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Persian Martyr Acts under King Yazdgird I
Persian Martyr Acts in Syriac: Text and Translation 5
Persian Martyr Acts in Syriac is a series of Syriac martyrological texts composed from the fourth century into the Islamic period. They detail the martyrdom of a diversity of Christians at the hands of Sasanian kings, bureaucrats, and priests. These documents vary from purely mythological accounts to descriptions of actual events with a clear historical basis, however distorted by the hagiographer’s hand.
Persian Martyr Acts under King Yazdgird I
Edited and Translated by
Geoffrey Herman
gp 2016
Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2016 by Gorgias Press LLC
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1
2016
ISBN 978-1-4632-0623-9
ISSN 1941-871X
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Printed in the United States of America
TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ..................................................................................... 5 Preface ...................................................................................................... vii Bibliography ............................................................................................. ix Introduction ............................................................................................ xv Text and Translation ................................................................................ 1 Indexes ..................................................................................................... 63
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PREFACE Five short Syriac Persian martyr texts are presented in this volume and translated into English for the first time. They relate to an apparently brief period of anti-Christian persecution during the reign of the Sasanian monarch, Yazdgird I (399–420 CE). Other Syriac martyrdom texts allude to persecution under Yazdgird I, but they belong, as a whole, to the period of his successor, Warahrān V. The reign of Yazdgird I has been particularly interesting to historians since it is said to mark, on the one hand, some form of formal recognition of the Persian Church and an official structuring of its ecclesiastical hierarchy by the Sasanian Empire; and yet, on the other hand, towards the end, a period of anti-Christian persecution. Both of these processes have been debated recently by scholars. It is my pleasure to thank Adam Becker, the editor of this series, for inviting me to contribute this volume, and for his careful and patient help, and to George Kiraz and Melonie Schmierer-Lee of Gorgias Press. I owe a debt of gratitude to Joseph Witztum of the Hebrew University, for carefully reading the texts and translations; and to Sergey Minov of Oxford University for his help. I would like to thank the staff of the Oriental Manuscripts department at the Staatbibliothek in Berlin for their kind assistance while I examined MS 1257; and the staff of the British Library, where I examined MS Add. 7200. During the last two years when most of the work on this volume was completed, my academic home, in the full sense of the word, has been the Mandel Scholion Interdisciplinary Research Center in the Humanities and Jewish Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. I would like to express my gratitude to the center, its devoted staff, and its academic head, Danny Schwartz, for providing such a congenial environment for the pursuit of scholarship. September 2016, Jerusalem
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Assfalg, J. Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Bd. V: Syrische Handschriften (Wiesbaden, 1963). Becker, A. “Martyrdom, Religious Difference, and ‘Fear’ as a Category of Piety in the Sasanian Empire: The Case of the Martyrdom of Gregory and the Martyrdom of Yazdpaneh,” Journal of Late Antiquity 2 (2009), 300‒36. de Blois, F. “‘Freemen’ and ‘Nobles’ in Iranian and Semitic Languages,” The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 1 (1985), 5‒15. ______. “Naṣrānī (Ναζωραῖος) and ḥanīf (ἐθνικός): studies on the religious vocabulary of Christians and of Islam,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 65 (2002), 1‒30. Boyce, M. “On the Sacred Fires of the Zoroastrians,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 31 (1968), 52‒68. Braun, O. Ausgewählte Akten persischer Märtyrer (Kempten and München, 1915). Brock, S. P., “Some Aspects of Greek Words in Syriac,” in A. Dietrich (ed.), Synkretismus im syrisch-persischen Kulturgebiet (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, Dritte Folge, 96; Göttingen, 1975; =idem, Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity; London, 1984, ch. IV), 80‒108. ______. “Christians in the Sasanian Empire: A Case of Divided Loyalties,” in Stuart Mews (ed.), Religion and National Identity (Studies in Church History 18; Oxford, 1982; =idem, Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity; London, 1984, ch. VI), 1–19. ______. “The Scribe Reaches Harbour,” Byzantinische Forschungen 21 (1995), 195‒202. ix
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______. The History of the Holy Mar Ma‘in: With a Guide to the Persian Martyr Acts (Persian Martyr Acts in Syriac: Text and Translation, fasc. 1; Piscataway, 2008). Bruns, P. “Antizoroastrische Polemik in den syro-persischen Märtyrerakten,” in Geoffrey Herman (ed.), Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians: Religious Dynamics in a Sasanian Context (Piscataway, 2014), 47‒66. Burkitt, F. C. Euphemia and the Goth: With the Acts of Martyrdom of the Confessors of Edessa (Oxford, 1913). Chabot, J.-B. Synodicon orientale ou recueil de synodes nestoriens (= Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale 31; Paris, 1902). De Menasce, J. Feux et fondations pieuses dans le droit sassanide (Paris, 1964). Devos, P. “Les martyrs persans à travers leur actes syriaques,” in Atti del Convegno sul tema: La Persia e il mondo greco-romano (Rome, 1966), 213‒25. ______. “Abgar, hagiographe perse méconnu (début du Ve siècle),” Analecta Bollandiana 83 (1965), 303–28. Debié, M. “Devenir chrétien dans l’Iran sassanide: La conversion à la lumière des récits hagiographiques,ˮ in H. Inglebert, S. Destephen, and B. Dumézil (eds.), Le problème de la christianisation du monde antique (Paris, 2010), 329‒58. Duchesne-Guillemin, J. (trans K. M. JamAspasa). Religion of Ancient Iran (Bombay, 1973). Fiey, J.-M. “Martyropolis syriaque,” Le Muséon 89 (1976), 5‒38. ______. “Maruta de Martyropolis dʼaprès Ibn al-Azraq (†1181),” Analecta Bollandiana 94 (1976), 35‒45. ______. (ed. L. I. Conrad). Saints syriaques (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 6; Princeton, 2004). Gignoux, Ph. “Éléments de prosopographie de quelques mōbads sasanides,” Journal asiatique 270 (1982), 257‒69. ______, Ch. Jullien, and F. Jullien, Iranisches Personennamenbuch, vol. 7: Iranische Namen in semitischen Nebenüberlieferungen, Fascicle 5: Noms propres syriaques d’origine iranienne (Sitzungsberichte der Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, PhilosophischHistorische Klasse 789, Iranische Onomastik 5; Wien, 2009).
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Hambye, É. R., “The Symbol of the ‘Coming to the Harbour’ in the Syriac Tradition,” in I. Ortiz de Urbina (ed.), Symposium Syriacum, 1972: célebré dans les jours 26–31 octobre 1972 à l’Institut Pontifical Oriental de Rome (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 197; Rome, 1974), 401‒11. Herman, G. A Prince without a Kingdom (Tübingen, 2012). ______. “The Passion of Shabur, Martyred in the 18th year of Yazdgird with a Fragment of the Life of Mar Aba Catholicos,” Journal of Semitic Studies 58 (2013), 121–30. ______. “The Last Years of Yazdgird I and the Christians,” in G. Herman (ed.), Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians, Religious Dynamics in a Sasanian Context (Piscataway, 2014), 67‒90. Hoffmann, G. Auszüge aus syrischen Akten persischer Märtyrer (Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 7/3; Reprint; Liechtenstein, 1966). Jullien, F. “La Passion syriaque de Mār ‘Abdā. Quelques relations entre chrétiens et mazdéens,” in R. Gyselen, Ch. Jullien, and F. Jullien (eds.), Rabbo l’olmyn “Maître pour l’Éternité”: Florilège offert à Phillippe Gignoux pour son 80e anniversaire (Studia Iranica Cahier 43; Leuven, 2011), 195‒204. ______. Histoire de Mār Abba, catholicos de l’Orient, martyres de Mār Grigor, général en chef du roi Khusro Ier et de Mār Yazd-Panāh, juge et gouverneur (Louvain, 2015). ______. and Jullien, Ch. “Aux frontières de l’iranité: ‘nāṣrāyē’ et ‘krīstyonē’ des inscriptions du mobad Kirdīr: Enquête littéraire et historique,” Numen 49 (2002), 282‒335. Khurshudian, E. Die Parthischen und Sasanidischen Verwaltungsinstitutionen (Jerewan, 1998). Kotwal, F. M. P. The Supplementary Texts to the Šāyest Nē-Šāyest (Copenhagen, 1969). Labourt, J. Le christianisme dans lʼempire perse sous la dynastie sassanide (Paris, 1904). Lewin, B. (ed.). Iggeret R. Scherira Gaon (Haifa 1921). Lieberman, S. “Roman Legal Institutions in Early Rabbinics and in the Acta Martyrum,” The Jewish Quarterly Review 35 (1944), 1‒55 (=idem, Texts and Studies; New York, 1974; 57‒111].
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Macuch, M. Das sasanidische Rechtsbuch “Mātakdān i Hazār Dātistān,” Teil II (Wiesbaden, 1981). McDonough, S. “A Second Constantine? The Sasanian King Yazdgard in Christian History and Historiography,” Journal of Late Antiquity 1 (2008), 127‒40. Marcus, R. “The Armenian Life of Marutha of Maipherkat,” Harvard Theological Review 25 (1932), 47–71. Modi, J. J. The Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees (Bombay, 1937). Mosig-Walburg, K. “Yazdgerd I., ‘der Sünder,’” in Gignoux, Ph., Ch. Jullien, and F. Jullien (eds.), Trésors d’Orient. Mélanges offerts à Rika Gyselen (Studia Iranica Cahier 42; Paris, 2009), 245‒68. Nau, F. “Un colloque du patriarche Jean avec l’émir des Agaréens et faits divers des années 712 à 716,” Journal asiatique 11 (1915), 225–79. Neusner, J. A History of the Jews in Babylonia, vol. 5 (Leiden, 1970). Payne, R. “The Emergence of Martyrs’ Shrines in Late Antique Iran: Conflict, Consensus, and Communal Institutions,” in P. Sarris, M. Dal Santa, and Ph. Booth (eds.), An Age of Saints? Power, Conflict and Dissent in Early Medieval Christianity (Leiden, 2011), 89‒113. ______. A State of Mixture: Christians, Zoroastrians, and Iranian Political Culture in Late Antiquity (Oakland, 2015). Peeters, P. “Une passion arménienne des SS. Abdas, Hormisdas, Šâhîn (Suenes) et Benjamin,” Analecta Bollandiana 28 (1909), 399‒415. Rist, J. “Die Verfolgung der Christen im spätantiken Sasanidenreich: Ursachen, Verlauf und Folgen,” Oriens Christianus 80 (1996), 17–42. Schuol, M. “Yazdgird I. und die Christen in der Überlieferung des Sokrates,” in E. Dąbrowa (ed.), Ancient Iran and its Neighbours: Studies in Honour of Prof. Józef Wolski on Occasion of His 95th Birthday (Electrum, Studies in Ancient History, vol. 10; Krakow, 2005), 95‒106. Shenkar, M. Intangible Spirits and Graven Images: The Iconography of Deities in the Pre-Islamic Iranian World (Leiden, 2014). Sokoloff, M. A Dictionary of Palestinian Jewish Aramaic of the Byzantine Period (Ramat Gan, 2002).
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______. A Syriac Lexicon: A Translation from the Latin, Correction, Expansion, and Update of C. Brockelmann’s Lexicon Syriacum (Winona Lake – Piscataway, 2009). Taffażżoli, A. “Adur-Bozed,” in E. Yarshater (ed.), Encyclopedia Iranica, I (London, 1985), 472. Van Rompay, L. “Impetuous Martyrs? The Situation of the Persian Christians in the Last Years of Yazdgard I (419–420),” in M. Lamberigts and P. van Deun (eds.), Martyrium in Multidisciplinary Perspective. Memorial Louis Reekmans (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium 117; Leuven, 1995), 363–75. Wright, W. Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired since the Year 1838, part III (London, 1872).
INTRODUCTION The five Syriac texts presented and translated in this volume provide evidence of a period of anti-Christian persecution during the reign of the Sasanian monarch, Yazdgird I (399–420 CE). The martyrs come from diverse parts of the Sasanian Empire, Bēth Raziqāyē, Bēth Ḥadyab (Adiabene), Bēth Garmai, and HormizdArdašīr in Ḥuzestān. According to the headings of three of the texts they were martyred in Seleucia-Ctesiphon, but two of the texts report that the corpses of the martyrs were subsequently moved elsewhere. There are a few other Syriac martyr texts that allude to persecution under Yazdgird I. However, they belong, as a whole, to the period of his successor, Warahrān V, and so are not included here. 1 The reign of Yazdgird has drawn the attention of historians for many reasons. On the one hand, this was an era of peace and good relations between Persia and Rome. It was also the period when Christians in the Sasanian Empire were formally recognized by the Persians and molded into some form of ecclesiastical structure. However, near the end of Yazdgird’s reign we are witness to a persecution. This striking change in approach to the Christians has been the subject of debate among scholars in recent years. 2 1 See G. Herman, “The Last Years of Yazdgird I and the Christians,” in G. Herman (ed.), Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians, Religious Dynamics in a Sasanian Context (Piscataway, 2014), 80–81. 2 See L. Van Rompay, “Impetuous Martyrs? The Situation of the Persian Christians in the Last Years of Yazdgard I (419–420),” in M. Lamberigts and P. van Deun (eds.), Martyrium in Multidisciplinary Perspective. Memorial Louis Reekmans (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium
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The first text in this volume tells of the unintended journey to martyrdom of a monk called Narseh, and it takes place in Bēth Raziqāyē (Rayy) and in Seleucia. The main characters, apart from Narseh, are a Christian priest named Šābūr, Ādur-Farro, a convert, and the chief magus, Ādurbōzē. Šābūr converts a Zoroastrian, Ādur-Farro, and builds a church on his estate. This is accomplished, however, only after Ādur-Farro agrees to furnish him with a document of sale for the land on which the church is to be built. An itinerant monk named Narseh visits Šābūr, his friend, from time to time. When Ādurbōzē asks the king to act against a wave of conversions to Christianity amongst the Persian nobility and freemen, Ādur-Farro returns to his Zoroastrian roots, and now reclaims ownership over the land, demanding the return of his land sale document. Šābūr, however, refuses to hand it over and flees with the document. In his absence the building in dispute is now converted into a fire temple. 117; Leuven, 1995), 363–75; M. Schuol, “Yazdgird I. und die Christen in der Überlieferung des Sokrates,” in E. Dąbrowa (ed.), Ancient Iran and its Neighbours: Studies in Honour of Prof. Józef Wolski on Occasion of His 95th Birthday (Electrum, Studies in Ancient History, vol. 10; Krakow, 2005), 95– 106; S. McDonough, “A Second Constantine? The Sasanian King Yazdgard in Christian History and Historiography,” Journal of Late Antiquity 1 (2008); Herman, “The Last Years”; R. Payne, “The Emergence of Martyrs’ Shrines in Late Antique Iran: Conflict, Consensus, and Communal Institutions,” in P. Sarris, M. Dal Santa, and Ph. Booth (eds.), An Age of Saints? Power, Conflict and Dissent in Early Medieval Christianity (Leiden, 2011), 47–48; K. Mosig-Walburg, “Yazdgerd I., ‘der Sünder,’” in Gignoux, Ph., Ch. Jullien, and F. Jullien (eds.), Trésors d’Orient. Mélanges offerts à Rika Gyselen (Studia Iranica Cahier 42; Paris, 2009), 245–68. For more general studies on the situation of Christians in the Sasanian empire see S. Brock, “Christians in the Sasanian Empire: A Case of Divided Loyalties,” in Stuart Mews (ed.), Religion and National Identity (Studies in Church History 18; Oxford, 1982; =idem, Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity; London, 1984, ch. VI), 1–19; J. Rist, “Die Verfolgung der Christen im spätantiken Sasanidenreich: Ursachen, Verlauf und Folgen,” Oriens Christianus 80 (1996), 17–42; R. Payne, A State of Mixture: Christians, Zoroastrians, and Iranian Political Culture in Late Antiquity (Oakland, 2015).
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When Narseh next comes to visit, unaware of all that has transpired, he discovers the fire temple in place of the church and extinguishes the fire, throwing out the Zoroastrian ritual vessels. He is seized by local Zoroastrians, and sent to Seleucia, the capital, to be interrogated by Ādurbōzē himself. After nine months in prison, when the king departs for the summer capital, he is now placed under house arrest with a Christian, who deposits a sum of money with the authorities to serve as a guarantee against flight. A short while later the king sends back a directive stipulating that his denial of the accusations against him would facilitate his immediate release. Otherwise, he must reconstitute the fire temple, a process involving the need to gather fire from 366 places. The alternative would be death. He dies, but not without various miraculous occurrences. There have been partial translations and resumes of the Martyrdom of Narseh and one complete translation. Jérôme Labourt offered a resume; 3 Georg Hoffmann a three page partial translation into German; 4 and a partial translation into French with commentary was provided by Paul Devos. 5 Oskar Braun offered a complete German translation on the basis of Bedjan’s edition. 6 The account of Tātāq describes the martyrdom of a devout Christian freeman from Bēth Ḥadyab who was a royal domesticus – a high-ranking court official. 7 He longed to follow the monastic lifestyle and abandoned the royal service without permission. He was pursued by the king and brought to Seleucia where he was held in prison for four months before his final interrogation and J. Labourt, Le christianisme dans l’empire perse sous la dynastie sassanide (Paris, 1904), 108–9. 4 G. Hoffmann, Auszüge aus syrischen Akten persischer Märtyrer (Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 7/3; Reprint; Liechtenstein, 1966), 36–8. This is based on BL Add 7200 for the extant text in this manuscript. 5 P. Devos, “Abgar, hagiographe perse méconnu (début du Ve siècle),” Analecta Bollandiana 83 (1965), 304–10. 6 O. Braun, Ausgewählte Akten persischer Märtyrer (Kempten and München, 1915), 142–9. 7 See fn. 69 below. 3
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execution. This martyrdom concludes with a description of how the brothers – that is, the monks – carried his body, together with his severed head, to the martyrium and laid it there alongside that of Narseh. It has been summarized and briefly discussed by Devos. 8 The next piece deals with ten martyrs, who were laymen from Bēth Garmai. They were converts from Zoroastrianism and were brought before the Magus, Mihr-Šābūr, in the winter palace and executed after refusing to return to Zoroastrianism. It, too, was summarized and briefly discussed by Devos. 9 The next text, the Martyrdom of Šābūr, is fragmentary and the extant text commences in the midst of events. In this piece, Šābūr rejects the attempts by Gushnaq, the persecutor, to persuade him to recant. He provokes the persecutor, who orders a beheading. He progresses cheerfully to his martyrdom, confident that even in death he lives a life of truth. Šābūr is accompanied to the site of his execution by a multitude of the faithful. On the path he continues to rejoice in his fate, extending gratitude to the king for the gift of martyrdom. Šābūr, who is fasting, is offered a drink before the execution by one of the ‘brothers’ with which to bless the crowd. He adamantly rejects this, preferring to fast until his death. After his death his corpse is hidden away by the faithful and honourably buried. The text and translation of the Martyrdom of Šābūr provided here derives from my recent publication of this text. 10 The Confession of the Blessed Mār ʿAbdā and his companions is also fragmentary but here the end is missing. The beginning refers to the martyrdom of eight Christians, headed by Mār ʿAbdā, the Devos, “Abgar, hagiographe perse méconnu,” 310–12. See J.-M. Fiey, (ed. L. I. Conrad), Saints syriaques (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 6; Princeton, 2004), 186. 9 Devos, “Abgar, hagiographe perse méconnu,” 312–14. 10 G. Herman, “The Passion of Shabur, Martyred in the 18th year of Yazdgird with a Fragment of the Life of Mar Aba Catholicos,” Journal of Semitic Studies 58 (2013), 121–30. I note here what I had regrettably overlooked at the time. The Mār Abba fragment was already identified by François Nau in “Un colloque du patriarche Jean avec l’émir des Agaréens et faits divers des années 712 à 716,” Journal asiatique 11 (1915), 272. 8
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bishop of Hormizd-Ardašīr, a city in Ḥuzestān. The king learns from the nobles and Magi that the Christians disrespect the Zoroastrian faith and their sacred temples. He is furious and orders the suppression of the Christians, summoning them to his court. Mār ʿAbdā and his colleagues, the first to arrive, are brought before him for questioning. Mār ʿAbdā, the senior amongst them, denies the charges, but a priest named Hasho, fired with zeal, interrupts their conversation. Rebuked for his lack of respect, he is nevertheless allowed to continue, and lectures the king at length on the subordinate and non-divine nature of fire. The event described here is also mentioned briefly by the church father Theodoret of Cyrus. 11 The Syriac text of the Confession of the Blessed Mār ʿAbdā was edited by Paul Bedjan. 12 A German translation of most of the text was provided by Braun and slightly modified by Bruns in a recent publication. 13 Also recently a French edition was prepared by Florence Jullien. 14 It follows Bedjan’s edition, providing a full translation of the Syriac and some commentary. An Armenian version also exists and has been studied by Paul Peeters. 15
SOME HISTORICAL AND LITERARY ISSUES
The first text, the Narseh account, which is the longest narrative presented here, is the most interesting. A literary piece of exceptional distinction, it is narrated as eye witness testimony for 11
Years.”
