People in the Mountains: Current Approaches to the Archaeology of Mountainous Landscapes [1 ed.] 9781784918187, 9781784918170

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PEOPLE IN THE MOUNTAINS Current ApproAChes to the ArChAeology of MountAinous lAndsCApes

Edited by

Andrzej Pelisiak, Marek Nowak and Ciprian Astaloș

People in the Mountains Current Approaches to the Archaeology of Mountainous Landscapes

Edited by

Andrzej Pelisiak, Marek Nowak and Ciprian Astaloș

Archaeopress Archaeology

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED

www.archaeopress.com

ISBN 978 1 78491 817 0 ISBN 978 1 78491 818 7 (e-Pdf)

© Archaeopress and the authors 2018 Cover image: Bieszczady Mountains (SE Poland). Photo by Andrzej Pelisiak

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Contents

List of Figures������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������iii List of Contributors���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������vi Introduction�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Andrzej Pelisiak, Marek Nowak and Ciprian Astaloş The mountainous landscape as a viable alternative for the Neolithic����������������������������������������������������� 7 Paweł Valde-Nowak From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project: Archaeology and anthropology in the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius valley (Italy, The Province of L’Aquila – AQ)�������������������������������� 15 Francesca Romana Del Fattore, Anna Rizzo and Alessandro Felici Long-range versus short-range prehistoric pastoralism. Potential of palaeoecological proxies and a new record from western Emilia, northern Apennines, Italy���������������������������������� 47 Lionello F. Morandi and Nicholas P. Branch An archaeology of the mountains in Maramureș, Romania: the beginning of a long-term project������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 61 Radu-Alexandru Dragoman, Dan Pop, Bogdan Bobînă, Marius Ardeleanu, Călin Şuteu and Ciprian Astaloş Carpathians: barrier or border? Tiszapolgár, Bodrogkeresztúr, Petreşti and Trypillia-Cucuteni Cultures��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79 Taras Tkachuk The settlement and economy of the prehistoric communities of the Zvolen Basin and surrounding areas in the Western Carpathians (Slovakia)������������������������������������������������������������������ 87 Noémi Beljak Pažinová Recent discoveries in the High Bieszczady Mts.����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 101 Andrzej Pelisiak Pollen indications of human activity in the Polish Western Carpathians during the Neolithic period��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 117 Marek Nowak i

The settlement of the Corded Ware Culture and early phases of the Mierzanowice culture in the Carpathian Mountains��������������������������������������������������������������� 139 Paweł Jarosz Re-fitting the Past – Urn Graveyards in the Carpathian Foothills��������������������������������������������������������� 153 Marta Korczyńska and Klaus Cappenberg The Sudetic resource base in the economy of early medieval societies����������������������������������������������� 173 Ewa Lisowska Beginnings of mountain settlement in Czech Republic – a case study from the Bohemian Forest������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 185 Katarína Kapustka, Matthew Walls and Jan Eigner An Approach to understand the significance of the Cultural landscape of the tribes of Arunachal Pradesh, Northeast India�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 197 Bina Gandhi Deori Fog, mountain and desert: human-environment interactions in Lomas de Lachay, Peru���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 207 Piotr Kalicki, Tomasz Kalicki and Piotr Kittel

ii

List of Figures

P. Valde-Nowak: The mountainous landscape as a viable alternative for the Neolithic

Figure 1. Rdzawka, West-Beskidy Mountains. Elevated plateaus with organized pastoral space.....................................9 Figure 2. Topography of early Neolithic Linearbandkeramik villages in the Wiśnickie-Foothill......................................11

F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project: Archaeology and anthropology in the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius valley (Italy, The Province of L’Aquila – AQ)

Figure 1. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley: geographical position in Central Italy.....................................................16 Figure 2. The sample area: the territories of Anversa degli Abruzzi, Villalago and Scanno (AQ)...................................16 Figure 3. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): sites distribution................................................................................17 Figure 4. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): general relative chronology.............................................................18 Figure 5. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): relative chronology. Bronze/Iron Age, Archaic Phase.................18 Figure 6. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): view from the North..........................................................................19 Figure 7. The southern sector of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley. View from the North..........................................19 Figure 8. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): a dense net of preferential routes and pathways..........................21 Figure 9. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Lower, Middle Palaeolithic, Upper Palaeolithic, Mesolithic........21 Figure 10. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Neolithic, Eneolithic. Sites distribution.......................................23 Figure 11. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Bronze Age/Iron Age. Sites distribution......................................24 Figure 12. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Late Iron Age, Archaic Phase. Sites distribution.........................25 Figure 13. I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina: 2015 excavation of a necropolis dated to II-I century BC...........................26 Figure 14. I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina: 2015 excavation of a necropolis dated to II-I century BC...........................27 Figure 15. Geographical position of the Pagus Betifulum........................................................................................................27 Figure 16. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Italic Hellenistic/Hellenistic Roman and Empire Phases..........28 Figure 17. The Road to the Samnium: geo-referenced sections. View from the North.....................................................29 Figure 18. I Giardini (Scanno, AQ): view from South-West....................................................................................................30 Figure 19. I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina (Scanno, AQ): 2011 Survey campaign..............................................................30 Figure 20. I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina (Scanno, AQ): 2013 sample excavation n. 2....................................................31 Figure 21. The cultivated species...............................................................................................................................................31 Figure 22. Jovana-San Lorenzo (Scanno, AQ). 3D model of a fortification dated to the Late Middle Ages....................32 Figure 23. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Late Antiquity, Early and Late Middle Ages.................................33 Figure 24. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Ethno-anthropological survey.......................................................34 Figure 25. Scanno (AQ). Ethno-anthropological field work: an interview..........................................................................34 Figure 26. Scanno (AQ). Ethno-anthropological field work: an interview..........................................................................35 Figure 27. Frattura Vecchia (Scanno, AQ). View of a sector of the old village at the foot of Mount Genzana..............37 Figure 28. Frattura Vecchia (Scanno, AQ). Documents and photos from one of the remaining houses........................37 Figure 29. I Giardini-Collangelo (Scanno, AQ). The Roman road. Interviews, survey and documentation...................39 Figure 30. Frattura di Scanno (Scanno, AQ). One of the scrolls found in the parsonage of the local church...............40 Figure 31. Frattura Vecchia (Scanno, AQ). The vegetable gardens: harvesting ‘Bread beans’.........................................40 Figure 32. Frattura Vecchia (Scanno, AQ). The vegetable gardens: drying ‘Bread beans’................................................41 Figure 33. Torino: Terra Madre-Slow Food 2014. The Frattura ‘Bread beans’ officially entered the Ark of Taste.......41

L. F. Morandi and N. P. Branch: Long-range versus short-range prehistoric pastoralism. Potential of palaeoecological proxies and a new record from western Emilia, northern Apennines, Italy

Figure 1. Schematic model of short-range vertical transhumance.....................................................................................48 Figure 2. Prato Spilla ‘A’: map showing the location of the site............................................................................................51 Figure 3. Prato Spilla ‘A’: view of the site from the south-east.............................................................................................51 Figure 4. Prato Spilla ‘A’: percentage diagram showing the occurrence of obligate and coprophilous fungal taxa......52 Figure 5. Prato Spilla ‘A’ (star), the nearest finds of Neolithic/Eneolithic sites.................................................................54 iii

R.-A. Dragoman et al.: An archaeology of the mountains in Maramureș, Romania: the beginning of a long-term project

Figure 1. Map of the Maramureș region with the area chosen for research......................................................................62 Figure 2. Map with the archaeological discoveries from the area of Maramureș County................................................63 Figure 3. Map with the discoveries mentioned in the text...................................................................................................66 Figure 4. Lithic pieces discovered at Pârtia de schi, Stâna Gropşoare, Poiana Ştiol, Podul Prelucilor, Stâna Dunca...............67 Figure 5. The Prislop Pass and Pârtia de schi, June 2014.........................................................................................................67 Figure 6. Stâna Gropşoare, November 2014................................................................................................................................68 Figure 7. Poiana Ştiol, November 2015.......................................................................................................................................68 Figure 8. Podul Prelucilor, June 2015...........................................................................................................................................69 Figure 9. Stâna Dunca, June 2015................................................................................................................................................69 Figure 10. Cup dated probably in the late Bronze Age, discovered close to the Geamănul Peak....................................70 Figure 11. Pottery fragments discovered at Poiana Ştiol.........................................................................................................70 Figure 12. Josephine map on which is indicated the place where the 1717 battle with the Tatars took place............71 Figure 13. Prislop Pass, June 2014: material traces of war: cartridge case, trenches and ruins of a bunker.................72 Figure 14. Prislop Pass, June 2014: blockhouse........................................................................................................................72 Figure 15. Prislop Pass, June 2014: destroyed bunker............................................................................................................73 Figure 16. Prislop Pass, June 2014: structures dug into the soil...........................................................................................73 Figure 17. Prislop Pass, June 2014: aerial image with ruins of buildings............................................................................73 Figure 18. Prislop Pass, June 2014: foundation of a building.................................................................................................74 Figure 19. Prislop Pass, June 2014: building with stone walls...............................................................................................74 Figure 20. Stâna Dunca, June 2015: abandoned sheepfold......................................................................................................75 Figure 21. Geamănul Peak, June 2015: ruins of a sheepfold..................................................................................................76 Figure 22. The Știol Lake, June 2015: ruins of a sheepfold.....................................................................................................76

T. Tkachuk: Carpathians: barrier or border? Tiszapolgár, Bodrogkeresztúr, Petreşti and Trypillia-Cucuteni Cultures

Figure 1. Distribution of copper wares.....................................................................................................................................80 Figure 2. Distribution of golden wares.....................................................................................................................................81 Figure 3. Copper axes from the Upper Dniester region.........................................................................................................81 Figure 4. Golden disks from the Brad treasure........................................................................................................................81 Figure 5. Golden pendant from Trajan.....................................................................................................................................82 Figure 6. Distribution of ceramics with bosses and rows of handles...................................................................................82 Figure 7. The vessels with external hanging bosses...............................................................................................................83 Figure 8. The vessel with external rows of handles................................................................................................................83 Figure 9. The vessel with round bosses located in pairs under the rim..............................................................................83 Figure 10. The vessels with round bosses on the external surface......................................................................................84

N. Beljak Pažinová: The settlement and economy of the prehistoric communities of the Zvolen Basin and surrounding areas in the Western Carpathians (Slovakia)

Figure 1. Location of Zvolen Basin region within Slovakia and orographic map of mentioned prehistoric sites.......88 Figure 2. Deserted Castle (Pustý hrad) in Zvolen....................................................................................................................89 Figure 3. Zvolen, Deserted Castle – Lower Castle. Aerial view from the north..................................................................90 Figure 4. Zvolen, Deserted Castle – Lower Castle. Prehistoric hearth.................................................................................90 Figure 5. Zvolen, Deserted Castle – Lower Castle. Collection of Baden culture sherds with decoration.......................91 Figure 6. Zvolen, Deserted Castle – Lower castle. 1 – 11 collection of Late and Final Bronze Age finds........................93 Figure 7. Zvolen, Čierne zeme site. Small pitcher (jug).........................................................................................................94 Figure 8. Zvolen, Veľká Stráž. Bronze Age pottery fragments..............................................................................................96 Figure 9. Zvolen, Veľká Stráž. Cultural profile from the test trench on the hilltop..........................................................97

A. Pelisiak: Recent discoveries in the High Bieszczady Mts

Figure 1. Study area...................................................................................................................................................................103 Figure 2. Landscape of the Połonina Wetlińska near the Orłowicz Pass (1050 m a.s.l.)..................................................103 Figure 3. Location of the sites on the Orłowicz Pass, and Orłowicz Pass Niżna...............................................................104 Figure 4. Location of the sites on the elevation of Połonina Wetlińska near the Hnatowe Berdo................................104 iv

Figure 5. Selection of the Neolithic and Early Bronze finds................................................................................................105 Figure 6. Selection of the Neolithic and Early Bronze finds................................................................................................106 Figure 7. Location of the stone structures in the Połonina Wetlińska massif. Wetlina sites.........................................107 Figure 8. Semicircular stone construction on the Wetlina site 8.......................................................................................107 Figure 9. Połonina Wetlińska massif. One of the stone mounds from Wetlina, site 11...................................................108 Figure 10. Location of the sites near the Czerteż Pass on the main ridge of the Carpathians......................................109 Figure 11. Location of selected sites in the Solinka river valley. Wetlina sites 17-21......................................................109 Figure 12. LIDAR view of Wetlina site 13................................................................................................................................110 Figure 13. Połonina Wetlińska massif. One of the salt water springs near the stone structure on the Wetlina........111

M. Nowak: Pollen indications of human activity in the Polish Western Carpathians during the Neolithic period

Figure 1. Location of the Polish Western Carpathians (1) and its regionalization (2)....................................................118 Figure 2. Location of pollen profiles in the Polish Western Carpathians.............................................................................119 Figure 3. Period c. 5500-4800 BC in the Western Carpathians and its surroundings......................................................121 Figure 4. Period c. 4800-4000 BC in the Western Carpathians and its surroundings......................................................122 Figure 5. Simplified version of the pollen profile at the site of Tarnowiec......................................................................123 Figure 6. The modified version of the pollen profile at the site of Tarnowiec.................................................................124 Figure 7. Period c. 4000-2800 BC in the Western Carpathians and its surroundings......................................................126 Figure 8. The peat bog sequence at Kamiennik.....................................................................................................................128 Figure 9. The pollen profile at Jesionowa...............................................................................................................................129 Figure 10. Period c. 2800-2300/2200 BC in the Western Carpathians and its surroundings..........................................130 Figure 11. The pollen profile at Krasne..................................................................................................................................131

P. Jarosz: The settlement of the Corded Ware Culture and early phases of the Mierzanowice culture in the Carpathian Mountains

Figure 1. Sites of the Corded Ware Culture and early phases of Mierzanowice culture.................................................140 Figure 2. Dispersion of Corded Ware culture sites................................................................................................................143 Figure 3. Plans of barrows and barrow graves.......................................................................................................................146 Figure 4. Grave goods from barrow graves and mounds......................................................................................................148

M. Korczyńska and K. Cappenberg: Re-fitting the Past – Urn Graveyards in the Carpathian Foothills

Figure 1. Distribution of the graveyards dated to the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age in S/E Poland.................154 Figure 2. Location of Janowice, site 44 at the soil map, supplemented by data from geological map.........................155 Figure 3. Distribution and chronological attribution of the surface pottery findings, and geomagnetic survey......156 Figure 4. Micro topographical plan of the trench showing high slope rates based on LiDAR DEM..............................156 Figure 5. Excavated features and LS Factor based on LiDAR DEM......................................................................................157 Figure 6. Cross section of feature 28 and feature 29.............................................................................................................157 Figure 7. Cross section of feature 47 at a shallow depth......................................................................................................157 Figure 8. Plan of excavation area with depth of the urns marked.....................................................................................158 Figure 9. Profile of feature 35 showing the disturbance of the feature by burrowing animals....................................159 Figure 10. Feature 44 showing the decreased level of preservation caused by ploughing or/and ground pressure..159 Figure 11. Graphical illustration of the distribution of individual Late Bronze Age pottery pieces............................160 Figure 12. Reconstruction of the falling of a tree and formation of pit 1B.......................................................................161 Figure 13. Cross section of feature 32.....................................................................................................................................161 Figure 14. Features 32 and 45...................................................................................................................................................161 Figure 15. Features 32 and 45 on in orthogonal view after localising the pottery fragments by a DGPS....................162 Figure 16. Degree of ceramic surface preservation comparing tree windthrow structures and surface findings.....163 Figure 17. Classification of pottery surface erosion.............................................................................................................163 Figure 18. Multiple Correspondence Analysis of technological attributes of the Late Bronze Age pottery, pit 32.....164 Figure 19. Multiple Correspondence Analysis of technological attributes of the Late Bronze Age pottery, pit 45.....165 Figure 20. Kernel density estimation of pottery sherd positions for features 31, 32 and 45.........................................166 Figure 21. Network analysis of refitted pottery pieces........................................................................................................166 Figure 22. Boxplots for 3D next neighbour distances of sherds of pottery units belonging to features 32 and 45...167 Figure 23. Reconstruction of pottery units and their spatial position in features 31, 32 and 45..................................168 v

E. Lisowska: The Sudetic resource base in the economy of early medieval societies

Figure 1. Sudeten Mountains – SW Poland. Zones of Early Medieval rock exploitation................................................174 Figure 2. Exploitation methods related to the landscape and distinguished types of quarries’ forms.......................174 Figure 3. Stone wall made of rhyoilite observed within the 9th century stronghold in Nowy Kościół.......................176 Figure 4. Stone wall and unfinished quernstone found within the stronghold in Gilów, Niemczańskie Foothills....177 Figure 5. St John and St Catherine’s church in Świerzawa built of local sandstone, 13th century..............................177 Figure 6. St Gothard’s rotunda in Strzelin built of local granite, 12th century...............................................................178 Figure 7. The Romanesque portal of the Ołbin Abbey in Wrocław, built of sandstone from Kaczawskie Foothills...178 Figure 8. Iron wedges found during W. Wojciecowski’s excavation in 1962 in Sobótka-Górka.....................................179 Figure 9. Pit quarries in Chwałków during wintertime, Ślęża Massif................................................................................180 Figure 10. Pit quarries in Chwałków, Ślęża Massif................................................................................................................180 Figure 11. Escarpment quarries near Skalice, Strzelin Foothills........................................................................................180 Figure 12. Escarpment quarries called Marienstein near Gębczyce, Strzelin Foothills....................................................181

K. Kapustka, M. Walls and J. Eigner: Beginnings of mountain settlement in Czech Republic – a case study from the Bohemian Forest

Figure 1. Position of the research area on the map of the Czech Republic.......................................................................186 Figure 2. Bohemian Forest region – sites marked by numbers...........................................................................................187 Figure 3. Bohemian Forest region – basic information on the sites..................................................................................188 Figure 4. Microliths found in the area of Bohemian Forest.................................................................................................190 Figure 5. Position of the chosen sites in the landscape – Javoří Pila 1..............................................................................191 Figure 6. Position of the chosen sites in the landscape – Javoří Pila 2..............................................................................191 Figure 7. Basic information on lithics found in the area of Roklanský Stream................................................................192 Figure 8. Selected finds: Javoří Pila 1: 1-4, 9, 10; Javoří Pila 2: 6-8; Javoří Pila 4: 5, 11.....................................................192 Figure 9. Basic information on raw materials at the sites in the area of Roklanský Stream.........................................193 Figure 10. Proveniences of the raw materials used for lithic production.........................................................................193

B. G. Deori: An Approach to understand the significance of the Cultural landscape of the tribes of Arunachal Pradesh, Northeast India

Figure 1. Map showing Arunachal Pradesh............................................................................................................................198 Figure 2. Forest Cover Map of Arunachal Pradesh................................................................................................................199 Figure 3. Yid and Gichi Village, Upper Subansiri District, Arunachal Pradesh.................................................................200 Figure 4. Pega Lomdak Village, Upper Subansiri District, Arunachal Pradesh..................................................................200 Figure 5. Bam village, West Siang Dist, Arunachal Pradesh.................................................................................................201 Figure 6. Toopo` Xigee (Great Curve of the Tsangpo).............................................................................................................201 Figure 7. Map showing the different routes of Galo migration...........................................................................................202 Figure 8. Jed Mod, an agricultural ritual performed at Basar, West Siang, Arunachal Pradesh.....................................204

P. Kalicki, T. Kalicki and P. Kittel: Fog, mountain and desert: human-environment interactions in Lomas de Lachay, Peru

Figure 1. Location of the Lomas de Lachay............................................................................................................................208 Figure 2. Tafoni in the Lomas de Lachay.................................................................................................................................209 Figure 3. Mean annual sum of precipitation in the Lomas de Lachay...............................................................................209 Figure 4. Alluvial fans in the Quebrada Guayabito valley....................................................................................................210 Figure 5. Active spring in the Quebrada Herbabuena valley...............................................................................................211 Figure 6. Geomorphological map of the Lomas de Lachay with the archaeological sites and profiles........................212 Figure 7. Ceremonial site in the Quberada Doña María valley............................................................................................213 Figure 8. U-shaped structure in the Lima settlements (La-180 site)..................................................................................214 Figure 9. Interlocking serpents motif in rock art in the La-344.........................................................................................215 Figure 10. Quebrada Teatino II cemetery...............................................................................................................................215 Figure 11. Profile LL-14 with two buried soils and Aeolian sands below..........................................................................216 Figure 12. Correlation of El Niño frequency and Pre-Columbian settlement phases in the Lomas de Lachay...........217 Figure 13. Chancay Black-on-White ceramic from the Quebrada Teatino II cemetery..................................................218 Figure 14. Metate in the Machupicchito site. The construction of wall.............................................................................219 Figure 15. Chimú-Inka vessel from the Torre Blanca cemetery.........................................................................................219 vi

List of Contributors

Marius Ardeleanu Maramureş County Museum of History and Archaeology, str. Monetăriei 1-3, Baia Mare, jud. Maramureş, Romania [email protected]

Bucharest, Romania [email protected] Jan Eigner National museum, Václavské náměstí 1700/68, 110 00 Prague 1, Czech republic [email protected]

Ciprian Astaloş Satu Mare County Museum, bvd. Vasile Lucaciu 21, 44031, Satu Mare, jud. Satu Mare, Romania [email protected]

Alessandro Felici Matrix 96 Società Cooperativa, Via C. Corvisieri 13, 00162 Roma, Italy [email protected]

Bogdan Bobînă Maramureş County Museum of History and Archaeology, str. Monetăriei 1-3, Baia Mare, jud. Maramureș, Romania [email protected]

Paweł Jarosz Centre for Archaeology of Hills and Uplands Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences Sławkowska 17, 31-016 Kraków, Poland [email protected]

Nicholas P. Branch Department of Geography and Environmental Science, and Department of Archaeology, School of Human and Environmental Sciences, University of Reading, Whiteknights, Reading, RG6 6AB UK [email protected]

Piotr Kalicki Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University, Gołebia 11, 31-007 Kraków, Poland [email protected]

Klaus Cappenberg Leibniz-Institut für Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Europa (GWZO) Reichsstr. 4-6, 04109 Leipzig, Germany [email protected]

Tomasz Kalicki Institute of Geography, the Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce Świętokrzyska 15, 25-406 Kielce, Poland [email protected]

Francesca Romana Del Fattore Matrix 96 Società Cooperativa, Via C. Corvisieri 13, 00162 Roma, Italy [email protected]

Katarína Kapustka Institute of archaeology of the Czech Academy of Sciences, Prague, v.v.i. Letenská 4, Prague 1 11801, Czech republic [email protected]

Bina Gandhi Deori Assistant Professor Department of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology Visva-Bharati University, Santiniketan-731235 West Bengal, India [email protected]

Piotr Kittel Department of Geomorphology and Palaeogeography, Faculty of Geographical Sciences, University of Lodz Narutowicza 88, 90-139 Łódź, Poland [email protected]

Radu-Alexandru Dragoman Vasile Pârvan Institute of Archaeology of the Romanian Academy, str. Henri Coandă 11, Sector 1, 010667,

Marta Korczyńska Mazowiecka 53/11, 30-019 Kraków, Poland [email protected] vii

Ewa Lisowska Institute of Archaeology, Wrocław University Szewska 48, 50-139 Wrocław, Poland [email protected]

jud. Maramureș, Romania [email protected] Anna Rizzo ‘Alma Mater Studiorum’ Università di Bologna, Italy [email protected]

Lionello F. Morandi Department of Archaeology, School of Human and Environmental Sciences, University of Reading, Whiteknights, Reading, RG6 6AB UK [email protected]

Călin Şuteu 1 Decembrie 1918 University of Alba Iulia, str. Gabriel Bethlen 5, 510009, Alba Iulia, jud. Alba, Romania [email protected]

Marek Nowak Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University Gołębia 11, 31-007 Kraków, Poland [email protected]

Taras Tkachuk Ivano-Frankivsk, Sorohtej str. 9 B, 35. 76005. Ukraine

Noémi Beljak Pažinová Department of Archaeology, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra Tr. A. Hlinku 1, 949 74 Nitra, Slovakia [email protected]

Paweł Valde-Nowak Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University, Gołębia 11, 31-007 Kraków, Poland [email protected]

Andrzej Pelisiak Institute of Archaeology, University of Rzeszów, Moniuszki 10, 35-015 Rzeszów, Poland [email protected]

Matthew Walls Department of archaeology and anthropology, University of Calgary, 2500 University Dr. N.W. Calgary, AB, T2N 1N4, Canada [email protected]

Dan Pop Maramureş County Museum of History and Archaeology, str. Monetăriei 1-3, Baia Mare,

viii

Introduction Andrzej Pelisiak, Marek Nowak and Ciprian Astaloş The inspiration for this volume came from papers presented during a session entitled People and the mountains – entering into the new landscapes, organised in 2014 by Andrzej Pelisiak (Institute of Archaeology, University of Rzeszów, Poland), Marek Nowak (Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University, Kraków, Poland) and Ciprian Astaloş (Satu Mare County Museum, Satu Mare, Romania) within the frameworks of the 20th Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists in Istanbul. The session included 17 papers and two posters presented by 41 researchers from 12 countries in Europe, Asia, and Australia. The papers and posters addressed the complex issues of the archaeology of mountainous areas, presenting new materials as well as current conclusions and interpretations. The geographical scope of the discussed issues was very broad, and they linked to various periods of prehistory, to the recent past. *** The volume opens with a presentation of basic issues and problems of research into Neolithic communities in mountains by Paweł Valde-Nowak. The author discusses both archaeological and paleoenvironmental research, palynological in particular. He outlines the fundamental problems posed by such research, but also suggests solutions to them. With respect to studies on the environment he emphasises that, in mountains, natural processes strongly transforming the landscape may be initiated by man but later continue to operate without human contribution. In Valde-Nowak’s opinion the increase in research, as well as the increase in the imagination of researchers, has meant that ‘the archaeologists have learned to understand still better the exceptional form of Neolithic remnants from the mountains. There is a growing evidence for the penetration of such regions already in the Early Neolithic. Such finds, as well as Late Neolithic ones, are not connected with transitional passing through the mountains, as was thought before. The amount of such traces in each mountain group is so large that it is important to take mountain territories into serious consideration with regard to the everyday lives and economic activity of Neolithic man’. The extensive paper by Francesca Romana Del Fattore, Anna Rizzo, and Alessandro Felici presents the research in the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley, in the Abruzzo Mountains (Central Italy). It has been carried out since 2006 within the framework of the Fluturnum Project, a part of a broader, international research enterprise. The project’s tasks fall within six categories: 1) Preliminary activities: census of materials and known archaeological evidence, 2) Acquisition of ethno-anthropological data, 3) Surveys, 4) Test excavations at known sites, 5) Design and creation of an Antiquarium in the town of Scanno, 6) Definition of historical and nature walks. Its goal is ‘to document the human settlement history of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley over the long term, from its earliest occupation in the Palaeolithic until the present day’. The authors present, in chronological order, the materials uncovered in the territory. With respect to the Neolithic and Eneolithic, they point towards the archaeological evidence for vertical transhumance. In their research, they make use of historical and ethnographic data, and the project refers in part to historical times (Antiquity and later periods). Lionello F. Morandi and Nicholas P. Branch focus on the exploitation of mountain and upland landscapes for animal grazing, starting from the Middle Neolithic. Their deliberations concern the regions of Emilia-Romagna and Liguria, in the northern Apennines (Italy). The authors discuss issues connected with short- and long-distance transhumance, and the definition of transhumance itself, and the research is based on archaeological and environmental materials, zooarchaeological in particular. In the area under consideration, caves and rock shelters are sites of particular importance. The authors 1

People in the Mountains

conclude that seasonal mountain grazing was gradually gaining in importance beginning from the Late Neolithic. They also present in-detail research into a peat bog, Prato Spilla ‘A’. In their chapter, Radu-Alexandru Dragoman, Dan Pop, Bogdan Bobînă, Marius Ardeleanu, Călin Şuteu, and Ciprian Astaloş present the results of research initiated in 2012 in northern Romania, in the eastern part of Maramureş: in the Prislop Pass (1414 m a.s.l.), which links Maramureş and Bukovina and in the region of the Geamănul Peak (1539 m a.s.l.) to the east of the Prislop Pass. Field works conducted in these areas resulted in the discovery of prehistoric sites represented by lithic finds, ‘post-Roman’ pottery, relics of military features from WWI and WWII, and traces of modern-period shepherds’ structures. The authors discuss the importance of mountains for prehistoric communities, including their different symbolic meanings, and support the discussion with ethnographic and historical data. Taras Tkachuk’s paper is focused on the Neolithic and Eneolithic of the Carpathian Basin and to the east of the Carpathians. Within the scope of the author’s interest are the cultures of Trypillia-Cucuteni, Tiszapolgár, Bodrogkeresztúr, and Petreşti, separated by the Carpathian range. He discusses the role played by the Carpathians in the Neolithic and Eneolithic, trying to determine whether these mountains were an impermeable barrier or a border area which posed no basic obstacle for intercultural contacts. Tkachuk points to the presence on the Trypillia-Cucuteni sites of copper objects, gold jewellery, and vessels which were either imports or imitations of artefacts typical of the Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr cultures. On the other side of the mountains, artefacts made from Volhynian flint are common finds in the Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr sites. In the author’s opinion, these examples are solid proof of Transcarpathian contacts, one of its forms being the exchange of prestige objects made of gold and copper (originating from the Carpathian Basin, from the milieu of the Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr cultures), and artefacts of Volhynian flint (originating from the Trypillia-Cucuteni area). Noémi Beljak Pažinová focuses her interest on the Zvolen region in central Slovakia, and on various aspects of human activity (settlement, economy, material culture) in the Late Neolithic, Eneolithic, and Bronze Age. The author concludes that factors such as climate and the presence of limnoquartzite outcrops – raw material used in chipped lithics production – favoured human settlement in the region. She points to transformations in settlement patterns, including a tendency to establish settlements in high locations, discernible from the times of the Epi-Baden culture, which was also connected with natural defensive potential. She highlights the noticeable geographical isolation of the Zvolen region, pointing at the same time to the evidence of contact with neighbouring areas, well-confirmed in archaeological material. Andrzej Pelisiak’s study is devoted to his research in the Polish Bieszczady Wysokie Mountains (SE tip of Poland). Archaeological research in this area was inspired by the identification of palynological traces of human activity from c. 3200 BC in pollen diagrams. Numerous finds of single lithic artefacts at heights above 1000 m a.s.l. confirm seasonal grazing of animals from the Late Neolithic. At a similar height, stone structures were discovered, referring to similar constructions known from the Alps, where they are dated between 2600 and 700 BC. Defensive structures were discovered as well, in the form of stone and earth ramparts. The determination of the chronology and function of these structures will be the goal of the planned excavations. Another line of research in Bieszczady Wysokie consist on studies of local siliceous raw materials, their outcrops, and possible places and forms of their exploitation in prehistory. The research is interdisciplinary, with contributions from environmental, geological, and paleoclimatic studies. In his paper on palynological indicators of human activity in the Neolithic in the Polish Western Carpathians, Marek Nowak argues that these data do not suggest a radical deforestation in the Neolithic period in the Western Carpathians. However, in a number of profiles, the presence of human indicators was recorded, generally throughout the whole of the Neolithic. They occur with varying – but generally low – intensity. They have a discontinuous nature, which mirrors the short duration of the use of a given area. Thus, anthropogenic indicators only reflect human behaviours associated with animal (forest) 2

A. Pelisiak, M. Nowak and C. Astaloş: Introduction

husbandry, and possibly very local and short-term cultivation. Consequently, the great importance of such activities as hunting or participation in Transcarpathian communication is highly probable. Changes of species composition within forest cover, most apparent in the 3rd millennium BC, should not be regarded as evidence of human activity. Such activity would have to have been extremely intense and far-reaching to cause such changes. The study by Paweł Jarosz is a recapitulation of the hitherto research on the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age settlement in the Carpathians. Human activity is analysed here in the context of climate transformations, which makes the information recorded in Carpathian pollen diagrams particularly important. The archaeological basis for the analysis are sepulchral and settlement sites. With respect to the oldest Early Bronze finds in the Carpathians, one can notice a continuation in the location of graves: burials from the oldest phase of the Mierzanowice culture were often dug into Corded Ware Culture barrows. The issues pertaining to the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age in the Carpathians are analysed against a broad Central European geographical and chronological-cultural context. Using the example of the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age in the Polish Western Carpathians, Marta Korczyńska and Klaus Cappenberg demonstrate that, despite poor archaeological sources, graveyards in mountain regions can provide very valuable information given the proper digging methods and detailed examination of pottery taphonomy and technology. For instance, it seems that in the case of graveyards, pottery deposited in tree windthrow structures creates an opportunity to reconstruct grave inventories and can also be taken into account when estimating the number of graves. Therefore, in the authors’ opinion, the common consideration of graveyards in the Polish Carpathian as being small and few, may in most cases reflect only their poor state of preservation. Ewa Lisowska’s study is devoted to the acquisition of stone raw materials in the Sudetes in the Early Middle Ages. The identification of the applied stone material is based on petrographic analyses (electron microprobe analysis, rare earth element analysis and x-ray diffraction). The author presents the state of research on the issue of her interest. The analyses encompassed more than 2,000 artefacts from 179 archaeological sites. Field research was supported with the analysis of geological maps, and of LIDAR and Mestischblatter data. The results allowed her to outline the development of stone acquisition in the Middle Ages, including the methods of acquisition and the types of quarries. She points to the diversified applications of stone as raw material, from making objects of everyday use to architectural complexes. She divides the development of stone acquisition activity into four chronological phases. The chapter by Katarína Kapustka, Matthew Walls, and Jan Eigner presents their research into the Mesolithic occupation in the Bohemian Forest region. The authors present the results of excavations and surface surveys carried out within the framework of a project initiated in 2011. The identified sites are situated at heights ranging from 1010 to 1150 m a.s.l. The investigated sites yielded artefacts made from Bavarian lithic raw materials, which in the authors’ opinion indicates that groups of Mesolithic population crossed mountain ranges. These findings confirm that, rather than being an ‘empty space’, Bohemian Forest was regularly exploited by hunting-gathering communities during the Mesolithic. Bina Gandhi Deori’s paper focuses on Arunachal Pradesh, the most north-eastern state of India, in the foothills of the Himalayas. It is mainly devoted to indigenous communities living in the different valleys of Arunachal Pradesh. The inaccessible topography prevented regular intercommunication between these valleys. The geographical isolation from each other has resulted in the survival, almost to the present day, of specific cultural attributes, in language, dress, customs, etc. Each group has its own defined cultural identities which present a unique scenario of unity in diversity in Northeast India. Thus, in the absence of any major influence from outside, the indigenous customs are practiced more or less in their pristine forms without much modification. Interestingly enough, although agriculture is the main mode of subsistence, many of the tribes still subsist also on gathering, fishing, and occasionally hunting. The developed oral history of the tribes carries rich information regarding their migrations, genealogical histories, and the geographical boundaries of their ancestral territories. Through oral 3

People in the Mountains

narratives, community ownership over their territorial lands is established. These communities have a deep and profound spiritual connection with their territories. They do not see themselves as separate from nature but a part of nature. Mountains, hills, forests, trees, agricultural fields, rivers, streams, etc. are associated with spirits and sylvan deities that protect them. Piotr Kalicki, Tomasz Kalicki and Piotr Kittel discuss fog-alimented ecosystems (lomas) on the western coast of South America as evidenced in the Lomas de Lachay region. Such ecosystems were formed due to the humidity deposited on first ridges of the Andes by advection fog, during the humid season in particular. The region under consideration attracted human communities, and complex societies appeared there c. 1800 BC. As a threshold environment, Lomas de Lachay constitutes a perfect case study for the studies of human adaptive strategies to fragile mountain and desert ecosystems. Among other things, a clear trend of subsistence changes from intensive agriculture to the extensive pastoralism of camelids (associated with transhumance between the highlands and lomas) can be demonstrated. These changes can be related with fluctuations in the frequency of El Niño events (periods of increased precipitations and periods of aridization). Interestingly enough, in all settlement phases Lomas de Lachay had a relatively high symbolic status (ceremonial sites, cemeteries), which did not correlate well with its actual economic importance. In the authors’ opinion, the mental reference to this region was determined by religious beliefs and power structure rather than by economic or environmental factors. *** What general conclusions can be drawn from these papers? Undoubtedly, for obvious topographical and environmental reasons, mountains separated human communities which, at least from the Neolithic, functioned in other ecological zones. In other words, mountains were barriers, border areas, etc. On the other hand, however, these barriers and borders created by mountains were seldom impermeable for humans. Prehistorical and historical facts, mentioned in this volume or known otherwise (e.g. Ötzi), demonstrate that, contrary to common belief, even high mountain ranges could be relatively easily penetrated and crossed, and not only in the Neolithic. We can suppose that, for the Neolithic (and other) people, what lay BEYOND the mountains, in more or less distant lands, appeared exotic and new. Despite the distrust and enmity towards ‘Foreigners’ innate in traditional communities, and despite the fact that mountains were a specific/unusual landscape (where rare/uncommon animals could be encountered and strange atmospheric phenomena occurred, a place ‘closer to the gods’), exotic, uncommon, unusual artefacts were eagerly accepted or bought, if only for purely prestige reasons. But the unknown lands beyond mountains also naturally inspired an eternal human question and dream – what if it is better on the other side? Maybe we should take a chance and seek fortune beyond these huge, dark mountains? These questions and dreams quite often fruited in smaller or larger migrations. Thus, crossing mountain barriers and boundaries was practically inevitable. But mountains were not only the routes of migration, exchange, etc. Many papers in this volume clearly demonstrate that in the more or less distant past mountains as such, with all their environmental specificity, were exploited in various manners. Examples given many times here show that they were very flexibly and aptly used, and the potential of particular mountain zones, in terms of food acquisition, flora, fauna, natural resources, etc., was correctly identified. Mountains were no doubt often peripheral areas when compared with dense and stable settlement in uplands and lowlands. In mountains, the patterns typical of ‘central’ areas were sometimes copied (or attempts were made to copy them), only with less intensity. But perhaps more often, e.g. in the Neolithic, mountains were peripheral areas where the mentioned ‘central’ patterns were not so much copied as supplemented, in what we could describe as a complementary approach. Finally, sometimes mountains were the arena of relatively independent social, economic, and ideological development, where specific forms of settlement, modes of subsistence, and social structures developed. The latter could sometime be in a kind of opposition/contestation to social structures typical of other landscape zones. 4

A. Pelisiak, M. Nowak and C. Astaloş: Introduction

Last but not least, the papers gathered in this volume show that there can be many facets to mountain archaeology. What they have in common is the specific nature of the finds, different from those recovered from other ecological zones more typically exploited by human communities. Moreover, this specific nature manifests itself in various dimensions. It takes much patience, consideration, and analytical and interpretational skills to discover these specific finds, properly classify and interpret them, and set them within their proper cultural and natural contexts. The practice proves, however, that systematic, consistent, and long-range research programmes realised in mountain environments will ultimately produce desired, interesting, and sometimes surprising results. Acknowledgements We greatly acknowledge the invaluable help in editing all contributions provided by PhD students of the Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University: Agnieszka Brzeska-Pasek, Robert Kenig, Tomasz Oberc, and Justyna Zakrzeńska. Thanks are also due to Aeddan Shaw and Piotr Godlewski for language proofreading of all texts.

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The mountainous landscape as a viable alternative for the Neolithic Paweł Valde-Nowak Abstract A survey of main views on the significance of European Mid-Mountains, like German Mittelgebirge, Carpathians and Sudetes for early agrarian groups will be presented. Former proposals of exclusion of these terrains from the Neolithic ecumena will also be a matter. It will confront special character of archaeological sources, settlement-geographical observation, etnographic and palaeobotanical evidences. The paper will also stress a bid of recognition of these terrains as a domain of seasonal moving of groups, most probably pastoral in character. One can easily show entirely different face of archaeology of those terrains, if compared to the classic centers recognized explicitly by the casus of the chunks of fertile soils arisen out of the loess. The mentioned lugging can be explained with the ultimate form of the Neolithic settlement remnants in the mountains. Such findings are not connected only with transitional passing through the mountains, as it thought before. The amount of such marks in each mountain group is so large, that it is important to take a mountain territories into serious consideration regarding the everyday live and economy of the Neolithic man. Key words Neolithic, Mid mountains, research attitudes, pastoral economy

Introductory remarks The ratio of ancient settlements to landscape variants has become the object of interest of prehistorians relatively late, only as archaeology passed its first stages, namely the evolutionary and cultural-diffusionist. Following these stages, the so-called New Archaeology popularized ‘the research attitude’ focused on the examination of any environmental factors and their impact on human behaviour, potentially existing in the past. It was the first moment when attention was paid to the role of certain topographic variants as economically useful or useless, e.g. for establishing a village, hamlet or encampment. The archaeology in these times, thanks to the so-called settlement archaeology, examined the topography of archaeological sites, including choices made with respect to such aspects of location as the landform, elevation above sea level, the distance from a watercourse and the direction of exposition (e.g. Kruk 1980a; Zimmermmann 2002). This purely formal, statistical and even numerical approach to the elements of landscape at some point proved insufficient for archaeologists. The science represented by them stepped into another methodological state. The sphere of research now includes not only the meeting of human economic needs, but also those of a spiritual and artistic nature. One of the substantial foundations of such a research attitude has become landscape archaeology (Bender et al. 2007; Ucko and Layton 1999). In the 1990s, the attention started to be paid to the environment as a context of human behaviour. An extremely interesting twist in the approach to the role of landscape was assigning it a symbolic meaning. The archaeological record provides examples which seem to confirm humans exceptional reaction to certain rock formations, resembling animals, as it occurred in the valley of Ardèche in France (Clottes 2003). There are also many suggestions for the recognition of individual mountains or whole mountain ranges as sacred objects in prehistory (Anati 2013). A separate issue are the changes induced by humans themselves. This transformation became large-scale in the Neolithic, when they started interfering in forests. Surely, such changes in forest not always had to be broad and noticeable during one generation. The process of the gradual reduction of the forested area and the extending of the range of meadows or sward must have had an impact on the imagination. After the cutting of only few trees, the visibility changed together with the amount of light in the daily cycle. Those were certainly substantial factors for human life. The current state of the landscape, especially in the mountains, was one of the leading 7

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factors affecting the living standards of human groups, with respect to both economy and spiritual and symbolic behaviour. Neolithic in mountainous landscape. Some considerations In recent decades one could observe a growing discrepancy between the development of archaeological research in ‘classic’ Neolithic areas and in the mountains, especially in the European Mid-Mountains, like German Mittelgebirge, Carpathians and Sudetes Mountains. One can easily show an entirely different face of archaeology of the latter terrains as compared to the classic centres, especially those situated within fertile loess areas. The mentioned phenomenon results from the specific nature of the archaeological evidence of human activity in mountains, if such evidence can be registered and actually understood at all. These issues have been brilliantly encompassed by a German archaeologist, Harwig Löhr, in the words about the late settlement of mountains: Generally one can point at the Mid-Mountains, for which the thesis of the ‘late’ inhabitation was put (…), which once accepted and repeated (…), started to operate as an axis of the devil’s coil. Since the earlier settlement has not been anticipated, it is not being searched for, and since it has been not searched, it is not being found; the lack of findings proofs this thesis (Löhr 1985). The hitherto research on highland settlement, in particular with respect to the Neolithic colonization, has shown that there are still some crucial questions to be answered: –– –– –– –– ––

Did Neolithic farmers or breeders have or want to operate also in the highland areas? Why did they leave the strict frames of their classic agricultural enclaves? Did their subsistence strategies alter while in those areas? How can the geo-settlement preferences of Neolithic man be defined in the highland areas? What is the reality of researching the Neolithic settlement in the mountains?

Observing the initial stage of archaeology, so the 19th century, we can indicate the very first attempts to incorporate mountainous territories into broader studies on the settlement of certain prehistoric periods. The mountainous terrains were approached without any prejudice or inhibitions. The initial negative results of this first field research successfully discouraged the successors and reinforced scepticism and reluctance about the matter. A good example would be served by the cave exploration in the Tatra Mountains undertaken by the archaeologist and geologist Gotfryd Ossowski (1882), who simultaneously successfully explored other caves but situated in the Jurassic terrain, outside mountains. The action in the Tatra Mountains delivered no such success and the chief impediment was the lack of archaeological finds. If we seek out reasons we will have to state that before the action he had not known that, because of different factors, discovering traces in the mountains would not be that easy as in the lowland. In many regions the archaeology of the Neolithic still concentrated more on the settlement clusters located on fertile black- and brownish soils for a long time (Hauzeur 2006; Kruk 1980a, 1980b; Pavlů 2000; Zimmermann 2002; Zimmermann et al. 2004). The research of loess sites developed so excessively that it might seem to be the only ‘calling card’ of Neolithic archaeology in general. From the contemporary point of view, such a tendency constituted a necessary stage and a scientific stance that must have emerged at that time. The high focus on territories characterized by the highest index of fertility was stimulated by the ease of conducting archaeology in those places. Cultural layers and easily recognizable non-portable features – storage pits and graves – delivered rich and spectacular collections of ceramic, stone, and bone finds. The contrast between sources from mountains and places outside them led to even stronger scepticism, which practically excluded mountainous areas from such considerations. This phenomenon took different forms in different countries. 8

P. Valde-Nowak: The mountainous landscape as a viable alternative for the Neolithic

There is a lot of evidence for strong contrast between the archaeology in the mountains and outside. It turns out that the Neolithic pit fillings, blackish in the loess area, are bright gray or ‘silverish’ in the mountains. Without that knowledge, the chances of discovering such structures are greatly limited. Chemical factors e.g. strong acidity of highland soils are responsible for such state of affairs. Taking up a discussion on the role of highland areas for prehistoric settlement with respect to the early colonization of those lands, first we need to gather the hypotheses of a negative tint. One can mention here the assertions about the domination of infertile soils, climate harshness (including the reduced growing season for vegetation), and the existence of a raw-material-desert in the mountains. Such a negative attitude inevitably ruled out a meaningful search for Neolithic traces in the mountains, and often for prehistoric ones in general (e.g. Reinecke 1930). Counter-hypotheses with a positive twist take a distinct position. They emphasise a wealth and diversity of the biotope and the occurrence of raw materials that do not occur elsewhere. Of fundamental significance is answering the question about whether highland sites, particularly Neolithic ones, were threatened by the devastating power of erosion, or were they rather naturally protected by the green surroundings from the erosion for a long time (comp. Gil 1976). The scale, form and dynamics of pastoral activity has a special meaning for the research on the past settlement in the mountains (e.g. Primas 1999). As we know from geography and ethnology, this branch of agriculture takes miscellaneous forms in the highlands (Figure 1). Its reflection in archaeological materials is so vague that for so many researchers it constitutes an impassable impediment. Nevertheless, archaeology still delivers more and more abundant evidence for the activity of Neolithic man, which hardly can be compared to that known from lowland and upland centres of the Neolithic settlement. The combination of this information with the results of ethnological research as well as palinological analyses of mountainous peat-bogs creates a unique picture of the ‘code of behaviour’ of Neolithic man, which differs completely from the commonly adopted view on the everyday life in the Neolithic centres from beyond the mountains. In light of the current state of research, the most important results may be summarized below. The set of Neolithic sources originating from mountainous terrain is comprehensive, and attempts at their

Figure 1. Rdzawka, West-Beskidy Mountains. Elevated plateaus with organized pastoral space. In the foreground a provisional shelter of shepherds documented in the summer of 2014 by the author. The dispersion of numerous Neolithic stray finds of polished stone tools from mountainous plateaus fits this pattern well. Note a shrub-like relic of trees preserved behind the shelter as a result of the permanent gnawing of tree twigs by animals. 9

People in the Mountains

disqualification were wrong. The chronological spread of stray finds of axes and hammer-axes belonging to many mountain groups appears logical and systematic. The Neolithic traces in mountains create a complex of data entirely different from those originating from classic settlement centres. Another conclusion obtained during the last decade concerns the frequency of high situated Neolithic sites in the area of plateaus, saddles and local passes. The above mentioned specifics of archaeological sources in the mountains, their dissimilarities to materials from uplands or lowlands, coincides with a different picture of prehistoric settlement, especially Neolithic one, seen in palynological diagrams. The palaeobotanists seek and easily find traces of crop cultivation and burning in diagrams from outside of the mountains. Traces of so-called Landnam are being persistently sought, but there are no such symptoms in the mountainous diagrams. Instead one can observe the increasingly convincing evidence for settlement mobility (Bentley 2007; Doppler et al. 2015; Fischer and Knipper 2003; Valamoti 2007; Welsh and Mocci 2011). Nevertheless, traces of Neolithisation can be visible. How far different are the traces? Palaeobotanical diagrams from the mountainous territories point to human impact at the beginning of the Subboreal period at the latest. Some authors suggested Neolithic seasonal occupation, probably pastoral in character, but without the large scale burning of woods (e.g. Knipping 1989; Lang 1973; Wacnik et al. 2001). Archaeology at that time could not confirm the described picture. In conclusion, the palaeobotanical studies were much more progressive and such evidence contrasted strongly with the state of archaeological research. The first settlement indicators appear in the mountainous diagrams as: –– fluctuation in the curves of deciduous trees (increase), –– bigger share of herbaceous plants, –– occurrence of anthropogenic indicators. All such observations suggested seasonal occupation, most probably pastoral, but without cultivated plants, the burning of woods, or bigger gaps in forested landscapes (Rösch 2012). These facts lead us towards interpretations which are eagerly accepted by palynologists. Forest destruction by cattle grazing and collecting leaves for winter fodder is documented in the diagrams. Such an interpretation has long been rejected by archaeologists, especially in the case of the West Carpathians. It was stressed that the cattle could not have been effectively fed with twigs and leaves of the trees. That negative view was entirely false, which has been experimentally proven by P. Rasmussen (1990), who pointed to contemporary practices and the results of his experiments (comp. Haas and Rasmussen 1993). Yet, several years ago it was still believed that open spaces were indispensable for pastoral existence. There was no consent as to the acceptance of so-called forest grazing, and the models developed outside the mountains were blindly applied to the highlands. In current studies concerning the Mid-Mountains Neolithisation an important role was played by settlement geography. A relatively large series of macrolithic polished tools have been analysed using topographic criteria. This showed the prevalence of Young and Late Neolithic finds in local saddles, passes and high situated plateaus. However, most of the Early Neolithic sites are located in a much lower zone of the landscape, a notable exception being a concentration of highly situated Linienbandkeramik villages in the Dunajec river basin in the West Carpathians (Figure 2: A-D). Settlement geography provides special opportunities for the comprehension of mountainous sites. Because of the dynamic relief and other environmental features such as the inversion of temperature, the topography of early farmers villages stands in clear contrast to ‘classic’ centres of that time (Figure 2: E). 10

P. Valde-Nowak: The mountainous landscape as a viable alternative for the Neolithic

Figure 2. Topography of early Neolithic Linearbandkeramik villages in the Wiśnickie-Foothill, Polish West Carpathians (A-D) as well as a panoramic view from the Łoniowa Linearbandkeramik site towards the river valley of the Dunajec in its middle run. Here it is plunged into thick fog, documented in August 2010 by the author (E). The prolonged gathering of a mist should be noted, while the tops are bathed in sunbeams during the morning. A – Biesiadki, B – Czchów, C – Łoniowa, D – Żerków.

