term “the bindings,” are the main interfaces in understanding the source texts. In a wider sense within Translation Studies, one may see how paratexts are

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created, or how translated works are packaged, as a process of translation (Alvstad 2012:79).

5. Imbalanced cultural exchange As this study primarily focuses on Chinese literature from Taiwan that has been translated and published in the United States, the AngloAmerican culture - or in the sense of Translation Studies, the target culture - offers a brief overview of the publication situation for translated literature in the US using the global language of English. It has been acknowledged that translations function as cultural goods circulating outside the context of production (Bourdieu 1993), and underlie hierarchical relations between different language groups and countries. In Abram de Swaan’s terms (1993), translation can be seen as part of an emerging cultural world-system. The significance that the translation has in such hierarchical structure of relationship, that is, the unequal power distribution between languages, can be demonstrated through the flow of translation. In this regard, the binary concepts that are designated to the languages that respectively occupy the central and peripheral positions in the world-system can be understood as: when a language is said to be more of a central one in the world-system of translation, it suggests that this language has a larger share in the total number of translated books around the globe (ibid:433). Statistics on translated books in the international market show that English is the most translated-from language in the world: Almost half of all translations around the world are from English (Curwen 1986, Venuti 1995:14, Wimmer 2001). In contrast, languages like Spanish and Italian are comparatively peripheral, sharing 1% to 3% of the international market. Other languages have less than 1% of the international market. The brief discussion so far indicates an unequal distribution of translation flow; English, in the present context occupies a relatively central linguistic position in the world. The political and economic hegemony of the US, coupled with being followed by the expansion of Anglo-American culture after the Second World War, further validated the central position of English as a global language, as well as in giving English a dominant role among other languages (Venuti 1995:15, Heilbron 1999:435). The discussion of translation flow, to a certain extent, points to a narrow market for translated literature in the USA. This is supported by views from a number of publishers, and cultural critics, that the market for translation is much smaller than it has been in previous generations (Wimmer 2001, Kinzer 2003). The lack of interest in translated works

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among the readership can more or less explain the situation. As stated in Wimmer’s and Kinzer’s reports, the general reading public in the United States does not seem to have the hunger for translation. A number of studies point out that large business enterprises, focusing on profitability and commercial operations, dominate the US publishing industry. Therefore, the highly commercialized book market in the USA primarily regards cultural goods as commercial goods with low profitability (Heilbron and Spiro 2007:98). In this situation, it is not difficult to understand the indifferent attitude that the profit-oriented publishers in the US have in publishing translated books. A report in Publishers Weekly, in 2001, states that publishers can probably produce two original books for every one translation (Wimmer 2001). The above discussion illustrates the dilemma encountered during translation activities of the more peripheral languages and cultures into the dominant Anglo-American culture. The tiny proportion of translation in the profit-driven book market of the United States indicates a narrow market share and limited profit for translations, which in turn diminishes local publishers’ interest in translating foreign literature. This situation foregrounds the position of translated Chinese literature from Taiwan in the United States. It serves as a contextual background to the paratextual analysis in identifying the traces of translation players left in the translation production that could be otherwise implicit in the translated texts, and also reveals the intents underlying the production and presentation of certain translated works.

6. Taiwan literature in book form: an overview of its translation production The imbalanced translation flow between English as a central language in the dominant Anglo-American world, and other peripheral languages, as well as the indifference towards translated work in the US indicate that in the process of translation publication, it is inevitable to take into account the power relations among the cultures and countries (Espagne and Werner 1990). These power relations may impact on the translation players’ mediation on the paratexts or bindings of translation, including the book cover, title page, back cover and blurb, and preface. On this particular point, the target culture’s indifference to the translated literature could play a primary role in conditioning the mediating act of translation players coming from both the source culture and target culture, in particular in the case of translated Chinese literature from Taiwan.

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An overview of the translated literature from Taiwan in the US is provided at this point. Chinese literature from Taiwan has been translated into English since the early 1960s. The translated literary works have mainly been published as anthologies and books (Liu 2006:493-515); it is the latter form of translated works that the present paper focuses on. The translation production of literary works from Taiwan, in book form, can be further classified into two types: First, translations carried out by the individual translator as random attempts; and second, a translation activity sponsored by a team of different translation players producing translations on a more systematic basis. In the first type of translation production, it is the translators from the target culture who initiate the translation. The translators in this case are often scholars in Sinology, such as Howard Goldblatt. He is a leading translator of, and renowned for, the translation of contemporary Chinese literature from both China and Taiwan. His personal interest or passion for the original works determines which literary works are to be translated (Goldblatt 2007). However, whether or not the translations are accepted for publication is subject to the decision of the publishers in the target culture, which is influenced by their profitmaking orientation for publishing translated works. As Goldblatt points out (2007), if the publisher does not see a translation as having profitmaking potential, the translator’s request for publishing the translation is rejected. Regarding the second type of translation production in book form, the case in question is the translation series Modern Chinese Literature from Taiwan in the United States. This translation series was established in 1998 under the sponsorship of the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange (or CCKF)1. As a subsidized translation activity, more translation players - coming from both the source culture and target culture - are involved in the translation production process. The key translation players coming from the source culture include the sponsoring organization, CCKF, and the editorial board members, Professor Der-wei Wang and Professor Pang-yuan Chi. The translation players situated in the target culture are: the publisher, The Columbia University Press, and two of the translators, Howard Goldblatt and John Balcom (Kung 2010). The rationale for CCKF’s sponsorship of the translation series aims at promoting literary works from Taiwan. This funding is important for three reasons. The first is to consolidate and ensure the publisher’s willingness in publishing the translations; the second is that the availability of funding can also ensure the translator’s participation in the translation project; and the third - as a result of such sponsored translation activity - translation of Chinese literature from

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Taiwan can be published in the Anglo-American context on a regular basis (Kung 2010). Relevant to an analysis of this sequence would be the concept of Skopos, or the purpose of translation arising within the framework of Reiß’s and Vermeer’s Skopostheorie (1984). Skopostheorie emphasizes how the translation action, translation approach, and final textual presentation, can be subject to the translation purpose; in other words, the purpose (Skopos) of the translation - as the result of the overall translational interaction - is the primary principle that determines the selection of the translation method in the translation process (Munday 2012:122-3, Nord 2010). As discussed above, the first type of translation production is largely impacted by translation players situated in the target culture. The local publisher plays a significant role in the production process, which is primarily conditioned by profit-making considerations. In contrast, the subsidized translation production of Chinese literature from Taiwan, as discussed above, sees the participation of multiple translation players. The involvement of source culture players, including the sponsoring organization and the source culture agents in the editorial board, has counter-balanced the impact of target culture players to a certain extent. The intention of the source culture translation players is therefore aimed at promoting literary work from Taiwan in the West. The later discussion on the paratextual features of the translations, published respectively by the above two types of translation production teams, will demonstrate how translation players’ intention or goal of the overall translation activity reflect on the layout and arrangement of the paratextual feature. In line with the purpose of the present study, this section has provided a contextual background for the paratextual analysis in the following sections.

7. Paratextual mediation: familiar otherness Turning now to a discussion of the strategic moves by the translation players in the paratexts of the translated Chinese literature from Taiwan, selected examples for both types of translation production will be examined. The first issue concerning the uses and functions of paratexts in the mediation process, and connection to the cultural context they participate in, is the translation players’ mediation in framing the source texts under the target culture’s dominating perception towards the cultural locale of the original works. This is noticeable itself in a few ways in the discourse surrounding the target culture’s common impression towards the East. It may be argued that this strategy is conveniently used by the

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translation players to achieve a more realistic intention, i.e., attracting the intended readership and selling the books.

Let us firstly look at the paratexts of one of the translations produced in the first type of translation activity, i.e. the individual translators initiating the translation. The English version entitled The Butcher’s Wife was translated by Howard Goldblatt and Ellen Yeung, and was first published in the USA by North Point in 1986; the translation was subsequently reprinted by Beacon Press in 1990. The edition examined

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was published by Cheng & Tsui Company in 1997. The title of the book has been slightly altered in the English translation from that of the original: ẅኵ (sha-fu) - literally meaning “husband killing” - is translated as The Butcher’s Wife. The original title is semantically overt, pointing directly to the novel’s theme, that is, a woman who kills her husband. As we can see from the cover here, the English title has, on the one hand, concealed the novel’s theme to a certain extent, and on the other, brought forward the overall contextual perception of the whole novel. The translation of the book title accompanied by the front-cover design shows the illustrative function of the paratext, which is commonly used by the publisher to relate directly to the book's content so as to attract the readers’ interest. As Kratz (1994) observes, the book cover is a way of knowing about the book in order to decide whether to buy or read it. The title’s translation is supported by the front-cover illustration, which functions to assist the readers in interpreting the book as a whole. The cover of the English version exhibits a woman dressed in a white gown, whose face is covered completely by long black hair. This image may inform potential readers of the tempting storyline, which recounts the murder perpetrated by Lin Shi who has been despairingly isolated and driven to madness. The publisher’s intention to attract readers and sell the book can also be noted via the illustration of the woman in a white gown, resembling the image of a ghost. The ghostly image with long black hair can possibly elicit target readers’ interpretation of foreignness or otherness. The black-haired figure, to a certain extent, reflects the target readers’ perception of otherness and foreignness towards the non-West. This interpretation is supported by the response of six English-native readers who participated in a survey2. These readers, without knowledge of the Chinese language, feel that they can either very much, or more or less, feel a sense of foreignness from their first impression of the illustration. Five out of seven respondents to the questionnaire, more or less, get the first impression of Far East Asian or oriental origins, which has long been coherent with the Western world’s impression of the East (Said 1979). This unified discourse can also be seen as Western consciousness of the otherness, or the familiar otherness; an otherness that can be perceived on a daily basis with the help of formalized rules of social conduct (Georgieva 1995:120). Similar mediated strategies as seen in the paratexts of the translation production initiated by the translator can be observed in the second type of translation activity – the sponsoring translation production. One of the selected examples, from the translations in the Modern Chinese Literature from Taiwan series, is Orphan of Asia by Zhuoliu Wu, which is a key text,

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especially in relation to postcolonial and post-war Taiwan. The story begins with Taiming’s childhood in colonial Taiwan; he later graduates from a prestigious college under the aegis of the Japanese educational system. However, his Japanese educational background has alienated him from his family and native roots. By estranging himself from three cultures, he soon finds himself facing a great identity problem in that he does not seem to belong anywhere (Wu 2006).

The book cover depicts a lone person sitting on a solo bamboo raft, reflected in the water, and seemingly situated in the vast boundless ocean.

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The clear Asian boat image emphasizes the word “Asian” of the book title and in a way conveys a flavour of foreignness. Similar to what we have seen in the cover layout of The Butcher’s Wife, the sponsored-type of translation production also tends to evoke a broader cultural understanding through condensed visual signs (Kratz 1994:180). Six out of seven survey respondents can either more or less, or very much, get an interpretation of foreignness from the front cover of Orphan of Asia. Besides the interpretation of foreignness, when asked whether the cover of Orphan of Asia remind them of oriental culture, six respondents placed a tick against the option ‘very much’ in their questionnaire. The book cover of The Butcher’s Wife highlights the dominant role of the target culture publisher in its translation production process. The target culture publisher’s goal of profitability becomes clear from the packaging of the book with an image of foreignness, or otherness, that is both strange and familiar to target readers. A similar presentation strategy is observed in the discussion of the book cover of Orphan of Asia, one of the translations translated by a source-culture sponsored translation production team, involving translation players from both the source and target cultures. Despite the overall translation aim of promoting literature from Taiwan on the world stage, the somewhat foreign otherness packaged in the cover design can be indicative, to a certain extent, of translation players’ self-conscious acts of framing the source texts under the target culture’s dominating perception towards ‘others’. The cover design may more easily attract potential readers because the image projects, more or less, how western readers often perceive other cultural constituencies. Readers can readily identify the image reflecting the value attached to those of others, or even as a stereotype attached to specific ethnic groups (Venuti 1998:77). In so doing, it can be argued that part of the translation intention of sponsored team-work translation is overlapping with the ‘profit-driven’ purpose of the publisher in the individual-initiated type of translation production. The image of “otherness” presented in the book covers discussed here can primarily serve as a marketing device. The cover image condenses and evokes the book’s topic and its area of origin so as to capture attention. The comparative examples demonstrate that the discourse of oriental otherness, as observed in the book covers, is appropriated as a means of circulation for the translated work from the peripheral culture in the dominant Anglo-American culture. The paratextual material in this circumstance becomes a legitimate site for the translation player to mediate the local expression in the familiarized form of “otherness” in the receiving culture.

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8. Source culture mediated as a larger identity via paratextual moves The discussion has indicated that, in both types of translation production, the front cover is exploited to elicit the reader’s response through the discourse of familiar otherness in the target culture. However, when front covers are examined in line with other paratextual materials, the aim underlying the translation activities of both translation types can be differentiated. In the case of The Butcher’s Wife, the publisher tends to use the paratextual features of the book to additionally stimulate the interpretation of feminist issues. The original author, as mentioned in the source book introduction, wishes to broaden the book’s scope to encompass the genre of “feminist literature” concerning greater issues of humanity (Li 1997). Such a view is acknowledged by the American publisher who classifies the novel under two categories: fiction and women’s studies, which are printed on the left-hand corner of the back cover. The subtitle “C & T Asian Literature Series” appearing at the bottom of the back cover generalizes the origin of the novel. In other words, the paratextual placement suggests that the publisher has not intended from the beginning to stress Taiwan as the original setting of the novel, and even less to promote the novel as literature originating from Taiwan. In a similar fashion, the layout of the back cover also indicates the publisher’s aim to sell and promote the translation not solely confined to the literature of a specific cultural origin. The book cover mainly includes a brief introduction to the author, her writing experience and other works. Taiwan is only mentioned as being the author’s birthplace. The endorsements excerpted from the review of major publications and known American female and feminist writer, Alice Walker, again underpin the publisher’s expectation of having the translation received as part of feminist fiction. For example, “Li Ang’s theme is women’s quest for self-fulfilment in a male-dominated society… a lively exploration of the psychology of women.” Furthermore, the translation player’s presence is reduced in the paratexts as well. For instance, the translator’s name is merely mentioned in small font on the front cover. The back cover includes no introduction from the translator. The full title and the publisher’s information are positioned in the middle of the title page verso. On the recto of the second title page, there are sections of information about the author, and another beneath that about the editor. As the editor of the book is also the translator, this can be a logical place to mention the translator; however, no section is given over to any introduction about the translator. We can

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thus state that the translator is introduced simply as the editor and not as the translator per se. The arrangement highlights the dominant role of the publisher in the translation production process. The translator’s appearance, which is reduced to a minimum, shows the translation players’ aim not to underscore the novel as a mediated text. The intention to obscure the presence of the translator can also be observed in the preface. The editor’s foreword is placed on the verso page, whereas the author’s preface is on the recto page. The editor mainly introduces the author’s highly charged writing career and reputation in both Chinese language communities and the West. There is no further comment on how the translation is carried out and how certain features are translated. On the contrary, in the author’s preface, the author describes in detail her experience in writing this particular story. On the contrary, the placement and appearance of the translation actors, in the translations produced by the sponsored-type of translation production, suggest that the fundamental characteristics of the general translation activity are the result of multiple players’ cooperation. One should be reminded here that the paratext of the original publication mainly shows only the names of the author and the publisher. In general, the books included in the series Modern Chinese Literature from Taiwan have three title pages. The half-title page verso mentions the series title Modern Chinese Literature from Taiwan. The names of the three editorial board members follow, with the other translated titles published in the series printed beneath the editorial board. On the title page, the translator’s name, in smaller font, is printed below the book title and the author’s name; the name of the press appears at the bottom of the page. The publisher’s acknowledgement, printed in larger font, of the CCKF is placed above the copyright, printing, and publication information; for instance, “Columbia University Press wishes to express its appreciation for assistance given by the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange in the preparation of the translation and in the publication of this series.” This is the only notation in the entire translated version that reflects the participation of the CCKF in the translation production. The purposeful teamwork involving several translation players in translating and exporting Chinese literature from Taiwan, can be clearly identified in the paratextual material discussed above. This situation is absent in the original paratextual material. The conspicuous appearance of various translation players in the paratextual materials not only functions to acknowledge the main agents’ role in producing the translation, such as the editorial board members and

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the CCKF, but more importantly, their agency shown in the paratext reflects the responsibility they assume in the team, including initiating the translation activity. Although these translation players are not the direct textual producers like the translator, their pivotal role of active participation in translating and exporting literature from Taiwan are reified in the paratexts. The role of these translation players is similar to that of the ethnographer, as Wolf puts it, who indirectly filters, arranges and verbalizes the cultural other (2005:180). The paratext apparently demonstrates the translation as the result of a “collective chain of human decision-making and action” (Harvey 2003:69). When we recall the paratext of the original versions, the paratextual sections - such as back covers - merely include a few lines to introduce the plot of the novel or the authors’ intention; some of them do not even have any blurb or words in the back covers, as the source text producer is involved in addressing a source-language receiver group only, who share similar cultural and language understanding (Pym 1998). From another viewpoint, the situation can be fairly different where the issue of translation is concerned. A certain degree of modification has to take place in the process before reaching the reader, as the works are “transferred into another language and into a different cultural context”; hence the mediation is apparent for the works, which are historically and culturally distant from its target recipient (Kovala 1996:119-120). Using the book cover as a means of promoting Taiwanese literature is immediately manifested by the series title Modern Chinese Literature from Taiwan printed on the top of the back cover. Instead of focusing on an original author’s background and experience, and blurring the work’s cultural origins, the terms “Taiwan,” “Taiwan’s history,” or “Taiwan fiction,” are repeatedly stated in the blurb and endorsement; for example, “An epic spanning more than half a century of Taiwan’s history,” or “…within Taiwan’s unique historical and cultural context.” In this way, the emphasis of Taiwan on the back cover is expected to be linked to the readers’ reception and interpretation of the front cover, which can subsequently highlight the book’s status as a work of translated literature, specifically from Taiwan. As McKitterick (1993:27) points out, “the typographical and other morphological features of a book are just as important to the relation between author, meaning, and reader as the words which they convey.” This point can be supported by readers’ response. When asked if other parts (such as the blurb, subject title, and introduction, etc.) of the book cover/jacket carrying the phrases: “Modern Chinese Literature from Taiwan,” “Taiwan fiction,” “translated by,” remind/reinforce the impression of foreign culture/oriental culture of the

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cover pictures, all respondents chose “very much” or “more or less.” Hence, it is argued that the front and back covers of the translation by multiple translation players initially reinforce the readers’ preliminary interpretation of the book’s foreign cultural identity. The paratextual analysis highlights not only the intention of translating and promoting translated literature from Taiwan, but also their affection that is affiliated with Taiwan. The editorial members’ ideology is revealed in the preface. Take the editor’s foreword in Orphan of Asia as an example: “Since the years immediately after the Second World War, the title of Zhuoliu Wu’s Orphan of Asia has become a most powerful metaphor for the uncertain social, political, and economic situation of Taiwan in the world community. The search for an identity other than “orphan” has spurred incessant crises across the Taiwan Straits for nearly sixty years. […] When David Wang and I drew up a list of novels to be translated […], this book was at the top […]. No other literary attempts that I am aware of portray such a vivid and detailed account of the bewilderment, anxiety, and humiliation of such a vehement pursuit of ethnic identity. The painful, emotional journey in this novel represents the experience of many of us in Taiwan. Accordingly, it is very close to our hearts, especially today during the stand-off between China and Taiwan” (Chi 2006:v-vi).