Eccl. Hist. V 41 (P. G. 82, col. 1272). See Herman, “The Last
AMS4, 250–253. Braun, Ausgewählte, 139–41; P. Bruns, “Antizoroastrische Polemik in den syro-persischen Märtyrerakten,” in Geoffrey Herman (ed.), Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians: Religious Dynamics in a Sasanian Context (Piscataway, 2014), 56–8. See too Hoffmann, Auszüge, 34–5. 14 F. Jullien, “La Passion syriaque de Mār ‘Abdā. Quelques relations entre chrétiens et mazdéens,” in R. Gyselen, Ch. Jullien, and F. Jullien (eds.), Rabbo l’olmyn “Maître pour l’Éternité”: Florilège offert à Phillippe Gignoux pour son 80e anniversaire (Studia Iranica Cahier 43; Leuven, 2011), 195–204. 15 See Peeters, “Une passion arménienne des SS. Abdas, Hormisdas, Šâhîn (Suenes) et Benjamin,” Analecta Bollandiana 28 (1909), 399–415. 12 13
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the final scenes 16 and employs many tropes borrowed from earlier sources including other martyrological works. A monk, for example, offers the martyr a drink on his way to the execution, mimicking the New Testament passion (see, too, the Martyrdom of Šābūr). We encounter crowds of Christians that accompany the martyr, concern that the crowd will snatch him from his executors, and the martyr’s deep desire to be martyred. Some of these tropes also appear in the Šābūr narrative. At the execution scene, a “Christian by name” is called upon to administer the death blow, and he accepts this task enthusiastically, only to be divinely punished before he can fulfil his task. Evidently, we see here an expression of inner-Christian polemic which differentiates between “true” Christians and those who are merely “Christian by name.” The narrative, however, has no intimation that involves such polemics against “Christians by name,” and this theme would seem to have been carried over from earlier martyrological narratives. 17 The Narseh narrative is particularly precious for what it wants to tell us of the relationship between the Christians and the Persian kingdom. It is the product of a Christian society that feels like part of the Sasanian kingdom and is not a priori at odds with it. A situation is portrayed whereby Christians are free to practice their faith. The authorities only interfere when Zoroastrians convert to Christianity, or when their religious sensibilities are offended. The opponents are the Zoroastrian clerics, the Magi, whereas the Zoroastrian king, and the Sasanian administrative official, the marzbān, 18 too, are not in any way “fanatical.” It stresses loyalty to the kingdom and its injunctions and confidence in a Sasanian judicial system that respects the laws of land ownership above partisan prejudices. We encounter here knowledge about It was early recognized for its literary qualities. See Labourt, Le christianisme, 108–9: “une des meilleures pièces hagiographiques que contienne la littérature syriaque;” Devos, “Abgar, hagiographe perse méconnu”, 304, fn. 1. 17 On “Christians by name” see below, fn. 57. 18 On this position see E. Khurshudian, Die Parthischen und Sasanidischen Verwaltungsinstitutionen (Jerewan, 1998), 58–72. 16
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Zoroastrianism not found in other Christian sources; namely, the complex process involved in (re-)constituting a fire temple. The other pieces have less explicit reference to Zoroastrian practice, and speak more in the form of commonplaces. Thus, Tātāq is called upon to “worship fire and the sun,” and the martyrs from Bēth Garmai are beckoned in a similar manner. More generally, the didactic purpose of these accounts is evident in their focus on the suffering of the martyr, the execution itself, and the composure and behaviour of the martyr in the face of his impending martyrdom. No less vital would be the description of the body of the martyr after execution. Emphasis is placed on the wholeness of the martyr relic, its care and preservation, protection from harm, and prophylactic qualities. The pedagogical concerns of this piece include faith healing as opposed to roots and spices. The Bēth Garmai piece refers to a part of a garment that presumably functioned as a relic. One can assume that many of these martyrdom texts accompanied actual martyr relics in martyria. This is made quite explicit at the end of the Bēth Garmai account where it notes the placement of the martyrs within the martyrium in the citadel of Lawarne. A monastic background is evident in most. For instance, Narseh is introduced with the standard monastic ascetic terms, “perfect” (gmīrā) in his service of God, repudiating worldly hindrances (msarqā), and he conducted himself in the manner of a hermit (ʾaksnāyūthā). Other topoi include terms such as one who is “dying for God” and the desire to be blessed by the martyr. The blessing is explicit in the Šābūr narrative. Tropes encountered in the Persian martyr literature include the migration of the king from Seleucia, his presence there in the winter, and the bureaucratic processes of the trial that sometimes involve Magi, the chief Magus, and the provincial marzbān. The date of composition of these martyrdom texts is debated by scholars. One of the more important and influential articles on this subject was written by Paul Devos in 1965. 19 He compared Devos, “Abgar, hagiographe perse méconnu”. See, too, his earlier broader study of the Persian martyr genre, P. Devos, “Les martyrs persans 19
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four accounts: those of Narseh, Tātāq, the Ten martyrs from Bēth Garmai, and another, not provided here, of Jacob the Notary, and observed thematic and stylistic parallels between them. According to its colophon, the Ten Martyrs from Bēth Garmai was authored by a scribe called Abgar. Devos speaks of an “Abgarian cycle,” and claims that all four had been penned by this scribe. 20 He also views these texts to be quite contemporary, composed between the years 421–424 CE 21 and believes that the “cycle” distinguishes between two periods of persecution: that of Yazdgird I is called the “great persecution,” as distinct from the persecution under Warahrān V. The three accounts which concern those martyred under Yazdgird I were composed after the second persecution had already begun, whereas that of Jacob the Notary was composed a little later, after peace negotiations had commenced with Theodosius in 422 CE, as is suggested by its apparent change in tone. It would seem, however, that certainly the Jacob the Notary piece was composed at least some decades later since it appears to allude to an account of the unusual manner of death of Warahrān V (in 438 CE). This would suggest familiarity with this Persian tradition that presumably dates after 438 CE. 22 It also seems to reflect a non-Sasanian or partisan provenance. We read there that Jacob “was strong and firm in his faith since his family was from the descendants of the Romans.” 23 à travers leur actes syriaques,” in Atti del Convegno sul tema: La Persia e il mondo greco-romano (Rome, 1966), 213–25. 20 Devos’ feeling of having recognized an authentic eye-witness and thoroughly contemporary piece of testimony is palpable. He wonders whether the “brother” who offers the martyr a cup of water on his journey to his execution was the author, Abgar, himself. This is, of course, a topos, and it also recurs in the Martyrdom of Šābūr, which was not discussed by Devos. 21 This conclusion is accepted by a number of scholars. Fiey, Saints syriaques, 94, dates it to 420 CE, and the removal of the corpse to the following year, 421 CE. See, too, e.g. McDonough, “A Second Constantine,” 130–31; Payne, “The Emergence,” 95. 22 For more detail see Herman, “The Last Years,” 82–3. 23 AMS4, 192.
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While one can agree with Devos that the Narseh piece, towards the conclusion, does refer to two distinct periods of persecution, with the second period corresponding to the time of composition, the notion that this second period is in the early reign of Warahrān V appears unlikely. It assumes a period of peace between the two apparent persecutions that is not easy to reconcile with the current reconstruction of events in view of the limited time frame allotted for Yazdgird’s persecution. As we shall see, Yazdgird’s persecution is ascribed to the very end of his reign, and that of Warahrān to the beginning of his reign. It was more likely composed after or during a subsequent persecution, perhaps under Yazdgird II in the middle of the fifth century if not later. There is, indeed, some further evidence to suggest a later period of composition for the Narseh and some other pieces here. The Narseh narrative refers to a Zoroastrian figure apparently known from Pahlavi sources, Ādurbōzē. This may well be the Ādurbōzēd mentioned in Pahlavi sources as the mōbedān mōbed (i.e. chief Zoroastrian priest) under king Yazdgird. 24 We are not told which king is implied by this name, and many Iranologists have taken this to be Yazdgird II who reigned from 438–457 CE. The appearance of the Sasanian administrative title marzbān in the Narseh narrative could also hint at a later date of composition, as this title is attested in later martyrdom texts, such as those of Mār Maʿin, Pethion, and Mār Qardagh. 25 In sum, it would appear that these accounts are unlikely to have been redacted very close to the time of the martyrdoms, but determining their date with more precision is a challenge. The date given in the piece for the martyrdom of Šābūr, the month of Adar in the 18th year of Yazdgird, presents its own See A. Taffażżoli, “Adur-Bozed,” in E. Yarshater (ed.), Encyclopedia Iranica, I (London, 1985), 472; M. Macuch, Das sasanidische Rechtsbuch “Mātakdān i Hazār Dātistān,” Teil II (Wiesbaden, 1981); and further details in Herman, “The Last Years,” 85, fn. 71. 25 See, too, Devos, “Abgar, hagiographe perse méconnu”, 313, n. 1 who observes that a theme appearing in the account of the Ten Martyrs from Bēth Garmai is prominent a century later in the Passion of St. Šīrīn of Karka de-Beth Slokh. 24
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unique problems. It suggests that Yazdgird was involved in antiChristian persecution at this early stage in his reign, and not just at the very end, as is suggested by some other sources, such as the Confession of the Blessed Mār ʿAbdā, and as assumed by many scholars. Some sources, in fact, state quite explicitly that it is was only at the very end of his reign that Yazdgird initiated persecutory measures against Christians. The church synod that took place in 420 CE 26 with royal patronage also strongly suggests that he was not persecuting Christians at this late point in time during his reign. This king’s positive image in many Christian works is well known. 27 An alternative approach might be to associate this text with Yazdgird II, who reigned from 438–57 CE, a total of 19 years, and to place this text in the penultimate year of his reign. This would not, however, tally with our current data about anti-Christian persecution which belong to the first decade of his reign. 28 On the other hand it would place this martyrdom very close to a period of Persian anti-Jewish persecution described in certain Jewish sources (455 CE). 29 The Mār ʿAbdā piece is thematically linked to the Narseh account, both dealing with alleged uprooting of Zoroastrian fire See J.-B. Chabot, Synodicon orientale ou recueil de synodes nestoriens (= Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale 31; Paris, 1902), 37–42; 276–84. The Persian church synod was held during the 21st year of the reign of Yazdgird, corresponding with the 5th year of the catholicate of Yahbalaha. Whilst the regal year would have begun on 9th August, 419 CE, the synod was held in the winter capital of SeleuciaCtesiphon, and as is stated explicitly in the proceedings, it took place in the presence of the king, placing the synod between the winter of 419 CE and the spring of 420 CE. 27 For references see Herman, “The Last Years,” 67–77. 28 See Labourt, Le christianisme, 126–8. 29 See B. Lewin (ed.), Iggeret R. Scherira Gaon (Haifa, 1921), 94–5, 96 (Hebrew) where we have for example, the following tradition: “ … and [then] Rav Naḥman, the son of Rav Huna, and he died in the year 766 [Seleucid Era = 454–455 CE] in a period of religious persecution that Yazdgird decreed to annul the Sabbath”. See, too, J. Neusner, A History of the Jews in Babylonia, vol. 5 (Leiden, 1970), 60–61. 26
INTRODUCTION
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temples, only the tone of each is strikingly different. The Narseh piece – that is closer to the Sasanian world – is clearly quite embarrassed by the whole affair, and is little short of closely argued apology and cautionary tale for something that should never have happened, but only occurred through a misunderstanding. It has the feel of being a response to an alternative version of an incident that may have been current. The fragmentary Mār ʿAbdā account, on the other hand, rings far more confrontational. Versions of it were current in the Roman Empire, as recorded by Theodoret. It is clear, then, that the texts we have before us are unlikely to have been the first word on the events they describe or imagine.
MANUSCRIPTS
The texts appearing in this volume are attested in two manuscripts. MS BL Add 7200, which is a Nestorian manuscript from the 12th or 13th centuries kept at the British Library in London, has a copy of the Martyrdom of Narseh (folios 90a–92b). 30 It lacks, however, the end of the text from the beginning of section 21, and the edges of some of the pages are frayed. This manuscript is the only source for the Martyrdom of Šābūr (folios 101a–102a) and the fragmentary text of Abdā’s martyrdom (folios 110–112). MS Berlin Or. Oct. 1257, kept in the Staatbibliothek in Berlin, also has the Martyrdom of Narseh (folios 79b–87b), and is the source for the text on the Martyrdom of Tātāq (folios 87b–90a) and the Ten Martyrs from Bēth Garmai (folios 90a–93b). 31 The Syriac text of all but the Martyrdom of Šābūr was edited and published by Paul Bedjan in his Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum syriace
See W. Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired since the Year 1838, part III (London, 1872), 1207. And see, now, F. Jullien, Histoire de Mār Abba, catholicos de l’Orient, martyres de Mār Grigor, général en chef du roi Khusro Ier et de Mār Yazd-Panāh, juge et gouverneur (Louvain, 2015), xxii–xxxi. 31 On this manuscript see, now, Jullien, Histoire de Mār Abba, xvii. 30
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series. 32 He used the German manuscript for all except the ʿAbdā account, for which there is only the London manuscript. 33 Here I have based the Syriac text on MS Berlin for the three pieces attested there, and MS Add 7200 for the other two, although all variants have been noted. All the texts reproduced here are the result of my examination of the original manuscripts.
CONVENTIONS
For this edition section numbers have been provided. [ ] Missing section completed by a later hand.
[…] Illegible passage in the manuscript, approximately one dot for each letter. ( ) Abbreviated or missing words completed on basis of conjecture.
ABBREVIATIONS AMS2 AMS4 MHD
Bedjan, P., Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum syriace II (Paris – Leipzig, 1891). Bedjan, P., Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum syriace IV (Paris – Leipzig, 1894). Mādayān ī Hazār Dādestān.
Narseh, AMS4, 170–180; Tātāq, AMS4, 181–184; 10 Martyrs of Bēth Garmai, AMS4, 184–188; ʿAbdā, AMS4, 250–253. 33 The Berlin manuscript is described in J. Assfalg, Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Bd. V: Syrische Handschriften (Wiesbaden, 1963), 53–59. This manuscript was copied in 1869 from an earlier manuscript that Addai Sher dates as 11th or 12th century (contra Bedjan who dates it to the 7th or 8th century [AMS2, vii]). This original manuscript is said to be located in the Chaldean Patriarchate in Baghdad. See S. P. Brock, The History of the Holy Mar Ma‘in: With a Guide to the Persian Martyr Acts (Persian Martyr Acts in Syriac: Text and Translation, fasc. 1; Piscataway, 2008), 87. 32
TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
1
2
PERSIAN MARTYR ACTS UNDER KING YAZDGIRD I
I. THE MARTYRDOM OF NARSEH
The martyrdom of Narseh, the monk, from the province of Bēth Raziqāyē 1 who was martyred in Seleucia and Ctesiphon in the days of King Yazdgird and in the days of the mōbed Ādurbōzē. 2
1. This blessed Narseh was a pure and holy man prior to his martyrdom. He was perfect in his approach and service to Christ, and he would conduct himself in the manner of a hermit, and repudiated all worldly hindrances.
2. Now, there was a certain priest named Šābūr, and he was a friend of the blessed Narseh. And there was a man whose name was ĀdurFarro, 3 and he was of the Magian 4 faith. He suffered from an ailment from an evil spirit and went to the priest, Šābūr, to be cured from his sickness. Now Šābūr said to him: “We Christians do not have herbs, nor roots by which we heal, but rather with the word of God and with belief in Christ. 5 Bēth Raziqāyē: modern Rayy, near Teheran. It is mentioned as a bishopric in the synods of the eastern church from 410 CE. See, e.g. Chabot, Synodicon orientale, 34, 273 (based on a correction), 285, 366. 2 Ādurbōzē: On the transcription of this name see Ph. Gignoux, “Éléments de prosopographie de quelques mōbads sasanides,” Journal asiatique 270 (1982), 258–59; Ph. Gignoux, Ch. Jullien, and F. Jullien, Iranisches Personennamenbuch, vol. 7: Iranische Namen in semitischen Nebenüberlieferungen, Fascicle 5: Noms propres syriaques d’origine iranienne (Sitzungsberichte der Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 789, Iranische Onomastik 5; Wien, 2009), 31. See, too, above, fn. 24. 3 Ādur-Farro: = Adur Farro(x). On this transcription of the Persian name, see Gignoux, Jullien, and Jullien, Noms propres syriaques d’origine iranienne, 32. The prominence of fire as a deity is reflected in the name of both this character and the chief mōbed. The other two names here, Šābūr and Narseh, are also Persian. 4 I have translated “Magian” for Zoroastrian to better reflect the Syriac idiom. 5 There is nothing distinctly Zoroastrian about such forms of healing. Evidently this is an internal Christian polemic against such methods. 1
3
TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
I. THE MARTYRDOM OF NARSEH
ܕܢܖܣܝ ܿ ܬܘܒ ܣܗܕܘܬܐ ܿ ܒܖ ܩܝܡܐ ܐܬܖܐ ܕܒܝܬ ̈ܖܙܝܩܝܐ .ܕܐܣܗܕ ܒܣܠܝܩ ܘܒܩܛܝܣܦܘܢ ̈ 6 ܼܡܢ ܿ ܒܝܘܡܝ ̈ ܘܒܝܘܡܝ ܿ ܝ ܿ ܐܕܖܒܘܙܝ ܡܘܗܦܛܐ 7܀ ܙܕܓܖܕ ܡܠܟܐ ܿ ܓܒܖܐ ̄ܗܘܐ ܢܩܕܐ ܗܘ ܗܢܐ ܿܢܖܣܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ .ܩܕܡ ܣܗܕܘܬܗ 1. ܼ ̄ ܿ ܿ ܘܩܕܝܫܐ .ܘܓܡܝܖ ܗ ܼܘܐ ܒܐܘܖܚܗ ܘܒܦܘܠܚܢܗ ܕܠܘܬ ܡܫܝܚܐ. ̈ ܿ ܥܘܘܟܘܗܝ ܘܡܣܖܩܐ ܼܡܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܘܒܐܟܣܢܝܘܬܐ ܡܗܠܟ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ. ܕܥܠܡܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ. 2.ܐܝܬ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܩܫܝܫܐ ܚܕ ܫܒܘܪ ܫܡܗ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ .ܘܚܒܝܒܗ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܪܣܝ .ܘܐܝܬ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ ܬܘܒ ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ .ܐܕܪܦܪܘܐ ܫܡܗ ̈ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ .ܘܟܘܪܗܢܐ ܡܢ ܗܘ ܗܢܐ ܼܡܢ ܕܚܠܬܐ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐܼ . ܪܘܚܐ ܒܝܫܬܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ .ܘܠܘܬ ܫܒܘܪ ܩܫܝܫܐ ܼ 8ܐܬܐ ܐܝܟ ܕܢܬܐܣܐ ܼܡܢ ܠܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ � ̈ ̈ ܣܡܡܢܐ ܐܝܬ ܠܢ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܫܒܘܪ .ܕܠܢ ܟܘܪܗܢܗܼ . ̈ ܥܩܖܐ ܕܒܗܘܢ ܡܐܣܝܢܢ .ܐ� ܒܡܠܬܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܘܒܗܝܡܢܘܬܗ ܘܐܦ� ܕܡܫܝܚܐ.
. Add 7200: missing.ܘܒܩܛܝܣܦܘܢ .ܡܘܦ . Add 7200:ܡܘܗܦܛܐ .ܩܫܝܫܐ ܫܒܘܪ . Add 7200:ܫܒܘܪ ܩܫܝܫܐ 8 6 7
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Now, if you reject the Magian faith in fire and the sun, and believe in God, you will then be helped and cured.”
3. Ādur-Farro then asked the priest, Šābūr: “Come with me to my town, build a church and settle [there], and I shall harken to all that you command of me.” And Šābūr accompanied Ādur-Farro to his town, and made him renounce the faith of the Magi, and he was healed from his sickness. And he showed him a place where he might build a church. But Šābūr the priest said to him: “I shall not build a church unless you write for me a deed of land sale.” So he wrote for him a deed, and he built the church.
4. And after a short while the mōbed Ādurbōzē came before King Yazdgird and said to him: “All of your nobles and freemen 9 have abandoned the Magian faith and become Christian. Command me that I might return them to Magianism, which they have abandoned, from Christianity which they have taken up.” The king then commanded him: “You are granted authority over them to convert them, without any killing, but only through intimidation, and with some beatings.” 10 And he converted weak ones, those who were not secure in the hope of belief, and among them Ādur-Farro, too, was converted. And he [i.e. Ādur-Farro] said to Šābūr the priest: “Leave the church, and give me the deed that I wrote you!”
̈ ̈ (nobles and freemen) see F. de Blois, ̈ On ܚܐܖܐ ܘܒܢܝ ܪܘܖܒܢܝܟ “‘Freemen’ and ‘Nobles’ in Iranian and Semitic Languages,” The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 1 (1985), 5–15. 10 The king is portrayed here, and throughout this martyrdom text, as more restrained than the Magi in the efforts to reconvert lapsed Zoroastrians. 9
5
TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
̈ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ ܒܢܘܪܐ ܘܒܫܡܫܐ ܘܡܗܝܡܢ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܐܢ ܿܟܦܪ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܒܕܚܠܬܐ ܒܐܠܗܐ ܡܬܐܣܐ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܘܐܦ ܡܬܥܕܪ .ܐܢ̄ܬ ܿ 3.ܘܒ ܼܥܐ ܐܕܪܦܪܘܐ ܼܡܢ ܫܒܘܪ ܩܫܝܫܐ .ܕܬܐ ܥܡܝ ܠܩܪܝܬܝ ܘܒܢܝ ܘܐܬܐ ܫܒܘܪ ܥܡܗ ܥܕܬ ܼܐ ܘܬܒ .ܘܟܠ ܕܬܦܩܘܕ ܠܝ ܫܡܥܢܐܼ 11 . ̈ ܕܐܕܪܦܪܘܐ ܠܩܪܝܬܗ .ܘܐܟܦܪܗ ܼܡܢ ܕܚܠܬܐ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ ܘܐܬܐܣܝ ܼܡܢ ܩܫܝܫܐ. ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܫܒܘܪ ܟܘܪܗܢܗ .ܘܚܘܝ ܠܗ ܕܘܟܬܐ ܕܢܒܢܐ ܥܕܬܐ ܼ ̄ ܕܐ� ܿܟܬܒ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܠܝ ܐܫܛܪܐ ܕܐܪܥܐ ܙܒܝܢܬܐ .ܥܕܬܐ � ܒܢܐ ܐܢܐ. 12 ܘܟܬܒ ܠܗ ܐܫܛܪܐ ܘܒܢܐ ܥܕܬܐ. ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܙܒܢܐ ܩܠܝܠܼ .ܥ�ܕܪܒܘܙܝ ܡܘܗܦܛܐ ܩܕܡ ܝܙܕܓܪܕ ܼ 4. ̈ ̈ ̈ ܗܦܟܘ ܠܗܘܢ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ .ܕܟܠܗܘܢ ܪܘܖܒܢܝܟ ܘܒܢܝ ܚܐܖܐܼ . ܡܠܟܐ ܼ ̈ ܼܡܢ ܕܚܠܬܐ ܕܡܓܘܫܘܬܐ .ܘܗܘܘ ܠܗܘܢ ܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ .ܐ� ܗܒ ܠܝ ܦܘܩܕܢܐ ܼܡܢ ܩܕܡܝܟ ܕܐܗܦܟ ܐܢܘܢ ܼܡܢ ܟܪܣܛܝܢܘܬܐ ܕܠܒܟܘ ܘܦܩܕ ܠܗ ܡܠܟܐ ܕܕ� ܩܛ� ܐ� ܒܕܘܚ� ܠܡܓܘܫܘܬܐ ܕܐܪܦܝܘ ܼ .13 ̈ ܘܒܡܚܘܬܐ ܩܠܝܠ ܝܗܝܒ ܠܟ ܫܘܠܛܢܐ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ .ܕܬܗܦܟ ܐܢܘܢ. ̄ ̈ ܘܗܦܟ ܘܐܗܦܟ ܕ��� ܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܒܣܒܪܐ ܕܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ � ܡܫܪܪܝܢ ܗ ܼܘܘܼ . 14 ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܠܫܒܘܪ ܩܫܝܫܐ .ܕܦܘܩ ܼܡܢ ܥܡܗܘܢ ܐܦ ܐܕܪܦܪܘܐܼ . ܿ ܘܗܒ ܠܝ ܐܫܛܪܐ ܕܟܬܒܬ ܠܟ. ܥܕܬܐ ܼ
.ܫܡܥ ܐܢܐ Add 7200: .ܕܐܪܥܐ ܙܒܝܢܬܐ but adds here:ܘܒܢܐ ܥܕܬܐ Add 7200 omits .ܕܐܪܦܝܘ ܢܬܦܢܘܢ . Add 7200:ܕܐܪܦܝܘ 13 . Add 7200: missing.ܐܦ 14 11 12
6
PERSIAN MARTYR ACTS UNDER KING YAZDGIRD I
5. And while Šābūr was being urged to surrender the deed, the blessed Mār Narseh happened to come to him, as was his custom. Now when Šābūr related to him the manner in which they were coercing him so as to take the deed from him, and remove him from the church, Narseh said to Šābūr: “Don’t hand over the deed! But if they apply pressure on you, take the deed and move away. And after a while you shall file suit against them 15 and you will win, since you possess the deed of land-sale.” And after Narseh took leave from Šābūr, they seized Šābūr to obtain the deed from him. He, however, went away and departed with the deed. As for the church, however, they turned it into a fire temple. 16 6. And after a few days, the blessed Narseh arrived there, knowing neither that Šābūr had left, nor that the church had been converted into a fire temple. And he opened the gate of the church, and upon entering, found a brazier constructed as is in the custom of the fire as the Magians do it, and the fire placed inside it. He, then, extinguished it, and removed the bricks of the brazier and the accoutrements of the Magians and threw them out. Then he swept 17 and restored it as a church, and settled down inside it.