The assessment of shortly settled mountainous points leads us to the following remarks which should be taken into consideration: –– they are often placed in such river valleys that can hardly be regarded as major communication routes; –– while the Late Neolithic axes and hammeraxes were found in elevated locations (saddles, passes), the Early Neolithic shoe-last celts originated from quite different places – situated in a far lower zone; –– in spite of such differences, both are traces of deep penetration and probably relate to camp-sites connected with specific economic tasks: broadly accounted pastoralism is one of the explanations of the described phenomenon. 11

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The new finds extend the range of possible interpretations. On the one hand, the Neolithic presence is better described, but on the other hand we must wonder if all of them are to be explained in terms of economy or maybe rather in terms of ritual behaviour. The explanation is not easy and requires further research. The size and intercultural character of the phenomenon mentioned above together with the paleobotanical evidence for human impact suggest that this mountain activity was rather economically based. Conclusion Learning about the past requires enormous imagination from researchers. This is because contemporary life takes place in a unique reality of technology, shaped by possibilities, needs and preferences of people. Archaeology is the only discipline whose workshop and methods provide us opportunities for learning about the actual world of ancient men. Reconstructing the past landscape is a difficult matter, since the changes which affected it have been very profound and induced by diverse factors. Without a doubt the natural factors such as aggradation, degradation and changes in biotopes, contributed hugely to the landscape transformation, especially in the mountains. Over the years, man has become a key factor in the landscape transformations. In recent years the interest in the Neolithic relics in the mountains has increased. More accurate results of palynological analysis played a great role in this context. The archaeologists have learned to understand still better the exceptional form of Neolithic remnants from the mountains. There is a growing evidence for the penetration of such regions yet in the Early Neolithic. Such finds, as well as Late Neolithic ones, are not connected with transitional passing through the mountains, as was assumed before. The amount of such traces in each mountain group is so large that it is important to take mountain territories into serious consideration with regard to the everyday lives and economic activity of Neolithic man. References Anati, E. 2013. Is Har Karkom the biblical Mount Sinai? Brescia, Atelier. Bender, B., Hamilton, S. and Tilley, Ch. 2007. Stone Worlds: Narrative and Reflexivity in Landscape Archaeology. Walnut Creek CA, Left Coast Press. Bentley, A. 2007. Mobility, specialization and community: diversity in the Linearbandkeramik: isotopic evidence from the skeletons. Proceedings of the British Academy 144: 117-140. Clottes, J. 2003. Chauvet Cave: The Art of Earliest Times. Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press. Doppler, T., Gerling, C., Heyd, V., Knipper, C., Kuhn, T., Lehmann, M. F., Pikee, A. W. G. and Schibler, J. 2015. Landscape opening and herding strategies: Carbon isotope analyses of herbivore bone collagen from the Neolithic and Bronze Age lakeshore site of Zurich-Mozartstrasse, Switzerland. Quaternary International 30: 1-11. Fischer, L. and Knipper, C. 2003. Zur Untersuchung steinzeitlicher Landschaften. Die Besiedlung und Nutzung der Blaubeurer und Ulmer Alb im Paläolithikum, Mesolithikum und Neolithikum. Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Urgeschichte 12: 113-139. Gil, E. 1976. Slopewash on flysch in the region of Szymbark. Dokumentacja fizjograficzna 2. Wrocław, Polish Academy of Sciences, Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization. Haas, J. N. and Rasmussen, P. 1993. Zur Geschichte der Schneitel- und Laubfutterwirtschaft in der Schweiz – eine alte Landwirtschaftspraxis kurz vor dem Aussterben. In C. Brombacher, S. Jacomet, J. N. Haas (eds.), Festschrift Zoller. Dissertationes Botanicae 196: 469-89. Berlin/Stuttgart, J. Cramer. Hauzeur, A. 2006. Le Rubané au Luxemburg. Contribution à l’étude du Rubané du Nord-Ouest européen. Dossiers d’archéologie du Musée national d’histoire et d’art. 10. Etudes et recherches archéologiques de l’Université de Liège 114. Liège, Musée national d’histoire et d’art. Knipping, M. 1989. Zur spat- und postglazialen Vegetationsgeschichte des Oberpfälzer Waldes. Dissertationes Botanicae 140. Berlin-Stuttgart, J. Cramer. Kruk, J. 1980a. Gospodarka w Polsce południowo-wschodniej w V-III tysiącleciu p.n.e. Wrocław, Ossolineum. 12

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Kruk, J. 1980b. The Neolithic Settlement of Southern Poland. British Archaeological Reports, Int. Series 93. Oxford, British Archaeological Reports Ltd. Lang, G. 1973. Neue Untersuchungen über die spät- und nacheiszeitliche Vegetationsgeschichte des Schwarzwaldes IV. Das Baldenwegermoor und das einstige Waldbild am Feldberg. Beiträge zur naturkundlichen Forschungen in Südwestdeutschland 32: 31-51. Löhr, H. 1985. Sammeln oder suchen? Anmerkung zur archäologischen Feldbegehung. Archäologische Informationen 8-2: 102-110. Ossowski, G. 1882. Jaskinie gór naszych i wypadki osiągnięte z ich badań. Pamiętnik Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego 7: 54-80. Pavlů, I. 2000. Life on a Neolithic Site. Bylany. Situational Analysis of Artefacts. Praha, Archeologicky ústav. Primas, M. 1999. From fiction to facts. Current research on prehistoric human activity in the Alps. In P. Della Casa (ed.), Prehistoric Alpine Environment, Society, and Economy: 1-10. Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie 55. Bonn, Rudolf Habelt. Rasmussen, P. 1990. Leaf foddering in the earliest Neolithic agriculture. Evidence from Switzerland and Denmark, Acta Archaeologica 60: 71-86. Reinecke, P. 1930. Grenzen vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Besiedlung Nordostbayerns. Der Bayerischer Vorgeschichtsfreund 9: 1-16. Rösch, M. 2012. Vegetation und Waldnutzung im Nordschwarzwald während sechs Jahrtausenden anhand von Profundalkernen aus dem Herrenwieser See. Standort Wald. Mitteilungen des Vereins für forstliche Standortskunde und Forstpflanzenzüchtung 47: 43-64. Valamoti, S. M. 2007. Detecting seasonal movement from animal dung: an investigation in Neolithic northern Greece. Antiquity 81/314: 1053-1064. Ucko, P. J. and Layton, R. (eds.) 1999. The Archaeology and Anthropology of Landscape: Shaping Your Landscape. London, Routledge. Wacnik, A., Szczepanek, K. and Harmata K. 2001. Ślady działalności człowieka neolitu i brązu obserwowane w diagramach pyłkowych z okolic Przełęczy Dukielskiej i terenów przyległych. In J. Gancarski (ed.), Neolit i początki epoki brązu w Karpatach Polskich: 207-221. Krosno, Muzeum Podkarpackie w Krośnie. Walsh, K. and Mocci, F. 2011. Mobility in the Mountains: Late third and second millennia Alpine societies’ engagements with the high-altitude zones in the southern French Alps. European Journal of Archaeology 14: 88-115. Zimmermann, A. 2002. Landschaftsarchäologie I: Die Bandkeramik auf der Aldenhovener Platte. Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission 83: 17-38. Zimmermann, A., Richter, J., Frank, T. and Wendt, K. P. 2004. Landschaftsarchäologie II – Überlegungen zu Prinzipien einer Landschaftsarchäologie. Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission 85: 37-95.

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From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project: Archaeology and anthropology in the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius valley (Italy, The Province of L’Aquila – AQ) Francesca Romana Del Fattore, Anna Rizzo and Alessandro Felici Abstract Fluturnum is an ongoing ethno-archeological research project that began in 2006 to document the human settlement history of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (Abruzzo-Central Italy) – from its earliest occupation in the Palaeolithic until the present day – and support local cultural development. A multisciplinary work that combines the techniques of archaeology, anthropology, geology, landscape analysis (GIS) and history to evaluate the strong interconnection between people and the surrounding mountainous environment. We conducted intensive surveys (as a key tool for reconstructing possible ancient landscape models) and excavation activities (as a useful opportunity to test some of the aspects emerging on a larger scale during the survey). Moreover, an ethno-anthropological study was carried out as a means to coordinate the archaeological work. The result is a georeferenced archaeological map – constantly evolving – and a deep involvement of the local community, which has contributed through direct participation in our activities. Key words Archaeology, etno-anthropology, Fluturnum, human settlement history, landscape analysis, Paeligni, Tasso-Sagittarius valley, transhumance

Archaeology Our project to conserve the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (Abruzzo-Central Italy) (Figure 1) and support local cultural development began in 2006. Our work has been guided by a close collaboration between our company (Matrix 96 Archaeological Cooperative1), the University of Bologna-Alma Mater Studiorum and the Abruzzo Superintendence for Archaeological Heritage (Sabap-Abr), with the involvement of the town of Scanno (AQ) and of local communities (Del Fattore 2012). Since 2014, the project has covered two new municipalities: Villalago and Anversa degli Abruzzi (AQ) (Figure 2). The research was organized into six main phases: 1) preliminary activities: census of materials and known archaeological evidence; 2) acquisition of ethno-anthropological data; 3) surveys; 4) test excavations at known sites; 5) design and creation of an Antiquarium in the town of Scanno (AQ); 6) definition of historical and nature walks. In 2008, some surveys were carried out. In 2009, thanks to a collaboration agreement with the Chair of Topics and Methodologies in Archaeological Research-University of Bologna, we were able to involve students and other specialists in our activities, starting a first cycle of systematic archaeological and ethno-anthropological studies. In 2010 and 2011, we therefore planned two longer intensive survey campaigns, concluding with 90 documented and geo-referenced Territorial Units and more than 300 diagnostic finds, ranging in date from the Lower-Middle Palaeolithic to the Middle Ages (Alessandri et al. 2011). In 2013, after being granted permission by the Ministry of Culture (MIBACT), we started test excavations at a late imperial site along the Roman road between Sulmo and Aufidena, NE of Scanno (AQ), seriously damaged by looters. Furthermore, an underwater investigation was undertaken at the lake of Scanno (SW sectors and shores), where a study conducted by the University of Pisa in the early 1960s had revealed the presence of a Late Bronze/Early Iron Age settlement. 1

www.matrix96.it

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Figure 1. The TassoUpper Sagittarius Valley: geographical position in Central Italy (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.; Google Earth image; Landsat image, Data SIO, NOAA, U.S. Navy, NGA, GEBCO).

Objectives and strategies The aim of the project is to document the human settlement history of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley over the long term, from its earliest occupation in the Palaeolithic until the present day (Dionisio 2015: 3741; Morelli 2001; Tuteri 2002) (Figures 3-5). This is a unique mountainous district comprising different ecological niches connected by the course of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius, the ancient Fluturnum, whose springs are located on the border between the territories of the Paeligni and Samnium. Currently located near the Abruzzo National Park, the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley is directly linked to one of the main routes used by humans and flocks between Abruzzo and northern Apulia: the Pescasseroli-Candela sheep-track. Combining the techniques of archaeology, anthropology, geo-

Figure 2. The sample area: the territories of Anversa degli Abruzzi, Villalago and Scanno (AQ) (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop). 16

F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project

Figure 3. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): sites distribution (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.; 2014 DigitalGlobe; 2014 Cnes/Spot Image).

logy, landscape analysis (GIS) (Barker 1995; Gillings et al. 1999; Van Leusen 2002) and history, our work demonstrates that settlement and people in this Mediterranean valley are strongly tied to the surrounding environment (Attema et al. 2010; Bintliff and Sbonias 1999; Leveau et al. 1999; Pasquinucci and Trement 2000). The ultimate goal is the definition of an archaeological geo-referenced map, to be used as the basis for reconstructing ancient landscapes. Find-spots were documented and recorded using mobile and semidifferential GPS, and the data were collected in a GIS system (ESRI), linked to a database. In this context, intensive surveys are a key tool for reconstructing possible ancient landscape models and local forms of agro-pastoral economies, in which horizontal transhumance played an important role until the early 1960s. Residual forms of pastoralism are still practiced in the area. Furthermore, excavation activities provided a useful opportunity to test some of the aspects emerging on a larger scale during the survey. The most important and unexpected outcome, however, was the significant involvement of the local community, which has contributed through direct participation in our activities and by providing local knowledge, stories and memories. An ethno-anthropological study guided and led the archaeological work. The objective was to recover awareness of these places, maintaining and preserving local memories, in the belief that knowledge of the past represents a value and at the same time a right. 17

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Site

E/MPal

C. di Secina M. Pratello M. Genzana Toppe Vurgo Godi Pass Chiar. (FCH-FLR) Ovile pelosello F. Pelosello F. Della Spina Pian. della Regina Malvascione Sterparo Pal. della Regina Castr. (all sites) Collangelo Scanno Carapale Fluturnum Acque Vive Anversa Villalago Fr. Vecchia Jov.-S. Lorenzo S. Egidio Scanno-Paliano Sc.-c. elettrica S.P. in Lago

Upper Pal

Mesol

Neol

Eneol BA/IA Archaic

It-Hell/ Rom-Hell

Imp

LA/EMA/ LMA

Figure 4. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): general relative chronology (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

Site Pi.della Regina Malvascione Sterparo Collangelo Godi -b. di Pant. Godi-font. Pant. Castr. Morrone Castr. Pettinillo Castr. Colle Morto Sc. Acque vive Sc.Carapale Pal. della Regina Toppe Vurgo Godi -Rifugi Castr. V. Donica Castr. San Sio Fluturnum Anversa

BA/IA

Archaic phase It-Hell/Rom-Hell

Empire

Figure 5. The TassoUpper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): relative chronology. Bronze/Iron Age, Archaic Phase, Italic Hellenistic/ Hellenistic Roman Phases, Empire (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.).

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F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project

Geomorphology The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (Dionisio 2015: 33-36) (41°59’51.51’’N, 13°48’36.12’’E, 41°50’24.53’’N, 13°53’25.44’’E, from Mount Godi, South, to Anversa degli Abruzzi, North), a tributary of the AternoPescara river basin, is part of the Apennine watershed that separates the Tyrrhenian from the Adriatic side of the Italian peninsula.2 The area is bounded by massifs running NW-SE and N-S, with an average altitude of 1430 m above sea level (between 430 and 2262 m, DEM NASA-SRTM data processing), mainly

Figure 6. The TassoUpper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): view from the North (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.; 2006 Europa Technologies; 2006 TerraMetrics; 2006 DigitalGlobe; 2006 TeleAtlas).

Figure 7. The southern sector of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley. View from the North (La Cona, Frattura Vecchia, AQ).

2

http://www.isprambiente.gov.it/Media/carg/note_illustrative/378_Scanno.pdf

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composed of Mesozoic limestones and marly-calcareous sediments. These systems are often interrupted by smaller parallel or transversal valleys; the Sagittarius gorge overlies clay-sandstones of the Miocene series. A lake, caused by a landslide during the recent Pleistocene (western side of Mount Rava), is located north of the town of Scanno (930 m a.s.l.) (Figures 6, 7). The geomorphology of the area ensured the stabilization of this natural basin – the largest in Abruzzo (1 sq km) – which still receives water from the Tasso, to the South; a series of minor springs are also permanently active below the surface of the lake. No emissaries are known: the Sagittarius is originated by a karstic phenomenon to the N of the lake. Other small seasonal or perennial tarns are found at high altitudes, in glacial cirque areas. The Holocene deposits consist of a great variety of lithofacies whose deposition is in many cases still active. Various erosive phenomena – gravity, cryo-nival and fluvial modelling, deep human impact – significantly affect the landscape, as does an intensive geological and dynamic activity, still very much in progress as evidenced by the intense regional seismicity, expressed over the past century by major events in 1915, 1984 and again in 2009. Historical development Palaeolithic Most of the data currently available come from periodic surveys made between the 1960s and 1990s and in 2011, and are therefore inhomogeneous (Spagnuolo 1998: 46-47). Limited test excavations have been conducted only in restricted areas (Mount Genzana and Chiarano Spring), by La Sapienza-University of Rome, where find-spots of lithic industries dating to the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic and to the Upper Palaeolithic have been documented (Spagnuolo 1998). In this context, it seems worth noting that the distribution of all locally known Palaeolithic sites – often located above 2000 m a.s.l. – is strongly correlated with the morphological and geological context: they constantly coincide with outcropping carbonate formations where we find flint deposits and proximity to water sources, such as springs and / or small perennial or seasonal lakes. The mountainous district surrounding the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley is considered an important supply area for the whole region: flint-deposits and hunting areas could only be reached during interglacial or, at least, interstadial phases, when favourable environmental conditions granted hunters seasonal access to all territories at high altitudes, free from permanent snow (Bietti and Mancini 1990: 11; Tozzi 2003). A dense net of preferential routes and pathways reached the mountains, ascending from the plateau E and SE of the valley (Piano delle Cinquemiglia) (Figure 8). Prot o – Levallois , Levallois, Levallois-Mousterian and Mousterian industries are widely documented at Mount Genzana, Toppe Vurgo, Mount Pratello (Bietti and Mancini 1990; Cremonesi 1967; Grifoni Cremonesi 1987: 20; Tozzi 1967; Spagnuolo 1998), Coste di Secina and the Godi Pass (Figure 9). Between 2010 and 2011, after intensive surveys, we were able to identify 11 new sites between Mount Genzana and the SW slopes of Toppe Vurgo and at Godi Pass (Alessandri et al. 2011: 384), at altitudes ranging between 1500 and 2170 m a.s.l. Mount Genzana, 2170 m a.s.l. (13°53’18’’E, 41°56’50’’N, IGM 152 I NE, Villalago) delimits the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley to the East. During two intensive surveys in 1984-5, Bietti and his team were able to identify 19 find-spots at altitudes from 2000 to 2100 m a.s.l. 1800 artefacts were collected, more than 98% of which presented clear Mousterian characteristics. A few artefacts – 2% – were attributed to more recent periods, such as the late Upper Palaeolithic or the Neolithic (Bietti and Mancini 1990: 11; Lunghini and Timpone 1979). ‘Toppe Vurgo, 1850 m a.s.l., SW from Mount Genzana along the same mountain ridge, was surveyed between the 1960s and 1980s by the Universities of Pisa and Rome and by local specialists: lithic industries presenting Proto-Levallois and Levallois-Mousterian features were collected, together with a few artefacts dating to the Upper Palaeolithic. The Godi Pass area, the southern limit of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius district at an altitude of 1550 m a.s.l. and a natural connection with the valleys and plateau to the S, is delimited by Mount Godi to the W and by Mount Scalone to the E. No research had previously been undertaken in this area. 20

F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project

Figure 8. The TassoUpper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): a dense net of preferential routes and pathways reached the mountains, ascending from the plateau E and SE of the Sagittarius Valley (Piano delle Cinquemiglia) (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop; 2014 DigitalGlobe; 2014 Cnes/Spot Image).

Figure 9. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Lower and Middle Palaeolithic, Upper Palaeolithic, Mesolithic. Sites distribution (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.; 2014 DigitalGlobe; 2014 Cnes/Spot Image).

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The majority of the artefacts collected during our surveys could be ascribed to the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic, presenting clear parallels with the industries identified in the neighbouring areas during previous studies. A few artefacts date to the Upper Palaeolithic. The frequentation of such high altitudes by Neanderthals would have been possible only in the last interglacial (isotopic stage 5) (Bietti and Mancini 1990: 11) or, perhaps, in the first warmer interstadial of stage 4, to procure raw materials: nodules of local flint are still fairly abundant at these altitudes (Mount Genzana and Toppe Vurgo), together with in situ flint-working activities. Additional seasonal hunting activities cannot be ruled out, but are almost impossible to demonstrate given the presence of strong post-depositional alterations on the surfaces of the artefacts. There are also points of comparison with similar industries from the lowlands of the same region, like those of Le Svolte di Popoli, and with other Mousterian industries of different regions, such as the ‘Pontinian’ of Latium (Bietti and Mancini 1990: 31-32). Open sites and find-spots dating to the Upper P a l ae ol i t hi c are less numerous in this area: the majority of the sequences were identified between the 1950s and 1990s in caves, NW and S of the Sagittarius Valley, in the Fucino region – like Grotta Continenza and Grotta di Pozzo (Grifoni Cremonesi 1987: 21-22; 2003a; Grifoni Cremonesi et al. 2011; Mussi et al. 2003; Mussi et al. 2009; Serradimigni 2009) – and in the Abruzzo National Park. These important deposits were generally ascribed to a local Epigravettian facies, named the Bertoniano (Grifoni Cremonesi 1987: 21). The climate generally evolved from oceanic to continental conditions between 18,000 and 13,500 BP. Since the Allerød interstadial, about 11,800 BP, caves located at high altitudes, now free from perennial snow, could be used as shelters on the routes towards the flint deposits in the mountains surrounding the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley and for seasonal hunting. Lithic industries dating to this phase are documented at Mount Pratello, Fonte Chiarano (Spagnuolo 1998: 36), Coste di Secina and the Godi Pass (Figure 9). Mesolithic In Abruzzo, the climate change that took place after 13,500 BP represents the run-up to the Mesolithic period. Mesolithic sites are generally scattered along specific routes, connecting small perennial or seasonal lakes. The snowline regression, which modified environmental conditions, allowed human groups to reach high mountain areas, following the rise of arboreal vegetation and of mountain-forest fauna. Once more, a wide spectrum of palaeoecological and anthropological data come from sequences preserved in caves and shelters in the Fucino lake basin, NW of the Sagittarius Valley (Grifoni Cremonesi 1987: 21-22; Grifoni Cremonesi et al. 2011; Mussi et al. 2009). Two Mesolithic sites were identified at Fonte Chiarano and Fonte La Ria (Figure 9), on the north-eastern edge of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley, in the 1990s (Lubell and Mussi 1995; Lubell et al. 1999; Mussi et al. 2003; Spagnuolo 1998: 36). Neolithic and Eneolithic For the subsequent Neolithic and Eneolithic phases we have very little information from the TassoUpper Sagittarius Valley. The data in our possession may, however, be combined with those from the areas gravitating around the lake basins W and NW of our valley (Fucino and Conca Peligna) (Neolithic: Cremonesi and Tozzi 1987; Fugazzola Delpino et al. 2004; Grifoni Cremonesi 1987: 23-24; 2003b; Irti 2009; Pessina and Radi 2003. Eneolithic: Cazzella 2003; Radi 1988; 1995; 2000; 2003; Radi et al. 1999). The distribution of sites confirms the emergence, between the 6th and 3rd millennium BC, of a dense and extensive net of contacts, linking the Tyrrhenian coast of the peninsula and both sides of the Adriatic. The high plateau of the Abruzzo National Park and the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley with its surrounding district continued to represent an important catchment area, as a primary territory for hunting and, to a lesser extent, for the procurement of raw materials. We can even suggest, with caution, the emergence of the first scant evidence for seasonal movements of livestock (vertical transhumance): a Neolithic site, where a fireplace was identified and subsequently analysed, was documented at Fonte Chiarano 22

F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project

Figure 10. The TassoUpper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Neolithic, Eneolithic. Sites distribution (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.; 2014 DigitalGlobe; 2014 Cnes/Spot Image).

in 1994-6. Samples from the fireplace have been dated to 7228 BP (6360±180: AECV-1996c bp): one of the first few documented Neolithic sites in Italy at this altitude, 1612 m a.s.l. Lubell and Mussi 1995: 35; Lubell et al. 1999; Spagnuolo 1998: 36). Neolithic and Eneolithic industries were collected in the 1980s on Mount Genzana (Lunghini and Timpone 1979), along the eastern slopes of Toppe Vurgo (Borzatti Von Löwenstern 1979; Van Wonterghem 1984: 329) (Ovile Pelosello, Fontanile Pelosello, Fonte della Spina) and at Godi Pass (Figure 10). Bronze Age, Iron Age and Archaic phases Whilst the nearby Fucino and Velino lake basins saw a settlement stabilization process from the early Bronz e A ge (Bietti Sestieri 2003; Cosentino and Mieli 2014; D’Ercole et al. 1990: 39-64; 2003; Gatti 2003; 2004; Ialongo 2007), the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley, based on the information currently available, seems only marginally affected by the profound social and economic changes taking place in central Italy between the 2nd and 1st millennium BC (Grifoni Cremonesi 1987: 24-25). A peripheral mountainous territory, rich in water sources and grazing areas (Spagnuolo 1998: 45-46), the valley runs along a seasonal inland route connecting the central area of Abruzzo and the South. Our data on the Late Bronze Age/ Iron Age phases come from studies carried out in the second half of the last century, from our intensive surveys between 2008 and 2011, and from a test excavation carried out in the second half of the last century by the University of Pisa on the Lake of Scanno – western shores (Sterparo) (Alessandri et al. 2011; Cremonesi et al. 1965). 23

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Settlement strategies present two specific patterns: 1) Permanent small sites (less than 1/2 hectare) presumably in use since at least the Middle Bronze Age, located on isolated high plateaus, terraces or hills (Castrovalva-Morrone, Scanno-Carapale, Collangelo, Malvascione), generally along the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius and its tributaries, at altitudes ranging from 800 to 1300 m a.s.l. Among the permanent sites, a special category consists of small wetland settlements, such as that identified by the University of Pisa on the western shores of the lake of Scanno, at 922 m a.s.l., and dated to the Recent/Final Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age (Cremonesi et al. 1965). This was a favourable location, providing an opportunity to base economic strategies on water resources and on the mountainous environment. Distances between sites are generally within ten kilometers: forming a structured network, they could defend/monitor the surrounding territory and the natural routes following the local water system. 2) Seasonal sites, located at high altitudes between 1600 and 1800 m a.s.l. generally in the vicinity of springs, along streams, major routes and grazing areas (Passo Godi-Rifugi, Passo Godi-Fonte Pantano, Passo Godi-Stazzo Bocca di Pantano). A dense net of pathways and tracks connected the whole territory, forming the basis for a road system definitively organized in historical times (Figure 11). The Late Iron A ge and the subsequent A rch a i c phases are primarily documented by isolated finds and scant funerary evidence from Castrovalva (Morrone, Pettinillo, Colle Morto) (Di Giandomenico 2007; Grossi 2007: 36-42), Scanno (Acquevive, Carapale, I Giardini, Piano della Regina) and Mount

Figure 11. The TassoUpper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Bronze Age/Iron Age. Sites distribution (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.; 2014 DigitalGlobe; 2014 Cnes/Spot Image).

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F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project

Figure 12. The TassoUpper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Late Iron Age, Archaic Phase. Sites distribution (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.; 2014 DigitalGlobe; 2014 Cnes/Spot Image).

Genzana (De Nino 1879; 1899; 1905; Mattiocco 1981: 10-11, 20-22, 32-33), indicating a wide network of contacts with neighbouring areas, Central-Tyrrhenian Italy and the South (northern Apulia and Campania). The available data indicate that the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley was involved in the socio-historical process that led to the formation of the Italic ethne, suggesting i.a. the development of specific economic strategies, such as transhumance systems, already documented for the Bronze Age in this part of the Italian peninsula (Barker 1981; Barker 1995). There is some evidence that, in the 1st millennium BC, élite-owned transhumant flocks were an important component of specific central Italic agricultural economies: certainly, transhumance routes are unlikely to leave significant archaeological traces, given their mobility, ephemeral shelters and minimal material culture. However, transhumance into high altitude zones can be inferred from pollen analysis. Immediately south of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley, the Samnites practiced long-distance transhumance (Salmon 1967: 68) between the Apennine summer pastures and the wintering Apulian lowlands, near wool-working centres like Tarentum. We can therefore suggest a mixed economy based on agro-pastoral farming, with small scattered settlements located on hills near the river and its tributaries or in the vicinity of permanent water sources (Anversa, Villalago-Fluturnum-Villavecchia (De Nino 1889: 251-252; Grossi 2007: 35), Scanno-Carapale, Scanno-Acque Vive, I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina) – the necropolis along the slopes of the reliefs – and hill-forts as defensive structures placed along strategic passages and/or in dominant positions (Castrovalva-Valle Donica, San Sio) (De Nino 1889; Van Wonterghem 1984: 299; Grossi 2007: 63-73) (Figure 12). 25

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Roman Period: Republic and Empire Republic: Italic-Hellenistic / Hellenistic-Roman phases (4th-1st century BC) The earliest data on the name Paeligni (Dionisio 2015: 14-33), referring to the people living in the Sagittarius Valley and in surrounding areas, appears in sources dated to the 4th century BC.3 A tradition recorded by Festus described the ‘Peligni/Paeligni’ as of Illyrian origin (Dionisio 2015: 13-33).4 Ovid, a native of Sulmo, expressed a different opinion, referring to them as of Sabine descent.5 For Rome, Pelignan territory represented an opportunity for a smooth transit through the central Apennines, always described as a vital communications centre: a strategic area, to secure a free passage to Samnium and Apulia. In 308 BC the Paeligni (Caiazza 2009), with the Marsi and the Pentri, were defeated by the Romans and in 304 BC they became socii of Rome. A few years later two Roman colonies – Alba Fucens and Carseoli (303 and 298 BC) – were founded. In the Northern sector of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley, the majority of the information dated to the 5th-1st century BC is funerary evidence from the territory of Anversa degli Abruzzi (Dionisio 2015: 41-58, 217-329; Van Wonterghem 1984: 298). In the southern part of the valley, we have very scarce and inhomogeneous information belonging to the Republican period (Van Wonterghem 1984: 299-302), most of which comes from our surveys between 2008 and 2011. New data will be provided by ongoing research at I Giardini- Palazzo della Regina, where a recent excavation (20142015) has revealed the presence of a necropolis dated to the 2nd-1st century BC (Figures 13, 14).6 The area has been frequented since the Iron Age, as numerous finds of impasto-ware suggest (Alessandri et al. 2011: 386). Isolated finds of bronze statuettes, the favourable, dominant, position of the site along the road to Samnium and the presence of several perennial springs suggest the probable existence of a shrine or cult-place dedicated to Hercules (Diedere Stek and Pelgrom 2005; 2010).7 On the basis of our fieldwork and the evidence collected in the sources, it is possible to define a rural landscape divided into agri – open spaces, cultivated or otherwise – pagi, vici, villae or aedificia. This is a pre-urban organization

Figure 13. I GiardiniPalazzo della Regina: 2015 excavation of a necropolis dated to II-I century BC. Tomb n. 2, detail of grave n. 2. View from the South (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

Eudoxus of Cnidus, Lassére 1966, fragm. 319. Festus, 248, 13 Lindsay: ‘Peligni ex Illyrico orti. Inde enim profecti ductu Volsimi regis, cui cognomen fuit Lucul(l)o, partem Italiae occuparunt. Huius fuerunt nepotes Pacinus, a quo Pacinates, et Pelicus, a quo Peligni’. 5 Ovidius, Fasti 3.95: ‘Et tibi cum proavis, miles Paeligne, Sabinis convenit’. 6 Paleoanthropological analysis: Dr Melania Gigante (Bio-archeaology Department-Pigorini Museum, Rome; email: [email protected]). 7 On the cult of Hercules in the Pelignan area (Dionisio 2015: 126-127, 171-175). 3 4

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Figure 14. I GiardiniPalazzo della Regina: 2015 excavation of a necropolis dated to II-I century BC. Tomb n. 2, detail of grave n. 1. View from the East (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

Figure 15. Geographical position of the Pagus Betifulum (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

of the territory – typical of the central/southern Apennines – where clusters of houses, small nucleated and scattered settlements or villages (vici), could be part of larger local subdivisions, communities or administrative districts (pagi) (Capogrossi Colognesi 1988; Dionisio 2015: 166-167; La Regina 1970: 44627

People in the Mountains

448). The terms villae and aedificia may refer to individual buildings, scattered in the fields or sometimes located along roads and tracks, useful for the development of agricultural activities, such as deposits and storerooms. Festus cites the Marsi and Paeligni as the archetypical people without cities, organized into vici.8 Along the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley, we can identify four sites of the Republican period (Anversa Arenale-San Carlo and S. Mercurio, Castrovalva-San Sio (Grossi 2007: 63-73), Scanno Carapale and I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina), all in strategic positions along major routes and close to shrines or sacred areas, generally in the vicinity of springs. The latter site is probably one of the vici that belonged to a pagus known from the epigraphic sources as Betifulum (Dionisio 2015: 514; Van Wonterghem 1984: 47) (Figure 15). Empire After the Roman Social War (90-89 BC), the whole territory of the Paeligni was assigned to the 4th Regio and to the Sergia Tribus. In the southern sector of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley more data is available for the following phase, from the Augustan period to the late Empire (1st century BC – 4th century AD), supplied by our surveys, by research conducted in the second half of the 20th century, by isolated finds up to the 19th century, by local historical sources and epigraphic evidence (Anversa, Villalago, ScannoPalazzo della Regina) (Colarossi Mancini 1921: 47-48; Dionisio 2015: 55, 170, 514-515; Grossi 2007: 81-

Figure 16. The TassoUpper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Italic Hellenistic/ Hellenistic Roman and Empire Phases. Sites distribution (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.; 2014 DigitalGlobe; 2014 Cnes/Spot Image).

8

Fest., f. 502 L.: ‘(vici)… ex agris, qui ibi villas non habent, ut Marsi aut Paeligni’; Dieder Stek 2009: 115; Van Wonterghem 1984: 49.

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Figure 17. The Road to the Samnium: georeferenced sections. View from the North (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.; 2006 Europa Technologies; 2006 TerraMetrics; 2006 DigitalGlobe; 2006 TeleAtlas).

84; Tuteri 2002: 47, 57; Van Wonterghem 1984: 59).9 Several settlements are active during this phase (Anversa, Castrovalva- S. Sio (Grossi 2007: 64, 66-68), Villalago-Fluturnum, I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina, Godi Pass) (Figure 16). We identified two new sites (I Giardini/Palazzo della Regina and Godi Pass), along the communication route between the municipium of Sulmo and the territory of the Samnites, to the South (Grossi 2007: 74-80; Van Wonterghem 1984: 59). During our fieldwork, two segments of this road were documented (Collangelo, Masseria di Cristo) (Figure 17). Several find-spots were scattered along the seasonal paths connecting the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley with the high plateaux to the East (Toppe Vurgo (Spagnuolo 1991: 51-55, 60-62), Coste di Secina, Serra Sparvera). Thanks to permission from the Ministry of Culture, in 2013 we were able to begin a test excavation NE of Scanno (I Giardini). The site, locally known as ‘I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina’, suffered significant looting in the 1990s. Our research documented a settlement dated to the 3rd-6th century AD (Del Fattore et al. 2013; Staffa 1995; Staffa 1998), arranged on large artificial terraces, on the slopes and at the foot of a calcareous hill in the vicinity of a perennial spring, still active (Figures 18-20).10 The archaeobotanical analysis11 indicated a highly anthropic rural landscape, where cultivated botanical species like legumes and cereals were predominant: Vicia faba, Triticum monococcum/dicoccum, and Hordeum vulgare were the most common species in our samples (Figure 21). Faunal remains consist of caprovines, with a small percentage of cattle and wild species. On the basis of the data currently available, the site was abandoned in around the 6th century AD. The area, located in a critical seismic district, may have been affected by different events, such as the earthquakes in AD 346, 374, 484, 508.12 All three inscriptions from the area of Scanno (AQ) have been found in the vicinity of our excavation (I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina-Collangelo). http://www.fastionline.org/excavation/micro_view.php?item_key=fst_cd&fst_cd=AIAC_3427 11 Archaeobotanical analysis: Dr. Emma Cimatti (ArcheoLabio Research Center-University of Bologna; email: [email protected]). 12 http://storing.ingv.it/cfti4med/ 9

10

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Figure 18. I Giardini (Scanno, AQ): view from South-West (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.).

Figure 19. I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina (Scanno, AQ): 2011 Survey campaign. Retaining wall on the southern slope of sample excavation n. 2. View from South-West (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.). 30

F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project

Figure 20. I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina (Scanno, AQ): 2013 sample excavation n. 2. A room paved in opus spicatum (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.).

Figure 21. The cultivated species (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.).

Late Antiquity, Early and Late Middle Ages (Staffa 1992) The whole territory of the Paeligni was assigned to the Provincia Valeria in AD 493. The Ostrogoths and Byzantines dominated the area between the 5th and the 6th century AD, controlling the important route through the district: the Odós Samníou, from Sulmo to Aufidena and to the south of the peninsula. A strategic connection with the southern part of the Duchy of Rome was controlled by the Exarchate of Ravenna. In the same phase we also see the systematic spread of Christianity, with the foundation of the first dioceses (Sulmo, Valva), churches and monasteries. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley was later dominated by the Longobards between AD 591 and 774, when the Franks conquered the territory. Between AD 774 and 788, the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley, now named Valle de Flaturno, was donated by the Duke of Spoleto to the Molisan Monastery of San Vincenzo in Volturno (Grossi 2007: 86-126). 31

People in the Mountains

We have little archaeological information on these phases from our intensive surveys and from isolated finds (Castrovalva, Collangelo and Jovana (Malandra 2007)). In 2002, the Abruzzo Superintendence concluded the analysis of an isolated female burial dated to the 5th-6th century AD – a young woman aged 25 with no grave goods – from a rock-shelter immediately above the Sagittarius, in the territory of Anversa (Tuteri 2002: 57). The current historical and geomorphological data suggest a discontinuous anthropic landscape, as the result of a probable climate crisis and of the general economic and political situation. We see a widespread reuse of late imperial open settlements (pagi, vici, fundi, aedificia and villae), now documented as belonging to ecclesiae, cellae, casalia and curtes and, in some cases, the occupation or re-occupation of hills and naturally fortified places (Castrovalva, Anversa, Villalago, Scanno-Paliano). In the Giardini area the settlement presumably shifted to the top of the hill immediately south of Palazzo della Regina – Collangelo – again along the communication route with the Godi Pass and Aufidena, in a dominant position on a seasonal tributary of the Tasso-Sagittarius. Around the beginning of the XIth century AD a Benedictine monastery named Sanctus Petrus de Lacu was founded nearby the modern village of Villalago. The monastery, placed on the northwestern slopes of Mount della Rovere, on a natural terrace settled at least since the Iron Age, was finally abandoned in the late 15th century AD (Grossi 2017; Grossi 2011; Grossi 2007:106-108; Troiano and Verrocchio 2011). The subsequent Norman domination reached the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley in AD 1140. From the 12th century AD, a systematic encastellation process began in the whole area, with five castella documented in the local historical sources (Castrovalva, Anversa, Scanno, Colle Angelo in Valva, Frattura), all possessions of the Di Sangro, Counts of Valva. The latter two settlements were donated to the Benedictine monastery of Montecassino in AD 1094 (Grossi 2007: 127-142; Staffa 2000). We identified the remains of a late medieval site (Jovana-San Lorenzo) a few km south of I Giardini along the same tributary of the Tasso-Sagittarius and on the route connecting Sulmo and Aufidena. The settlement, located at an altitude of 1200 m a.s.l., was composed of simple stone houses, scattered at the foot of a hill on top of which the remains of a fortified structure still stand, in a dominant position overlooking the stream. A funerary area was located about 400 m north of the village. The preliminary analysis of the masonry and pottery (archaic majolica) (Hodges and Patterson 1986) suggests that the site dates to the 12th-14th century AD. A 3D model of the fortification was created by the University of Bologna (Alessandri et al. 2001: 384-385) (Figure 22). An earlier settlement may have existed on the hilltop immediately south of San Lorenzo, where the toponym ‘Jovana vecchia’ is still documented.

Figure 22. Jovana-San Lorenzo (Scanno, AQ). 3D model of a fortification dated to the Late Middle Ages (Copyright University of Bologna-Alma Mater Studiorum).

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F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project

Figure 23. The TassoUpper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Late Antiquity, Early and Late Middle Ages. Sites distribution (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.; 2014 DigitalGlobe; 2014 Cnes/Spot Image).

Late Medieval materials were identified during our surveys and by local researchers in several areas: east and north of Scanno (Centrale elettrica, Sant’Egidio); on the south-western (Acquevive) and western shores and in the lake of the same name; on top of the Castrovalva promontory (Castrovalva-Sant’Angelo); at Frattura Vecchia and the Godi Pass (Figure 23). F.R.D.F. Ethno-anthropology People The anthropological study presented in this article is an analysis of the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley and more specifically of the Scanno and Frattura areas, based on an ethnographic methodology and focused on the recent economic transformations (Figure 24). We have documented collective knowledge and practices; fieldwork in the countryside of Scanno and Frattura over the past five years has placed us in a privileged position with respect to standard observation points. It has given us access to and the opportunity to participate in a series of practices and working methods specific to this community. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley is a sparsely inhabited area and has always been isolated and difficult to access, enabling the population to defend and preserve their agrarian culture and social methods of production. This community has found ways to establish a balanced relationship with nature, mantaining its environmental resources stable and unaltered. Methodology The ethnographic method used to collect data was based on interviews, participatory observation and photography. 33

People in the Mountains

Figure 24. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley (AQ): Ethno-anthropological survey (Copyright Matrix 96 Soc. Coop.; 2015 DigitalGlobe; 2015 Cnes/Spot Image).

The interview involved a meeting with the informant, identified as possessing information on an issue of interest to us (Ong 1986). We agreed, where possible, with the informant, to make digital audio recordings and photographs were taken by a professional photographer (Figure 25).

Figure 25. Scanno (AQ). Ethno-anthropological field work: an interview (photography: Chiara Tebaldi for Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

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F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project

Participatory observation placed us inside the scene that we had to document. The full immersion experience of participation in working activities allowed us to check the data collected during interviews and to alleviate the tension between the anthropologist and the chosen informants. Participatory observation often enables researchers to truly understand the basic structures on which a community is based, including values and knowledge connected to the ‘know how’ of an agricultural world, becoming a personal experience for the ethnographer and an experience for the reader of the ethnographical text (Bianco 1994; Dal Lago and De Biasi 2003; Marano 2007; Pavanello 2010). The aim was to achieve maximum participation to learn production procedures and techniques, to avoid interrupting the planned work of the inhabitants during days often conditioned by the rainy climate of the area, and to document objects, tools and intangible culture, including the cultural landscape, through use.