The above statement in the editor’s foreword signifies the editorial board members’ passion towards Taiwan, which is a clear indicator displaying the translation teamwork’s attempt to use the theme of the novel to present Taiwan as an outsider eclipsed by China in the international community, and moreover to position Taiwan as a location with its own individual identity. The impetus behind which the main translation players underpin the translation activity of the sponsored translation teamwork can also be observed in other paratextual features, for instance, the blurb. While the commercially-oriented back cover of The Butcher’s Wife suggests the target culture publisher’s intention to place the main focus on the author’s authority over the book, the translation team and its players’ purpose of helping their intended readers understand Taiwan can be seen in the blurb of Wintry Night and Rose, Rose, I Love You. The blurb printed in the upper part of the back cover contains not only the story content, but also the meaning and the value of the novel in Taiwan. For example, the blurb of Rose, Rose, I Love you explains: “[…] This irreverent novel by one of Taiwan’s best-known writers is both a masterpiece of fiction and a vivid reflection of Taiwanese identity under the impact of Western culture” (Wang 1995). The blurb of Wintry Night reads: “[…] Li Qiao brilliantly

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re-creates the dramatic world of these pioneers and colonization of Taiwan itself- exploring their relationships with the aboriginal peoples of Taiwan and their struggle to establish their own ethnic and political identities” (Li 2001). Further aspects of Taiwan, that the sponsored translation team and its players hope to convey to readers, are also manifested through the following two examples. The introduction of Indigenous Writers of Taiwan: An Anthology of Stories, Essays and Poems touches on the aboriginal culture existing in parts of Taiwan, but also presents the often unheard of perspectives of the plight of aboriginal cultures and the experience of Taiwanese minorities (Balcom, 2005). The blurb of Frontier Taiwan: An Anthology of Modern Chinese Poetry states that “Taiwan has evolved dramatically from a little-known island to an internationally acclaimed economic miracle and thriving democracy. The history of modern Taiwanese poetry both parallels and articulates this transformation from a peripheral colony to an economic and cultural centre […]”. This statement bears some resemblance to the editor’s foreword in Orphan of Asia. The paratextual examples cited here repeatedly demonstrate how translation players can utilize the space of the paratext to explicitly or implicitly reflect their intention towards translations. Aside from the attempts to represent and reaffirm Taiwan’s own identity, which is often invisible and unrecognized - as shown in Orphan of Asia, the examples of other translations further validate the translation players’ intention to draw attention to the little-known historical and social background of Taiwan. Taiwan's socio-historical situation is usually outshone by China, especially with regard to Taiwan’s migrating, colonial, post-colonial, and westernized experience over the course of its history. Two of the editorial board members, Wang and Chi, both believe that literary works of Taiwan, in their rich diversity, are one of the best tools for presenting the many faces of Taiwan (Wang 2007, Chi 2000). As Chi points out in the editor’s preface of a Thousand Moons on a Thousand Rivers, “through this literature, one can see the true face of Taiwan and hear the voices of the people living here” (Chi 2000:vii). The coordinator and editorial board member, Der-wei Wang, also states in an interview that he wanted to enable Taiwan to reach out in literary terms and really win the responses of people coming from different cultures (Wang 2007). The paratextual materials of translations by the sponsored-type of translation activity clearly demonstrate the translation players’ strong attempt to bring Taiwanese literature into the American culture. The image of Taiwan formed through these translations, and the clear statements

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shown in the paratexts, become the obvious means for the translation agent to re-construct Taiwan’s identity emerging from the complicated ethnic and national identity struggle, and becomes somewhat distinct from China’s experience.

9. Conclusion The current paper sets out to explore paratextual elements of translated Chinese literature from Taiwan published in the dominant AngloAmerican culture, and explores the meanings of mediated imprints of translation players. The paratextual materials surrounding the translations carried out by two types of translation production in translating Chinese literature from Taiwan in book forms in the United States have been compared. While both types of translation production lean on paratexts, especially the front cover, as a marketing device to aid in selling the book, the analysis of all paratextual parts of the translation, including the cover, blurb, and introduction, clearly distinguishes the different translation intentions that exist between these two types of translation production. The paratextual placement and design of The Butcher’s Wife highlights the main purpose of the translator-led translation production as being more profit-oriented, with the aim of appealing to more general target readers. This translation intention is evident in the publisher’s agency to manifest the authorial presence of the original writer and to minimize the translator’s appearance in the paratext. This agency of the paratext intends to appeal to the prevailing ideas of translation in American culture, in that the translation should remain transparent without evoking any feeling of intervention (Chesterman and Wagner 2002:28). Conversely, in the paratextual materials as seen in the translations mediated by the sponsored translation production team, the paratext of the translation is permeated with the mediated trace or role of the translation players. The highly visible presence of the translation players in the preface demonstrates their active involvement with Taiwan, and their endeavor to guide the reception of the intended readers towards both the source text and the source culture (Hatim 2001:135). This in particular shows that the translation act is never neutral and is a place contested by powerful individuals and institutions (Gentzler and Tymoczko 2002:xxviii). The source culture translation players’ obvious agency in the paratext indicates that they do not just act as the neutral side-line observer on behalf of the source culture and author. They also do not simply convey the storyline and the author’s background to target readers. In fact, the

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explicit expression of their presence in the paratext underscores the translation players’ “authorial” and “interventionist” role as active participants in influencing the intended reader’s interpretation and reception of not only the translation, but also its original culture (Hatim 2001:52). The analysis of the paratextual materials points to the fact that the translation production team - sponsored by the source culture - uses paratexts to facilitate the conspicuous access to a foreign language and culture, and promote the source texts as well as culture as part of a larger entity (Shread 2010:115, Alvstad 2012). Translated literature, known for the “transmission” nature characteristic of its mediating position within cultures (Kovala 1996:120), is further manifested by the integrated analysis of the paratextual elements. To quote Tahir-Gürça÷lar (2003:113), the agency of the players reflected in the paratext can be seen “as a result and determinant of social interaction inevitably placed within […] ideological context.” These translation players understand the power and function of the translation as Lefevere points out: “[translation] is able to project the image of an author and/or those works beyond the boundaries of their culture of origin” (1992:9). In this respect, paratextual materials have particularly offered a legitimate space in which the translation players can mediate. The study of paratexts in translations by the sponsored type of translation production is also indicative of how researchers can explore the results of a translation process in which translation players can construct or re-present the source culture and literature. In the translation process, the original work is mediated in a way that not only its language, but also its culture, is transferred into a different cultural space. The dimension of paratexts provides researchers with another important clue in exploring issues regarding how the reception of the translation is shaped, appropriated, and transmitted across cultures (Haase 2003:56). Yet, researchers should also bear in mind that the study, or the analysis of paratexts surrounding the translated texts themselves, must consider the wider socio-cultural contexts within which the translation activities happen, as Kovala potently points out (1996:119147). In other words, a paratextual study conducted without taking into consideration the overall socio-cultural contexts, in which the translation players carry out the translation act, would merely be descriptive, and meaningless in explaining specific translation phenomena.

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Notes 1

The CCKF established in 1989 was headquartered in Taipei, Taiwan with four regional review committees in USA, Europe, and Asia Pacific. The aims of CCKF are two-fold: firstly, to promote understanding of Taiwan and secondly, to provide grants to institutions and individuals conducting research and projects relating to Chinese studies and culture (Brown 2004). 2 The respondents are English native speakers. There are no restrictions in terms of gender and age of the respondents.

References Alvstad, C. 2012. The strategic moves of paratexts: World literature through Swedish eyes. Translation Studies 5/1: 78-94. Balcom, J. and Y. Balcom. 2005. Indigenous Writers of Taiwan: An Anthology of Stories, Essays, and Poems. New York: Columbia University Press. Bassnett, S. 2002. Translation Studies. 3rd ed. London: Routledge. Reprint, First edition 1980. Bourdieu, P. 1993. The Field of Cultural Production. Cambridge: Polity Press. Chesterman, A., and E. Wagner. 2002. Can Theory Help Translators? a Dialogue Between the Ivory Tower and the Wordface. Manchester St. Jerome Publishing. Chi, P.[Qi B.] 2000. Foreword. In a Thousand Moons On a Thousand Rivers. New York: Columbia University Press. VII-XI. —. 2006. Foreword. In Orphan of Asia. New York: Columbia University Press. V-VI. Chuang, Y-T. 2006. Studying Subtitle Translation from a Multi-Modal Approach. Babel 52/4: 372-383. Colilli, P. 2007. Paratextology. Semiotica 166, 1/4: 445-451. Curwen, P. 1986. The World Book Industry. London: Euromonitor Publications. Espagne, M. and M. Werner. 1990-1994. Philologiques. Vol. 3. Paris: Editions de la MSH. Genette, G. 1997. Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gentzler, E. and M. Tymoczko. 2002. Introduction. In: M. Tymoczko and E. Gentzler (eds), Translation and Power. Amherst and Boston, MA: University of Massachusetts Press. xi-xxviii.

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Georgieva, T. 1999. Coexistence as a System in the Everyday Life of Christians and Muslims in Bulgaria. Balkanica 3: 59-84. Goldblatt, H. 2007. Personal Interview on 1 March 2007. Gottlieb, H. 2001. Texts, Translation and Subtitling - In Theory, and in Denmark. Source: from http://www.tolk.su.se/polopoly_fs/1.58139.1321532012!/gottlieb_2001 c.pdfon. DOA: 1 May 2014. Haase, D. 2003. Framing the Brothers Grimm: Paratexts and Intercultural Transmission in Postwar English-language Editions of the Kinder- und Hausmaerchen. Fabula 44: 55-69. Harvey, K. 2003. 'Events' and 'Horizons': Reading Ideology in the 'Bindings' of Translations. In: M. Calzada Perez (ed.), Apropos of Ideology: Translation Studies on Ideology - Ideologies in Translation Studies, Manchester: St. Jerome. 43-69. Hatim, B. 2001. Teaching and Researching Translation. In: C. N. Candlin and D. R. Hall, Applied Linguistics in Action. Harlow: Longman. Heilbron, J. 1999. Towards a Sociology of Translation:Translation as a Cultural World-System. European Journal of Social Theory, 2/4: 429444. Heilbron, J, and G. Sapiro. 2007. Outline for a Sociology of Translation. In: M. Wolf and A. Fukari (eds). Constructing a Sociology of Translation. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. 93107. Hermans, T. 1997. Translation as Institution. In: M. Snell-Hornby, Z. Jettmarova and K. Kaindl (eds). Translation as Intercultural Communication : Selected Papers from the EST Congress-Prague 1995. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. 3-20. Kinzer, S. 2003. America Yawns at Foreign Fiction. The New York Times. Kovala, U. 1996. Translations, Paratextual Mediation, and Ideological Closure. Target 8/1: 119-147. Kratz, C. A. 1994. On Telling/Selling a Book by its Cover. Cultural Anthropology 9/2: 179-200. Kress, G. 1997. Before Writing: Rethinking the paths to Literacy. London/New York: Routledge. Kress, G., and van T. Leeuwen. 1996. Reading Images: The Grammar of Visual Design. London/New York: Routledge. Lefevere, A. 1992. Translation/History/Culture: a Sourcebook. New York: Routledge. Li, A. 1997. The Butcher's Wife and Other Stories. Boston: Cheng and Tsui Company.

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—. 2006. The Butcher's Wife [shafu]. Taipei: Linking Books Publishing Co. Li, C. [Li Q.]. 2001. Wintry Night. New York: Columbia University Press. Liu, K. 2006. Translation and Cultural Exportation: a Case Study of Huang Chun-ming's Short Stories. In: T. Hermans (ed.), Translating Others. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. 493-510. McGann, J. J. 1991. The Textual Condition. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. McKitterick, D. 1993. The Acceptable Face of Print. In: R. Harvey and W. Kirsop and B.J. McMullin (eds), An Index of Civilisation: Studies of Printing and Publishing History in Honour of Keith Maslen. Clayton: Center for Bibliographical and Textual Studies, Monash University. 15-30. Munday, J. 2012. Introducing Translation Studies: Theories and Applications. London/New York: Routledge. Nord, C. 2010. Functionalist Approaches. In Y. Gambier and L. Van Doorslaer (eds), Handbook of Translation Studies. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. 120-128 Petrilli, S. and A. Ponzio. 2007. What is semiotics? Source: Royal School of Library and Information Science: http://vip.db.dk/signs/WIS.htm . DOA: 31 March 2014. Pettit, Z. (2007). Translating verbal and visual language in The Piano. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology, 15/3: 177-190. Pym, A. 1998. Method in Translation History. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. Said, E. 1979. Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books. Shread, C. 2010. Deconolonizing paratexts: re-presenting Haitian literature in English translations. Neohelicon 2010/37: 113-125. Sipe, D. 2010. Parody and Paratext in J.J. Grandville's Un autre monde. Neohelicon, 37: 203-216. Tymoczko, M. 2003. Ideology and the position of the translator: in what sense is a translator ' in between'? In: M. Calzada Perez (ed.), Apropos of Ideology: Translation Studies on Ideology - Ideologies in Translation Studies. Manchester: St. Jerome. 181-201. Venuti, L. 1995. The Translator's Invisibility: a History of Translation. London: Routledge. —. 1998. The Scandals of Translation. London: Routledge. Wang, D. 1995. Translating Taiwan: a Study of Four English Anthologies of Taiwan Fiction. In: E Eoyang and Y-F. Lin (eds). Translating Chinese Literature. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 262-272. —. 2007. Personal Interview on 20 February 2007.

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Watts, R. 2005. Packaging Post/Coloniality: The Manufacture of Literary Identity in the Francophone World, V. Orlando (ed.), After the Empire: The Francophone World and Postcolonial France. New York: Lexington Books. 1-26. Wimmer, N. 2001. The U.S. Translation Blues. Publishers Weekly, 5/21. 71-75. Wolf, M. 2005. Die vielsprachige Seele Kakaniens. Transation als soziale und kulturelle Praxis in der Habsburgermonarchie 1848 bis 1918. Graz: Habilitationsschrift. Wu, C. [Wu Z.]. 2006. Orphan of Asia. New York: Columbia University Press.

LITERARY TRANSLATION AND CENSORSHIP GÜNTER GRASS IN FRANCO’S SPAIN JORDI JANÉ-LLIGÉ UNIVERSITAT AUTÒNOMA OF BARCELONA, SPAIN

Abstract Translation and importation of cultural goods was crucial during Franco’s dictatorship, especially due to the regime’s incapacity to offer an attractive literary and cultural model. A few publishers used this circumstance to include some of the most important narrative voices of the international post-war literary scene in their catalogues, pointing to the start of an aesthetic and ideological debate in the so-called “peaceful” Spain. The role of censorship was to filter and control this attempt for renewal. The adopted perspective aims at a description of textual “rules” of translation and literature-writing under censorship during Franco’s era, using the concept of ‘national textuality.’ In my contribution, I wish to offer textual analyses of the Spanish and Catalan translations of the Günter Grass’ novel Katz und Maus (1963), published in Spain with important modifications. My main purpose is to determine, which alterations on translated works are accountable to the intervention of censorship, and which are accountable to specific literary conventions or matters of good taste. Keywords: Literary Translation, Censorship, translation’s analysis, Günter Grass, Spain under Franco. The study of the impact of censorship on translation in contemporary Western literary systems has become a central issue in research over the past few decades. The nature of the phenomenon and its influence on cultural production necessarily require the use of various approaches – including political, historical, ideological and cultural – and analytical

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methodologies, thereby making such research fully interdisciplinary. Furthermore, literary systems dominated by established official censorship offer a political scenario in which it is easier to highlight the influence of extra-literary agents on the writing and rewriting of literature than in other contexts. In this paper, I propose a textual approach; I frame my analysis within a specific historical context – Spain under Franco – and focus on a specific example: the Catalan and Spanish translations of the novella Katz und Maus by the German author Günter Grass. I will begin by outlining the role played by translation and censorship in Franco’s dictatorship, making use of Billianis’ concept of national textuality. Secondly, I will present the model of my textual approach, which I developed - on the basis of Juliane House’s Translation Quality Assessment (1997) - for the analysis of fiction narratives (2006). Thirdly, I will analyse a few fragments of Katz und Maus (1961) and its censored translations into Catalan (1968) and into Spanish (1971), and draw a distinction between textual alterations attributable to (1) the intervention of censorship, (2) specific literary conventions and (3) matters of good taste. The textual approach to translations should be understood as the last step in a more general description of literary reception processes that took place in a particular country at a particular time of history. Because translated works have been – and still are – the very specific means by which most readers access foreign works of literature and thought, scholars must, after placing a translation in a particular historical context, answer the following key question: What are these translations like?

1. National Textuality As noted above, the current study of censorship and literary translation relies on several approaches, as explained by Francesca Billiani in her book Modes of Censorship and Translation (2007): “The task of reducing the complexity of the phenomenology of translation and censorship to a synthetic view is evidently daunting. Bourdieu, Foucault and Bhabha’s works have provided key ideas for rethinking this very relationship. The sociology of structural censorship reaches beyond written norms. The understanding of ‘active’ censorship in determining both dominant and subordinate discourses fosters a dynamic approach to the analysis of censorial mechanisms. And the necessity of looking at the shape of the ostensibly national textuality in order to explain censorial choices and practices allows us to account for the pervasiveness of both the political and the aesthetic.” (Billiani 2007:22)

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Bourdieu’s and Foucault’s contributions have been seen as decisive in the recent evolution of translation studies (Prunþ 2011:315). Billiani goes on to introduce the notion of national textuality, as expressed by Bhabha, who attributes to translation an important role in the definition of culture: “…as Homi Bhabha has suggested, any experience of nationness calls for its own textuality and strategies of representation which are often located in those spaces ‘in between’ cultures: those “in-between spaces through which the meanings of cultural and political authority are negotiated” (Bhabha 1990:4). Thus only by looking at different articulations of alterity – in this case embodied by translations […] – can the shape of national cultures be defined” (Billiani 2007:16).