7. And after some time, a Magian came from the town and found the fire extinguished, the brazier uprooted, the vessels removed and cast outside, and the victorious Narseh sitting inside. And when the Magian saw him, he rose in consternation, and said to him: “What is this that you have done?!”
The word ܒܕܝܢܐmay have fallen away here. For the idiom see M. Sokoloff, A Syriac Lexicon: A Translation from the Latin, Correction, Expansion, and Update of C. Brockelmann’s Lexicon Syriacum (Winona Lake – Piscataway, 2009), 57. 16 Examples of the conversion of “idol temples” into fire temples appear in MHD 94, 3–6 (J. de Menasce, Feux et fondations pieuses dans le droit sassanide [Paris, 1964], 31); MHD T, 37, 2–8 (de Menasce, Feux, 25). See M. Boyce, “On the Sacred Fires of the Zoroastrians,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 31 (1968), 63–4. 17 See Hoffmann, Auszüge, 37: “er fegte.” 15
7
TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
̄ ܘܐܬܐ 5.ܘܟܕ ܡܬܐܠܨ 18ܗ ܼܘܐ 19ܫܒܘܪ ܕܢܬ�ܫܛܪܐ .ܐܣܬܩܒܠ ܼ ܠܘܬܗ ܐܝܟ ܥܝܕܗ ܡܪܝ ܢܪܣܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ .ܘܟܕ ܼܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܫܒܘܪ ܕܗܟܢܐ 20 ܘܢܦܩܘܢܝܗܝ ܼܡܢ ܥܕܬܐܼ .ܐܡܪ �ܨܝܢ ܠܗ ܕܢܣܒܘܢ ܐܫܛܪܐ ܡܢܗ ܿ ܠܗ ܢܪܣܝ ܠܫܒܘܪ .ܕܐܫܛܪܐ � ܬܬܠ .ܐ� ܐܢ ܐܠܨܝܢ ܠܟ ܼܣܒ ܠܟ ܘܫܢܐ .ܘܒܬܪ ܙܒܢܐ ܿܐܡܪ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܥܡܗܘܢ ܿܘܙܟܐ ܐܢ̄ܬ .ܡܛܠ ܐܫܛܪܐ ܼ ̄ 21 ܕܐܙܠ ܢܪܣܝ ܼܡܢ ܕܐܫܛܪܐ ܕܐܪܥܐ ܙܒܝܢܬܐ ܐܚܝܕ ܐܢܬܼ . ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܼ ܠܘܬ ܫܒܘܪ ܐܚܕܘܗܝ ܠܫܒܘܪ ܕܢܣܒܘܢ ܡܢܗ ܐܫܛܪܐ .ܘܐܪܦܝ ܘܫܢܝ ܟܕ ܐܫܛܪܐ ܥܠܘܗܝ .ܘܠܗ ܠܥܕܬܐ ܥܒܕܘܗ ܒܝܬ ܢܘܪܐ. ܩܠܝ�ܬܐ ܢܪܣܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܬܡܢ .ܟܕ � ܝܕܥ ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ̈ܝܘܡܬܐ ܼ ܼ 6. ܘܦܬܚ ܬܪܥܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ. ܕܢܦܝܩ ܫܒܘܪ .ܘܐܦ� ܕܥܒܝܕܐ ܥܕܬܐ ܒܝܬ ܢܘܪܐ. ܼ ̈ ܘ ܼܥܠ ܘܐܫܟܚ ܟܢܘܢܐ ܟܕ ܒܢܐ ܐܝܟ ܥܝܕܐ ܕܢܘܪܐ ܕܥܒܕܝܢ ܡܓܘܫܐ ̈ ܘܢܘܪܐ ܟܕ ܣܝܡܐ ܒܓܘܗ ܘܕܥܟܗ ܘܐܦܩ ̈ ܘܡܐܢܘܗܝ ܠܒܢܐ ܕܟܢܘܢܐ ̈ ܘܫܕܐ ܠܒܪ .ܘܟܢܫ ܘܐܬܩܢ ܠܗ 22ܥܕܬܐ ܘܝܬܒ ܠܗ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ ܼ ܒܓܘܗ. ܡܓܘܫܐ ܼܡܢ ܓܘ ܩܪܝܬܐ. 7.ܘܒܬܪ ܩܠܝܠ ܥܕܢܐ ܼܐܬܐ ܠܗ ̈ ܘܐܫܟܚ ܢܘܪܐ ܕܡܕܥܟܐ ܘܟܢܘܢܐ ܕܥܩܝܪ ܘܡܐܢܐ ܕܡܦܩܝܢ ܘܫܕܝܢ ܠܒܪ. ܩܡ ܘܠܢܪܣܝ ܢܨܝܚܐ ܟܕ ܿܝܬܒ ܠܓܘ .ܘܟܕ ܚܙܝܗܝ ܡܓܘܫܐ ܼ ܘܐܬܕܡܪ ܒܗ .ܘܐ ܼܡܪ ܠܗܿ .ܡܢܘ ܗܢܐ ܕܥܒܕܬ.
.ܡܬܐܠܨܝܢ . Add 7200:ܡܬܐܠܨ .ܘ has been corrected by the scribe to be aܐ ̄ . Add 7200: Theܗ ܼܘܐ .ܡܢܗ ܐܫܛܪܐ . Add 7200:ܐܫܛܪܐ ܡܢܗ .ܒܕܐܪܥܐ ܙܒܝܢܬܐ ܕܐܫܛܪܐܐ . Add 7200:ܕܐܫܛܪܐ ܕܐܪܥܐ ܙܒܝܢܬܐ . Add 7200: missing.ܠܗ
18 19 20 21 22
8
PERSIAN MARTYR ACTS UNDER KING YAZDGIRD I
And Narseh replied: “I found in the house of God an abomination that angers Him and is foreign to His honor. Was I to leave it?” Then the Magian seized Narseh and raised the alarm in the town. And he gathered a large crowd of pagans and they beat him severely, put him in chains, and delivered him to a Magus who brought him to Seleucia and Ctesiphon, 23 where the king was, to Ādurbōzē, the head of the Magi. And they brought him in before him.
8. And Ādurbōzē, the head of the Magi, asked the blessed Narseh in his judgments, 24 saying: “How did you act with such audacity and were not frightened, and you entered the fire temple and killed it [i.e. the fire]?! 25 And also the brazier in which it [i.e. the fire] was placed you uprooted. And you were not in awe of the royal law?” 9. The blessed Narseh then answered him saying “From whom, then, is one to fear? From God who gave a crown to the king, and whose dominion is over all creatures; or from a transitory king, who is here today, but after a short while delivers his kingdom to others? Rather, it is you who should have been in fear so as not to bring something unfitting inside a house of God.”
10. And he gave the order and [Narseh] took a severe beating in his presence. And he said to him: “Promise to go and rebuild that brazier as it was, and bring fire and place it inside. 26 Then, you will be dealt kindly with, and your life will be given to you.”
The distance between Rayy and Ctesiphon is, in fact, quite considerable. ̈ more usually carries the sense of 24 The term employed here ܓܙܖܝ ܕܝܢܐ ‘verdict.’ Thus, for example, in Habib, 42:4 (F. C. Burkitt, Euphemia and the Goth: With the Acts of Martyrdom of the Confessors of Edessa [Oxford, 1913], English translation, p. 127). 25 “Killing” fire is Zoroastrian idiom. See, for example, F. M. P. Kotwal, The Supplementary Texts to the Šāyest Nē-Šāyest (Copenhagen, 1969), 20, 15. See, too, below, 16–18. 26 It would actually be contrary to Zoroastrian practice to have a nonZoroastrian handle the fire kept in the temple. See further, below (15). 23
9
TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
ܿ ܐܫܟܚܬ ̄ܒܒܝܬܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܛܢܦܘܬܐ ܕܡܪܓܙܐ ܠܗ ܘܐܡܪ ܢܪܣܝ. ܼ ܘܢܘܟܪܝܐ �ܝܩܪܗ ܘܡܪܦܐ ܐܢܐ ܠܗ ܘܐܚܕܗ ܡܓܘܫܐ ܠܢܪܣܝ ܘܐܪܡܝ ܩ� ܒܩܪܝܬܐ .ܘܟܢܫ ܥܡܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܕܚܢ̈ܦܐ .ܘܡܚܐܘܗܝ ̈ ܡܚܘܬܐ ̈ ̈ ܣܓܝܐܬܐ .ܘܐܪܡܝܘ ܒܗ ܫܫܠܬܐ ܘܐܫܠܡܘܗܝ ܠܡܓܘܫܐ ܘܐܝܬܝܗ ܠܣܠܝܩ ܘܠܩܛܝܣܦܘܢ 27ܐܝܟܐ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܡܠܟܐ ܠܘܬ ܐܕܪܒܘܙܝ ̈ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ .ܘܐܥܠܘܗܝ 28ܩܕܡܘܗܝ. ܪܫܐ ̈ ̈ ܒܓܙܖܝ ܕܝܢܐ 8.ܘܫܐܠܗ ܐܕܪܒܘܙܝ ܪܫܐ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ 29ܠܢܪܣܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ .ܕܐܝܟܢܐ ܥܒܕܬ ܗܕܐ ܟܠܗ ܡܪܚܘܬܐ ܘ� ܕܚܠܬܿ .ܘܥܠܬ ܼ ̄ ܠܒܝܬ ܢܘܪܐ ܘܩܛܠܬܗ .ܘܐܦ ܟܢܘܢܐ ܕܒܗ ܣܝܡܐ ܗܘܬ ܥܩܪܬ .ܘ� ܿ ܕܚܠܬ ܼܡܢ ܕܝܢܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ. ܘܐܡܪܼ .ܡܢ ܿܡܢ ܿܘ� 9.ܦܢܝ ܠܗ ܕܝܢ ܢܪܣܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܦܬܓܡܐ ܼ ܠܡܕܚܠ .ܡܢ �ܗܐ ̄ ܕܝܗ ܼܒ ܬܓܐ ܠܡܠܟܐ ܘܫܘܠܛܢܗ ܥܠ ܼ ܟܠܗܝܢ ̈ ܒܖܝܬܐ ܐܘ ܼܡܢ ܡܠܟܐ ܥܒܘܪܐ ܕܝܘܡܢܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܘܒܬܪ ܩܠܝܠ ܡܫܠܡ ܡܠܟܘܬܗ ̈ �ܚܖܢܐ ܠܟܘܢ ܿܘ� ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ ܠܡܕܚܠ ܕܡܕܡ ܕܠܒܝܬܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ � ܿܚܫܚ � ܬܥܠܘܢ ܠܓܘܗ. ̈ ̈ ܘܐܡܪ ܘܦܩܕ ܥܠܘܗܝ 10. ܘܡܚܘܬܐ ܣܓܝܐܬܐ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ ܒܠܥܼ . ܼ ܿ ܿ ̄ ̄ ܿ ܠܗ .ܐܫܬܘܕܐ ܕܐܙ�ܢܬ ܘܒܢܐ ܐܢܬ ܗܘ ܟܢܘܢܐ ܐܝܟ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ .ܘܢܘܪܐ ܡܥ�ܢ̄ܬ ܿ ܘܣܐܡ ܒܓܘܗ ܘܡܬܥܒܕܐ ܒܟ ܛܝܒܘܬܐ ܘܡܬܝܗܒܝܢ ܠܟ ̈ ܚܝܝܟ.
.ܘܩܛܝܣܦܘܢ . Add 7200:ܘܠܩܛܝܣܦܘܢ .ܘܐܥܠܗ . Add 7200:ܘܐܥܠܘܗܝ ̈ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ 29 . Add 7200: Missing.ܪܫܐ 27 28
10
PERSIAN MARTYR ACTS UNDER KING YAZDGIRD I
11. The blessed Narseh answered him, saying: “Oh fool and one without knowledge! Were I to do this, and bring fire into there, and return that which had been there, why did I remove it and cast it out? But, rather, I trust in God, whom I worship, from whose house I removed the fire and cast it out. But I shall not bring it [back] in again. And if you dare to bring it into there, and I am released alive, I shall cast it out like before.”
12. And Ādurbōzē, the head of the Magi, was exceedingly incensed, and commanded that in addition to the earlier beatings, not a few more be added. And he said to him: “Why would you have entered a house that was not yours, whose owner abandoned it and fled?” And the blessed Narseh responded: “It was not my house, nor that of the one who fled from it, but it was a house of God. And God wrote for us in his Holy Scriptures, “My house shall be called a house of prayer and atonement 30 for all the nations” 31 and no impurity may enter it. And it is written: “The zeal of your house has consumed me.” [Ps 69:9; Jn 2:17] On account of this I, too, a servant of God, have been exceedingly jealous for His house, and I removed items that should not be used there.” 13. That evil one retorted, blasphemously: “Let God come, for whom you have been so zealous, and help you!” And the blessed one responded: “Surely he has helped me at all times, and until the end he will be my helper.” And he ordered that he be imprisoned in a hard and narrow prison, and he was imprisoned for nine months enduring many trials, whilst bound with strong irons among thieves and murderers. 32
The words “and atonement” are added to the biblical verse. This verse evokes the New Testament account of Jesus’ expulsion of the traders from the Temple, e.g. Mt 21:12. 31 Is 56:7; Mk 11:17; Lk 19:46. 32 “Among thieves and murderers” evokes the crucifixion of Jesus between robbers, e.g. Mt 27:38. 30
11
TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
11.ܥܢܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܪܣܝ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ .ܣܟ� ܘܕ� ܡܕܥܐ ܐܢ ܗܕܐ ܿ ܥܒܕ ̄ ܼܿ ̄ ̄ ̄ ܿ 33 ܘܬ .ܠܡܢܐ ܗ ܣܝܡܐ ܕܬܡܢ ܝ ܗ ܢܐ ܐ ܐܡ ܘܣ ܢܐ ܡܥ� ܬܡܢ ܘܢܘܪܐ ܢܐ ܐ ̄ ̄ 34 ܿ ܿ ܐܦܩܬ ܫܕܝܬܗ .ܐ� ܬܟܝ�ܢܐ ܥܠ �ܗܐ ܕܠܗ ܿܦܠܝܚ ܐܢܐ ܕܢܘܪܐ ܡܢ ܒܝܬܗ ܿ ܡܡܪܚܝܢ ܘܐܢ �. ܥܐ � ܠܬܡܢ ܕܬܘܒ ܘܫܕܝܬ ܬ ܐܦܩ ܼ ܿ ̄ ̄ ̄ ̄ ̈ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܘܡܥܠܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܠܗ ܘܒܚܝܐ ܡܫܬܒܩ ܐܢܐ .ܐܢܐ ܫܕܐ ܐܢܐ ܠܗ ܐܝܟ ܕܒܩܕܡܝܬܐ. ̈ ܘܦܩܕ 12.ܘܐܬܓܘܙ�ܕܪܒܘܙܝ .ܪܫܐ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ ܒܚܡܬܐ ܣܓܝܐܬܐܼ . ̈ ܡܚܘܬܗ ̈ ܘܐܡܪ ܩܕܡܝܬܐ ܕ� ܒܙܥܘܪ ܥܠܘܗܝ ܕܥܠ ܢܘܣܦܘܢ ܠܗܼ . ܿ ̄ ܠܗ .ܕܐܢ̄ܬ ܓܝܪ ܠܒܝܬܐ ܕ� ܕܝܠܟ ܠܡܢܐ ܥܐܠ ܗ ܼܘܝܬ ܠܗ ܘܥܪܩܿ .ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܪܣܝ .ܕ� ܗܘܐ ܒܝܬܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܕܡܪܗ ܿܐܪܦܝܗ ܼ ̄ ܕܥܪܩ ܡܢܗ .ܐ� ܒܝܬܐ ܗ ܼܘ ܕܐܠܗܐ .ܘܟܬܒ ܠܢ �ܗܐ ܐܦ� ܕܗ̈ܘ ܼ ̈ ܒܟܬܒܘܗܝ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܒܝܬܝ ܒܝܬ ܨܠܘܬܐ ܢܬܩܪܐ ܘܚܘܣܝܐ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ ܛܢܦܘܬܐ .ܘܟܬܝܒ .ܕܛܢܢܗ ܕܒܝܬܟ ܐܟܠܢܝ. ܥܡܡܐ .ܘ� ܿܥܐ� ܠܗ ̄ ܡܛܠ ܗܢܐ ܐܦ ܐܢܐ ܕܥܒܕܗ ܐܢܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܛܢܬ ܛܢܢܐ ܕܒܝܬܗ .ܘܡܕܡ ܕ� ܿܘ� ̄ܗܘܐ ܕܒܓܘܗ ܢܫܬܡܫ ܡܢܗ ܿ ܐܦܩܬ. ܼ
ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܪܫܝܥܐ ܐܝܟ ܕܒܓܘܕܦܐ .ܕܢܐܬܐ �ܗܐ 35ܕܛܢܬ 13. ܼ 36 ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ .ܫܪܝܪܐܝܬ ܒܟܠܙܒܢ ܛܢܢܗ ܘܢܗܘܐ ܠܟ ܡܥܕܪܢܐܼ . ̈ ܘܦܩܕ ܥܠܘܗܝ ܕܢܬܚܒܫ ܥܕܖܢܝ ܘܥܕܡܐ ܠܚܪܬܐ ܡܥܕܪܢܝ ܐܝܬܘܗܝܼ . ܐܣܝܖܐ �ܝܨܐ ܘܩܫܝܐ .ܘܗܘܐ ܟܕ ܚܒܝܫ ̈ ̈ ܬܫܥܐ ܒܐܘܠܨܢܐ ܝܖܚܐ ܒܝܬ ̈ ̄ ̈ ̈ ̈ ܒܦܖܙ� ܩܫܝܐ ܒܝܢܬ ܠܣܛܝܐ ܘܩܛܘ�. ܣܓܝܐܐ ܟܕ ܐܣܝܪ ܗ ܼܘܐ
̄ . Add 7200: Missing.ܐܢܐ ܿ ܿ .ܦܠܚ . Add 7200:ܦܠܝܚ 34 �.ܗܟ �. Add 7200:ܗܐ 35 .ܛܢܢܗ ܕܒܝܬܗ . Add 7200:ܛܢܢܗ 36 33
12
PERSIAN MARTYR ACTS UNDER KING YAZDGIRD I
14. And after he had spent the whole of the winter and half of the summer in jail, and the king had departed from Seleucia and Ctesiphon as was his custom in the summer, 37 we Christians asked of the Magus who was responsible to guard over him, that he give him to us as guarantors, and we handed over 400 zuz. And we appointed a Christian lay freeman from Seleucia as a guarantor. And he wrote and accepted him on condition that whenever it was required, he would hand him over. And we brought him out. And he was in a monastery at a distance of six mils 38 from Seleucia. 15. And 12 days after he was taken out of the prison, a royal missive 39 arrived for the marzbān of Bēth Aramāyē, 40 in which the following was written: Remove all the people interned in the prison: those condemned to death should be executed; those due a reprimand should be chastised.
The royal journey from the winter capital to the summer capital would seem to be a topos in the Persian acta martyria. The Persian royal retinue traditionally divided the year, spending winter in SeleuciaCtesiphon in Āsuristān, and summer in Bei Lapat in the province of Ḥuzestān. See, too, below, Tātāq, 2. 38 Approximately 10 kilometers. 39 Sacra, σάκρα. On this word in Syriac contexts see S. P. Brock, “Some Aspects of Greek Words in Syriac,” in A. Dietrich (ed.), Synkretismus im syrisch-persischen Kulturgebiet (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, Dritte Folge, 96; Göttingen, 1975; = idem, Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity; London, 1984, ch. IV), 104–106. 40 Seleucia is in the province of Bēth Aramāyē. 37
13
TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
̈ ܣܬܘܐ ܟܠܗ ܘܦܠܓܗ ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܕܥܒܪ ܥܠܘܗܝ ܒܝܬ ܼ 14. ܐܣܝܖܐ ܼ ܘܢܦܩ ܡܠܟܐ ܼܡܢ ܣܠܝܩ ܘܩܛܝܣܦܘܢ ܐܝܟ ܥܝܕܗ ܕܒܩܝܛܐ ܕܩܝܛܐ ܼ ܿ ̄ 41 ̈ ܒܥܝܢܢ ܚܢܢ ܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ ܼܡܢ ܗܘ ܡܓܘܫܐ ܕܡܫܠܡ ܗ ܼܘܐ ܕܢܛܪܗ ܒܥܖܒܐ ̄ ܕܢܬܠܗ ܠܢ ̈ ܘܝܗܒܝܢܢ ̈ܙܘܙܐ ܐܪܒܥ ܡܐܐ .ܘܐܩܝܡܢ ܥܪܒܐ ܓܒܪܐ ܥܠܡܝܐ ܒܪ ̈ ܚܐܖܐ ܟܪܣܛܝܢܐ ܡܢܗ ܕܣܠܝܩ .ܘܟܬܒ ܩܒܠܗ ܕܐܡܬܝ ܕܡܬܒܥܐ ܢܩܝܡܗ .ܘܐܦܩܢܝܗܝ .ܘܗܘܐ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܪܚܝܩܐ ܼܡܢ ܣܠܝܩ ̈ ܡ�� ܫܬܐ. ̈ ̈ ܐܤܝܖܐ ̄ܐܬܬ ܣܩܪܐ ܕܢܦܩ ܼܡܢ ܒܝܬ 15.ܘܒܬܪ ܝܘܡܬܐ ܬܪܥܣܪ ܼ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܠܡܪܙܒܢܐ ܕܒܝܬ ̈ܐܖܡܝܐ .ܘܟܬܝܒ ܒܗ ܗܟܢܐ .ܕܐ ̈ ܢܫܐ ܐܝܠܝܢ ܐܣܝܖܐ ܐܦܩ ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ܿ ̈ ܕܫܘܝܢ ܠܩܛ� ܢܡܘܬܘܢ ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܚܒܝܫܝܢ ܒܝܬ ܕܠܡܪܕܘܬܐ ܿ ܫܘܝܢ ܢܬܪܕܘܢ.