Figure 26. Scanno (AQ). Ethno-anthropological field work: an interview (photography: Chiara Tebaldi for Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

Passing from the event to the document, we identified ethnographic photography as a tool for the further construction of our ‘story-telling’. The production of visual meanings and images that fix and translate cultures conferred a peculiar movement on the ‘written representation’ (Figure 26). Our fieldwork enhanced the relationship between the workers and the interviewer, creating a special bond based on trust and loyalty: a positive feedback loop between those who were involved. A daily journal was compiled as an ethnographic text, becoming a sort of translation of our personal experiences into a textual evidence (Cipriani 1970; Clifford and Marcus 2005). The physical and morphological features and the biodiversity of this mountainous territory represent aggregating factors in reconstructing the landscape as history. Cartographic images, historical documents, schemes and maps, represent specific geographic situations, analysed as a function of choices of location, settlement and work. The collective anthropic action is linked to the exploitation of natural resources and to the demographic size of a community. The Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley landscape is one of the most impervious and inaccessible in the Abruzzo region, which has seen significant abandonment and the depopulation of many villages. The 1915 earthquake in the Marsica area, mass migration and demographic decline in recent decades have led to the abandonment or the depopulation of new and old settlements. 35

People in the Mountains

Our research took the form of collecting the history of this area through bibliographical sources, in the form of both historical and literary data; the views of Neapolitan landscape painters and the travel literature of the 19th century were synoptically analysed. Representation of places, landscape and documentary sources have been a valuable contribution to this study, when connected to more recent geo-cartographical data (Fabietti 2001). Ethnographic authority Our presence and the assimilation process over the years were slow and mediated. The first step in developing the ethnographic study was to observe, listen and participate, using interviews and observations (Augè 2011). The accessibility of data, representations and documents did not follow a fixed timing. The unpredictability of our access to data entailed a constant presence during many ordinary and extraordinary collective activities, such as religious practices, throughout the period of residence. Taking part in everyday life, including farming, pastoral, religious, recreational and social activities, gave us access to an often stereotyped world that revealed its unprecedented and unknown history, deeply buried in the memories of a few individuals and in danger of being lost. A relevant ethnographic corpus resulted after the acquisition of historical facts through personal life stories. Ethnography: from suspicion to acceptance Frattura Vecchia (Old Frattura) was abandoned after the 1915 Marsica earthquake. Its name comes from the Mount Genzana fracture that formed the lake of Scanno. On the 13 of January 1915, the fault became active again and Frattura Vecchia was razed to the ground; it is still uninhabited. Because of the earthquake and the First World War, Frattura lost most of its male inhabitants; furthermore many of the fathers and husbands who left during the first and second migration phases never returned. The hamlet is therefore known as ‘the village of the White Widows’. It was helpful to interpret the link between Frattura and the surrounding territory in a dynamic and historically contextualized way. According to Eugenio Turri, a landscape anthropologist, the knowledge of a territory entails: the ability to give meaning to objects in the territory, to recognize their historical, cultural, physical and environmental significance, to ensure that each new action or intervention blends harmoniously and functionally with the preexisting context (Turri 2002: 7). The anthropological research was a major component of our project from the outset. Over the years, the aims and methodology were refined, from a first phase during which it only supported archaeological investigations, to a growing independence in terms of contents and strategies. The first two campaigns (2010 and 2011) took place in the town of Scanno. In 2013 our focus shifted from Scanno to Frattura (a small hamlet in the same municipality, at an altitude of 1260 m a.s.l. and overlooking the Lake of Scanno). This village was built in the last century after the Marsica Earthquake of 1915, replacing the old settlement (now known as Frattura Vecchia, severely damaged by the event) at a distance of about two km. The earthquake killed 162 people, mostly women and children; men were in Apulia at the time, engaged in seasonal activities. Between 1915 and 1941, when the construction of the new village was completed, people lived in shacks built just outside Frattura Vecchia (the place is today known as La Ruccia). We decided to investigate this area because of its strong historical and ethnographical importance (Figures 27, 28). Our contact with the inhabitants took the form of a daily and constant partici36

F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project

Figure 27. Frattura Vecchia (Scanno, AQ). View of a sector of the old village at the foot of Mount Genzana (photography: Francesca Romana Del Fattore for Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

Figure 28. Frattura Vecchia (Scanno, AQ). Documents and photos from one of the remaining houses (photography: Francesca Romana Del Fattore for Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

pation in many of their activities, starting from some traditional meeting places, such as the public wash house, the church and private houses. Each meeting was an opportunity to explore the issues raised in the preliminary phase of the study, but often an unpredictable starting point for new investigations. 37

People in the Mountains

Phases and methods of the research The aims of the research were: 1) To support and to enrich the archaeological study, improving the definition of the geo-referenced map. 2) To define an ethnographic corpus for the upper Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley. The research was organized into two phases: 1) analysis of bibliographical and geographical sources; 2) field work: interviews with local informants and surveys. The working group was generally composed of two people, the anthropologist and the photographer. Usually interviews began with a preliminary approach to establish a first contact with the informant, followed by a series of meetings. Our data were organized into a series of digital archives, with the purpose of eventually creating an ethnographic corpus: –– –– –– ––

audio-video recordings; images; short field notes; interview forms.

Case studies Four case studies are presented following a virtual path showing an increasing intensity in memories, from maximum distance (the Roman road) to maximum involvement (the cultivation of vegetable gardens). The Roman road The Roman road was identified thanks to several days of field work. During a participant observation with a local shepherd (Mario) we were able to contact one of the leading experts in the area (Ermanno), who told us about a stretch of a probable ancient route and its location (Figure 29). The road, located in a hidden and steep area, was described in detail; the discovery was facilitated by a schematic map drawn by our informant. It was thus possible, using the sketch and relistening to the interview, to easily identify a section of the Roman route that connected Sulmo with Aufidena, in the proximity of our excavations (I Giardini – Palazzo della Regina) (Basso 2007). The scrolls and the objects preserved in the church Frattura, decentralized after the earthquake of 1915, was re-established only in 1941. The community, after living in shacks for 25 years, finally abandoned the temporary settlement to move into the new houses. What is left of Frattura Vecchia? (Felice 2010; Ligi 2009). Religious practices, rituals and holidays have remained intact and unchanged. Our participation in religious rituals gave us access to the parsonage of the local church, a room used during the winter to celebrate the Holy Mass. We also had the opportunity to examine some unexpected and valuable documents. Thanks to the exceptional nature of this discovery, during this study it was possible to add some new research topics: 38

F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project

Figure 29. I Giardini-Collangelo (Scanno, AQ). The Roman road. Interviews, survey and documentation (photographies: Chiara Tebaldi for Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

22 scrolls, dating between the 16th and the 18th century, found in good condition, together with missals, prayer books, sacred objects and some statues, stored and forgotten since 1941 (mostly to protect them from the attention of contemporaries). We started to record all materials to prevent looting and to reorganize the collection. The symbolic link between the objects and their preservation inside the church, define the place and found the memory of the group (De Spirito and Bellotta 2000) (Figure 30). Cereal crops Grain farming and the establishment of seasonal settlements at high altitudes, used from the 18th century to the 1960s, were extensively documented in the Tasso-Upper Sagittarius Valley through the remains of rural buildings. Traces of rustic structures and agricultural fieldworks, such as terraces, fences and embankments are widespread. These infrastructures, now reduced to ruins, emerge as the distinctive symbol of an older anthropic landscape, currently affected by re-naturalization processes. Thanks to a local informant, Ermanno, who worked here during his childhood with his family, we had the opportunity to analyse the remains of some walls and to reconstruct an accurate picture of agricultural activities in the local area known as Colle delle Croci (the Hill of Crosses), north of our excavation at ‘I Giardini-Palazzo della Regina’. Through the memories of living informants the anthropological study was able to document similar practices in the area, as also revealed by the archaeological analysis (Lai 2000; Serventi and Sabban 2000; Teti 1999). 39

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The vegetable gardens, beans and earth The main agricultural activity is the cultivation of Frattura white beans, or ‘bread beans’, a native variety of legume that grows only in the Frattura Vecchia area, 1300 m a.s.l. The history of this cultivar – which had to adapt to the local harsh climate – is connected to harvesting techniques, memories and knowledge preserved for generations. This simple production process, involving working in the fields, cultivation, harvesting and drying, has remained unchanged, and conservative farming practices follow the traditional production cycle (Figures 31, 32). This cultivation, an example of a regional heritage, is one of the seasonal daily activities of this small community. Protection and preservation of the species have made this bean one of the most characteristic and high quality agricultural products of the whole Sagittarius Valley. Figure 30. Frattura di Scanno (Scanno, AQ). One of the scrolls found in the parsonage of the local church (18th century AD) (photography: Francesca Romana Del Fattore for Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

Figure 31. Frattura Vecchia (Scanno, AQ). The vegetable gardens: harvesting ‘Bread beans’ (photography: Chiara Tebaldi for Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

40

Seasonal social life revolves around the crops: agricultural practices and food culture are some of the peculiarities of Frattura Nuova, the decentralized village rebuilt after

F. R. Del Fattore, A. Rizzo and A. Felici: From people to landscapes. The Fluturnum Project

Figure 32. Frattura Vecchia (Scanno, AQ). The vegetable gardens: drying ‘Bread beans’ (photography: Chiara Tebaldi for Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

the Marsica earthquake in 1915. Over the years land use has developed specific landscape-systems, of interest from both a natural and cultural point of view. The cultural landscape linked to the production of beans gave us the opportunity to observe how the inhabitants’ agricultural activities and the natural environment have affected this rural area. As emerged from the interviews, the growing of beans as an interstitial crop dates back to the end of the 19th century, when fields at high altitudes a.s.l. were still used to grow wheat. The agricultural and forest pastoral economy can now be seen, in purely residual forms, in the surrounding area, still used by hikers and shepherds. Over time, know how, linked to social production means, has been preserved thanks to local agricultural tools and the oral memories passed down through every generation. Beside tools, seeds and vegetable gardens, the so-called intangible heritage of this culture was also preserved and passed on orally, thanks to the transhumant economicpastoral history of this territory. Constant movement and migrations towards warmer areas and back again entailed the memorization of most of the information needed for pastoral activities. The identity-creating and aggregating value of bean processing and cultivation techniques is an essential piece of evidence for a local ethnography

Figure 33. Torino: Terra Madre-Slow Food 2014. The Frattura ‘Bread beans’ officially entered the Ark of Taste (photography: Anna Rizzo for Matrix 96 Soc. Coop).

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of the contemporary. Daily activities are organized around the tending of vegetable gardens and bean drying procedures, using manual methods. The Frattura white bean officially entered the Ark of Taste of Slow Food in 2014. It has been recognized as an excellent food and gastronomic heritage of our Country, which should be protected for its biodiversity, and for its cultural value: ancient farming techniques were preserved in order to produce a botanical variety; until now excluded by the global food-market (Figure 33). A.R. Future The Fluturnum Project is part of a larger research project, recently submitted to the European Community in the framework of ‘2014 Erasmus+ – Key action 2 – Cooperation and Innovation for Good Practices’, with the title: ‘Open learning in Archaeology, Landscape and Cultural Heritage’. (Technological Institute of Crete, University of Bologna-Alma Mater Studiorum, Università degli Studi Roma 3, Goeteborgs Universitet, Universiteit Leiden, Matrix 96 Società Cooperativa, Teamdev, Centro Studi per il Museo della Lana e per l’Immagine dell’Abruzzo). The goal is to turn this sample-territory in central-southern Italy into an open-air museum, creating nature and historical walks. This is a potential eco-cultural resource for ‘recycling’ the landscape and engaging local communities in preserving, enhancing and opening it to responsible forms of use. Acknowledgements We would like to thank Rosanna Tuteri (Abruzzo Superintendence for Archaeological Heritage), for her indispensable support and Antonio Curci (University of Bologna-Alma Mater Studiorum), founder of our project. We would also like to thank Luca Bondioli, Alessandra Sperduti and Melania Gigante (Bio-Archeaology Department of the Pigorini Museum-Rome), for the analysis of the skeletal remains. Thanks to Pietro Spacone, Major of Scanno, to his staff and to the Cultural Association ‘La Foce’. A special thank to the communities of Scanno and Frattura, who shared with us their memories, knowledge of the territory and generosity, constantly participating to our field work. Thanks to Andrea Schiappelli, our field-Director and to Alessandro Felici, topographer and co-author of this manuscript; to Lionello Morandi, for his expertise during the 2015 excavation, to Chiara Tebaldi, our photographer and to Chiara Segreto, land-artist and special member of our team. Finally, we wish to acknowledge the work of all the students who participated in the field schools between 2010 and 2015. We dedicate this work to Cesidio Caranfa. References Alessandri, L., Del Fattore, F. R. and Schiappelli, A. 2011. Ricerche di superficie nel territorio di Scanno (AQ): primi risultati. Quaderni di Archeologia d’Abruzzo 3: 382-387. D’Antonio, A. 2011. Villalago. Storia – Leggende – Usi – Costumi. Avezzano, L’Atelier. Attema, P. A. J., Burgers, G. J. L. and Van Leusen, P. M. 2010. Regional Pathways to Complexity. Settlement and Land-use Dynamics in Early Italy from the Bronze Age to the Republican period. Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press. Augè, M. 2011. Straniero a me stesso. Tutte le mie vite di etnologo. Torino, Bollati Boringhieri. Barker, G. W. W. 1981. Landscape and Society: Prehistoric Central Italy. London, Academic Press. Barker, G. W. W. 1995. A Mediterranean Valley. Landscape Archaeology and Annales History in the Biferno Valley. London and New York, Leicester University Press. Basso, P. 2007. Strade romane: storia e archeologia. Roma, Carocci. Bianco, C. 1994. Dall’evento al documento. Orientamenti etnografici. Roma, Cisu. Bietti, A. and Mancini, V. 1990. Industria musteriana rinvenuta sul Monte Genzana (Scanno. L’Aquila). Risultati delle campagne di ricognizione 1984-1985. Preistoria alpina, Museo Tridentino di scienze Naturali 24: 7-36. Bietti Sestieri, A. M. 2003. L’età del Bronzo in Abruzzo. In Atti della XXXVI Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria ‘Preistoria e Protostoria dell’Abruzzo’ (Chieti-Celano 27-30 settembre 2001): 293-315. Firenze, Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. 42

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Bintliff, J. and Sbonias, K. 1999. Reconstructing Past Population Trends in Mediterranean Europe (3000 BC-AD 1800). The Populus Project. Mediterranean Landscapes 1. Oxford, Oxbow Books. Borzatti Von Löwenstern, E. 1979. Stazione protostorica sulle pendici del Toppe Vurgo (Scanno). Studi per l’Ecologia del Quaternario 1: 147-169. Caiazza, D. 2009. A proposito di Talium, Ieros Lophos, Cataracta, Ceraunilia. L’offensiva romana contro Equicoli, Vestini, Marrucini, Carricini, Lucani Paleni, e l’accerchiamento dei Marsi e dei Peligni (312311, 308 a.C.). In Atti del III Convegno di Archeologia ‘Il Fucino e le aree limitrofe nell’antichità’, Avezzano 13-15 novembre 2009: 321-338. Avezzano, Archeoclub d’Italia. Capogrossi Colognesi, L. 1988. La città e la sua terra. In Storia di Roma 1: 263-291. Torino, Einaudi. Cazzella, A. 2003. Aspetti e problemi dell’Eneolitico in Abruzzo. In Atti della XXXVI Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria ‘Preistoria e Protostoria dell’Abruzzo’ (Chieti-Celano 27-30 settembre 2001): 221-238. Firenze, Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. Cipriani, R. 1970. La metodologia delle storie di vita. Dall’autobiografia alla Life History. Roma, Editrice Universitaria La Goliardica. Clifford, J. and Marcus, G. E. 2005. Scrivere le culture. Poetiche e politiche dell’etnografia. Roma, Meltemi. Colarossi Mancini, A. 1921. Storia di Scanno e guida nella Valle del Sagittario. L’Aquila, Officina Grafiche Vechioni. Cosentino, S. and Mieli, G. 2014. Testimonianze dell’antica età del Bronzo in Abruzzo. Quaderni di archeologia d’Abruzzo 3/2011: 217-239. Cremonesi, G. 1967. Nuove stazioni del Paleolitico Abruzzese di montagna. Atti della Società Toscana di Scienze Naturali, Memorie 74, serie A, fasc. 2: 410-426. Cremonesi, G., Occhiolini, C. and Bertolucci, P. 1965. Ricerche preistoriche in Abruzzo, Anno 1964. Atti della Società Toscana di Scienze Naturali, s. A. LXXII: 513-514. Cremonesi, G. and Tozzi, C. 1987. Il neolitico dell’Abruzzo. In Atti del XXVI Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria ‘Il Neolitico in Italia’ (Firenze, 7-10 novembre 1985) I: 239-251. Firenze, Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. Dal Lago, A. and De Biasi, R. 2003. Un certo sguardo. Roma-Bari, Laterza. D’Ercole, V., Papi, R. and Grossi, G. 1990. Antica Terra d’Abruzzo 1. L’Aquila, Editoriale Abruzzese. D’Ercole, V., Faustoferri, A. and Ruggeri, M. 2003. L’età del Ferro in Abruzzo. In Atti della XXXVI Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria ‘Preistoria e Protostoria dell’Abruzzo’ (Chieti-Celano 27-30 settembre 2001): 451-485. Firenze, Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. De Nino, A. 1879. Notizia di oggetti raccolti in Pescocostanzo, Scanno, Pratola Peligna, Prezza, Bugnara, Vittorito, Introdacqua, Campodigiove, Pacentro, Orsa, Pettorano sul Gizio. Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana 5/3-4: 64. De Nino, A. 1889. Paeligni. XIV. Castro Valva (frazione del Comune di Anversa) – Avanzi di antiche fabbriche e di antiche vie. Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità Comunicate alla Regia Accademia dei Lincei Gennaio 1889: 251252. De Nino, A. 1899. Scanno. Antichità varie rimesse a luce nel tenimento del Comune. Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità Comunicate alla Regia Accademia dei Lincei Ottobre 1898: 425. De Nino, A. 1905. Saggio Archeologico sulla ubicazione di alcuni oppidi, pagi e vici. Sulmona, Tipografia Colaprete. De Spirito, A. and Bellotta, I. 2000. Antropologia e storia delle religioni. Saggio in onore di Alfonso M. di Nola. Roma, Newton Compton. Del Fattore, F. R. 2012. Fluturnum. Archeologia e Antropologia nell’alta Valle del Sagittario. Quaderni di Archeologia d’Abruzzo in progress. Del Fattore, F. R., Felici, A., Schiappelli, A. and Cimatti, E. 2013, I Giardini- Palazzo della Regina (Scanno, AQ). Prima campagna di scavi, Quaderni di Archeologia d’Abruzzo, 2013, in progress. Di Giandomenico, L. 2007. Materiale protostorico da Castrovalva. In G. Grossi (ed.), Anversa degli Abruzzi. Historia e monumenta: 253-259. San Giovanni Teatino-Chieti, Publish srl. Diedere Stek, T. 2009. Cult places and cultural change in Republican Italy. A Contextual Approach to Religious aspects of Rural Society after the Roman Conquest. Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press. Diedere Stek, T. and Pelgrom, J. 2005. Samnite Sanctuaries Surveyed: Preliminary Report of the Sacred Landscape Project. Bulletin Antieke Beschaving – Annual Papers on Mediterranean Archaeology 80: 75-81. 43

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Long-range versus short-range prehistoric pastoralism. Potential of palaeoecological proxies and a new record from western Emilia, northern Apennines, Italy Lionello F. Morandi and Nicholas P. Branch Abstract The timing of the rise of upland pastoralism and the extent of the seasonal mobility of early shepherds are key issues in the later prehistory of the Mediterranean. The archaeological record from Liguria (NW Italy), points to an increasing relevance of animal husbandry since the beginning of the Middle Neolithic, from the 5th millennium BC onwards. Thick stabling deposits and zooarchaeological assemblages from cave sites show the importance of sheep and cattle farming. Moreover, palaeoecological data from bogs and mires have suggested the use of pastures located at mid-high elevations and anthropogenic landscape modifications. The paper re-discusses the debated issue of long- vs short-range transhumant pastoralism in view of the archaeological and palaeoecological data from the region. A new case study is presented: dung spore analysis has been carried out from a high-altitude mire located in western Emilia, suggesting the possibility of a limited environmental impact of the first pastoral groups and of a stable presence of wild ungulates around the site. Key words Pastoralism; transhumance; Neolithic; non-pollen palynomorphs; Liguria; Emilia

Introduction In the last three decades, a number of archaeological and palaeoecological investigations have stressed the importance of early animal domestication and husbandry in south-western Emilia and Liguria (Barker et al. 1990; Maggi and Nisbet 1991; Maggi 2004a). The neolithisation of the area begins around 7800-7700 BP as evidenced by Impressed Ware pottery, which expands all along the coasts of the western Mediterranean during the 8th millennium BP (Maggi 1999).The Middle Neolithic (c. 7000-6200 BP) is characterised by the appearance of the Square-Mouthed Pottery culture (VBQ) and by the development of animal farming, although hunting, gathering and fishing are still prevalent (Bagolini and Pedrotti 1998). The shift to the Late Neolithic shows the spread of Chassey groups from south-east France, herding gains more relevance and pigs are introduced (Maggi 2004b; Maggi and Campana 2008). In Liguria, most of the evidence for the Middle and Late Neolithic comes from a number of rock shelters and caves located on the western coast of the region, while there are scant indications of open-air sites, which is probably an effect of their lesser archaeological visibility (Maggi 1999). Considerable bone assemblages have being recovered, showing a prevalence of domestic species such as sheep, goats and cows (Rowley-Conwy 1997). A seasonal or continuous occupation has been suggested for these sites (Barker et al. 1990; Maggi and Nisbet 1991). The picture resulting from the best known cave of Arene Candide indicates the presence of the herd within the cave, probably used as a seasonal or permanent stable, with occasional episodes of human occupation (Rowley-Conwy 1997). In the Late Neolithic, multiple natural archives in eastern Liguria seem to point to significant landscape modifications, involving the use of fire to create open pastures (Maggi 2004a). However, a clear relationship with anthropogenic disturbance remains dubious (Branch 2013; Branch and Morandi 2015), as the contemporaneous archaeological evidence is mainly found on the western coast. A few findings from Castellaro di Uscio and Tana delle Fate, though, seem to suggest the presence of Chassey groups also in the eastern part (Branch et al. 2014). Regarding western Emilia, the large and fertile plain around Parma was densely inhabited during the Neolithic. Before the emergence of the VBQ culture, in the Early Neolithic the Fiorano culture emerges as a distinct facies (Bagolini and Biagi 1977). Many open-air settlements were identified, some of them reaching a noticeable extent (Degasperi et al. 1998). Although they are less known than the contemporary 47

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north-eastern sites in Friuli, there is evidence for plant domestication since the Early Neolithic (second half of the 8th millennium BP) (Rottoli and Castiglioni 2009). However, faunal assemblages show a high proportion of wild species, and subsistence strategies are not clearly known as yet (Bagolini and Pedrotti 1998; Rowley-Conwy et al. 2013). The origin and characteristics of the first transhumance in southern Europe have long been discussed (Arnold and Greenfield 2006; Jourdan-Annequin and Duclos 2006; Maggi et al. 1991). In broad terms, this form of livestock management involves the seasonal movement of flocks to upland pastures during the summer months, under the care of one or more shepherds (Arnold and Greenfield 2003; Braudel 1949). The method aims to make the best possible use of resources exploiting the richness of the mountain pastures in the warm season and avoiding drought in the valleys (Sullivan and Homewood 2003) (Figure 1). In the cold season, the herds are kept in the permanent lowland settlements. This practice may leave a trace in livestock diet, as it has been demonstrated for Swiss lake shore settlements (Akeret and Jacomet 1997; Akeret et al. 1999). There is a certain degree of confusion around the definition of transhumance, especially in terms of horizontal transhumance as this often merges with the concept of nomadism (Cribb 1991). It would be incautious, however, to label prehistoric forms of herding with any of the modalities known in the better documented post-Roman centuries. It is possible that in prehistory the practice had a character of shortrange nomadism involving the movement of a single family group along the route (Maggi 2004c). This may be indicated by the skeletons found in the high-altitude cave of Grotta del Pertuso (1330 m a.s.l.), used as a burial site for individuals of both genders and various ages (Maggi and Nisbet 1991). The data from our study region, based upon evidence from archaeological sites and palaeoenvironmental records suggest a gradually more frequent use of mountain pastures as early as the Late Neolithic (Branch and Marini 2014). The signal seems to become increasingly stronger during the Copper and Bronze Age, when important landscape modifications associated with burning episodes and woodland clearance occur. The evidence includes pastures located at very high altitudes. The shelter of Tana del Barletta (950 m a.s.l.) was used a stable between the Late Neolithic and the Bronze Age, suggesting a seasonal exploitation of the pastures of Mt. Galero at 1700 m a.s.l. (Barker et al. 1990). Indirect evidence for highaltitude herding is also indicated by a number of rock engravings found on Mt. Bego (above 2000 m a.s.l.) and dated to the Copper and Bronze Age (De Lumley 1984; Maggi 1998a, 2004a; Maggi and Nisbet 1991). It has been suggested that only small groups of individuals were involved in these first pastoral

Figure 1. Schematic model of short-range vertical transhumance.

48

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activities (Maggi and Nisbet 1991). This point should be taken into consideration when interpreting palaeoecological records from lakes and mires, because small populations may have had restricted spatial impact on the environment and therefore produced only a weak anthropogenic signal. It has been suggested that Tana del Barletta and Arene Candide should be viewed as part of a pastoral system linking these sites to possible villages located in the plain of Albenga, some 20 km away on the coast (Maggi and Nisbet 1991). However, on the basis of the cull of domestic species, Rowley-Conwy (1997) has argued that Arene Candide was occupied all year long and should thus be seen as a permanent outlying settlement. Moreover, the site is not located in the highlands, therefore it cannot be part of a vertical farming system. With very few exceptions (Spindler 1994, 2003), long-range transhumance (>100 km) is considered implausible in prehistory, because it is dependent on extensive social and economic networks only found later in the Roman and especially medieval periods (Barker 1985; Marzatico 2007; Robb 2007). Beyond environmental archives: the potential of local proxies to unveil evanescent extrasettlement areas Since the start of large-scale field survey projects in the 1970s and 1980s (Macready and Thompson 1985), archaeologists struggle with the interpretation of extra-settlement (off-site) areas. In spite of their apparent marginality, they have often been of primary importance for ancient societies (de Haas 2012). The relevance of such places is not restricted to their use for resource exploitation, but embraces wider cultural aspects. A paradigmatic case is that of classical antiquity, as it shows that even urbanised societies characterised by large metropoleis and complex production systems still felt the necessity to express their links to wilderness and rural environments, as largely indicated by several literary sources and pagan feasts (Bradley 2000; Dumézil 1996). A number of anthropological studies equally show the unsuspected relevance of various extra-settlement areas, most of which would result in a total lack of archaeological visibility (see e.g. Turner 1967). However, the whole debate on off-site distributions in archaeology deals with the interpretation of material culture (chiefly potsherds) scattered on the landscape surface. It is here suggested that it may be possible to go beyond the use of suitable natural archives as mainly means of reconstructing environmental conditions associated with human occupation. Arguably, a further approach to identifying potential extra-settlement areas may be attempted through the use of local proxies for periodic human presence. Several survey projects have faced the difficulty of interpreting areas of apparent low activity beyond the settlement sites (Bintliff and Snodgrass 1988). Then, at a later stage of the research, the excavations tend to focus solely on more promising areas characterised by stronger evidence, and there is little work to interpret the meaning of off-site distributions (de Haas 2012). Moreover, because these areas are defined by a very low number of artefacts, it seems highly likely that a large number of them are not detectable at all due to a total absence of remains. Local anthropogenic proxies may be applied to address this problem, and a project following such an approach should involve mapping and sampling of each geological archive proximal to the sites, rather than focusing only on the deepest and best preserved sequence for environmental reconstruction. It appears essential that, to identify extra-settlement areas, the best proxies have to be strictly local indicators, as is the case of NPPs and waste-derived biomarkers (human and animal stanols/sterols and bile acids). To demonstrate the potential of this approach, we point out that most of the structures and finds associated with off-site areas in field survey projects relate to pastoral activities (de Haas 2012). It is worth stressing that sampling locations do not have to be restricted to wetlands, as biogeochemical analyses can be successfully performed also in dry areas to detect manuring practices in ancient fields (Bull et al. 2001; Evershed et al. 1997). Similarly, soil profiles are valuable sources of palynomorphs (Dimbleby 1985), as well as of resilient fungal spores and parasite eggs. Furthermore, the most commonly advocated explanation for interpreting off-site areas consists of the so-called 49

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‘manuring hypothesis’ (Bintliff and Snodgrass 1988). The specific use of local proxies for animal- and human-derived wastes seems therefore particularly suitable to test this hypothesis, and if successful it would result in a more detailed knowledge of land-use strategies nearby the site. The identification of extra-settlement areas is crucial to locate settlement sites in their broader landscape context, allowing insights into environmental exploitation and economic systems. In favourable circumstances also sedimentary sequences from natural archives can provide meaningful information on extra-site distributions and their exploitation, helping to establish links between them and periodic human presence. These circumstances are listed below: •• chronological correlation between evidence for local anthropogenic activities from geological archives and archaeological evidence in the study area; •• spatial relationship between potential extra-settlement areas and settlements (e.g. distance between grazing lands and permanent sites); •• match between the palaeoecological indicators recovered and the subsistence strategy (if known) of contemporary communities settled in the study area. At the present state of research, for the reasons given above, this approach is best applicable to the socioeconomic context of pastoral societies, regardless of their location in space and time. It is worth saying that, in the last forty years, a similar approach has been tentatively applied by means of phosphorus analysis. However, this method presents several technical and interpretative issues (Holliday and Gartner 2007), and is less directly linkable to a specific type of human activity, e.g. areas of food waste would appear as very phosphate-rich and indistinguishable from heavily grazed areas. A case study from an upland peat bog: Prato Spilla ‘A’ Geographical setting and previous work Located on the northern slope of Mt. Bocco, the area of Prato Spilla lies about 40 km north of the town of La Spezia and 65 km south of Parma (Figure 2). The name Prato Spilla ‘A’ refers to the highest (1560 m a.s.l.) of three marshy mires surrounded nowadays by beech forest (44˚21’16’’N 10˚05’51’’E). The basin, measuring c. 40 m along its major axis, overlies 9 m of sediments that have accumulated on the site since the Early Holocene (Figure 3). The sequence has been investigated for palaeoenvironmental reconstruction, and this has suggested that human impact has possibly played a role in determining vegetation changes on the site as early as the Middle Holocene (Lowe 1991, 1992; Lowe et al. 1994a, 1994b). According to palynological analyses, the trends followed by arboreal taxa may point to anomalies caused by Neolithic communities, notwithstanding the high altitude of the site. Coupling this evidence with lithological discontinuities indicating erosional events, the authors identified three episodes of possibly stronger human influence, two of which corresponding respectively to the Middle Neolithic and the start of the Copper Age (Lowe et al. 1994a, 1994b). Given this seemingly compelling evidence for human activity during the Neolithic at high altitude, the site has been selected as a promising case study for non-pollen palynomorph (NPP) analysis. The identification of coprophilous fungal spores is currently one of the few existing methods for assessing the local presence of herbivores outside archaeological sites in the absence of faunal remains (Linseele et al. 2013), and it proves particularly suitable when investigating a region long inhabited by pastoral societies. Materials and methods On July 2012, a 730 cm long core was taken using a Russian sampler. The sampling spot is located c. 15m from the northern edge of the basin, next to a minor pool. Subsamples of 1 cm3 were taken from the core every 8 cm from the part of the sequence comprised between 730 to 602 cm, and every 16 cm between 602 and 442 cm. 50

L. F. Morandi and N. P. Branch: Long-range versus short-range prehistoric pastoralism

Figure 2. Prato Spilla ‘A’: map showing the location of the site.

During the editing of this volume, four radiocarbon dates were obtained for the depths 723-722 cm (OxA-34439: 8457-8341 cal BP at 95,4%), 667-666 cm (OxA-34440: 7579-7441 cal BP at 95,4%), 540-539 cm (OxA-34441: 5844-5601 cal BP at 95,4%) and 490-489 cm (OxA-34674: 4861-4655 cal BP at 95,4%). Dates were modelled in OxCal v.4.2.4, using IntCal13 calibration curve (Bronk Ramsey 2009; Reimer et al. 2013). An age-depth model for the whole sequence will be created in the near future.

Figure 3. Prato Spilla ‘A’: view of the site from the south-east. 51

Microscope slides were prepared at the University of Reading following sieving through 125 and 10 μm meshes and acetolysis treatment prior to mounting in

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glycerol jelly. A Leica DME light microscope was used for the analysis (x400 and x1000 magnification). A number of articles were used as reference material for the identification of microfossils, among which: Gelorini et al. 2011, van Geel 1978, van Geel et al. 1981, 1989, 2003. In total, 27 samples were analyzed, with counts including a minimum of 200 spores and fungal hyphopodia. As non-pollen palynomorphs (NPPs) were counted separately from pollen grains, NPP values are expressed as percentages of total non-pollen palynomorphs (TNPP) (Cugny et al. 2010). The sequence was divided into five non-pollen palynomorph assemblage zones (NPPAZs), according to the main variations in the whole NPP spectrum (not presented in the diagram). Middle Holocene herbivores at Prato Spilla ‘A’: a purely natural condition or a conditioned nature? A wide range of coprophilous and potentially coprophilous spores have been recorded, confirming the presence of grazing animals on the site (Figure 4). Some of these (Sporormiella-type, Sordaria-type, Delitschia) represent highly reliable proxies for the local presence of herbivores. Dung spores appear to be distributed across the whole sequence, although there seems to be a slightly higher concentration at the bottom, throughout NPPAZ-2 and between NPPAZs-4 and 5. Chaetomium and Gelasinospora were identified too. Although these taxa are not obligatory coprophilous, the latter is worthy of note as it is a fireloving genus (Ellis and Ellis 1988), potentially indicating biomass burning. Among the other occasionally

Figure 4. Prato Spilla ‘A’: selected percentage diagram showing the occurrence of obligate and occasionally coprophilous fungal taxa (total NPP%). Empty curves represent 10x exaggeration. M: Mesolithic; EN: Early Neolithic; MN: Middle Neolithic; LN: Late Neolithic; CA: Copper Age; BA: Bronze Age. 52

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coprophilous taxa, Cercophora-type and type 55B were abundant. Although several coprophilous Cercophora species exist, their spores may also derive from rotten wood, so they cannot be directly associated with grazing pressure. Type 55B (van Geel 1978) requires further research. It strongly resembles Melanospora brevirostris – which is sporadically isolated from herbivore dung (Doveri 2007) – but it may also represent non-coprophilous Sphaerodes spp. (F. Doveri, pers. comm., 2014). This microfossil seems to be slightly more abundant at the top of the sequence. According to the newly obtained radiocarbon dates, this part of the deposit corresponds to the Late Neolithic, Copper Age, and Copper/Bronze Age transition (NPPAZs-3, 4 and 5). It is not possible to detect any particular rise in the percentages, suggesting that the abundance of obligate and potentially coprophilous taxa, spanning from the Late Mesolithic to the Early Bronze Age, is likely to mostly reflect a natural background noise. A similar picture has resulted from the palaeoecological records in the Ötztal Alps, showing no considerable rises in pasture indicators prior to the Middle Bronze Age (c. 1600 BC) (Festi et al. 2014). The signal detected was thus probably produced by the periodic or continuous presence of mountain wild herbivores grazing around the mire (e.g. ungulates and leporids). These data help to reinterpret episodes of vegetation changes based upon previous studies (Lowe et al. 1994a, 1994b). In particular, modern analogue studies on mountain browsing animals turn out to be enlightening to our case. Controlled experiments have demonstrated how seriously roe deer populations can affect silver fir growth and regeneration, favouring young saplings as feed (Senn and Suter 2003; a similar view is expressed by Cruise et al. 2009 in relation to Lago di Bargone in Liguria). Irregular variations in the tree taxa were already noted by Lowe et al. (1994a, 1994b), and Abies fluctuations may therefore have been at least partly driven by animal disturbance. On a regional scale, however, the widespread Abies decline recorded on several sites (Branch and Marini 2014; Arobba et al. 2016) was probably caused by climatic factors (Branch 2013) or by a combination of climate change and human impact (Vescovi et al. 2010), possibly coupled with pathogens (Menozzi et al. 2010). Roe deer, along with red deer, ibex and chamois, are well documented in the zooarchaeological record of the region (Rowley-Conwy 1997; Lorenzini et al. 2002). Such a reconstruction appears to be supported by the occurrence in the sequence of the parasitic fungus Kretzschmaria deusta, favouring environments characterised by intense animal browsing and trampling (Innes et al. 2006). Alternatively, a more anthropogenic scenario may be pictured in the case the curves of type 55B and Cercophora-type would entirely represent coprophilous species. If so, it may be suggested that their slight increase from NPPAZ-3 onwards derives from a more continuous presence of small domestic flocks around the mire. However, further points against this argument exist. While coastal or upland grazing lands suitable as pastures are located at a relatively short (0-10 km) distance from the cave sites of western Liguria, Prato Spilla ‘A’ appears rather isolated. As mentioned above, Maggi and Nisbet (1991) have found plausible a seasonal movement of shepherds along distances of maximum 20 km. Although there are no sharp boundaries to define transhumance modalities, a greater distance should be termed as medium/long-range transhumance, and there is general agreement on the unlikelihood of long-distance pastoral systems in prehistory (Barker 1985; Marzatico 2007). It seems also necessary to stress that in previous studies the site of Prato Spilla ‘A’ has been considered in the context of a well-developed tradition of environmental archaeology focusing solely on Liguria (e.g. Lowe et al. 1994b). However, its position on the northern side of the Liguro-Emilian watershed suggests taking into account also the archaeological evidence in the area north of Valditacca. Here, as the last northern Apennine slopes decline, a wide plain extends around the territory of Parma. The area was densely populated during the Neolithic, and culturally dissimilar from the Ligurian milieu (particularly in the Early Neolithic) (Pessina and Tiné 2008). If we turn our attention to the plain of Parma, we note that its southern fringes lie about 20 km from Prato Spilla. The important settlement of Sant’Ilario d’Enza (Maffi and Tirabassi 2013) is located some 30 km from the site (like Pianaccia di Suvero in Liguria), and sporadic Neolithic artefacts are documented also in the near site of San Polo d’Enza (Tirabassi 1987). Further south-east, a Late Eneolithic lithic assemblage was found at Bagioletto, a site 53

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Figure 5. Prato Spilla ‘A’ (star), the nearest finds of Neolithic/Eneolithic sites (triangles), and the nearest Neolithic and Eneolithic sites south and north of the Apennine threshold (dots).

located at 1700 m a.s.l. c. 20 km from Prato Spilla, previously already occupied during the Mesolithic (Cremaschi et al. 1981; Cremaschi 1990). These distances are more compatible with short-range pastoral systems, which are more likely to have occurred in later prehistory (Figure 5). In this respect, it is useful to stress that the Early Neolithic rhomboid point found in eastern Liguria at Mt. Aiona-Prato Mollo (Province of Genova) is near to the Fiorano types (Baffico et al. 1987), suggesting that also the Apennine watershed was exploited by groups culturally linked to the plain of Parma. Moreover, a number of studies have stressed multiple relationships between Emilia and Liguria in the Neolithic (Bagolini and Biagi 1973, 1974; Biagi 1973). However, even if we accept the existence of any form of transhumance, including long-range systems, the absence of known seasonal sites in the vicinity of the mire (presumably in a range of 0-5 km) remains difficult to explain. Potential summer pastures should indeed be associated with sites interpreted as possible seasonal camps (or at least with archaeological artefacts), as is the case of Mt. Galero and Tana del Barletta in western Liguria (Barker et al. 1990; Maggi and Nisbet 1991). In our case, it is relevant to stress that the north-easternmost finds of statue-stelae lie 7 to 12 km from Prato Spilla and belong to the Filetto-Malgrate-type, which is dated to the Copper Age on the basis of the weapons and ornaments represented (de Marinis 1994). These monuments are characteristic of the Eneolithic of Lunigiana and Garfagnana (between eastern Liguria and north-west Tuscany), and are interpreted as ritual images placed along pastoral routes linking settlements and pastures (Maggi 1998b). Two high-altitude mires in eastern Liguria have provided direct evidence for in situ human presence, albeit scant and sporadic. An ornament dated probably to the Copper Age has been collected at Lago di Bargone (830 m a.s.l.) (Campana et al. 1998), where contemporary low anthropogenic disturbance has been suggested by pedological and palynological analyses (Cruise et al. 2009). At Mt. Aiona-Prato Mollo 54

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(1700-1500 m a.s.l.), there is instead evidence for periodic human presence since the Early Neolithic (Baffico et al. 1987). A further point supporting the existence of this extra-settlement area being used as an upland pasture is the presence of a number of arrowheads from the Copper Age – Early Bronze Age (Baffico et al. 1987; Maggi 1998c; Maggi and Campana 2008). Although commonly interpreted as related to hunting, and occasionally as ritual offers (Leonardi and Arnaboldi 1998), the finds may be consistent with the interpretations from similar sites, that stress the necessity to guard the livestock against robbers or rival groups (Marzatico 2007; on the rise of violence during later prehistory see Meyer et al. 2015). The importance of controlling and defending upland resources for early European herders seems confirmed by the case of Talheim (southern Germany), where a large Early Neolithic mass grave containing the bones of 34 individuals of both genders and various ages was found. Isotopic evidence has suggested that some of the deceased, considered as a family group killed by a rival community, may possibly have been involved in forms of vertical transhumance between high pastures and Linearbandkeramik valley settlements (Price et al. 2006). Conclusions The main research outcomes can be summarised as follows: •• although an involvement of prehistoric shepherds in the uplands cannot be totally ruled out, it is likely that the continuous presence of coprophilous fungal spores in the Middle Holocene sediments at Prato Spilla ‘A’ originates from wild mountain herbivores, most likely ungulates, and perhaps also lagomorphs; •• the main difficulties for assuming pastoralism lie in the distance from known archaeological sites (c. 20-30 km), and the unlikelihood of long-range transhumance in prehistory, that has often been questioned in the literature (e.g. Marzatico 2007). Nevertheless, sporadic human presence in a shorter distance range is indicated by Copper Age statue-stelae, and in the case of other isolated uplands is shown by the artefacts recovered at Prato Mollo and Lago di Bargone; •• if any, it is likely that episodes of upland pastoralism should not be attributed uniquely to the Ligurian Neolithic groups, but also to the communities settled in the densely occupied plain of Parma; •• it is essential that specific methods (biogeochemistry, DNA metabarcoding) are applied in order to enable distinction between wild- and domestic-derived organic inputs (D’Anjou et al. 2012; GiguetCovex et al. 2014). Finally, it is worth stressing that the picture is indeed made even more intricate by the small size of Neolithic communities (Maggi and Nisbet 1991). Family-sized groups acting in the uplands with small herds may have only slightly impacted the environment, being difficult to detect nowadays in the palaeoecological record (Barker 1985; Festi et al. 2014). The very first transhumant pastoralism may thus have left very weak traces (Gifford 1978), and the application of local proxies for herbivore presence to other potential upland pastures is needed to better elucidate the situation in the Liguro-Emilian region. References Akeret, Ö. and Jacomet, S. 1997. Analysis of plant macrofossils in goat/sheep faeces from the Neolithic lake shore settlement of Horgen Scheller – an indication of prehistoric transhumance? Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 6 (4): 235-239. Akeret, Ö., Haas, J. N., Leuzinger, U. and Jacomet, S. 1999. Plant macrofossils and pollen in goat/sheep faeces from the Neolithic lake-shore settlement Arbon Bleiche 3, Switzerland. The Holocene 9 (2): 175182. Arnold, E. R. and Greenfield, H. J. 2003. A zooarchaeological perspective on the origins of vertical transhumant pastoralism and the colonization of marginal habitats in temperate southeastern Europe. In M. Mondini, S. Muñoz and S. Winkler (eds.), Colonisation, Migrationand Marginal Areas: a Zooarchaeological Approach: 96-117. Oxford, Oxbow Press. 55

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Arnold, E. R. and Greenfield, H. J. (eds.) 2006. The Origins of Transhumant Pastoralism in Temperate Southeastern Europe: A Zooarchaeological Perspective from the Central Balkans. Oxford, Archaeopress. Arobba, D., Firpo, M., Mercalli, L., Morandi, L., Rossi, S. and Caramiello, R. 2016. La foce del Bisagno nel medio Olocene: analisi paleoambientali di un deposito costiero ligure. Nimbus 75 (in press). Baffico, O., Cruise, G. M., Macphail, R. I., Maggi, R. and Nisbet, R. 1987. Monte Aiona – Prato Mollo. Archeologia in Liguria 3(1): 1982-1986. Bagolini, B. and Biagi, P. 1973. Influssi della cultura di Fiorano nel Neolitico della Liguria. Preistoria Alpina 9: 69-90. Bagolini, B. and Biagi, P. 1974. Rapporti tra la cultura di Fiorano e il Neolitico della Liguria ed aspetti occidentali tra Liguria e Padania. Atti della XVI Riunione dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria: 151158. Firenze, Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. Bagolini, B. and Biagi, P. 1977. Introduzione al Neolitico dell’Emilia e Romagna. Atti della XIX Riunione dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria: 79-136. Firenze, Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. Bagolini, B. and Pedrotti, A. 1998. L’Italie septentrionale. In J. Guilaine (ed.), Atlas du Néolithique européen (Vol. 2A). L’Europe occidentale: 233-341. Liège, Université de Liège. Barker, G. 1985. Prehistoric Farming in Europe. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Barker, G., Biagi, P., Clark, G., Maggi, R. and Nisbet, R. 1990. From hunting to herding in the Val Pennavaira (Liguria – northern Italy). In P. Biagi (ed.), The Neolithisation of the Alpine Region: 99-121. Brescia, Museo Civico di Scienze Naturali. Bedford, K. 2013. Holocene environmental history of the Tuscan-Emilian Apennines: a case study from Prato Spilla. Unpublished Undergraduate Dissertation, Department of Geography and Environmental Science, University of Reading. Biagi, P. 1973. Raffronti tra l’aspetto ligure e l’aspetto padano della Cultura dei Vasi a Bocca Quadrata. Atti della XVI Riunione dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria: 95-110. Firenze, Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. Bintliff, J., Snodgrass, A. 1988. Off-site pottery distributions: a regional and interregional perspective. Current anthropology 29 (3): 506-513. Bradley, R. 2000. An Archaeology of Natural Places. London, Routledge. Branch, N. P. 2013. Early-Middle Holocene vegetation history, climate change and human activities at Lago Riane (Ligurian Apennines, NW Italy). Vegetation history and archaeobotany 22 (4): 315-334. Branch, N. P. and Marini, N. A. 2014. Mid-Late Holocene environmental change and human activities in the northern Apennines, Italy. Quaternary International 353: 34-51. Branch, N. P. and Morandi, L. 2015. Late Würm and Early-Middle Holocene environmental change and human activities in the northern Apennines, Italy. In U. Moscatelli and A. Stagno (eds.), Archeologia delle aree montane europee: metodi, problemi e casi di studio. Il capitale culturale. Studies on the Value of Cultural Heritage, 12: 537-563. Branch, N. P., Black, S., Maggi, R., and Marini, N. A. 2014. The Neolithisation of Liguria (NW Italy): an environmental archaeological and palaeoenvironmental perspective. Environmental Archaeology 19: 196-213. Braudel, F. 1949. La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II. Paris, Armand Colin. Bronk Ramsey, C. 2009. Bayesian Analysis of Radiocarbon Dates. Radiocarbon 51 (1): 337-360. Bull, I. D., Betancourt, P. P. and Evershed, R. P. 2001. An organic geochemical investigation of the practice of manuring at a Minoan site on Pseira Island, Crete. Geoarchaeology 16 (2): 223-242. Campana, N., Maggi, R. and Negrino, F. 1998. Val Bargonasco (Casarza Ligure – GE). In A. Del Lucchese and R. Maggi (eds.), Dal diaspro al bronzo. L’Età del Rame e l’Età del Bronzo in Liguria: 26 secoli di storia fra 3600 e 1000 anni avanti Cristo: 133-137. La Spezia, Luna Editore. Cremaschi, M. 1990. Pedogenesi medio olocenica ed uso dei suoli durante il Neolitico in Italia settentrionale. In P. Biagi (ed.), The Neolithisation of the Alpine Region: 71-89. Brescia, Museo Civico di Scienze Naturali. Cremaschi, M., Biagi, P., Accorsi, C. A., Bandini Mazzanti, M., Rodolfi, G., Castelletti, L. and Leoni, L. 1981. Il sito mesolitico di Monte Bagioletto (Appennino Reggiano) nel quadro delle variazioni ambientali oloceniche dell’Appennino Tosco-Emiliano. Emilia Preromana 9-10: 11-46. 56