As we will see below, translation played a surprisingly central role in shaping literary life under Franco. Due to the lack of a strong Francoist cultural agenda, on the one hand, and to the great volume of imported cultural goods that had to pass through the filter of censorship, on the other, this contrastive notion of nation textuality seems to be very helpful in defining the features of an existing official cultural discourse, carried out principally by the censorship body. This must be done with great caution, however, because Francoist censorship was not at all homogeneous. Furthermore, some Spanish publishers, especially from the late 1950s onwards, challenged the censor body by trying to publish certain critical contemporary authors from the internationally literary scene. Their purpose was to update the Spanish literary world and to foster the exchange of ideas within it. The construction of national textuality, therefore, was based not only on the censors’ power to allow publication or not, depending on a work’s suitability to an already defined Spanish textuality, but also on attempts to foster a dynamic view of Spanish textuality.

2. Censorship in Spain during Franco’s Dictatorship: Günter Grass and the Spanish Censorship In their book Translation under Fascism (2010), Christopher Rundle and Kate Sturge offer an insight into translation policies that dominated Italy, Germany, Spain and Portugal, under the fascist dictatorships of the 20th century. In their introduction to the volume, the authors stress the similarities and differences between the four regimes. They define the Italian and German regimes as truer expressions of fascism and describe the Spanish and Portuguese dictatorships as ultraconservative regimes.

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As many scholars have stressed1iv, Francoism was unable to create an attractive cultural discourse and Francoist cultural goods were mostly ultraconservative, folkloristic and old-fashionedv. Evidence for this statement is the gradual desertion of numerous intellectuals who had earlier been committed to the regimevi. The four regimes examined by Rundle and Sturge present great similarity in translation practices within their respective book markets. Astonishingly, although fascist cultural policies are closely linked to extreme nationalist and protectionist attitudes, Rundle and Sturge find that: “In all the four national contexts we examine, translations played a crucial part in the history of publishing in general, due to the success of foreign fiction, and especially foreign popular fiction” (Rundle and Sturge, 2010:6).

In each of the countries examined by Rundle and Sturge, censorship played an important role in shaping the publishing scene, although the regimes differed in their methods – either in being preventive censorship or post-publication intervention – and in the political, ideological, moral, religious and even racial issues targeted for censorship (Rundle and Sturge 2010:7). They affirm that scholars are just starting to set clear boundaries between ‘censorship,’ ‘literary conventions’ and ‘good taste,’ and declare that this ‘debate … is only just beginning’ (Rundle and Sturge 2010:7). This notion has major implications for the determination of the real impact of censorship on specific translations. One salient feature of the Francoist dictatorship was its length; it began in 1939 and ended in 1975. Francoist censorship lasted even longer; it was first introduced in occupied areas on 22 April 1938, while the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) was still underway, and ended in 1976. The dictator, Francisco Franco, survived multiple internal political struggles. Over a period that stretched from the Second World War to the Cold War, Franco repeatedly adapted his regime to the changing international scene until his death in 1975. After Hitler’s defeat, Franco, having absurdly created a political and economic autarchy, decided in 1950 to position Spain in the zone of influence of the Western powers, first by gaining the recognition of the United States, the Vatican and several international organizations. Consequently, over the course of the dictatorship, cultural policies and censorship underwent several ideological changes as the fascist and Catholic factions engaged in internal struggles. Another distinguishing feature of Francoism was its political and cultural policies towards the so called ‘cultural minorities’ within Spain. The Basque, Galician and Catalan cultures saw great development prior to

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the Spanish Civil War. Not all Francoists saw the multicultural reality of Spain as a threat to the regime and to the unity of Spain, but the great majority did so. They therefore imposed a mono-cultural state; languages other than Spanish were banned from public life. The Catalan bookpublishing world was an exception to the general repression of the Catalan language and culture; the absolute prohibition of the early 1940s to publish gave way, in the early 1960s, to a situation comparable to that of Spanish publishers. The period of Francoism that I want to focus on is the aperture (‘opening’) of the 1960s, a time of social stabilization and relative prosperity in which the Francoist regime tried to offer – both internally and internationally – an image of progress, social peace, economic growth and cultural liberty comparable to that of Western democracies. This apparent process of cultural openness was also noticeable within the censorship body. But it was more apparent than real, for not every faction of the regime was happy with this turn.

2.1 Günter Grass and the Spanish Censorship Having outlined the historical context in which Spanish publishers showed interest in the German author Günter Grass,’ I must now describe the reasons for their choice. A choice – whether ideological, economical, commercial, or political – is never insignificant. A description of such a choice must take into consideration the symbolic significance of the author in the source culture. We are now closing in on the specific works, but the approach remains still external. The ‘external textual approach’ is the description of the very concrete circumstances surrounding the translation of a specific work. To fully understand the reception of Katz und Maus it makes sense to briefly outline what happened with Grass’ first bestseller in Spain. 2.1.1 Die Blechtrommel The publication of Günter Grass’ novel Die Blechtrommel in 1959 was a real ‘boom’ for the entire Western book market. Carlos Barral, a Spanish publisher from the publishing house Seix Barral who had close contacts with the most influential European publishers of the time, describes in his memoir how all of the European and American publishers descended upon Europe in pursuit of the translation rights of the novel. Barral ultimately succeeded in buying the rights to the Spanish edition, but his efforts were in vain. The verdict of the censorship bodyvii was categorical:

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Literary Translation and Censorship: A Textual Approach “Aun cuando en el aspecto literario tiene indudables aciertos, desde un punto de vista moral y religioso es inadmisible el desarrollo. […] Las creencias y prácticas religiosas son tratadas en todas las ocasiones como cosas de ridícula superstición; por ejemplo págs. 83-84, 161-172, 244-46, 439-45, 452, 466-73. No debe autorizarse.”viii (“Even though the book has undeniable literary value, from a moral and religious point of view its development is unacceptable. […] Religious beliefs and practices are treated throughout as matters of ridiculous superstition, for example on pages 83–84, 161–172, 244–46, 439–45, 452, 466–73. Publication should not be authorized.”)

Carlos Gerhard’s translation of Die Blechtrommel, entitled El tambor de hojalata, was finally published in Mexico by the publisher Joaquín Moritzin in 1963. In the same year, permission to import Gerhard’s translation to Spain was requested and denied. Carlos Robles Piquer, head of the Directorate-General for Information, tried to spin this response in various ways; Grass’ novel had had a huge international impact and its prohibition was a bit shameful for the modern Spain of the apertura. Robles Piquer wrote a carefully worded letter in an attempt to pressure Monseñor Ramon Lamas, the official consultant in religious matters (asesorreligioso): “Se trata de un “bestseller” en Europa y Estados Unidos” […]. “El problema me preocupa, porque se trata de una obra de singular calidad literaria, y no desearía, a ser posible, privar de su lectura a los españoles que sean capaces de asimilar un libro tan voluminoso, es decir, a una minoría culta de nuestros compatriotas.” “Desde un punto de vista estrictamente estatal, no existe, en mi opinión, motivo para impedir la edición del libro o su importación.”ix (“The book is a bestseller in Europe and the United States” […]. (“This problem concerns me, because it is a work of unique literary quality and, if possible, I would like to avoid depriving those Spaniards capable of absorbing such a voluminous book – that is, a cultured minority of our compatriots – of the opportunity to read it.”) (“Strictly from the state’s point of view, there is no reason, in my opinion, to prevent the book’s publication or importation.”)

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Msgr Lamas reaction was furious. His arguments are a bundle of intransigent moral and religious principles. The definitive verdict was as follows: “Absolutamente negativo. Así lo impone la moral natural, a la que no puede sustraerse el gobernantex, y así lo exigen nuestra confesionalidad católica, y hasta el buen gusto.” (“We categorically deny the request. We are compelled to do so by natural morals (which leaders cannot avoid), by our Catholic faith and by good taste itself.”)

In a subsequent letter sent to Robles Piquerxi, Msgr Lamas attached a negative review of the novel published in the German magazine Der Spiegel, accompanied by following remark: “...lo que constituye también un aval respecto del sentido del informe negativo de esta Asesoría Religiosa, al menos ad extra; ya que en cuanto a nosotros no se requiere aval alguno: basta conocer el catecismo.” (“...this provides additional support for the negative report issued by this religious consultant, at least ad extra, for no support is required as far as we are concerned: it is enough to know the catechism.”)

Robles Piquer expressed gratitude to Msgr Lamas for his help in a very brief letter that concludes as follows: “Naturalmente, me he atenido a su criterio para resolver este delicado problema y voy a hacer uso de su amplio estudio en un número que más adelante publicará “La Estafeta Literaria” sobre el problema general de la censura de libros.” (“Naturally, I have abided by your criteria for the resolution of this delicate problem and I will make use of your extensive report in an article on the problem of book censorship in general in a future issue of La Estafeta Literaria.”)

The tenor of this correspondence shows how far the internal ideological struggles could go within the censorship body – beginning with ‘subtle’ accusations from Msgr Lamas’ side – and that the attempts to open Spain’s literary horizons through translation, undertaken in some cases by important members of the government, were often fruitless. Around the same time, Robles Piquer wrote to the Cultural Delegates of the Spanish embassies in Bonn, Paris and Washington, in search of

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arguments in favour of permitting the novel’s publicationxii, but to no avail. The Cultural Delegates’ answers nonetheless show that the novel’s reception, especially in Germany and in the United States, was not without controversy. Luis López-Ballesteros, from the embassy in Washington, wrote: “El Centro de Información Católica, ha calificado moralmente la novela del escritor alemán Günter Grass con un 3, es decir, como apta sólo para adultos de alto nivel de educación.” (“The Catholic Information Centre has given the novel of the German writer Günter Grass a moral score of 3 – in other words, appropriate only for highly educated adults.”)

José Artigas, from the embassy in Bonn, wrote a long letter in which he echoes some of the negative responses to the novel that appeared in the German press: ‘semejante engendro blasfematorio’ (‘a blasphemous monstrosity’), ‘realismo despiadado’ (‘ruthless realism’), ‘el señor Grass ha creado un nuevo género alemán de literature, el cochinismo’ (‘Mr. Grass has created a new German literary genre: swinism’). In 1966, the publisher Aymà requested permission to translate Die Blechtrommel into Catalan. The censor’s answer was very succinct: “Procede mantener la denegación dada en el año 1959, en el mismo expediente 5043, a la obra “El tambor de lata.”xiii (“We maintain the denial, issued in 1959, file 5043, of the request submitted for the work Die Blechtrommel.”)

The case of Grass’ Blechtrommel demonstrates the great significance – and important political implications and consequences – that a single literary work can acquire in a given situation. 2.1.2 Katz und Maus We do not know how much Carlos Barral knew about the scope of the controversy surrounding the novel Die Blechtrommel within and beyond the censorship body. In any event, in 1962, he requested permission to translate Günter Grass’ second work, Katz und Maus, into Spanish. In Germany, this novella had already met the great expectations placed on the German author and was promising to become a second international bestseller. Katz und Maus – in some ways a continuation of Die Blechtrommel and the second part of the Danzig Trilogy – tells the story of

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a group of boys in Danzing under Nazi rule. The protagonist, the Great Mahlke, is admired by others because of his strange personality, individualism, courage and physique. The novella ironically describes the noxious influence of church, school and the military on the teenagers’ lives. The censor’s responsexiv, in this case, was affirmative, although he demanded the deletion of certain fragments of the novella. The censor answered to the routine questions of the censorship files as follows: ¿Ataca a la moral? Sí

Páginas: 15, 40, 41, 42, 102, 104, 112, 139

¿Ataca a la Iglesia o a sus Ministros? Sí Páginas: 88 y 117 (Does it attack morals? Yes Pages: 15, 40, 41, 42, 102, 104, 112, 139) Does it attack the Church or its Ministers? Yes Pages 88 and 117)

In his report, the censor superficially summarized the novellas’ plot and concluded with the following concise comment: “Se hace necesario suprimir los párrafos marcados en las páginas arriba indicadas. Es publicable.” (“The paragraphs marked on the pages indicated above must be deleted. It is publishable.”)

Most of the marked pages, as we can see, were classified as morally injurious. In most of the marked paragraphs, the narrator merely mentions the large size of Mahlke’s genitals, which were a source of admiration among his young friends. In the longest fragment marked for deletion (pages 40-42), the narrator describes a scene in which Mahlke is asked to show his genitals and to masturbate in front of the group. The scene is presented as a teenagers’ game and is not in any way ‘erotic’ or ‘dirty’. These required deletions are the first examples we encounter of textual intervention attributable to censorship. Let us closely examine the marked passages: (1) Page 15: …das Geschlecht halb steif…, ‘private parts half stiff’xv (2) Pages 40 – 42: Description of a scene of masturbation as a teenagers’ game. (3) Page 102: Sein langer halb wacher Schwanz... (His long, semi relaxed pecker…)

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Literary Translation and Censorship: A Textual Approach (4) Page 104: ...und lieȕ […] den groȕen Metallbonbon vor seinen Klöten und dem Schwanz baumeln: aber der Orden vermochte nur knapp eindrittel seiner Geschlecht steile zu verdecken. (…the great iron cookie dangled in front of his private parts, concealed no more than a third of his pecker.) (5) Pages 139 and 140: A minor character describes an affair between The Great Mahlke and an officer’s wife who was irresistibly attracted to him and especially to his genitals.

The deletion of fragments (2) and (5) causes major problems of textual coherence in the translation. The problems arise, first of all, from the fact that these fragments are embedded in longer scenes of which they are an intrinsic part and with which they share narrative and descriptive elements. When the fragments are deleted, these scenes suddenly become absurd. The deletion has a strange effect on the narration and both episodes are truly incomprehensible in the translation. Secondly, the deletion damages the construction of Mahlke’s character as a hero. The character’s sexual component reinforces his friends’ fascination. Seen from today’s perspective, these deletions seem quiet ridiculous, superficial and suggestive of an ill, obsessed mentality. Moreover, Grass’ novella contains profound criticisms of the institutions of Nazi Germany – church, school and military – that could have been much more harmful to the Francoist regime than the words that were, in fact, marked for deletion. Carlos Barral reacted to this verdict with the following appeal, in which he used economic and literary arguments and stressed the international reputation of the German author: “CONSIDERANDO que Günter Grass viene siendo estimado en todos los países de Occidente como el más brillante narrador de la nueva generación alemana y el que suscribe ha debido ya renunciar a los derechos de publicación de DIE BLECHTROMMEL, ante el criterio de la Sección de Orientación Bibliográfica, en beneficio de un editor latinoamericano. CONSIDERANDO que tanto el autor como el que suscribe juzgan los cortes como no justificados, y que las partes que se pretende suprimir no pueden dañar la conciencia de personas lo bastante evolucionadas moral e intelectualmente como para afrontar la lectura de un libro que no puede ser calificado de fácil y al que no cabe suponer un éxito popular. CONSIDERANDO que el autor estima, y así lo han entendido sus críticos, editores y traductores, que la violencia de ciertas expresiones que usa forman parte indisoluble del estilo, estilo que debe entenderse perfectamente lícito y dentro de la tradición de la prosa alemana no sólo contemporánea, sino a la altura histórica del Simplizissimus. SUPLICA que le sea autorizada la traducción integra del libro. Es gracia que espera alcanzar del recto proceder de V.E. cuya vida guarde

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Dios muchos años.” Madrid 8 de Marzo de 1963xvi (“WHEREAS Günter Grass is renowned throughout the West as the most brilliant narrator of the new German generation and, as a result of the Bibliographic Guidance Section’s decision, the undersigned has had to relinquish the publishing rights to Die Blechtrommel to a Latin American publisher. WHEREAS both the author and the undersigned consider the required deletions to be unjustified, and that the passages in question cannot damage the conscience of individuals who are morally and intellectually developed enough to read a book that cannot be described as easy and which cannot be expected to achieve popular success. WHEREAS the author – as well as his critics, publishers and translators – considers that the violence of some of his expressions forms an essential part of his style – a style which should be understood as perfectly admissible and not only part of the contemporary tradition of German prose but also at the historical level of Simplicissimus. I HEREBY REQUEST authorization to translate the entire book. I hope that Your Excellency will see fit to grant my request. May God keep watch over you for many years.” Madrid, 8 March 1963)

Note the paragraph in which Barral demands respect for the literary integrity style of the German author; we will turn to this matter later. In the same censorship file, I found several additional documents confirming that Barral’s petition was definitively denied, publication was only to be permitted if the marked passages were deleted. The General Administration Archive contains no record of what happened after these definitive verdicts were handed down. There probably was no further reaction from Barral’s side. The fact is, the translation of the book was not published in Spain at that time. In 1964, Joaquín Moritz published Carlos Gerhard’s translation of the book in Mexico under the title El gato y el ratón. It was not until 1967 that the publishing house Edicions 62 submitted a new request for permission to translate Katz und Maus, this time into Catalan. The censor’s answer xvii was again affirmative, but permission to publish was once again contingent on the deletion of the fragments marked in 1962. The censor’s report, written as Grass was already a celebrity, contains the following significant appreciation: “Es la novela que confirmó la valía literaria de Günter Grass, antes de que se politizara totalmente.”

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Literary Translation and Censorship: A Textual Approach (“This is the novel that confirmed the literary worth of Günter Grass, before he became completely politicized.”)

Because Grass had explicitly given his support to Willy Brandt and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), and his commitment to politics was public, all of his books were seen by the Spanish censorship as suspect. In its correspondence with Edicions 62, the DirectorateGeneral for Information made the following additional demand: “En relación con su escrito de 28 el pasado mes de abril consultando acerca de la edición de la obra “Katz und Maus” de Günter Grass, se aconseja la presentación del texto de traducción sobre el que se harían si fueran necesarias las indicaciones oportunas.”xviii (“In response to your letter of 28 April regarding the publishing of Günter Grass’s work Katz und Maus, we ask that you send us the translated text, on which we will make any necessary indications.”)