̄ . Add 7200: Missing.ܗ ܼܘܐ
41
14
PERSIAN MARTYR ACTS UNDER KING YAZDGIRD I
As for Narseh who is a Nazorean, 42 bring him before you. Now if he denies that he extinguished the fire, and that he did not uproot the brazier in which it was placed – he may be released. But if he confesses that he uprooted it and took out [the vessels], he must go and gather fire from 366 places and bring them and place them in the house from which he uprooted the brazier and extinguished its fire. 43
On the use of “Nazorean” in the mouths of the rulers as pejorative, rather than ‘Christian’, as preferred by the Christians themselves, see M. Debié, “Devenir chrétien dans l’Iran sassanide: La conversion à la lumière des récits hagiographiques,” in H. Inglebert, S. Destephen, and B. Dumézil (eds.), Le problème de la christianisation du monde antique (Paris, 2010), 329–58; F. de Blois, “Naṣrānī (Ναζωραῖος) and ḥanīf (ἐθνικός): studies on the religious vocabulary of Christians and of Islam,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 65 (2002), 1–30; F. Jullien and Ch. Jullien, “Aux frontières de l’iranité: ‘nāṣrāyē’ et ‘krīstyonē’ des inscriptions du mobad Kirdīr: Enquête littéraire et historique,” Numen 49 (2002), 282–335. 43 The reconstitution of a fire in a local temple was a long and complex procedure that involved the collection of 16 distinct “kinds” of fire, each of which would then undergo a series of successive ignitions that vary in number from 35 to 91. The whole process, with the possible exception of one of the kinds of fire that is particularly impure (fire used for cremation), would have to be undertaken by a Zoroastrian and not by a non-Zoroastrian. Hence, the description here is parodic. On this practice see J. Duchesne-Guillemin, (trans. K. M. JamAspasa), Religion of Ancient Iran (Bombay, 1973), 62–63; J. J. Modi, The Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees (Bombay, 1937), 200–226 for references and details. See also Boyce, “On the Sacred Fires.” 42
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TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
ܘܢܪܣܝ ܐܝܢܐ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܢܨܪܝܐ ܩܕܡܝܟ ܐܝܬܝܗܝ .ܘܐܢ ܿܟܦܪ ܕܢܘܪܐ � ܕܥܟ ܘܟܢܘܢܐ ܕܒܗ ܣܝܡܐ ̄ܗܘܬ � ܥܩܪ .ܢܫܬܒܩ .ܘܐܢ ܐܘܕܝ ܕܥܩܪ ܘܐܦܩ ܢܐܙܠ ܢܟܢܫ ܢܘܪܐ ܼܡܢ ̈ܕܘܟܝܬܐ ܬܠܬܡܐܐ ܘܫܬܝܢ ܘܫܬ ܿ ܕܥܩܪ ܟܢܘܢܗ ܘܕܥܟ ܢܘܪܗ. ܘܢܥܠ ܘܢܣܝܡ ܒܒܝܬܐ ܗܘ ܼ
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16. And after the royal missive had been read before the marzbān in the presence of the Magus to whom it was delivered, the marzbān commanded the Magus: “bring the man who was given over to you!” And that Magus departed from the marzbān in great dread, and came to the guarantor of the blessed Narseh, and said to him: “Deliver the man whom you have received.” And the guarantor rose up and went to the monastery where the blessed Narseh was, and lead him, and he went out at noon, and immediately he presented him before the marzbān. And the marzbān ordered the missive to be read in the presence of the blessed Narseh. And once it was read, the marzbān said to the blessed Narseh, as if to help him so as to save him from death: “I know that you did not kill the fire.”
17. The blessed Narseh responded to him: “Once, before Ādurbōzē the mōbed 44 at the sentencing, I was asked, and I answered in truth that I killed it. And now, before you, am I to deny it?” After this, the marzbān said to him: “In accordance with the royal command, then, you must go and gather three hundred and sixty six fires, and place them in that house whence you removed the fire, and worship it. If, however, you do not act in conformity with the royal command, as you have been bidden, you shall die. Whatever you wish shall be fulfilled.”
The Middle Persian term for a Zoroastrian priest. He is earlier referred to as ‘head of the Magi.’ 44
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TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
16.ܘܟܕ ܣܩܪܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܐܬܩܪܝܬ ̄ܗܘܬ ܩܕܡ ܡܪܙܒܢܐ ܒܩܪܝܒܘܬܗ ̄ ܿ ܦܩܕ ܠܗ ܡܪܙܒܢܐ ܠܡܓܘܫܐ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ ܗܘ ܕܠܗ ܡܫܠܡ ܗܘܐܼ . ܘܢܦܩ ܡܓܘܫܐ ܿܗܘ ܼܡܢ ܩܕܡ ܡܪܙܒܢܐ ܕܐܝܬܐ ܓܒܪܐ ܕܡܫܠܡ ܠܟܼ . ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ .ܐܫܠܡ ܒܙܘܥܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ .ܘܐܬܐ ܠܘܬ ܥܪܒܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܪܣܝ ܼ ̄ ܘܐܬܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ .ܟܪ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗ ܼܘܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܘܩܡ ܥܪܒܐ ܼ ܓܒܪܐ ܕܩܒܠܬܼ . ܢܪܣܝ .ܘܕܒܪܗ ܘܢܦܩ ܒܛܗܪܐ .ܘܒܪ ܫܥܬܗ ܩܕܡ ܡܪܙܒܢܐ ܘܦܩܕ ܡܪܙܒܢܐ ܕܟܕ ܿܩܐܡ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܪܣܝ ܬܬܩܪܐ ܣܩܪܐ. ܐܩܝܡܘܗܝ ܼ .45 ܘܟܕ ܐܬܩܪܝܬܿ .ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܡܪܙܒܢܐ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܪܣܝ ܟܐܡܬ ܐܝܟ ܕܠܥܘܕܪܢܗܿ .ܕܝܕܥܢܐ 46ܕܢܘܪܐ � ܩܛܝ� ܠܟ .ܐܝܟ ܕܢܦܠܛܗ ܼܡܢ ܡܘܬܐ. ܿ 17.ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܪܣܝ .ܚܕܐ ܐܘܪܚܐ ܩܕܡ ܐܕܪܒܘܙܝ ܡܘܗܦܛܐ ܒܓܙܪ ̄ ܕܝܢܐ ܐܫܬܐܠܬ ܘܐܡܪܬ ܫܪܪܐ ܕܩܛܝ� ܠܝ ܘܗܫܐ ܿܩܕܡܝܟ ܿܟܦܪ ܐܢܐ ܒܬܪ ܗܕܐ ܼܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܡܪܙܒܢܐ .ܐܝܟ ܦܘܩܕܢܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܐܙ�ܢ̄ܬ ܡܟܢܫ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܬܠܬ ܡܐܐ ܘܫܬܝܢ ܘܫܬܐ ̈ ܢܘܖܐ .ܘܣܐܡ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܒܗܘ ܕܐܦܩܬ ܡܢܗ ܢܘܪܐ ܘܣܓܕ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܠܗ .ܐܢ ܕܝܢ ܐܝܟ ܦܘܩܕܢܐ ܒܝܬܐ ܼ ܿ ̄ 47 ܕܡܠܟܐ � ܬܥܒܕ ܐܝܟ ܕܦܩܝܕ ܥܠܝܟ ܡܐܬ ܐܢܬ ܕܨܒܝܢܟ .ܫܠܡܬ.
.ܐܩܝܡܗ . Add 7200:ܐܩܝܡܘܗܝ ܿ .ܕܝܕܥ ܐܢܐ ܿ . Add 7200:ܕܝܕܥܢܐ has been added by the scribe above the line.ܕܡܠܟܐ 47 The word 45 46
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18. The blessed Narseh said to him: “With respect to the first [statement], I killed it, and regarding the latter, I shall not restore it. But rather you do as you have been commanded.” The marzbān said to him: “I have been commanded thus: if you do not fulfil these actions you must die.” The blessed Narseh responded in a loud voice, announcing: “Death on account of God is preferable to a life interwoven with sin.” And immediately he gave the command, in accordance with the law, 48 and they put straps around his neck, and sealed them with a signet ring, and bound him from behind, and he was delivered to a loyal Magus, who would bring him to the place where he was to be executed. The marzbān was now outside the city of Seleucia. 19. And while they were leading the blessed one, and passing beside the monastery of the brothers, which was outside of the city, one of the brothers brought out water for him to drink [Mt 27:34]. But he did not wish to drink, and said the following: “Pray for me, my masters and brothers, that Christ will judge me worthy to drink living water from his spring that does not dry up!” 49 And as he passed below the city wall and reached the gate, a multitude of people met him, men and women, with great weeping and with sorrowful tears. And the loyal Magus, who was leading him to the place where he was to be executed, upon seeing the multitude weeping, feared lest he be snatched from him. And out of fear he turned him around to bring him back into the city. The blessed Narseh, when he saw that the Magus was turning him around, became gloomy and distressed, because he thought that he was being diverted towards the prison, and his martyrdom was not to be crowned 50 by the sword, as was his desire. 51
νόμος. Declining the drink recurs in Šābūr (below, 10). 50 I.e. martyred. 51 Concern for the delay and threatened cancellation of the martyrdom recurs in Šābūr (below, 6). 48 49
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TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
̄ ܿ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܪܣܝ .ܕܩܕܡܝܬܐ ܐܢܐ ܩܛܠܬ .52ܘܐܚܪܬܐ ܿ 18.ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ̄ ܬܘܒ ܬܡܢ � ܿܣܐܡ ܐܢܐ .ܐ� ܐܢ̄ܬ ܡܕܡ ܕܦܩܝܕ ܠܟ 53ܥܒܕܿ .ܐܡܪ ܿ ܐܬܦܩܕܬ .ܕܐܢ ܗܠܝܢ � ܬܥܒܕ ܬܡܘܬ .ܥ ܼܢܐ ܠܗ ܡܪܙܒܢܐ ܕܐܢܐ ܿܗܟܢܐ ܘܐܡܪ .ܕܓܒܐ ̄ܗ ܼܘ ܡܘܬܐ ܕܡܛܠ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܪܣܝ ܒܩ� ܪܡܐ ܼ ̈ �ܗܐ ܝܬܝܪ ܼܡܢ ̈ ܘܦܩܕ ܥܠܘܗܝ ܒܪ ܕܒܚܛܗܐ ܡܥܪܙܠܝܢ. ܚܝܐ ܼ ܫܥܬܗ ܐܝܟ ܢܡܘܣܐ ܘܐܪܡܝܘ ̈ ܥܖܩܬܐ ܒܨܘܪܗ .ܘܐܬܛܒܥ ܒܥܙܩܬܐ ܕܗܘ ܢܘܒܠܗ �ܬܪ ܘܐܬܦܟܪ ܠܒܣܬܪܗ ܘܐܫܬܠܡ ܠܡܓܘܫܐ ܫܪܝܪܐ ܼ ̄ ܕܡܬܩܛܠ .ܡܪܙܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܠܒܪ ܼܡܢ ܡܕܝܢ̄ܬܐ ܣܠܝܩ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ. 19.ܘܟܕ ܕܒܝܪܝܢ ܠܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܿ ܘܥܒܪܝܢ ܥܠ ܕܝܪܐ ̈ ܕܐܚܐ ܕܠܒܪ ܼܡܢ ܐܚܐ ̈ ܡܕܝܢ̄ܬܐ ܐܝܬܝܗ ̄ܗܘܬ .ܚܕ ܼܡܢ ̈ ܨܒܐ ܡܝܐ ܕܢܫܬܐ ܐܦܩ ܠܗ .ܘ� ܼ ܘܐܡܪ ܗܟܢܐܿ .ܕܨܠܘ ܥܠܝ ̈ ̈ ܘܐܚܝ .ܕܢܫܘܝܢܝ ܡܫܝܚܐ ܡܖܝ ܠܡܫܬܐܼ . ܿ ̈ ܕܐܫܬܐ ̈ ܿ ܥܒܪ ܬܚܝܬ ܫܘܪܐ ܡܝܐ ܚܝܐ ܼܡܢ ܡܒܘܥܗ ܗܘ ܕ� ܓܐܙ .ܘܟܕ ܼ ̄ ̈ ̈ ܘܕܢܫܐ ܕܓܒܖܐ ܘܡܛܐ ܠܬܪܥܐ ܐܢܫܘܬܐ ܣܓܝܐܬܐ ܐܪܥܬܗ ܕܡܕܝܢ̄ܬܐ ܼ ̈ ܘܒܕܡܥܐ ܚܢ̈ܝܓܬܐ .ܘܟܕ ܼܚܙܐ ̄ܡܓܘܫܐ ܿܗܘ ܫܪܝܪܐ. ܒܒܟܝܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ̄ ̈ ̈ ܕܗܘ ܡܘܒܠ ܠܗ �ܬܪ ܕܡܬܩܛܠ ܗ ܼܘܐ ܐܢܫܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܕܒܟܝܢ ܼ ܕܚܠ ܕܕܠܡܐ ܢܬܚܛܦ ܡܢܗ .ܘܐܗܦܟܗ ܼܡܢ ܕܚܠܬܗ ܕܢܥܠܗ ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܪܣܝ ܟܕ ܚܙܝܗܝ 54ܕܐܗܦܟܗ ܡܓܘܫܐ ܠܡܕܝܢ̄ܬܐܼ . ̈ ܐܣܝܖܐ ܐܬܟܡܪ ܦܪܨܘܦܗ ܘܐܬܬܥܝܩ ܡܛܠ ܕܣܒܪ ܠܗ ܕܠܒܝܬ ܡܗܦܟ ܠܗ .ܘ� ܡܬܟ�� ܣܗܕܘܬܗ ܒܣܝܦܐ ܐܝܟ ܨܒܝܢܗ.
ܿ ܿ .ܩܛܬ . Add 7200:ܩܛܠܬ .ܕܦܩܝܕ ܐܢܬ . Add 7200:ܕܦܩܝܕ ܠܟ 53 .ܚܙܐ . Add 7200:ܚܙܝܗܝ 54 52
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20. We, then, who were following the blessed one, and going with him, said to the Magus: “Why are you bringing him back in, and not leading him to where you have been commanded?” And he replied to us: “I am afraid lest he be seized from me by all this large crowd, and I shall be severely punished.” We then assured him that none of us would disobey the royal command. We will not do such a thing, but rather we are going out to accompany a man who is dying on behalf of God, in order to be blessed by him. And when the blessed one perceived that the Magus had turned him around to where he had been commanded to go and be crowned, he was exceedingly happy, and started to recite Psalm 117. 55 And he was reciting the psalm and proceeding with a joyful spirit to the place where he was to be crowned, called ‘the ruin of Seleucia.’ 56 21. And when he reached the place where he would take his crown of victory, he kneeled in prayer, whilst bound from behind. And the whole assembly that was with him, who had gone out to accompany him, offered prayer that the victorious and blessed one would be crowned as he desired, and seize victory from his adversary. That loyal [Magus] who was holding him then commanded one of the executors who was there, who was Christian in name, 57 to take hold of the sword, and cut off the head of the blessed one with it. He then fearlessly took the sword, boldly and firmly, and raised it up to strike him upon his neck. The Lord, then, showed a great wonder and the might of God raised that man some two fathoms from the ground and threw him down upon the earth. And he remained lying there like a dead man until the third hour. 58 And fear and dread seized those who were there.
The reference is to Psalm 118 in the Hebrew bible. The ‘ruin of Seleucia’ appears also in Tātāq 8 and Bēth Garmai 4. 57 A polemic against the weak-hearted who would not stand up to their belief in the face of persecution. This is a common theme in Persian martyr acts. E.g. Bar HadbeShaba (AMS 2, 315); Karkha de-bēth Slokh (AMS 2, 515); AMS 4, 135. 58 See Mk 15:25 for the time of Jesus’ crucifixion. 55 56
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TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
20.ܚܢܢ ܕܝܢ ܕܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܩܝܦܝܢ ̄ܗܘܝܢ ܘܥܡܗ ܿܐܙܠܝܢ ̄ܗܘܝܢ ܼܐܡܪܢ ܠܗ ܠܡܓܘܫܐ .ܕܥܠ ܡܢܐ ܿܡܥ�ܢ̄ܬ ̄ ܠܗ ܘ� �ܝܟܐ ܕܐܬܦܩܕܬ ̄ ܘܐܡܪ ܩܕܡܝܢܿ . ܕܕܚ�ܢܐ ܕܠܡܐ ܢܬܚܛܦ ܠܗ ܡܘܒ�ܢܬ ̄ ܠܗܼ . ܢܫܘܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܟܠܗ ܘܐܩܒܠ ܡܣܡ ܒܪܫܐ ܒܝܫܐ ܿ .ܚܢܢ ܕܝܢ ܡܢܝ ܼܡܢ ܐ ̄ ܐܦܝܣܢܝܗܝ ܕܐܢܫ ܡܢܢ ܠܘܩܒܠ ܦܘܩܕܢܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ � ܩܐܡ .ܘܗܕܐ ܿ ܢܦܩܢܢ ܕܢܠܘܐ ܠܓܒܪܐ ܕܡܛܠ �ܗܐ ܿܡܐܬ � ܥܒܕܝܢܢ .ܐ� ܚܢܢ ܟܠܢ ܼ ܕܢܬܒܪܟ ܡܢܗ .ܘܟܕ ܼܚܙܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܐܗܦܟܗ ܡܓܘܫܐ ܕܐܝܟܐ ܕܐܬܦܩܕ ̈ ܘܫܒܥܣܖܐ. ܢܐܙܠ ܢܬܟܠܠ ܚܕܝ ܛܒ .ܘܫܪܝ ܕܢܐܡܪ ܡܙܡܘܪܐ ܕܡܐܐ ܿ ܘܡܙܡܪ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ ܿ ܘܐܙܠ ܒܚܕܘܬܐ ܕܪܥܝܢܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܕܘܟܬܐ ܗܝ ܕܒܗ ܐܬܟܠܠ .ܕܡܬܩܪܝܐ ܣܠܝܩ ܚܪܘܒܬܐ. ܿ ܫܩܠ 59ܟܠܝ� ܕܙܟܘܬܗ ܒܪܟ 21.ܘܟܕ ܡܛܝ ܠܕܘܟܬܐ ܗܝ ܕܒܗ ܼ ܒܨܠܘܬܐ .ܟܕ ܦܟܝܪ ܠܒܣܬܪܗ .ܘܟܠܗ ܟܢܫܐ ܕܥܡܗ ̄ܗܘܐ ܢܦܩܘ ܨܠܘܬܐ ܡܩܪܒܝܢ ̄ܗ ܼܘܘ ܕܢܨܝܚܐ ܘܛܘܒܢܐ ܐܝܟ ܨܒܝܢܗ ܕܒܠܘܝܬܗ ܼ ܿ ܦܩܕ ܕܝܢ ܗܘ ܫܪܝܪܐ ܕܠܗ ܢܬܟܠܠ .ܘܙܟܘܬܐ ܼܡܢ ܒܥܠܕܪܗ ܢܥܕܐܼ . ܐܚܝܕ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ ܠܓܙܝܪܝܐ ܚܕ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ ܒܫܡܐ ܟܪܣܛܝܢܐ .ܕܢܐܚܘܕ ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܒܡܪܚܘܬܗ ܠܒܝܒܐܝܬ ܣܝܦܐ ܘܒܗ ܪܫܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܣܒܼ . ܣܝܦܐ ܕ� ܩܢܛܐ ܫܩܠ .ܘܐܪܝܡ ܕܢܡܚܝܘܗܝ ܥܠ ܨܘܪܗ .ܡܪܝܐ ܕܝܢ ܚܘܝ ܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ .ܘܠܗ ܠܓܒܪܐ ܿܗܘ ܚܝ� ܕܐܠܗܐ ܐܝܟ ̈ ܩܘܡܐ ̈ ܬܖܬܝܢ ܼܡܢ ܐܪܥܐ ܐܪܝܡܗ .ܘܥܠܝܗ ܕܐܪܥܐ ܫܩܦܗ .ܘܗܘܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܫܥ̈ܐ ܬܠܬ .ܟܕ ܫܕܐ ܐܝܟ ܡܝܬܐ .ܘܕܚܠܬܐ ܘܙܘܥܬܐ �ܝܠܝܢ ܕܐܝܬ ̄ܗ ܼܘܘ ܬܡܢ ܐܚܕܬ.
Add 7200 ends here.
59
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22. And again that Magus commanded another to take a sword and kill the blessed one. And when he did not want to, he compelled him with many blows. But he said: “I am afraid lest that which happened to my fellow will happen to me.” And when the blessed Narseh saw this, he said to him: “Do as you have been commanded, and fear not.” And he said to him: “You are dying for God’s sake, and you tell me to participate in [taking] innocent blood?!” The blessed one told him: “This, indeed, is not your will, but that of a force that is harsher than you. Raise your right arm and strike me with the sword, for I go as is my wish, as my request of God. And as for you, Christ will absolve you, and this blood shall not be considered for you as a sin.” 23. And he raised the sword while trembling with dread, and struck the victorious martyr upon his neck. And he fell on his face while gazing towards the east. 60 And the hilt of the sword broke, and after this he hit him with 18 swords 61 but it was not severed until he cut it off with a knife. 62
This is in line with the widespread early Christian practice to orientate prayer towards the east. ̈ 61 See seven swords (ܣܦܣܝܖܝܢ )ܫܒܥin the martyrdom of Bar HadbeShaba (AMS2, 315). 62 The martyr ultimately must suffer from a knife as a lamb, evoking both Jesus as the lamb of god, and Psalm 44:12, 23. See, too, the more explicit expression below in The Ten Martyrs from Bēth Garmai, 4. 60
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̄ ܘܠܗ ܢܣܒ ܕܣܝܦܐ ܕ ܦܩ ܚܪܢܐ 22.ܘܬܘܒ ܡܓܘܫܐ ܿܗܘ � ܼ ̈ ̈ ܒܡܚܘܬܐ ܣܓܝܐܬܐ. ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ̄ܢܩܛܘܠ .ܘܟܕ � ܿܨܒܐ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ �ܨܗ ܘܐܡܪ ܿ ܕܕܚ�ܢܐ ܕܠܡܐ ܢܓܕܫܢܝ ܐܝܟ ܕܠܚܒܪܝ .ܘܟܕ ܼܚܙܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܼ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ. ܢܪܣܝ ܼܐܡܪ ܠܗ .ܡܕܡ ܕܐܬܦܩܕܬ ܥܒܕ ܘ� ܬܕܚܠܼ . ܕܐܢ̄ܬ ܿܡܐܬ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܡܛܠ �ܗܐ ܘܠܝ ܿܐܡܪ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܕܐܫܬܘܬܦ ܒܕܡܐ ܙܟܝܐ ܿܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ .ܗܕܐ ܠܘ ܕܨܒܝܢܟ ̄ ̄ܗ ܼܝ ܐ� ܕܩܛܝܪܐ ܕܩܫܐ ܡܢܟ. ܐܪܝܡ ܝܡܝܢܟ ܘܡܚܝܢܝ ܒܣܝܦܐ ܘܐܢܐ ܿܐܙ�ܢܐ ܐܝܟ ܨܒܝܢܝ ܘܐܝܟ ܒܥܘܬܝ ܠܘܬ �ܗܐ .ܘܠܟ ܢܚܣܐ ܠܟ ܡܫܝܚܐ .ܘܗܢܐ ܕܡܐ � ܢܬܚܫܒ ܠܟ ܠܚܛܗܐ. ܿ 23.ܘܐܪܝܡ ܣܝܦܐ ܟܕ ܪܥܠ ܒܙܘܥܬܐ .ܘܡܚܝܗܝ ܠܣܗܕܐ ܢܨܝܚܐ ̈ ܥ�ܦܘܗܝ ܟܕ ܚܐܪ ܠܡܕܢܚܐ .ܘܐܬܬܒܪ ܠܗ ܘܢܦܠ ܥܠ ܨܘܪܗ ܼ ̈ ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܗܟܢܐ ܡܚܝܗܝ ܬܡܢܬܥܣܪ ܣܝܦܐ ܡܠܒܟܗ ܕܣܝܦܐܼ . ܘ� ܐܬܦܣܩ .ܥܕܡܐ ܕܐܝܟ ܕܒܣܟܝܢܐ ܦܣܩܗ.