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Lorenzini, R., Lovari, S. and Masseti, M. 2002. The rediscovery of the Italian roe deer: genetic differentiation and management implications. Italian Journal of Zoology 69: 367-379. Lowe, J. J. 1991. The chronology and correlation of evidence for prehistoric pastoralism in southern Europe. In R. Maggi, R. Nisbet and G. Barker (eds.), Archeologia della pastorizia in Europa Meridionale (Rivista di Studi Liguri 57): 151-174. Bordighera, Istituto internazionale di Studi Liguri. Lowe, J. J. 1992. Lateglacial and Early Holocene lake sediments from the northern Apennines, Italy – pollen stratigraphy and radiocarbon dating. Boreas 21: 193-208. Lowe, J. J., Branch, N. and Watson, C. 1994a. The chronology of human disturbance of the vegetation of the northern Apennines during the Holocene. In P. Biagi, J. Nandris, Highland Zone Exploitation in Southern Europe. Monografie di Natura Bresciana 20: 169-188. Lowe, J. J., Davite, C., Moreno, D. and Maggi, R. 1994b. Holocene pollen stratigraphy and human interference in the woodlands of the northern Apennines, Italy. The Holocene 4: 153-164. Macready, S. and Thompson, F. H. 1985. Archaeological Field Survey in Britain and Abroad. London, Society of Antiquaries. Maffi, M. and Tirabassi, I. 2013. Il sito neolitico di S.Ilario D’Enza (Re): scavi Monaco Bernardi. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 63: 39-76. Maggi, R. 1998a. Storia della Liguria fra 3600 e 2300 anni avanti Cristo (Età del Rame). In A. Del Lucchese and R. Maggi (eds.), Dal diaspro al bronzo. L’Età del Rame e l’Età del Bronzo in Liguria: 26 secoli di storia fra 3600 e 1000 anni avanti Cristo: 7-28. La Spezia, Luna Editore. Maggi, R. 1998b. Le statue stele della Lunigiana. In A. Del Lucchese and R. Maggi (eds.), Dal diaspro al bronzo. L’Età del Rame e l’Età del Bronzo in Liguria: 26 secoli di storia fra 3600 e 1000 anni avanti Cristo: 179-181. La Spezia, Luna Editore. Maggi, R. 1998c. Prato Mollo. In A. Del Lucchese and R. Maggi (eds.), Dal diaspro al bronzo. L’Età del Rame e l’Età del Bronzo in Liguria: 26 secoli di storia fra 3600 e 1000 anni avanti Cristo: 129-131. La Spezia, Luna Editore. Maggi, R. 1999. Coasts and uplands in Liguria and Northern Tuscany from the Mesolithic to the Bronze Age. In J. Morter, R. H. Tykot, and J. E. Robb (eds.), Social Dynamics of the Prehistoric Central Mediterranean (Vol. 3): 47-65. London, Accordia Research Institute. Maggi, R. 2004a. I monti sun eggi: the making of the Ligurian landscape in prehistory. In R. Balzaretti, M. Pearce and C. Watkins (eds.), Ligurian Landscapes: Studies on Archaeology, Geography and History: 71-82. London, Accordia Research Institute. Maggi, R. 2004b. L’eredità delle Preistoria e la costruzione del paesaggio. In R. C. de Marinis and G. Spadea (eds.), I Liguri. Un antico popolo europeo tra Alpi e Mediterraneo: 35-49. Milano, Skira. Maggi, R. 2004c. Pratiche agro-pastorali e paesaggio fra Alpi Marittime e Appennino Settentrionale: dal Neolitico all’Età del Bronzo. Bullettin d’Etudes Préhistorique et Archeologiques Alpines 15: 161-174. Maggi, R. and Campana, N. 2008. Archeologia delle risorse ambientali in Liguria: estrazione e sussistenza fra IV e III millennio BC. Bulletin di Musée d’Anthropologie Préhistorique de Monaco, Suppl. n° 1: 65-74. Maggi, R. and Nisbet, R. 1991. Prehistoric pastoralism in Liguria. Rivista di studi liguri 56: 265-296. Maggi, R., Nisbet, R. and Barker, G. (eds.) 1991. Archeologia della pastorizia nell’Europa Meridionale. Bordighera, Istituto Internazionale di Studi Liguri. Marzatico, F. 2007. La frequentazione dell’ambiente montano nel territorio atesino fra l’età del Bronzo e del Ferro: alcune considerazioni sulla pastorizia transumante e ‘l’economia di malga’. Preistoria Alpina 42: 163-182. Menozzi, B. I., Zotti, M. and Montanari, C. 2010. A non-pollen palynomorphs contribution to the local environmental history in the Ligurian Apennines: a preliminary study. Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 19: 503-512. Meyer, C., Lohr, C., Gronenborn, D. and Alt, K. W. 2015. The massacre mass grave of Schöneck-Kilianstädten reveals new insights into collective violence in Early Neolithic Central Europe. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112 (36): 11217-11222. Pessina, A. and Tiné, V. 2008. Archeologia del Neolitico. L’Italia tra il VI e il IV millennio a.C. Roma, Carocci. Price, T. D., Wahl, J. and Bentley, R. A. 2006. Isotopic evidence for mobility and group organization among Neolithic farmers at Talheim, Germany, 5000 BC. European Journal of Archaeology 9 (2-3): 259-284. 58

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An archaeology of the mountains in Maramureș, Romania: the beginning of a long-term project Radu-Alexandru Dragoman, Dan Pop, Bogdan Bobînă, Marius Ardeleanu, Călin Şuteu and Ciprian Astaloş Abstract The high areas of Maramureş (northern Romania) are almost unknown archaeologically, reason why, in 2012, after exploratory visits, we initiated a research the ultimate purpose of which was the understanding of the meanings people gave to mountains and the effects of mountains’ presence in the lives of the communities from the distant as well as the recent past (Dragoman et al. 2012). For this purpose, as a first step, we decided to systematically record the possible sites and ruins from three areas from eastern Maramureş – the Prislop Pass (1414 m a.s.l., linking Maramureş and Bukowina), the Geamănul Peak (1539 m a.s.l., in the Maramureş Mountains, east of the Prislop Pass) and the Pietrosu Rodnei Peak (2303 m a.s.l., in the Rodnei Mountains – the highest mountains in Maramureş). The research from 2014 and 2015 took place in the Prislop Pass, the area of the Geamănul Peak and the potential passageways linking Maramureș to Bukowina. The surveys resulted in the discovery of three prehistoric sites, a place with pottery fragments difficult to assign chronologically (‘post-Roman’), numerous material traces associated very probably to the First and the Second World Wars and some abandoned sheepfolds. Key words Romania; Maramureș; prehistoric lithics; ‘post-Roman’ pottery; Modern Age battlefields; abandoned sheepfolds

Introduction The mountainous landscapes of Romania, i.e. the Carpathian Mountains, are among the least investigated areas from an archaeological point of view. Initiatives like the Highland Zone Ethnoarchaeology Project (e.g. Lazarovici and Ardeț 2015) conducted in the 1980s, or the series of surveys made along several years and dedicated specially to the mountainous area of Bukowina (e.g. Andronic and Niculică 2012) are rather exceptions. By comparison, we find a different picture in other parts of the Carpathian Mountains, such as that of the Beskid Mountains in Poland and Slovakia, systematically investigated within the framework of some long-term research projects (e.g. Machnik 2001). In this context, we intend to bring the mountains of Romania back into the focus of the archaeological research.1 The region under consideration is part of the Maramureş Country (Rom.: Ţara Maramureşului) situated in the north of Romania and south-western Ukraine. The chosen area is comprised between the confluence of the rivers Tisa and Vişeu to the west, the Rodnei Mountains to the south, and the Maramureş Mountains to the east (Figure 1). Geographical framework In the region under consideration, the elevation of the highest mountain picks varies in the Rodna Mountains between 1416 m a.s.l. (Prislop) and 2303 m a.s.l. (Pietrosu Rodnei), and in the Maramureş Mountains between 1062 m a.s.l. (Vivodinu) and 1956 m a.s.l. (Farcău). The main rivers crossing the region are Vişeu (80 km in length) and Iza (83 km in length); the two water courses spring from the Rodna Mountains and flows into the Tisa river. Their tributaries spring from the surrounding mountains: Vişeu river has between its tributaries Repedea (with its spring in the Rodna Mountains) and Vaser (flowing from the Maramureş Mountains); among the tributaries of the Iza river is Rona, which springs from the Maramureş Mountains. In the Rodna Mountains, along springs of watercourses are present waterfalls and glacial lakes. 1

Coordinated by Bogdan Bobînă, Radu-Alexandru Dragoman and Dan Pop.

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Figure 1. Map of the Maramureș region with the area chosen for research (map: Bogdan Bobînă).

In the Rodna and Maramureş mountains coniferous forests and alpine meadows are present. On the alpine region are living animals like chamois and alpine marmot, but also bear, wolf and lynx; among birds we notice the golden eagle, the black grouse and the wood grouse. Summers are short and cool and the winters are long. The mean annual temperature varies between 3ºC and -2ºC while the mean annual precipitations vary between 1000 and 1400 mm. The number of days without frost is 120-200 and the number of days with snow is between 100 and 150 (Gherasimov et al. 1960: 631-637; Niculescu 1980: 41-45; Posea 1982: 570). In the last decade a number of well dated pollen records from Rodna and Maramureş mountains became available (Fărcaş et al. 2013; Feurdean et al. 2016; Tanțău et al. 2011). Perhaps, the most relevant, in terms of proximity to our study area, is the peat bog sequence from Poiana Știol in the Rodna Mountains (Tanțău et al. 2011). It covers the last 11,000 years without evidence for hiatus, revealing both similar trends and local differences if compared to the vegetation history of the eastern and northern Carpathian Mountains. During the early Holocene (11,000-9800 cal BP) dense forests consisting of Pinus, Picea abies, Ulmus and Betula were dominant. Mixed-oaks tree taxa are present during this period but with lower values as their pollen come probably from lower altitudes. Around 9800 cal BP the composition of the vegetation changes: Betula and Pinus forests are replaced by forests dominated by Picea abies and Corylus avellana. Between 9000 and 6500 cal BP forests are dominated by Picea, Corylus and Ulmus, but taxa like Alnus, Betula, Quercus and Fraxinus are also present. Around 6500 cal BP Carpinus betulus starts its expansion, with a significant rise in its percentages around 5700 cal BP. The expansion of Carpinus is coincident with an increase in light-demanding taxa such as Quercus, Betula and Alnus, but this change is not linked 62

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to any clear human activity indicators. Around 4800 cal BP Carpinus is the major forest component at lower elevations, while Picea abies dominates at higher altitudes. Around 3200 cal BP took place both the expansion of a new species, Fagus sylvatica, and the appearance of the first regular anthropogenic indicators: Plantago lanceolata, Plantago major, Rumex, Artemisia and Chenopodiaceae. As Fagus becomes the dominant tree at lower elevations, Pinus and Alnus are replacing the Picea abies closed woodlands at higher elevations. Then, around 2000 cal BP, when Fagus sylvatica is at its maximum, Abies alba became established at higher altitudes. Also, at this time, there is an increase in human impact related species, especially Artemisia and Plantago lanceolata. At 1800 cal BP is registered the first occurrence of Juglans. Therefore, after 2000 cal BP, there are signs of forest clearance and grazing intensification around the site. This level of anthropogenic disturbance started 2000 years ago and lasted until c. 200 years ago, when a strong reduction in forest component and an increase in herbaceous communities are recorded. These are related with the massive forest clearance and more intense grazing activities in the last two centuries (Tanțău et al. 2011). State of research As it can be observed from the archaeological repertoire of the Maramureş County (Kacsó 2011; 2015), most of the archaeological materials from the Romanian Maramureş come from chance discoveries or surface research; however, no systematic surveys took place until recently. In the specific case of our area of interest there are mentioned stone axes from the Neolithic/Copper Age, settlements and hoards from the Bronze Age, stray finds from the Bronze Age (bronze fragments, a pot), some isolated artefacts from the La Tène period, a hoard of Roman denarii, a coin issued under Trajan, a bronze coin issued under Constantine the Great, Late Mediaeval pottery fragments, and pottery fragments from the 19th and 20th centuries, etc. (see Kacsó 2011; 2015) (Figure 2). The only program of systematic archaeological research

Figure 2. Map with the archaeological discoveries from the area chosen for research, mentioned in the archaeological repertoire of Maramureș County: 1. Crasna Vişeului; 2. Petrova; 3. Leordina; 4. Vişeu de Jos and Vişeu de Sus; 5. Poienile de sub Munte; 6. Moisei; 7. Baia Borşa; 8. Borşa; 9. Geamănul Peak (map: Bogdan Bobînă). 63

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of the historical Maramureş was dedicated to the Middle Ages and took place during the 1960-70s (Popa 1997). Also, the 19th century mines from Băile Borşa were systematically researched starting with 2006, ‘in the framework of a project regarding the museum and touristic capitalization of the industrial mining heritage of the Maramureş County’ (Kacsó et al. 2008-2009: 510). In addition, we mention that in the Ukrainian part of the Maramureş materials belonging to the same periods have been found. The state of research in the Ukrainian Maramureş is quite similar with the Romanian case; here also we are dealing with stray finds or discoveries from surface research (e.g. Kobal’ 2002). In the area only a few Palaeolithic sites are known – Chust I and II, Pečera Moločnij Kamin’ and Lipča (Tkachenko 2003). The archaeological repertories from Romania, including the one dedicated to the Maramureş County (Kacsó 2011; 2015), refer to the material culture dating at the latest at the end of the 19th and eventually the beginning of the 20th century; the last chronological sequences comprise various elements which can be classified as historical heritage: churches, funerary monuments, residencies, mines, etc. We think that archaeological research does not have to operate with chronological fractures and, therefore, all categories of material culture, however ‘modest’, not only those classified as ‘heritage’, and regardless of the time period they belong to, are worth equal attention. Consequently, ruins or remains of events from the recent or contemporary past should also be taken into consideration (for a periodization see Harrison and Schofield 2010). Given the fact that the highlands of the Maramureş are almost unknown from an archaeological point of view, the first step was to start a systematic survey of the eventual sites and ruins. Following some exploratory visits in 2012, the areas chosen for research were the Prislop Pass (1414 m a.s.l., linking Maramureş and Bukowina), the Geamănu Peak (1539 m a.s.l., in Maramureş Mountains, east of Prislop Pass) and the Pietrosu Rodnei Peak (2303 m a.s.l., in Rodna Mountains – the highest mountains from Maramureş) (Dragoman et al. 2012). Theoretical premises Our approach is based on the premise that the separations between nature and culture, and sacred and profane, are intellectual actions specific for modernity. Contrary to a modernist view, we believe that mountains cannot be reduced to the status of ‘natural environment’ of the human occupations or to that of ‘source’ of food, raw materials for various types of objects, building materials or fuel, but are also spaces imbued with symbolic. For example, according to the cosmology of the Tewa community of south-western North America, the world is divided in the world from the middle (the earthly world), the subterranean world and the world from the above, the peaks of the mountains being entry points to the subterranean world as well as points where the three worlds are almost intersecting (Ortiz 1969: 25, after Tilley 1994: 66). At the same time, following Bjørnar Olsen (2003), we think that mountains are not a simple background to which people gave various meanings along the time but powerful actors which may influence the lives of people. For example, for some communities from Peru, mountains have a power and an influence exceeding their physical limits, controlling the flocks of llamas or mining activities (Sillar 2009: 369). People’s relationship with the mountains, like with the Saints who make miracles, must be one of reciprocity; mountains can be benevolent or they may become malevolent or even violent to those careless, exploitative and immoral (Sillar 2009: 369). In this relationship, people feed the mountains, the Saints who make miracles and other entities in order to be fed themselves in return (Sillar 2009: 370). Therefore, our ultimate goal is to explore the meanings given to the mountains and the effects of their presence in the lives of communities from the distant or the recent past. In this regard, a series of archaeological and historical examples stimulate reflection. To limit ourselves to the case of Europe, we mention that the Mesolithic site with stone engravings from Vingen in western 64

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Norway, interpreted as a space where some rites of passage took place, a gateway to another world, was symbolically linked to the Hornelen Mountain – viewed probably as sacred and as centre of the world by the prehistoric people (Tilley 2008: chapter 2). Also, according to some authors, the trapezoid shaped mountain of Trescovăț/Treskavec, situated in Romania across the Mesolithic site of Lepenski Vir (Serbia), influenced the trapezoidal shape of the stone buildings characteristic for this community (Chapman 2000: 196; Borić 2003: 57). From the Copper Age, structured depositions consisting of pottery sherds were found on peaks from the Rhodope Mountains, Bulgaria (Chapman 2000: 59). In Bronze Age Crete are attested numerous sanctuaries situated on high places, as for example the one from the Juktas Mountain, south-west of Knossos (e.g., Karetsou 1981; Peatfield 1983; Rutkowski 1985). From the Iron Age we can mention the Dacian sanctuaries from Meleia and Rudele, situated at 1200-1400 m a.s.l., in the Carpathians (Vulpe 1986). From the Christian era, a well-known example is the Holy Mount Athos, with the Athon Peak of 2033 m a.s.l., a Christian-Orthodox religious space which endures to this day (the first monastery, Megiste Lavra, was founded in AD 963). Even in the recent past, some mountainous landscapes have become spaces with a great symbolic charge: for example, the Soča (Isonzo) Valley, at the Slovenian-Italian border, where fierce battles took place during the First World War, became ‘a palimpsest conflict landscape which preserves a unique archaeological record of a multinational and multiethnic war waged across a topographically diverse landscape’, ‘a symbolic embodiment of the military, political and cultural transformations of the last century of European history’ (Saunders et al. 2013: 47). Because of their appearance, some mountain plateaus became areas for the deployment of ritual actions at different moments in time. At Wattendorf-Motzenstein, in Franconia, Germany, on a large rocky plateau situated at 520 m a.s.l., during the Final Neolithic, were deposited worn grinders and querns (disposed orderly and upside down), a flint blade (of the kind present usually in graves or as isolated finds) and fragments of beakers belonging to the Corded Ware tradition; the top soil contained also finds from the Iron Age and the Mediaeval period; the Motzenstein plateau is used even today as a sacred place related to local Catholic processions (Müller et al. 2009: 126, 129-130). In the specific case of the Maramureş region, from the beginning of our research a few examples made us believe that mountains and their related features have been important entities indeed: in the Ukrainian part of the Maramureş, in the village of Topčino (Rom.: Obcina), close to a spring, a bronze sword of Apa type was discovered recently (Liviu Marta, personal communication, Satu Mare, 19 September 2012). Not only in prehistory, but also during the recent/contemporary past, the mountain peaks constitute spaces with a great symbolic charge as indicates, for example, the presence of a Christian-Orthodox monastery in the Prislop Pass. The surveys from 2014 and 2015 Context of the field research Our project does not have secure funding for medium or long term but depends yearly on the existing possibilities and the spending plans of the Maramureş History and Archaeology Museum from Baia Mare, the only financing source so far. At the same time, the research is influenced by the composition of the team, which varies depending on each member’s commitments within the institution from which one comes (e.g. other research activities). Thus, in 2013, there was no fieldwork at all. In this context, the personal relationships played a very important role for the start of the research: for example, during the summer of 2014, through the courtesy of Abbot Pimen, we were accommodated at the Saint Nicholas Monastery in Baia Borşa; also, four volunteers joined our team, one of them being an archaeologist.2 The surveys from 2014 and 2015 lasted each time about two weeks and took place in the Prislop Pass, the area of the Geamănul Peak and the potential passageways linking Maramureş to Bukowina (Figure 3).1 The following people participated at the field surveys from 2014: Marius Ardeleanu, Bogdan Bobînă, Raul Cardoş, Dragoş Conţiu, Radu-Alexandru Dragoman, Vlad Săsăran, Zamfir Şomcutean and Călin Şuteu; with one exception (Z. Ş.), in 2015 the same people formed the research team and were joined by Ciprian Astaloș and Dan Pop. 2

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Figure 3. Map with the discoveries mentioned in the text: circles – lithics; diamonds – pottery; squares – structures probably dating from the world wars; triangles – abandoned sheepfolds (map: Bogdan Bobînă).

Prehistoric material traces In 2012, passing through the Prislop Pass and observing a slope where a ski track was under construction, we checked the area and discovered two lithic pieces. Assuming that the pieces from 2012 have leaked down the slope while the site has been disturbed or even destroyed during the preparation of the ski track, in 2014-2015 we expanded the research area and succeeded in finding other lithic pieces, some of them close to those from 2012, but others at a higher altitude (Figure 4: 1-3). The track was revisited in 2015, on which occasion new pieces were discovered. In this point, named by us Pârtia de schi (Ski track) (Figure 5), the lithic pieces were discovered at an altitude between 1395 and 1456 m a.s.l. and consisted of five blades, both full and fragmentary, five flakes and three chunks. The raw materials were preliminarily assessed as silicified sandstone (hornfels), a dark coloured rock (probably menilite), a few pieces may be made of Prut flint, one may be a very fine jasper. Some of the pieces were knapped with a hard hammer and one of them has small use retouches. Another concentration of lithic pieces was discovered in the saddle between Tarniţa Tifa and Coasta Plaiului Peak at an altitude of more than 1560 m a.s.l., in the place named Stâna Gropşoare (Gropșoare Sheepfold) (Figure 4: 4-6; Figure 6). The lithic inventory consists in a blade, a core, two endscrapers (one of them microlithic) and eight flakes. The artefacts are made of a dark coloured rock (possibly menilite) and Prut flint. The lithic pieces discovered at Pârtia de schi and Stâna Gropşoare may be attributed provisionally to the Upper Palaeolithic. In the case of the finds from Stâna Gropşoare, given the microlithism of one of the 66

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Figure 4. Lithic pieces discovered at: (1-3) Pârtia de schi; (4-6) Stâna Gropşoare; (7, 8) Poiana Ştiol; (9) Podul Prelucilor; (10) Stâna Dunca (photos: Zamfir Șomcutean).

Figure 5. The Prislop Pass and Pârtia de schi, June 2014 (photo: Radu-Alexandru Dragoman). 67

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Figure 6. Stâna Gropşoare, November 2014 (photo: Bogdan Bobînă).

Figure 7. Poiana Ştiol, November 2015 (photo: Călin Șuteu).

endscrapers, it is possible that we are dealing with late Upper Palaeolithic or Epipalaeolithic/Mesolithic. Given the small number of pieces and the lack of ‘typical’ tools, it is impossible for the moment to have a precise cultural and chronological framing. Moreover, we do not exclude even the possibility that all, or at least some of the pieces, are in fact artefacts dating to the more recent prehistory, from the Neolithic, Copper Age or Bronze Age. In 2015, on the occasion of some field surveys carried out along the routes of some possible passageways from Maramureş to Bukowina other than the one indicated by the current national road, in the place called Poiana Ştiol, on the access road to the sheepfolds from the Bistricioara Valley (probably built between 2013-2014), two prehistoric blades were discovered, one of them made of Prut flint (Figure 4: 7-8; Figure 7). Another lithic piece with retouch traces, made of a grey rock probably of local origin, was 68

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discovered in the place named Podul Prelucilor, at an altitude of 1568 m a.s.l. (Figure 4: 9; Figure 8). On the same occasion, in the place named Stâna Dunca, at an altitude of 1475 m a.s.l., was found a fragmentary blade made of a dark rock of local origin, probably menilite (Figure 4: 10; Figure 9). Among the prehistoric materials discovered in the highlands of Maramureş there is also a pot dating most probably in the late Bronze Age (Figure 10). Before the beginning of our research, the pot was kept at the Museum of Roots, a small museum set up by a local resident – Ştefan Grec – in his own household

Figure 8. Podul Prelucilor, June 2015 (photo: Călin Șuteu).

Figure 9. Stâna Dunca, June 2015 (photo: Radu-Alexandru Dragoman). 69

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from the village of Vâlcănescu. It is an undecorated cup with a straight edge, thickened on the outside, biconical body, flat bottom and a handle with rectangular cross-section; on some parts of the pot are still visible traces of the brownbrick red angobe; its height is 8 cm, the diameter at the mouth is 8 cm, the diameter at bottom is 4 cm and the maximum diameter is 10.5 cm; in fresh break it was visible the dark grey colour of the paste and it was visible macroscopically the grog used as temper (Dragoman et al. 2012: 220). According to Ştefan Grec, the pot was discovered in 1986, on the occasion of some works for a forestry road somewhere around Geamănul Peak (Ştefan Grec, personal communication, Vâlcănescu, September 16, 2012). In 2015 we talked again with Ştefan Grec, who strengthened the aforesaid and led us to the base of the road. The pot is mentioned in the archaeological repertory of the Maramureş County but with another place of origin – at the confluence between Bistriţa Aurie and Vâlcănescu valleys (Kacsó 2011: vol. I, 279 and vol. II, 33; Kacso 2015: vol. I, 301 and vol. II, XV, 26). In any case, the survey we made in the surroundings of the Geamănul Peak did not provide any prehistoric materials to date.

Figure 10. Cup dated probably in the late Bronze Age, discovered close to the Geamănul Peak (after Dragoman et al. 2012, Fig. 5).

‘Post-Roman’ pottery In the place named Poiana Ştiol, at an altitude between 1505 and 1552 m a.s.l., additional discoveries took place: pottery fragments difficult to date, and considered broadly ‘postRoman’. The fragments were

Figure 11. Pottery fragments discovered at Poiana Ştiol (photos: Zamfir Șomcutean). 70

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Figure 12. Josephine map on which is indicated the place where the 1717 battle with the Tatars took place.

made with the help of the potter’s wheel and are grey in colour: they are a fragment of a rim and two bottoms with a diameter of 14 cm (Figure 11). Battlefield from the 18th century In 1717, not far from the Prislop Pass, took place a battle with the Tatars, following which their last great invasion came to an end. The memory of the event is kept not only by the written documents of the time but also by a contemporary memorial monument. Even some local initiatives, as it is Hanul Tătarilor (Inn of the Tatars), appeal to the events of 1717. However, the place marked by the memorial does not match with the one indicated on the Josephine maps. On the plate no XXXVII corresponding to the area of the town of Borşa, Maramureş County, there are indicated three Wachthäuser, the role of which was to defend the region (Figure 12). According to the Josephine maps, two of them were placed at the exit from Borşa towards the Prislop Pass, on the Vişeu Valley, and a third one in the area of nowadays Baia Borşa, on the Cisla Valley. In 2014 we visited for the first time the area where the events from 1717 took place with the intention to try in the future to identify the battlefield and its associated structures. Vestiges of the world wars In the entire area surveyed by us numerous material traces of military conflicts are present, from cartridge cases to fortification structures (Figure 13). An entire series of military objects were on display at the Museum of Roots, in the Vâlcănescu village. The landscape is scattered with traces of various structures. The vestiges can be dated during the two world wars. During the Great War, the Prislop Pass became a component of the frontline between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Russian Empire, while during the Second World War, the area was part of the Árpád Line, built by the Hungarian armed forces against Soviet Union. Given the density of these vestiges and the limited time at our disposal, only a selection 71

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Figure 13. Prislop Pass, June 2014: material traces of war – (1) cartridge case; (2) aerial image with trenches and ruins of a bunker (photos: Călin Șuteu).

Figure 14. Prislop Pass, June 2014: blockhouse (photo: Radu-Alexandru Dragoman).

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Figure 15. Prislop Pass, June 2014: destroyed bunker (photo: Radu-Alexandru Dragoman).

Figure 16. Prislop Pass, June 2014: structures dug into the soil (photos: Radu-Alexandru Dragoman).

Figure 17. Prislop Pass, June 2014: aerial image with ruins of buildings (photo: Călin Șuteu).

of the main categories identified was documented in detail. These are a blockhouse (Figure 14), bunkers (most of them destroyed, only one entirely preserved; Figure 15) and structures dug into the soil, with three or four sides, some with concrete floors (Figure 16). 73

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Figure 18. Prislop Pass, June 2014: foundation of a building (photo: Radu-Alexandru Dragoman).

Figure 19. Prislop Pass, June 2014: building with stone walls (photo: Radu-Alexandru Dragoman).

In addition to trenches and military structures, we documented a series of buildings which cannot be directly assigned to the two world wars or to another period from the recent/contemporary past but in the memory of the locals part of them are associated with the First World War (Figure 17). They consist of foundations made of broken stones fixed with cement mixed with gravel, belonging to some rectangular shaped buildings located on arranged terraces. The buildings had very likely a wooden superstructure and parts of them were compartmented. One of them had stairs (Figure 18). In only one case of those documented by us, the foundation and the elevation of the building were entirely preserved (Figure 19). Remains of traditional practices During the surveys, we met an entire series of ruins belonging to some abandoned sheepfolds. The buildings were made of wood on stone basements without binder. One of them, in an early stage of decay, was documented in the place named by us Stâna Dunca. It had two of the buildings still standing (Figure 20): the first was composed of two rooms, one for living and one for sheltering animals, it had separate entrances for each of the rooms, a porch and a two sloped roof; the second building was most 74

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Figure 20. Stâna Dunca, June 2015: abandoned sheepfold (photos: Radu-Alexandru Dragoman).

probably a stable for cattle with two entrances on the shorter sides and two sloped roof. In the case of other sheepfolds as those documented by us on the Geamănul Peak (Figure 21) and around the Știol Lake (Figure 22), only the stone foundations, some remains of the wooden superstructure, and some objects such as the troughs from which the animals drank were preserved. 75

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Figure 21. Geamănul Peak, June 2015: ruins of a sheepfold (photo: Dan Pop).

Figure 22. The Știol Lake, June 2015: ruins of a sheepfold (photo: Dan Pop).

The ruins seem to indicate the gradual extinction of this traditional occupation under the impact of the neoliberal politics after 1989, which led to a massive migration towards Western countries or the urban milieu. Some of the shepherds we spoke to had no knowledge of the places, because they were not from the area but came from Moldova in search of work. Outlook The areas around the Prislop Pass and Geamănul Peak should be further investigated in order to identify new archaeological sites. Furthermore, all the places where prehistoric and/or ‘post-Roman’ materials were repeatedly discovered need to be visited again: Pârtia de schi, in order to identify the site from where 76

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the lithic pieces slid down (if not completely destroyed in the meantime); Stâna Gropşoare and Poiana Ştiol, in order to make one or more test pits which would help understanding the nature of the context. Also, Podul Prelucilor and Stâna Dunca should be revisited in order to clarify the presence of singular prehistoric pieces discovered so far on these places. The sources of raw materials utilized for lithic pieces have to be also identified. A special attention deserves the area where the events of 1717 took place in view of the identification of possible material traces. The field survey has to be completed with the study of the contemporary material culture associated in a way or another with the remembrance of the Tatar invasion: the memorial monument, Hanul Tătarilor, road signs, etc. As regards the material traces of the recent past, there is need for a repertoire of the vestiges associated with the wars, and archaeological excavations should be undertaken for a series of different structures – buildings, bunkers and blockhouses, trenches, etc. Some of the military structures could be restored and included in a museum as it is for example the Museum of the Árpád Line from Koločava, in Ukraine. Unfortunately, in Romania, the ruins from the two world wars have been ignored both by the archaeological research and heritage policies (Dragoman 2013) and the current legislation does not include them in the category of sites or monuments of archaeological or historical importance; therefore, we consider necessary amending the legislation in order to protect such kind of ruins as well. Last but not least, documenting the ruins corresponding to some traditional occupations should continue and must be placed in relation with the testimonies of the shepherds and locals. Finally, we intend to supplement the documentation of the ruins with artistic photographs, paintings and film recordings in order to capture the various aspects of the personality of the mountains which are the subject of our research. Acknowledgements We wish to express our gratitude to the community of the Saint Nicholas Monastery in Baia Borşa and the community of the Prislop Monastery for their hospitality and to Father Marius Cătană for his help. Also, we thank all those who participated at the field researches from 2014 and 2015. References Andronic, M. and Niculică, B. P. 2012. The occurrence and evolution of human habitat in the Carpathian area of the southern part of historical Bukovine (Suceava County, Romania). Formecja: zbirnyk zapovidnyka ‘Tustan’ 2: 254-271. Borić, D. 2003. ‘Deep time’ metaphor: mnemonic and apotropaic practices at Lepenski Vir. Journal of Social Archaeology 3 (1): 46-74. Chapman, J. 2000. Fragmentation in archaeology: people, places and broken objects in the prehistory of southeastern Europe. London and New York, Routledge. Dragoman, R.-Al. 2013. Ruins of the Second World War, archaeology and memory: on the cultural heritage management policy in post-communist Romania. Caiete ARA 4: 189-202. Dragoman, R.-Al., Pop, D., Bobînă, B. and Astaloş, C. 2012. O arheologie a munţilor din Maramureş, România: preliminarii. Marmatia 10/1: 217-225. Fărcaș, S., Tanțău, I., Mîndrescu, M. and Hurdu, B. 2013. Holocene vegetation history in the Maramureș Mountains (Northern Romanian Carpathians). Quaternary International 293: 92-104. Feurdean, A., Gałka, M., Tanțău, I., Geantă, A., Hutchinson, S. M., Hickler, T. 2016. Tree and timberline shifts in the northern Romanian Carpathians during the Holocene and the responses to environmental changes. Quaternary Science Reviews 134: 100-113. Gherasimov, I. P., Herbst, C., Ianiţki, N. F., Ianovici, V., Jirmunski, M. M., Kamanin, L. G., Leontiev, N. F., Mănescu, M., Mihăilescu, V., Morariu, T., Murgescu, C., Stern, N. and Vlad, Cl. (eds.) 1960. Monografia geografică a Republicii Populare Române. Geografia Fizică, vol. 1. Bucureşti, Editura Academiei Republicii Populare Române. 77

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Harrison, R. and Schofield, J. 2010. After modernity. Archaeological approaches to the contemporary past. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Kacsó, C. 2011. Repertoriul arheologic al judeţului Maramureş, 2 vol. Baia Mare, Muzeul Județean de Istorie și Arheologie Maramureș. Kacsó, C. 2015. Repertoriul arheologic al judeţului Maramureş, 2 vol., revised and updated second edition. Baia Mare, Editura Ethnologica. Kacsó, C., Iştvan, D. and Minghiraş, T. 2008-2009. Cercetări de arheologie montană la Băile Borşa. Memoria Antiquitatis 25-26: 505-536. Karetsou, A. 1981. The peak sanctuary of Mt. Juktas. In R. Hägg and N. Marinatos (eds.), Sanctuaries and cults in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the First International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens (12-13 May, 1980): 137-153. Stockholm, Svenska institutet i Athen. Kobal’, J. 2002. Skarb bracletiv doby bronzy iz sela Bene. Naukovyj zbirnyk zakarpats’kogo krajenavčogo muzeju (Užgorod) 5: 172-184. Lazarovici, Gh. and Ardeţ, A. 2015. Ţara Gugulanilor. Studii de etnoarheologie, etnografie şi etnoistorie, vol.1. Caransebeș, Editura Mega. Machnik, J. 2001. Archaeology and natural background of the Lower Beskid Mountains, Carpathians. Part 1. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umieje̜tności. Müller, J., Seregély, T., Becker, C., Christensen, A.-M., Fuchs, M., Kroll, H., Mischka, D., and Schüssler, U. 2009. A revision of Corded Ware settlement pattern – new results from the Central European Low Mountain Range. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 75: 125-142. Niculescu, I. (ed.) 1980. Judeţele patriei. Maramureş – Monografie. Bucureşti. Olsen, B. 2003. Material culture after text: re-membering things. Norwegian Archaeological Review 36 (2): 87-104. Ortiz, A. 1969. The Tewa world: space, time, being, and becoming in a Pueblo society. Chicago, University of Chicago Press. Peatfield, A. D. 1983. The topography of Minoan peak sanctuaries. British School at Athens 78: 273-279. Popa, R. 1997. Ţara Maramureşului în veacul al XIV-lea, Ediţia a II-a. Bucureşti, Editura Enciclopedică. Posea, G. (ed.) 1982. Enciclopedia geografică a României. Bucureşti, Editura Științifică și Enciclopedică. Rutkowski, B. 1985. Untersuchungen zu bronzezeitlichen Bergheiligtümern auf Kreta. Germania 63: 345359. Saunders, N. J., Faulkner, N., Košir, U., Črešnar, M. and Thomas, S. 2013. Conflict landscapes of the Soča/ Isonzo front, 1915-2013: archaeological-anthropological evaluation of the Soča Valley, Slovenia. Arheo 30: 47-66. Sillar, B. 2009. The social agency of things? Animism and materiality in the Andes. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 19 (3): 367-377. Tanțău, I., Feurdean, A., de Beaulieu, J.-L., Reille, M. and Fărcaș, S. 2011. Holocene vegetation history in the upper forest belt of the Eastern Romanian Carpathians. Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 309: 281-290. Tilley, C. 1994. A Phenomenology of landscape: places, paths and monuments. Oxford, Berg. Tilley, C. 2008. Body and image: explorations in landscape phenomenology 2. Walnut Creek, Left Coast Press. Tkachenko V. 2003. Piznij paleolit zakarpattja (pam’jatky orin’jaks’koji tradiciji). Kiev, Nacional’na Akademija Nauk Ukrajini Institut Archeologiji. Vulpe, A. 1986. Despre unele aspecte ale spiritualităţii dacice. Thraco-Dacica 7: 101-111.

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Carpathians: barrier or border? Tiszapolgár, Bodrogkeresztúr, Petreşti and Trypillia-Cucuteni Cultures Taras Tkachuk Abstract The cultures of Trypillia-Cucuteni and Tiszapolgár, Bodrogkeresztúr, Petreşti were separated by the Carpathian Mountains. What role did they play in prehistory: that of a barrier or a natural boundary through which contacts were maintained between the cultures? Finds of copper products and gold jewellery in the Trypillia-Cucuteni are evidence of exchange. What is interesting is the fact that the receiving side was the Trypillia-Cucuteni culture. It is possible that the individuals who brought copper and gold products for exchange enjoyed high status in the eyes of the Trypillian-Cucutenian population. It is possible that other things enjoyed also special status. This indicates, in my point of view, copy of the potteries of Tiszapolgár, Bodrogkeresztúr and Petreşti cultures. Perhaps in exchange for copper and gold products, the Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr population received high-quality Volhynian flint. Key words Carpathians, Trypillia-Cucuteni culture, gold objects, copper objects

The Tiszapolgár, Bodrogkeresztúr, and Petreşti cultures and the largest part of the territory of the Trypillia-Cucuteni culture were situated on different sides of the Carpathian Mountains. The formation of these cultures took place at different times and against different backgrounds. The Trypillia-Cucuteni culture (Pre-Cucuteni culture) was formed on the basis of the cultural tradition represented by the Boian culture (Gialeşti phase) and absorbed elements of earlier Neolithic (Criş and Linear Pottery cultures, see Zbenovič 1989). These processes began about 5000 BC (Mantu 1998: 290) in the southern zone of the Carpathian Mountains. The beginning of the formation of the Petreşti culture is synchronous with the second phase of the Precucuteni culture, while in the latest phases this culture synchronized with the Cucuteni A-B (Trypillia B I – B II) and Cucuteni B (Trypillia C I) phases. The early phase of the Petreşti culture formed under the influence of the Criş, Vinča B1 and Vinča B2 cultures. Its later phases are synchronous with the Tisza, Lengyel, Tiszapolgár, Bodrogkeresztúr and Trypillia-Cucuteni cultures. At this time these cultures influenced the Petreşti culture, which itself exerted an influence on others, especially on the culture of Cucuteni A1-A2 (Paul 1992). The beginning of the Tiszapolgár culture is dated to 4500-4400 BCE (Kadrow 1996; Nowak 2009) and it formed on the basis of the Polgár-Csőszhalom-Herpály-Oborin II cultures (Raczky et al. 2007). The Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr cultures coexisted (Raczky and Siklósi 2013). Small copper objects are known in the Balkans from the end of the late phase B I of Vinča culture, late Criş culture, and the Gialeşti phase of the Boian culture (Zbenovič 1989). The mass production of heavy copper objects started in the Tiszapolgár, Vinča C I, (latter) Gumelniţa – Karanovo VI (Todorova 1981) and Tiszapolgár cultures (Patay 1984) (Figure 1). Apart from copper artefacts, gold objects are also found in the Carpathian Basin and in the Balkans (Kalitz 1980; Ivanov 1978) (Figure 2). Were the Carpathian Mountains a barrier between these cultures, or did they serve as a natural border through which mutual exchanges could pass? Researchers have long paid attention to finds of copper axes in the territory of Romania (e.g., Mareş 2002) including in the Trypillia-Cucuteni culture (Konoplya and Kochkin 1999; Dergačev 2002; Mareş 2012) (Figure 3) Typologically, they look like axes from the Carpathian Basin, where the largest number of them was found (Patay 1984). 79

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Figure 1. Distribution of copper wares (after Patay 1984; Todorova 1981; Konoplja and Kočkin 1999; Łęczycki 2005; Antonović 2009; Mareş 2002; Mareş 2012).

A large number of copper axes were concentrated to the east of the Carpathian Basin near the Carpathian Mountains and in the Upper Dniester basin. Sometimes copper axes were part of hoards, for example the Karbun hoard, where apart from axes 442 other copper objects were found (Dergačev 1998). Another example is the later hoard from Brad (Ursachi 1991), or the still later hoards from Gorodnica (Sulimirski 1961) and Majdanecke (Šmahlij and Videjko 1987). On the far eastern part of the Trypillia-Cucuteni culture, copper objects are rare with only isolated examples such as the round spiral pendant found in the Vesely Kut settlement (Tsvek 2000: 123). More copper objects were found in the 19th century during V. Hvoiko’s excavations of settlements in the Middle Dnieper basin (Jakubenko 2006). Along with copper products, a few made of gold were found. For example, in the hoard from Brad two golden circular objects were found, one of them decorated on the edges using a puncheon (Figure 4). The hoard was found in an askos-shaped vessel quite typical for Cucuteni ceramic complexes. From another Cucutenian settlement, Trajan ‘Dealul Fântânilor’, a golden pendant was found (Figure 5). At the same settlement a four-sided vessel with a wavy rim was also found (Garvăn and Muneanu 2012) which belongs to the Sálcuţa IV culture (Sălceanu 2008), as well as a high pithos-shaped vessel with a cylindrical neck 80

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Figure 2. Distribution of golden wares (after Kalicz 1980: 60-61).

Figure 3. Copper axes from the Upper Dniester region (after Konoplja and Kočkin 1999). 81

Figure 4. Golden disks from the Brad treasure. D – 6,3 cm, 4,8 cm. (after Ursachi 1991).

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and two horizontal rows of handles located on its outer side. The most distant and latest find of gold in the Trypillia-Cucuteni culture comes from a large building on the Nebelivka settlement (B II stage). This object has the appearance of a long, spiral-shaped gold bead (Videjko and Burdo 2015: 329). Virtually all researchers point out that these copper objects originate from the Balkan Peninsula or Carpathian Basin and are related to the Vinča, Gumelniţa – Karanovo VI, Varna, Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr cultures. This is indicated also by their local production in these areas (Klochko et al., 2000; Mareş 2012). Our hypothesis posits that the people of TransCarpathian cultures who brought copper and gold objects (and knowledge about technologies of their production) enjoyed high status among the TrypilliaCucuteni population. This triggered a desire to copy everything that they possessed and used, including ceramics (Figure 6). Figure 5. Golden pendant from Trajan. H – 2,6 cm. (after Dumitrescu 1974).

Researchers have long paid regard to vessels with external hanging bosses (Figure 7), vessels with

Figure 6. Distribution of ceramics with bosses and rows of handles. 82

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Figure 7. The vessels with external hanging bosses (after Rižov 2001).

external rows of handles (Figure 8), vessels with round bosses located in pairs under the rim (Figure 9) or on the external surface of the vessels (Figure 10). Such pottery was found in Trypillia-Cucuteni culture settlements. These vessels have long been taken to be ‘imports’ or imitations of the ceramics of Trans-Carpathian Lengyel-Polgár (Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr) cultures (Kruts and Rižov 1997: 25-29; Movsha 2000). The appearance of vessels with external rounded bosses or rows of external handles at the end of the Pre-Cucuteni (Trypillia A) culture coincides with the appearance of heavy copper objects in their environment (for example, the hoard from Karbun). This took place prior to the formation of the Tiszapolgár culture and is possibly associated with the exchange of population of Figure 8. The vessel with external rows of handles (after Каndyba 1936).

Figure 9. The vessel with round bosses located in pairs under the rim. 83

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the Vinča culture through the mediation of the early phase of the Petreşti culture. The appearance in the TrypilliaCucuteni culture of vessels with external hanging bosses, external rounded bosses, rows of external handles, and pairs of bosses under the rim of the vessels is contemporaneous with the formation and development of the Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr cultures. Plentiful copper objects are found in the Trypillia-Cucuteni settlements of this time period. The imitations of vessels with the aforementioned bosses can be found in ceramic complexes of this culture. They are mainly not ornamented, made from ‘kitchen’ or ‘table’ clay, although painted vessels occasionally occur. For example, the lower part of a vessel from Dumeşti has hanging bosses but the upper part of the vessel is ornamented with spirals typical for the Cucuteni A stage (Alaiba 2007).

Figure 10. The vessels with round bosses on the external surface (after Sorokin 2002).