Indeed, in the same file, typed on tracing paper, I found the original Catalan translation in its entirety, with marked fragments for deletion. In 1971, Carlos Barral finally published Carlos Gerhard’s translation of Katz und Maus, imported from Mexico – and censored, of course. The censorship file was once again very concise: “Procede mantener el mismo criterio que en el expediente 3457-67. Puede autorizarse con las tachaduras de las páginas 41 a la 46 – 103 y 144145, que corresponden a las tachaduras impuestas en el año 1967, al texto en catalán, en las páginas 31 a 35 - 85, 122 y 122 bis” (Ediciones 62).xix (“We maintain the same criteria expressed in the file 3457–67. Publication can be authorized with the deletions indicated on pages 41–46, 103 and 144–145, which correspond to the deletions indicated in 1967 on pages 31–35, 85, 122 and 122 bis of the Catalan text” (Ediciones 62).

To sum up, we have the two complete original translations of the novella (the Catalan translation on file at the General Administration Archive and the Spanish translation published in Mexico in 1964), the two censored translations (the Catalan translation published in 1968 by Edicions 62 and the Spanish translation published in 1971 by Barral Editores), and finally, the revised and restored Catalan translation published in 1993 by Edicions 62. This makes for a very interesting textual translational analysis. In this paper, however, I will only focus on certain elements of the censored translations.

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3. Textual Approach The study of literary translation – and therefore the study of literary reception processes – has to come, at the end of its analysis, to the description of the text itself. The description of the historical context - and of the historical factors that influenced particular translations - can explain why certain authors were chosen to be translated at a given time in a given country and why censorship, in our case, required that texts be altered in certain ways before their translation was authorized. We cannot forget, though, that specific translated texts –with all the interventions made upon them – still remain the means by which most readers access foreign literature. An exhaustive internal approach – a textual approach that takes into consideration and makes visible the historical, aesthetical and ideological dimensions of language and literature – is therefore unavoidable. Juliane Houses Translation Quality Assessment was developed to describe any kind of text type, and any kind of translation. Based on the systemic functional linguistic model of M.A.K Halliday, it assigns a central position to the description of linguistic registers. House begins by framing the text in the context of its production and, using the concepts field, mode and tenor, presents the extra-textual factors that condition its linguistic features. After describing the register, House assigns the text to a specific textual genre of the repertoire and finally defines its individual textual function within the context of its production. Bearing in mind the notion of relative equivalence in function, House begins the description of the translation following the same steps. In her analysis of source and target text, House considers relevant the conservation of semantic and pragmatic equivalence, but she stresses the relativeness of concept equivalence, very often determined by the socio-historical conditions of the text’s production as well as by linguistic or contextual factors. At the end of the analysis of both source and target text, House determines whether the translation, because of its individual textual function, should be read as an original (covert translation), as in the case of commercials, or if it should be read as a translation (overt translation), as in the case of literary texts. In her discussion of equivalence in the two types of translation, House says that in covert translated texts, it is important to maintain the individual function of the text, although some alterations must be made on other textual levels (register, genre). In overt translations, it is important to maintain the textual features (register, genre), although it is impossible at the end to maintain the individual text function.

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In my adaptation of the model, I maintain the same structure of analysis, but I add two main changes in the description. First, I take into consideration that fiction narratives have a double nature; on the one hand, they are embedded in a specific historical context with an author and readers who have an historical reality; and on the other hand, they represent a closed reality (the fiction), which is articulated through the voice of the narrator (an author’s construct, in reality), thereby establishing a ‘dialogue’ with historical reality from the inside. I describe all textual levels from both the contextual and intratextual points of view. A specific example can illustrate this: using the register-defining category of tenor, we first describe the features of the narrator’s voice within the fiction world (age, social provenance and position, geographic origin, cultural level, etc.); we then must look for possible register correspondences in the real historical world. My second change also has to do with the definition of the textual register. In literary texts, the formal elaboration of the discourse – that is, the use of literary devices – aids in the semantic construction of the text. The repetition of structures, the length of the syntax periods, and punctuation, for instance, help to give a meaning to a text. Consequently, I added by the description of register the category formal elaboration. After describing the register, we must determine whether there are any genre incompatibilities between the source and target culture. If such incompatibilities exist, we must describe the strategy adopted by the translator to solve the problem. At the end of the analysis, we must describe the individual function of the translated text in the new context, taking into consideration the nature of the expectations and the results. A diagram of the model is shown below:

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Diagram 1: Scheme for Analyzing and Comparing Original and Translation of Fiction Narratives.

4. Textual analysis: Censorship, Literary Conventions, Matters of Good Taste In Carlos Barral’s appeal to the censorship body (seen above), one of his arguments had to do with literary integrity. He demanded respect for Grass’ literary style as an essential component of his work. Of course, Barral is referring to the deletion of text passages and his aim is to maintain the entire text in the translation. But Barral’s statement that ‘style is essential to work,’ taken out of context, brings us to the analysis of the translated texts. My purpose now is not to offer an exhaustive description of the Spanish and the Catalan translations of the novella Katz und Maus. The

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textual analysis model exposed above will help us to determine the influence exercised of censorship, literary conventions, and matters of good taste on these translations, although the boundaries between the three criteria are often unclear. The analysis of the following examples shows us, moreover, how the Catalan and the Spanish translator of Katz und Maus dealt with the countless problems that Grass’ text presents. Furthermore, the description of the translations shows us how well - or illprepared - the Spanish and Catalan literary systems were for embracing Grass’ challenging work.

4.1 Intervention of censorship Of the three description criteria mentioned above, censorship is clearly the most ideologically motivated form of intervention. In some cases, as in the examples discussed here, it is difficult to determine the extent to which deletions are motivated by ideology or by matters of good taste. Apart from this, we can state that the ideological criterion wasn’t applied systematically. As mentioned above, in the longest deleted fragment, Grass describes, down to the last detail, the boys’ harmless game. In the censored Spanish and Catalan translations, with the passage deleted, the description of the game becomes very strange and incomprehensible. The deletion has an impact on the definition of the field (the game is not properly described and we understand nothing more of the plot) and the tenor (one feature of the main character that causes fascination among his friends – his sexual potential – remains hidden); furthermore, the coherence and formal elaboration of the text are damaged.

4.2 Literary Conventions i. Genre The title of the German edition of the work includes an adscription to a literary genre: Katz und Maus. Eine Novelle. The German genre ‘novella,’ in its modern form, has been used by authors from the Romantic period until the present day. The use of this genre immediately generates certain expectations in readers. Neither the Spanish nor the Catalan literary tradition has a special name for this genre, and the publishers provided no description in this regard.

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Language variation Grassxx is a great stylist of modern German prose who explores every possibility of language expression. An important tool in the construction of the diverse characters found in his works of fiction is the use of direct speech and, therefore, the integration of the colloquial register of the language in his works. Breaking with the old-fashioned image of literary register as something elevated and untouchable, modern Western narratives have been integrating language variation in all of its forms since the beginning of the 20th century. During Franco’s dictatorship, the Spanish and the Catalan literary systems were much more conservative, maintaining certain exclusivity of the literary register of language. Furthermore, at that time, translations into Catalan and Spanish were not seen as a place for literary experimentation; translators always tended towards a higher language register in their translations as well as towards the neutralization of language variation, as discussed below. Geographical Dialects Mahlkes’ mother and aunt speak always in the dialect of Danzig, as the following brief example shows: “Beide sprachen mir über ihn, der den Dolmetscher abgab, Beileid aus: »Nu is auch Ihr Bruder Klaus abjeglieben. Ech kann ihn zwar nur vom Sähn – abä trotzdem, son forscher Mänsch«” (p.122), (“They both spoke to me through him, who acted as our interpreter: „So now your brother Klaus is dead. I knew him only by sight, but what a handsome boy!”)

The words in italics (mine) are dialectal forms. In this example, variation consists mostly of phonetic articulation (abä/ standard aber; Mänsch/ stand. Mensch; Sähn/ stand. sehen), morphology (nu/ stand. nun; ech/ stand. ich; is/ stand. ist; son/ stand. so ein), and vocabulary (abjeblieben/ stand. zurückbleiben). Furthermore, the word ‘abbleiben’ is a euphemism for ‘die’. The Spanish translator takes a highly neutralizing approach, using very standard language. In contrast, the Catalan translator adapts somewhat to a more colloquial register, as is demonstrated by the vocabulary used (ves, ‘oh, dear!’;caram, ‘goodness me!’; xicot, ‘young man’): “A través de él, que hacía las veces de intérprete, las dos me dieron el pésame: –Así que también su hermano Klaus se queda allá para siempre. Sólo lo conocía de vista, pero ¡qué mozo tan apuesto!” (p.118).

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Literary Translation and Censorship: A Textual Approach “Totes dues em parlaven per mitjà d’ell com si fos un intèrpret. El condol”: “–Sí, ves. Ara també s’ha quedat allí el vostre germà. Solament el coneixia de vista, però caram, era un xicot ben plantat.” (p.105)

The tenor and the formal elaboration are the aspects damaged most severely in both translations. Translators don’t make use of any strategy of compensation to resolve the problem of geographical dialects. As mentioned above, the unwritten literary norms of the Spanish and Catalan literary systems always tend to prefer higher registers. Social Language Registers As mentioned above, Grass uses language to approximate reality and to construct the characters in a realistic way (tenor, formal elaboration), allowing them to speak (mode). The translators, on the contrary, again tend to neutralize this speech by using a more standard language register. The following example is taken from a talk given at Mahlke’s school by a young officer who is a former student: “...nun müsst ihr nicht denken, das läuft wie ne Karnickeljagd, mit drauf und los und hastenichjesehen. Oft wochenlang nichts. Aber als wir an den Kanal – dacht ich, wenn hier nicht, dann nirgends. Und es klappte” (p.61). (“…well, boys, don’t get the idea that life in the Air Force is like a rabbit hunt, all action and never a dull moment. Sometimes nothing happens for whole weeks. But when they sent us to the Channel, I says to myself, if things don’t start popping now, they never will. And I was right.”)

The officer’s language is very colloquial. At the level of syntax, we can see this in the elision of a conjunction (denken, [dass] das,’ ‘don’t get the idea, [that]’) and the elision of verbs (oft [passierte] wochenlang nichts, ‘sometimes nothing [happens] for whole weeks’); aber als wir an den Kanal [ankamen],‘but when [they sent us] to the Channel’). We can also see it at the level of the vocabulary (Karnickel, colloquial for ‘rabbit’), in expressions (mit drauf und los,‘all action’); esklappte (‘I was right’) and in wordplay (hastenichjesehen (‘never a dull moment’). The Catalan translator uses colloquial elements at the level of vocabulary: au … vinga … (go!); sortir com fet a mida (‘made to measure’), etc. However, he regularizes the syntax: there are no elisions of conjunction or verbs in his translation: “...bé, no us penseu que això sigui com anar a caçar conills, au, anem-hi, vinga i som-hi que aquest el vull i aquell no. Durant setmanes senceres la vida és avorrida. Però en arribar al Canal em vaig dir: noi, aquí, ara o mai

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més. I ja és cas, tot sortí com fet a mida...” (p.52)

The Spanish translation is absolutely neutral: “…bien, muchachos, no vayáis a creer ahora que esto es como una cacería de conejos, atacar, echarse a un lado y volver a atacar todo el tiempo. A veces nada ocurre por espacio de varias semanas. Pero cuando fuimos al Canal… bueno, me dije para mí, ahora o nunca. Y efectivamente, así fue…” (p.60).

ii. Experimentation with the form Experimentation with the form is one of the main procedures of alienation in literary texts. Alienation and defamiliarization prompt readers to ask themselves about the significance and the very nature of words and language. It is always present in Grass’ texts as a sign of his commitment to literature. In the example below, the headmaster of Mahlke’s school responds to the official’s talk mentioned above. The compound words that he uses are empty, as in a litany, and are understood as an allusion to the emptiness of school and church language: Vorne kamen Worte knapp bis zur Mitte der Aula: »Jeneddienachunskommen – Undindieserstunde – Wandererkommstdu – Dochdiesmalwirddieheimat – Undwollenwirnie – flinkzähhart – sauber – sagteschon – sauber – Undwernichtdersoll – Undindieserstunde – sauberbleiben – Mitschillerwortschlieȕen – Setzzetnichtlebenein niewireuchgewonnensein – Undnunandiearbeit!« (p.65) From up front his words barely carried to the middle of the auditorium: “Those who came after us –– And in this hour –– when the traveler returns –– but this time the home land –––– and let us never –– pure of heart –– as I said before ––pure of heart –– and if anyone disagrees let –– and in this hour –– keep clean ––to conclude with the words of Schiller –– if your life you do not stake –– the laurel never will you take –– And now back to work!”

We find in this talk two allusions to Schiller’s verses that are unfamiliar to Spanish and Catalan students. In any event, the translations reproduce perfectly the effect of the original text. Therefore, its formal elaboration, with its alienating function, remains intact. The Spanish translator includes the reference to Schiller: Desde la cátedra, las palabras llegaban apenas hasta la mitad de la sala: “Losquenossucederán –– Yenestahora –– Viandantessomos ––

254

Literary Translation and Censorship: A Textual Approach Peroestavezlapatria –– Ynodejemosnunca ––contesón –– limpio –– comoyadije –– limpio –– Denoserasímásvaldría –– Yenestahora –– mantenerselimpio –– Paraterminarconpalanbrasde Schiller –– elquenopongatodosuesfuerzonuncaobtendráeldebidoprovecho –– ¡Yahora a trabaajar! (p.63)

The Catalan translator, in contrast, does not include Schiller's name in his version and the quotation to the poets's verses disappears. Apart from this, the way in which the translator formulates the compound words makes them easier to understand than in the original version: Des d’allí davant les paraules amb prou feines arribaven al mig del recinte: –els-qui-vindran-darrera-nosaltres ... i-en-aquesta-hora ...caminant-véns-tu ... però-aquesta-vegada-la-pàtria ... i-mai-no-volem-nosaltres ... diligentstenaç-dur ... nets ... ja-digué ... nets ... i-qui-no-hagi-de-tornar-a-ser ... enaquesta-hora ... romandre-nets ... paraules-finals-de-condeixeble – per allò que no lluiteu no-us-serà-guanyat ... i-a-la-feina! (p.55)

In other passages, the reproduction of the alienation effect is more difficult because it is based on specific language structures. In such cases, both translators tend to regularize the structures. The following example contains a funny description of two girls that is based on a contradictory accumulation of semantically opposed adjectives (glatt/ kraus): “Wir wollten ein biȕchen angeben und den Mädchen, die hübsch glatt blond kraus und von Berlin her verwöhnt waren, etwas Besonderes, unseren Kahn bieten.” (p.50) (“The girls were pretty, sleek, tousled blonde, and spoiled from living in Berlin. We thought we would show off some and impress them with our barge.”)

Both translators regularize the passage, and the humorous effect of the description is lost. In the Spanish version the girls have straight hair: “Nos proponíamos alardear un poco y ofrecer a las muchachas, que eran dos lindas rubias de pelo liso suelto y un tanto presumidas a cuenta de su origen berlinés, algo muy especial: nuestro bote”. (p.53)

In the Catalan version they have curly hair: “Ens volíem lluir un xic oferint a aquelles criatures, rosses i arrissades, que per llur vida a Berlín semblaven un poc aviciades, una cosa excepcional, la nostra llanxa”. (p.42)

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iii. Translation of first names Unlike the Catalan translator, the Spanish translator does not maintain the German name of the protagonist, Joachim, and instead translates it into Spanish: “Y Joaquín Mahlke lanzó un grito, pero la cosa no pasó de unos leves arañazos”. (p.8)

4.3 Matters of good taste As mentioned above, José Artigas, the Cultural Delegate from the Spanish embassy in Bonn, told Carlos Robles Piquer about the German media’s reactions to the publication of Günter Grass’s first novel, Die Blechtrommel. One such comment, which he underlined, was: ‘Mr Grass has created a new German literary genre: ‘swinism’. He also wrote the following: “Es también sabido que, aunque todas ellas sin éxito, han sido presentadas hasta la fecha más de 20 denuncias contra Grass por inmoralidad pública.”xxi (“It is also known that, to date, more than 20 complaints have been filed against Grass for public immorality, although none of them have yet been successful.”)

With its descriptions of sexual and scatological scenes, Die Blechtrommel is more extreme and provocative than Katz und Maus, in which the censors only classified a few passages as unacceptable. Therefore, in matters of good taste – at least as far as sexual issues are concerned – we can say that Germany’s social acceptance was quite similar to that of the Spanish. The difference, of course, was that Grass’s intentionally provocative manner, a challenge for the readership, was in Spain not just polemical but prohibited.

5. Conclusions In this paper, I have tried to describe the relationship between translation and censorship in Francoist Spain: some publishers challenged official censorship by means of translations, and censorship filtered out any undesired external influences. I have illustrated this relationship with the analysis of a specific example: the Catalan and the Spanish translations

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of Grass’s novella Katz und Maus. In order to describe the nature of the phenomena translation and censorship, I have used Billiani’s concept of national textuality, which defines the notion of culture and nationness from a contrastive point of view. The features of a national textuality, from this perspective, can be made evident only through comparison with alterity, and in our case translations are the ideal tool for the comparison. The comparison of literary works and their translations is the basis of our analysis. I have proposed a textual approach – external and internal – for describing the translation process, using a functional linguistic model adapted to narrative fiction. By applying the model, without forgetting the historical context in which the process is embedded, I have tried to identify alterations present in the translations that are due to the intervention of censorship, to literary conventions, or to matters of good taste. Following this analysis, I can assert that the Spanish censors were especially inflexible in matters of sexuality and morals. Furthermore, the Catalan and Spanish literary systems were very conservative in the adaptation of literary innovations and in matters of good taste, in part due to the lack of cultural openness and literary debate. Although the Catalan and the Spanish translations of Katz und Maus were hardly adapted to the dominating literary conventions, Spanish publishers achieved certain changes in the literary system and in the national textuality, mostly at a symbolic level (Grass published in Spain!). It was just the beginning.