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24. And after the blessed Narseh was crowned with the blood of his neck, that loyal Magus left him and departed. And we Christians took the body of the blessed martyr, with his head and blood, and we brought it to the martyrium which had been built by the blessed one and the one worthy of a good remembrance, who is the friend of the martyrs, Mār Marūtā, 63 the bishop of Ṣuf. 64 As this place had been built by him by royal command, 65 because in the days of King Šābūr, he had killed 118 martyrs there in one day. And for this reason the bishop Mār Marūtā had sought this place, and constructed therein a glorious and adorned shrine for the honour of the victorious martyrs. 25. And we washed the body of the victorious one, and made him fragrant with incense and oil. And we wrapped him in cloth and linen garments and set him in an honourable place inside the martyrium.
See R. Marcus, “The Armenian Life of Marutha of Maipherkat,” Harvard Theological Review 25 (1932), 47–71; J.-M. Fiey, “Maruta de Martyropolis dʼaprès Ibn al-Azraq (†1181),” Analecta Bollandiana 94 (1976), 35–45; idem, Saints syriaques, 136–7. 64 Martyropolis, modern Silvan in Turkey. See J.-M. Fiey, “Martyropolis syriaque,” Le Muséon 89 (1976), 5–38. 65 Sacra. See above, fn. 39. 63
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ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܕܐܬܟܠܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܪܣܝ ܒܕܡܐ ܕܨܘܪܗ ܐܪܦܝ 24. ܼ ܿ ̈ ܘܐܙܠ .ܘܚܢܢ ܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ ܫܩܠܢܢ ܓܘܫܡܗ ܡܓܘܫܐ ܗܘ ܫܪܝܪܐ ܼ ̈ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܣܗܕܐ ܥܡ ܪܫܗ ܘܕܡܗ ܘܐܘܒܠܢܢ ܠܒܝܬ ܣܗܕܐ ܐܝܢܐ ܕܒܢܐ ̈ ̄ܗܘܐ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܿ ܕܣܗܕܐ ܡܪܝ ܘܫܘܐ ܠܕܘܟܪܢܐ ܛܒܐ ܘܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܚܒܪܐ ܡܪܘܬܐ ܐܦܣܩܦܐ ܕܨܘܦ ܕܒܢܝܐ ̄ܗܘܬ ܠܗ ܗܝ ܿܗܝ ܕܘܟܬܐ ܒܣܩܪܐ ܕܒܝܘܡܝ ܫܒܘܪ ܡܠܟܐ ܡܐܐ ܘܬܡܢܬܥܣܪ ̈ ̈ ܣܗܕܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ .ܡܛܠ ̄ ܿ ܩܛܠ ܬܡܢ ܒܚܕ ܝܘܡܐ .ܘܡܛܠܗܢܐ ܒܥܗ ܗܘܐ ܡܪܝ ܡܪܘܬܐ ܐܦܣܩܘܦܐ ܠܕܘܟܬܐ ܿܗܝ ܘܒ ܼܢܐ ܒܗ ܗܝܟ� ܫܒܝܚܐ ܘܗܕܝܪܐ �ܝܩܪܗܘܢ ̈ ܕܣܗܕܐ ̈ ܢܨܝܚܐ. ̈ ܒܒܣܡܐ 25.ܘܐܫܝܓܢܝܗܝ ܠܦܓܪܗ ܕܢܨܝܚܐ ܘܒܣܡܢܝܗܝ ̈ ̈ ܘܒܟܬܢܐ .ܘܒܕܘܟܬܐ ܡܝܩܪܬܐ ܒܠܒܘܫܐ ܘܒܡܫܚܐ .ܘܟܪܟܢܝܗܝ ܒܓܘܗ ܕܒܝܬ ̈ ܣܗܕܐ ܣܡܢܝܗܝ.
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26. And when the current persecution occurred, we removed the bones of the victorious martyr where we had buried them, out of fear of the Magi, that they not expose them and deride them. And we brought some of the bones of the glorious athlete and treasure of life, 66 and placed them among the martyrs of Lawarne 67 for the help and the healing of people. And we ask of Christ, the master of the martyrs and the crowner of the confessors, that he grant us a portion and inheritance in the kingdom of heaven with the martyrs who were victorious in his truth and were crowned for his love, for eternity. Amen. The martyrdom of Narseh the monk is completed.
Treasure of life: idiom for the tomb. On the emergence of martyr shrines, see Payne, “Emergence.” On this example, see idem, 95–96. 67 Or “in the martyrium of Lawarne”? 66
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̈ ܠܓܖܡܘܗܝ ܕܢܨܝܚܐ ܣܗܕܐ 26.ܘܟܕ ܗܘܐ ܪܕܘܦܝܐ ܗܢܐ ܐܣܩܢ ܐܢܘܢ ̈ ܼܡܢ ܐܬܪ ܕܣܡܢ ܐܢܘܢܼ .ܡܢ ܕܚܠܬܐ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ ܕ� ܢܓܠܘܢ ܐܢܘܢ ܘܢܒܙܚܘܢ ܒܗܘܢ .ܘܐܝܬܝܢܢ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܕܓ ̈ܖܡܘܗܝ ܕܐܬܠܝܛܐ ܫܒܝܚܐ ̈ ̈ ̈ ܕܠܘܖܢܐ ܣܡܢ ܐܢܘܢ ܠܥܘܕܪܢܐ ܣܗܕܐ ܕܚܝܐ .ܘܒܝܬ ܘܣܝܡܬܐ ܿ ̈ ̈ ܘ�ܣܝܘܬܐ ܕܒܢܝܢܫܐ .ܘܒܥܝܢܢ ܼܡܢ ܡܫܝܚܐ ܡܪܗܘܢ ܕܣܗܕܐ ̈ ܕܡܘܕܝܢܐ ܕܢܬܠ ܠܢ ܡܢܬܐ ܘܝܪܬܘܬܐ ܒܡܠܟܘܬܐ ܘܡܟܠܢܗܘܢ ̈ ܕܫܡܝܐ ܥܡ ܣܗܕܐ ܕܐܬܢܨܚܘ ܒܫܪܪܗ ܘܐܬܟܠܘ ܒܚܘܒܗ ܠܥܠܡ ܥܠܡܝܢ ܐܡܝܢ܀ ܫܠܡܬ ܣܗܕܘܬܐ ܕܢܪܣܝ ܒܪ ܩܝܡܐ܀
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II. THE MARTYRDOM OF TĀTĀQ 68
The martyrdom of Tātāq who was of the rank of royal domesticus, 69 from the province of Ḥadyab, who was martyred in Seleucia and Ctesiphon in the days of King Yazdgird.
1. Now this blessed Tātāq was, as in this world, a freeman and a believer, and firm in his conduct with respect to Christ. And he earnestly desired at all times to depart from this world, and to be released from its miseries, and to come close to the fear of God, 70 in which sweetness is mixed, and whence life flows to all who approach it. He abandoned the honour and greatness of this world and removed himself to a monastery. And it had been but a short while that he was engaged in learning, and exercising himself in fasting, and vigils and in all manner of humility,
2. when the king ordered that he be carefully sought. And when those who sought him found him in the monastery, they brought him diligently, in accordance with the royal command. And they led him from there to Seleucia where the king was. 71 And they entered to inform him, and declared to him: “That Tātāq, who is deserving of death, we found among the Christians.” And the king commanded: “Let hard irons be cast upon him and let him be confined in prison until he is tormented. And then I shall demand an account from him why he has abandoned the honor of our kingdom that I have granted him and why he has gone over to the Christians.”
Tātāq: On this name see Gignoux, Jullien, and Jullien, Noms propres syriaques d’origine iranienne, 135. 69 Δομέστικος from Latin: domesticus. This term usually refers to a member of the protectores domestici, a unit of elite guards within the Roman and Byzantine army, and later attested in civil usage for high ranking court officials. 70 Christianity. See below. 71 See Narseh, 7. 68
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II. THE MARTYRDOM OF TĀTĀQ
ܤܗܕܘܬܐ ܕܛܛܩ ܐܝܢܐ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ̄ܗܘܐ ܿ ܒܕܖ ܓܗ ܕܘܡܣܛܝܩܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܐܬܖܐ ܕܚܕܝܒ .ܕܐܤܗܕ ܒܤܠܝܩ ܘܒܩܛܝܤܦܘܢ ̈ ܼܡܢ ܿ ܒܝܘܡܝ ܝܕܙ ܿ ܔܖܕ ܡܠܟܐ܀ ܿ ܔܒܖܐ ܗܘ ܗܢܐ ܛܛܩ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܐܝܟ ܕܒܥܠܡܐ 1.ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܼ ̈ ܿ ܿ ̈ ܒܕܘܒܖܘܗܝ ܠܘܬ ܡܫܝܚܐ. ܘܫܖ ܿܝܖܐ ܚܐܖܐ ܘܡܗܝܡܢܐ. ܒܖ ̄ ̈ ܿ ܘܡܬܖ ܿ ܕܘܘܕܘܗܝ ܘܡܢ ܓܖܓ ܗ ܼܘܐ ܒܟܠܙܒܢ ܼܕܡܢ ܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ ܿܢܫܢܐ ܼ ܿ ܿ ܢܬܩܖܒܿ .ܗܝ ܕܚܠܝܘܬܐ ܡܙܝܓܐ ܒܗ. ܢܬܦܖܩ .ܘܠܕܚܠܬ �ܗܐ ܿ ܗܘ ܗܢܐ ܪܒܘܬܐ ܘܚܝܘܬܐ ܡܢܗ ܠܟܠ ܕܡܬܩܖܒܝܢ ܠܗ ܿܢܒܥܐܼ . ܿ ܿ ܫܒܩ .ܘܠܕܝܖܐ ܫ ܼܢܝ .ܘܙܒܢܐ ܩܠܝܠ ܗܘܐ. ܘܐܝܩܖܐ ܕܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ ܼ ܿ ܘܒܫܗܖܐ ܘܒܟܘܠܗ ܡܟܝܟܘܬܐ ܘܝܘܠܦܢܐ ܝܠܦ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ .ܘܢܦܫܗ ܒܨܘܡܐ ܿ ܡܕܖܫ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ. 2.ܘܦܩܕ ܡܠܟܐ ܕܚܦܝܛܐܝܬ ܢܒܥܘܢܝܗܝ .ܘܟܕ ܐܝܠܝܢ ܿ ܕܒܥܝܢ ̄ܗ ܼܘܘ ܼ ܿ ܠܗ ܒܕܝܖܐ ܐܫܟܚܘܗܝ ܐܝܟ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܚܦܝܛܐܝܬ ܐܝܬܝܘܗܝ. ̄ ܘܥܠܘ ܘܡܢ ܬܡܢ ܠܣܠܝܩ ܐܝܟܐ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ ܡܠܟܐ ܐܘܒܠܘܗܝܼ . ܼ ܘܐܡ ܿܖܘ ܠܗܿ .ܗܘ ܚܝܒ ܡܘܬܐ ܛܛܩ ܐܫܟܚܢܝܗܝ ܒܝܬ ܕܥܘܗܝ ܐܘ ܼ ̈ ̈ ܘܦܩܕ ܡܠܟܐ ̈ ̈ ܐܣܝܖܐ ܢܦܠܘܢ ܒܗ .ܘܒܝܬ ܕܦܖܙ� ܩܫܝܐ ̄ ܼ ܟܖܤܛܝܢܐܼ . ܿ ܿ ܕܐܝܩܖܐ ܕܡܠܟܘܬܢ ܢܬܚܒܫ ܥܕܡܐ ܕܡܫܬܢܩ ܘܗܝܕܝܢ ܬܒܥ ܐܢܐ ܠܗ. ̄ܿ ܫܒܩ .ܘܠܘܬ ̈ ܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ ܠܡܢܐ ܼܐܙܠ. ܕܝܗܒܬ ܠܗ ܠܡܢܐ ܼ
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3. And after a long time, about four months in prison, the king ordered the head of the Magi to bring him and judge him, saying to him: “The king has commanded me to ask you: Why have you dared to depart from me, and embraced rebellion among the Christians – as if they could deliver you from me, or they might save you from the law of my kingdom?” 72
4. Thereupon Tātāq opened his mouth and said to the mōbed: “I have committed no sin against the king, nor have I rebelled against the kingdom through turning to the Christians. I have, rather, sought refuge in Christ, since I have perceived and learned that his honour is greater than all honours, and his kingdom is superior and greater than all kings. It is on account of this that I have taken refuge in him, since he is my helper and savior of my life.”
5. And the mōbed answered, saying to him: “At this moment the king has commanded that you die. We shall see if this Christ upon whom you rely can help you. But do as I advise you, and worship fire and the sun and I will ask the king for you to be saved from torture and death.”
6. The blessed Tātāq answered, saying to him: “I rely upon Christ, the savior of the Christians and upon His Father, the light of my soul, for if I hold fast to His faith, and not worship fire and the sun – and concerning the torments about which you have spoken, they last for but a short time, and I scorn death by means of a sword – I am thereby saved from that fire that is kept for the wicked one, 73 and for those who serve him. And He will lead me to His kingdom that does not pass away, which is kept in store for all His faithful.”
This recalls the Talmudic term דינא דמלכותא, for which see G. Herman, A Prince without a Kingdom (Tübingen, 2012), 202–7. 73 I.e. Satan. 72
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ܿ ̈ ܒܬܖ ܕܗܘܐ ܢܘܓܪܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܐܝܟ ̈ ܐܣܝܖܐ ܝܖܚܐ ܿܐܖܒܥܐ ܒܝܬ ܘܡܢ ܼ 3. ̈ ܿ ܿ ܦܩܕ ܡܠܟܐ ܠܖܫܐ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ ܕܢܝܬܝܘܗܝ ܘܢܕܘܢܝܘܗܝ ܘܢܐܡܖ ܠܗ. ܼ ܿ ܘܡܢ ܩܕܡܝ ܦܩܕ ܠܝ ܕܐܫܐܠܟ ܕܡܛܠ ܡܢܐ ܐܡܣܖܬ ܼ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܼ ܿ ̈ ܘܡܖܕܐ ܒܝܬ ܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ ܠܒܟܬ .ܐܝܟ ܕܡܫܟܚܝܢ ܕܢܦܨܘܢܟ ܫܢܝܬ ܡܢܝ ܐܘ ܼܡܢ ܕܝܢܐ ܕܡܠܟܘܬܝ ܢܦܠܛܘܢܟ. ̄ ܿ ܘܐܡܖ ܠܗ ܠܡܘܗܦܛܐ .ܕܐܢܐ � 4. ܦܬܚ ܗ ܼܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܦܘܡܗ ܛܛܩ ܼ ܼ ̈ ܣܟܠܘܬܐ ܡܕܡ ܠܘܬ ܡܠܟܐ ܥܒܝܕܐ ܠܝ ܐܦ � ܠܘܬ ܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ ܡܢܗ ܼܡܢ ܡܠܟܘܬܗ ܿ ܡܖܕܬ .ܐ� ܐܬܓܘܣܬ ܒܡܫܝܚܐ .ܡܛܠ ܿ ̈ ܟ�ܝܩܖܝܢܿ .ܘܖܡܐ ܐܝܩܖܐ ܕܠܘܬܗ ܼܡܢ ܕܚܙܝܬ ܘܝܕܥܬ ܿܕܖܒ ̄ܗ ܼܘ ̈ ܡ�ܟܐ .ܡܛܠܗܢܐ ܒܗ ܿܐܚܕܬ ܘܡܥܠܝܐ ܡܠܟܘܬܗ ܼܡܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܓܘܣܐ .ܡܛܠ ܕܗܘܝܘ ܡܥܕ ܿܖܢܝ ܿ ܘܦܖܘܩܐ ܕܚܝܝ̈. ܦܩܕ ܥܠܝܟ ܡܠܟܐ ܘܐܡ ܿܖ ܠܗ .ܒܗܕܐ ܫܥܬܐ ܼ 5.ܘܥ ܼܢܐ ܡܘܗܦܛܐ ܼ ܿ ܿ ܕܗܘ ܕܐܬܬܟܠܬ ܥܠܘܗܝ ܕܬܡܘܬ .ܢܚܙܐ ܡܫܟܚ ܡܫܝܚܐ ܗܘ ܡܢ ܼ ܕܢܥܕܖܟ .ܐ� ܐܬܛܦܝܣ ܠܝ ܿܕܡܠܟ ܐ̄ܢܐ ܠܟ ܘܣܓܘܕ ܠܢܘܖܐܿ ܿ ܩܛ� ܡܫܬܘܙܒ ܘܡܢ ܼ ܘܠܫܡܫܐ ܘܐܒܥܐ ܐܢܐ ܼܡܢ ܡܠܟܐ ܼܕܡܢ ܫܢ̈ܕܐ ܼ ܐܢ̄ܬ. ̄ 6.ܥ ܼܢܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܛܛܩ ܘܐ ܼܡ ܿܖ ܠܗ .ܕܬܟܝ�ܢܐ ܥܠ ܡܫܝܚܐ ܿ ܿ ܦܖܘܩܗܘܢ ̈ ܢܘܗܖܗ ̄ܕܢܦܫܝ ܕܐܢ ܒܗܝܡܢܘܬܗ ܕܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ ܘܥ�ܒܘܗܝ ̄ ܿ ܘܠܢܘܖܐ ܘܠܫܡܫܐ � ܿ ܕܐܡ ܿܖܬ ܡܚܡܣܢ ܐܢܐ ܣܓܕ ܐܢܐ ̄ ܘܥܠ ܫܢ̈ܕܐ ܼ ܿ ܕܩܠܝ�ܢܘܢ ܙܒܢܐ ܘܥܠ ܩܛ� ܕܣܝܦܐ ܡܡܣܖ ܐܢܐ. ܼܡܢ ܿܗܝ ܿ ܿ ܕܢܛܝܖܐ ܠܒܝܫܐ ܘܠܦܠܚܘܗܝ ܡܦܨܐ ܠܝ .ܘܠܡܠܟܘܬܗ ܢܘܖܐ ̈ ܿ ܿܗܝ ܕ� ܿ ܡܗܝܡܢܘܗܝ ܡܡܢܥ ܠܝ. ܕܢܛܝܖܐ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܥܒܖܐ ܿܗܝ
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7. And he ordered him to receive many beatings, and said to him: “Renounce the faith of the Christians, 74 and worship fire and the sun, which the king worships.” The blessed one replied: “Even if, in truth, you bring upon me all these violent and harsh torments, yet I shall never deny the belief in Christ that I hold, and nor shall I worship the sun or fire.” 8. And as they held him, the mōbed left him and reported before the king all of the things that the blessed Tātāq had said. And he again said: “We have given him judgment 75 and made him suffer exceedingly, but he has not been willing to deny his faith, nor has he consented to worship fire and the sun.” And in great anger the king commanded: “He shall be delivered to trustworthy persons, 76 and they shall take him out beyond the city, and his head shall be cut off with a sword.” And they took him out to a place called ‘the ruin of Seleucia,’ and there his head was severed in keeping with the royal command, and those trustworthy persons who had gone out with him by the royal command left him and re-entered [the city].
̈ ܕܚܠܬܐliterally ‘Fear of the On the term used here, ܕܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ Christians,’ and more generally ܕܚܠܬܐfor Christianity, further on, and elsewhere in texts from the late antique Syriac milieu, see A. Becker, “Martyrdom, Religious Difference, and ‘Fear’ as a Category of Piety in the Sasanian Empire: The Case of the Martyrdom of Gregory and the Martyrdom of Yazdpaneh,” Journal of Late Antiquity 2 (2009), 300–36. 75 In the sense of punishment. See Ex 12:12. 76 The usage and context implies a “high administrative official;” see Sokoloff, A Syriac Lexicon, 1608. 74
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ܿ ̈ ܿ ܘܦܩܕ ܥܠܘܗܝ ܕܢܒܠܥ ̈ ܕܟܦܘܖ ܘܐܡܖ ܠܗ. ܣܓܝܐܬܐ. ܡܚܘܬܐ 7. ܼ ܿ ܿ ̈ ܒܕܚܠܬܐ ܕܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ ܘܣܓܘܕ ܠܢܘܖܐ ܘܠܫܡܫܐ ܕܣܓܕ ܠܗܘܢ ̈ ܫܖ ܿܝܖܐܝܬ ܕܟܠܗܘܢ ܫܢ̈ܕܐ ܥܙܝ ̈ ܡܠܟܐ ܿܐܡ ܿܖ ܛܘܒܢܐܿ . ܘܩܫܝܐ ܐܢ ܬܝܬܐ ܙܐ ܿ ܿ ̄ ̄ ܿ ܘܠܢܘܖܐ ܦܖ ܐܢܐ. ܒܗܝܡܢܘܬܗ ܕܡܫܝܚܐ ܕܐܚܝܕ ܐܢܐ � ܟ ܥܠܝ .ܐܢܐ ̄ ܿ ܘܠܫܡܫܐ � ܣܓܕ ܐܢܐ. ܿ ܘܐܖܦܝܗ ܡܘܗܦܛܐ ܟܕ ܠܒܝܟܝܢ ܠܗ .ܘܥܠ ܟܠܗܝܢ ܐܝܠܝܢ 8. ܿ ܿ ܿ ܕܐܡܖ ܛܛܩ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܩܕܡ ܡܠܟܐ ܼܐܡܖ .ܘܬܘܒ ܼܐܡܖ .ܕܕܢܬܗ ܘܣܓܝ ܼ ܨܒܐ .ܘܕܢܣܓܘܕ ܠܢܘܖܐܿ ܿ ܿ ܐܫܬܢܕܬ ܒܗ .ܘܕܢܟܦܘܖ ܒܕܚܠܬܗ � ܼ ̄ ̈ ܦܩܕ ܡܠܟܐ ܕ�ܢܫܐ ܘܠܫܡܫܐ � ܐܬܛܦܝܣ .ܘܒܚܡܬܐ ܣܓܝܐܬܐ ܼ ܿ ܿ ܿ ܫܖ ̈ ܘܠܒܖ ܼܡܢ ܡܕܝܢ̄ܬܐ ܢܦܩܘܢܝܗܝ .ܘܖܫܗ ܒܣܝܦܐ ܝܖܐ ܢܫܬܠܡ. ܕܡܬܩܖܝܐ ܣܠܝܩ ܿ ܿ ܚܖܘܒܬܐ. ܢܫܬܩܠ .ܘܐܦܩܘܗܝ ܠܕܘܟܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܘܬܡܢ ܿܖܫܗ ܐܝܟ ܦܘܩܕܢܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܒܣܝܦܐ ܐܫܬܩܠ .ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܐܝܟ ̄ ܿ ܫܖ ̈ ܘܥܠܘ. ܢܦܩܘ ܗ ܼܘܘ ܿܐܖܦܝܘܗܝ ܼ ܝܖܐ ܥܡܗ ܒܦܘܩܕܢܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܼ
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9. And the brothers 77 gathered together, and took the body of the blessed one with his head, and brought it to the martyrium that was close by, a place where the celebrated athlete and true martyr Mār Narseh 78 had been placed. And the corpse of the blessed Mār Tātāq was [then] honoured and buried in another place.