In the sites of the Trypillia C I – Cucuteni B stages, vessels with external rows of handles and bosses are rare. They are made from ‘table’ clay and not ornamented. The latest such vessels are found in settlement Sharin III dating to the beginning of the stage Trypillia CII. This settlement is located in the east of the Trypillia-Cucuteni culture. According to Kushtan, the settlement belongs to Kosenivka local group (Kuštan 2015: 429-439), but its ceramics feature the bright lines of the Brynzeny group. Thus, in the Trans Carpathian exchange of Eneolithic times, the leading role was played by copper and gold objects (and the technologies of their making) which were exchanged for high-quality flint. As proof, there are finds of Volhynia flint in a Tiszapolgár burial (Vizdal 1977; Přichystal 1977: 124-126). Ceramics with hanging and rounded bosses or rows of handles are the effect of this exchange. References Alaiba, R. 2007. Complexul cultural Cucuteni-Tripolie. Meşteşugul olăritului. Iaşi, Editura Junimea, 75. Antonović, D. 2009. Prehistoric Cooper tools from the territory of Serbia. In Journal of Mining and Metallurgy 45 (2): 165-174. Bibikov, S. N. 1953. Poselenie Luka-Wrubleveckaja. Materialy i issledowanija po arheologii SSSR, MoskvaLenengrad, 321. Dumitrescu, V. 1974. Arta preistorică în Romănia. Bucureşti, Editura meridiane. Dergačev, V. А. 1998. Kerbunskij klad. Kishinev, 29, 75. Tipografia Akademiei de Ştiinţe. 84

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Dergačev, V. A. 2002. Die Äneolithishen und Bronzezeitlichen Metallfunde aus Moldavien. Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung XX, Band 9. Stuttgart, F. Steiner. Garvăn, D, Muneanu, R. 2012. Un sceptru cruciform descoperit la Traian – ‘Dealul Fantanilor’ (jud. Neamt) (jud. Neamţ). In P. Mirea Alexandrea (ed.), Buletinul Muzeului Judeţean Teleorman. Seria Arheologie 4: 167174. Bucureşti, Muzeul Jubeţean Teleorman. Иванов, И. С. 1978. Съкровищата на варненския халколитен некропол, София.Cептември. Jakubenko, O. O. 2006. Kolekciji iz rozkopok V. V. Hvojki na tripil’s’kih poselennjah u nacional’nomu muzeji istoriji Ukrajini. In N. V. Baležebič and N. R. Mihajlova (eds.), Doslidžennja tripil’s’koji civilizaciji u ukovij spadšini arheologa Vikentija Hvojki, vol. II: 45-70. Kiev, Institut arheologiji NAN Ukrajini. Klochko, V. I., Manichev, V. I., Kvasnitsa, V. N., Kozak, S. A., Demchenko, L. V. and Sokhatskiy, M. P. 2000. Issues concerning Tripolye metallurgy and the virgin vopper of Volhynia. Baltic-Pontic studies 9: 168-186. Kruts, V. O. and Rižov, S. M. 1997. Verhi’odnistrovs’ka lokal’na grupa pam’jatok tripil’s’koji kul’turi ta nobi dani pro zv’jazki tripil’civ z naselennjam polgarskoji i lendel’s’koji kultur. Arheologija 2: 23-32. Konoplja, V. M. and Kočkin, I. T. 1999. Midni tripil’s’ki sokiri Verhn’ogo i Seredn’ogo Podnistrov’ja. Visnik Prikarpats’kogo Universitetu 2: 3-10. Kuštan, D. 2015. Keramičnij kompleks pizn’otripil’s’kogo poslennja Šarin III. In A. Diachenko, F. Menotti, S. Ryzhov, K. Bynyatyan and S. Kadrow (eds.), The Cucuteni-Trypillia Cultural Complex and its Neighbours. Essays in Memory of Volodymyr Kruts: 429-440. Kiev-Rzeszów, Institute of Archaeology of the National Academy of Science of Ukraine, Institute of Archaeology of the University of Rzeszów. Kadrow, S. 1996. Faza rzeszowska kultury malickiej. In J. K. Kozłowski (ed.), Kultura Malicka. Drugi etap adaptacji naddunajskich wzorców kulturowych w neolicie północnej części środkowej Europy: 51-70. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Kalicz, N. 1980. Agyag istenek. A neolitikum és a rézkor emlékei Magyarországon. Budapest, Corvina. Kandyba, O. 1937. Schiptnitz. Kunst und Geräte eines neolitischen Dorfes. Wien-Leipzig. Łęczycki, S. 2005. Masywny eneolityczne artefakty miedziane na Şlᶏsku środkowym. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne: 53-86. Kraków. Mantu, C.-M. 1998. Cultura Cucuteni. Evoluţie, cronologie, legături. Piatra-Neamţ, Muzeul de Istorie. Mareş, I. 2002. Metalurgia aramei în neo-eneoliticul României. Suceava, Editura Bucovina Istorică. Mareş, I. 2012. Metalurgia aramei în civilizaţiile Precucuteni şi Cucuteni. Suceava, Editura Univ. ‘Ştefan cel Mare’ din Suceava. Movsha, T. 2000. The Tripolye-Cucuteni and Lengyel-Polgar cultures. Baltic-Pontic Studies 9: 133-167. Nowak, M. 2009. Drugi etap neolitizacji ziem Polskich. Kraków, Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Patay, P. 1984. Kupferzeitliche Meißel, Beile und Äxte in Ungarn. Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung IX, Band 15. München, Beck. Paul, I. 1992. Cultura Petreşti. Bucureşti, Editura Museion. Přichystal, A. 1977. Petroarcheologicka charakteristika kamenne stipane industrie. In J. Vizdal (ed.) Tisapolgárske pogrebisko vo Vel’kých Raškovciach: 124-129. Košice, Zemplínske múzeum. Rižov, S. 2001. Goncharstvo plemen Trypilskoi kultury. In Drevnia keramika Ukraini. Chastyna I. 5-60. Raczky, P., Domboróczki, L. and Hajdú, Z. 2007. The site of Polgár-Csőszhalom and its cultural and chronological connection with the Lengyel culture. In J. K. Kozłowski and P. Raczky (eds.), The Lengyel, Polgar and Related Cultures in the Middle/Late Neolithic in Central Europe. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Raczky, P. and Siklósi, Z. 2013. Reconsideration of the Copper Age chronology of the Eastern Carpathian Basin: a Bayesian approach. Antiquity 87: 555-573. Sorokin, V. 2002. Aspectul regional Cucutenian Dräguşeni- Jura. Piatra-Neamţ. Biblioteca Memoriae Antiqitatis XI. Sălceanu, I. 2008. Sălcuţa IV – Herculane II-III. Satu Mare, Muzeul Sǎtmǎrean. Sulimirski, T. 1961. Cooper Hoard from Horodnica on the Dniester. Mitteilungen der Antropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, Band. XCI. Wien. Šmahlij, M. M. and Videjko, M. Ju. 1987. Pizn’otripil’s’ke poselennja poblizu majdanec’koho na Čerkašini. Arheologija: 60, 62, 63. 85

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Todorova, H. 1981. Die kupferzeitlichen Äxte und Beile in Bulgarien. Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung IX, Band 14. München, Beck. Tsvek, O. V. 2000. The eastern Tripolye culture and its contacts with the Eneolithic tribes of Europe. BalticPontic Studies 9: 111-132. Ursachi, V. 1991. Le dépot dʹobjets de parure énéolithiques de Brad, com. Negri, dép. de Bacău. In V. Chirica and D. Monah (eds.) Le Paléolithique et le Néolithique de la Romanie en context Européen: 335-386. Iaşi, Académie Roumaine and Université ‘Al.I. Cuza’ Iași. Vizdal, J. 1977. Tisapolgárske pogrebisko vo Vel’kých Raškovciach, Košice, Zemplínske múzeum. Videjko, M. and Burdo, N. 2015. ‘Megastruktura’ – hram na tripil’s’komu poselenni bilja s. Nebelivka. In A. Diachenko, F. Menotti, S. Ryzhov, K. Bynyatyan and S. Kadrow (eds.), The Cucuteni-Trypillia Cultural Complex and its Neighbours. Essays in Memory of Volodymyr Kruts: 309-336. Kiev-Rzeszów, Institute of Archaeology of the National Academy of Science of Ukraine, Institute of Archaeology of the University of Rzeszów. Zbenovič, V. G. 1989. Rannij ètap tipol’s’koj kul’tury na territorii Ukrainy. Kiev, Naukova Dumka.

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The settlement and economy of the prehistoric communities of the Zvolen Basin and surrounding areas in the Western Carpathians (Slovakia) Noémi Beljak Pažinová Abstract The aim is to present human activity (settlements, economy, and material culture) in the Zvolen Basin and surrounding areas during the Late Neolithic, Copper Age and Bronze Age. Special interest will be given to the upland settlement of Deserted Castle in Zvolen and the evidence of its prehistoric occupation. At the same time, other closer dated prehistoric sites in the region will be introduced with emphasis on various settlement types and their relationship to the natural conditions in the region. Although the surrounding mountains make the Zvolen Basin, located in the central part of Slovakia, a relatively isolated geographical entity, contacts with near and distant regions are visible in the material culture since prehistoric times. In this area the higher zones of landscape (between 300 and 700 m a.s.l.) were inhabited for the first time during the Late Neolithic and Copper Age. The objective of these first colonists was probably the exploitation of rare resources. The turbulent nature of this period within the prehistoric Zvolen Basin is illustrated by the presence of fortifications in upland settlements as early as the Copper Age. The intensive occupation of upland hill forts in the region is evident later during the Late and Final Bronze and Early Iron Age. Key words Slovakia, Zvolen Basin, Neolithic period, Copper Age, Late Bronze Age, settlement, economy

The Zvolen Basin lies in the heart of the middle Gran region in Central Slovakia (Figure 1). This geographical unit is relatively isolated from the central part of the Carpathian Basin by surrounding mountains. The axis of the region is the Gran (Hron) River, which is 65 km long here. Even though the environment of the middle Gran region was not remarkably different as compared with the contemporary situation, it is clear that the forested area in the basin was larger in the past. The original Carpathian forests covered continuous areas which were deforested mainly along the Gran River (Korpeľ 1989: 29-49). The altitude in the Zvolen Basin varies from 270 to 330 m and in the surrounding mountainous areas reaches 550-650 m in Javorie Mts., 700 m in Kremnické Hills and 900 m in Starohorské Hills. The prehistoric settlement of the central Gran region has been studied by several researchers in the recent decade (the latest: Beljak Pažinová 2014; Malček 2015; both with detailed references). The oldest settlement in the region so far has been recorded in the Žiar Basin on the left bank terrace of the Gran River in Ladomerská Vieska (255 m a.s.l.), where pottery with decorative elements typical of the Bíňa phase of the Early Linear Pottery culture were documented (Mosný and Šiška 1999). Other contemporary sites are situated at least 50 km to the south, in the Danubian Hills. So far, the densest settlement of the Linear Pottery culture in the Zvolen Basin has been recorded on the elevated left-bank terrace of the Hron River in the northern part of Zvolen town; the site of Podborová (c. 300 m a.s.l.). The acquired collection of artefacts (Beljak Pažinová 2014: figs. 4-6; Malček 2005; Pažinová and Beljak 2011) is a clear evidence of the middle Neolithic settlement (Želiezovce Group) on the site. In the southern part of Zvolen (the site of Pod drahy/Haputka) mixed collections of the Linear Pottery culture and several fragments with the typical Bükk culture decoration have been recorded (Balaša 1960: 19-20; Eisner 1935: 57). Unfortunately, in both cases the sites are located in modern urban areas, therefore they are mostly disturbed and archaeological research is spatially limited. It is therefore not possible to provide a better picture of settlement patterns or economic background. Trans-regional contacts are shown in particular by chipped stone industry. Unprocessed blades and flakes prevailed among the Linear Pottery culture finds in the region, but tools and cores have also been recorded. Local limnoquartzite 87

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Figure 1. Location of Zvolen Basin region within Slovakia and orographic map of mentioned prehistoric sites in Zvolen and in the vicinity. 1 – Zvolen, Deserted Castle, Upper castle; 2 – Zvolen, Deserted castle, Lower castle; 3 – Zvolen, Veľká Stráž; 4 – Zvolen, Balkán site; 5 – Zvolen, Borová hora site; 6 – Zvolen, Podborová site; 7 – Zvolen, Sarvaška site; 8 – Zvolen, Haputka site; 9 – Zvolen, Čierne zeme site; 10 – Lieskovec, site Hrádok.

from the Žiar Basin (Cheben and Illášová 2002) were predominant among the raw materials which also included silicites of glacigene sediments, silicite of Kraków-Częstochowa Jura (type G) and quartz. Late Neolithic period represented by the Lengyel culture has not been reliably recorded in the central Gran region. The possible presence of the Lengyel culture people is suggested by unique finds of copper axes from the Žiar (Šášovské Podhradie) and Zvolen (Hronsek, Sliač, Zvolen-Borová hora, Banská Bystrica) Basins (Balaša 1960: 31, 1963: 182, 183; Novotná 1955: 92). However, these artefacts can be connected more likely with the Baden culture. Pottery finds of the Ludanice Group (Early Copper Age) were found (probably in a secondary context) in Zvolen-Podborová (Malček 2004) and traces of the Lengyel culture communities are known from the Žiar Basin, on the Gran’s terraces (Malček 2011). The latest cultural layer with the Ludanice group pottery, even accompanied by pieces of burned copper (cinder) is known from the site of Banská Bystrica-Moskovská ulica located above 400 m a.s.l. (Kvietok 2013) and from recently discovered (summer 2016) cultural layer at Bakova jama site (415 m a.s.l.), on the northeast edge of Zvolen town (Beljak Pažinová 2016). After a several-centuries-long hiatus, the settlement in the central Gran region becomes denser in the Baden culture era when the first obviously fortified sites appear mostly in higher situated locations. There are more than twenty Baden culture sites in the central Gran region, of which only one fourth are settlements situated lower than 320 m a.s.l. (Beljak Pažinová et al. 2015: fig. 6). Interesting is the fact 88

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that although these settlements are not so distant from the core of the Baden settlement in Slovakia in the Lower Gran and Nitra River regions, the cultural development was different because in the analysed region there is no evidence of the Boleráz Group sites nor classic Baden settlements. One of the wellresearched sites is the promontory upland site in Lieskovec-Hrádok (358.8 m a.s.l.) near Zvolen (Malček 2013a). The excavation was carried out in 1995-2002, only on the plateau of the site. It was settled in several prehistoric periods (Late Copper Age, Late and Final Bronze Age) and in the beginning of the Roman Period. From the Baden culture settlement survived a fireplace and remains of a ditch. According to the analysis of finds it seems that the local pottery style is a variant of the Ózd or Piliny-Ózd Group (late Baden style). Based on this site, the related finds from other locations in the Zvolen Basin and its surrounding mountains settled by the late Baden (Epi-Baden) populations are called the Lieskovec Group of the Baden culture. The majority of sites of this group are mostly known from surface surveys and stray finds, it is therefore important to mention another recently intensively excavated site near Zvolen. The research at the Pustý Hrad (Deserted Castle) at Zvolen has a long tradition (investigated each summer season from 1992) but is mainly connected with the medieval settlement at the site; however, the strategic position of the location had attracted people since prehistory. Builders used the natural potential of the site which is divided into the top plain (571 m a.s.l.) with inhabited area of 3.5 ha (so called Upper Castle) and a little lower situated Lower Castle (470 m a.s.l.), 400 m northeast of the Upper Castle, with the area of 0.7 ha (Figure 2). Prehistoric settlement has been so far analysed in detail at the Lower Castle (Beljak et al. 2014: 80-125). The size of the upland prehistoric settlement was c. 40 m in the east-west direction and at least 120 m in the north-south direction. The calculation was based on the distribution of prehistoric finds over the site and the location of the explored prehistoric stone-earth construction (rampart?), approximately 6m wide, in the northern and north-western part of the site (Figure 3). However, it was severely damaged at the time of the construction of the medieval stone walls at the latest. Other parts of the prehistoric rampart, the entrance to the settlement itself, or any evidence of organized construction of residential or farm buildings from prehistory have not been recorded in archaeological research so far since the terrain and soil conditions at the site do not allow reliable confirmation. Nevertheless, a larger oval feature – perhaps a hearth (Figure 4), or an oven with traces of fire was clearly distinguishable in the northern part of the area. Its size was 1.4 x 0.8 m and its depth reached 0.4-0.5 m. Two of its walls were reinforced (tiled) with large stones and a stone plate was deposited on its bottom, used probably as an insulating base. In the backfill of the feature, several atypical Baden fragments with traces of fire were documented. The whole feature had a dark burned fill. The collection of the Baden culture sherds from the area of the Lower Castle contains more than 3000 pieces. Judging by the decorative motifs and how well they were preserved, they come from several

Figure 2. Deserted Castle (Pustý hrad) in Zvolen. Right – Upper Castle (571 m a.s.l.), left – Lower Castle (470 m a.s.l.). In the background, Zvolen town (aerial photo: J. Beljak).

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Figure 3. Zvolen, Deserted Castle – Lower Castle. Aerial view from the north. The prehistoric rampart visible along the northern and north-western part of the area (marked by dashed line). 1 – location of a large oval feature with traces of fire – hearth, 2 – location of the cremation burial (aerial photo: J. Beljak).

Figure 4. Zvolen, Deserted Castle – Lower Castle. Prehistoric hearth (plan and profile). 1 – dark brown soil layer, 2 – blown ashy layer, 3 – concentration of stones (drawing: N. Beljak Pažinová and O. Žaár).

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hundreds of vessels (Beljak et al. 2014: 318-325, tab. I-VIII). The pottery (Beljak Pažinová et al. 2015: 395-415) does not include fine thin-walled vessels with a polished surface which was applied at the production of amphorae, vases, cups and jugs on the analogous Baden sites, e.g. in the Tisza river basin (south-eastern Slovakia and north-eastern Hungary), Spiš region (northeast part of Slovakia), and even the nearby site of Lieskovec-Hrádok. The Baden culture vessels at the Lower Castle were made of a thicker material with a significant amount of admixtures, mainly small stones, which often created the rough surface of the vessels. Thicker, grainy, hard-fired examples prevail in the group of pottery fragments. As for vessel forms, there are cups/small jugs, jugs, amphorae, pots, bowls with higher funnel-shaped openings, rounded bowls with incurved mouths and bowls with cylindrical (vertical) necks. In smaller numbers were found dippers, miniature vessels, pendants, spindle whorls and small wheels. The latter suggest developed textile production and general knowledge of using wagons. The Baden pottery decoration at the Lower Castle includes vertical flutes (mostly on cups and small jugs), straw-impression and plastic tapes under rim (pots), and impressed ornaments (bowls). Within applied plastic decoration, the kind of decoration with plastically shaped fields/bands on a vessel body, arranged close to each other and cross-cut, deserves special attention. They look like regular rows of more or less identical cubes – blocks (Figure 5). Numerous identical decorative elements and motifs are found on the nearby site of Lieskovec-Hrádok (Malček 2013a) and at other sites of the middle Gran region.

Figure 5. Zvolen, Deserted Castle – Lower Castle. Collection of Baden culture sherds with decoration (plastically shaped fields/bands resembling more or less identical cubes/blocks) characteristic of the Lieskovec Group (drawing: D. Zeleňáková).

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The ceramic material obtained from the Lower Castle has shapes and decorative elements close to those in the Ózd-Piliny Group which was common in the northern Tisza River basin. Similar, or even identical, vessels and plastic decoration occur in neighbouring and more distant regions (the latest e.g.: Horváthová and Soják 2012; Malček 2016; Novotná and Soják 2013; Struhár and Sáliš 2011). It follows from the above stated that the pottery style of the Lieskovec Group in the central Gran region is a local variant of the developed Ózd style and agreeing with the opinion of Malček (2015: 187) the relatedness with the pottery of north Slovakian regions (Liptov, Spiš), as well of Lesser Poland suggests that the colonization wave could have hit this area from the Vistula basin around Kraków or from the southeastern Tisza region. As for the Baden culture collection from the Lower Castle, it is difficult to decide how large a timeframe it represents. The finds come from mixed cultural layers, often found at secondary locations. In spite of that, from the point of view of pottery, there are indices for classifying the collection into the late phase of the Baden culture (Epi-Baden style). Likewise, the collection of chipped stone industry (total of 226 pieces) from the Lower Castle site is difficult to date precisely. According to raw materials and types, most of them can be classified as prehistoric, most probably linked with the Baden culture settlement. Local limnosilicites are absolutely predominant. Silicite of the Kraków-Częstochowa Jura (typ G), silicite from glacial sediments, radiolarite, chocolate flint, quartz, opal (?) and menilitic chert (?) are much less frequent. Nevertheless, non-local raw materials mean that there were contacts also with more distant areas. From the typological-technological point of view, flakes and production waste (small flakes, fragments, and splinters) prevail in the collection (nearly half of the total). Unprocessed blades, bladelets and their fragments, eventually cores are less frequent and also some retouched tools were present. Traces of sickle gloss were found on three blades. Typologically, the collection also includes sickle blades, side scraper tools, retouched flakes, end-scrapers (two of them burned) and a featureless drill on a blade (Beljak et al. 2014: 102, graph 5). The content of the chipped stone industry suggests that the site had a production character. Numerous burned stone artefacts show that fire was used during the processing and exploitation of the cores. The reasons why the settlement was moved to higher locations were not the same in individual time periods. In the past, people and animals in the mountains moved (including seasonal grazing) for various (logical) reasons. Functions of individual settlements were related to them, as were the motives of their founding and extinction. Most recently, Struhár, Soják and Cheben (2015: 288-305) dealt with reasons of settling of hilltop positions and their social-symbolic meaning in the Baden culture in northern Slovakia. According to the mentioned authors the goal was the optimal use and exploitation of the environment and their relation to the sacral sphere. Developed breeding of domestic animals complemented with agriculture was typical for the Baden culture’s economy (Horváth 2006: 101). The location of the Deserted Castle has suitable conditions for pasturage and the hilltop position in a deforested landscape dominated the neighbouring space. However, the number of Baden culture people living at the settlement and the anticipated livestock cannot be estimated on the basis of the preserved remains. The upper limit of the possible duration of the (Post)Baden settlement in the Zvolen area is set by the Zvolen-Čierne zeme site. It is situated on the northern edge of the urban area of Zvolen in the former Hron riverbed (Beljak and Pažinová 2011: fig. 4). The small collection of prehistoric pottery and chipped stone industry was found on the same level as the alluvial wood (including three burned blocks) preserved thanks to the muddy layer under the level of 283.54 m a.s.l. The sample of alluvial mountain ash (Fraxinus excelsior) was dated (14C) between 2470 and 2280 BC (Beljak et al. 2010: 144, fig. 3). From the pottery (132 fragments altogether) the most interesting find is a fragment of a pitcher (small jug) decorated with an irregular double line of impressed oval dimples (Figure 7; Beljak Pažinová 2014: 236, fig. 13:1), which can be classified as a double-conic cup of the so-called Balkan type. It is typical for the end of the Copper Age and the beginning of the Bronze Age in the Carpathian Basin (the Somogyvár-Vinkovci and MakóKosihy-Čaka cultures). The impressed dimples can be a relic of the late Baden tradition. Thus, it seems that it is the first find complex from the Zvolen Basin documenting the transitional Late Copper Age – Early Bronze Age horizon. The prehistoric find complex is related to the settlement which was situated 92

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Figure 6. Zvolen, Deserted Castle – Lower castle. 1 – 11 collection of Late and Final Bronze Age finds with archaic and classic forms and decoration styles, 12 – spindle-whorl with engraved decoration, 13 – grave inventory (barrel-shaped pot and semi-globular bowl) of the cremation burial from the end of stage Hallstatt B (after Beljak et al. 2014: 120, figs. 66: 5; 68; pls. IX: 1,7,8,11,13-15; XII: 21,26; XIII: 6,28).

further up the Gran River’s stream and was endangered by water during floods. The flood which brought the wood and pottery finds presumably created an oxbow, later covered with layers of mud. The following period with recorded fortified settlement (hillfort) at the Deserted Castle and substantially with population increase in the central Gran region include the Late (1200-1000 BC) and Final Bronze 93

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Figure 7. Zvolen, Čierne zeme site. Small pitcher (jug) decorated with an irregular double line of impressed oval dimples (drawing and photo: J. Beljak).

Age (1000-800 BC), when three cultural complexes meet in the Zvolen Basin: Lusatian culture and Piliny culture followed by the Kyjatice culture (Bátora 1979: 76-78; Przybyła 2009: 160-162; Zachar and Mitáš 2012: 419-421). Bronze Age finds from the Lower Castle consist of almost 5000 pieces. The best preserved sherds were found around the Lower Castle’s medieval residential tower (castle’s acropolis at the highest point) and the parts of the area along the western line of the medieval rampart. The process of the pottery destruction was influenced by the activities during the Middle Ages. Dating of the finds is rather problematic (Beljak et al. 2014: 116-119). Some elements like e.g. the neck and mouth of one jug (Figure 6: 1) seem to be very archaic, which means that they still represent the traditions of the middle Bronze Age. On the other hand, the fragment of a small biconical vessel with horizontal engraved lines in the lower part of the neck (Figure 6: 2) has analogies in the sphere of the Lusatian and Kyjatice cultures at the end of stage Hallstatt A and in stage Hallstatt B. A similar chronological discrepancy can be observed on the thin-walled pottery. A deep dipper/ladle with slightly S-shaped profile (Figure 6: 11) can be classed to stage Hallstatt B by its shape. However, the sharply profiled bowls should be dated to stage Hallstatt A. Very informative is a fragment from a small vase-like vessel or a profiled bowl (Figure 6: 8). The way how the body is profiled and the type of decoration classify this find in the style of the younger phase of the Piliny culture from stage Hallstatt A. The closest analogies are known from the investigation on the site of Borová hora in Zvolen (Malček 2006). The site (350 m a.s.l.) is situated on a promontory on the left-bank terrace of the Gran River on the northern outskirts of the town. It is basically a travertine hill with mineral springs and a small lake (diameter 25-30 m) at the hilltop. The site yielded items made of gold and bronze, part of them probably from destroyed cremation burials, or deposited as offerings in the mineral lake ergo in the area of a cult(?) (Zachar and Mitáš 2012: 420). Settlement finds (production and settlement features) of the Piliny culture are also known from the neighbouring elevated multicultural site Zvolen-Podborová, on the bank of the Gran River (Malček 1999: 109), on whose southern edge a destroyed burial ground of the Lusatian culture was discovered (Mácelová 1993: 34). Also dated to the oldest horizon of the Late Bronze Age are settlements (Zvolen-Haputka), related burial grounds (Zvolen-Balkán, older stage) and depots of bronze items (Zvolen-Balkán; Zvolen-Deserted castle-Upper castle) in the southwestern part of the Zvolen town (further details e.g. Beljak 2002; Malček 2013b). Thus it appears that in the stage Hallstatt A1, several human groups representing traditions of the younger phase of the Piliny culture colonized the Zvolen Basin. The reason for the colonization lay in the need (economic, political) of protecting the mining and metallurgical centres working in the region. According to Zachar and Mitáš (2012: 420) one of them was likely located on Borová hora site or in its neighbourhood. The relation of the Deserted Castle to the activities of metallurgical centres can be proved by the deposit of swords and grivnas found on the site of Zvolen-Haputka at the foothill of the Lower Castle (Beljak 2002: 38). 94

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The younger settlement horizon at the Lower Castle belongs to stage Hallstatt B. This period, with regard to the occurrence of the numerous groups of black pottery fragments decorated with horizontal flutings and grooves on the vessels’ necks (Figure 6: 3-7, 9, 10; Beljak et al. 2014: 116, Pl. IX: 1-15), also represents the significant influence of south-eastern pottery and decorative motifs (Beljak et al. 2014: 119). Pottery fragments with decoration typical of the older phases of the Lusatian culture are missing at the Lower Castle but occur on the nearby burial grounds, e.g. Zvolen-Balkán (Balaša 1964: nr. cat. 22, 27; Bátora 1979: fig. 10: 1, 6). In this horizon the co-occurrence of the Lusatian culture pottery with the finds typical of the Kyjatice culture is common. The burial ground in Zvolen-Balkán is the best example (Balaša 1964; Bátora 1979). In its younger phase, vessels representing the continuing decoration style of the Lusatian culture (e.g. vases with plastic knobs in their lower parts) and pottery typical of the Kyjatice culture occur. Nevertheless, it is hard to say to what extend this means the change of the population or coexistence of different human groups. The fact is that the available sources are of a syncretic character (Beljak et al. 2014: 125). Accumulating foreign forms and motifs testify that the maintenance of the communication network must have been an important tool of demonstrating social position. Naturally, it is impossible to conclusively determine whether the mixing of cultural motifs and design elements of the Urnfield cultures resulted from broader intercultural interactions or reflects an integrated society comprised of individuals from the various cultures. The civilization flourishing in the central Gran region ends at the turn of Hallstatt B and Hallstatt C stages in the time of the Kyjatice culture extinction when a remarkable settlement collapse is recorded under the growing pressure from Thraco-Scythian environment and due to the spreading influence of western Carpathian cultural centres (e.g. Detva, Kalamárka site; Šalkovský: 2001). Besides pottery, several small items originate from the Lower Castle. These include biconical spindle whorls of various sizes; exceptionally interesting is a bigger one with engraved decoration (Figure 6: 12). In the saddle under the Lower Castle a cremation burial was documented. The burial, which survived only in fragments, consisted of an urn – a barrel-shaped pot, and a bowl probably used to cover the urn (Figure 6: 13). Strongly burned and scattered human bones belonging to an adult individual were found lying among the sherds. The type of the vessels as well as the technological qualities of the pot suggest that the analysed burial is contemporary with the younger phase of the site’s occupation in the Bronze Age, i.e. the end of stage Hallstatt B (Beljak et al. 2014: 121). A remarkable, though far lesser known, upland prehistoric site (Beljak et al. 2015: 60-61) is situated on the western outskirts of the town of Zvolen opposite the Deserted Castle. The Veľká Stráž Hill is the most northern headland of the Javorie Mts. and is separated from the Deserted Castle by a breach, in which flows the Gran River. On the southern and eastern part of the massif there are steep slopes and cliff walls. In the eastern part of its top plateau (440 m a.s.l.), anthropogenic relics are still visible today, pointing to building activities of inhabitants in the past. A rampart closes the crown of the hillock from the west and north, while from the southeast there is a steep rock cliff. So far we do not have sufficient information to exactly date or classify the site, or to understand its function. A small test pit on the top platform and surface survey on the slope has brought a collection of more than 300 fragments (pottery, animal bones, and chipped industry) from various time periods. A small collection belongs to the Lieskovce Group of the Late Baden culture and sporadically Púchov culture fragments of the Late Iron Age also occur. The majority of the material (Figure 8) corresponds, however, with the Late and Final Bronze Age (Lusatian culture, Kyjatice culture decoration style). Of particular interest was the result of the test excavation (sondage) from 2000. The test pit 1.2 x 1.8 m at the surface gradually declined to the stable rock at 3.2 m (!) depth. The nearly three meters high cultural profile comprised of alternated thinner and thicker ash layers and burned interlayers (Figure 9). The pit produced few ceramic finds (especially atypical prehistoric sherds). However, also present were charcoal, burned pieces of animal bones, small fragments of daub, slag and limnoquartzite. Animal bones represented domestic species (Bos taurus, Sus scrofa sp., Ovis/Capra). The exposure to high temperatures was recorded on up to 23 fragments i.e. up to 79.3% of the osteological material. Bones were of white colour and only two fragments were recorded with grey and grey-black colour. This could suggest the bones were exposed to a temperature above 700 degrees 95

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Figure 8. Zvolen, Veľká Stráž. Bronze Age pottery fragments from surface collection and small test trench on the hilltop (drawing: D. Zeleňáková).

Celsius. Thus, it is clear that life was busy at this location in the past and activities were related directly with fire. So far the nature of the site remains open. One cannot exclude the relation with cult, or tasks related to fire which took place supposedly in the Late and Final Bronze Age as this period was the most well-represented. Conclusions Undoubtedly, the favourable climate in the Zvolen Basin of the middle Gran region very strongly influenced the settlement of the region and the development of farming in the studied area. Although it is a sub-mountainous area, it has natural conditions very similar to those in the lowlands in the south and southwester parts of Slovakia. A relatively early colonisation of the region in the Neolithic is not surprising then. The convenience of the area was increased by the occurrence of limnoquartzite – a raw material suitable for exploitation – in the not so distant Žiar Basin. When selecting a place for settlement, the optimal use of the terrain’s natural advantages must have been a priority. Situating sites near the Gran River or its large tributaries suggests its importance. Within the 96

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Zvolen Basin, open settlements are mostly concentrated on the terraces and at the foot of low hills, less often in the inundation area. Since the Copper Age (mainly in the Epi-Baden culture), the tendency to choose places situated higher than the basin becomes more significant. This means a more frequent use of the upland sites in the country. It is possible to observe the continuity of occupation of particular sites in more than a half of the above mentioned cases. Repeated settlements document the exceptional strategical importance of the upland sites from the Copper Age to the Middle Ages. The repeated reconstructions and constructions destroyed the alleged prehistoric features and the finds come mainly from mixed cultural layers. A disadvantage of the upland sites was the long distance from fertile soils or even sources of water. Thus, it was necessary to create background (lowland settlements). Nevertheless, it is almost impossible to prove the contemporaneity of both types of settlements. I do not suppose that there was a superior and power element which would be separated from the usual peasant communities and settled in separate, e.g. upland sites. The escape from the inundation terrain in the lowland was not the reason for moving to the higher locations either. The areas near the hills and at their foot would provide sufficient protection from water. The settlements in the basin are also situated on ridges or terraces of varying altitudes, which were not endangered by floods. The advantages of the higher situated sites included a better view of the surrounding terrain. The quality of protection and defence of the site was also higher. Tops of hills and mountains with the most difficult access possible seemed to be ideal. Steep slopes and rocks have complemented fortification elements (ramparts, ditches). Such sites were strategically advantageous, as they allowed to monitor the routes leading to the basin or could be used for cult purposes.

Figure 9. Zvolen, Veľká Stráž. Cultural profile from the test trench on the hilltop with ash layers giving evidence of performing activities related to fire. 1 – forest humus, 2 – blown interlayer, 3 – reddish-brown ash, 4 – red ash, 5 – grey mixed layer of carbon and daub, 6 – strongly blown ash layer, 7 – charcoal, 8 – brown-grey ash, 9 – light grey heavily mixed ash, 10 – strongly mixed ash layer, 11 – brownish red ash, 12 – charcoal layer, 13 – light grey ash, 14 – brownish red ash, 15 – parent rock (drawing: J. Beljak and P. Maliniak). 97

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On the basis of the presented complexes of finds and the above mentioned sites, we can suppose a great archaeological potential of the upland areas of the central Gran river basin. Nevertheless, no extensive archaeological prospection has been carried out in the region to date to solve the question of intentional settling and use of upland sites. The previous research also does not provide sufficient basis for understanding the environmental history of upland settlements and human influence in such environment. The known complexes represent mostly accidental and stray finds which create only a vague and fragmentary picture of the region’s settlement. In spite of the fact that in the last twenty years several new upland sites, such as Lieskovec-Hrádok or Pustý Hrad (Deserted Castle), and settlements were found in the neighbouring valleys and basins during field surveys, we still have more questions than answers about some of them. Nevertheless, the mentioned prehistoric settlements in the Zvolen Basin and its surroundings are of an interregional importance and their complex investigation means further progress in our knowledge of the past cultures in the area. Acknowledgement This paper is the result of the implementation of the project VEGA MŠ SR and SAV no. 1/0208/15:“Man and mountains over time – from prehistoric hill-forts to medieval castles“ and no. 1/0208/17: ‘From Pontic Steppe to the west – to the Carpathians and the Danube’. References Balaša, G. 1963. Novšie archeologické náleziská a nálezy z južnej oblasti stredného Slovenska. Študijné Zvesti Archeologického ústavu Slovenskej Akadémie vied 11: 179-208. Balaša, G. 1964. Zvolen v období lužickej kultúry. Banská Bystrica. Bátora, J. 1979. Žiarové pohrebiská lužickej kultúry v oblasti Zvolena. Slovenská archeológia 27: 57-81. Beljak, J. 2002. Zvolener Mikroregion und ihre Bedeutung in der Bronzezeit. Studies of the Ancient World in Honour of Mária Novotná. Anodos 2, Trnava, Trnavska Univerzita: 35-40. Beljak, J., Beljak Pažinová, N., Beláček, B., Golis, M., Hunka, J., Krištín, A., Kohút, V., Maliniak, P., Mordovin, M., Przybyła, M. S., Repka, D.,  Slámová, M., Šimkovic, M., Tóth, B., Žaár, O. 2014. Pustý hrad vo Zvolene. Dolný hrad 2009-2014. Zvolen-Nitra, Univerzita Konštantína Filozofa and Archeofact. Beljak Pažinová, N. 2014. Kultúrne a chronologické vzťahy Stredného Pohronia v neolite a eneolite. In M. Popelka and R. Šmidtová (eds.), Neolitizace aneb setkání generací: 219-241. Praha, Univerzita Karlova. Beljak, J. and Pažinová, N. 2011. Archeologické výskumy vo Zvolene. Archeologické výskumy a nálezy na Slovensku v roku 2008: 53-56. Beljak, J., Pažinová, N. and Krąpiec, M. 2010. Ungewöhnlicher Befund aus Zvolen-Čierne zeme (Slowakei). Recherches Archaéologiques NS 2: 239-255. Beljak, J., Beljak Pažinová, N. and Šimkovic, M. 2015. Pustý hrad vo Zvolene a opevnenia v okolí. Zvolen, Mesto Zvolen a Stredné Slovensko. Beljak Pažinová, N., Niklová, M. and Beljak, J. 2015. Deserted castle – Lower castle in Zvolen in the context of the Baden culture settlement in Middle Gran region. In A. Zastawny and M. Nowak (eds.), The Baden Culture Around the Western Carpathians. Via Archaeologica: 395-412. Kraków, Krakowski Zespół do Badań Autostrad. Eisner, J. 1935. Prehistorický výzkum na Slovensku a v Podkarpatské Rusi roku 1934. Sborník Muzeálnej Slovenskej Spoločnosti 29: 51-80. Horváth, T. 2006. A badeni kultúráról-rendhagyó módon. Nyíregyházi Jósa András Múzeum Évkonyve 48: 89133. Horváthová, E. and Soják, M. 2012. Neolitické a eneolitické osídlenie Puklinovej jaskyne na Dreveníku pri Žehre. Sborník Prací Filozofickej Fakulty Brno M17: 185-202. Cheben, I. and Illášová, Ľ. 2002. Chipped industry made of limnoquarzite from Žiarska kotlina hollow. In I. Cheben and M. Metlička (eds.), Otázky neolitu a eneolitu našich krajín – 2001: 105-112. Nitra, VEDA. Korpeľ, Š. 1989. Pralesy Slovenska. Bratislava, VEDA. 98

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Kvietok, M. 2013. Eneolitické nálezy z Banskej Bystrice. In I. Cheben (ed.), Otázky neolitu a eneolitu našich krajín – 2013. Kniha abstraktov a program 32. medzinárodnej konferencie: 19. Rimavská Sobota, Archeologický ústav. Mácelová, M. 1993. Praveké a včasnohistorické osídlenie. In: Zvolen. Monografia k 755. výročiu mesta: 31-39. Zvolen, Mesto Zvolen. Malček, R. 1999. Archeologické nálezy v okrese Zvolen. Archeologické výskumy a nálezy na Slovensku v roku 1997: 109-110. Malček, R. 2004. Nálezy zo Zvolena-Podborovej. Archeologické výskumy a nálezy na Slovensku v roku 2003: 131. Malček, R. 2005. Neolitické nálezy zo Zvolena-Podborovej. In I. Cheben and I. Kuzma (eds.), Otázky neolitu a eneolitu našich krajín – 2004: 225-233. Nitra, Archeologický ústav SAV v Nitre. Malček, R. 2006. Výsledky zisťovacieho výskumu vo Zvolene na Borovej hore. Zborník Slovenského národného múzea 100, Archeológia 16: 55-72. Malček, R. 2011. Výsledky archeologického výskumu na stavbe R1 Žarnovica – Lehôtka pod Brehmi. Archeologické výskumy a nálezy na Slovensku v roku 2008: 179-180. Malček, R. 2013a. Lieskovec-Hrádok: výšinné sídlisko badenskej kultúry. Nitra, VEDA. Malček, R. 2013b. Praveké osídlenie Zvolena (Paleolit – Halštat). In Zvolen 1243-2013. Publikácia bola vydaná pri príležitosti 770. výročia obnovenia mestských výsad mestu Zvolen: 86-90. Zvolen, Mesto Zvolen. Malček, R. 2015. Settlement of the Zvolen Basin in the context of Late-Baden Settling processes in the Western Carpathians and the Surroundig Areas. In A. Zastawny and M. Nowak (eds.), The Baden Culture Around the Western Carpathians, Via Archaeologica: 137-152. Kraków, Krakowski Zespół do Badań Autostrad. Malček, R. 2016. Badenské osídlenie Cerovej vrchoviny. Archaeologica Slovaca Monographiae. Fontes, Tomus XXI. Nitra, Archeologický ústav SAV v Nitre. Mosný, P. and Šiška, S. 1999. Ladomerská Vieska – prvé nálezisko kultúry s lineárnou keramikou v Žiarskej kotline. Archeologické nálezy a výskumy na Slovensku v roku 1997: 120. Novotná, M. 1955. Medené nástroje a problém najstaršej ťažby medi. Slovenská archeológia 3: 70-100. Novotná, M. and Soják, M. 2013. Veľká Lomnica – Burchbrich: Urzeitliches Dorf unter den Hohen Tatra. NitraBratislava, VEDA. Pažinová, N. and Beljak, J. 2011. Nálezy kultúry s lineárnou keramikou na strednom Pohroní – príspevok k osídleniu. In Otázky neolitu a eneolitu našich zemí: sborník referátů z 28. zasedání badatelů pro výzkum neolitu a eneolitu (nejen) Čech, Moravy a Slovenska, Praehistorica XXIX: 259-274. Praha, Univerzita Karlova. Przybyła, M. S. 2009. Intercultural Contacts in the Western Carpathians Area at the Turn of the 2nd and 1st Millennia BC. Warszawa, National Centre for Culture. Struhár, V. and Sáliš, Š. 2011. Nové hradisko v Turíckej doline. Archeologické výskumy a nálezy na Slovensku v roku 2008: 563-564. Struhár, V., Soják, M. and Cheben, M. 2015. The Baden culture hilltop settlements in northern Slovakia and their ‘socio-symbolic’ importance. In A. Zastawny and M. Nowak (eds.), The Baden Culture Around the Western Carpathians, Via Archaeologica: 275-310. Kraków, Krakowski Zespół do Badań Autostrad. Šalkovský, P. 2001. Výšinné hradisko v Detve – osídlenie v mladšej a neskorej dobe bronzovej. Slovenská archeológia 49: 39-58. Zachar, T. and Mitáš, V. 2012. Bronzegegenstände der Pilinyer und Lausitzer Kultur aus Zvolen-Borová hora. In R. Kujovský and V. Mitáš (eds.), Václav Furmánek a doba bronzová: 415-425. Nitra, VEDA.

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Recent discoveries in the High Bieszczady Mts. Andrzej Pelisiak Abstract Recent discoveries in the Polish High Bieszczady Mts. have significantly developed the state of knowledge about prehistory of this part of the Carpathians. More than 60 sites dated to the Neolithic period and Early Bronze Age have been found in this area. These sites comprise single finds of artefacts made of variety of local silica raw materials, various stone structures, probably fortified sites and stone processing sites. More of these sites are located in high landscape zones (from 900 to 1250 m a.s.l.). The finds from the High Bieszczady Mts. refer to the transhumant pastoralism and the exploitation of local raw materials: menilite hornstones, other hornstones, sandstones and quartzite. They constitute a strong starting point and offer optimistic perspectives for planned research. They are also the base for the questions formulated for the already known sites. The research planned for the coming years refers to several fundamental issues. The first one concerns the function and chronology of stone mounds from Wetlina, site 9, 10, and 11, and stone structures: the rectangular one from Wetlina, site 7, and the circular one from Wetlina, site 8. An intriguing issue is the chronology and function of the stone wall from Wetlina, site 13, and probably the settlement site from Wetlina, site 5. In respect to both sites, systematic archaeological excavations are necessary. Another question is the identification and comprehensive geological and archaeological descriptions of silica raw material sources as well as exploitation and processing sites. The identification of salt springs and their documentation on the maps is also planned, as well as intensive surface surveys in the areas of salt water springs to detect traces of human economic activity connected with the use of the springs and their surroundings. Another problem corresponds to the trans-Carpathian routes of contact and transport channels crossing the passes in the main ridge of the Carpathians. All these questions refer to various forms of human activity in the High Bieszczady Mts. during the Neolithic period and Early Bronze Age. Key words Late Neolithic, Early Bronze Age, transhumance, silica raw material, Bieszczady Mts., Eastern Polish Carpathians

Introduction Intensive, multidisciplinary fieldwork in the eastern part of Polish Carpathians carried out in the last three decades have resulted in important and spectacular discoveries of the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age sites. An impressive example is the Early Bronze Age hill-fort at Trzcinica, Jasło commune, the first fortified site of the Otomani-Füzesabony culture in the eastern Polish Carpathians (Gancarski 1994; 1999a; 1999b; 2009). In 1990s, groups of Corded Ware Culture barrows were discovered in the east Carpathian Foothills (e.g. Czopek 1997; Gedl 1997). Excavations of these barrows and the scientific analysis carried out in the following years provided increasing evidence for a human activity in the Late Neolithic period and Early Bronze Age in the Carpathian Foothills and adjacent regions (e.g. Gancarski et al. 1986; 1990; Jarosz 2002; 2003; Machnik and Sosnowska 1996; 1998; 1999). Moreover, numerous settlement sites of the Funnel Beaker culture were discovered there. Some of them were also excavated (Gancarski et al. 2008). The existence of small (4-6 houses) villages of the Funnel Beaker culture confirms the sedentary and semi-sedentary life and permanent occupation of the Carpathian Foothills by the Funnel Beaker culture communities. One should also note the research in the east-Carpathian siliceous raw materials used in the Neolithic period and Bronze Age (Valde-Nowak 1991; 1995a; 2009). The researchers discovered and excavated siliceous marl exploitation and processing sites in Dukla region near the Dukla Pass, one of the main passes intersecting the Carpathian ridge (Budziszewski and Skowronek 2001). Moreover, so-called Bircza flint, one of important raw materials used from the Late Palaeolithic period to the Bronze Age in south-east Poland has been identified and described (Łaptaś et al. 2002). Finally, various issues of the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age became subject of monographic studies including the publications with polemical accents (Gancarski 2010; Machnik 1994; 1998a; 1998b; 2001a; 2001b; Nowak 1998; Valde-Nowak 1988; 2001b). 101

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The above short and highly incomplete review of the research on the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age in the eastern part of Polish Carpathians shows that the research was concentrated on the area of the eastern Carpathian Foothills and the Jasło-Sanok Depression. Until the end of the first decade of the 21st century, the High Bieszczady Mts. were outside the main stream of archaeological interests. This resulted in a very poor state of archaeological recognition of this region – the High Bieszczady Mts. were a ‘terra incognita’ in the archaeological atlas of south-eastern Poland. Apart from the confirmed accidental discovery of one fragment of a blade made of menilite hornstone, coming from the top part of Połonina Caryńska (Valde-Nowak 1991) there were no finds dated to the Neolithic period and Early Bronze Age from this area (Parczewski et al. 2012; Pelisiak 2013a; 2013b; 2014a; Valde-Nowak 1988). This picture was clearly inconsistent with the palynological information on human activity in the Late Neolithic period and Early Bronze Age in the Bieszczady Mts. (Ralska-Jasiewiczowa 1972; 1980). In contrast to the lack of archaeological sites, pollen diagrams from the surroundings of Smerek, Wołosate and Tarnawa in the Bieszczady Mts. indicate the beginning of economic exploitation of this region around c. 3200 cal. BC, initially as the zone of pastures, later, in the Bronze Age as the area of sedentary settlement. Surprisingly, palynological information on the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age human activity in the High Bieszczady Mts. does not have any archaeological confirmation. This issue inspired the author of this paper to initiate archaeological research in 2012 oriented on the mountain activity of prehistoric people.1 Fieldworks, which started in 2012, covered an area of the High Bieszczady Mts., the most southeast part of Poland. My research concentrated on the mountain massifs in the vicinity of Wetlina and Cisna villages. The studied area comprises mid and high altitude zones of Eastern Polish Carpathians (900 m a.s.l. upwards). They are the marginal niches of human activity in the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age. In respect to the centres of Neolithic and Early Bronze Age settlement in the loess zone in south-east Poland (Kruk 1980; Kruk and Milisauskas 1999; Pelisiak 2013b; 2014a), the High Bieszczady Mts. should be considered as an important periphery of economic activity of the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age communities as well as the area of the trans-Carpathian contacts and the place where meridionally directed natural tracts crossed the main ridges of the Carpathians. Archaeological discoveries The surface survey carried out from 2012 to 2015, and the LIDAR analysis and verification of data about accidental finds have led to the discovery in the studied area more than 30 sites dated to the Neolithic period and Early Bronze Age (Figure 1) (Pelisiak 2015; 2016; Pelisiak and Maj 2013; Pelisiak et al. 2015).2 Most of them are reflected by single finds and small assemblages of artefacts made of various siliceous local and nonlocal raw materials. Some of them in respect of typology refer to so called Orava type inventory (Kopacz and Valde-Nowak 1987; Valde-Nowak 1986). These artefacts, as well as stone structures discovered in the Wetlina region, are located in different landscape zones. The elevation of the Połonina Wetlińska (between 1050 and 1250 m a.s.l.) constitutes the highest zone of the High Bieszczady Mts. landscape (Figure 2). The archaeological data comprises 12 sites dated to the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age (Figures 3, 4).3 The sites are as follow: Wetlina, site 22 (a knifelike flake tool made of menilite hornstone) (Figure 5: 7) (Pelisiak and Maj 2013); Wetlina, site 25 (blade fragment of Bircza flint); Wetlina, site 28 (a chip of cretaceous flint); Wetlina, site 35 (a bipolar made of menilite hornstone (Figure 6: 4); Wetlina, site 36 (a bipolar made of brown hornstone) (Figure 6: 5); Wetlina, site 38 (two chunks and one natural piece of raw material, menilite hornstone); Wetlina, site 39 (a flaked chunk made of menilite hornstone), Wetlina, site 41 (a blade made of quartzite with use retouch) (Figure 6: 9); Wetlina, site 43 (a heart-shaped bifacial arrowhead made of Volhynian flint) (Pelisiak 2015); Wetlina, site 6 (a heart-shaped arrowhead made of hornstone) (Figure 5: 3); Wetlina, site 23 (a blade The field works were conducted by Andrzej Pelisiak with contribution of Małgorzata Pelisiak, Sylwester Czopek, Joanna Podgórska-Czopek, Zbigniew Maj, Teresa Maj and the students of archaeology: Zuzannna Opielowska, Adrianna Raczek, Iwona Król and Joanna Nastaj. 2 In a publication of the first finds from High Bieszczady Mts. (Pelisiak and Maj 2013) the sites Wetlina 12, 22, 15 and 25 were named respectively: Wetlina-Stare Sioło, site 1; Przełęcz Orłowicza, site 1, Moczarne, site 1 and Przełęcz Pod Czerteżem, site 1. 3 Also discovered was a 17th century coin (Wetlina, site 34). 1

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Figure 1. Study area.