Notes 1

Jordi Gràcia (2001: 150); Jacqueline Hurtley (2007: 71) Ruiz Carnicer (2001: 67-68); JeroenVandaele (2010:113) 3 Ruiz Carnicer (2001: 202-203) Pere Ysàs (2004:65) 4 The censorship files are kept at the Archivo General de la Administración (AGA) in Alcalá de Henares. 5 AGA, IDD (03)050 Caja 21/12590, Expedient 5043 6 AGA, IDD (030) 050 Caja 21/17285, Expedient 2972 7 Italics added 8 AGA, IDD (030) 050 Caja 21/17285, Expedient 2972 9 AGA, IDD (030) 050 Caja 21/17285, Expedient 2972 10 AGA, IDD (030) 050 Caja 21/17285, Expedient 2972 11 AGA, IDD (030) 050 Caja 21/14280, Expedient 6447 12 I use the English translation by Ralf Manheim (1963) 13 AGA, IDD (030) 050 Caja 21/14280, Expedient 6447 14 AGA, IDD (030) 050 Caja 21/18098, Expedient 3457 15 AGA, IDD (030) 050 Caja 21/18098, Expedient 3457 16 AGA, IDD (030) 050Caja 66/05859, Expedient 7374 2

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Volker Neuhaus (1993: 8) AGA, IDD (030) 050 Caja 21/17285, Expedient 2972

Bibliography of Original and Translations Grass, Günter. 1961. Katz und Maus. Neuwied: Luchterhand —. 1963. Cat and Mouse, trans. R. Manheim. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. —. 1964. El gato y el ratón, trans. Carlos Gerhard. Mexico: Joaquin Moritz —. 1968. El gat i la rata, trad. CarlesUnterlohner. Barcelona: Edicions 62 —. 1973. El gato y el ratón, trans. Carlos Gerhard. Barcelona: Barral Editores —. 1993. El gat i la rata, trad. CarlesUnterlohner (revised Caterina Calafat). Barcelona: Edicions 62

References Barral, C. 2001. Memorias. Barcelona: Península. Billiani, F. 2007. Modes of Censorship and Translation: National Contexts and Diverse Media. Manchester: St. Jerome. Coll-Vinent, S., C. Eissner and E. Gallén. 2011. La traducciói el món editorial de postguerra. Lleida: Punctum and Trilcat. Gracia, J., R. Carnicer and M. Ángel. 2001. La España de Franco (19391975) Cultura y vidacotidiana. Barcelona: Síntesis. Hurtley, J. A. 2007. Tailoring the Tale. In: F. Billiani (ed.), Modes of Censorship and Translation: National Contexts and Diverse Media. Manchester: St. Jerome. 61-92 Jané-Lligé, J. 2013. Narrativaalemanya de postguerra: autorstraduïtsicensura. Quaderns. Revista de traducció, 20: 118-145. Ruiz Bautista, E. (ed.). 2008. Tiempo de censura. La repression culturaldurante el franquismo. Gijón: Ediciones Trea. Rundle, C. and K. Sturge. 2010. Translation under fascism. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan. Vandaele, J. 2010. It was what it wasn’t: translation and francoism. In: C. Rundle and K. Sturge, Translation under fascism. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan. 84-117. Ysàs, P. 2004. Disidencia y subversión: la lucha del régimenfranquistapor susupervivencia, 1960-1975. Barcelona: Crítica.

FOREIGNIZATION, DOMESTICATION AND THE PROBLEM OF IMBALANCE BETWEEN LANGUAGES AND CULTURES: POLISH-TO-ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS OF SELECTED FANTASY NOVELS BY ANDRZEJ SAPKOWSKI ALEKSANDRA MUCHA OPOLE UNIVERSITY, POLAND

Abstract The problem of imbalance between languages and cultures has recently become increasingly popular within the field of descriptive Translation Studies. The English language and culture is perceived by many theoreticians of translation (e.g. Venuti 1995, Hatim and Mason 1997, SkibiĔska and BlumczyĔski 2009) as more powerful and dominant, in comparison with other less powerful languages and cultures. According to Venuti (1995), such an imbalance results in, among others, the preference for such translation strategies and techniques, which contribute to the production of domesticated translations from less powerful languages (e.g. Polish) into English. The aim of this study is to verify the above hypotheses on the basis of exploration of translation techniques and strategies used in the Polish-to-English translations of two Polish fantasy novels entitled The Last Wish (2007) and The Blood of Elves (2008), originally written in Polish by Andrzej Sapkowski (in 1993 and 1994, respectively). More specifically, the study focuses on the translation of culture-specific elements in the two novels, and the research material includes 760 culture-bound items divided into five categories: fantastic creatures, professions, geographical names, anthroponyms, and other names. The tools used in the study is the

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typology of translation techniques and strategies proposed by KwieciĔski (2001), which is directly targeted at culture-specific elements. Keywords: translation strategies, foreignization, domestication

cultural

imbalance,

fantasy,

1. Introduction The issue concerning the lack of equality between cultures and, similarly, languages has been recently widely discussed among theorists not only in the field of linguistics but within humanities in general (Venuti, 1995). Literature, as an integral part of any culture, may be considered as one of the indicators of a given culture’s status and development (Even-Zohar, 1990:2). Therefore, studies based on contemporary literary works may provide insightful feedback concerning the trends within a given literary polysystem, and subsequently allow one to determine a system’s level of independence and development in comparison with other cultures. The translation strategies of domestication and foreignization are at the center of the aforementioned discussion because the determination of the prevailing strategy, applied in the translation of a given text, may lead to conclusions about an approach towards the source and target culture and language taken by translators, publishers and readers. This article presents the results of a study conducted on available English translations of novels written by a well-known Polish fantasy author, Andrzej Sapkowski. All available novels have been translated by Danusia Stok. The aim of the study has been to determine the prevailing translation strategy applied to render culture-bound items from Polish into English.

1.1 The issue of cultural imbalance Although it seems that there always have been cases of domination between cultures, e.g. there was a considerable influence of Russian literature and culture upon Polish culture after World War II, and until the year 1989 due to the political situation. After the events of 1989, Polish people and their culture opened more to, among others, the AngloAmerican culture, when its literary products were introduced extensively onto the Polish book market (Konewko 1996, quoted in Buchholtz 2002:21).

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Before discussing in more detail Venuti’s views upon cultural imbalance and Anglo-American hegemony, it is essential to determine the place of the Polish language and culture within other cultures. Such determination is provided in the article written by Elzbieta Skibinska and Piotr Blumczynski in 2009. According to the authors, who based their statement upon French sociologist Pascale Casanova’s theory (2002), the Polish language is one of the weaker languages (Casanova’s term, 2002 quoted in Skibinska and Blumczynski 2009) because, although it has a significant history and cultural output, too few people actually use it outside of Poland and as a result products of Polish literature are not as valued as products of other cultures: “In other words, much more is translated into Polish than out of Polish. As a result, translation has played a significant role in the Polish literary polysystem [between years 1988-2004, 24,305 translation of fiction were published and only 704 titles were sold (ibidem)], the status of translated works has traditionally been quite high and the position of a literary translator quite prestigious” (Skibinska and Blumczynski 2009:30).

The above quoted statements, concerning the position of a translator in Poland, is opposite to the one presented by Venuti in 1995. He argues that the present position of Anglo-American culture and the English language as being hegemonic towards other cultures is due to: “[...]routinely translating large numbers of the most varied Englishlanguage books, foreign publishers have exploited the global drift toward American political and economic hegemony in the postwar period, actively supporting the international expansion of Anglo-American culture” (Venuti 1995:15).

He claims that in order for a translation to be published onto the Anglo-American literary market, a translator has to conform with norms and trends imposed on him or her by publishers, authors, or other factors (1995:1). According to Venuti, the popular trend concerning translation into English is to make the target text as similar to texts originally written in English as possible (Venuti 1995). Therefore, the work of a translator, and the fact that a given work is a product of a foreign culture, is difficult to be noticed: “Under the regime of fluent translating, the translator works to make his or her work “invisible”, producing the illusory effect of transparency that simultaneously masks its status as an illusion: the translated text seems “natural”, i.e., not translated” (Venuti, 1995:5).

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In his work, Venuti thoroughly discusses the translator’s situation in the contemporary Anglo-American literary market, referring to it as translator’s invisibility. He examines all possible reasons for such situations including, among others, the relatively low rate of books translated from Polish into English - and the much higher rate of books concerning translations from English into Polish, and also the low fees commissioned by translators for their work, which consequently leads to a low quality of translated texts, in comparison with various financial levels of life (Venuti 1995:11). Therefore, the differences between these two cultures concerning translation occur even before the actual process of translation begins.

1.2 Theoretical approach to domestication and foreignization Lawrence Venuti (1995), discusses, among others, the current situation in translation, concerning both the process and the product and the position of the Anglo-American culture. Concepts developed in his work are based on Schleiermacher’s (1813) notions of domesticating and foreignizing translation strategies. According to the theorist, the translator’s choice of a translation strategy is usually based upon the cultural situation in the target culture (Venuti 2005:240). Ventui claims that the English language, along with the Anglo-American culture, are hegemonic towards the less popular languages/cultures. This situation is illustrated by way of the translation of texts into English, which is mainly based on replacing elements that are specific for a source culture - with elements from the English culture - or even completely omitting them, giving target readers the impression of the target text being a product of their own culture. Venuti refers to this phenomenon as translator’s invisibility: “‘Invisibility’” is the term I will use to describe the translator’s situation and activity in contemporary Anglo-American culture. It refers to two mutually determining phenomena: one is an illusionistic effect of discourse, of the translator’s own manipulation of English; the other is the practice of reading and evaluating translations that has long prevailed in the United Kingdom and the United States, among other cultures, both English and foreign-language” (Venuti 1995:1).

The manner of translation mentioned above, i.e. replacing the culturebound items of the source language and culture with those from the target language/culture, deprives the translated text of every feature indicating it to be a product of a foreign culture. Venuti relates to this as the

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domestication translation strategy being: “[...]an ethnocentric reduction of the foreign text to target-language cultural values[...]” (Venuti 1995:20), and suggests the strategy of foreignization to be its opposite: “Foreignizing translation signifies the difference of the foreign text, yet only by disrupting the cultural codes that prevail in the target language. In its effort to do right abroad, this translation method must do wrong at home, deviating enough from native norms to stage an alien reading experience – choosing to translate a foreign text excluded by domestic literary canons, for instance, or using a marginal discourse to translate it” (1995:20).

The latter strategy concerns the translator’s preserving culture-bound items of the source text, as much as possible, by the use of various translation techniques. In this way, a target text’s reader is introduced to foreign elements, the translator’s visibility is enhanced, and thus the text itself is indicated to be a product of a different culture. The distinction, discussed by Venuti - along with the reasons he has provided - is a basis for the research, which will be discussed in detail later in this article, as it concerns the translation from Polish into English, i.e. from a less powerful language into the one considered to be more powerful. Venuti is not the only theorist to discuss the two above mentioned translation strategies. Basil Hatim and Ian Mason, in their work entitled The Translator as Communicator (1997), discuss the translation strategies of domestication and foreignization described by Venuti (1995). However, they view this concept from a different perspective. The two theorists claim that the use of the domesticating strategy during translation does not determine the dominance of a given source language or culture over the target language/culture: “Conversely, if a domesticating strategy is adopted in the case of translating from a culturally dominant source language to a minority-status target language, it may help to protect the latter against a prevailing tendency for it to absorb and thus undermined by source-language textual practice. […] Thus, it is not domestication or foreignization as such which is ‘culturally imperialistic’ or otherwise ideologically slanted; rather, it is the effect of a particular strategy employed in a particular socio-cultural situation which is likely to have ideological implications” (Hatim and Mason 1997:145-6).

They purport that the domesticating translation strategy may be used for two reasons – for helping the target text’s readers understand the text better, and for changing - by the use of textual change - the original

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perception of a given source text. The authors justified their claim by exploring examples of translations that, by the use of domesticating strategy, either helped the target reader to understand the text or changed the idea meant by the author of the source text - usually in order to evoke a specific response in the target text’s readers. These authors do not negate Venuti’s differentiation between translation strategies, but indicate that the translator’s choice of translation strategy may not necessarily be selected only in order to highlight a status of a given target culture - or to please its readers - but rather, depending on the source text’s function and ideological status, specific translation strategy is used to help target text’s readers or to manipulate them by evoking specific responses or feelings.

1.3 Culture-bound items as a translational challenge Within the field of Translation Studies the “myth of untranslatability” has been a subject of heated discussion for some time now (Hejwowski 2004; LipiĔski 2004). In general, it concerns the fact that it is impossible to translate a source text in such a way that it would evoke the same response and feelings of the target text’s reader as it would in case of readers of the source text. Krzysztof Hejwowski (2004:129) claims that the above mentioned myth “[...]results from excessive and unrealistic expectations.” Later he also argues that: “[...]it is unrealistic to expect a “similar response” in the case of culture-bound items, as what is familiar and domestic to the SL readers will be alien and exotic to the TL readers” (ibidem). Elements specific for a given culture i.e. culture-bound items and their subcategory – proper names, due to their character and functions, can cause difficulties during translation. A description provided by Mona Baker (1992) in her work refers to a culture-specific concept as to a word rooted in the source culture that may be completely unknown for the representative of the target culture. The concept may relate to any aspect of life: religion, food, clothes or a social custom (Baker 1992:21). Peter Newmark (1988) presented a categorization of culture-bound items discerning five main categories: Ecology, containing geographical items, names of everyday objects that may not exist in other cultures as well as fauna, flora etc. Material Culture, is a second category, divided into subcategories concerning types of food, building, clothing, urban areas and transportation (Newmark 1988:95). It is followed by Social Culture, which concerns specific names for every culture connected with work and leisure. Organisations, customs, activities, procedures, and

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concepts, is a fourth category, which is also divided into subsections concerning names of abstract notions within the fields of politics, religion, and art (Newmark 1988:99-102). The last one is Gestures and habits, as these may differ in every culture and therefore cause confusion and issues for the target text’s recipient (Newmark 1988:102). The categorization of culture-bound items is important and helpful in the determination of their function and significance, but also, using such division - based on an items’ referential meaning - allows an early determination as to whether a given concept is, in fact, a culture-bound item. For the needs of the present research, specific categories have been developed based on concepts they refer to. Due to the specific features of culture-bound items and proper names as their subcategory, the translator may face some difficulties and challenges. One has to consider the possible results and consequences of rendering such items; there are always advantages and disadvantages of rendering a given item. Again according to Hejwowski, one has to realize that the transference of every function and possible response, which a given culture-bound item has in the source text, is impossible: “The myth of “identity of experience” cannot be treated seriously: even people living in the same country, speaking the same language and brought up in the same culture cannot react identically to the same stimuli” (Hejwowski 2004:130).

Although, as it is stated above, an ideal rendition of culture-bound items is unlikely, it is possible to translate these elements of source language and culture in such a way as to preserve partially or completely their functions and meaning. However, it is important to remember - and be aware of - translation traps and mistakes that may result in awkward and incorrect rendering, which can cause confusion and therefore, be discouraging for the reader. Krzysztof Hejwowski (2004) discusses the possible outcomes of using specific translation procedures. Depending on the procedures used, they may spoil the pleasure of reading, create unawareness of a given phrase’s significance, either for the text alone or within the entire culture, i.e. quotations of works from source cultures unknown elsewhere, idioms, sayings etc; the possible loss of meaning, and sometimes symbolism of a given item; and last but not least, when omitting culture-bound items, the possible outcome may even disrupt the entire passage of the text (Hejwowski 2004:136-143). As it has been stated earlier, it is not possible to render items rooted in the source culture ideally. It seems rather, that it is a matter of balancing the losses and gains depending on the strategy undertaken by the translator

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towards translation and its supposed reception by the target reader. Also, the type and function of a given source text have to be taken into consideration, which may be considerably helpful. A good example is the research material of the current study. It is a product of fantasy literary genre, which is known to draw from various cultures, mythologies, and also from literary works (Drabble 2000:350), but also usual target readers of this genre are used to unknown foreign elements, very often even abstract and imaginary.

1.4 Characteristics of the fantasy literary genre It has been stated earlier, that fantasy genre is of a specific nature and the exact classification may be difficult due to the blurry borders that make it differ from science-fiction, and other works of fiction. In the last twenty years the increase in popularity of this genre may be noticed not only in literary markets worldwide, but also within the scientific field of literary theory. Although Cuddon’s Dictionary of Literary Terms and Literary Theory (1999) does not contain a separate entry for the fantasy genre, The Oxford Companion to English Literature (2000:350) edited by Margaret Drabble, provides a statement that fantasy readers accept what may be unacceptable in everyday life and that it is one of the most productive genre since the second half of the twentieth century (ibidem). The most important for the present study, however, is the characteristic feature of genre’s authors to draw elements, usually the supernatural ones, from products of different cultures e.g. legends, fairy tales, mythologies, or other literary works. This fact alone, requires the translator to have the knowledge of other cultures, and not only the target one, as very often authors draw from more than one mythology or legend. The beginning of the fantasy genre in Polish literature may be marked by the publishing of the Polish translation of Tolkien's The Lord of the Rings (1961-3). However, the number of copies published was too little to start any considerable breakthrough of this genre. Later, in 1983, BaraĔczak's translation of The Wizard of Earthsea, by Ursula Le Guin, was published and in the same year in Fantastyka, a new magazine concerning science fiction and fantasy works, Norton's Witch World was published in the series (Guttfeld 2008:72). This resulted in a growing popularity of this genre and the creation of a loyal fandom. However, it was mainly after 1989 when political and economic changes allowed fantasy to be truly appreciated and popular. Foreign authors were freely published without restrictions imposed by censorship. This situation, however, contributed to the development of some distinct features that are

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present in Polish fantasy from the 1980's and 1990's. Before 1989, most fantasy works were available only in the original version, and only for those who were able to buy them abroad. As the level of the acquisition of the English language was rather low, amateur translations known as klubówki were popular. Fantasy fans, known as fandom, were gathered together in clubs and associations where those translations were circulating. That is the reason why names of these two genres were transferred unchanged into Polish literature. According to Guttfeld, this situation helped Polish readers to accept English sounding names in fantasy books (2008:74). This tendency lasted on a large scale until recently. Even Polish fantasy writers not only used non-Polish names for their characters, but also wrote under English sounding names (Guttfeld 2008:75). It was after Andrzej Sapkowski's WiedĨmin saga, in which he used elements derived from Slavonic mythology, that it became popular to use Polish sounding names or even to set stories in Poland (Guttfeld 2008:76-79, 93-4). Andrzej Sapkowski is the laureate of literary awards, praised in Poland and abroad, and is considered to be "...the most influential figure of Polish fantasy" (Guttfeld 2008:91) and his first major work – WiedĨmin, is considered to be the most popular example of the fantasy genre in Poland (Guttfeld 2008:89). The saga about Wiedzmin (The Witcher) opens his literary output. In the original format it comprises of seven parts, out of which only two have been translated into English. However, the publication of these books dates back to 1993 and since then have been translated into many European languages, among others German, French, Spanish, Swedish etc. Only recently, that is in 2007 and 2008, two of the seven books’ saga have been translated into English. The third book had been said to be published in 2012, unfortunately the date has lately been set to August 2013. The reasons for such a delay in translating these books into English, when all of them have been translated into other languages much earlier, are not known, however, it may be due to the rather low popularity of Polish literature abroad. It has already been mentioned that fantasy authors derive immensely from the rich reservoir of various folklores and mythologies. Although Sapkowski's saga is a work of fantasy, and is set in Never-Never Land, it is also full of items taken from real cultures and mythologies, not to mention specific proper names invented by the author himself. Furthermore, Sapkowski introduces in his books allusions to other works of literature, both Polish and foreign. In his saga the reader may find elements from Celtic mythology, such as elves and kelpies, from Muslim mythology, such as ghuls and also from Hispanic legends, such as bruxa

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etc. Stories and characters in his books are based on popular fairy tales and stories. He introduces a female character, accompanied by seven gnomes, whose history is very similar to that of Snow White, and a history of a selfish young man who is bewitched and is turned into a beast, who can only be turned back by a woman who really loves him, which is similar to the story of Beauty and the Beast. Professions in the story are those that one can find in real life and cultures, i.e. merchants, archers, craftsmen, teachers and priests etc. Sapkowski, when asked by Stanisáaw BereĞ, the professor of literature at the University of Wroclaw, Poland, what are his intentions while naming characters, replies as follows: “Sometimes names are drawn from "materia magica". However, I invent most of names and I always try to make them sound nice and fit neatly into the phrase's rhythm and flow, especially in the dialogue” (Sapkowski and BereĞ 2005:268).