10. May the grace and favour of our Lord preserve all of us through the prayers of the victorious martyrs, who have pleased his will, for all eternity. Amen. Completed is the martyrdom of the blessed Tātāq the domesticus.
This points to the monastic background to this composition. Earlier he seeks a life full of monastic values as a contrast to the court service in which he is employed. 78 This is presumably Mār Narseh, from Rayy, mentioned in the previous text. A Narseh, together with Seboḥt, are mentioned in another text relating to this period, see AMS2, 536. 77
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9.ܘܐܬܟܢܫܘ ̈ ܐܚܐ ܘܫܩܠܘܗܝ ܠܓܘܫܡܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܥܡ ܿܖܫܗ. ܘܐܘܒܠܘܗܝ ܠܒܝܬ ̈ ܩܖܝܒ ̄ܗ ܼܘܐ ܿ ܣܗܕܐ ܕܬܡܢ ܿ ܐܬܖ ܕܬܡܢ ܐܬܬܣܝܡ ܿ ܫܖ ܿܝܖܐ ܿ ܐܬܠܝܛܐ ܫܒܝܚܐ ܘܣܗܕܐ ܿ ܘܐܬܝܩܖ ܡܖ ̄ܝ ܿܢܖܣܝ .ܘܐܬܥܦܝ ܡܖܝ ܛܛܩ ܒܕܘܟܬܐ ܐ ܿ ܦܓܖܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܿ ܿ ܚܖܬܐ܀ ܢܢܛܖ ܠܟܠܢ ܒܨܠܘܬ̈ܗܘܢ ̈ ܕܣܗܕܐ ̈ ܿ 10.ܛܝܒܘܬܗ ܘܚܢܢܗ ̈ ܢܨܝܚܐ ܕܡܖܢ ܕܫܦ ܿܖܘ ܠܨܒܝܢܗ ܠܥܠܡ ܥܠܡܝܢ ܐܡܢ܀ ܼ ܫܠܡܬ ܣܗܕܘܬܐ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܛܛܩ ܕܘܡܣܛܝܩܐ܀
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III. THE TEN MARTYRS FROM BĒTH GARMAI
The martyrdom of the ten martyrs from the region of Bēth Garmai, who were martyred in Seleucia and Ctesiphon in the days of King Yazdgird.
1. These blessed ones were lay people, and years before, some of them had been of the faith of the Magi, and they became disciples 79 of the faith of God. And some of them married Magian women, and converted them to the firm belief of Christ. And these were their names: Hormizd, Aiti, Māri, Anni, Atti, Jacob, Ḥawrā, Pāpā, Nemrod, Ādarparva. 80 Now these ten were seized and chains were cast upon them. They arrived at the royal court 81 in winter in distress, and they brought them in before Mihr-Šābūr the impure, who was an evil and sinful Magus. 82 2. And he said to them: “What is your faith?” They said: “We are Christians, and we serve God, Lord of all creatures and his Messiah, and to him do we bow down”. He said to them: “I have heard about you, that you were Magian, and worshipped fire and the sun. How could you abandon the true faith and come to this error?” They said: “Don’t confound your words, calling the true faith an error and a destructive error truth.”
I.e. converts. This list includes Persian (Hormizd, Ādarparva, Pāpā) and biblical (Aiti, Jacob, Nemrod) names. Use of the name Nimrod suggests a local patriotic Assyrian touch. Aiti, the name of one of King David’s generals in 2Sm 15:19 is also attested as a Jewish personal name in the Babylonian Talmud (Bava Meṣiʿa 14a). 81 Literally, gate. 82 On the identity and title of this person see Gignoux, “Éléments,” 265. 79
80
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III. THE TEN MARTYRS FROM BĒTH GARMAI
̈ ܓܖܡܝ ܕܐܣܗܕܘ ܬܘܒ ܣܗܕܘܬܐ ܕܥܣܪܐ ܣܗܕܝܢ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܒܝܬ ̈ ܒܝܘܡܝ ܝܙܕܓܪܕ ܡܠܟܐ ܒܣܠܝܩ ܘܒܩܛܝܣܦܘܢ ̄ ̈ 1.ܗܢܘܢ ܕܝܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ܗܘܘ ̈ ܘܡܢ ܩܕܡ ܒܢܝ ܥܠܡܐܼ . ̈ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ .ܘܐܬܬܠܡܕܘ ܫܢ̈ܝܐ ܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ̄ܗܘܘ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܒܕܚܠܬܐ ̈ ܡܓܘܫܬܐ .ܘܬܠܡܕܘ ̈ ܐܢܝܢ ܫܩܠܘ ܢ̈ܫܐ ܠܕܚܠܬ �ܗܐ .ܘܡܢܗܘܢ ܼ ̈ ܠܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ ܿ ܫܖ ܿܝܖܬܐ ܕܡܫܝܚܐ .ܘܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ܫܡܗܝܗܘܢ ܗܠܝܢ. ܦܦܐ .ܢܡܪܕ. ܗܘܪܡܙܕ .ܐܝܬܝ .ܡܪܝ .ܐܢܝ .ܐܬܝ .ܝܥܩܘܒ .ܚܘܪܐ. ̈ ̈ ܘܢܦܠ ܒܗܘܢ ܫܫܠܬܐ .ܘܐܬܘ ܐܕܪܦܪܘܐ .ܐܬܬܚܕܘ ܕܝܢ ܥܣܖܬܝܗܘܢ ܼ ܠܬܪܥܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܒܣܬܘܐ ܒܐܘܠܨܢܐ .ܘܐܝܬܝܘ ܘܐܥܠܘ ܐܢܘܢ ܩܕܡ ܡܝܗܪܫܒܘܪ ܛܡܐܐ ܐܝܢܐ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ̄ܗܘܐ ܡܓܘܫܐ ܪܫܝܥܐ ܘܥܘ�. 2.ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ ܕܡܢܐ ̄ܗܝ ܕܚܠܬܟܘܢܿ .ܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ ̈ ܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ ܐܝܬܝܢ .ܘ�ܠܗܐ ܡܪܐ ܕܟܠܗܝܢ ̈ ܒܖܝܬܐ ܘܠܡܫܝܚܗ ܿܦܠܚܝܢ ܚ̄ܢܢ ̈ ܕܡܓܘܫܐ ܘܠܗ ܿܣܓܕܝܢܢܿ .ܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ ܕܫܡܝܥ ܠܝ ܥܠܝܟܘܢ. ̄ܗܘܝܬܘܢ .ܘܠܢܘܪܐ ܘܠܫܡܫܐ ܿܣܓܕܝܢ ̄ܗܘܝܬܘܢ .ܐܝܟܢܐ ܿܗܝ ܕܚܠܬܐ ܫܪܝܪܬܐ ܫܒܩܬܘܢ .ܘܠܗܕܐ ܛܥܝܘܬܐ ܐܬܝܬܘܢܿ .ܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ� . ܬܫܚܠܦ ܡܠܬܟ ܘܬܩܪܐ ܠܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ ܕܫܪܪܐ ܛܥܝܘܬܐ ܘܠܛܥܝܘܬܐ ܡܘܒܕܢܝܬܐ ܬܩܪܐ ܫܪܪܐ.
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3. And he commanded that the white hairs of their beards be plucked out, and that they be struck with fists upon their cheeks, saying to them: “Why in your old age 83 have you come to this faith?” They answered him: “When we were youths we did not know the truth. And we wasted the duration of our youth in the empty worship of fire and the sun. But once we acquired the faculty of wisdom and intelligence we turned to know God, the creator of the sun and fire.” And he said to them: “Harken to the king, and depart from this foolishness that you hold on to, and I shall show you my gratitude and you shall go home in peace, before the king hears and you receive a punishment of death by his command.” And the distinguished elders responded to him: “We do not wish you to show us your gratitude, when you turn us from our belief, and lead us astray from the truth that we hold on to. But we will be grateful to you when you do the following to us: You crown our hoariness with a death so that we may proceed towards God in happiness, and not return to our homes in pain and in grief. And the travails of the journey we took will have been for nought and a waste.” And he said to them: “You really crave to die! Perhaps you owe something, and with this pretext you desire to be delivered [from this], that you seek death for yourselves? Allow me that if you owe any kind of debt, I shall tell the king and he shall write to release you from your debt.”
See the rabbinic account concerning the late first century/early second century rabbi, R. Eliezer b. Hyrcanus (t. Ḥullin 2:24 (Tosephta Based on the Erfurt and Vienna Codices, M. S. Zuckermandel ed., Jerusalem, 1970, p. 503): “It happened that R. Eliezer was arrested for heresy and they brought him up to the bema for judgment. The hegemon said to him: ‘would such an elder like you be involved in such things?’ He answered him: ‘the judge is trustworthy for me.’ The hegemon assumed that he referred to himself, whereas he had in mind his father in heaven. He said to him: ‘Since you have put your trust in me, I too, have thought: Could such grey hairs err in such matters, dimissus!’” See S. Lieberman, “Roman Legal Institutions in Early Rabbinics and in the Acta Martyrum,” The Jewish Quarterly Review 35 (1944), 20–24. 83
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̈ ̈ ܦܟܝܗܘܢ ܕܚܘܖܬܐ ܕܕܩܢܝܗܘܢ ܢܡܠܓܘܢ .ܘܥܠ 3.ܘܦܩܕ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܿ ̈ ܠܗܘܢ .ܡܢܘ ܒܣܝܒܘܬܟܘܢ ܠܗܕܐ ܕܚܠܬܐ ܒܙܘܖܐ ܢܡܚܘܢ ܐܢܘܢ .ܐܡܪ ̈ ܐܬܝܬܘܢܿ .ܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ ܟܕ ܛܠܝܐ ̄ܗܘܝܢ ܠܫܪܪܐ � ܿܚܟܡܝܢ ̄ܗܘܝܢ. ̈ ܘܡܢ ܘܐܘܒܕܢܢ ܝܘܡܬܐ ܕܛܠܝܘܬܢ ܒܣܓܕܬܐ ܣܪܝܩܬܐ ܕܢܘܪܐ ܘܕܫܡܫܐܼ . ܕܗܘܐ ܒܢ ܡܕܥܐ ܕܚܟܡܬܐ ܘܕܒܘܝܢܐ .ܐܬܦܢܝܢ ܘܝܕܥܢ �ܠܗܐ ܒܪܘܝܗ ܘܥܒܪܘ ܼܡܢ ܗܕܐ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ .ܐܫܬܡܥܘ ܠܡܠܟܐܼ . ܕܢܘܪܐ ܘܕܫܡܫܐܼ . ̄ ̈ ܘܐܩܒܠ ܛܝܒܘܬܟܘܢ ܘܒܫܝܢܐ ܠܒܬܝܟܘܢ ܠܘܬܐ ܕܠܒܝܟܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢܿ . ܬܐܙܠܘܢ .ܥܕ� ܢܫܡܥ ܡܠܟܐ .ܘܡܣܡ ܒܪܫܐ ܕܡܘܬܐ ܒܦܘܩܕܢܗ ܬܩܒܠܘܢ .ܘܐܡܪܘ ܠܗ ̈ ̈ ܗܕܝܖܐ .ܕܚܢܢ � ܿܒܥܝܢܢ ܕܐܢ̄ܬ ܬܩܒܠ ܣܒܐ ܼ ̄ ܛܝܒܘܬܢ ܟܕ ܼܡܢ ܗܝܡܢܘܬܢ ܡܗܦܟ ܐܢܬ ܠܢ ܘ ܼܡܢ ܫܪܪܐ ܕܐܚܝܕܝܢܢ ܡܫܪܥ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܠܢ ܐ� ܚܢܢ ܡܩܒܠܝܢ ܚ̄ܢܢ ܛܝܒܘܬܟ ܟܕ ܗܕܐ ܬܥܒܕ ܠܘܬܢ .ܕܒܩܛ� ܬܟܠܠ ܣܝܒܘܬܢ .ܘܢܐܙܠ ܠܘܬ �ܗܐ ܟܕ ܿܚܕܝܢ ܚ̄ܢܢ ܘ� ܢܗܦܘܟ ܠܒܬܝ̈ܢ ܒܥܩܬܐ ܘܒܟܪܝܘܬܐ ܘܢܗܘܐ ܥܡ� ܿ ܕܐܘܖܚܐ ܿ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ .ܛܒ ܪܓܝܓܝܢ ܐܢ̄ܬܘܢ ܕܐܬܝܢ ܒܗ ܣܪܝܩܐ ܘܒܛ�ܼ . ܼ ܿ ̄ ܿ ܠܡܘܬܐ .ܕܠܡܐ ܡܕܡ ܚܝܒܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ .ܘܒܥܠܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܒܥܝܢ ܕܬܬܦܨܘܢ ܟܕ ܡܘܬܐ ܠܢܦܫܟܘܢ ̄ ܿܫܐܠܝܢ ܐܢ̄ܬܘܢ ܥܒܕܘ ܠܝ ܨܒܝܢܐ ܘܐܢ ܡܕܡ ܚܝܒܝܢ ܐܢ̄ܬܘܢ ܿܐܡܪ ܐܢܐ ܠܡܠܟܐܿ . ܘܟܬܒ ܘܡܚܪܪ ܠܟܘܢ ܼܡܢ ܚܘܒܬܐ.
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The blessed ones replied to him: “We owe nothing to anyone, but to God, a debt of sins and for the error of our youth. And we wish and entreat that he allows us to pay our debt with the blood of our necks.”
4. And the evil and impure Mihr-Šābūr entered, and informed the king, who commanded: “Either they obey and worship the sun and fire; or if not, they should be slaughtered with a knife like lambs.” 84 And a subordinate 85 went out and said to them: “Thus commanded the king: You shall worship the sun and fire, and then return to your homes, but if you do not obey, he commanded that you die.” And they all responded equally as of one accord: “We shall not carry out the king’s wishes, and we shall not worship the sun and the fire, but rather we are prepared to die for our God. And he entered and informed the king and he commanded that they go out and die according to his former command. And there went out with them a royal subordinate and a Magus, and they brought them out to the ‘ruin of Seleucia.’
5. And while they were preparing to go to where they were crowned [as martyrs] one of them said, while smirking, to that Magus and to the subordinate: “Will you release one who recants?” They replied to him: “The king will even be grateful to you.” And his companions rushed over and took hold of him, saying to him: “No! On your life, you shall not escape! Until today you have eaten [the bread of] 86 the son of Mary, 87 and now that the battle has arrived, are you to recant?”
See Narseh, 23. The word ܡܗܝܡܢܐtranslated here and throughout as “subordinate” refers to a loyal assistant, a confidante to the king. It could also be rendered as “eunuch.” 86 Lacuna. 87 I.e. participation in the Eucharist. 84 85
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̄ ̈ ܛܘܒܢܐ .ܚܢܢ �ܢܫ ܡܕܡ � ܿܚܝܒܝܢܢ .ܐ� ܐܢ �ܠܗܐ ܿܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ ̈ ܚܘܒܬܐ ܕܚܛܗܐ ܘܕܛܥܝܘܬܐ ܕܛܠܝܘܬܢܿ . ܘܒܥܝܢܢ ܘܡܬܟܫܦܝܢ ܚ̄ܢܢ ܕܢܬܠ ܠܢ ܕܒܕܡܐ ܕܨܘܪܢ ܢܦܪܘܥ ܚܘܒܬܢ. ܘܦܩܕ ܕܐܢ 4.ܘ ܼܥܠ ܪܫܝܥܐ ܘܛܡܐܐ ܡܝܗܪܫܒܘܪ ܘܐܘܕܥ ܠܡܠܟܐܼ . ܡܬܛܦܝܣܝܢ ܿ ܘܣܓܕܝܢ ܠܫܡܫܐ ܘܠܢܘܪܐ ܘܐ� ܐܝܟ ̈ ܥܖܒܐ ܒܣܟܝܢܐ ܦܩܕ ܡܠܟܐ ܘܐܡ ܿܖ ܠܗܘܢ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ .ܕܗܟܢܐ ܼ ܢܬܢܟܣܘܢ .ܘܢܦܩ ܼ ̈ ܕܬܣܓܕܘܢ ܠܢܘܪܐ ܘܠܫܡܫܐ .ܘܠܒܬܝܟܘܢ ܬܐܙܠܘܢ .ܘܐ� ̄ ܦܩܕ ܥܠܝܟܘܢ ܕܬܡܘܬܘܢ .ܘܦܢܝܘ ܠܗ ܡܬܛܦܝܣܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܼ ܦܬܓܡܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܫܘܝܐܝܬ ܐܝܟ ܼܕܡܢ ܚܕ ܦܘܡܐ .ܕܚܢܢ ܨܒܝܢܐ ܗܢܐ ܠܡܠܟܐ � ܿ ܥܒܕܝܢ ܚ̄ܢܢ .ܘܠܢܘܪܐ ܘܠܫܡܫܐ � ܿܣܓܕܝܢ ܚ̄ܢܢ .ܐ� ܡܛܝܒܝܢ ܚ̄ܢܢ ܕܡܛܠ �ܗܢ ܢܡܘܬ .ܘ ܼܥܠ ܘܐܘܕܥ ܠܡܠܟܐ. ܘܦܩܕ ܕܢܦܩܘܢ ܢܡܘܬܘܢ ܐܝܟ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ ܩܕܡܝܐ .ܘܢܦܩ ܥܡܗܝܢ ܼ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܘܡܓܘܫܐ .ܘܐܦܩܘ ܐܢܘܢ ܠܣܠܝܩ ܚܪܘܒܬܐ. 5.ܘܟܕ ܡܛܝܒܝܢ ܕܢܐܙ̄ܠܘܢ ܐܝܟܐ ܕܡܬܟܠܝܢ ܐ ܼܡܪ ܚܕ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܟܕ ܿ ܓܚܟ ܠܡܓܘܫܐ ܿܗܘ ܘܠܡܗܝܡܢܐܿ .ܡܢ ܿܕܗܦܟ ܡܪܦܝܢ ܐܢ̄ܬܘܢ ̈ ܚܒܖܘܗܝ ܠܗܿ .ܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ .ܐܦ ܡܠܟܐ ܛܝܒܘܬܟ ܡܩܒܠ .ܘܪܗܛܘ ܘܠܒܟܘܗܝܿ . ̈ ܚܝܝܟ � ܦܠܛ ܐܢ̄ܬ .ܥܕܡܐ ܠܝܘܡܢ ܘܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ� . ܕܡܛܐ ܩܪܒܐ ܿܗܦܟ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܐܟܠܬ 88ܕܒܪ ܡܪܝܡ ܘܗܫܐ ܼ
There is a lacuna large enough for one word here. Bedjan adds:
88
.ܠܚܡܗ
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6. And they brought them and dug 89 one large ditch and bound them from behind and made them all kneel over the ditch encircling [them]. Then, they brought a large knife, and slew them like sheep, and tossed them down. And they piled up their heads in one place.
7. And after the subordinate and the Magus, who was with him, had departed, brothers and lay-Christians ran and grabbed their corpses, with their heads, and took them and buried them in various places. And one young monk of ours ran and spread forth the corner of his cloak and soaked up all of their blood from that ditch, and brought it to us. And we cut off the whole corner of his cloak wherein the blood was collected, and took it and brought spices and unguents and we embalmed it 90 and made it fragrant as is fitting. And after a year, when the flesh had fallen from the bones, we brought them out from wherever they were placed, and laid them in a comely place within a garden. 91
Read here ܚܦܪܘinstead of ܚܒܪܘ. The suffix is masculine and presumably relates to the martyrs’ blood. (The noun ‘blood’ is masculine in Syriac). More generally, this would appear to relate to the hem of the cloak, soaked with the blood of the martyrs. The focus on this item within the account suggests that this garment existed as a relic at the time of the composition of this piece. 91 Syriac uses the same word for both garden and Paradise. 89
90
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TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
ܘܦܟܪܘ ܐܢܘܢ 6.ܘܐܝܬܝܘ ܐܢܘܢ .ܘܚܒܪܘ ܓܘܡܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܼ ܿ ܠܒܣܬܪܗܘܢ .ܘܐܒܪܟܘ ܐܢܘܢ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܥܠ ܓܘܡܬܐ ܗܝ ܥܠ ܒܘܖܟܝܗܘܢ ܟܕ ܿ ̈ ܚܕܪܐ .ܘܐܝܬܝܘ ܣܟܝܢܐ ܚܕܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܘܚܪܫܘ ܘܫܕܘ ܐܢܘܢ ܐܝܟ ̈ ܘܟܫܘ ̈ܖܫܝܗܘܢ ܒܕܘܟܬܐ ܚܕܐ. ܥܖܒܐܼ . ܿ ܒܬܖ ܕܫܢܝܘ ܼܡܢ ܬܡܢ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ ܿܗܘ ܘܡܓܘܫܐ ܕܥܡܗ. ܘܡܢ ܼ 7. ̈ ̈ ̈ ̈ ܪܗܛܘ ܐܚܐ ܘܟܖܣܛܝܢܐ ܒܢܝ ܥܠܡܐ ܘܚܛܦܘ ܦܓܖܝܗܘܢ ܥܡ ̈ܖܫܝܗܘܢ .ܘܐܘܒܠܘ ܘܩܒܪܘ ܐܢܘܢ ̈ ܒܕܘܟܝܢ ̈ܕܘܟܝܢ .ܘܛܠܝܐ ܚܕ ܕܝܠܢ ܼ ܘܦܪܣ ܟܢܦܐ ܕ ܓܘܠܬܗ ܘܣܦܝܗܝ ܠܕܡܗܘܢ ܒܪ ܩܝܡܐ ܪܗܛ ܼ ܿ ܘܫܩܠܢܢ ܟܠܗ ܟܠܗ ܼܡܢ ܓܘܡܬܐ ܗܝ ܘܐܝܬܝܗ ܠܘܬܢ. ܘܦܣܩܢܢ ܼ ܼ ̄ ܟܢܦܐ ܕܓܘܠܬܗܿ .ܗܝ ܕܒܗ ܕܡܐ ܿܗܘ ܨܪܝܪ ܗܘܐ .ܘܐܝܬܝܢ ܒܣܡܐ ܘܡܢ ܘܚܘܢܛܬܐ .ܘܐܝܟ ܘܠܝܬܐ ܚܢܛܢܝܗܝ ܒܗܘܢ ܘܒܣܡܢܝܗܝܼ . ̄ ܕܢܦܠ ܦܓܪܐ ܼܡܢ ̈ ܓܖܡܐ ܼܡܢ ܟ�ܝܟܐ ܕܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ܒܬܪ ܫܢܬܐ ܼ ̄ܗܘܘ ܘܣܝܡܝܢ ܐܣܩܢ ܐܢܘܢ .ܘܒܕܘܟܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܫܦܝܪܬܐ ܒܓܘ ܦܪܕܝܣܐ ܚܕ ܣܡܢ ܐܢܘܢ.