Figure 2. Landscape of the Połonina Wetlińska near the Orłowicz Pass (1050 m a.s.l.). Photo by A. Pelisiak. 103

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Figure 3. Location of the sites on the Orłowicz Pass, and Orłowicz Pass Niżna on the elevation of Połonina Wetlińska. Wetlina sites No. 23, 24, 26, 34, 35, 36 and 37.

Figure 4. Location of the sites on the elevation of Połonina Wetlińska near the Hnatowe Berdo. Wetlina, sites 6, 28, 41 and 43.

end-scraper made of hornstone) (Figure 5: 4); Wetlina, site 24 (two small pottery fragments probably the Corded Ware culture); Wetlina, site 26 (a bipolar made of menilite hornstone) (Figure 5: 5) (Pelisiak et al. 2015). All these sites are located in the area above the contemporary tree line and, moreover, all of them are placed near salt water springs. The typological characteristics of these artefacts determine their chronology. The arrow-heads from Wetlina site 6 and 43 are typical of the Late Neolithic Corded Ware Culture. Within the Late Neolitic period, it is possible to affiliate a blade end-scraper from Wetlina, site 23 as well as a blade tool from Wetlina, site 41. A knife-like tool from Wetlina, site 22 is a form typical for the Early Bronze Age. Other finds: bipolars, chunks, chip can be dated to the Late Neolithic period or Early Bronze Age (Pelisiak 2015; Pelisiak and Maj 2013; Pelisiak et al. 2015). 104

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Figure 5. Selection of the Neolithic and Early Bronze finds. 1 – Wetlina, stan. 17 (flake core of siliceous sandstone), 2 – Cisna, stan. 6 (artefact of menilite hornsone); 3 – Wetlina, stan. 6 (arrow-head of menilite hornstone); 4 – Wetlina, stan. 23 (blade end-scraper of menilite hornstone); 5 – Wetlina, site 26 (bipolar of menilite hornstone); 6 – Wetlina, stan. 12 (blade fragment of quartzite), 7 – Wetlina, stan. 22 (knife-like tool of menilite hornstone); 8 – Wetlina, stan. 15 (bipolar of menilite hornstone); 9 – Wetlina, stan. 25 (blade fragment of Bircza flint). Photo and elaboration by Z. Maj and A. Pelisiak. 105

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Figure 6. Selection of the Neolithic and Early Bronze finds. 1 – Wetlina, stan. 30 (flake core ob. Siliceous sandstone); 2, 3 – Wetlina, stan. 33 (bipolars of brown hornstone); 4 – Wetlina, stan. 35 (bipolar of menilite hornstone); 5 – Wetlina, stan. 36 (bipolar of brown hornstone); 6 – Wetlina, stan. 37 (retouched flake of quartzite); 7 – Wetlina, stan. 37 (bipolar of brown hornstone); 8 – Wetlina, stan. 37 (knife-like tool of menilite hornstone); 9 – Wetlina, stan. 41 (blade tool of quartzite). Photo and elaboration by Z. Maj and A. Pelisiak.

Five sites with stone structures were discovered below the top zone of Połonina Wetlińska at the altitude from about 920 to 1000 m a.s.l. near the contemporary tree line (Figure 7). First of them, namely Wetlina site 7, is located on the plateau at altitude 920 m a.s.l. It is a rectangular stone structure about 7 x 17 m in size. The remains suggest that it was a dry wall about 1m thick. An internal area, enclosed by this wall, was about 75 m2. The second construction, named Wetlina site 8 is located at the altitude of 1010 m a.s.l. 106

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Figure 7. Location of the stone structures in the Połonina Wetlińska massif. Wetlina site 7 (rectangular stone construction), Wetlina, site 8 (semicircular stone construction, Wetlina sites 9-11 (groups of stone mounds).

Figure 8. Semicircular stone construction on the Wetlina site 8 (about 1010 m n.p.m.). Photo by A. Pelisiak.

on the plateau near the contemporary tree line (Figure 8). It is a stone structure, semicircular in shape and about 9 m in diameter. It is a partly preserved dry wall up to 60 cm high and about 1m thick. The wall consists of external and internal faces built of irregular stone plates up to 60 cm in diameter and 10-20 cm thick. The space between the faces is filled with stone pieces up to 25 cm in diameter. Both structures are located near the area where single finds of chipped artefacts were found, i.e. on and near the elevation of Połonina Wetlińska. Moreover, there are salt springs in the close vicinity of these constructions. The sites have not been excavated yet, and the precise chronology of both constructions remains unknown. 107

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Figure 9. Połonina Wetlińska massif. One of the stone mounds from Wetlina, site 11 (about 1000 m n.p.m.). Photo by A. Pelisiak.

Near the previously described stone structures, at an altitude between 930 and 1010 m a.s.l., three groups of stone mounds were discovered, each located on a small plateau, designated as Wetlina sites 9, 10 and 11 (Figure 9). The groups of mounds are located in a distance from 130 to 200 m one to another. They cover an area of respectively 1.8, 1.4 and 2 ha. More than 200 mounds were registered on these sites. The largest mounds are about 15 m in diameter and 1.5 m in height. On all the sites the mounds are grouped without a clear regularity. The function and chronology of these mounds are still unknown. Therefore, they will be one of the primary subjects of the excavations planned at these sites. Moreover, two sites named Wetlina site 33 and 37 were discovered in the mountain massive of Połonina Wetlińska (Figure 6: 2, 3, 6-8). Each one is located on a small plateau at the altitude of respectively 800 and 980 m a.s.l. On the surface of Wetlina site 33 and site 37, respectively 65 and 50 artefacts were found. These assemblages consist of items made of various raw materials. The majority of them were made of menilite hornstone. In addition, artefacts made of dark-brown and light-brown hornstone, siliceous sandstone and quartzite are present in both assemblages. The lack of blades and blade tools, and the presence of splintered pieces, where flake technique was used, and flake tools suggest dating these assemblages more probably to the Early Bronze Age (Pelisiak 2015). In many respects, they correspond to the materials of so-called Orava Typus (Kopacz and Valde-Nowak 1987; Valde-Nowak 1986). The relatively high location of the sites has been noticed near the main ridge of the Carpathians in the vicinity of the Czerteż Pass, which joins present day Slovakia and Poland (Figure 10). At an altitude ranging between 850 and 900 m a.s.l. are located finds from Wetlina, site 25 (fragment of a blade made of so called Bircza flint) and Wetlina, site 30 (flake core made of siliceous sandstone; Fig. 6: 1). The first one can be dated to the Late Neolithic, whereas the core – to the Late Neolithic or Early Bronze Age (Pelisiak 2015; Pelisiak and Maj 2013). Along the courses of the Solinka River and Beskidnik Stream, numerous artefacts made of local siliceous sandstone were found (Figure 11). All of them were located in the upper parts of these river valleys at altitude between 720 and 750 m a.s.l. However, a special discovery from this area is a fragment of processed chunk made of obsidian, designated as Wetlina, site 16. This is the first discovery of obsidian artefact from the High Bieszczady Mts. (Pelisiak 2015). Obsidian was very popular raw material used 108

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Figure 10. Location of the sites near the Czerteż Pass on the main ridge of the Carpathians (850-900 m a.s.l.). Wetlina site 25 and 30.

Figure 11. Location of selected sites in the Solinka river valley (720-750 m a.s.l.). Wetlina sites 17-21.

by the Early Neolithic communities in south-east Poland (Czopek et al. 2014; Dębiec et al. 2015; Kadrow 1990; 1997; Pelisiak 2014c), and this artefact may be the evidence of the trans-Carpathian routes of communication between Early Neolithic communities from Poland and Slovakia. Other sites from the Solinka and Beskidnik streams are as follow: Wetlina, site 15 (bipolar made of menilite hornstone (Figure 5: 8) (Pelisiak and Maj 2013); Wetlina, site 17 (flake core made of siliceous sandstone) (Figure 5: 1); Wetlina, site 18 (flake core made of siliceous sandstone); Wetlina, site 19 (flake core made of siliceous sandstone); Wetlina, site 20 (flaked piece of undefined siliceous raw material); Wetlina, site 21 (two flake cores made of siliceous sandstone) (Pelisiak 2014b); Wetlina, site 16 (apart from a piece of obsidian, two flaked chunks and one fragment of probably a blade core made of menilite hornstone were found as well as a bipolar made of siliceous sandstone); Wetlina, site 27 (flake core made of siliceous sandstone); Wetlina, site 31 109

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(flaked piece of undefined siliceous raw material); Wetlina, site 32 (fragment of Krummesser made of siliceous sandstone); Wetlina, site 40 (fragment of flake core made of brown hornstone) (Pelisiak 2015). The majority of these artefacts show characteristic traits of the Early Bronze Age chipping practices (exploitation of flake cores). In this respect, the best example is the fragment of Krummesser from Wetlina 32. A fragment of blade core from Wetlina, site 16 can be dated to the Neolithic period. All the sites, especially those reflected by artefacts made of siliceous sandstone are located in close to natural sources of this raw material recognized in the Solinka and Beskidnin riverbeds. These artefacts can be tied with local exploitation and processing of siliceous sandstone in the Bronze Age. However, the presence of artefacts made of siliceous sandstone in graves of the Corded Ware Culture in Slovakia (Jarosz et al. 2008; Machnik et al. 2008) may also suggests the Late Neolithic chronology of some part of these artefacts. There were also sites discovered within the Wetlinka River valley close to the modern village of Wetlina. A fragment of a quartzite Neolithic blade, made from a single platform blade core, came from Wetlina site 12 (Figure 5: 6). The blade was discovered on the terrace about 3m above the floodplain terrace of the Wetlinka river valley (Pelisiak and Maj 2013). So far, the most spectacular discoveries from the High Bieszczady Mts. came from Wetlina site 13 and 5. Both sites are located in the edge zone of the Wetlinka River valley, from 15 m upward above the floodplain. Thanks to the analysis of LIDAR pictures, a large structure was discovered at Wetlina site 13 (Figure 12). It is located in a highly defensive position, in the edge zone of the Wetlinka river valley, close to the very steep slope of the valley, about 15 m above the floodplain. The structure consists of an almost rectangular wall built of stone and earth, about 70 x 35 m in size. Today, the wall is up to 8 m thick at its base, and up to 2 m high above the internal area of about 1800 m2 which is surrounded by it. On the surface of the internal zone of this structure, small pottery fragments were also found and the technological features suggest an Early Bronze Age chronology. The second site (Wetlina, site 5), where the Early Bronze Age pottery fragments were found, is located north-west from the wall at Wetlina, site 13. It is situated on a plateau near the edge of the Wetlinka river valley from about 18 to 29 m above the floodplain of the valley. It is possible that both sites constituted one, Early Bronze Age complex which

Figure 12. LIDAR view of Wetlina site 13 (according to www.geoportal.gov. pl/imap/).

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contained the fortified site (Wetlina, site 13) and unfortified settlement (Wetlina, site 5). The function and chronology of these sites will be a key question of excavations planned here in the following years. During the surface surveys carried out in 2015, the first menilite hornstone processing site in the High Bieszczady Mts. was discovered at Cisna (Cisna, site 6). The site is located on the terrace of the Solinka river valley about 4 m above the floodplain of this valley. It is situated at a distance of 20-30 m from the outcrops of menilite hornstone recognized within the Solinka valley and the Solinka riverbed. The artefacts were discovered on the surface of the site on the area of about 150 m2. There were 78 items found made of menilite hornstone (Figure 5: 2). This assemblage is differentiated regarding the typology of artefacts and probably also in respect of their chronology. The presence of a blade and probably semi-finished products of rectangular axes suggests the Late Neolithic chronology of these artefacts.4 On the other hand, the artefacts collected from the surface should raise some doubts regarding their chronological homogeneity. Chronological differentiation of this material may be suggested by the presence of forms typical to the Early Bronze Age (e.g. retouched flakes, a knife-like tool with a natural back, a flake core) in this assemblage. These features, as well as the utilization of menilite hornstone, allowed us to place this site within chipping trends similar to those from the well-known exploitation and processing site at Ropa, in the western Polish Carpathians (Valde-Nowak 1991; 1995b) as well as from other Carpathian stone exploitation and processing sites (Budziszewski and Skowronek 2001; Valde-Nowak 2001a; ValdeNowak and Strakošova 2001). Discussion All of the sites registered in the Połonina Wetlińska were discovered in the high zone (950-1250 m a.s.l.), on top of and near the top of Połoniona Wetlińska. The location of these sites in a high mountain landscape in the area of salt water springs (Figure 13) suggests that these finds are an archaeological reflection of seasonal herding of animals within a transhumant pastoralism system carried out in the High Bieszczady Mts. in the Neolithic period and Early Bronze Age. Such an interpretation of these finds has already been suggested (Pelisiak 2013a; 2013b; 2014a).5 It can be also supported by the vicinity of salt water springs

Figure 13. Połonina Wetlińska massif. One of the salt water springs near the stone structure on the Wetlina, site 8. Photo by A. Pelisiak.

Material from Cisna, site 6 is under elaboration and will be published in Acta Archaeologica Carpathica. One possible interpretation of isolated graves of the Baden Culture in the Western Carpathians discovered far away from the centers of the Baden Culture settlements could also refer to transhumance (Valde-Nowak 2008; 2010; Valde-Nowak and Tarasiński 2006). 4 5

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frequent on this area (Pelisiak 2014d). The already known salt water springs in the High Bieszczady Mts. contain a low quantity of salt. The water salinity is too low for the evaporation of salt. Nevertheless, in prehistory the brine may have been used in various ways, first of all in its re-crystallised state. The importance of the salt water springs in the High Bieszczady Mts. for herding animals is confirmed indirectly by their contemporary usage by wild animals as licks. These places are specific ‘central places’ in the wild high mountain landscape. The deer-licks enticed aurochs and red deer which is reflected by animal paths leading to deer-licks from different directions. In the Neolithic period and Early Bronze Age the salt water springs (these deer-licks) may have been used by domestic animals in a similar way. The entrance of men into the high mountains zones is confirmed by the variety of finds from the Alps (Hafner 2012; Walsh and Mocci 2011; Walsh et al. 2007). Undoubtedly the most impressive was the discovery, at altitude of about 3200 m a.s.l., of the famous human mummy in the Tisenjoch area in Ötztal Alps dated to about 3300 BC (Barfield 1994; Fleckinger and Steiner 1998; Oeggl 2000; Rollo et al. 2002; Spindler 1994; Vanzetti et al. 2010). It is not surprising that from c. 3300 BC transhumant pastoralism also started to be one of the most important ways of land use and domestic animal management (Greefield 1999). From this time onward, the exploitation of high mountain landscapes seems to have been more and more intensive. Transhumance is suggested for various parts of Europe (e.g. Biber 2010; Kienlin and Valde-Nowak 2004; Meiggs 2007; Mocci et al. 2005; Müller-Scheeßel et al. 2010; Valde-Nowak and Kienlin 2002; Walsh and Mocci 2011; Walsh et al. 2007). The movement of people and animals including transhumant pastures is also confirmed by strontium (87Sr/86Sr) analyses (Barrett and Richards 2004; Bentley et al. 2008; Brettell et al. 2012; Giblin 2009; Goude et al. 2012; Greenfield 1999; Meiggs 2007; Montgomery et al. 2000). Stone structures from the Wetlina site 7 and 8 are located in the high landscape zone and, with regard to their shapes and sizes, these constructions are similar to stone structures from the Southern French Alps where they are dated to the period between 2500 and 1000 BC, and connected with pastoral activity in the sub-alpine and alpine zones (Walsh and Mocci 2011; Walsh et al. 2007). It is possible that the structures from Wetlina site 7 and 8 played the same role. The finds from the Solinka and Beskidnik valleys can be interpreted according to several different scenarios which do not have to be mutually exclusive. The sites were registered in these parts of the valleys where the slopes were not steep, and the access to natural sources of this raw material posed no difficulties. All the sites located along these valleys are situated near the route crossing the main ridge of the Carpathians and joining the centres of Neolithic settlement in south-eastern Poland and Slovakia. It is historically confirmed in modern times and was used up to World War II. The location of the sites with the artefacts made of siliceous sandstone along the line of this route may not be accidental. On the other hand, the connection of at least some part of the artefacts found here with the seasonal grazing of animals is also possible. Final remarks The recent discoveries in the Polish High Bieszczady Mts. have significantly developed our knowledge about prehistory of this part of the Carpathians. They constitute a strong starting point and offer optimistic perspectives for the planned research. They are also the basis for the questions formulated for the already known sites. The research planned for the coming years refers to several fundamental issues. The first one concerns the function and chronology of the stone mounds from Wetlina, site 9, 10, and 11, and stone structures: the rectangular one from Wetlina, site 7, and the circular one from Wetlina, site 8. An intriguing issue is the chronology and function of the stone wall from Wetlina, site 13, and probably the settlement from Wetlina, site 5. With respect to both sites, systematic archaeological excavations are necessary. Another question that should be raised is the recognition and comprehensive geological and archaeological descriptions of silica raw material sources and exploitation and processing sites. The identification of salt springs and their documentation on the map is also planned, as well as intensive surface surveys in the areas of salt water springs to detect traces of human economic activity connected with the use of salt springs and their surroundings. Another problem corresponds to the trans-Carpathian 112

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routes of contact and transport channels crossing the passes in the main ridge of the Carpathians. All these questions refer to various forms of human activity in the High Bieszczady Mts. during the Neolithic period and Early Bronze Age. References Barfield, L. 1994. The iceman reviewed. Antiquity 68 (258): 10-26. Barrett, J. H. and Richards, M. P. 2004. Identity, Gender, Religion and Economy: New Isotope and Radiocarbon Evidence for Marine Resource Intensification in Early Historic Orkney, Scotland, UK. European Journal of Archaeology 7 (3): 249-271. Bentley, R. A., Wahl, J., Price, T. D. and Atkinson, T. C. 2008. Isotopic signatures and hereditary traits: snapshot of a Neolithic community in Germany. Antiquity 82 (316): 290-304. Biber, J.-P. 2010. Transhumance in France. Pastoralism 1 (1): 91-98. Brettell, R., Evans, J., Marzinzik, S., Lamb, A. and Montgomery, J. 2012. ‘Impious Esterners’: Can Oxygen and Strontium Isotopes Serve as Indicators of Provenance in Early Medieval European Cemetery Populations? European Journal of Archaeology 15 (1): 117-145. Budziszewski, J. and Skowronek, M. 2001. Results of the Preliminary Archaeological Research in the Mount Cergowa Massif, the Lower Beskid Mountains. In J. Machnik (ed.), Archaeology and Natural Background of the Lower Beskid Mountains, Carpathians 1: 145-164. Prace Komisji Prehistorii Karpat 2. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Czopek, S. 1997. Nowe odkrycia kurhanów na Pogórzu Dynowskim. Rocznik Przemyski 33 (5): 53-63. Czopek, S., Niemasik, D., Pasterkiewicz, W. and Pelisiak, A. 2014. Rzeszów, stanowisko 117 – osada wielokulturowa. Rzeszów, Muzeum Okręgowe w Rzeszowie. Dębiec, M., Debiec, M. and Pelisiak A. 2015. Cieszacin Wielki, stan. 41, Pawłosiów, stan. 55 i Jankowice, stan. 9. Kompleks osad z epoki neolitu i wczesnej epoki brązu. Via Archaeologica Ressoviensa 9. Rzeszów, Fundacja Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego. Fleckinger, A. and Steiner, H. 1998. The Iceman. Bolzano, South Tyrol Museum of Archaeology. Gancarski, J. 1994. Pogranicze kultury trzcinieckiej i Otomani-Füzesabony – grupa jasielska. In P. Mitura (ed.), Problemy kultury trzcinieckiej: 75-104. Rzeszów, Muzeum Okręgowe w Rzeszowie. Gancarski, J. 1999a. Wehrangle vom Beginn der Bronzezeit in Trzcinica, Gde. Jasło. In J. Gancarski (ed.), Kultura Otomani-Füzesabony – rozwój, chronologia, gospodarka. Die Otomani-Füzesabony-Kultur – Entwicklung, Chronologie, Wirtschaft: 131-144. Krosno, Muzeum Podkarpackie w Krośnie. Gancarski, J. 1999b. Chronologia grupy pleszowskiej kultury mierzanowickiej i kultury OtomaniFüzesabony w Polsce na podstawie wyników badań wykopaliskowych osad w Trzcinicy i Jaśle. In J. Gancarski (ed.), Kultura Otomani-Füzesabony – rozwój, chronologia, gospodarka. Die Otomani-FüzesabonyKultur – Entwicklung, Chronologie, Wirtschaft: 145-180. Krosno, Muzeum Podkarpackie w Krośnie. Gancarski, J. 2009. Trzcinica – karpacka Troja, Krosno, Muzeum Podkarpackie w Krośnie. Gancarski, J. (ed.) 2010. Transkarpackie kontakty kulturowe w epoce kamienia, brązu i wczesnej epoce żelaza. Krosno, Muzeum Podkarpackie w Krośnie. Gancarski, J., Machnikowie, A. and J. 1986. Wyniki badań kurhanu A kultury ceramiki sznurowej we wsi Bierówka, gm. Jasło, woj. krośnieńskie. Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 25: 57-87. Gancarski, J., Machnikowie, A. and J. 1990. Kurhan B kultury ceramiki sznurowej w Bierówce, gm. Jasło w świetle badań wykopaliskowych. Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 29: 99-124. Gancarski, J., Pasterkiewicz, W. and Pelisiak, A. 2008. Osada kultury pucharów lejkowatych w Przybówce, gm. Wojaszówka, stanowisko 1. In J. Machnik (ed.), Archeologia i środowisko naturalne Beskidu Niskiego w Karpatach II: Krimská Brázda: 347-378. Prace Komisji Prehistorii Karpat 4. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Gedl, M. 1997. Starodawne kopce we wschodniej części Pogórza Dynowskiego. Rocznik Przemyski 33 (5): 39-51. Giblin, J. I. 2009. Strontium isotope analysis of Neolithic and Copper Age populations on the Great Hungarian Plain. Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2): 491-497. Goude, G., Castorina, F., Herrscher, E., Cabut, S. and Tafuri, M. 2012. First Strontium Isotope Evidence of Mobility in the Neolithic of Southern France. European Journal of Archaeology 15 (3): 421-439. 113

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Mocci, F., Tzortzis, S., Palet-Martinez, J., Segard, M. and Walsh, K. 2005. Peuplement, pastoralisme et modes d’exploitation de la moyenne et haute montagne depuis la Préhistoire dans le parc national des Ecrins (vallées du haut Champsaur et de Freissiničres, Hautes-Alpes). In A. Bouet and F. Verdin (eds.), Territoire et paysages de l’âge du Fer au Moyen-Age. Mélanges offerts á Philippe Leveau: 197-212. Memoires D’Auso 16. Bourdeaux, Ausonius. Montgomery, J., Budd, P. and Evans, J. 2000. Reconstructing the lifetime movements of ancient people: a Neolithic case study from southern England. European Journal of Archaeology 3: 370-385. Müller-Scheeßel, N., Hofmann, R., Müller, J. and Rassmann, K. 2010. The Socio-Political Development of the Late Neolithic settlement of Okoliste/Bosnia-Hercegovina: Devolution by Transhumance? In Landscapes and human development: the contribution of European archaeology. Proceedings of the International Workshop Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes (1st-4th April 2009): 181-191. Bonn, Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH. Nowak, M. 1998. Karpackie osadnictwo kultury pucharów lejkowatych. In J. Gancarski (ed.), Pradzieje Podkarpacia 2: 89-98. Krosno, Muzeum Podkarpackie w Krośnie. Oeggl, K. 2000. The diet of the Iceman. In S. K. Bortenschlager and K. Oeggl (eds.), The Iceman and His Natural Environment. Palaeobotanical Results. Vienna, Springer-Verlag. Parczewski, M., Pelisiak, A. and Szczepanek, K. 2012. Najdawniejsza przeszłość polskich Bieszczadów. Materiały i Sprawozdania Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego 33: 9-42. Pelisiak, A. 2013a. Pojedyncze przedmioty kamienne a strefy aktywności osadniczej i gospodarczej w neolicie we wschodniej części Karpat Polskich. Materiały i Sprawozdania Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego 34: 19-33. Pelisiak, A. 2013b. Man and mountains. Settlement and economy of Neolithic communities in the Eastern part of the Polish Carpathians. In S. Kadrow and P. Włodarczak (eds.), Environment and Subsistence – Forty Years after Janusz Kruk’s ‘Settlement Studies’: 225-244. Rzeszów-Bonn, Institute of Archaeology Rzeszów University, Dr. Rudolf Habelt. Pelisiak, A. 2014a. Settlement, Economy and Climate between 3200 and 2500 BC: Late Neolithic Transformations in South-Eastern Poland. In T. L. Kienlin, P. Valde-Nowak, M. Korczyńska, K. Cappenberg and J. Ociepka (eds.), Settlement, Communication and Exchange Around the Western Carpathians. International Workshop Held at the Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University, Kraków, October 27-28, 2012: 143-158. Oxford, Archaeopress. Pelisiak, A. 2014b. Nowe znaleziska z neolitu i początków epoki brązu z polskich Bieszczadów Wysokich (rejon Wetlina-Moczarne). Wiadomości Archeologiczne 65: 211-216. Pelisiak, A. 2014c. Steinfunde. In M. Debiec (ed.), Zwięczyca 3. Eine bandkeramische Siedlung am Wisłok: 110135. Rzeszów, Oficyna Wydawnicza Zimowit. Pelisiak, A. 2014d. Salt water springs and the exploitation of the Eastern Polish Carpathians in the Late Neolithic period. In K. Czerniak, J. Kolenda, and M. Markiewicz (eds.), Szkice Neolityczne. Księga poświęcona pamięci Profesor Anny Kulczyckiej-Leciejewiczowej: 285-300. Wrocław, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk. Pelisiak, A. 2015. Siliceous raw material from Bieszczady Mountains. Sources and use. Archaeologia Polona 54 (in press). Pelisiak, A. 2016. Nowe znaleziska z neolitu i wczesnej epoki brązu z polskich Bieszczadów Wysokich. Wiadomości Archeologiczne 67 (in press). Pelisiak, A. and Maj, Z. 2013. New Neolithic and Early Bronze Age finds from the Bieszczady Mountains (Wetlina River Valley and its surroundings). Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 48: 265-272. Pelisiak, A., Maj, Z. and Bajda, Ł. 2015. First sites of Corded Ware culture from high part of the Bieszczady Mountains (south east Poland). Materiały i Sprawozdania Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego 36 (in press). Ralska-Jasiewiczowa, M. 1972. Remarks on the Late-Glacial and Holocene history of vegetation in the eastern part of Polish Carpathians. Berichte der Deutschen Botanischen Gesellschaft 85 (1-4): 101112. Ralska-Jasiewiczowa, M. 1980. Late-Glacial and Holocene vegetation of the Bieszczady Mts. (Polish Eastern Carpathians). Warszawa, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe. 115

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Pollen indications of human activity in the Polish Western Carpathians during the Neolithic period Marek Nowak Abstract The paper examines pollen indicators of human activity in the region of the Polish Western Carpathians which can be referred to the Neolithic period (in the broad sense, i.e. c. 5500-2300 BC). They will be confronted with local archaeological data as well as with that from the territories situated to the north and south of the Western Carpathians. As a result, model constructions will be developed which will describe land use patterns followed by the Neolithic communities in this region. In particular, these models will attempt to elucidate when were the Western Carpathians only used passively, as the area of people’s movement along the south-north axis (and vice versa), and when were they purposefully and autonomously exploited by Neolithic farmers and herders. The issue of the importance of human behaviours for the general environmental transformations in the Western Carpathians in this period will also be discussed. Key words Western Carpathians, Neolithic, palynology, settlement, economy, environment

Introduction The territorial scope of the article (Figure 1) will basically be the part of the so-called Outer Western Carpathians which is located within current Polish borders. Additionally, a small part of the so-called Central Western Carpathians, which is situated in Poland, will also be taken into account. The easternmost part of the Polish Carpathians, i.e. the Bieszczady1 (which belong to the Eastern Carpathians), will be excluded from our consideration, as well as the Przemyśl Foreland and eastern part of the Dynów Foreland (Figure 1: 2). It should be emphasised that the terminology concerning the Carpthians (including the very notion of the Western Carpathians), as well as the course of physiographic boundaries accepted in this paper, are based on a system recently proposed by J. Balon and M. Jodłowski (2014; see also Balon et al. 2015). In other ‘Carpathian’ countries, but also in Polish geographical literature, one can meet with other systems and different opinions on the detailed regional division of the Carpathians (see e.g. Balon et al. 1995; Gilewska 1991; Kondracki 1988; 1994; 2000; Starkel 1972; 2001). In this article the term ‘the Neolithic’ will be used in its broad sense, i.e. it will refer to both Neolithic sensu strico and the Eneolithic. Thus, the period under consideration begins c. 5500 BC and ends c. 2300 BC. For a scholar who deals with the Polish Neolithic, the Western Carpathians are considered primarily as a territory situated between the centres of intensive Neolithic settlement in central and western Lesser Poland (as well as – in a wider perspective – in other Polish regions), and the highly developed Neolithic phenomena of the eastern and western parts of the Carpathian Basin. In the Neolithic groupings of Lesser Poland, but also in other parts of Poland, traces of contacts and interactions with these southern phenomena can be easily found throughout the whole of the discussed period, but certainly with varying intensity. Archaeological evidence for such processes has also been recorded in the Carpathian Basin, although generally in smaller numbers. One way or another, these contacts and interactions must have taken place through the territory of the Western Carpathians, which – by the way – are relatively easy to cross, especially via river valleys running north and south in the Low Beskid range (Beskid Niski). Consequently, the following fundamental questions should be put forward: 1

The Bieszczady region is the subject of a separate paper in this volume, by A. Pelisiak.

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Figure 1. Location of the Polish Western Carpathians (1) and its regionalization (2) (acc. to Balon, Jodłowski 2014) 511 – Outer Western Carpathians; Foothills (Pogórza): 511.23 – Silesian Foothills, 511.24 – Wieliczka Foothills, 511.71 – Rożnów Foothills, 511.72 – Ciężkowice Foothills, 511.73 – Strzyżów Foothills, 511.74 – Dynów Foothills, 511.76 – Jasło-Sanok Pits; Beskids (Beskidy): 511.42 – Silesian Beskid, 511.43 – Little Beskid, 511.44 – Żywiec Basin, 511.45 – Międzygórze Jabłonkowsko-Koniakowskie, 511.47 – Żywiec-Kysuce Beskid, 511.48 – Żywiec Beskid, 511.49 – Pasma Pewelsko-Krzeczowskie, 511.51 – Middle (Maków) Beskid, 511.54 – Orawa-Jordanów Foothills, 511.55 – Island Beskid, 511.56 – Gorce Mts., 511.57 – Sącz Basin, 511.58 – Sącz Beskid, 511.81 – Low Beskid, 512 – Central Western Carpathians; Podhale Depression: 512.12 – Orawa-Nowy Targ Basin, 512.13 – Pieniny Mts., 512.14 – Sub-Tatric Foothills, 512.15 – Sub-Tatric Furrow; Tatra Mts.: 512.52 – Regle Tatras, 512.53 – Western Tatras, 512.54 – High Tatras. 118

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1. Was this part of the Carpathians only used passively, just as an area through which people with their artefacts and ideas moved between aforementioned centres of the Neolithic settlement? 2. Did any forms of short-term exploitation develop which were practiced in close dependence on these settlement centres? 3. Did any forms of exploitation of this environment develop and function, which were more or less independent of these centres? To answer these questions, the accessible archaeological data should be analysed. However, the unique nature of mountainous areas in terms of their availability for field investigations (for instance a considerable degree of forestation or meadow cover) means that such studies are not always fully representative. What is more, the state of research on the Neolithic is far from uniform in the Polish Carpathians. The monograph by P. Valde-Nowak on the Neolithic occupation in the Carpathians, now considered a classic, was published in 1988. Since that time, and particularly over the last a dozen or so years, new materials have been intensively searched for and old ones analysed in the eastern part of the Polish Carpathians (e.g. Parczewski et al. 2012; Pelisiak 2005; 2013; 2014; Zych 2008). By contrast, the area to the west of the Dunajec river is noticeably disadvantaged in this respect, and the current state of knowledge does not differ much from what was described in the mentioned monograph by P. ValdeNowak. For this reason, the environmental data (and primarily the palynological) which may indirectly reflect the presence and activity of prehistoric man, should in our opinion be considered as equally important here. The state of investigations in this respect is relatively well advanced in the Polish Carpathians. There are a total of nearly 50 pollen profiles (Figure 2), acquired from virtually all landscape zones (Obidowicz et al.

Figure 2. Location of pollen profiles in the Polish Western Carpathians: 1 – profiles of the lower usability for research performed in this contribution; 2 – profiles of the higher usability for research performed in this contribution 1 – Zlatnická Dolina, 2 – Pilsko, 3 – Sopotnia Wielka, 4 – Głuchaczki (Moczarki), 5 – Suchy Stawek, 6 – Slaná Voda (Rybníček and Rybníčková 2002), 7 – Bobrov, 8 – Jedlová (Rybníček and Rybníčková 2002), 9 – Suchá Hora (Rybníček and Rybníčková 2002), 10 – Lipnica Mała, 11 – Bukowina, 12 – Puścizna Rękowiańska, 13 – Przymiarki, 14 – Bór na Czerwonem, 15 – Molkówka, 16 – Pyszniańska, 17 – Siwe Sady, 18 – Wyżnia Pańszczycka Młaka, 19 – Czarny Staw Gąsienicowy, 20 – Zielony Staw Gąsienicowy, 21 – Skoruśniak, 22 – Żabie Oko, 23 – Przedni Staw, 24 – Pod Kotlinowem, 25 – Popradské Pleso, 26 – Toporowy Staw Wyżni, 27 – Bryjarka, 28 – Bogdanówka-Beło, 29 – Kamiennik (Margielewski et al. 2010a), 30 – Pcim-Sucha (Margielewski et al. 2010b), 31 – Lubogoszcz, 32 – Stanisławice (Nalepka 2003; Nalepka et al. 2005), 33 – Jesionowa, 34 – Maślana Góra 1, 35 – Maślana Góra 2, 36 – Szymbark, 37 – Regetovka, 38 – Jasło, 39 – Tarnowiec, 40 – Roztoki A, 41 – Roztoki B, 42 – Cergowa, 43 – Kružlova, 44 – Jasiel, 45 – Besko, upper part, 46 – Besko, lower part, 47 – Wola Ługowa (Madeja 2001), 48 – Krasne (Kołaczek 2007); except several profiles indicated by other quotation, all other profiles were quoted by Obidowicz at al. (2013), where further literature can also be found. 119

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2013: see further literature contained therein; for the latest data: Gębica et al. 2010; Kołaczek 2007; Madeja 2001; Margielewski 2006; Margielewski et al. 2010a; 2010b; Starkel et al. 2002). Some of them have been obtained in very remote points which have not yet been even penetrated by archaeologists. Hence, they may reflect prehistoric settlement even better than the archaeological data. On the other hand, not all of the pollen profiles fit to our requirements. A large part of these profiles (15) are located in the higher part of the lower montane belt and in the upper montane belt, where even in the modern age human presence is incidental. Next, the spectra obtained before the turn of the 1970s and 1980s typically do not have radiocarbon dates, which means that the possibility to date pollen phenomena with a precision sufficient to meet the needs of archaeologists is very limited. This applies to 12 profiles. Finally, there also are several cases where sedimentation and pollen zones from the period under discussion were not recorded. Taking all these factors into consideration, a group of c. 20 profiles was selected (Figure 2), which are characterized by the highest degree of usability for the purposes of this research. Obviously, the best profiles for our analysis are those that are surrounded with known Neolithic sites, and such cases will be used as examples to illustrate the palynological observations. However, this condition is not necessary to consider the profile as useful, as the indicators of human impact may in fact suggest the existence of a settlement which has not been recorded archaeologically. Period c. 5500-4000 BC In the Early Neolithic (in the Polish meaning of the term) there are two basic and similar archaeological units: the Linear Band Pottery culture (LBK) and the Eastern/Alföld Linear Pottery culture (ALPC) around the Western Carpathians (Figure 3). There are numerous traces of the transcarpathian relations between and within these groupings (e.g. Kaczanowska and Godłowska 2009). They became particularly intensive at the turn of the 6th and 5th millennia BC. Archaeologically speaking, the Carpathians were penetrated and colonized by people of these cultures, but very selectively. There were enclaves of a relatively dense settlement in Spiš (Soják 2000) and on the left bank of the middle Dunajec river (Czekaj-Zastawny 2008; 2009; Valde-Nowak 1998; 2009). It is worth noting that many of the LBK sites were recorded along the northern border, but not in the interior of the Western Carpathians. In the final stage of this complex, a noticeable expansion from the region of present-day Slovak-Hungarian border to the north, deep into the Carpathians, was made by the population classified as the Bükk culture (Hreha and Šiška 2015; Piatničková 2010). In the 5th millennium BC (Figure 4), to the south of the Western Carpathians there were communities discerned archaeologically as the Lengyel culture in the western part of the Carpathian Basin and several so-called Polgár groupings in the Tisza river basin. In areas north of the Carpathians archaeologists distinguished a dozen or so cultural units, covered by a general term of Lengyel-Polgár Complex. All these units, south and north of the Carpathians, basically originate from the earlier Linear substrate. Therefore all these units from the 6th and 5th millennia BC are commonly referred to as Danubian (after V. G. Childe’s classical classification – 1929; 1947), due to some level of similarity observed in many elements of material culture as well as in economic and settlement patterns. The Lengyel-Polgár groups in the Vistula and Oder basins show far-reaching ties and dependence to the above mentioned units of the South. In other words, Polish territories were heavily influenced by the Lengyel culture and the Polgár groupings for over 1000 years. In a measure, the Carpathian Basin looks like a cradle area from the perspective of the Lengyel-Polgár Complex in the areas north of the Carpathians. All these circumstances mean that fairly lively transcarpathian contacts must have existed in that period. Interestingly, the archaeological reflection of this phenomenon in the Carpathians is basically nonexistent. On the other hand, paradoxically, we find evidence of such contacts in the considerable distance from the Carpathian Mountains. To the most spectacular discoveries in this respect belong fragments of the Bodrogkeresztúr culture pottery, recently discovered at the site of Dąbki, situated on the Baltic shore, 120

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Figure 3. Period c. 5500-4800 BC in the Western Carpathians and its surroundings 1 – the Linear Band Pottery culture; 2 – the Eastern/Alföld Linear Pottery culture; 3 – extent of the Bükk culture; 4 – pollen profiles with traces of human activity (including possible activity earlier than c. 5500 BC) (nos as in Fig. 2).

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Figure 4. Period c. 4800-4000 BC in the Western Carpathians and its surroundings 1 – the Lengyel culture; 2 – the Polgár units (i.a. the Tisza culture, the Herpály culture, the Polgár-Csőszhalom group, the Tiszapolgár culture, the Bodrogkeresztúr culture); 3 – the Lengyel-Polgár complex; 4 – pollen profiles with traces of human activity (nos as in Fig 2).

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in a very complicated context of late-Mesolithic / para-Neolithic materials (Czekaj-Zastawny 2011a; 2011b). ***

In the area under consideration, in the period from mid-6th to the end of the 4th millennium BC, indicators interpreted as signs of human activity were reported actually in only one pollen profile, localized in Tarnowiec (Figures 3, 4, 5, 6). The first traces of human activity have been dated there to c. 5400/4800 BC (Harmata 1987; 1995a: 34-35; 1995b: 237; 2008). They include a single pollen grain of Carduus-t., Plantago maior, Cichorioideae, Ranunculaceae, Rubiaceae, growth of curves of Chenopodiaceae and Poaceae, and the first seeds of Humulus/Cannabis. During the analysis of macroremains, fruits of Rubus idaeus and Sambucus nigra were identified. All these indicators suggest the appearance of slightly more open areas, logging areas and pasturing/grazing activities. On the other hand, the level of AP remains high through the whole period, so such areas and activities did not significantly disturb the local primeval forests. The next phase is dated to the second half of the 5th millennium BC. This phase does not differ much from the previous one, that is to say the indicators for clearings, logging, or perhaps even animal husbandry and agriculture were identified. The increase of Artemisia, Chenopodiaceae, Poaceae can be noticed in these spectra, as well as single pollen grains of Plantago maior, Sambucus nigra t., Apiaceae, Brassicaceae, Ranunculaceae and Rubiaceae. There are also meadow taxa like Filipendula, Rumex acetosa t. and Thalictrum. Macroscopic analysis again showed a large accumulation of seeds of Rubus idaeus. This

Figure 5. Simplified version of the pollen profile at the site of Tarnowiec (acc. to Harmata 1995b); two first phases of human activity (I and II) were highlighted by grey belts; explanation of acronyms: LPC – Linear Pottery culture, L-PC – Lengyel-Polgár complex, FBC – Funnel Beaker culture, CWC – Corded Ware culture, LC – Lusatian culture, R – Roman period. 123

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Figure 6. The modified version of the pollen profile at the site of Tarnowiec (acc. to Harmata 2008); acronyms of archaeological units as in Fig. 5.

time a slight decrease in the AP index is visible in the first part of the phase, which comprise i.a. declines in Quercus, Tilia and Ulmus. According to K. Harmata (1995b: 238; 2008: 380) the latter signs should also be connected with human activity. Spectra which contain traces similar to the above-mentioned ones, but which are dated surprisingly early, to pre-Neolithic times, constitute a separate problem. The profiles from Regetovka (Wacnik 1995; 1999), Puścizna Rękowiańska (Obidowcz 1990: 206-207) and Pcim-Sucha (Margielewski et al. 2010b) should be quoted in this context (Figure 3). In Regetovka (Wacnik 1995), the first traces of human activity were recorded beneath a level that produced the date of 6720±80 BP (5740-5490 BC for 2sigma) These traces include Plantago lanceolata, followed by the decline of Ulmus and, as emphasised by A. Wacnik, the rising curve of plants typical of open areas, such as Anthemis t., Artemisia, Ranunculus, Rumex acetosa t., Graminae and Umbeliferae. There also were charcoal fragments recorded in the level of 790-730 cm, the increase of Populus and the appearance of spores of Pteridium aquilinum. The quoted author did not pay particular attention to the fact that the date, beneath which such a set of anthropogenic indicators was recorded, 124

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precedes the beginnings of the Neolithic in the surrounding areas. Even if we take the upper margin of the quite broad calibration range, we would be dealing with the earliest, initial Linear phenomena, hardly to be expected in the Regetovka region. We should either express far-reaching scepticism about the dating, or accept the Mesolithic attribution of these indicators. The latter option is more likely given the even earlier chronological position of similar anthropogenic indicators in Pcim-Sucha and Puścizna Rękowiańska, dated to c. 7000 BC and c. 6500 BC, respectively. These datings seem to be quite certain (Margielewski et al. 2010b; Obidowcz 1990: 206-207). However, as the Carpathian Mesolithic is very poorly investigated (e.g. Valde-Nowak 2010b), the issue must for the time being remain open. Irrespective of the above, it needs to be clearly stated that the vast majority of pollen profiles containing spectra from the 6th and 5th millennia BC, situated both within and at the margins of the Carpathians, produced no indicators of human presence and activity. Period c. 4000-2800 BC In the fourth millennium BC (Figure 7), to the north of the main ridge of the Carpathians we observe a fairly strong mixing and coexistence of different cultural traditions. Until c. 3700/3600 BC LengyelPolgár communities still existed on loess enclaves, which means that contacts and relationships across the Western Carpathians continued to operate, particularly along the axis: the upper Tisza region (the Bodrogkeresztúr and Hunyadihalom cultures) – western Lesser Poland (the Wyciąże-Złotniki group and possibly the Lublin-Volhynia culture). However, there is no direct archaeological confirmation of this relation from the Carpathians. The fourth millennium is first and foremost a period which witnessed the spectacular spread of a new cultural tradition, namely the Funnel Beaker culture (TRB). The earliest sites of this culture in Lesser Poland should be dated to c. 3900/3800 BC. Later, from the 37/36 centuries BC onwards, this archaeological unit grew enormously in all parts of Lesser Poland and eliminated the last Lengyel-Polgár traditions. The Funnel Beaker culture is ecologically universal. Hence, its presence is visible in the Western Carpathians as well. It seems that its settlement found particularly good conditions in eastern sections of the Polish Carpathians. At least a few hundred sites have been recorded there, representing different functional types, including stable settlements and possibly raw-material extraction points (Pelisiak 2005; 2014; Zych 2008). The western part of the area under consideration appears to have been used by the TRB communities more modestly, although this view may be the effect of the state of investigations (e.g. Fraś 2001; Foltyn and Foltyn 2001; Foltyn et al. 1991; Okoński 1998). TRB is an entity different from earlier Neolithic traditions. In the first half of the 4th millennium BC it shows no intensive relationships with contemporary middle Eneolithic cultures of the Carpathian Basin, although single indicators of some contacts are known, for example funnel-shaped vessels from Bodrogkeresztúr culture (Patay 1975). In the second half of that millennium and in the early 3rd millennium BC, very intensive influences of the Baden culture are recognizable north of the Carpathians. The reception of the Baden patterns by the TRB communities was widespread and enthusiastic. This applies particularly to Little Poland. Undoubtedly, this process had to be carried out on routes running through the Western Carpathians. What is more, at the close of the fourth millennium BC, an enclave of the Baden culture proper was formed in the Kraków region (Zastawny 2008; 2015). Its genesis is quite commonly considered in terms of migration, again through the Carpathians. The strong, mutual connections and interactions between this enclave and other Baden enclaves in central and eastern Slovakia have been recently emphasized (Nowak, Zastawny 2015: passim). Such connections and interactions also had to be maintained through the Carpathian routes. *** 125

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Figure 7. Period c. 4000-2800 BC in the Western Carpathians and its surroundings 1 – the Funnel Beaker culture; 2 – the Baden culture; 3 – the Furchenstich complex; 4 – the Bodrogkeresztúr and Hunyadihalom cultures; 5 – the late Lengyel-Polgár complex; 6 – pollen profiles with traces of human activity (nos as in Fig 2); 7 – pollen profiles with insignificant traces of human activity (nos as in Fig 2). 126

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The palynological reflection of these archaeological phenomena and processes is varied and – at the same time – partly controversial. In the period under discussion the beginnings of the transformation of vegetation towards a flora typical of the Subboreal period are visible. This includes i.a. the almost simultaneous growth of beech and hornbeam (advancing from the east – Granoszewski and Nalepka 2013; Madeja et al. 2013) as well as fir (advancing from the west – Obidowicz and Nalepka 2013a) and the decrease or fluctuations in the value of elm (Kołaczek and Nalepka 2013), lime (Wacnik et al. 2013), oak and hazel (Obidowicz and Nalepka 2013b). For many authors, this is also a reflection of human activity (e.g. Madeja et al. 2013: 89; Obidowicz and Nalepka 2013a: 41), although such views are not commonly accepted. This notwithstanding, it is possible to indicate a certain number of profiles (Figure 7) in which the indicators of the same kind as before are present. These are herbaceous plants like: Artemisia, Plantago lanceolata, Rumex acetosa, Urtica urens, Apiaceae, Asteraceae, Chenopodiace, Poaceae and Ranunculaceae. They are often regarded as indicators of pasturing and grazing, but also as ruderal and segetal weeds. Their decreases and fluctuations could reflect local openings of forest cover. As mentioned above, the decreasing or fluctuating values of elm, lime and oak are sometimes also regarded as reflecting forest clearances. Certainly, the occurrence of the first pollen grains of Cerealia is of the utmost importance. Furthermore, the regular occurrence of bracken spores (Cergowa, Szymbark, Regetovka) and charcoals (Regetovka) as well as signs of secondary succession, in the form of short growths of the curves of birch, aspen, poplar and perhaps willow or even hazel should also be highlighted (Regetovka, Tarnowiec, Szymbark). There are also profiles where traces of the described type occur in ‘mild’ version, limited usually to Cerealia, charcoals and Pteridium. The spectra from a depth of 1250-1075 mm in the profile of Tarnowiec (Figures 5, 6) are perhaps again the best example of the described transformations (Harmata 1987; 1995a: 34-35; 1995b: 237; 2008). The data from this profile are of particular importance, because Funnel Beaker occupation is well documented in its immediate vicinity (Gancarski et al. 1990; 2008). Starting from the 2nd quarter of the 4th millennium BC, single cereal grains appear, as well as Scleranthus, typical for fallows. The identified plants growing within clearings or at the forest margins include Rubus cf., Sambucus ebulus and Solanum dulcamara, while meadow plants are represented by Filipendula, Gentiana pneumonthane t., Hypericum perforatum t., Ranunculus flammula t., Silene vulgaris t., Thalictrum and Trifolium. In the second half of the 4th millennium BC and in the very beginnings of the 3rd millennium BC one can notice the increased frequency of Artemisia, Betula, Quercus and Chenopodiaceae. Grains of pollen of Juniperus, Populus, Salix and Sambucus nigra t. are also present, along with modest number of Cerealia t., Secale cereale and Urtica urens, while in a slightly earlier period a small increase in the number of charcoals can be seen. Macroscopic analysis once again revealed the presence of the seeds of Rubus idaeus. It should be clearly emphasized that in Tarnowiec there is no decrease in the AP index, and a similar situation can be observed in other profiles belonging to the discussed group (Figure 7). Similar data was acquired from landslide peat bogs in the Carpathians. Of particular importance are those obtained in Mt. Kamiennik (Figure 8), where a small fragment of a bow made of yew wood was discovered in a section of the profile containing aforementioned indicators. This section, as well as the fragment of bow itself, were dated to the 4th millennium BC and thus attributed to TRB (Margielewski et al. 2010a). The cited authors say that ‘palaeoenvironmental changes identified in the peat horizon bearing the artefact were marked by the delivery of minerogenic, ‘high energy’ deposits (with charcoal) to the peat bog, as well as distinct changes of plant communities. These phenomena confirm a significant human impact caused by the Prehistoric man on landslide areas. On the other hand, the study confirms the significant importance of climatic conditions for human activity and proves that landslide peat bog deposits are very sensitive records of palaeoenvironmental changes’ (Margielewski et al. 2010a: 141). 127

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Figure 8. The peat bog sequence at Kamiennik (acc. to Margielewski et al. 2010a) 1 – the pollen diagram; 2 – lithostratigraphic sequence, based on three selected logs with loss on ignition curves; the position of bow is signed on log 3; explanation of symbols: 1 – organic sediments (with types of peat), 2 – mineral sediments, 3 – tree trunk.