Therefore, although WiedĨmin's saga is set in Never-Never Land it contains many elements, which are present in real cultures, and this fact forces a translator to render them in such a way that the loss of information or intended allusion is minimal.

1.5 Translation techniques assembled by Piotr KwieciĔski and his concept of foreignizing and domesticating translation strategies There is, within the field of Translation Studies, some inconsistency concerning the nomenclature of translation actions. Depending on the linguist or theorist, methods are referred to as procedures, techniques, or operations. Beginning with Vinay and Darbelnet (1958), theorists tried to create the complex set of translation techniques. Each set of these is more or less similar and contains identical techniques with only slight moderations. Techniques usually range from the most foreignizing, i.e. when a translator transfers a culture-bound item without any changes or glosses, it is the so-called borrowing or transfer translation technique. In the middle of the scale is the most neutral technique, usually referred to as recognized equivalent (Hejwowski 2004) or recognized translation (Newmark 1988). It concerns replacing an element of the source culture with its translation, existing and acknowledged in the target culture. At the end of the scale is the most domesticating technique, i.e. cultural equivalent (Newmark, 1988) or functional equivalent (Newmark 1988; Hejwowski 2004), and occurs when translators use an item rooted in the

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target culture and language, which has similar meaning or function but either does not exist in the source culture or has a different meaning. For his research study Piotr KwieciĔski assembled twelve translation techniques on the basis of other scholars’ studies and research. These techniques have been chosen as the methodological tool for the need of the present research, and although, below, the reader will find the reference to each theoretician KwiecieĔski’s techniques are based on, the translation techniques referred to in point 3 of this article, are those described and named by KwieciĔski (2001). This tool is placed within: “[…] spectrum [that] is a largely formal categorisation of possible lexicallevel procedures used to mediate the cultural and linguistic otherness, ranging from exoticising procedures (such as importation and calque) through rich explanatory procedures (such as importation with an explanatory gloss) to assimilative procedures (such as normalization and cultural substitution)” (KwieciĔski 2001:15).

This assembly of techniques contains twelve translation techniques, and originally was developed as a methodological tool in a research concerning his study of techniques used for rendering culture-bound items in the quality press articles, and comedy series, translated from English into Polish. The first technique he introduces is transference of culture-specific image or sound, however, as it can be applied only in the case of a situation comedy - and the present study involves exclusively literary works - it will be mentioned only here to introduce the complete taxonomy. Borrowing is a second translation technique placed on the exoticizing end of the above mentioned spectrum and is regarded, for the need of the present study, as the foreignizing translation technique. It concerns transference of a culture-bound item without any additional information. It corresponds with the ones proposed by Vinay and Darbelnet (1958), Ivir (1987), Hervey and Higgins (1992), Mailhac (1996), Malone (1988), and van Leuven Zwart (1989/90), also included is Newmark’s (1988) transference and Aixela’s (1996) repetition. The next technique is a combination of similar actions: calque, coinage or semantic extension and includes word-for-word translation, invention of a new word, and enclosure of an explanation or re-formulation of a given culturebound item. It includes Vinay and Darbelnet’s (1958) calque, Newmark’s (1988) through-translation and translation label, Ivir’s (1987) literal translation and lexical creation, Hervey and Higgins’s (1992) and Mailhac’s (1996) calque/literal translation, Malone’s (1988) calque Matching, Chesterman’s (1997) loan-based neologism, and is included in

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Aixela’s (1996) linguistic translation. Subsequently, KwieciĔski mentions a combination of procedures including glosses, either in the text or as a footnote or at the end of the chapter etc. These are a mix of techniques proposed by Aixela (1996), Newmark (1988), and Pym (1992). Another technique proposed is recognized exoticism which, as it has been mentioned earlier, concerns replacing a culture-bound item with its recognized, in the target culture, translation. It is a neutral technique and is in the middle of the exoticism/assimilation spectrum. This is included in Aixela’s (1996) linguistic translation and Malone’s (1988) prefab Matching. Normalization, the first assimilative procedure, involves substituting a culture-bound element with a transcultural element, i.e. an element that exists also in the target culture. This technique includes: Malone’s (1988) recrescence and repackaging, Vinay and Darbelnet’s (1958) generalization/particularization, Chesterman’s (1997) hyponymy, Baker’s (1992) translation by a superordinate, Hervey and Higgins’s (1992) compensation by merging/splitting, and Aixela’s (1996) synonymy. The most invasive translation technique in the discussed taxonomy is deletion and concerns a complete omission of a given item, which is present in almost every translation techniques’ taxonomy ever proposed, by different names, i.e. omission. The eighth technique, proposed by KwieciĔski, is labelled covert cultural substitution or covert acculturation. It is the most assimilative procedure involving the replacement of a cultural element with an item rooted in the target culture in such a way that a target reader is not able to see the translator’s intervention in the text. The last technique, overt cultural substitution or overt acculturation, concerns, similar to the previous one, substituting a SC item with an item from the TC but the action is noticeable for the target reader (KwieciĔski, 2004:157-165). These two last techniques are included in: Vinay and Darbelnet’s (1958) adaptation, Ivir’s (1987) substitution, Newmark’s (1988) cultural equivalent, van Leuven Zwart’s (1989/90) naturalization, Hervey and Higgins’s (1992) cultural transplantation, Baker’s (1992) cultural substitution, Aixela’s (1996) naturalization and autonomous creation, and Gottlieb’s (1997) idiomatization. The clear division of the discussed taxonomy into exoticizing, neutral, and assimilative techniques, had been helpful in determining the prevailing translation strategy.

2. The analysis of research material and translation techniques used to render culture-bound items The following part of the article is dedicated to the thorough analysis of the conducted research. It contains the presentation of the research

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material including the specificity of the literary genre, which has to be taken into consideration while discussing the categorization of the material allowing the transparency. This part is concluded with selected examples of rendered culture-bound items derived from Polish original texts and their English translations.

2.1 The research material This research focuses upon the English translation of culture-bound items - proper names included - in Polish fantasy literature. The aim is to determine, by the use of translation techniques, the taxonomy proposed by Piotr KwieciĔski (2001), which techniques have been used by the translator in rendering specific culture-bound items. After the determination of a technique, the next step is to group them according to their place in the foreignization and domestication scale. Studies that indicate the prevailing translation strategy concerning the rendering of culture-bound items comprised of the research material, may be the basis for estimating whether the thesis postulated by Venuti (1995) that translations from less powerful languages into those of a higher status are to be domesticated in favour of the latter. However, such an estimation may not be based only on the sole results of this study, it is important to take into consideration the characteristics of the literary genre involved and its development within Polish literature. The present study is focused upon culture-bound items extracted from two parts of Sapkowski’s saga, both source and target texts – Ostatnie ĩyczenie (1993) / The Last Wish (2007) (OZ/TLW) and Krew Elfów (1994) / The Blood of Elves (2008) (KE/BOE). In order to ensure clarity, the research material in this study is divided into the following five categories: fantastic creatures – includes fantastic and mythological creatures; professions – includes all professions and jobs, which are present in different cultures; geographical names – includes all names of geographical characters along with names of the rivers, seas or forests; anthroponyms – includes all names related to human beings and humanoids; other names – includes all other names, which were not classified into the aforementioned categories and concerns mostly names of places, e.g. inns, schools etc., titles of books within stories, and proper names created by the author of the Polish part of the research material – Andrzej Sapkowski. The following chart presents the quantity of each category within the research material.

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Figure 1. A chart presenting the quantity of culture-bound items in each category in the research material.

The entire research material contains 760 culture-bound items including proper names, which are included in the present study because of the characteristic of the literary genre; the research material is culturebound and conveys additional, hidden, meaning intended by Sapkowski. The category fantastic creatures makes 81 items, the one labeled professions includes 147 items, geographical names contains 103 elements, and the category entitled anthroponyms, the largest one, comprises of 227 items. In the last category other names, there are 202 culture-bound items.

2.2 Stages of the analysis The first stage of the research was to find culture-bound items in the research material, along with their translation, and classify them to the appropriate category. Culture-bound items were taken, along with their nearest context, in order to determine the appropriate translation technique, which was the second stage of the research. The third stage was the determination of the translation strategy – foreignization or domestication, applied to each culture-bound item, based on the translation technique used. The next step involved counting all culture-bound items and techniques divided into categories, and individual techniques, in order to

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determine the frequency of appearance of each technique and therefore, to provide the answer to the research question: which of the above mentioned translation strategies prevails in all available novels translated by Ms Danusia Stok.

3. Results of the analysis In order to maintain the transparency in presenting results and in providing selected examples of interesting renditions, the outcome of the conducted research is divided by categories into which research material has been divided. The letters provided in brackets are the first letters of novels’ titles. The full titles, along with abbreviations, are provided in point 2.1 of this article. In the category of fantastic creatures, the most frequent translation techniques used was calque (22), recognized exoticism (21), covert cultural substitution (16), normalization (14), borrowing (12), coinage (10) and deletion (4). Also, a combination of techniques occurred – calque + recognized exoticism (3) and calque + covert cultural substitution (1). Below are three examples of renditions along with comments: (1) „DomokrąĪni pogromcy smoków i utopców!”(OZ, p. 11) “... travelling slayers of dragons and vodniks!” (TLW, p. 9)

Comment: Later, in the same part, the translator provides other renditions of the same creature, i.e. a ‘drowner,’ which is a coinage in English language, though it seems more accurate than what the vodnik used in the above example. The word ‘vodnik’ is not recorded in an English dictionary, e.g. Dictionary of Contemporary English (2003). It is a calque from the Slavonic word wodnik, which, according to Aleksander Gieysztor (2006:258), is of Czech and Slovak origin. However, in the Polish culture wodnik is a creature that lives in water, it is more a spirit, than a malicious and dangerous ghost of somebody who drowned in the water. (2) „Podobno są tu wodniki, wijuny, przerazy, latawce, wszelkie moĪliwe ĞwiĔstwo.” (OZ, p. 166) “Apparently there are water sprites here, myriapodans, chimerea, flying drakes, every possible filth.” (TLW, p. 205)

Comment: Here, wodnik was rendered as a water sprite, which is a more general term, and is thus more suitable. However, such rendering

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lacks the Slavonic accent of the source text, as the term is present only in East European mythologies. This is an example of normalisation. (3) „... i tolerowali obok siebie co najwyĪej gnomów górników i farmerów nizioáków.”(KE, p. 10-11) “Their groups tolerated at best the gnome miners and halfling farmers who camped beside them.” (BOE, p. 11)

Comment: Sapkowski clearly draws from Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings trilogy by introducing the term nizioáki, which is a Polish equivalent of Tolkien’s hobbits, creatures that are smaller than dwarves and exist only in the Middle Earth, introduced by the translator of Polish translation of Tolkien’s trilogy. The above example is covert cultural substitution. Within the next category, i.e. professions the frequency of the translation techniques presents as follows: calque (117), normalization (40), covert cultural substitution (17), recognized exoticism (11), deletion (9), covert acculturation (8), coinage (3), semantic extension (3), calque + normalization (2), calque + coinage (1). (4) „... ledwie sáyszalny szelest zbudziá wiedĨmina, …” (OZ, p. 5) “… this faint sound was enough to wake the witcher - ...” (TLW, p. 1)

Comment: The word wiedĨmin is not recorded in Polish dictionaries (e.g. Nowy Sáownik JĊzyka Polskiego [The new dictionary of Polish language], translation mine), Sapkowski has invented it himself, adding to the female wiedĨma (a witch) a suffix, indicating a male gender. The translator performed the similar action, adding a suffix -er to the word witch, coining a neologism. It is interesting to notice, that in the target culture the word witch is used with reference to both males and females. (5) „Jest czarodziejką.Jak wiĊkszoĞü magiczek ma zatrofizowane, zupeánie niewydolne gonady i to jest nieodwracalne.”(OZ, p. 217) “She’s a sorceress. Like most of female magicians, her ovaries are athrophied and it’s irreversible.”(TLW, p. 271)

Comment: This example is only one selected in order to illustrate the use of calque in this category. However, the translator renders this very profession throughout both books differently, among others, names like enchantress, magician, spell-caster, or wizard are used. What is interesting, is that in the ST, the author also introduces other terms synonymous to czarodziejka, but this one is the most frequently and consequently used. The translator, contrary to the ST author, does not favour any term. Also,

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the translator uses the male words ‘wizard’ or ‘magician’ instead of clearly indicating the gender, which is present in the ST. Another solution, which may be a little confusing, was to use the word ‘spell-caster’ because it may refer to a person that is not an enchantress but one who casts spells. (6) „PasaĪerowie i kupcy, wielce zdenerwowani, przeglądali swe mienie i usiáowali ukryü przemyt.”(KE, p. 169) “The passengers and messengers, all extremely nervous, were going through their possessions trying to hide any smuggled goods.” (BOE, p.226)

Comment: This is an interesting application of covert acculturation, though it seems that the meaning of the ST is unnecessarily changed. There is no good reason for an application of covert acculturation because the term merchants, which has been already used by the translator, would be more suitable and faithful to the ST. In the category geographical names, the occurrence of translation techniques ranges from borrowing (71), calque (17), calque + borrowing (11), deletion (7), coinage (2) and single usage of semantic extension (1), normalization (1), covert cultural substitution (1) to calque + covert cultural substitution (1). (7) „– Ze wszystkich ĞwiątyĔ w Gelibolu i Dolinie Nimnar wybraliĞcie akurat chram Coram Agh Tera, Lwiogáowego Pająka.” (OZ, p. 62) “‘Of all the temples in Gelibol and the Nimnar Valley, you picked the Church of Coram Agh Tera, the Lionheaded Spider.” (TLW, p. 75)

Comment: The translator decided to render only the part of the geographical name, leaving the part of the name invented by the author of the ST. The example above is the combination of translation techniques – calque + borrowing. (8) „– Geralt – powiedziaáa – ja byáam ksiĊĪniczką, ale w Creyden.” (OZ, 102) “‘Geralt,’ she said, ‘I used to be as princess, I had everything I could dream of.’” (TLW, p. 126-127)

Comment: This example is the translator’s use of deletion. By applying this technique, the translator usually has to decide whether the action would not disrupt the coherence of the text, or disrupt important information intended by the author.

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„– Lekka jazda z Ban Gleán– oceniá po chwili.” (KE, p. 138) “‘Light cavalry from Ban Gleán,’ he surmised after a while.” (BOE, p. 182)

Comment: This translation action is the translator’s usage of borrowing. The proper name invented by the ST author has been transferred without any changes, which is justified as the item resembles elements from Gaelic dialects and seems natural in the TT. In the fourth category – regarding anthroponyms, containing mostly proper names, the most frequently applied translation technique is borrowing (196) followed by deletion (14), calque (13), calque + borrowing (12), normalization (8), coinage (2), and covert cultural substitution (1). (10) „Velerad, grododzierĪca Wyzimy, podrapaá siĊ w podbródek...”(OZ, p. 10) “Velerad, castellan of Wyzim, scratched his chin.”(TLW, p. 7)

Comment: This example of borrowing is given in order to present the usual anthroponyms introduced in the research material by the author. They are of specific character, drawn neither from source nor target culture and are mostly transferred by the translator, because of their English-sounding character they seem more suitable in the target culture than source culture as such names are not usual in Polish language. (11) „Przyjaciel Geralta, trubadur Jaskier, lubiący uchodziü za specjalistĊ we wszystkich moĪliwych dziedzinach, szukaá prostszych wyjaĞnieĔ.”(OZ, p. 40) “Geralt's friend, the troubadour Dandilion, who enjoyed a reputation as a specialist in every possible field, looked for simpler explanations.” (TLW, p. 47)

Comment: This rendition is an interesting example of translation action, i.e. coinage. Jaskier, in Polish, is the name of a flower, in English it is called ‘buttercup.’ In the target text, the name is rendered as ‘Dandilion,’ which may connote with the plant dandelion, which is also yellow. It is interesting, because this character resembles a dandelion in terms of his character and behaviour. The seeding stage of a dandelion allows the seeds to be light and fly with the wind, change course etc. The character in the saga behaves similarly. He is a trifler, an artist who loves women and hates commitments.