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8. All these martyrs who are inscribed on this leaf, 92 together with their companions who are not written down, are placed in the martyrium which was built in the citadel of Lawarne. The bishop Mār Job, who is himself from the citadel, brought them [there]. And through their prayers and the toil of all those who persisted in their truth, and persevered against the lashings out of love for their God, let there be a share for Abgar, the smallest and most wretched of all people. May God, who enabled him to be diligent and record them manifestly, judge him to be worthy to share in the hosanna of their praises. In the grace and mercy of our lord, Christ, to whom is praise from the mouth of all of us, for ever and ever. Amen. Completed is the martyrdom of the ten martyrs from the region of Bēth Garmai.
92
Χάρτης.
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TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
8.ܟܠܗܘܢ ܕܝܢ ̈ ̈ ܚܒܖܝܗܘܢ ܣܗܕܐ ܕܟܬܝܒܝܢ ܒܟܪܛܝܣܐ ܗܢܐ .ܥܡ ܕ� ܟܬܝܒܝܢ ܣܝܡܝܢ ܒܒܝܬ ̈ ̈ ܕܠܘܖܢܐ .ܕܐܝܬܐ ܣܗܕܐ ܕܐܬܒܢܝ ܒܚܣܢܐ ܐܢܘܢ ܡܪܝ ܐܝܘܒ ܐܦܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܟܝܢܗ ܡܢܗ ܼܡܢ ܚܣܢܐ. ̈ ܘܒܨܠܘܬܗܘܢ ܘܒܥܡ� ܕܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܩܡܘ ܒܫܪܪܗܘܢ ܘܚܡܣܢܘ ̈ ܒܢܓܕ ܐ ܡܛܠ ܚܘܒܐ ܕܐܠܗܗܘܢ ܢܗܘܐ ܚܘܠܛܢܐ �ܒܓܪ ܒܨܝܪܐ ܒܢܝܢܫܐ .ܕܐܠܗܐ ̄ ܘܕܘܝܐ ܕܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ ܕܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܕܢܬܚܦܛ ܘܢܪܫܘܡ ܐܢܘܢ ̈ ̈ ܕܗܘܠ�ܝܗܘܢ .ܒܛܝܒܘܬܗ ܒܓܠܝܬܐ ܢܫܬܘܐ ܕܢܬܚܠܛ ܒܐܘܫܥܢܐ ̈ ܘܒܖܚܡܘܗܝ ܕܡܫܝܚܐ ܡܪܢ .ܕܠܗ ܫܘܒܚܐ ܼܡܢ ܦܘܡ ܟܠܢ ܠܥܠܡ ܥܠܡܝܢ ܐܡܢ ܫܠܡܬ ܣܗܕܘܬܐ ܕܥܣܪܐ ܣܗܕܝ̈ܢ ܼܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܒܝܬ ̈ ܓܖܡܝ܀
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IV. THE MARTYRDOM OF ŠĀBŪR
1. “…And otherwise, let him kill him with a merciless death.” 93
2. And Gushnaq 94 said to the blessed one: “What 95 then, Šābūr, has happened to you!? That you scorn yourself, such that you have caused your life to be lost from this desirable world with a frightful death that has been decreed upon you from the king.”
3. The blessed one said: “But as what kind of person have you said to me these words? As if you were not going to die. Or if I, myself, God forbid, shall apostatize, will death have no power over me?! Or do you rely on these clothes and gold as if their joy will not pass from you? Have you not seen or heard of those before you who are like you and who are better than you who died and decayed? And was no man able to pass by their graves? And you incite me that I, like you, shall die from the immortal life which is founded upon the truth?! For my death summons me to life; your life, though, will be destroyed by this death of which you are afraid, when you shall be seized for divine judgment.”
4. And at this Gushnaq was angered, and ordered that his head be cut off. And when they were taking him out a large crowd [Lk 23:27] accompanied him and the king called a subordinate, the foremost friend of the blessed Šābūr and said to him:
The missing portion, one may imagine, would have related, at least, Šābūr’s distinguished non-Christian origins, his conversion and choice of a monastic lifestyle, and his arrest. There would have been conversation with Gushnaq after his arrest, and finally the case being brought before the king. The king would have given him the choice to recant or to die. Gushnaq now seeks to persuade him to return to the Zoroastrian faith. 94 This is a Persian name, but is not in Gignoux, Jullien, and Jullien, Noms propres syriaques d’origine iranienne. For other references see Herman, “The Passion of Shabur,” 122, n. 4. 95 ἄρα. 93
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TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
IV. THE MARTYRDOM OF ŠĀBŪR
1.ܘܐ� ܢܩܛܠܝܘܗܝ ܒܡܘܬܐ ܕ� ̈ܖܚܡܐ 2.ܘܐܡܪ ܓܘܫܢܩ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ܇ ܐܪܐ ܫܒܘܪ ܿܡܢ ܓܕܫܟ܇ ܕܐܡܣܪܬ ܥܠ ܢܦܫܟ ܕܬܘܒܕ ̈ ܚܝܝܟ ܡܢ ܗܢܐ ܥܠܡܐ 96ܪܓܝܓܐ܇ ܒܡܘܬܐ ܕܚܝ� ܕܥܠܝܟ ܐܬܦܩܕ ܡܢ ܡܠܟܐ. 3.ܛܘܒܢܐ ̇ܐܡܪ .ܐܝܟ ܡܢܘ ܐܡܪܬ ܠܝ ܗܠܝܢ ̈ܡ� .ܐܝܟ ܗ̇ܘ ܕܐܢܬ � ܿܡܐܬ ܐܢܬ܆ ܐܘ ܕܐܢܐ ܐܢ ܚܣ ܘܟܦܪ ܐܢܐ ܡܘܬܐ � ܡܫܬܠܛ ܥܠܝ ̈ ܠܒܘܫܐ ܘܕܗܒܐ ܬܟܝ�ܢܬ܇ ܐܝܟ ܗܘ ܕ� ܥܒܪܐ ܡܢܟ ܐܘ ܒܗܠܝܢ ܚܕܘܬܗܘܢ � .ܟܝ ܼܚܙܝܬ ܐܘ ܫܡ ܼܥܬ ܥܠ ܕܡܢ ܩܕܡܝܟ ܕܐܟܘܬܟ ̈ ̈ ܩܒܖܝܗܘܢ � ܘܕܛܒܝܢ ܡܢܟ܆ ܕܡܝܬܘ 97ܘܣܪܝܘ ܘܐܢܫ ܕܢܥܒܪ ܥܠ ܐܫܟܚ܆ ܘܐܢܬ ܡܓܪܓ ܐܢܬ ܠܝ ܕܐܡܘܬ ܐܟܘܬܟ ܡܢ ̈ ܚܝܐ ܕܒܫܪܪܐ ̈ ܠܚܝܐ ܡܙܡܢ ܠܝ̈ . ܚܝܝܟ ܓܝܪ � ܡܝܬܝܢ .ܡܘܬܐ ܓܝܪ ܕܝܠܝ ܕܝܠܟ܆ ܒܗܢܐ ܡܘܬܐ ܕܡܢܗ ܙܝܥܬ ܡܫܬܪܝܢ .ܟܕ ܡܬܬܚܕ ܐܢܬ ܠܕܝܢܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ. ܕܢܬܦܣܩ ܪܫܗ .ܘܟܕ ܘܦܩܕ 4.ܘܒܗܠܝܢ ܐܬܚܡܬ ܓܘܫܢܩ܆ ܼ ܼ ܘܩܪܐ ܡܠܟܐ ܠܡܗܝܡܢܐ ܚܕ ܡܦܩܝܢ ܠܗ܆ ܠܘܝܘܗܝ ܥܡܐ ܣܓܝܐܐܼ . ܪܚܡܗ ܪܒܐ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܫܒܘܪ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ.
are conjectured.ܥܠ The letters .ܕܡܝܬ In the manuscript:
96 97
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5. “Are you not going to go and admonish him? He is destroying his life. Perchance he will be ashamed before you?”
6. And that youth rode a horse and rushed hastily and many thought that he had been sent in order to return the victorious one. And when the blessed one heard that the multitude were murmuring and repeating this, he was mournful and sighed and his colour changed, and in a loud voice he said: 98
7. “Whither are you removing me? The cup that I have waited for, that I might take through it freedom for my life, do you want it to pass? 99 By the living God to whom I have delivered my soul, I shall no longer submit myself to the persuasion of any man.” And he was grieved […] exceedingly. And that subordinate met him and said to the victorious one and to the subordinates who were with him: “Why have you stopped?” 8. And when the blessed one heard this he rejoiced and was glad, and his face shone and the multitude that encompassed him were seized with astonishment. 9. And while they were going out that subordinate approached and said to him whilst weeping in bitter sorrow: “Why have you despised this life that is dear to all people, and you abandon us weeping at your departure from among us?”
The concern of the martyr that the martyrdom might be stopped, or diverted, is common, and also occurs in the martyrdom of Narseh 19 (above). 99 Mt 26:39, 42; 20:22; Mk 10:38–42; 14:36; Lk 22:42; Jn 18:11. 98
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TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
ܿ � 5.ܐܙ�ܢܬ ܿܡܪܬܐ ܐܢܬ ܠܗ ܿ ܠܗܘ ܡܘܒܕ ̈ ܚ� ̄ܘ܆ ܟܒܪ ܡܬܟܚܕ ܼ ܡܢܟ. ̈ ܘܪܗܛ ܡܤܪܗܒܐܝܬ .ܘܣܓܝܐܐ 6.ܘܪ ܸܟܒ ܥܠܝܡܐ ܗܘ ܣܘܣܝܐ ܸ ܣܒܪܘ ܕܕܢܥܛܦܝܘܗܝ ܠܢܨܝܚܐ ܐܫܬܕܪ .ܘܟܕ ܫܡܥ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܡܪܛܢܝܢ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ ܘܬܢܝܢ ܠܗܕܐ .ܐܬܟܡܪ ܘܐܬܬܢܚ 100ܘܐܬܚܠܦ ܓܘܢܗ .ܘܒܩ� ܪܡܐ ܐܡܪ. � 7.ܝܟܐ ܡܥܛܦܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܠܝ .ܟܣܐ ܕܠܗ ܣܟܝܬ ܕܒܗ ܐܣܒ ̈ ̈ ܠܚܝܐ ܕܬܥܒܪܘܢܝܗܝ ܨܒܝܐܢܬ]ܘܢ[ ܚܝ ܗܘ ܡܪܝܐ ܕܐܫ̇ ܠܡܬ ܚܪܘܖܐ ܠܗ ܢܦܫܝ܆ ܕܬܘܒ � ܐܬܪܟܢ ܠܦܝܣܐ ܕܐܢܫ .ܘܡܥܩ ܗܘܐ ][...ܐ ܛܒ .ܘܐܪܥܗ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ ܿܗܘ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܢܨܝܚܐ 101ܘܠܡܗܝ̈ܡܢܐ ܕܥܡܗ. ܡܢܐ ܿܩܝܡܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ 8.ܘܟܕ ] [fol. 101bܫܡܥ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܗܕܐ .ܚܕܝ ܘܐܬܦܨ]ܚ ܘܪܘܙ[ ܦܪܨܘܦܗ .ܘܐܚܕ ܬܡܗܐ ̈ ܠܣܓܝܐܐ ܕܚܕ]ܝܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ[ ܠܗ. ܿ 9.ܘܟܕ ܐܙܠܝܢ܆ ܩܪܒ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ ܿܗܘ ]ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ[ ܟܕ ܒܟܐ ܒܚܫܐ ܐܡܣܪܬ ]ܥܠ ܗܠܝܢ[ ̈ ܚܝܐ ܕܚܒܝܒܝܢ ܥܠ ܟܠܢܫ܆ ܡܪܝܪܐ .ܠܡܢܐ ܼ ܘܠܢ ܡܪܦܐ ܐܢܬ ܒ]ܟܝܢܢ[ ܒܫܘܢܝܟ ܕܡܢ ܨܐܕܝܢ.
with deletion marks over it.ܘܐܬܚ The manuscript adds are completely faded and areܨܝܚ The middle letters of this word completed as a conjecture. 100 101
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10. The blessed one said to him: “Do not weep for me for I am going towards eternal life; rather weep for yourself and your erring co-religionists [Lk 23:27–28] for what kind of a punishment you prepare and you are not aware?! For after your death you shall be delivered to eternal torture. I am, indeed, exceedingly joyous with this death, and were I to cry out with the mouths of all people, I would not be able to give thanks to the one who has made me worthy of this cup. 102 Because the sentence of death that was decreed for me from God the Almighty, on account of the small partnership that I had with you, will be forgotten by me by means of this little suffering.”
11. And when he came to the place where he was to be crowned he said to that subordinate: “Farewell! And convey from me salutations to the king through whom I have become worthy of this gift.” 12. And he kneeled in prayer for a long time and when he lengthened, that subordinate went to stand him up, and he raised his head and looked at him. And he said: “Arise, the time has come!”
And he said to him: “It has come.” 103
13. And he arose with courage and stretched forth his neck. And because on that day, in order to mark the suffering of our savior, he was fasting and in prayer there approached one of his brothers and stretched forth to him a jug 104 of spiced wine 105 and he said to him: “I ask of you, my brother, break your fast with us and give us a blessing.”
The metaphorical cup that the saint has been promised symbolizes martyrdom. See, too, Narseh, 19. 103 See Mt 26:45; Jn 12:23. 104 ξέστης. 105 Conditum (Latin). See Sokoloff, Syriac Lexicon, 610; idem, A Dictionary of Palestinian Jewish Aramaic of the Byzantine Period (Ramat Gan, 2002), 482. See Mt 27:33; Mk 15:23; Lk 23:36; Jn 19:28–30. 102
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ܿ ̈ ܠܚܝܐ ܕܠܥܠܡ ܐܙ�ܢܐ. ܿ 10.ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ .ܥܠܝ � ܬܒܟܐ ܕܐܢܐ 106 ܐ� ܒܟܝ ܥܠ ܢܦܫܟ ܘܥܠ ܒܢ̈ܝ ܝܘܠܦܢܟ ܛܥ̈ܝܐ ܕ�ܝܢܐ ܓܙܪ ܕܝܢܐ ܡܥܬܕܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܘ� ܪܓܝܫܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ .ܒܬܪ ܡܘܬܟܘܢ ܓܝܪ ܠܫܘܢܩܐ ܕܠܥܠܡ ܡܫܬܠܡܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܐܢܐ ܓܝܪ ܛܒ ܪܘܙ ܐܢܐ ܒܡܘܬܐ ܗܢܐ. ܦܘܡܝܢ ܕܒܢ̈ܝ ܐܢ̈ܫܐ ܐܢ ܐܩܥܐ � ܿܣܦܩ ܐܢܐ ܠܡܘܕܝܘ܆ ܿ ̈ ܠܗܘ ܘܒܟܠ ܕܐܫܘܝܢܝ ܠܟܣܐ ܗܢܐ܆ ܕܒܝܕ ܚܫܐ ܙܥܘܪܐ ܢܬܛܥܐ ܡܢܝ ܓܙܪܕܝܢܐ ܕܡܘܬܐ܆ ܕܐܬܦܣܩ ܥܠܝ ܡܢ �ܗܐ ܐܚܝܕ ܟܠ܆ ܒܫܘܬܦܘܬܐ ܙܥܘܪܬܐ ܕܗܘܬ ܠܝ ܥܡܟܘܢ. ܛܝ ܠܕܘܟܬܐ ܕܒܗ ܡܬܟܠܠܼ .ܐܡܪ ܠܡܗܝܡܢܐ ܿܗܘ. 11.ܘܟܕ ܿܡ ܸ ܒܫܠܡܐ .ܘܐܘܒܠ ܡܢܝ ܫܠܡܐ ܠܡܠܟܐ ܕܒܐܝܕܗ ܠܗܕܐ ܕܦܘܫ ܿ ܡܘܗܒܬܐ ܐܫܬܘܝܬ. ܘܒܪܟ ܒܨܠܘܬܐ ܥܕܢܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ .ܘܟܕ ܐܓܪ ܠܗܼ .ܐܙܠ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ ܼ 12. ܿܗܘ ܕܢܩܝܡܘܗܝ ܘܐܪܝܡ ܪܫܗ ܘܚܪ ܒܗ ܘܐܡܪ ܩܘܡ ܡܛܝ ܥܕܢܐ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܡܛܝ. ܿ 13.ܘܩܡ ܒܠܒܝܒܘܬܐ ܘܦܫܛ ܨܘܪܗ .ܘܡܛܠ ܕܝܘܡܐ ܗܘ ܡܛܠ ܿܦܘܪܫܢܗ ܕܚܫܐ ܿ ܕܦܪܘܩܢ܆ ܒܨܘܡܐ ܘܒܨܠܘܬܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ .ܩܪܒ ܚܕ ܐܚܘܗܝ ܘܐܘܫܛ ܠܗ ܩܣܛܐ ܕܟܢܕܝܩܘܢ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܿ . ܡܢ ̈ ܕܒܥܐ ܐܢܐ ܼ ܡܢܟ ܐܚܝ ܫܪܝ ܨܘܡܟ ܨܐܕܝܢ܆ ܘܗܒܠܢ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ
.ܕܝܢܐ is missing in the wordܕ The letter
106
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14. And he looked at him angrily and said to him: “God forbid that I break the fast before I shall pass on to the harbour of Christ for there is still the dread of the waves and the sound of the sea tempest facing me. And with the strength of the fast I can […] the departure from life.” 107
15. And he lowered his head and took the crown of martyrdom by means of the sword, and the faithful took[?] his body, and they hid it with honour. The victorious Šābūr was crowned in the month of Adar in the 18th year of King Yazdgird. May our Lord place us with him in the world that does not pass away, of the light that does not cease, forever and ever, amen.
On this image see Heb 11:13–16 and 13:14. See the Martyrdom of ܵ ܠܬܔܖܐ ܗܢܐ ܕܒܡܘܒܠܗ ܠܡܐܢܐ ܿ ܘܚܙܝܗܝ. Mihr-Šābūr, (AMS2, 535): ܕܚܝܐ ܕܢܐܙܠ On the image of this life as a journey through a stormy sea on the way to a safe harbour see É. R. Hambye, “The Symbol of the ‘Coming to the Harbour’ in the Syriac Tradition,” in I. Ortiz de Urbina (ed.), Symposium Syriacum, 1972: célebré dans les jours 26–31 octobre 1972 à l’Institut Pontifical Oriental de Rome (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 197; Rome, 1974), 401–11. See also S. P. Brock, “The Scribe Reaches Harbour,” Byzantinische Forschungen 21 (1995), 195–202. For a similar image in a Jewish source see b. ʿAvoda Zara 10b. 107
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14.ܘܚܪ ܒܗ ܙܥܝܦܐܝܬ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ .ܕܚܣ ܠܝ ܕܐܫܪܐ ܨܘܡܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܕܐܥܒܪ ܒܠܡܐܢܗ ܕܡܫܝܚܐ .ܡܛܠ ܕܥܕܟܝܠ ܕܚܠܬܐ ̈ ܕܓ�� 108 ̈ ܕܡܚܫܘ� ] [fol. 102aܩܐ] [...ܠܘܩܒܠܝ .ܘܒܚܝܠܗ ܘܙܡܡܐ ܕܨܘܡܐ ܡܫܟܚܢܐ ܕܐܪ] [..ܒܫܘܢܝܐ ܕܚܝܝ. 15.ܘܐܪܟܢ ܪܝܫܗ ܘܫܩܠ ܟܠܝ� ܕܣܗܕܘܬܐ ܒܝܕ ܣܝܦܐ .ܘܡܗܝܡܢ̈ܐ ܿ -ܘ ܠܦܓܪܗ ܘܣܬܪܘܗܝ ܒܐܝܩܪܐ .ܐܬܟܠܠ ܢܨܝܚܐ ܫܒܘܪ ܒܐܝܪܚܿ 109 ̈ ܢܫܘܐ ܠܢ ܥܡܗ ܬܡܢܥܣܖܐ ܕܝ ܐܕܪ ܒܫܢܬ ܙܕܓܪܕ ܡܠܟܐ .ܕܡܪܢ ܸ ܿ ܿ ܒܥܠܡܐ ܕ� ܥܒܪ .ܠܢܘܗܪܐ ܕ� ܼܦܛܪ ܠܥܠܡ ܥܠܡܝܢ ܐܡܝܢ.
ܘܙܡܐ In the manuscript: added as a small letter in the appropriate place above the wordܫ
108 109
.ܒܢܬ
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V. THE CONFESSION OF THE BLESSED MĀR ʿABDĀ
The confession of the blessed Mār ‘Abdā, the bishop of HormizdArdašīr, and of Hasho and Isaac, priests, and Ephraim a scribe, and of Pāpā sub-deacon, and of Dādūq 110 and of Durtan 111 laymen, and of Pāpā, the brother of Mār ʿAbdā. 1. In the 22nd year of the Persian king, Yazdgird, a harsh storm 112 of adversaries arose against our people. And the royal nobles 113 together with the Magi, who hold power, told falsehoods against our people and said before the king: 2. “These Nazoreans 114 who are called bishops, priests, deacons and monks in the provinces of your kingdom, transgress your commandment and despise your kingdom, and insult your gods, and deride fire and water. They cast down the foundations of our fire temples of worship, and in no small way do they despise our laws.” 115 3. And the king was furious and agitated by these [reports], and he gathered all the nobles of his kingdom and enquired about us: “Is what I hear true?” The nobles and Magi then increased the incitement against our people. And immediately a severe edict went forth from the king that in the whole territory of his kingdom churches and monasteries should be uprooted, the divine service therein abolished, and the priests and leaders seized and brought to the royal court.