As can be seen in the quoted fragment, these authors seem to link anthropogenic and climatic factors. Correlation of the landslides and moisture level and increased fluvial activity are highlighted in other west Carpathian studies (e.g. Pánek et al. 2012). The mentioned profiles from landslide peat bogs do not show any long-lasting changes in the AP level, until the Sub-Atlantic period. A ‘botanical’ manifestation of human activity is thought to be the appearance, in the 4th millennium BC, of the pollens of plants often associated with man, such as for example Artemisia, Rumex, Urtica, or Chenopodiaceae, but which can also occur ‘independently’, with no anthropogenic background. Of course, the pollens of cereals are much more reliable in this context. 128

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Figure 9. The pollen profile at Jesionowa (acc. to Margielewski et al. 2011); the section of the profile where pollen of Cerealia were identified was highlighted by gray belt 1 – AP index in the period of the Corded Ware culture.

They were identified, although in small numbers, in two profiles (Jesionowa – Figure 9, Mirkowo), in the sections dated to the 4th millennium BC (Margielewski et al. 2011: 147). It is worth noticing that these profiles yielded only small amounts of charcoal dust. Period c. 2800-2300 BC The period from c. 2800 to 2300/2200 BC (Figure 10) is characterized on the north side of the Carpathians by a total domination of the Corded Ware cultural complex (CWC). Its most evident and spectacular relics are hundreds of barrows, usually discovered in exposed places such as hilltops and upper parts of ridges. They have been recorded first of all in the eastern part of the area discussed here (to the east of the Dunajec) (Jarosz 2011; 2012; Machnik 2001). Apart from the barrows, other materials attributed to CWC are mostly stray finds of axes and battle axes (Valde-Nowak 1988). In the Carpathian Foothills, in the Kraków region, several sites interpreted as settlements were also discovered (Jarosz et al. 2010). This cultural complex is also present south of the main Carpathian ridge, but only in the eastern Slovakia. Apart from that, cultures of the Late Eneolithic and the Early Bronze Age developed there in that time. In the pottery of the Kraków-Sandomierz group of CWC there are relatively abundant similarities to ‘postBaden’ and Early Bronze units of the middle Danube basin, particularly to the Jevišovice and Makó-KosihýČaka cultures as well as to the Moravian CWC (Włodarczak 2010: 207-208). The quoted author highlights, i.a.: i) similarities in shapes of amphorae, beakers and jugs, ii) southern provenience of the vessels of Książnice Wielkie type, iii) occurring of roughening similar to textile imprints and of deep smearing of vessel surfaces, iv) polishing of vessel surfaces, v) decoration imprinted by thin cord (Włodarczak 2010: 208-210). Although latitudinal contacts were the most important for crystallization and spread of the Kraków-Sandomierz group of CWC, connections with the South are much more evident there than in other CWC groups (Włodarczak 2010: 211). Most probably, these connections were maintained via the route running through the Moravian Gate. Using other ways running throughout the Western 129

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Figure 10. Period c. 2800-2300/2200 BC in the Western Carpathians and its surroundings 1 – the Corded Ware culture; 2 – the Makó-Kosihý-Čaka culture; 3 – the Nyirség culture; 4 – pollen profiles with traces of human activity (nos as in Fig 2); 5 – pollen profiles with insignificant traces of human activity (nos as in Fig 2).

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Carpathians cannot be excluded, however the occurrence of material indicators of the ‘southern’ units in CWC sites, i.e. mostly in barrows, in the Polish Western Carpathians is generally small. In practice, it is limited to some similarities in rules of the burial rites (Gancarski and Valde-Nowak 2011; Włodarczak 2010: 212). *** The palynological reflection of human activity in this period can be observed in several profiles, especially in the eastern part of our area (Figure 10). They consist again of local, insignificant increases in open areas plants, like Artemisia, Astragalus t., Carduus t., Plantago media, Rumex acetosa/acetosella, Sedum, Spergularia t., Chenopodiaceae, Cichoriaceae and Poaceae, but also of the increased occurrence of cereals and related crop weeds, like Centaurea cyanus. There also are plants which are considered to be indicators of herding, like Plantago lanceolata, Potentilla t., Rumex acetosa and Ranunculaceae. Charcoals and Pteridium aquilinum complement the picture. Once again we can use the example of Tarnowiec (Figures 5, 6) (Harmata 1995a: 34-35), where a gap in the accumulation in the form of a layer of clay can be seen around 2800 BC. It is interpreted as a result of a flood and the very large introduction of clay components from the slopes. Above it, the accumulated deposit changes its nature – the accumulation is much more rapid and the deposit contains a large number of direct and indirect indicators of human activity. Among the plants whose values increase one can mention Artemisia, Asteroideae, Cichorioideae and Poaceae. Charcoal and Pteridium aquilinum also occur. Cultivated plants are represented by Cerealia t. and Cannabis sativa t., while crop and ruderal weeds by Carduus t., Centaurea cyanus, Plantago lanceolata and Plantago media. Macroscopical examination resulted in the identification of the seeds of Rubus idaeus and water plants. In light of the pattern of CWC sites distribution discussed above it is very telling that the phases of anthropogenic activity identified based on landslide peat-bogs from the western part of the Western Carpathians (mentioned in the previous chapter) can generally be referred to the 4th millennium BC.

Figure 11. The pollen profile at Krasne (acc. to Kołaczek 2007) 1 – peat, strongly decomposed; 2 – peat, slightly decomposed; 3 – silt, 4 – calcareous sinter; 5 – AP index in the period of the Corded Ware culture. 131

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Next anthropogenic phases date no earlier than to Sub-Atlantic (Margielewski et al. 2010b: 19-20; 2011: 148). The limitation of anthropogenic indicators mainly to the eastern zone of the area under consideration does not correlate, however, with tree pollen variability. The opinions that this factor should be linked to human activities have been expressed particularly often in the case of the third millennium BC, when aforementioned changes were much more advanced (e.g. Madeja et al. 2013; Obidowicz and Nalepka 2013a). However, this issue notwithstanding, except for local fluctuations no major declines in the value of the AP index can be definitely indicated (Figures 5, 6, 8, 9, 11) (e.g. Kołaczek 2007; Margielewski et al. 2011). The above observation deserves particular emphasis, as it has often been claimed in archaeological literature (see Gancarski et al. 1990; Valde-Nowak 2001; 2010a) that CWC barrows must have been erected in an open landscape, as only in such a landscape they would be sufficiently well visible to serve as monumental and tangible symbols of links with the ancestors, and at the same time signs of the rights to a given territory. We touch here on a long discussed issue of deforestation of the Carpathians in the ‘Funnel Beaker’ and ‘Corded’ periods (Valde-Nowak 2001: 95). One way or another, the data quoted above convincingly demonstrates that there are absolutely no grounds to speak of any general deforestation in the Western Carpathians in the period of these cultures. Conclusions The presented data argues in favour of the following general conclusions which relate to the entire Neolithic. 1) The palynological data does not suggest a radical deforestation in the Neolithic period in the Western Carpathians. However, in a number of profiles, the presence of numerous human indicators was recorded. They occur with varying – but generally low – intensity. They have a discontinuous nature, which mirrors the short duration of the use of a given area. They reflect the local appearance of an open forest communities and / or small patches without forest cover. This, by the way, need not disagree with the lack of major increases in the NAP index. It is believed that the high level of AP needs not always necessarily reflect a dense, shady forest (e.g. Groenman-van Waateringe 1993;2 Obidowicz 2013: 28-293). 2) Anthropogenic indicators only reflect human behaviours of an insignificant intensity and spatial extent, associated with animal (forest) husbandry and – in the second place – cultivation. Consequently, on this basis, the great importance of such activities as hunting or participation in the transcarpathian communication is highly probable. The mentioned indicators reflect the development of small clearings in forest cover, which, however, were relatively quickly abandoned, leading to the regeneration of the forest. 3) Changes of species composition within forest cover, which are most apparent in the 3rd millennium BC, should not be regarded as the evidence of human activity. Such activity would have to be extremely intense and far-reaching to cause such changes. What is more, such changes are also visible in other areas of Europe. From a chronological perspective, the transformations in the Carpathians are a logical element, fitting well the pattern noticeable over larger area, encompassing generally the entire eastern part of the Central Europe (e.g. Ralska-Jasiewiczowa et al. 2004). Should all of them therefore be considered as an echo of human action? It seems improbable. They should be recognized as connected with climate changes taking place during the Subboreal period. The only exception are pioneer species (Betula, Populus, Salix), reflecting the regeneration of the above-mentioned, small, deforested area. ‘High values of AP in fact derive from intensively grazed woods or pastures neighbouring upon close woodlands.’ E.g. the NAP indicators for Babia Góra are the same for dwarf pine belt and forest belt (upper montane), ergo they need not point to the dense forest cover. 2 3

132

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*** As regards the more specific conclusions referring to the basic chronological phases, the following ones should be put forward. 4) From mid-6th to the turn of the 5th and 4th millennia BC, the Western Carpathians were cut by routes used for maintaining intensive contacts within the Danubian Neolithic societies, and spotted with several settlement enclaves. No activity was performed away from these routes and enclaves. Most probably, this is related to the enclave-like settlement system of the Danubian communities, which was strongly focused on spatially limited micro- and mesoregions, characterized by favourable ecological conditions, while the remaining areas were virtually unexploited. 5) An increase in the intensity of use of the Western Carpathians occurs in the next period, i.e. c. 40002800 BC. A local and discontinuous use of the Western Carpathian environment is visible in some pollen diagrams. In conjunction with the relatively numerous archaeological remains, including permanent settlements, this suggests that a kind of autonomous branch of the TRB (and of the Baden/Badenized traditions?) functioned in the Western Carpathians, distinguished by specific subsistence (and social?) patterns. This branch was oriented towards forest herding, hunting and local cultivation. Of course, it remained within the general system of information exchange, known as the South-Eastern Group of TRB. Simultaneously, the data quoted above suggests that there are absolutely no grounds to speak of any large-scale deforestation in the Western Carpathians in the period of this culture development. On the other hand, the Carpathians were no longer the area of intensive inter-cultural contact in that period, and from this perspective can rather be regarded as a barrier separating two distinct cultural traditions. If there was no large-scale deforestation, it is difficult to assume that the already mentioned landslide processes in the western part of the investigated area (Margielewski 2006; Margielewski et al. 2010a; 2010b; 2011) were triggered by anthropogenic factors. This is especially important as the quoted authors seem very keen to associate the phase of anthropogenic activity from the 4th millennium BC with crisis-like situations within the ‘loess’ branch of TRB in Lesser Poland. In their opinion ‘significant intensification of agriculture, including burnout farming system, applied by the Funnel Beaker Culture and combined with advanced breeding, brought about specific ecological and economic crisis spread over the densely populated fertile loess uplands of Małopolska region […]. This phenomenon forced the migration of Neolithic settlements, which spread also in the Carpathians, that were earlier scarcely populated. The Raba and Skawa river valleys were the natural ways of the migration towards the central part of the Carpathians […]’ (Margielewski 2010a: 149; see also Margielewski et al. 2011: 150-151). Regardless of whether any crisis situations can be noticed within the South-Eastern Group of TRB (in fact there are no grounds for such a scenario), a crisis and the mass migration it causes would result in greater intensification of traces of TRB presence, not only botanical but first of all archaeological ones. This conclusion can be changed only with the improved state of research and a possible growth of the number of TRB sites known from the area. 6) In the third millennium BC (c. 2800-2300 BC to be precise) communities of shepherds, hunters and farmers, archaeologically known as the CWC, continued to function in the forest environment. Although it may seem a bit strange, CWC communities built their barrows in a forest environment, i.e. in practice, in forest clearings on the top areas of Carpathian prominences. This scenario applies first of all to the eastern part of the analysed area. The question of presence and forms of activity of these communities in the western part remains unclear. References Balon, J., German, K., Kozak, J., Malara, H., Widacki, W. and Ziaja, W. 1995. Regiony fizycznogeograficzne. In J. Warszyńska (ed.), Karpaty Polskie: 117-130. Kraków, Uniwersytet Jagielloński. 133

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Starkel, L. 2001. Landscapes of the Lower Beskid Mountains and of their northern foreland between the Wisłok and Wisłoka Rivers. In J. Machnik (ed.), Archaeology and Natural Background of the Lower Beskid Mountains: 137-143. Prace Komisji Prehistorii Karpat PAU 2. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Starkel, L., Czopek, S., Madeja, J., Budek, A. and Harmata, K. 2002. Ewolucja środowiska a osadnictwo prahistoryczne na przedpolu brzegu Karpat w rejonie Sędziszowa i Rzeszowa. Materiały i Sprawozdania Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego 23: 5-32. Valde-Nowak, P. 1988. Etapy i strefy zasiedlenia Karpat polskich w neolicie i na początku epoki brązu. Wrocław, Ossolineum. Valde-Nowak, P. 1998. Badania osady neolitycznej w Łoniowej (Pogórze Wisnickie). Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 34: 195-206. Valde-Nowak, P. 2001. Etapy i strefy w badaniach nad neolitem w polskich Karpatach. In J. Gancarski (ed.), Neolit i początki epoki brązu w Karpatach polskich. Materiały z sesji naukowej Krosno, 14-15 grudnia 2000 r.: 89106. Krosno: Muzeum Podkarpackie w Krośnie. Valde-Nowak, P. 2009. Early farming adaptations in the Wiśnicz Foothills in the Carpathians. Settlements at Łoniowa and Żerków. Recherches Archéologiques Nouvelle Serie 1: 15-36. Valde-Nowak, P. 2010a. Karpacki tranzyt a interior w epoce kamienia. In J. Gancarski (ed.), Transkarpackie kontakty kulturowe w epoce kamienia, brązu i wczesnej epoki żelaza: 53-60. Krosno, Muzeum Podkarpackie w Krośnie. Valde-Nowak, P. 2010b. The Mesolithic in the northernmost periphery of the Carpathian Basin. In J. K. Kozłowski and P. Raczky (eds.), Neolithisation of the Carpathian Basin: Northernmost Distribution of the Starčevo/Körös Culture: 7-22. Kraków-Budapest, Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences and Institute of Archaeological Sciences of the Eötvös Loránd University. Wacnik, A. 1995. The vegetational history of local flora and evidences of human activities recorded in the pollen diagram from site Regetovka, NE Slovakia. Acta Palaeobotanica 35: 253-274. Wacnik, A. 1999. Antropogeniczne przekształcenia lokalnej szaty roślinnej w okolicy Regetovki (północnowschodnia Słowacja) w świetle analizy pyłkowej. In K. Wasylikowa (ed.), Rośliny w dawnej gospodarce człowieka. Warsztaty archeobotaniczne ‘97: 127-138. Polish Botanical Studies. Guidebook series 23. Kraków, W. Szafer Institute of Botany, Polish Academy of Sciences. Wacnik, A., Madeja, J., and Nalepka, D. 2013. In A. Obidowcz, E. Madejska and Ch. Turner (eds.), Postglacial History of Vegetation in the Polish Part of the Western Carpathians Based on Isopollen Maps: 141-150. Kraków, W. Szafer Institute of Botany, Polish Academy of Sciences. Włodarczak, P. 2010. Uwagi o kontaktach transkarpackich w perspektywie genezy kultury ceramiki sznurowej. In J. Gancarski (ed.), Transkarpackie kontakty kulturowe w epoce kamienia, brązu i wczesnej epoki żelaza: 205-224. Krosno, Muzeum Podkarpackie w Krośnie. Zastawny, A. 2008. The Baden and the Funnel Beaker-Baden Settlement in Lesser Poland. In M. Furholt, M. Szmyt, A. Zastawny (eds.), The Baden Complex and the Outside World. Proceedings of the 12th Annual Meeting of the EAA in Cracow 19-24th September 2006: 177-188. Studien zur Archäologie in Ostmitteleuropa 4. Bonn, Rudolf Habelt. Zastawny, A. 2015. The Baden complex in Lesser Poland – horizons of cultural influences, In M. Nowak and A. Zastawny (eds.), The Baden Culture Around the Western Carpathians: 119-150. Via Archaeologica: Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce. Kraków, Krakowski Zespół do Badań Autostrad. Zych, R. 2008. Kultura pucharów lejkowatych w Polsce południowo-wschodniej. Rzeszów, Fundacja Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego and Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego.

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The settlement of the Corded Ware Culture and early phases of the Mierzanowice culture in the Carpathian Mountains Paweł Jarosz Abstract The article discusses the settlement of the Corded Ware culture (CWC) and of the proto- and early Mierzanowice culture (MC) phases in the Carpathians in the 3rd millennium BC. This period should be synchronized with the turn of the Meso- and Neoholocene (2900 BC) characterized by a distinct cooling and rise in humidity, which was later followed by a gradual decline in humidity and temperature, lasting until 1750 BC. The CWC settlement (both burial and settlement/encampment sites) on the northern side of the mountains reaches from the Wieliczka Foothills in the west to the Dynów Foothills in the east. South of the Carpathians, CWC sites occur individually on the Ondavská Upland and in the area between the Ondava and Topla rivers. Graves are also known from the lower parts of the Čergov Mts. and in the low parts of the Vihorlat-Gutin Range. The presence of the population belonging to the proto- and early Mierzanowice culture in the Carpathians constitutes the direct continuation of CWC settlement. Finds of this culture are very few and limited to graves dug into older mounds in the Wieliczka and Dynów Foothills. No settlements dating to this period have been discovered so far; the closest are the ones on the northern foreland of the Carpathians, on the right side of the Vistula. The early phases of the Mierzanowice culture also show continuity of cultural traditions, manifested primarily in the burial rituals adopted. In this respect, burial mounds had a significant role as the last resting places of ancestors. Key words Corded Ware culture, Mierzanowice culture, settlements, Carpathian Mountains, Late Neolithic, Early Bronze Age

The settlement of the Corded Ware culture (CWC) and the proto- and early Mierzanowice culture (MC) in the Carpathians in the basins of the Vistula and Tisza encompasses the decline of the Neolithic and the dawn of Early Bronze Age, i.e. almost the entire period of the 3rd millennium BC. To discuss the settlement of the above mentioned cultures in this region we need to focus on such burial and settlement sites that bring some data about the chronology and funerary practices of these cultures (Figure 1). On the other hand, stray finds, mainly lithic artefacts and sometimes potsherds, provide some information about the extent of the penetration of the mountainous environment by the population of both cultures. Based on radiocarbon dates, the development of the CWC, and later of the initial MC phases in the Carpathians can be roughly dated to the years 2880/2800-2000 BC (Górski et al. 2013; Jarosz 2011; Kadrow and Machnik 1997; Włodarczak 2008). The beginning of that period should be synchronized with the turn of the Meso- and Neoholocene (4850 BP or 2900 BC), which according to the chrono-climatostratigraphic data based on the analysis of various facies of sediments on the territory of Poland was characterized by climate changes. Based on the characteristics of the probability density function curves constructed for different type of sediments from Polish territory, a distinct cooling and rise in humidity at that time can be observed, which was later followed by a gradual decline in humidity and temperature, lasting until 3700 BP (1750 BC; Starkel et al. 2013: fig 2, table 1). The data obtained from the analysis of sediments on the territory of Poland can be correlated with the data about the fluctuations of lake water levels and changes in the ranges of Alpine glaciers, for which a brief but well-marked rise in the lake level at around 4850-4800 BP (2900-2850 BC) and 4150-3950 BP (2200-2000 BC; Magny 2004: 74-76, fig. 3, 4) has been observed. The first of the two ranges can be related to the beginnings of the CWC, while the second – to the duration of the early MC phase (Górski et al. 2013; Kadrow and Machnik 1997). Archaeobotanical studies, recreating the paleo-environment, also allow us to observe changes in the ecosystems during the development of the CWC and early MC phases. According to palynological analysis, in the years 5029-3282 BP (3089-1332 BC), there were changes in the species composition of plant communities, which can be correlated with cycles of climate swings as well as with human activity caused by extensive agriculture (Parczewski et al. 2012: 13). 139

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Figure 1. Sites of the Corded Ware Culture and early phases of Mierzanowice culture in the Carpathian Mountains: a – sites of the CWC, b – sites of the MC 1 – Wieliczka, site Kozi Rożek; 2 – Jawczyce, site 1; 3 – Dobczyce, site 1; 4 – Czchów; 5 – Niedźwiada, site 38; 6 – Zagórzyce; 7 – Rożnowice; 8 – Bierówka, site 1; 9 – Krajowice, site 5; 10 – Niepla, site 14; 11 – Przybówka, site 1; 12 – Krosno-Korczyna, site 16; 13 – Cergowa, site 3; 14 – Siedliska; 15 – Tarnawka, site 1; 16 – Dylągówka, site 19; 17 – Hucisko Nienadowskie, site 2; 18 – Skopów, site 15; 19 – Wola Węgierska, site 3; 20 – Średnia, site 3; 21 – Średnia, site 4; 22 – Średnia, site 11; 23 – Malý Šariš; 24 – Drienov; 25 – Velký Šariš; 26 – Mokroluh; 27 – Bardejov-Klušov; 28 – Buclovany; 29 – Hankovce; 30 – Komárov; 31 – Kožany; 32 – Kurima; 33 – Šapinec; 34 – Radoma; 35 – Kučin; 36 – Marhaň; 37 – Giraltovce; 38 – Lesně; 39 – Brekov-Topolovka; 40 – Brestov; 41 – Brestov–Dielna; 42 – Lubisa–Merava; 43 – Košarovce; 44 – Makarove; 45 – Małaja Gora; 1-3 – Wieliczka county; 4 – Brzesko county, 5, 6 – Ropczyce-Sędziszów county; 7 – Gorlice county, 8-11 – Jasło county; 12, 13 – Krosno county; 14, 16 – Rzeszów county; 15 – Łańcut county; 17, 18, 20-22 – Przemyśl county; 19 – Jarosław county; 23-25 – Prešov district; 26-37 – Bardejov district; 38 – Michalovce district; 39-43 – Humenne district; 44, 45 – Mukačeve district.

The basis for the analysis were pollen profiles from the area of the Carpathians and their foreland (Harmata 2008; Pelisiak 2013, 227, fig. 2; Wacnik et al. 2001) encompassing the levels dated by means of the radiocarbon method to the 3rd millennium BC. At the level dated to the period between 4820±70 and 140

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4080±90 BP from Cergowa Góra (Szczepanek 2001: 178), there occur single grains of rye pollen (Secale sp.) and plantain (Plantago lanceolata), confirming cereal cultivation and animal husbandry in the areas near the wetlands. This is a wide interval, mostly connected with the development of the Funnel Beaker culture (FBC), and only the upper part of the range of this pollen level can be synchronized with the beginnings of the CWC (around 2880/2800 BC). On the next level of the pollen diagram from Cergowa Góra, whose lower level can be synchronized with the development of the CWC, and subsequently – with the MC, there are observable fluctuations in the share of synanthropic plants and trees that indicate periods of increased human activity (Szczepanek 2001: 179). Human indicators are grasses (Gramineae), ribwort plantain (Plantago laceolata), mugwort (Artemisia), Chenopodiaceae, Apiaceae, Ranunculaceae, Asteraceae, and occasionally there occur grains of rye pollen (Secale sp.). Anthropogenic changes are particularly evident from 4020±80 BP (2780-2336 BC – with 85.1% probability). In the pollen profile of the wetland in Tarnowiec, the transformation of plant communities (4240±90 BP) must be connected with the late phase of the FBC or early CWC, and it is manifested by a decrease in the percentage of the frequency of the linden (Tilia), elm (Umus) and maple (Acer) as well as the pine (Pinus silvestris), and an increase in the share of herbaceous plants (Harmata 2008: 380-381, fig. 1). The role of the natural and anthropogenic factors in the changes in ecosystems is problematic (Kadrow 2010, 66). If we compare the archaeological and palynological sources from Cergowa, we will see the connection between the environmental changes at the local level and climate changes at the global level, but no connection with the impact of human economic activity (Szczepanek 2001). Such a conclusion was formulated while comparing the intensity of traces of late Neolithic settlement, measured by the presence of archaeological finds (Budziszewski and Skowronek 2001: 161, fig. 13), with the occurrence of anthropogenic indicators in the pollen profile. However, this might be questioned due to frequent difficulties in synchronizing phenomena described by representatives of various scientific disciplines. Kalicki (2006: 300-302) suggests that anthropogenic changes only increased the force of the reaction on the part of the environment, but they did not condition this reaction. In effect, climate swings and extensive land cultivation of the FBC population caused significant deforestation in the area. As a result, large open areas were ‘made available’ to mobile human groups, among which there were also CWC and early MC groups (Kruk and Milisauskas 1999). The current state of research in the Carpathians, in the upper basin of the Vistula and Tisza shows that CWC settlement (both burial and settlement/encampment sites), on the northern side of the mountains, reaches from the Wieliczka Foothills in the west to the foothills of the Dynów Foothills in the east (Figure 1). Particularly distinct is a cluster of mounds located in the southern part of the Strzyżów Foothills (8-11), and another one – in the Dynów Foothills (16-22). In other areas of the northern slopes of the Carpathians, there are only single sites. South of the Carpathians, CWC sites occur individually on the Ondavá Upland (26-37, 39-43). There is a distinct group of sites whose range in its northern part reaches the area between the Ondava and Topľa rivers (26-37), and in its southern part – the border of the Košice Basin (38-42). Graves are also known from the lower parts of the Čergov Mountains (23-25). The furthest south, in the south-eastern Carpathians, in the low parts of the Vihorlat-Gutin Range, there are some more mounds of the discussed culture (44-45). It is sometimes suggested that the mounds found in the higher parts of this territory, in areas where no clear traces of the CWC settlement have yet been found, for example in the Bieszczady Mts, are also related to CWC population. However, such claims have not found any confirmation during excavations (Parczewski et al. 2012: 18). The presence of the population belonging to the proto- and early MC phases in the Carpathians constitutes a direct continuation of CWC settlement. Finds of this culture are very few and limited to graves dug into older mounds in the Wieliczka and Dynów Foothills (Jawczyce, Średnia; Figure 1). There are also known single sites with a few fragments of settlement materials dated to these phases (Przybówka – Gancarski et al. 2008: 358, fig. 12:2; Mokroluh - Tunia 2008: 106, fig. 52:c). The closets settelments are located on the northern foreland of the Carpathians, on the right side of the Vistula (Jarosz 2015a; 2015b, Jarosz et al. 2016; Kadrow 2013). 141

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From the Carpathians, we know of numerous stray lithic finds (battle axes and axes), which can be related to the CWC and MC settlement. They probably come from destroyed graves or encampments. However, the latter only rarely yield such finds as axes. These materials are unambiguously interpreted as the remains of a CWC population – a CWC group which was grazing its herds here (Valde-Nowak 2001). Single finds connected with the CWC culture are discovered practically within the entire range of the Carpathians, in the Vistula and Tisza basins, for example Łupków, Sanok country, Lesko, Lesko county (Valde-Nowak 1988; Pelisiak 2013: 230, Fig. 4). The nature of these finds, and often the lack of context, might indicate a single random event related to movements of human groups, or even the movements of individuals (cf. Ötzi – Fleckinger 2011). In the Carpathians, we uncover stray finds that must be related to the MC, or more generally – to the early period of the Bronze Age (Pelisiak 2013: 231, fig. 5; 233, fig. 7). Due to the lack of diagnostic elements, it is often impossible to determine their chronology. Among the artefacts that can be more accurately dated is a fragment of a handle decorated with vertical cord imprints from Przybówka in the Strzyżów Foothills (Gancarski et al. 2008: 358, fig. 12:2) and fragment of neck with horizontal imprints from Mokroluh (Tunia 2008: fig. 52:c). Barrows were usually situated on hilltops, in places exposed or dominating over their neighbourhood (Machnik 1966: 57; 2001; Tunia 2008, fig. 1), and often – they comprised a cemetery e.g. graves covered or dug into the mound. The highest located barrow in the Carpathians is barrow 2 in Hankovce, located at an altitude of 525 m a.s.l. (Machnik et al. 2008). As a rule, barrows do not occur at altitudes exceeding 450 m a.s.l. Barrows are spread like chains, at distances ranging from several dozen to several hundred meters from each other. Barrow cemeteries located on the Ondavská Upland in the basin of the Topla and Ondava, stretch along the mountain ridges at shorter and longer intervals over several kilometres (Figure 2). Between Bardejov and Hankovce, there is a stretch of barrows situated along a hilly ridge. Sometimes, barrows are located at a short distance from one another, forming clumps ranging in size from four to six barrows. A string of barrows has also been recorded within Klušov – Kobyly, and Kožany – Šapinec (Tunia 2008, fig. 1). In some places they form clusters, consisting from two to even over a dozen barrows. Within the clusters, as well as in the chains of barrows, barrows might vary with regard to their chronology, and they might date to different phases of the CWC settlement (e.g. the barrows in Średnia and Wola Węgierska). In addition to burial remains, in the Carpathians there are some, but not many, CWC settlement sites of an episodic character. A characteristic feature of such sites is their small ‘mobile’ inventory and a small number of features. From the Ondava Upland in the basin of the Tisa, we know of sites in LubišaMerava (42), Brestov-Dielňa (41) and Hankovce (29), while in the upper Vistula basin settlement materials were found in Czchów (4) – on the most elevated part of the Wiśnicz Foothills, in Niedźwiada (5) in the Strzyżów Foothills, and in Cergowa (13) in the Low Beskids (Figure 1). Single finds of settlement pottery are also known from the mounds in Šapinec (barrows 3 and 5) and in Kučin which were investigated in the second half of the twentieth century (Budinský-Krička 1967), and from Hankovce (barrow 34; Machnik et al. 2008). In the sub-Carpathian zone, CWC settlements are found both on low hills, located in wide river valleys – the Vistula, Raba and Dunajec (e.g. Jarosz et al. 2010; Jarosz 2015a; Włodarczak 2013), but also on the uplands – among barrows (Side – Machnik et al. 1997). The number of these ephemeral sites reflects the state of research on this type of sources, short-term encampments are in fact very difficult to find and excavate, and their cultural classification depends on the occurrence of diagnostic settlement materials. The presence of settlements/encampments in various parts of the uplands shows that the CWC population penetrated all landscape zones (Kadrow 2001: 69, 2008: 245). Such a location of settlements can also be observed in other areas occupied by CWC population (Kruk and Milisauskas 1999: 246). To reconstruct the structure of CWC settlement, we need to determine the location of settlements and burial sites in relation to each other. Some of the settlements/encampments are located – like the barrows – on the ridges of hilltops, sometimes within chains of barrows (for example, Hankovce; Figure 2: a). Such a location indicates that burial areas were used for settlement, while artefacts and settlement features 142

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Figure 2. Dispersion of Corded Ware culture sites in Hankovce (a), Średnia, Przemyśl county and Wola Węgierska, Jarosław county (b) Brestov, Humenne district (c), Cergowa, Krosno county (d) and Lubisa, Humenne district (e) region.

(hearths, kilns) are found under mounds, showing that the construction of a mound was the final activity undertaken at the encampment. This can be exemplified by the discovery of barrow 3 in Hankovce, where a hearth and a kiln-construction were found under the mound (Jarosz et al. 2008). It is difficult to interpret this custom, but it seems that the population of the CWC might have been undertaking such endeavours in order to mark their place in some special situations (for example, before abandoning their territory). Sometimes settlement sites were located several kilometres away from known barrow 143

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cemeteries in places which were not used for building barrows, i.e. on the slopes of hills (Lubiša-Merava; Figure 2: e) and in saddles (Brestov-Dielnia, Cergowa; Figure 2: c, d). Cartographic and statistical analyses of the location of CWC settlement points in the areas near the barrows in Brestov have shown that the excavated sites and the materials found during a surface survey concentrated around a cemetery (ValdeNowak 1995: 57). In the Carpathians, there are also specialist sites where raw flint material was obtained or worked – namely, flint workshops where axes were produced. Such sites were found in Niedźwiada (5), Cergowa (13) and Lubiša-Merava (42). In the case of the workshop from Niedźwiada, imported Świeciechów flint was used; while in the case of Cergowa and Lubiša, local material was used (silica-rich marl and conglomerate rock). On the sites in Hankovce, barrow 3 and Lubiša-Merava, features such as kilns were found (Jarosz et al. 2008: 275-281, fig. 10, 11, photo 7-15; Valde-Nowak 2001: 71, fig. 5). Analogous features are known from south-eastern Poland (see Jarosz 2017: 133, table 1) – e.g.: Łapszów (Włodarczak and Liguzińska-Kruk 1999: 149, 150), and in Wójeczka (Kopacz 1986: 147, fig. 10). On site 10 in Czchów (4), a shallow feature was found, which is interpreted as the remains of a ‘hut-like’ construction (Madej and Valde-Nowak 1997: 10, fig. 6). Both the sizes of the known settlement sites and the character of artefacts found there reflect the way of life of local societies. With the exception of the workshop producing axes, in a majority of cases, the population settled in temporary, short-term encampments, which could be used in the cycles determined by the rhythm of the economy. Despite the presence of the population representing the early phases of the MC in the northern foreland of the Carpathians, where we find permanent, nucleated settlements such as Dobkowice, sites 37 and 39, Zakrzowiec, site 6 (Górski and Jarosz 2015; Jarosz 2015b; Jarosz et al. 2016), in the Carpathians there is no evidence of settlement dated to that period. It is possible that the development of the MC at the end of the 3rd millennium BC took a different course for the mountainous areas, where settlement was unstable, and single artefacts and graves can indicate that groups of the population in question would temporarily stay in the area, possibly to conduct some seasonal activities such as livestock grazing. Based on the analysis of the location of the CWC sites in the Carpathians, and having taken into consideration comparable data from other areas of CWC settlement, we can observe certain patterns. Cemeteries had the role of the centres of settlement micro-regions. Due to their location in exposed places, they served as orientation points during seasonal migrations (Machnik 2004: 138). In the vicinity of necropolises, there were places where people would stay, a fact confirmed by the occurrence of settlement material. Such observations are in accordance with the settlement model proposed by J. Kruk, in which small human groups are mobile within a certain territory. Such societies, living off animal husbandry of a semi-nomadic character, would exploit a limited territory and leave small cemeteries (consisting of several graves) characteristic of the CWC (Kruk and Milisauskas 1999: 257-261). Based on the information about the forms of the economy of the CWC population, archaeologists consider this culture to be ‘the archaeological remnant of pastoral socio-economic formation’ (Kruk and Milisauskas 1999, 250; see also Buchvaldek 1986; Machnik 1998). In particular, it is clearly seen in the older phases in the development of this unit (Damm 1991; Glob 1945, 248). Analysis of the palynological profiles from the Carpathians shows a considerable activity of the CWC population and further transformation of forests towards open, deforested territories. This tendency is confirmed by the presence of photophilus plants in pollen profiles which are typical of meadows and clearings. Exposed places and forests with welldeveloped forest undergrowth provided a source of fodder for farmed animals all year round (Wacnik et al. 2001: 216). Similar forms of farming were probably present in the proto- and early MC phases, though the available sources do not allow us to draw such far reaching conclusions. Just as in the case of the CWC, these graves could be connected with temporary, perhaps seasonal stays of MC groups, which could have been linked to livestock grazing. Their economy, in the early phases of the MC, particularly in the settlement 144

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micro-regions located deep in the elevated areas, was based on cattle and sheep farming (Kadrow 2001: 140). In pastoral and semi-nomadic societies in which kin systems dominate in the social structure, building monumental forms of burial could emphasize the role and status of the buried individuals (Kadrow 2001: 154-155). The leading position of men in these societies is underlined by the male type of burial goods found in graves – they are warrior burials (Kadrow 2001: 165). From what we know of the social structure of modern pastoralists, many of them have a ‘nobility’ or an aristocracy consisting of individuals from a particularly respected clan or tribe, or descendants of honoured chiefs (Moszyński 1996: 54). A similar social model, with a small and privileged group of individuals enjoying particularly high prestige, is characteristic of the pan-European horizon of the CWC (Kempisty 1978: 389; Kadrow 1995: 111). Despite excavations conducted since the 1930s, we do not yet have many movable sources (BudinskýKrička 1967; Jarosz 2011). Very few materials (e.g., in comparison to the territories of the upper Bug and Dniester river basins – c.f. Machnik et al. 2009; Jarosz 2011) and the obtained radiocarbon dates make it possible to ascertain that, in the Carpathians, several developmental phases of the CWC have been recorded. This allows us to synchronise CWC settlement with the accepted chronological divisions created for the neighbouring territories, also occupied by the CWC (Jarosz 2011; Jarosz and Włodarczak 2007; Machnik and Ścibior 1991; Włodarczak 2006). Based on the analysis of radiocarbon datings, it seems that the beginning of the CWC settlement in the Carpathians can be dated to around 2880 BC, which means similarly as in other territories (Jarosz 2011; Włodarczak 2008). Around the middle of the 3rd millennium BC (2676-2470 BC), in the Carpathians we can also observe some influences from the loess-covered territories of Małopolska Upland and Rzeszów Foreland – for example, a flat pit grave from Dobczyce, in which a jug and a small stone axe were found (Buratyński and Kowalski 1981, 135, fig. 1). The form of the jug is related to vessels of the Książnice Wielkie type, which occur at the same period of time in Małopolska (Włodarczak 2006). In the 2nd half of the 3rd millennium BC, in CWC material from the Carpathians, pot-shaped beakers begin to appear, for example in Wola Węgierska (Figure 4: j), which have their analogies in barrows from the Sokal Ridge (Machnik et al. 2009: 141, fig. 111:1; 151, fig. 119:5), and are related to the influences of the Middle Dnieper culture (Machnik 2003: 225, fig. 8). Such vessels are widespread in phase 3 (2450-2250 BC) in the development of single graves culture in Denmark (Hübner 2005: 254-258, 660, taf. 85:6, 192:3, 22:5, app. 1). Vessels from graves 1 and 1a from barrow 2 on site 3 in Średnia (Figure 4: g, h; Machnik 1966: pl. XXIV, 2a; XXVI, 2; Machnik et al. 2009: 72, fig. 52:2, 8) have analogies from the territories north of the Carpathians, such as Sokal Ridge and Roztocze. A beaker from Kučin, barrow 1 (Figure 4: k), has analogies in vessels from Sokal Ridge (Machnik et al. 2009: 106, fig. 78:1) and on Rzeszów Foreland as well. In this period, in the Carpathians there are also influences from the west and south. In the grave in barrow 3 in Kučin a jug was found (Figure 4: l), which had analogies both in the materials from phase IIIa in the CWC development in Bohemia and Moravia (Buchvaldek 1992: 64; Šebela 1991: 7), and also – in the environment of the Nyírség-Zatín group (Bátora 1983: 178; Budinský-Krička 1967: 340). In the CWC environment, an analogous vessel was found in a grave from Praha-Chodov (Buchvaldek et al. 1991: 201, ill. 28). In the CWC materials in the Carpathians, there do not occur any distinct forms with local characteristics, but there are vessels characteristic of the neighbouring territories. The decline of the CWC and the simultaneous development of the MC in the Carpathians can be seen in vessels decorated with stylistic elements characteristic of Early Bronze groups. In particular, this can be seen in the motifs typical of the Proto and Early Mierzanowice culture (Kadrow and Machnik 1997). In the Carpathians, these phases are only related to two graves dug into barrow mounds – one is from barrow 2 in Średnia, site 3 in Dynów Foothills (Figure 3: d), and the other one is from Jawczyce in Wieliczka Foothills (Figure 3: a; Zoll-Adamikowa and Niżnik 1963). Among the burial goods in grave 4 in Średnia, a small undecorated amphora and a cup were found (Figure 4: i), while in the feature in Jawczyce, only a fragment of a copper earring in the shape of a willow leaf was found. The amphora has its analogies in some CWC graves from 145

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Figure 3. Plans of barrow and barrow graves. a – Jawczyce, Wieliczka county; b – Bierówka, Jasło county, barrow B; c – Lesně, Michalovce district, barrow 3; d – Średnia, Przemyśl county, site 3, barrow 2; e – Šapinec, Bardejov, district, barrow 1; f – Lesně, Michalovce district, barrow 1.

Sokal Ridge (Machnik et al. 2009: 141, fig. 111:1). The cup has its analogies in the materials dated to the Proto and Early Mierzanowice phase (Hachulska-Ledwos 1967: 90, table I: 3; Kadrow and Machnik 1997: 18, fig. 3:21; 20, fig. 4:49; Łęczycki 1983: 70, fig. 2:1). Such graves as the ones in which the CWC and MC 146

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artefacts were found are known from Nikisiałka Dłużna on Małopolska Upland (Ścibior and Ścibior 1986) and from Łotatniki (Sulimirski 1968) in the upper Dniester river basin. The occurrence of zoned decoration on the discussed territories is the effect of a more general, central European trend of decorating vessels, encompassing both the late phases of the CWC, the Bell Beaker culture and the Mierzanowice culture. In feature 4 in Średnia no burial goods were found. The discovered sepulchral features of the CWC and those of the initial phases of the MC provide data about burial customs of the population from these cultural units (Figure 4: b-d). CWC population living on the discussed territory throughout the entire period of its development preferred burying its dead under barrows or digging graves into existing mounds. Societies of the MC continued to follow these customs, using older CWC barrows to bury their dead. The population of the CWC and MC would use older barrows and would locate new graves in the mounds of those older barrows. Secondary utilization of older mounds was confirmed in Średnia, site 3, barrow 2 (Figure 3: d; Jarosz 2002) and Lesné, barrow 3 (Figure 3: c; Budinský-Krička 1967: 311, ill. 42). MC graves were also discovered in barrow 2 in Średnia, site 3 and in Jawczyce (Figure 3: a). CWC graves dug into barrows are also discovered in the river basin of the upper Dniester, e.g. in Kulczyce, barrows 5, 6 (Sulimirski 1968: 136-137) and on the territory of Podolia, e.g. in Klimkowce (Jarosz and Machnik 2000: 129, fig. 15). Proto- and early Mierzanowice graves dug into mounds also occur in the Bug river basin, e.g. in Łubcze, site 25, barrow 2, grave 1 (Machnik et al. 2009: 64, fig. 47), and in the Dniester river basin, e.g. in Kulczyce (Sulimirski 1968). The occurrence of graves dug into mounds can be understood in the light of social and ideological changes – it was something that according to Thomas (1987: 423) was meant to “distort the ‘message’ of the older site, and thus support the claims to authority of a new social order”. In the CWC and MC, the dominant form was the inhumation burial; only in the CWC can we observe single instances of cremation (Jarosz 2011). The dead were buried in grave pits, sometimes with visible wooden constructions, or surrounded by stone constructions. Over the pit, often before the proper mound was built, a wooden construction would be built (‘houses of the dead’; Figure 3: a), or small mounds would be made (Jarosz 2011). The body was placed in a contracted position (Figure 3: e), either on the side or in a straight position with the knees positioned to the sides (in a ‘frog-like’ posture; Figure 3: f). Due to the lack of anthropological data, mostly due to the poor preservation of the osseous material, it is difficult to determine the relation between the position of the body and the sex of the dead in those graves which were dug into barrows. Burial goods on the territory under discussion were very ‘scarce’. They were found only in 30% of the graves. Only in the Dynów Foothills (near Średnia and Wola Węgierska), were burial goods found in almost all of the graves. Burial pottery usually consisted of a beaker (Figure 4: a, h, j, k), and in some individual cases – an amphora (Figure 4: g) and a jug (Figure 4: l), which would sometimes be accompanied by flint and stone artefacts (Figure 4: j). Almost half of the sepulchral features contained only one artefact such as an axe (Figure 4: f), a long knife (Figure 4: b, c), a battle axe (Figure 4: d), a beaker or an amphora. In other cases, the number of artefacts usually did not exceed 2 or 3 specimens (Figure 4: d, j). Attention should be drawn to the differences in burial goods on each of the discussed territories. On the northern and southern foreland of the Low Beskids (Ondavská Upland, Strzyżów Foothills) during the entire period of CWC development, the presence of large amounts of pottery scattered inside the mounds or on the primary surface has been recorded (Budinský-Krick 1967; Gancarski and Machnikowie 1986, 1990; Machnik 1998: 19). Graves located under barrows do not contain pottery. The only exception is the cup found in the grave from barrow 1 in Kučin (Figure 4: k), and most probably – one found in Bierówka. A significant number of explored mounds seem to confirm this custom of equipping the dead, which probably should be considered the norm. Artefacts found in mounds could constitute some kind of intentional burial goods (Figure 4: m; Gancarski and Valde-Nowak 2011). Almost all of the CWC graves dug into mounds contained burial goods (Figure 4: e, g, h, l). In burial assemblages, artefacts made of stone or flint co-occurred with pottery. 147

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Figure 4. Grave goods from barrow graves and mounds. a –Średnia, Przemyśl county, site 3, barrow 1, grave; b – Hankovce, Bardejov district, barrow 2, central grave(?); c – Kožany, Bardejov district, barrow 1, central grave(?); d – Bierówka, Jasło county, barrow A, grave 4; e – Bierówka, Jasło county, barrow B, grave 4a; f – Średnia, Przemyśl county, site 3, barrow 1, grave 3; g – Średnia, Przemyśl county, site 3, barrow 1, grave 1; h – Średnia, Przemyśl county, site 3, barrow 1, grave 1a; i – Średnia, Przemyśl county, site 3, barrow 1, grave 2; j – Wola Węgierska, Jarosław county, site 30, grave; k – Kučin, Bardejov district, barrow 1, grave; l – Kučin, Bardejov district , barrow 3, grave; m – Bierówka, Jasło county, barrow B, mound.