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(12) „Są i Ğlady wybujaáego temperamentu, podobno w máodoĞci przezywano go nawet Abrad Zadrzykiecka.”(OZ, p. 89) “Apparently he was nicknamed Abrad Jack-up-the-Skirt in his youth.”(TLW, p. 109)

Comment: Such names are not numerous in the research material. This one, however, intended to ridicule the character and to be humorous. The combination of calque and borrowing may be a little difficult in such an example, and it seems that the literal translation did not convey the intended semantic load entirely. Within the last category – other names, comprising 27% of entire research material, the frequency of translation techniques used is as follows: calque (148), calque + borrowing (26), normalization (4), covert cultural substitution (3), deletion (3), coinage (1), borrowing + covert acculturation (1), calque + coinage (1), calque + semantic extension (1), calque + recognized exoticism (1), calque + deletion (1). (13) „Miaáem juĪ mój medalion, o, wáaĞnie ten. Znak Szkoáy Wilka.” (OZ, p. 120) “I'd earned my medallion, the Sign of the Wolf's School.”(TLW, p. 147)

Comment: the translator rendered the proper name literally using calque as a translation technique. (14) „- Ujrzeü ją moĪna - zacząá - letnim czasem, od Dni Maju i Czerwia aĪ po dni PaĨdzierza, ale najczĊĞciej zdarza siĊ to we ĝwiĊto Sierpu, które prastarzy zwali: "Lammas".” (OZ, p. 211) “‘Glimpsed she may be,’ he began, 'during the time of sumor, from the days of Mai and Juyn to the days of October, but most oft this haps on the Feste of the Scythe, which ancients would call Lammas.’” (TLW, p. 263)

Comment: The above three examples of rendition are interesting. The ST author introduced three coined names of months, although they are still based on the usual Polish names of months. The translator decided to coin the first two names ‘Mai and Juyn’ but used the normal name of ‘October’ instead of coining a new name. (15) „…które Dijkstra dowcipnie nazywaá Katedrą Historii Najnowszej, a Jaskier Katedrą Szpiegostwa Porównawczego i Dywersji Stosowanej.” (KE, p. 187)

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Foreignization, Domestication and the Problem of Imbalance “…which Dijkstra had amusingly named the Faculty of Most Contemporary History and Dandilion called the Faculty of Comparative Spying and Applied Sabotage.” (BOW, p. 251)

Comment: A humorous proper name introduced by the ST author, was successfully rendered using calque, whilst preserving the comic character of this item. Due to the limit of available space, only fifteen examples have been presented to show the use of various translation techniques and the way the translator coped with problematic and culture-rooted elements in the source text. Below, the summary of complete results is provided. There are 760 culture-bound items found in the research material. In the category fantastic creatures there are 81 items and in the category professions 147 items. The category geographical names includes 103 culture-bound items, and anthroponyms containing 227 items. In the last category, other names, there are 202 culture-bound items. As the number of each translation technique has already been given while describing each category, it is to be stated that in each one, foreignizing translation techniques (borrowing, calque, coinage, semantic extension, calque + borrowing, calque + coinage and calque + semiotic extension) prevailed with the following numbers: in fantastic creatures there occurred 44 foreignizing translation techniques, 34 were domesticating techniques, and 25 were neutral. In the category professions there occurred 125 foreignizing techniques, 79 were domesticating techniques, and 12 were neutral. In the category geographical names 102 translation techniques were foreignizing, 9 were domesticating techniques, and 1 was neutral. The category anthroponyms contains 226 foreignizing translation techniques, and 23 neutral. The last category other names includes 219 foreignizing techniques, 10 domesticating techniques, and 3 neutral. Therefore, it can be stated that in each category, foreignization was the prevailing translation strategy. The most frequently used translation technique in the research material is calque, which occurred 319 times - constituting 35% of the research material, next is borrowing, which was used 293 (32%). Normalization occurred 67 (7%) times, followed by the combination of translation techniques calque + borrowing, which was used 49 (5%) times. The next translation techniques are covert cultural substitution, which occurred 39 (4%) times, then deletion, which occurred 37 (4%) times, recognized exoticism and coinage were used 32 (3%) and 19 (2%), respectively. They are followed by covert acculturation, which was used 8 (1%) times, semantic extension and calque + recognized exoticism – 4 (0,4%), coinage + normalization, calque + coinage and calque + covert cultural

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substitution, which occurred 2 (0,2%). The least translation techniques used were borrowing + calque, calque + deletion and calque + semantic extension, which occurred 1 (0,1%) time. There are 931 translation techniques identified in the entire research material, out of which, 734 techniques are foreignizing constituting 79% of the research material, 151 techniques are domesticating, i.e. 16% of the research material, and there are 43 neutral translation techniques, which constitutes 5% of the research material. The chart below presents the quantity of translation techniques divided into foreignizing, domesticating and neutral techniques. Figure 2. A chart presenting the quantity of translation techniques in the entire research material.

Based on the above results of the conducted study, it is to be stated that foreignization is the prevailing translation strategy.

4. Conclusions The aim of the study presented in this article was to determine of which translation strategies, foreignization or domestication, prevails in Polish-to-English translation regarding culture-bound items in fantasy literature, based on the English translation of two parts of Andrzej Sapkowski’s WiedĨmin. The Last Wish (2007) is the translation of

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Ostatnie ĩyczenie (1993), and Blood of Elves (2008) is the translation of Krew Elfów (1994). The translator of both parts is Danusia Stok. Based on the research conducted, it was revealed that foreignization is the prevailing translation strategy. Therefore, the results of this study do not confirm the hypothesis put forward by Venuti (1995, quoted in Baker 2005:240) that the translation from a less powerful language and culture, into a more powerful language/culture, will be domesticated. In the case of the research material analyzed in the present article, the use of the foreignizing translation strategy was manifested by a large number of foreignizing translation techniques i.e. borrowing and calque. Due to the fact that the research material used in this study was limited only to the determination of the prevailing translation strategy, i.e. domestication or foreignization, based on the translation techniques used in the translation of selected Polish fantasy novels, it is possible to extend this analysis in a number of ways. Firstly, in order to investigate general tendencies in Polish-to-English translation of the fantasy genre, one may extend the research material to include more texts. Secondly, it is possible to repeat the study with the use of different tools (e.g. different typologies of translation techniques). It is also possible to study the reception of translation, i.e. whether a given rendering is foreignizing or domesticating in effect. The above aspects, together with the present research may be a starting point for further studies in the future.

References Baker, M.1992. In Other Words: a Coursebook on Translation. London and New York: Routledge. BereĞ S., Sapkowski A. (ed.). 2005. Historia i Fantastyka [History and Fantastic]. Warszawa: superNOWA. Cuddon, J.A., Preston C.E. (eds). 1999. Dictionary of Literary Terms and Literary Theory. London: Penguin Group. Drabble, M. 2000. The Oxford Companion to English Literature. New York: Oxford Univeristy Press. Fox, C., Manning, E., Marwick, K.C., Murphy, M., O’Shea, S., Urbom, R., Summers, D. (eds.). 2003. Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English. Suffolk: Longman. Gieysztor, A. 2006. Mitologia Sáowian [Mythology of Slavonic people], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Guttfeld, D. 2008. English-Polish Translation of Science Fiction and Fantasy. ToruĔ: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Grado.

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Hatim, B., Mason, I. 1997. The Translator as Communicator. London and New York: Routledge. Hejwowski, K. 2004: Translation: a Cognitive-Communicative Approach. Olecko: Wydawnictwo Wszechnicy Mazurskiej, Acta Universitatis Masuriensis. KwieciĔski, P. 2001. Disturbing Strangeness: Foreignisation and domestication in translation procedures in the context of cultural asymmetry. ToruĔ: Wydawnictwo Edytor. Newmark, P. 1988. a Textbook Of Translation. New York: Prentice-Hall International. Sapkowski, A. 1993 [2005]. Ostatnie ĩyczenie [The Last Wish]. Warszawa: superNOWA. —. 1994 [2011]. Krew Elfów [Blood of Elves]. Warszawa: superNOWA. —. 2007. The Last Wish. New York and London: Orbit. —. 2008. Blood of Elves. New York and London: Orbit. SkibiĔska, E., BlumczyĔski, P. 2009. Polish metaphorical perceptions of the translator and translation. In: Target. Volume: 21, Number: 1. John Benjamins Publishing Company. pp. 30-57. Sobol, E. (ed.) 2003. Nowy Sáownik JĊzyka Polskiego [The New Dictionary of the Polish Language]. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. Venuti, L. 1995. The Translator’s Invisibility. a History of Translation. London: Routledge. —. 2005. Strategies of translation. In: Baker, M. (ed.) The Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation Studies. New York and London: Routledge. 240-244. Ziaja-Buchholtz, M. 2002. Reflections of the Master. The Reception of Henry James in Poland (1877-2000). ToruĔ: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Mikoáaja Kopernika

BIBLICAL STYLE OF POLISH AND ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS OF F. NIETZSCHE’S ZARATHUSTRA, EXEMPLIFIED WITH REFERENCES TO THE DECALOGUE

àUKASZ MAREK PLĉS UNIVERSITY OF àÓDħ

Abstract F. Nietzsche is considered one of the most brilliant thinkers in the history of philosophy. His works and thoughts have provided inspiration for humanists with a wide spectrum of interests. In his masterpiece, Also sprach Zarathustra, Nietzsche mimics the style of the Luther Bible. The book contains numerous examples of biblical quotations, allusions and lexis. The paper tries to illustrate the way some Polish and English translators expressed the references to the Decalogue in their renditions. The article is also an attempt to examine to what extent translation errors, and inaccuracies in this field, can cause a misunderstanding of the messages conveyed by the philosopher who intended to criticize Christian morality by using biblical language. The material analysed in the paper includes four Polish and seven English translations of Zarathustra, confronted with primarily classical versions of the Holy Scriptures, namely the Jakub Wujek Bible and the King James Bible. The comparison leads to a conclusion that the English translations of the biblical references are closer to the German original than the Polish translations. Keywords: Nietzsche, literary translation, Decaloque

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1. Introduction Friedrich Nietzsche is unquestionably one of the most controversial thinkers in the history of philosophy. Constantly ahead of his times, the philosopher - whose legacy has been carried on by philologists, psychologists, ethicists or political scientists - is widely seen as one of the greatest masters of the style of the German language, the author, whose linguistic virtuosity has inspired entire generations of writers (cf. Köhler 2000:7). The stylistic abundance of Nietzsche’s works raises also the question whether they should be the subject of the literary science or rather philosophical investigations. It is noteworthy, that the stylistic layer of Nietzsche’s works is intrinsic to his ideas. It was aptly described by R. Safranski: “The self-creation by using of language became Nietzsche’s passion that put its characteristic stamp on his thinking. In that thinking the boundaries between finding and finding out become blurred, philosophy changes into artistic masterpiece of language and literature as well, what constitutes an inextricable link between thoughts and words. Ideas conjured up by Nietzsche in his virtuoso style lose their transparency at the attempt to express them in other words. Nietzsche was conscious of this close relationship between his ideas and unusual formulations” (Safranski 2000:46, translated by à.M.P.).

2. Zarathustra and the Bible Also sprach Zarathustra is the characteristic, catchy and conspicuous „title of the philosophical poetry, based on the Bible and parodying it at the same time,” (Duden 2002:37, translated by à.M.P.). G. Figal characterizes the book “partly as a parody of the Gospels, partly as a new Gospel” (Figal 2001:13, translated by à.M.P.). Nietzsche himself described his work as the „fifth Gospel”1. The first, and the second, volumes of the famous or maybe infamous „book for everyone and no one” (as Zarathustra is subtitled) were created in 1883, the third volume came into being in 1884, in the following year came the fourth, and the last, volume (cf. Bennholdt-Thomsen 1974:1). To give credence to J. Prossliner, there is no other work in the history of literature that could be as inaccessible as Zarathustra (see Prossliner 2002:8). Of course, it does not remain without any impact on translatability of the work in a broad holistic sense. In this case, the assessment of M. Cieszkowski is worth quoting:

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“The text of Nietzsche’s Zarathustra poses a great challenge for every translator, and that for many reasons. Firstly, it is a literary text with philosophical distinctness, embedded in a broad cultural context, which consists of the historical, social and psychological factors – therefore, it includes all the elements, that usually have a major impact on the semantics of a work and its final shape; in such case, the deciphering of the work should become the main priority of the translator, also on grounds of the ideological content of the text, its poetic value and metaphysical message [...]. Secondly, the language created for the purposes of the work is a distinctive code, a system of metaphorical signs and stylistic references and remains the only medium of the conveyed content [...]. This new language, the written language, has been marked with the features of the spoken language: its characteristics are word-juggling, using of short and long sentences in a changeable way, understatements and allusions, variable using of punctuation marks, pauses, the underscoring or the selection of words that is attributable to the main principle of the primacy given to the ideas at the expense of the expressions. [...] All this taken together does not allow to cope quickly with the complicated substance of the text”. (Cieszkowski 2002:109–110, translated by à.M.P.).

The author of the above mentioned assessment indicates the intertextual allusions that characterize Zarathustra as one of the threats that lie in wait for the translator. Albeit Nietzsche himself used to underline the absolute originality of his work,2 we cannot overlook the fact that it is teeming with intertextual references. It is undoubtedly the biblical style that is the main factor of Zarathustra’s intertextuality. In this context, according to the Catholic Encyclopedia (Stachowiak 1976), the biblical style can be distinguished at two levels: the conceptual and the linguistic. The first level is to be understood as an imitation of the biblical composition, a characteristic biblical narration of events, or the creation of figures according to the biblical pattern. The book of Zaratustra, like the Bible itself, is considered a compilation of literary genres: „Stories, speeches, sermons, confessions, dialogues and monologues have been pressed into the epic frames, constantly interrupted by theatrical, hymnlike or lyrical insertions” (Kaulhausen 1977:121, translated by à.M.P.). Biblical style, on the language level, gains a new dimension in the aspect of translation, namely the necessity of taking into consideration all the changes in the biblical stylistic register over the centuries, reflected in the following translations of the Bible in each language. This question is even more pertinent, as it is connected with the inevitable choice to be made - by the translator - in order to resolve the dilemma of text modernization, on the one hand, and the appropriate archaic language on

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the other. (cf. LipiĔski 2002: 172). A wider background of this issue is in defining the biblical style as a whole. According to D. BieĔkowska it is: “a set of characteristics and attributes related to the language, but also topics and genres, that have been present in the Holy Scriptures since the moment of the establishing of their stable, canonical form in the original languages: Hebrew and Greek” (BieĔkowska 2002:9, translated by à.M.P.).

Taking the above mentioned definition into account (BieĔkowska 2002:7–18), it surely does not exhaust the subject, because the Bible as being created in the period of more than ten centuries and, what is more, the European versions of the Bible were mostly being translated according to the Latin and therefore the secondary version of the Bible, the so-called Vulgata. It is also difficult to specify the style of the Bible as a whole, its analysis should be rather based on particular books and passages separately. Reference should be made in this respect to the ethnic and national biblical styles, and among them the distinction between the traditional and contemporary biblical style or, to be more specific, the style of the particular versions of the Bible. The next difficulty is the immersion of the biblical style in the broader spectrum of religious discourse. There is no doubt that from a linguistic point of view Nietzsche’s work imitates the style of the Bible in the translation by Martin Luther,3 which results from the circumstances in which the author of Zarathustra was raised. Nietzsche was born into a family of Lutheran pastors, his genealogy has been traced back to the 17th century. The mother of the philosopher was also the daughter of a pastor. During the first 6 years of his life, until the death of his father, he was brought up in the parsonage, in the atmosphere of the so-called: „Pfarrhaustradition” – the tradition of preservation and advancement of cultural enlightenment in the Lutheran parsonage (cf. Hollingdale 1999:9–12). In his childhood he used to be called „Little pastor.” He was extremely obedient and was able to recite whole passages of the Bible, and religious hymns as well. He was rhetorically gifted and preached sermons enthusiastically (cf. Safranski 2000:363, Gómez 2007:25). It was inevitable that the biblical style could determine his idiolect: “Young Nietzsche, who studied theology for a certain period of time, to move decisively towards the classical philology and philosophy, through the close contact with the Bible he got used to its language so deeply, that its words, expressions and images became a natural complement of his

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lexis. Nietzsche himself was aware of the recognition the Bible and its translator deserved” (Vitens, 1951:40, translated by à.M.P.).

This is confirmed by the words of the philosopher himself: “Our last phenomenon has been still the Luther Bible, the only real book of ours has been still the Bible” (Nietzsche 1999:56, translated by à.M.P.). It may be underlined by other quotations by Nietzsche: “The language of Luther and the poetic form of the Bible, providing the basis for the new German poetry – this is my idea” (Nietzsche 1999:60, translated by à.M.P.). W. Jens stated briefly that Nietzsche was the “son of the pastor, who became himself a preacher. [...] His language is the language of the people’s fisherman. His words resemble an annunciation. [...] He is a chaplain, who announced with biblical style that God is dead” (Jens, 1976:101, translated by à.M.P.).