See Gignoux, Jullien, and Jullien, Noms propres syriaques d’origine iranienne, 65. 111 See Gignoux, Jullien, and Jullien, Noms propres syriaques d’origine iranienne, 68. 112 χειμών. 113 These are the nobles found at court. Further on, the king turns to the other nobles in the kingdom. 114 See above, fn. 42. 115 νόμος. 110
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TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
V. THE CONFESSION OF THE BLESSED MĀR ʿABDĀ
̄ ܐܦܣܩܘ ܕܗܘܪܡܙܕ ܐܪܕܫܝܪ. ܬܘܒ ܡܘܕܝܢܘܬܐ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܪܝ ܥܒܕܐ ܘܕܗܫܘ ܘܕܐܝܣܚܩ ܩܫܝܫܐ .ܘܕܐܦܪܡ ܟܬܘܒܐ .ܘܕܦܦܐ ܗܘܦܕܝܩܢܐ. ܘܕܕܕܘܩ .ܘܕܕܘܪܬܢ ̈ ܒܢܝ ܥܠܡܐ .ܘܕܦܦܐ ܐܚܘܗܝ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܥܒܕܐ. 1.ܒܫܢܬ ܥܣܪܝܢ ܘܬܪܬܝܢ ܕܝܙܕܓܪܕ ܡܠܟܐ ܦܪܣܝܐ .ܟܝܡܘܢܐ ܩܫܝܐ ̈ ̈ ܡܓܘܫܐ ̈ ܕܒܥܠܕܒܒܐ ܩܡ ܥܠ ܥܡܢ̈ . ܐܚܝܕܝ ܘܪܘܖܒܢܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܥܡ ܫܘܠܛܢܐ .ܐܟܠܘ ̈ ܩܖܣܐ 116ܕܥܡܢ ܘܐܡܪܘ ܩܕܡ ܡܠܟܐ. ̈ ̈ ܕܒܐܬܖܘܬܐ ܕܫܘܠܛܢܟ܇ ̈ ̈ ܘܩܫܝܫܐ ܐܦܣܩܘܦܐ ܢܨܖܝܐ ܗܠܝܢ 2. ̈ ̈ ܘܡܫܡܫܢܐ ܘܒܢܝ ܩܝܡܐ ܡܬܩܪܝܢ܇ ܥܠ ܦܘܩܕܢܟ ܥܒܪܝܢ. ̈ ܘ��ܗܝܟ ܡܨܥܪܝܢ .ܘܒܢܘܪܐ ܘܡܝܐ ܡܒܙܚܝܢ. ܘܠܡܠܟܘܬܟ ܫܝܛܝܢ. ̈ ̈ ܘܡܬܩܢܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܢܘܪܐ ܕܣܓܕܬܢ ܡܣܚܦܝܢ .ܘܠܢܡܘܣܝܢ .ܕ� ܒܙܥܘܪ ܫܝܛܝܢ. 3.ܘܐܬܚܡܬ ܡܠܟܐ ܘܐܫܬܓܫ ܒܗܠܝܢ .ܘܠܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ ܪܘܖܒܢܐ ̇ ܕܫܡܥ ܐܢܐ ܗܟܢܐ ܕܫܘܠܛܢܗ ܟܢܫ ܘܫܐܠ ܥܠܝܢ .ܕܐܢ ܗܠܝܢ ̈ ܐܝܬܝܗܝܢ̈ . ܘܡܓܘܫܐ ܡܠܒܛܢܘܬܗܘܢ ܥܠ ܥܡܢ ܪܘܖܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܡܥܫܢܝܢ ̄ܗܘܘ .ܘܡܢ ܗܪܟܐ ܦܘܩܕܢܐ ܚܪܝܦܐ ܢܦܩ ܡܢ ܡܠܟܐ. ̈ ܕܒܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܫܘܠܛܢܗ .ܥ̈ܕܬܐ ̈ ܢܬܥܩܖܢ .ܘܬܫܡܫܬܐ ܕܒܗܝܢ ܘܕܝܖܬܐ ̈ ̈ ܘܡܕܒܖܢܐ ܢܬܠܒܟܘܢ ܘܠܬܪܥܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܢܐܬܘܢ. ܘܟܗܢܐ ܬܬܒܛܠ.
.ܩܪܨܐ : Thus in manuscript instead ofܩܪܣܐ
116
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4. And when the edict was gathering Nazoreans and bringing them to the royal court, at first, a group of the holy ones from their city were brought in to the court whilst bound. Now when the king heard that all of them had arrived at the palace in fetters, he gave the order and the blessed Mār ʿAbdā and those with him entered before him. And the king asked them, saying: “Why do you despise our commands, and why are you not inclined to the teaching we receive from our fathers? But you go after the stubbornness of your heart 117 in a path of error?” 5. The victorious ones responded: “We do not follow a human teaching, which commands that many gods, lords, elements 118 and luminaries be revered, but that the creator of all things created be despised and dishonoured; rather we worship the creator of all, we subjugate the creations that were created for our use, as they are given to us.” 6. And the king said to Mār ʿAbdā the bishop: “As you are head of these [people] and leader, why allow them to despise our kingdom and transgress our command and conduct themselves in their stubbornness, and you cast down and uproot our houses of worship and bases of the house of fire that we have received from our forefathers to be honoured?”
7. The blessed ʿAbdā said: “The Magi plot against us deceitfully before your majesty whereas we have done nothing.” The king said: “I am not uttering calumny and accusation, for I have learned these matters from trustworthy people.” 8. Then Hasho the priest dressed himself with the might of God, saying: “We did not throw down a divine base nor a holy altar.”
117 118
Biblical idiom. See, e.g. Dt 29:19, Jr 3:17; Ps 81:12. Στοιχεῖον.
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̈ ܠܢܨܖܝܐ ܡܟܢܫ ̄ܗܘܐ .ܘܠܬܪܥܐ ̇ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܡܝܬܐ 4.ܘܟܕ ܦܘܩܕܢܐ ̄ ̈ ̄ܗܘܐ .ܩܕܡܝܬ ܠܓܘܕܐ ܕܗܠܝܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܗܘܢ ܟܕ ܐܣܝܪܝܢ ̈ ܒܐܣܘܖܐ ܣܡܟܘ ܠܬܪܥܐ ܐܝܬܝܘ .ܘܟܕ ܫܡܥ ܡܠܟܐ ܕܟܠܗܘܢ ̄ ܩܕܡܘܗ ܡܪܝ ܥܒܕܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܘܕܥܡܗ. ܠܬܪܥܐ .ܦܩܕ ܘܥܠ ̄ ܘܫܐ�ܢܘܢ ܡܠܟܐ ܘܐܡܪ .ܕܠܡܢܐ ܠܦܘܩܕܢܝܢ ܫܝܛܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܘܠܝܘܠܦܢܐ ܕܡܢ ܐܒܗܝ̈ܢ ܡܩܒܠ ܠܢ � ܡܬܪܟܢܝܢ ܐܢ̄ܬܘܢ܇ ܐ� ̈ ܒܨܒܝܢܝ ܠܒܟܘܢ .ܒܐܘܪܚܐ ܕܬܘܫܐ ̇ܐܙܠܝܢ ܐܢ̄ܬܘܢ ̈ 5.ܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ ̈ ܕܒܢܝܢܫܐ � ̇ܐܙܠܝܢܢ ܢܨܝܚܐ .ܚܢܢ ܒܬܪ 119ܝܘܠܦܢܐ ̈ ̈ ̈ ̈ ̈ ܘܡܖܘܬܐ܇ ܣܓܝܐܐ �ܗܐ ܐܝܢܐ ܕܦܩܕ ܘܢܗܝܖܐ ܢܬܝܩܪܘܢ܇ ܘܐܣܛܘܟܣܐ ̈ ܘܒܪܘܝܐ ܕܟܠ ܒܖܝܢ ܢܬܬܫܝܛ ܘܢܨ ܛܥܪ .ܐ� ܚܢܢ ܣܓܕܝܢܢ ܠܒܪܘ)ܝܐ( ܕܟܠ .ܠܒ ̈ܖܝܬܐ ܕܝܢ ܕܠܚܫܚܬܢ ̈ ܒܖܝܢ ܡܫܥܒܕܝܢܢ܇ ܐܝܟ ܕܝܗܝ̈ܒܝܢ ܠܢ. ܘܐܡܪ ܡܠܟܐ ܠܡܪܝ ܥܒܕܐ ܐܦܣܩܦܐ .ܕܟܕ ܐܝܬܝܟ ܪܫܐ ܕܗܠܝܢ ܼ 6. ܿ ̄ ܘܡܕܒܪܢܐ .ܠܡܢܐ ܡܗܡܐ ܐܢܬ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܕܢܫܘܛܘܢ ܠܡܠܟܘܬܢ܇ ̈ ܣܓܕܬܢ ܘܢܥܒܪܘܢ ܥܠ ܦܘܩܕܢܢ܇ ܘܒܨܒܝܢܗܘܢ ܢܬܕܒܪܘܢ .ܒܝܬ ̈ ܘܡܬܩܢܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܢܘܪܐ ܕܡܢ ̈ ܐܒܗܐ ܕܐܒܗܝ̈ܢ ܕܢܬܝܩܪܘܢ ܡܩܒܠܝܢ ܠܢ܇ ܐܢ̄ܬܘܢ ܡܣܚܦܝܢ ܘܡܥܩܪܝܢ. ̈ ܡܓܘܫܐ ܒܕ ܓܠܘܬܐ ܡܬ�ܓܪܝܢ ܒܢ ܩܕܡ 7.ܛܘܒܢܐ ܥܒܕܐ ܿܐܡܪ. ܡܠܟܘܬܟ ܟܕ ܡܕܡ � ܣܥܝܪ ܠܢ. ܿ ̄ ܡܠܟܐ ܿܐܡܪ .ܐܢܐ ܠܘ ܛܠܘܡܝܐ ܘܩܘܛܪܓܐ ܐܡܪ ܐܢܐ .ܡܛܠ ܕܡܢ ̈ ܫܪܝܖܐ ܝܠܦܬ ܗܠܝܢ. 8.ܗܝܕܝܢ ܠܒܫ ܚܝ� ܕܐܠܗܐ ܗܫܘ ܩܫܝܫܐ ܼܐܡܪ .ܚܢܢ ܡܬܩܢܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ � ܣܚܦܢܢ .ܘ� ܠܡܕܒܚܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ.
has been added between the letters.ܪ The letter
119
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9. The king said: “I did not ask you but the one who is greater than you, and he is required to provide an answer.” 10. The blessed Hasho said: “Our teaching has commanded that the lesser and greater shall not be ashamed in the word of God when being questioned before the king, and our vivificator said to us further: ‘I shall give you eloquence and wisdom whereby your persecutors will not be able to oppose.’ 120 For this reason our word is true whether it is said from one who is greater or lesser.” 11. The king said: “What is your doctrine, oh audacious one, that in place of your superior you speak, and for your people you dress in zeal?” 12. The victorious one said: “I am a Christian, a servant of the living God. Whom no-one can protest his actions, and say to him ‘what are you doing?’” 121 13. The king said: “Therefore it is true that you have uprooted a fire base and extinguished a fire and transgressed our command.”
Lk 21:15. The context is accordingly appropriate. Dn 4, 32. This sentence relates to God. See Jullien, “La Passion,” 202, fn. 18. Its appearance in a martyrological context would appear to be inspired by the Martyr act of Habib 32 (Burkitt, Euphemia and the Goth, ̈ ܠܝܬ ܡܢ English translation 124; Syriac text 38, line 21): ܒܢܝܢܫܐ ܕܟܠܡܕܡ 120 121
̈ ܥܡܘܖܝܗ ܕܐܪܥܐ ܘܠܝܬ ܕܨܒܝܢ ܥܒܕܝܢ ܐ� ܐܢ �ܗܐ ܗܘ ܘܫܘܠܛܢܐ ܒܫܡܝܐ ܘܒܟܠܗܘܢ ܕܢܪܫܐ ܒܐܝ̈ܕܘܗܝ ܘܢܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܡܢܐ ܥܒܕ ܐܢܬ. In that context, it is said in response
to a demand to comply with the command of those “who have authority to do whatsoever they will”. Here, this response would appear somewhat lacking or out of context.
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TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
9.ܡܠܟܐ ܿܐܡܪ ܠܘ ܠܟ ܫܐܠܬ .ܐ� �ܝܢܐ ܕܪܒ ܡܢܟ .ܘܗܘ ܚܝܒ ܕܢܦܢܐ ܦܬܓܡܐ. 10.ܛܘܒܢܐ ܗܫܘ ܐܡܪ .ܝܘܠܦܢܢ ܗܟܢ ܦܩܕ .ܕܙܥܘܪܐ ܘܪܒܐ � ܢܒܗܬ ܒܡܠܬ �ܗܐ ܐܡܬܝ ܕܩܕܡ ܡܠܟܐ ܡܫܬܐܠ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܢ ܬܘܒ ܡܚܝܢܢ .ܕܐܢܐ ܐܬܠ ܠܟܘܢ ܦܘܡܐ ܘܚܟܡܬܐ ܐܝܕܐ ܕ� ܢܫܟܚܘܢ ܠܡܩܡ ܠܩܘܒܠܗ ̈ܖܕܘܦܝܟܘܢ ܘܡܛܠ ܗܕܐ ܫܪܝܪܐ ܡܠܬܢ܇ ܐܢ ܡܢ ܪܒܐ ܘܐܢ ܡܢ ܙܥܘܪܐ ܡܬܬܢܝܐ. ̄ 11.ܡܠܟܐ ܿܐܡܪ .ܡܢܐ ܗܝ ܡܠܦܢܘܬܟ ܐܘ ܡܪܚܐ ܕܚܠܦ ܪܒܟ ܡܡܠ�ܢ̄ܬ 122ܘܚܠܦ ܥܡܟ ܠܒܝܫ ܐܢ̄ܬ ܛܢܢܐ. 12.ܢܨܝܚܐ ܿܐܡܪ ܐܝܬܝ ܡܫܝܚܝܐ ܥܒܕܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܚܝܐ܇ ܕܠܝܬ ܕܢܪܫܐ ܒܐܝܕܗ ܘܢܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܡܢܐ ܥܒܕ ܐܢ̄ܬ. 13.ܡܠܟܐ ܿܐܡܪ .ܡܕܝܢ ܫܪܝܪܐ ܕܡܬܩܢܐ ܕܢܘܪܐ ܐܢܬ ܣܚܦܬ܇ ܘܠܢܘܪܐ ܕܥܟܬ ܘܥܠ ܦܘܩܕܢܢ ܥܒܪܬ.
has been added by a later hand.ܐܢܬ orܐܢܐ The word
122
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PERSIAN MARTYR ACTS UNDER KING YAZDGIRD I
14. The blessed Hasho replied: “I uprooted a base and extinguished the fire because it is not a house of God. And fire is not the daughter of God 123 but a maidservant that serves kings and the lowly, and the rich and the poor, and beggars. And it is conceived from dry wood alone since God has provided it for use like the other creations in the heavens and the earth that are created for our use, so that we may be honoured by the creatures that God has established, and in exchange for these things their creator is worshiped and honoured by us. 15. And the king asked further: “Why did one of you uproot that base of the fire and dare to stretch forth his hand over a thing by which our sovereignty stands?” The victorious Hasho answered: “Do not exalt, oh king! the thing that is given to you, and do not make that which is smaller than you above yourself. For just as a man is greater than the house in which he resides, and more honoured than his possessions with which he uses; so is a person greater and superior than the fire which you use, and which you consider as a god, but which was created for the use of man. And if it should happen that for whatever reason it would take control of a man, or of a thing which he possesses, and not…” The text breaks off here. 124
In Zoroastrianism, fire is not referred to as the daughter, but rather as the son of Ahura Mazda, the supreme Zoroastrian deity. See e.g. Yasna 17:11. The god, Ātar (fire) is depicted as male in the Sasanian imagery. See M. Shenkar, Intangible Spirits and Graven Images (Leiden, 2014), 90–3. Presumably the fact that in Syriac ܢܘܪܐcan be feminine impacted on the depiction of fire as the daughter and not son of god. 124 Although the end is missing it is clear from both the title of the piece and from the Greek and Armenian versions that the Christians were martyred in the end. 123
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TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS
14.ܛܘܒܢܐ ܗܫܘ ܿܐܡܪ .ܡܬܩܢܐ ܐܢܐ ܣܚܦܬ .ܘܠܢܘܪܐ ܕܥܟܬ. ܡܛܠ ܕܠܘ ܒܝܬܐ ̄ܗܘ ܕܐܠܗܐ .ܘ� ܢܘܪܐ ܒܪܬܗ ̄ܗܝ ܕܐܠܗܐ .ܐ� ̈ ̈ ̈ ̈ ܘܠܡܣܟܢܐ ܘܠܥܬܝܖܐ ܘܠܡܟܐ. ܠܡ�ܟܐ ܐܡܬܐ ܕܡܫܡܫܐ ̈ ̈ ̈ ܘܒܩܝܣܐ ܝܒܝܫܐ ܘܡܢܗܘܢ ܡܬܝܠܕܐ ܡܛܠ ܕܠܚܫܚܬܐ ܘܠܚܕܘܖܐ ܝܗܒܗ �ܗܐ ܐܝܟ ܫܪܟܐ ܕܟܠ ̈ ܒܖܝܢ ܕܒܫܡܝܐ ܘܒܐܪܥܐ ܕܠܚܫܚܬܢ ܒܖܝܢ ܕܚܢܢ ܢܬܝܩܪ ܡܢ ̈ ̈ ܒܖܝܬܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܐܬܩܢ ܘܚܠܦ ܗܠܝܢ ܢܣܬܓܕ ܘܢܬܝܩܪ ܡܢܢ ܒܪܘܝܗܝܢ 15.ܘܐܘܣܦ ܡܠܟܐ ܘܫܐܠ ܕܡܢܐ ܡܢܟܘܢ ܥܩܪ ܡܬܩܢܐ ܗܘ ܕܢܘܪܐ ܘܐܡܪܚ ܠܡܘܫܛܘ ܐܝܕܗ ܒܡܕܡ ܕܒܗ ܩܐܡ ܫܘܠܛܢܢ ܢܨܝܚܐ ܗܫܘ ܐܡܪ � ܣܓܝ ܬܘܪܒ ܡܠܟܐ ܠܡܕܡ ܕܠܟ ܝܗܝܒ ܘܠܡܕܡ ܕܡܢܟ ܙܥܘܪ ܠܥܠ ܡܢܟ � ܬܥܒܕ ܡܛܠ ܕܐܝܟܢܐ ܕܡܝܬܪ ܒܪܢܫܐ ܡܢ ܒܝܬܐ ܕܒܗ ܥܡܪ ܘܡܝܩܪ ܡܢ ܩܢܝܢܐ ܐܝܢܐ ܕܒܗ ܡܬܚܫܚ ܗܟܢ ܪܒ ܘܡܥܠܝ ܒܪܢܫܐ ܡܢ ܢܘܪܐ ܕܠܗ ܡܫܡܫܝܢ ܐܢ̄ܬܘܢ ܘܚܫܒܝܢ ܐܢ̄ܬܘܢ ܠܗ �ܗܐ ܗܕܐ ܕܠܚܘܫܚܐ ܕܒܪܢܫܐ ܒܪܝܐ ܘܐܢ ܢܓܕܫ ܕܒܚܕܐ ܡܢ ܥ̈ܠܢ ܒܗ ܒܒܪܢܫܐ ܐܘ ܒܡܕܡ ܕܩܢܐ ܬܫܬܠܛ ܕ� ...
INDEXES INDEX OF NAMES
ʿAbdā xviii, xix, 54–61 Abgar xxii, 44 Ādarparva 36 Ādurbōzē xvi, xvii, xxiii, 2, 4, 8, 10, 16 Ādur-Farro(x) xvi, 2, 4 Anni 36 Atti 36 Aiti 36 Dādūq 54 Durtan 54 Eliezer b. Hyrcaus, R. 38 Ephraim (scribe) 54 Gushnaq xviii, 46 Hasho xix, 54, 56, 58, 60 Ḥawrā 36 Hormizd 36 Huna, Rav xxiv Isaac 54 Itai 36 Jacob 36 Jacob the Notary xxii Jesus 40 Mār Job 44
Māri 36 Mār Maʿin xxiii Mār Marūtā 24 Mār Qardagh xxiii Mary, son of (see Jesus) Mihr-Šābūr (Magus) xviii, 36, 40 Naḥman, Rav xxiv Narseh xvi, xvii, xviii, xxi, 2–27, 34 Nemrod 36 Pāpā (martyr from Bēth Garmai) 36 Pāpā (brother of Mār ʿAbdā) 54 Pāpā (sub-deacon) 54 Pethion xxiii Šābūr (martyr) xviii, 46–53 Šābūr (priest) xvi, 2, 4, 6 Šābūr (king) 24 Seboḥt 34 Tātāq xvii, xxi, 28–35 Theodoret of Cyrus xxv Theodosius xxii 63
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PERSIAN MARTYR ACTS UNDER KING YAZDGIRD I
Warahrān V xv, xxii, xxiii Yahbalāhā xxiv
INDEX OF TOPONYMS
Adiabene (see Bēth Ḥadyab) Āsuristān 12 Bei Lapat 12 Bēth Aramāyē 12 Bēth Garmai xv, xviii, 36– 45 Bēth Raziqāyē xv, xvi, 2, 8, 34 Ctesiphon 8 Bēth Ḥadyab (Adiabene) xv, xvii, 28 Hormizd-Ardašīr xv, xix, 54
Yazdgird I xv, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, 2, 28, 36, 52, 54 Yazdgird II xxiii, xxiv Ḥuzestān xv, xix, 12 Lawarne (martyrium) xxi, 26, 44 Martyropolis 24 Rayy (see Bēth Raziqāyē) Seleucia xv, xvi, xvii, xxi, xxiv, 2, 8, 12, 18, 28, 36 Seleucia (ruined) 20, 32, 40 Seleucia-Ctesiphon (see Seleucia) Ṣuf 24 Teheran 2
INDEX OF SOURCES Biblical Sources Ex 12:12 Dt 29:19 2Sm 15:19 Is 56:7 Jr 3:17 Ps 44:12, 23 Ps 69:9 Ps 81:12 Ps 117 Ps 118 Dn 4:32
32 56 36 10 56 22 10 56 20 20 58
Mt 20:22 Mt 21:12 Mt 26:39, 42 Mt 26:45 Mt 27:33 Mt 27:34 Mt 27:38 Mark 10:38–42 Mark 11:17 Mark 14:36 Mark 15:23
48 10 48 50 50 18 10 48 10 48 50
TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS Mark 15:25 Lk 19:46 Lk 21:15 Lk 22:42 Lk 23:27–8 Lk 23:36
20 10 58 48 50 50
Syriac Martyrdom Sources AMS 2:315 20, 22 AMS 2:515 20 AMS 2:535 52 AMS 2:536 34 AMS 4:135 20 Rabbinic Sources t. Ḥullin 2:24 b. Bava Meṣiʿa 14a b. ʿAvoda Zara 10b
38 36 52
65
Jn 2:17 Jn 12:23 Jn 18:11 Jn 19:28–30 Heb 11:13–16 Heb 13:14
10 50 48 50 52 52
Habib 32 Habib 42:4
58 8