3. Analysis of the translations of Zarathustra according to the references made to the Decalogue Everyone familiar with the language of the Bible - never mind the experts - is able to recognize in the text of Zarathustra a series of biblical quotations and (parodying) covert quotations, maxims, proverbs, characteristic formulations and isolated words. Nietzsche often used to quote the Luther Bible word for word, however, he also distorted the content of the quotations in order to totally modify their meaning. The complex analysis of Polish and English translations of Zarathustra seen from the perspective of the biblical style, especially taking into account all references to the Bible, would go outside the frames of this paper, therefore the author decided to confine the research corpus to references to the Ten Commandments. Apart from the original, the corpus consists of four Polish and seven English translations of Nietzsche’s Zarathustra. The first Polish translation of Zarathustra, but only of the first volume, was published in 1901 by M. Cumft and S. PieĔkowski. The translation has not been re-edited yet and has been consigned to oblivion, replaced by the translation by W. Berent, an active and splendid writer. The translation was indeed the only reception text for Polish readers, it has been re-edited frequently and is regarded as being an absolutely classical version. The situation changed in 1999, with the new translation by S. Lisiecka and Z. Jaskuáa. In 2005 the even newer translation by G. SowiĔski was published. The first English translation of Zarathustra was published in 1886 by A. Tille. This translation, with the title Thus spake Zarathustra, also fell

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into oblivion, superseded by the version of T. Common with the same title that, albeit being criticized, has become a classical English version. In the years 1954 and 1961 two new translations appeared written by the renowned experts in the area of Nietzsche, namely W. Kaufmann and R.H. Hollingdale, both of the translations with the title Thus spoke Zarathustra. In 2005 two new translations were published, namely by C. Martin and G. Parkes, and in the following year the new translation by A. Del Caro. In order to verify the biblical allusions, we used the Luther Bible, the Jakub Wujek Bible for Polish translations; and the King James Bible for the English translations. The selection of these versions of the Bible is not accidental. All of them were published in the Renaissance, and in some sense they are contemporary with each other. However being only translations, they have enjoyed the status of being outstanding masterpieces of literature, the creativity of their authors has enriched the national languages as much as they have constituted them, inspiring also the contemporary writers. All three versions of the Bible, despite the following versions being published over the following centuries, are being used to this day, providing a vast source of proverbs, quotations, winged words and, what is most crucial, give a solid foundation for the biblical style and serve as a model for the following translations of the Bible. In many passages of the Zarathustra the formulation „Du sollst” occurred, either separately or as the beginning of a sentence. This imperative form is a clear allusion to the Decalogue. The commandments stem not only from the Pentateuch of Moses (Exodus and Deuteronomy), but also from the Gospels. In the Polish version of the Bible, we can find a formulation „Nie bĊdziesz...”, or an imperative form of the verb. In this respect, the German version of the Bible shows considerable similarities with the English King James Bible, where the German „Du sollst” can be replaced by the archaic formulation „Thou shalt”. The mentioned similarities with the King James Bible are perfectly reflected in the English translation of Zarathustra. However, the archaic formulation „Thou shalt”, unambiguously identified with the Bible, was consequently applied only by two first translators, namely Tille and Common. For the sentence: „Alles ist Schicksal: du sollst, denn du musst” (AS:253)4 the English translators suggested the following equivalents: All is fate. Thou shalt; for thou must! (AT:276) Everything is fate: thou shalt, for thou must! (TC:141) All is destiny: you ought to, for you must! (WK:201) Everything is fate: you shall, for you must! (RH:219, CM:173) All is fate: you shall, for you must! (GP:175) Everything is fate: you should, because you must! (DC:161)

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In the Kaufmann’s version, surprisingly, the equivalent „ought to” occurred. Discords can be also found in the translations by Hollingdale, Martin, and Parkes, where „Thou shalt” was modernized to „you shall” (by Del Caro occurred the verb „should”). A distinct allusion to the Decalogue are the following passages from Zarathustra: „Es ist ein Gott! Du sollst keinen anderen Gott haben neben mir!” (AS:230) and also „Du sollst nicht rauben! Du sollst nicht todtschlagen!” (AS:253). In all translations of the quoted „zarathustrian” commandments occurred, apart from Hollingdale, the traditional biblical formulation „Thou shalt...”: Thou shalt not rob! Thou shalt not commit manslaughter! (AT:276) Thou shalt not rob! Thou shalt not slay! (TC:141) Thou shalt not rob! Thou shalt not kill (WK:202, CM:173, GP:175, DC:161) You shall not steal! You shall not kill! (RH:219)

In the English translation of the first part by Martin, surprisingly „You shall” occurred, albeit, in the second part he used the formulation „Thou shalt...”. As we can see, the other translators were consistent in this respect: There is one God! Thou shalt have no other Gods before me! (AT:250) There is but one God! Thou shalt have no other Gods before me! (TC:126) There is one god. Thou shalt have no other god before me! (WK:182) There is one God! You shall have no other gods before me! (RH:201, CM:156) There is one God. Thou shalt have no other God before me! (GP:158) There is one god. Thou shalt have no other god before me! (DC:146)

Taking the Polish versions of Zarathustra into consideration, the references to the Decalogue should be analysed in two ways. Namely, in some parts of the text „Du sollst” is an isolated term, as in the sentence: „»Du-sollst« liegt ihm am Wege, goldfunkelnd, ein Schuppenthier, und auf jeder Schuppe glänzt golden »Du-sollst!«” (AS:30), which becomes more conspicuous when coocurring with other modal verbs, as in the following passage: „»Du-sollst« heißt der große Drache. Aber der Geist des Löwen sagt »ich will«” (AS:30). In that case, as it was noticed by Rajewicz (2003:147), the translation of the German „Du sollst” by using the expression „Nie bĊdziesz...” would not be clear enough as a biblical allusion, because of its vagueness. It can be confirmed by the Polish translations of the passages mentioned above:

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Translations of F. Nietzsche’s Zarathustra „PowinieneĞ” leĪy mu na drodze, lĞniący záotem áuskowiec, a na kaĪdej áusce báyszczy záociĞcie „PowinieneĞ”. (CP:36) ZáotolĞniące „musisz” legáo mu oto w poprzek drogi – áuskowiec, a na kaĪdej áusce lĞni siĊ záote „musisz!” (WB:23) „PowinieneĞ” zagradza mu drogĊ, iskrzący siĊ záotem áuskowiec, a na kaĪdej áusce lĞni záociĞcie: „PowinieneĞ”. (LJ:30) „PowinieneĞ” legáo mu na drodze, iskrząc siĊ záotem, niczym áuskowiec, na kaĪdej áusce záociĞcie lĞni „PowinieneĞ!”. (GS:27)

The translation is getting more and more problematic in the combination with other modal verbs. In the Polish versions we can see „powinieneĞ” and „musisz”: „PowinieneĞ” nazywa siĊ ten wielki smok. Ale duch lwa powiada „ja chcĊ”. (CP:36) „Musisz” zwie siĊ ów smok. Lecz duch lwa mówi „chcĊ”. (WB:23) „PowinieneĞ” – zwie siĊ ten wielki smok. Ale duch lwa mówi: „ChcĊ”. (LJ:30) „PowinieneĞ” zwie siĊ ten wielki smok. Duch lwa mówi „ChcĊ”. (GS:27)

It is here that the inconsistency by Berent is noticeable. In his version of the sentence: „Als sein Heiligstes liebte er einst das »Du-sollst«...” (AS:30) the verb „powinieneĞ” was introduced: „Jako swą najwiĊkszą ĞwiĊtoĞü ukochaá on niegdyĞ swe »powinieneĞ«...” (WB:23), however, in the translation of the sentence: „Einem guten Kriegsmanne klingt »du sollst« angenehmer, als »ich will«” (AS:59) Berent wrote „musisz”: „Dobremu wojownikowi brzmi milej »musisz« niĨli »chcĊ«“ (WB:43). That inconsistency becomes conspicuous in the translation of the above quoted sentence: „Alles ist Schicksal: du sollst, denn du musst!”: „Wszystko jest przeznaczeniem: powinieneĞ gdyĪ musisz!” (WB:193). On the other hand, the formulation „Du sollst” functions, as already mentioned, as the beginning of the biblical or rather pseudobiblical commandments, e.g. „Du sollst nicht rauben! Du sollst nicht todtschlagen!” (AS:56) or „Du sollst dich selber tödten! Du sollst dich selber davonstehlen!” (AS:56). In that case, the possibility of expressing biblical allusions in Polish becomes much more distinct. The commandments of Zarathustra are first of all orders, in contrast to the biblical commandments, expressed as bans (namely without negation). As we can see below, it does not remain without any impact on the Polish translations:

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Zabijaj siĊ sam! Wykradaj sam siebie! (CP:66) PowinieneĞ samego siebie zabiü! PowinieneĞ sam siĊ stąd wykraĞü! (WB:41) UĞmierü sam siebie! Sam wymknij siĊ stąd ukradkiem! (LJ:57) UĞmierü samego siebie! Wykradnij stąd samego siebie! (GS:45)

Only Berent was hyper-correct here and introduced the formulation „powinieneĞ”, which caused the loss of the connection with the Polish biblical style. This is all the more striking, because the sentences „Du sollst nicht rauben! Du sollst nicht todtschlagen” in his translation keep the style of the Bible: „Nie bĊdziesz rabowaá! Nie bĊdziesz zabijaá!” (WB:194). It is remarkable, that the other translators used the imperative with negation: „Nie kradnij! Nie zabijaj!” (LJ:259, GS:197). In the passage shown above, the lexis of the Ten Commandments is very distinctive: „Werde ich falsch Zeugniss reden? Werde ich ehebrechen? Werde ich mich gelüsten lassen meines Nächsten Magd?” (AS:32–33). The first two sentences can be expressed without difficulty in line with the appropriate passages of the Bible: „Du sollst nicht falsch Zeugnis reden”, „Du sollst nicht ehebrechen”, „Nie mów faászywego Ğwiadectwa”, „Nie cudzoáóĪ”, „Do not commit adultery”, „Do not bear false witness”. This is confirmed by the Polish and English translations: Czy bĊdĊ Ğwiadczyá faászywie? Czy bĊdĊ cudzoáoĪyá? Czy bĊdĊ poĪądaá sáuĪebnicy bliĨniego mego? (CP:40) BĊdĊĪ ja dawaá faászywe Ğwiadectwo? BĊdĊĪ cudzoáoĪyá? BĊdĊĪ poĪądaá sáuĪebnicy bliĨniego mego? (WB:24-25) Czy skáadaá bĊdĊ faászywe Ğwiadectwo? Czy bĊdĊ cudzoáoĪyá? Czy poĪądaá bĊdĊ Īony bliĨniego swego? (LJ:33) Czy bĊdĊ skáadaá faászywe Ğwiadectwo? Czy bĊdĊ cudzoáoĪyá? Czy bĊdĊ poĪądaá Īony bliĨniego swego? (GS:28) Shall I bear false witness? Shall I commit adultery? Shall I cover my neighbour’s maid servant? (AT:29) Shall I bear false witness? Shall I commit adultery? Shall I covet my neighbour’s maidservant? (TC:15, RH:56, GP:25) Shall I bear false witness? Shall I commit adultery? Shall I covet my neighbor’s maid? (WK:28, CM:27, DC:18)

Let us have a look at the translation of the noun „Magd”. In the translation of Lisiecka Jaskuáa and SowiĔski, we can also see, as an equivalent, the noun „Īona”. To address the issue in a wider context, the following passage from the Luther Bible may be quoted:

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Translations of F. Nietzsche’s Zarathustra Du sollst nicht begehren deines Nächsten Haus. Du sollst nicht begehren deines Nächsten Weib, Knecht, Magd, Rind, Esel noch alles, was dein Nächster hat. (LB:104)

It has the following wording in Polish and English: Nie bĊdziesz poĪądaá domu bliĨniego twego, ani bĊdziesz pragnąá Īony jego, ani sáugi, ani sáuĪebnicy, ani woáu, ani osáa, ani Īadnej rzeczy, która jego jest. (JW:99) Nie bĊdziesz poĪądaá domu twojego bliĨniego. Nie bĊdziesz poĪądaá Īony bliĨniego twego, ani jego niewolnika, ani jego niewolnicy, ani jego woáu, ani jego osáa, ani Īadnej rzeczy, która naleĪy do twego bliĨniego. (BT:98) Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s wife, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is thy neighbour’s. (KJ:75)

In the passages from Exodus mentioned above, there are two lexemes, both „wife”, and „maidservant”; therefore, it can be assessed that the authors of the two newer Polish translations of Zarathustra made a mistake. The commandment of love of neighbour from Matthew’s Gospel can be added to the Decalogue: „Du sollst deinen Nächsten lieben wie dich selbst” (LB: 1207). The Polish and English wording is the following: BĊdziesz miáowaá bliĨniego twego jak samego siebie. (JW:52) BĊdziesz miáowaá swego bliĨniego jak siebie samego. (BT:1315) Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. (KV:873) Love others as much as you love yourself. (CV:30)

Nietzsche misinterpreted its content and introduced the opposite meaning: „Liebt immerhin euren Nächsten gleich euch, – aber seid mir erst solche, die sich selber lieben –” (AS:216). In that case, the biblical style in the translation should not cause any problems. Lisiecka and Jaskuáa: „Miáujcie sobie bliĨniego jak siebie samego – ale bądĨcie mi wpierw takimi, którzy miáują samych siebie” (LJ:222) and SowiĔski: „Miáujcie bliĨniego jak siebie samego – ale najsampierw bądĨcie istotami, które miáują same siebie –” (GS:169) used the biblical wording. In this respect, Berent failed with his translation of that passage: „KochajcieĪ swych bliĨnich jako samych siebie, lecz bądĨcieĪ mi wprzódy takimi, którzy samych siebie kochają –” (WB:164). All the English translations show the intertextual references to the Bible: Be sure to love your neighbour as yourselves, - but first of all be such as love themselves – (AT:233) Love ever your neighbour as yourselves – but first be such as love themselves – (TC:118)

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Do love your neighbor as yourself, but first be such as love themselves – (WK:172) Always love your neighbour as yourselves but first be such as love themselves – (RH:192) For all that love your neighbor as yourselves – but first he such as love themselves – (CM:147) Do love your neighbour as yourselves – but first be for me such as love themselves – (GP:148) Go ahead and love your neighbours as you love yourselves – but first be the kind of people who love themselves – (DC:137)

4. Conclusions Aside from occasional inconsistencies and discrepancies, it may be remarked that the structural and lexical coincidence of traditional German and English commandments allow one to re-establish some allusions to the Decalogue in the English translations of Zarathustra. In the case of the Polish versions, it is difficult or even impossible due to the lack of the modal verb in the Polish commandments. The allusions to the Decalogue have a significant role in the text of Zarathustra, because of inevitably being associated with the content of the Bible. Every competent language user, however passive his knowledge of the language of the Bible could be, should have the chance to recognize the biblical allusions also in the translations. The lack of the appropriate biblical style in the translations of Zarathustra leads to significant losses in the content and in the identity of this famous work.

Notes 1 For example, he wrote it in a letter to Ernst Schmeitzner in 1883 (cf. Prossliner 2002:91). In a letter from the same year to Malwida von Meysenbug Nietzsche wrote: „This is a wonderful story: I have challenged all the religions and created a new »Holy Scripture«!” (Cited after Prossliner 2002:93, translated by à.M.P.) 2 In the letter to Erwin Rohde from 1884 we can read about Zarathustra: „Everything contained in it is of mine, without examples, comparisons, predecessors” (cited after Vitens 1951:31, translated by à.M.P.), or: „In my opinion, with my Zaratustra I have developer the German language to its perfect form. After Luther and Goethe I had to take that third step forward” (cited after Prossliner 2002:97, translated by à.M.P.). 3 Cf. e.g. Köhler (2000:43, translated by à.M.P.): „It resembles with his oldfashioned bombastic language the Luther Bible and shows complacency, as it is in the Gospels, that however are being parodied, in using parables”. 4 For the abbreviations see “References”.

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Translations of F. Nietzsche’s Zarathustra

References Bennholdt-Thomsen A. 1974. Nietzsches Also sprach Zarathustra als literarisches Phänomen. Eine Revision. Frankfurt a. Main:Athenäum Verlag. BieĔkowska D. 2002. Polski styl biblijny, àódĨ: Archidiecezjalne Wydawnictwo àódzkie. Cieszkowski M. 2004. Tako rzecze Zaratustra czy Tak rzeká Zaratustra – uwag kilka o polskich táumaczeniach niepokornego tekstu. In: J. KoĨbiaá (ed.), Recepcja, transfer, przekáad (v. 2). Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 109-120. Duden.2002. Zitate und Aussprüche (Duden, v. 12). Mannheim: Dudenverlag.. Figal G. 2001. Nietzsche. Eine philosophische Einführung, Stuttgart: Reclam. Gómez T. 2007. Fryderyk Nietzsche. Czáowiek i twórca, Warszawa: Muza. Hollingdale R.J. 1999. Nietzsche. The Man and His Philosophy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jens W. 1976. Republikanische Reden, München: Kindler Verlag. Kaulhausen M.H. 1977. Nietzsches Sprachstil. Gedeutet aus seinem Lebensgefühl und Weltverhältnis, München-Wien: R. Oldenbourg Verlag. Köhler J. 2000. Wer war Friedrich Nietzsche? Kurzer Versuch, eine Jahrhundertfrage zu beantworten, Bonn: InterNationes. LipiĔski K. 2002. O starzeniu siĊ przekáadu literackiego. In: W.Cháopicki, JĊzyk trzeciego tysiąclecia II. v. 2: Polszczyzna a jĊzyki obce: przekáad i dydaktyka. (JĊzyk a komunikacja, v. 4). Kraków: Tertium, 171-181. Nietzsche F. 1999. Nachlaß 1884-1885. G. Colli, M. Montinari (eds), München: Deutscher Taschenbuchverlag (Kritische Studienausgabe, v. 11). Prossliner J. 2002. Nietzsches Zarathustra, München: : Piper Verlag. Rajewicz T. 2003. Nietzsches Philosophie in polnischen Übersetzungen. Am Beispiel von Zarathustras Rede Von den drei Verwandlungen. In: M. Krysztofiak-KaszyĔska (ed.), Probleme der literarischen Übersetzung, (Studia Germanica Posnaniensia, v. XXIX). PoznaĔ: WydawnictwoNaukowe UAM, 143-151. Safranski R. 2003. Nietzsche. Biografie seines Denkens, München-Wien: Spiegel-Verlag. Stachowiak L. 1976. Biblijny styl [encyclopedia entry]. In: F. Gryglewicz et al. (eds), Encyklopedia Katolicka. V. II, Lublin: Towarzystwo Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego.

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Vitens S.. 1951. Die Sprachkunst Friedrich Nietzsches in “Also sprach Zarathustra“, Bremen: Walter Dorn Verlag.

Sources AS = F. Nietzsche, Also sprach Zarathustra, G. Colli, M. Montinari, München 1999 (Kritische Studienausgabe, v. 4). AT = F. Nietzsche, Thus spake Zarathustra, London 1908 (translated by A. Tille). BT = Biblia Tysiąclecia. Pismo ĝwiĊte Starego i Nowego Testamentu, PoznaĔ 2000. CM = F. Nietzsche, Thus spoke Zarathustra, New York 2005 (translated by C. Martin). CP = F. Nietzsche, Tak mówiá Zaratustra, Warszawa 1901 (translated by M. Cumft and S. PieĔkowski). CV = The Bible. Contemporary English Version, London 2000. DC = F. Nietzsche, Thus spoke Zarathustra, Cambridge 2006 (translated by A. Del Caro). GP = F. Nietzsche, Thus spoke Zarathustra, Oxford-New York 2005 (translated by G. Parkes). GS = F. Nietzsche, Tak mówiá Zaratustra, Kraków 2005 (translated by G. SowiĔski). JW = Pismo ĝwiĊte Starego i Nowego Testamentu w przekáadzie polskim W.O. Jakuba Wujka S.J., Kraków 1962. KJ = The Holy Bible. King James Version, New York 1991. LB = Stuttgarter Erklärungsbibel. Lutherbibel mit Erklärungen, Stuttgart 1992. LJ = F. Nietzsche, To rzeká Zaratustra, Warszawa 1999 (translated by S. Lisiecka and Z. Jaskuáa). RH = F. Nietzsche, Thus spoke Zarathustra, London 2003 (translated by R.H. Hollingdale). TC = F. Nietzsche, Thus spake Zarathustra, New York 1999 (translated by T. Common). WB = F. Nietzsche, Tako rzecze Zaratustra, PoznaĔ 2006 (translated by W. Berent). WK = F. Nietzsche, Thus spoke Zarathustra, London 1978 (translated by W. Kaufmann).