The data about the CWC and the early MC phases show continuity of settlement and, most probably, of the population in the Carpathians, encompassing the decline of the Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age. The continuity of cultural traditions is manifested primarily in the burial ritual, in which burial mounds had a significant role – as the burial places of ancestors. Located in exposed places, mounds were probably meant to establish the ‘jurisdiction’ and manifest the right of the local society to a specific area, as well as provide orientation points for sheep and cattle herders, and define the area that could be penetrated and used for livestock grazing (Górski 1996: 207-208; Jarosz 2011). Therefore, locating barrows in places that would make them visible from a long distance shows that, apart from their funerary role, they could also have the additional role as identification points for the group. Barrows, treated as a kind of sacrum, have become in the course of the CWC development desired burial places for chosen members of society, and this burial tradition was maintained by societies of the early phases of the MC. Probably, what contributed to the continuity of burial practices were: similar types of economy in both cultural 148

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units, and similar forms of settlement, and above all – the belief system in which the main role was played by the cult of ancestors. References Bátora, J. 1983. Záver eneolitu a začiatok doby bronzovej na východnom Slovensku. Historica Carpatica, Zborník Východoslovenského Múzea v Košiciach 14: 169-227. Buchvaldek, M. 1986. Die Schnurkeramischekultur in Mittleuropa. I. Die Gruppen Zwischen dem Harz und den Weissen Karpaten. Praehistorica 12. Buchvaldek, M., Havel, J. and Kovářík, J. 1991. Katalog šňůrové keramiky v Čechách. Praehistorica 17: 151205. Budinský-Krička, V. 1967. Východoslovenské mohyly. Slovenská Archeológia 15/2: 277-388. Budziszewski, J. and Skowronek, M. 2001. Results of the preliminary archaeological research in the Mount Cergowa Massif, the lower Beskid Mountains. In J. Machnik (ed.), Archaeology and natural background of the Lower Beskid Mountains, Carpathians 1. Prace Komisji Prehistorii Karpat 2: 145-164. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Buratyński, S. and Kowalski, W. 1981. Domniemany grób kultury ceramiki sznurowej z Dobczyc, woj. Kraków. Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 21: 135-137. Damm, C. B. 1991. Continuity and Change. An Analysis of Social and Material Patterns in the Danish Neolithic. Unpublished PhD thesis, Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge. Fleckinger, A. 2011. Ötzi, the Iceman. The Full Facts at a Glance. 3rd updated edition. Bolzano, Folio. Gancarski, J., Machnikowie, A. and J. 1986. Wyniki badań kurhanu A kultury ceramiki sznurowej we wsi Bierówka, gmina Jasło, w województwie krośnieńskim. Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 25: 57-87. Gancarski, J., Machnikowie, A. and J. 1990. Kurhan B kultury ceramiki sznurowej w Bierówce, gmina Jasło, w świetle badań wykopaliskowych. Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 29: 99-124. Gancarski, J., Pasterkiewicz, W. and Pelisiak, A. 2008. Osada kultury pucharów lejkowatych w Przybówce, gm. Wojaszówka, stanowisko 1. In J. Machnik (ed.), Archeologia i środowisko naturalne Beskidu Niskiego w Karpatach, część II: Kurimská Brázda. Prace Komisji Prehistorii Karpat 4: 347-378. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Gancarski, J. and Valde-Nowak, P. 2011. Inwentarze grobowe kultury ceramiki sznurowej w nasypach kurhanów w Karpatach. In H. Kowalewska-Marszałek and P. Włodarczak (eds.), Kurhany i obrządek pogrzebowy w IV-II tysiącleciu p.n.e.: 279-289. Kraków, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN. Glob, P. V. 1945. Studier over den jyske Enkeltgravskultur, Aarbøger 1944 (København 1945): 5-283. Górski, J. 1996. Uwagi o znaczeniu kurhanów dla społeczności kultury trzcinieckiej z obszarów lessowych zachodniej małopolski. In J. Chochorowski (ed.), Problemy epoki brązu i wczesnej epoki żelaza w Europie Środkowej. Księga jubileuszowa poświęcona Markowi Gedlowi: 203-211. Kraków, Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Górski, J., Jarosz, P., Tunia, K., Wilk, S. and Włodarczak, P. 2013. New evidence on the absolute chronology of early Mierzanowice culture in south-eastern Poland. In M. Bartelheim, J. Peška and J. Turek (eds.), From Copper to Bronze. Cultural and Social Transformations at the Turn of the 3rd/2nd Millennia B.C. in Central Europe. Gewidmet PhDr. Václav Moucha, CSc. anlässlich seines 80. Geburtstages, Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Mitteleuropas 74: 105-118. Langenweissbach, Beier & Beran. Górski, J. and Jarosz, P. 2015. Chronologia kultury mierzanowickiej w międzyrzeczu Wisły i Raby. In J. Górski and P. Jarosz (eds.), Wielofazowe osady kultury mierzanowickiej w Targowisku i Zakrzowcu na Podgórzu Wielickim, Via Archaeologica. Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce: 243-261. Kraków, Krakowski Zespół do Badań Autostrad. Hachulska-Ledwos, R. 1967. Materiały kultury ceramiki sznurowej odkryte koło Kopca Wandy (Kraków – Nowa Huta). Materiały Archeologiczne 8: 89-103. Harmata, K. 2008. Przekształcenie środowiska przyrodniczego pod wpływem działalności człowieka na przełomie IV i III tysiąclecia BC w świetle badań palinologicznych w Tarnowcu w dolinie Jasiołki. In J. Machnik (ed.), Archeologia i środowisko naturalne Beskidu Niskiego w Karpatach 2: Kurimská Brázda. Prace Komisji Prehistorii Karpat 4: 379-384. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. 149

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Hübner, E. 2005. Jungneolithische Gräber auf der Jütischen Halbinsel. Typologische und chronologische Studien zur Einzelgrabkultur, Seria B 24: 1-3. København, Nordiske Fortidsminder. Jarosz, P. 2002. Kurhan kultury ceramiki sznurowej w Średniej st. 2, pow. Przemyśl. Wyniki badań wykopaliskowych prowadzonych w 2001 r. Rocznik Przemyski 38/2: 3-21. Jarosz, P. 2011. Kurhany KCS na pogórzach i wysoczyznach karpackich. In A. Kowalewska-Marszałek and P. Włodarczak (eds.), Kurhany neolityczne i wczesnobrązowe w świetle nowych i najnowszych badań: 255-277. Kraków-Warszawa, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN. Jarosz, P. 2015a. Materiały kultury ceramiki sznurowej ze stanowisk 9 i 10 w Stanisławicach, pow. bocheński. In M. Nowak and T. Rodak (eds.), Osady z epoki kamienia oraz z wczesnej epoki brązu na stanowiskach 9 i 10 w Stanisławicach, pow. bocheński, Via Archaeologica. Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce: 73-87. Kraków, Krakowski Zespół do Badań Autostrad. Jarosz, P. 2015b. Osadnictwo kultury mierzanowickiej na stanowisku 6 w Zakrzowcu. In J. Górski and P. Jarosz (eds.), Wielofazowe osady kultury mierzanowickiej w Targowisku i Zakrzowcu na Podgórzu Wielickim, Via Archaeologica. Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce: 183-216, Kraków, Krakowski Zespół do Badań Autostrad. Jarosz, P. 2017. Domniemany piec ludności kultury ceramiki sznurowej na stanowisku 6 w Szczytnej, pow. Jarosław. In P. Jarosz and J. Machnik (eds.), Nekropolie ludności kultury ceramiki sznurowej w Szczytnej na Wysoczyźnie Kańczuckiej, Via Archaeologica Ressoviensia XII: 131-135. Rzeszów, Fundacja Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego. Jarosz, P. and Machnik, J. 2000. Nowe spojrzenie na dawne badania kurhanów w Balicach i Klimkowcach w świetle materiałów archiwalnych i zbiorów Muzeum Archeologicznego w Krakowie. In J. Rydzewski (ed.), 150 lat Muzeum Archeologicznego w Krakowie: 109-133. Kraków, Muzeum Archeologiczne. Jarosz, P. and Włodarczak, P. 2007. Chronologia bezwzględna kultury ceramiki sznurowej w Polsce południowo-wschodniej oraz na Ukrainie. Przegląd Archeologiczny 55: 71-108. Jarosz, P., Machnik, J., Mačalová, H. and Włodarczak, P. 2008. Wyniki archeologicznych badań wykopaliskowych kurhanu nr 3 w Hankovcach, stanowisko 1 okr. Bardejov, In J. Machnik (ed.), Archeologia i środowisko naturalne Beskidu Niskiego w Karpatach, część II: Kurimská Brázda, Prace Komisji Prehistorii Karpat 4: 265-291. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Jarosz, P., Włodarczak, E. and Włodarczak, P. 2010. Settlement finds of the Corded Ware Culture in the valley of the upper Vistula. Kraków Bieżanów, site 33. Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 45: 727. Jarosz, P., Mazurek, M. and Szczepanek, A. 2016. Elements of Proto and Early Mierzanowice culture on settlements sites near Jarosław (SE Poland). Musaica Archaeologica 1: 81-94. Kadrow, S. 1995. Gospodarka i społeczeństwo. Wczesny okres epoki brązu w Małopolsce. Kraków, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN. Kadrow, S. 2001. U progu nowej epoki. Gospodarka i społeczeństwo wczesnego okresu epoki brązu w Europie Środkowej. Kraków, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN. Kadrow, S. 2008. Settlement and Subsistence Strategies of the Corded Ware Culture at the Beginning of the 3rd millennium BC in Southeastern Poland and in Western Ukraine. In: W. Dörfler and J. Müller (eds.), Umwelt – Wirtschaft – Siedlungen im dritten vorchristlichen Jahrtausend Mitteleusropas und Skandinavien, Offa-Bücher 84: 243-252. Kadrow, S. 2010. Antropopresja, neodarwinizm, globalne zmiany klimatyczne i teoria ewolucji społecznej Habermasa. In S. Czopek and S. Kadrow (eds.), Mente et Rutro: Studia archaeologica Johanni Machnik viro doctissimo octogesimo vitae Anno ab Amicis, Collegia et discipulis oblate: 61-90. Rzeszów, Mitel. Kadrow, S. 2013. Settlement agglomerations of the Mierzanowice culture in South-Eastern Poland – new discoveries. In M. Bartelheim, J. Peška and J. Turek (eds.), From Copper to Bronze. Cultural and Social Transformations at the Turn of the 3rd/2nd Millennia B.C. in Central Europe. Gewidmet PhDr. Václav Moucha, CSc. anlässlich seines 80. Geburtstages. Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Mitteleuropas 74: 119-128. Langenweissbach, Beier & Beran. Kadrow, S. and Machnik, J. 1997. Kultura mierzanowicka. Chronologia, taksonomia i rozwój przestrzenny. Kraków, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN. 150

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Kalicki, T. 2006. Zapis zmian klimatu oraz działalności człowieka i ich rola w holoceńskiej ewolucji dolin środkowoeuropejskich. Warszawa, Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania Polskiej Akademii Nauk. Kempisty, A. 1978. Schyłek neolitu i początek epoki brązu na Wyżynie Małopolskiej w świetle badań nad kopcami. Warszawa, Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytet Warszawski. Kopacz, J. 1986. Cmentarzysko kultury ceramiki sznurowej w Wójeczce, woj. Kielce. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 38: 139-151. Kruk, J. and Milisauskas, S. 1999. Rozkwit i upadek społeczeństw rolniczych neolitu. Kraków, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN. Łęczycki, S. 1983. Zespół obiektów kultury Chłopice-Veselé z Kietrza, woj. Opole, stan. D. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 34: 67-76. Machnik, J. 1966. Studia nad kulturą ceramiki sznurowej w Małopolsce. Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków, Ossolineum. Machnik, J. 1998. Uwagi o najstarszym osadnictwie pasterskiej ludności kultury ceramiki sznurowej (III tysiąclecie przed Chr.) w strefie karpackiej. In: J. Gancarski (ed.), Dzieje Podkarpacia 2: 99-120. Krosno, Muzeum Okręgowe w Krośnie. Machnik, J. 2001. Kultura ceramiki sznurowej w strefie karpackiej (stan i perspektywy badawcze). In J. Gancarski (ed.), Neolit i początki epoki brązu w Karpatach polskich: 115-137. Krosno, Muzeum Okręgowe w Krośnie. Machnik, J. 2003. An interrupted process of cultural integration between the upper Bug, Vistula and Dniester rivers in the early second half of the third millenium BC (in light of taxonomic and chronological analyses of grave assemblages on Grzęda Sokalska. In A. Kośko (ed.), The foundations of radiocarbon chronology of cultures between the Vistula and Dnieper: 4000-1000 BC. Baltic-Pontic Studies 12: 212-240. Machnik, J. 2004. Pasterstwo u społeczeństw kultury ceramiki sznurowej w dorzeczu górnej Wisły, górnego Bugu i Dniestru. In A. Kośko and M. Szmyt (eds.), Nomadyzm a pastoralizm w międzyrzeczu Wisły i Dniepru. Archaeologia Bimaris. Dyskusje 3: 137-143. Poznań, Wydawnictwo Poznańskie. Machnik, J., Mačalová, H., Jarosz, P. and Włodarczak, P. 2008. Kurhan nr 2 kultury ceramiki sznurowej w miejscowości Hankovce, okr. Bardejov, stanowisko 1. In: J. Machnik (ed.), Archeologia i środowisko naturalne Beskidu Niskiego w Karpatach, część II, Kurimská Brazdá. Prace Komisji Prehistorii Karpat 4: 193240. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Machnik, J., Bagińska, J. and Koman, W. 2009. Neolityczne kurhany na Grzędzie Sokalskiej w świetle badań archeologicznych w latach 1988-2006. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Machnik, J., Sosnowska, E. and Cyhyłyk, W. 1997. Osada ludności kultury ceramiki sznurowej z początku III tysiąclecia przed Chr. w Side koło Sambora. Rocznik Przemyski 33/5: 3-27. Machnik, J. and Ścibior, J. 1991. Die Chronologie der Schnurkeramikkultur (Schk) in Südostpolen. In C. Strahm (ed.), Die kontinentaleuropäischen Gruppen der Kultur mit Schnurkeramik. Die Chronologie der regionalen Gruppen.: 45-54. Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte der Universität Freiburg i Br. Madej, J. and Valde-Nowak, P. 1997-1998. Stanowisko 10 w Czchowie w świetle wyników prac wykopaliskowych w 1997 roku. Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 34: 5-24. Magny, M. 2004. Holocene climate variability as reflected by mid-European lake-level fluctuations and its probable impact on prehistoric human settlements. Quaternary International 113/1: 65-79. Moszyński, K. 1996. Ludy pasterskie. Ich kultura materialna oraz podstawowe wiadomości o formach współżycia zbiorowego, o wiedzy, życiu religijnym i sztuce. Cieszyn, Pro Filia. Parczewski, M., Pelisiak, A. and Szczepanek, K. 2012. Najdawniejsza przeszłość polskich Bieszczadów. Materiały i Sprawozdania Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego 33: 9-42. Pelisiak, A. 2013. Man and mountains: settlement and economy of Neolithic communities in the eastern Polish Carpathians. In S. Kadrow and P. Włodarczak (eds.), Environment and subsistence – forty years after Janusz Kruk’s ‘Settlement studies…’. Studien zur Archäologie in Ostmitteleuropa/Studia nad Pradziejami Europy Środkowej 11: 225-244. Rzeszów-Bonn, Institute of Archaeology Rzeszów University, Rudolf Habelt GmbH. 151

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Starkel, L., Michczyńska D. J., Krąpiec, M., Margielewski, W., Nalepka, D. and Pazdur, A. 2013. Progress in the Holocene chrono-climatostratigraphy of Polish territory. Geochronometria 40/1: 1-21. Sulimirski, T. 1968. Corded Ware and Globular Amphorae North-East of the Carpathians. London, Athlone. Szczepanek, K. 2001. Late Holocene vegetation history in the Dukla Pass region (Low Beskidy, Carpathians) based on pollen and macrofossil analyses. Acta Palaeobotanica 41/2: 341-353. Ścibior, J. and Ścibior, J. 1986. Obiekt grobowy z Nikisiałki Dużej, gm. Opatów. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 38: 131-137. Šebela, L. 1991. Die Chronologie der Schnurkeramikkultur in Mähren. Die kontinentaleuropäischen Gruppen der Kultur mit Schnurkeramik. Die Chronologie der regionalen Gruppen: 6-11. Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte der Universität Freiburg i. Br. Thomas, J. 1987. Relations of production and social change in the Neolithic of North-West Europe. Man 22: 405-430. Tunia, K. 2008. Słowacko-polskie archeologiczne badania powierzchniowe w górnym dorzeczu Topli, Słowacja. In J. Machnik (ed.), Archeologia i środowisko naturalne Beskidu Niskiego w Karpatach, część II, Kurimská Brazdá. Prace Komisji Prehistorii Karpat 4: 41-138. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Valde-Nowak, P. 1988. Etapy i strefy zasiedlenia Karpat polskich w neolicie i na początku epoki brązu. WrocławWarszawa-Kraków, Ossolineum. Valde-Nowak, P. 1995. Osadnictwo wczesnorolnicze średniogórza niemieckiego. Kraków, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN. Valde-Nowak, P. 2001. The Settlement Site of the Corded Ware Culture in Lubiša-Merava, Slovakia. In J. Machnik (ed.), Archaeology and Natural Background of the Lower Beskid Mountains, Carpathians. Prace Komisji Prehistorii Karpat 2: 69-85. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Wacnik, A., Szczepanek, K. and Harmata, K. 2001. Ślady działalności człowieka neolitu i brązu obserwowane w diagramach pyłkowych z okolic Przełęczy Dukielskiej i terenów przyległych. In J. Gancarski (ed.), Neolit i początki epoki brązu w Karpatach Polskich: 207-221. Krosno, Muzeum Podkarpackie. Włodarczak, P. 2006. Kultura ceramiki sznurowej na Wyżynie Małopolskiej. Kraków, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN. Włodarczak, P. 2008. Archaeological interpretation of dendrochronological and radiocarbon dates. An example of Corded Ware culture. Archaeological culture versus chronology. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 60: 103-128. Włodarczak, P. 2013. The lost settlements – one of the problems in the Final Neolithic of south-eastern Poland. In S. Kadrow and P. Włodarczak (eds.), Environment and subsistence – forty years after Janusz Kruk’s ‘Settlement studies…’. Studien zur Archäologie in Ostmitteleuropa/Studia nad Pradziejami Europy Środkowej 11: 173-184. Rzeszów-Bonn, Institute of Archaeology Rzeszów University, Rudolf Habelt GmbH. Włodarczak, P. and Liguzińska-Kruk, 1999. Wyniki badań przeprowadzonych w rejonie kopca w Łapszowie, gm. Koszyce. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 51: 145-157. Zoll-Adamikowa, H. and Niżnik, J. 1963. Z badań kopców-mogił w Jawczycach i Wiatowicach (Podkrarpacie polskie) w latach 1960-1961. Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 5: 25-39.

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Re-fitting the Past – Urn Graveyards in the Carpathian Foothills Marta Korczyńska and Klaus Cappenberg Abstract In lowland graveyards, tree windthrows are unwished-for features, inasmuch as roots of trees might destroy the inventory of the graves. As a result, pottery assigned to such features is usually ignored and is not taken into consideration for estimating the number of graves. Such methodology is not problematic from a statistical point of view at sites, which consist of many graves, but it definitely poses a larger problem in the case of graveyards which are marked by poor archaeological sources. Consequently, we would like to demonstrate that, given proper digging methods and detailed examination of pottery taphonomy and technology, the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age graveyards in mountain regions may provide very valuable information. We would also like to point out the necessity of rescue excavation projects, especially for graveyards in the mountain landscape. Such sites are exposed to intensive slope and water erosion processes, and the destruction caused by modern cultivation methods is even greater than on settlement sites, so they should have the highest priority of conservation or, if necessary, excavation. Key words Depositional processes, tree windthrow structure, Lusatian culture, Multiple Correspondence Analysis, Carpathian archaeology, funeral archaeology, Kernel Density Estimation

Some issues concerning the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age graveyards in the West Carpathian area In the case of funeral archaeology it seems justified to assume that each burial reflects a certain preplanned concept and can be seen as a so-called ‘intentional record’ which, in turn, allows the inventories of damaged burials to be, at least to some degree, reconstructed on the basis of other, contemporary and complete graves. To assess the significance of such sources it is necessary to evaluate the state of their preservation and to analyse their interpretative potential. M. K. H. Eggert (2005: 102-106) writes in this context about the ‘external and internal source criticism’, which are linked by a causal relation. The subject of this paper is exactly such an ‘external criticism’ of the state of preservation of one archaeological site which, due to its funeral nature, offers an insight into the ‘intentional record’. The example of the cemetery at Janowice site 44 will be used to evaluate the possibility of reconstructing redeposited grave inventories. The analysis will take into account the lay of land, and will involve the application of appropriate exploration methods and statistical analyses (e.g. the analysis of potsherds abrasion and fragmentation, Kernel Density Analysis and Network Analysis with respect to the distribution of pottery units), as well as tools enabling the determination of the causes and range of variation of the parameters reflecting the destruction of the site. Burials assigned to the Bronze Age can be observed quite rarely along the foothills of the Polish Western Carpathians, crossed by the Dunajec River. Until 2011, just four graveyards in this area had been excavated: Bruśnik (Szpunar and Szpunar 2003: 506-508), Chełmiec (Szymaszkiewicz 1985), Gwoździec (Szpunar and Szpunar 2003: 477-505), uncertain cemeteries in Stary Sącz (Trzepacz-Cabalska 1959) as well as two single graves, which have been found at the sites in Czchów and Łoniowa (Przybyła 2009, with further literature). The number of recorded burials on these graveyards is also low: prior to the discovery of the graveyard of Janowice the burial ground of Gwoździec with 40 almost completely destroyed graves was the largest known cemetery of the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age (LBA/EIA) in this area (Szpunar and Szpunar 2003: 477-505). In the sense of Eggert, the question arises as to whether we are dealing with a cultural and historical phenomenon or whether this poor representation in the archaeological record stems from environmental factors (compare: Szpunar and Szpunar 2003: 505). 153

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Figure 1. Distribution of the graveyards dated to the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age in south-eastern Poland (after: Błaszczyk 1965, Bolek 1976, Czopek 2010, Durczewski 1948, Dzięgielewski and Godlewski 2009, Gawlik and Mazur in prep., Gedl 1994, Gedl 1998, Konieczny 2014, Matoga 1985, Matoga 2015, Mazur 2006, Moskwa 1976, Przybyła 2009, Przybyła and Blajer 2008, Rachwaniec 1980, Rodak 2003, Rogozińska 1960, Rogozińska-Goszczyńska 1964, Rydzewski 1996, Szymaszkiewicz 1985, Trzepacz-Cabalska 1959, Zyzman 2009, Żaki 1966).

Late Bronze Age graveyard in Janowice, site 44 (AZP 106-657103) – catastrophic effects of slope erosion and modern cultivation Site AZP 106-65/103 (site 44 in the village of Janowice, community Pleśna, district of Tarnów) is situated in the hilly, south-western part of Lesser Poland on the eastern bank of the Vistula tributary Dunajec and is situated at an altitude about 250 m a. s. l. (Figure 1). The site has been recorded in the Polish Archaeological Record (AZP) since 1988 and it can be found on a small promontory protruding to the south from the east to west running hills of the Rożnów Piedmont (part of the Central Beskidian Piedmont, Outer Western Carpathians; German 1992) having heights between 180 and 400 m a.s.l. Loess covers are still observable in many parts of the intensively farmed area, erosion and degradation are probably responsible for the small thicknesses of organic layers of the topsoil. The local land relief can be regarded as quite diversified, resulting in large variations of altitude within micro areas. The soil chemistry shows luvisols and developing podsols generally low in calcium (Figure 2). Calcium pointers such as calcium carbonate agglomerations are not detectable phenotypically and bone material survives poorly, even in the surrounding settlement sites of the Lusatian culture examined so far. During field and geomagnetic surveys which were carried out at the site as part of a Polish-German project, over 400 highly fragmented Late Bronze Age-Early Iron Age sherds were collected from the surface of the 154

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Figure 2. Location of Janowice, site 44 (AZP 106-65/103) at the soil map, supplemented by data from geological map (based on Klimek 1991).

site (cf. Korczyńska et al. 2012).1 The subsequent geomagnetic prospection revealed few unambiguous results apart from a structure running north-south for about 5m, so that a small trench was opened in summer 2011 (Figure 3), followed by another two trenches in the years 2013-14, covering a total area of 115 m2. In addition to objectives purely of a research nature, conservation aspects also played a role in the ensuing excavation project: the already mentioned numerous surface findings and the location on a steep slope (Figure 4) suggested the poor preservation of features. After opening the first trench, the funerary character of the site became clear as were also the reasons for such and no other dispersion of surface finds – urns were generally buried at shallower depths than the bottoms of settlement (storage) pits, so graves were more heavily affected by agricultural processes. Measurements based on the digital terrain model showed an altitude range of 250 m to 254 m and an average slope of 7°, so that by geomorphological reasons rainfall erosivity would be expected, along with the ongoing, large degradation of topsoils. The mapping of the length-slope factor (LS-factor) as the most important factor of the ‘Revised Universal Soil Loss Equation’ (cf. Schwertmann and Vogl 1987) showed potential erosion areas in western and southern directions of the excavated area, allowing for the assumption that possible graves located there were most vulnerable to erosional processes.2 Perhaps even no burials could be expected here anymore (Figure Survey and excavation campaign in the years 2010-2011 was carried out in the framework of the project ‘Studien zur neolithischen und bronzezeitlichen Besiedlung und Wirtschaftsweise im Vorfeld der polnischen Westkarpaten’, supported by the Humboldt-Foundation (Project directors: Prof. Dr. habil. P. Valde-Nowak, Prof. Dr. T. L. Kienlin). Excavations in the years 2013-2014 were financed by the Pre- and Early History Institute at the Cologne University (Prof. Dr. T. L. Kienlin). 2 Although prehistoric erosivity cannot be shown by this method it seems reasonable to link recent erosion areas with potential prehistoric erosion. 1

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Figure 3. Distribution and chronological attribution of the surface pottery findings, and geomagnetic survey at Janowice, site 44 (AZP 106-65/103).

5, also Korczyńska et al. 2012: fig. 5).3 Because this analysis refers to the present-day state and does not reflect the direction, it is difficult to state where precisely the re-deposited material from the destroyed graves might have been transported to. The excavations conducted in the years 2011 to 2014 confirmed this fear: in addition to well-preserved burials in amphoras, biconical vessels or – seldom – pots, all covered with bowls and deposited deeper (Figure 6 on the right), strongly damaged burials have been revealed at shallow depths (Figure 6 on the left, see also Figure 7). In the case of the latter type of graves, only the bottom parts of urns with what remained from the burnt bones and strongly scattered bowls survived. Such poor state of urn preservation is very common at the highlands. It also preponderated at the Gwoździec graveyard, and in most cases precluded any chances of chronological determination of vessels forms and anthropological identification of

Figure 4. Micro topographical plan of the trench showing high slope rates based on LiDAR DEM (1 m resolution).

Analyses have been conducted by SAGA software, based on a Digital Elevation Model with 1 m solution. The GIS analysis based on this model, as well as, partly, the analysis of Late Bronze Age pottery from the Janowice site was possible thanks to support of the National Science Center (Grant NCN Nr 2013/11/B/HS3/04404, Project director Prof. Dr. habil. J. Chochorowski). 3

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Figure 5. Excavated features and LS Factor based on LiDAR DEM (1 m resolution).

Figure 6. Cross section of feature 28 (on the right, situated deeper and therefore better preserved) and feature 29 (on the left, destroyed at a shallow depth).

Figure 7. Cross section of feature 47 at a shallow depth, probably destroyed by ploughing.

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Figure 8. Plan of excavation area with depth of the urns marked.

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the burials (Szpunar and Szpunar 2003). Whether a possible cultural and chronological significance of different depths of graves can be stated remains uncertain. Such possibility might be considered because the chronological diversification of the grave depths has been observed at some LBA-EIA graveyards in south-eastern Poland. At the cemetery at Bachórz-Chodorówka graves dated to the transmission of LBA into EIA were deposited at a higher level than burials connected with the earlier phase – depth difference amounts up to 150 cm (Gedl 1994: 16). At the cemetery in Stradów even stratigraphic relations were observed: cremation graves, dated to LBA/EIA were deposited above obviously older inhumation burials (Rogozińska-Goszczyńska 1964: 346-348). The poor preservation of the graves in Janowice allows for only some general conclusions to be made. On the one hand, graves observed at various depths are located at similar distances to each other – no spatial clusters, which might potentially reflect different phases are discernible (Figure 8). On the other hand, depths of the urn bottoms generally seem to correlate with specific urn types (Figure 8). Unfortunately, the poor state of preservation of the higher deposited graves (in almost all cases the type of the pot cannot be closer specified) precludes the determination of their typology and, in consequence, a detailed chronology. The situation looks better in the case of the bowls: the preserved fragments allow us to notice that the higher deposited graves were accompanied by bowls with an inverted rim (traditionally dated to the youngest phase of the LBA and transition into EIA, e.g. Dzięgielewski 2010b: 214; Kienlin et al. 2010; Mrówka 2011: 72-82, fig. 10) while deeper located graves were

Figure 9. Profile of feature 35 showing the disturbance of the feature by burrowing animals.

Figure 10. Feature 44 showing the decreased level of preservation caused by ploughing or/and ground pressure.

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furnished with carinated bowls (which might have possibly been older, e.g. Kienlin et al. 2010; Mrówka 2011: 72-82, fig. 10). The destruction and possible re-deposition of higher deposited urns was indirectly connected with the geomorphological location of the site and was compounded by the damage due to ploughing (Figure 7, Figure 10). Furthermore, biotic processes such as roots which destroyed the vessels to pieces (Figure 6 on the left), translocation caused by animals (Figure 9) and deformations caused by ground pressure affected the degree of grave preservation irrespective of their depth. The windthrow structures – troublesome features as a unique chance for the preservation of the inventory of destructed graves As mentioned at the beginning, the structure visible in the magnetic map represents another problematic development in the preservation of the site: it turned out that the cause of the magnetic anomaly that included 1482 Late Bronze Age to Early Iron Age pottery pieces (and therefore 918 vessel units) was not a settlement pit but a tree windthrow structure. This, despite its adverse impact on graveyard preservation, made it possible to formulate conclusions regarding the maximum number of individuals in the alleged burials by using a multi-methodological approach (Korczyńska 2014). During the campaign in the year 2014 two more features were observed, which might be interpreted as tree windthrow structures (feature 32 and 45, Figure 8). A probable reconstruction of the processes behind the formation of feature 1B has already been described in detail (Korczyńska 2014, Figure 11). As a result of the conducted analysis of the taphonomy and technology of the pottery it was possible to interpret the nature of features 1A and 1B (Figure 12). Due to the lack of detailed information concerning the location of particular pottery units in the pit, the distinguishing of potential grave inventories was impossible. Therefore, such data has been collected during the digging of analogical features 32 and 45 (Figures 13, 14),4 and both have been measured in three dimensional manner.

Figure 11. Graphical illustration of the distribution of individual Late Bronze Age pottery pieces in the vessels and in the pits 1A and 1B (drawing: M. Korczyńska). 4

The position of each pottery piece was three dimensionally measured with the RTK- DGPS instrument.

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Figure 12. Reconstruction of the falling of a tree and formation of pit 1B (drawing: M. Korczyńska, scheme based on K. Dzięgielewski 2007: fig. 9, with modifications).

Figure 13. Cross section of feature 32.

Figure 14. Features 32 and 45.

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The windthrow structures – pottery taphonomy Both windthrow structures yielded artefacts which should be ascribed to the LBA. Feature 32 contained 426 pottery fragments (3,636 g), which have been assigned to 116 units. Feature 45 yielded 376 fragments of the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age pottery (4,275 g), divided into 254 units. Each unit potentially corresponds with a separate vessel. The attribution of sherds to particular pottery units (vessels) has been based on two premises. First, it has been done by refitting single pieces into bigger segments of vessels. Secondly, it has been concluded from morphological similarity of pieces. Such a technique is commonly used in studies on the settlement structures (e.g. Dzięgielewski 2010a, 2010b). In the case of our graveyard such a high amount of pottery units does not necessarily reflect the actual number of vessels. It should be interpreted as a sign of high crumbling degree and the bad preservation of the surface of the examined pottery. The illustration of the distribution and weight of the pottery pieces reveals a comparable fragmentation of pottery in both features (Figure 15). In the orthogonal view, the distribution of the weight of pottery pieces from feature 45 seems to be quite uniform, while in feature 32 a few smaller clusters of heavy pieces might suggest a slightly different course of the post-depositional process operation. Due to long-lasting exposure to environmental conditions, the surface of pottery becomes eroded. That is why the ceramic inventories of undamaged graves are commonly characterized by a very good state of preservation. Only 30% of pottery units collected at site no. 103 during initial field examination showed marks of erosion (Korczyńska 2013: 315, Figure 16). This is not surprising, as the majority of artefacts discovered on the site surface most likely originated from recently damaged graves.5 In the case of LBA/EIA pottery from feature 32, over 61% of all units have eroded surfaces. Such a high percentage is comparable to the observations made in feature 1B, and it is even higher in the case of feature 45 (85%). The pottery accumulated in those features might have been exposed for a longer time to unfavourable

Figure 15. Features 32 and 45 on in orthogonal view after localising the pottery fragments by a DGPS: the size of the spots represents the weight of the pottery.

5

In the case of the inventories of the ten best-preserved graves this factor has been estimated to around 50%.

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Figure 16. Degree of ceramic surface preservation comparing tree windthrow structures and surface findings.

Figure 17. Classification of pottery surface erosion.

weather conditions. Among the various types of damage recorded on vessel surfaces, the most common was the abrasion of exterior or/and interior walls, and some fragments were even delaminated (mostly feature 45, Figure 17). These observations are indicative of the rapid character of the process, first of all in the case of feature 45. The windthrow structures – pottery technology In order to analyse the technological diversification of LBA/EIA pottery deposited in pits 32 and 45 a Multiple Correspondence Analysis (MCA) has been used.6 On the grounds of stylistic observations of distinctive pieces, it has been assumed that the analysed material is chronologically homogeneous. That is why the focus of this analysis has not been on a chronological aspect as practiced widely in archaeology (e.g. Mrówka 2011; Zimmermann and Müller 1997). What we wanted to achieve was to find out whether the pottery collected in tree windthrow structures is technologically identical to the vessels found in undoubtedly funeral context. Similar analysis with respect to the technological aspect was performed e.g. by B. Höhn (1997). Every pottery unit was considered a closed assemblage. Similarities or divergences of technological traits have been compared with a functional diversification of various vessel types.7 Each pottery unit has been described with the respect to pottery surface, temper applied, and thickness Multiple Correspondence Analysis has been performed using XLStat software. Detailed analyses of technology of the settlement pottery ascribed to the LBA have been performed e.g. by K. Dzięgielewski (2010a; 2010b), S. Kadrow (2003) and M. Przybyła/M. Skoneczna (2011). 6 7

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Figure 18. Multiple Correspondence Analysis of technological attributes of the Late Bronze Age pottery from pit 32.

of pottery walls. The following attributes have been considered: the hardness of the pottery surface [H], firing of the outer [B1] and inner [B2] side of the unit as well as the type of surface texture at the outer [O1] and inner [O2] side. Only units with non-eroded surfaces have been taken into consideration during the analysis. The temper has been examined in terms of density class [M] and the size of chamotte [S] and crushed stone [F] grains in the pottery recipes. A maximal wall thickness [W] has been measured. Bottom sherds, as they are generally thicker, may bias the results, which is why they have been excluded from further analysis. This analysis has three continuous variables – a grain size of chamotte [S] and a grain size of crushed stone [F] in the pottery pastes as well as maximal wall thickness [W]. These variables have been converted into discrete data. The determination of the pottery hardness has been defined as supplementary. Next, in order to test for normality, a Kolmogorov-Smirnov test has been used. As the result was satisfying, the MCA has been conducted. A graphical result of the analysis forms a thick slightly arc-shaped layout in the case of feature 32 and a clustered layout in the case of the feature 45 in the plot of the first and second principal axes (Figures 18, 19). In the case of both features the axes explain only 25-30% of the cases, which is connected with a high number of the analysed variables. The results of MCA analysis were very similar for the pottery from feature 1B (Korczyńska et al. 2012: 242-245), where we can observe clusters of particular types of vessels on the diagrams. This shows a considerable uniformity of pottery technology within particular vessel types. It might be interpreted as a result of the conservativeness of the technological tradition or be a proof of the contemporaneity of the features. Such unification indicates, although not necessarily, a sepulchral nature of pottery collected from features 1B, 32 and 45.8 8

Similar observations have been already made in the case of the vessels from the graves at the graveyard in Janowice, site 44.

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Figure 19. Multiple Correspondence Analysis of technological attributes of the Late Bronze Age pottery from pit 45.

Reconstructing probable grave inventories Thanks to the so called Kernel-Density analysis it was possible to buffer pottery pieces associated with tree windthrow structures in three dimensional space (Figure 20).9 As it has been noticed in field, grave 31 is a clearly separate feature. The dish-shaped buffer of pottery distribution in features 32 and 45 fits very well to the common notions of the shape of windthrow structures. The separate cluster below feature 45 might be connected with some further post-depositional process. Additionally, to illustrate the distribution of those pottery pieces which could be refitted in bigger units (and, as such, would be a ‘hard evidence’ of being the same vessels) a method known from social network analysis has been used (Figure 21). Such analysis in its prime assumption views social relationships in terms of network theory, as consisting of nodes (vertices) representing individual actors within the network and ties (edges), which represent relationships between the individuals (for review of using Social Network Analysis to study socio-political interactions on a range of spatial scales in archaeological sciences see e.g. Burghmans et al. 2012). In our case nodes are pottery pieces and vertices are ‘fitting’ cases. As a result, a network has been computed in which pottery units from feature 32 are much more clustered than vessels assigned to feature 45.10 Also, statistics have been calculated concerning the distance of pieces to each other within the scope of the distinctive pottery units. In these statistics we have included not only those pottery pieces which For calculating this analysis the R-software – ks package – (processed after G. Roth) has been used (recent version cf. T. Duong, Package ‘ks’ 2016). Also, we would like to express a gratitude to F. Albers and J. Orschiedt for making available F. Albers’ unpublished master thesis concerning the same method of kernel density estimation. 10 The network has been computed in the software Pajek (Andrej Mrvar and Vladimir Batagelj, Pajek 64 3.15, November 1996 – March 2014). 9

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Figure 20. Kernel density estimation of pottery sherd positions for features 31, 32 and 45 based on DGPS localising.

Figure 21. Network analysis of refitted pottery pieces.

could have been refitted together, but we have also taken into account those pieces that have been assigned to the same pottery unit based on technological aspects only. In other words, we have analysed which vessels have potentially been scattered over the biggest distance (Figure 22). Also in this box plot we might observe diverse dispersion degrees of the vessels in both features: distance between pottery pieces, belonging to the same vessel unit is much bigger in feature 45 than in the case of feature 32. 166

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Figure 22. Boxplots for three dimensional next neighbour distances of sherds of pottery units belonging to features 32 (1399-1516) and 45 (1762-1874).

Finally, all of the kinds of the gathered data (assuming that typical graves at the Janowice graveyard consisted of a maximum of three vessels: an urn, an additional vessel and a bowl which served as a lid, as undamaged examples show) were used to set apart those pottery units which could be interpreted as separate pottery sets, corresponding with destroyed graves (Figure 23). In the case of feature 32 we have distinguished at least three graves: the first, most destroyed one consists mostly of the rim of a pot which served as an urn (ID 1424), the second consists of a bowl (ID 1400) and a pot (ID 1407), and the third one of a bowl (ID 1399), a pot (ID 1513), and one or two additional vessels (most probably ID 1459 and possibly also ID 1475). Based on the distribution and destruction of the vessels in this pit, we can suppose that, as the tree uprooted the graves located beneath or in between its root system, they have more or less completely fallen into the windthrow hollow, and this process was rather rapid. In the case of feature 45, the situation is less clear. It seems we are dealing here with the following stratigraphy: the urn (ID 1871) has probably been re-deposited into the hollow in the first place. Directly afterwards the bowl (ID 1762) was re-deposited in the feature, and probably they were the inventory of the same grave. In the meantime, the bedrock sediment with no archaeological material sunk down. Over a longer time, two other pots (ID 1873 and ID 1874) lifted by the root system with accompanying bowls (because of the poor preservation not illustrated in the drawing) fell into the pit. It is important to notice that, based on the vessels morphology, the aforementioned reconstructed grave inventories might be dated to the very end of LBA and the older phase of EIA. It is very likely that, had it not been due to tree windthrow structures, all the higher situated graves would have been (almost) completely destroyed by ploughing and erosion. Summary It seems that in the case of graveyards, pottery deposited in tree windthrow structures creates an opportunity to reconstruct grave inventories (in some cases they might even represent those burials which, due to the original shallow depth, would have been completely destroyed by slope erosion and ploughing had they not been re-deposited in windthrow hollows) and it also can be taken into account when estimating the number of graves. Thanks to the analysis of features 1B, 32 and 45, the number of 46 graves excavated at the graveyard in Janowice in situ, may be enriched by a subsequent 12 re-deposited 167

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Figure 23. Reconstruction of pottery units and their spatial position in features 31, 32 and 45.

burials. Based on the quantity of the bottom parts of these types of vessels collected in trenches 1-3 and which may have served as urns, the estimated minimum number of graves exceeds 100 (for the area excavated in the years 2011-2014 alone). So, we should keep in mind that the common belief considering LBA/EIA graveyards in the Polish Carpathian as small and few, may in most cases reflect only their poor state of preservation. Therefore, we suggest using precise three dimensional positioning from the very top level on such sites. Apart from the destruction of large sections of graveyards due to erosion, we should also take into account situations where urns were deposited at different levels, which resulted in more shallow graves suffering greater damage. In extreme cases they can even be completely missing from the archaeological record. For this reason one should take the results of spatial analysis of highly destroyed graveyards with a grain of salt. And one cannot repeat enough: such sites should have the highest priority of conservation and, if necessary, excavation.11 References Albers, F. 2012. 3-D Funddichten auf dem Vorplatz der Blätterhöhle in Hagen (Westfalen). Unpublished M.Sc. thesis, Universität zu Köln. For valuable comments to a draft of this paper we would like to thank Dr. habil. Marcin Przybyła. For proofreading of the English version of this article we would like to thank Jessica Hellwig, University of Cologne and Piotr Godlewski, Jagiellonian University. 11

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Błaszczyk, W. (ed.) 1965. Cmentarzysko kultury łużyckiej w Częstochowie-Rakowie. Rocznik Muzeum w Częstochowie 1. Częstochowa, Okręgowe Muzeum w Częstochowie. Bolek, Z. 1976. Cmentarzysko kultury Łużyckiej w Małusach Wielkich gm. Mstów. Rocznik Okręgowego Muzeum w Częstochowie 4(1: Archeologia): 3-62. Burghmans, T., Isaken, L. and Earl, G. 2012. Connecting the Dots: an Introduction to Critical Approaches in Archaeological Network Analysis. In M. Zhou, I. Romanowska, Z. Wu, P. Xu and P. Verhagen (eds.), Revive the Past. Proceeding of the 39th Conference on Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology, Beijing, 12-16 April 2011: 359-367. Amsterdam, Pallas Publications. Czopek, S. 2010. Die Größen der die urgeschichtlichen Gräberfelder nutzenden Bevölkerungsgruppen. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 61: 93-144. Durczewski, Z. 1948. Grupa górnośląsko-małopolska kultury łużyckiej w Polsce. Kraków, Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Dzięgielewski, K. 2007. Possibilities of identification and dating of tree windthrow structures on archaeological sites (based on the examples from Podłęże, site 17). Możliwości identyfikacji i datowania śladów wykrotów na stanowiskach archeologicznych (na przykładzie stan. 17 w Podłężu). Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 59: 393-415. Dzięgielewski, K. 2010a. Osada z młodszej i późnej epoki brązu na stanowisku 48 w Wojniczu, pow. Tarnów. In J. Chochorowski (ed.), Wojnicz 18 i 48, powiat Tarnów. Osady z epoki brązu, żelaza i średniowiecza. Via Archaeologica. Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce: 55-99. Kraków, Krakowski zespół do badań autostrad. Dzięgielewski, K. 2010b. Osada z wczesnej epoki żelaza na stanowisku 18 w Wojniczu, pow. Tarnów. In J. Chochorowski (ed.), Wojnicz 18 i 48, powiat Tarnów. Osady z epoki brązu, żelaza i średniowiecza. Via Archaeologica. Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce: 197-233. Kraków, Krakowski zespół do badań autostrad. Dzięgielewski, K. and Godlewski, P. 2009. Wschodnie oddziaływania kulturowe na terytorium zachodniej Małopolski we wczesnej epoce żelaza – źródła i interpretacje. In S. Czopek and K. Trybała-Zawiślak (eds.) Tarnobrzeska kultura łużycka – źródła i interpretacje: 191-225. Rzeszów, Fundacja Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego. Eggert, M. K. H. 2005. Prähistorische Archäologie – Konzepte und Methoden. Uni-Taschenbücher 2092. Stuttgart, A. Francke Verlag. Gawlik, A. and Mazur, M. 2011. Wyniki ratowniczych badań wykopaliskowych na stanowisku 11 w Łętowicach, pow. Tarnowski, woj. małopolskie (AZP 103-65/45), 1, unpublished typescript, Kraków. Gedl, M. 1994. Cmentarzysko z epoki brązu w Bachórzu-Chodorówce. Kraków, Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Gedl, M. 1998. Młodsza epoka brązu we wschodniej części polskich Karpat. Kraków, Oficyna Cracovia. German, K. 1992. Typy środowiska przyrodniczego w zachodniej części pogórza karpackiego. Rozprawy Habilitacyjne UJ, 246. Kraków, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Höhn, B. 1997. Herstellungs und Funktionsgruppen jungneolitischer Keramik. In A. Zimmermann and J. Müller (eds.), Archäologie und Korrespondenzanalyse: Beispiele, Fragen, Perspektiven: 137-146. Internationale Archäologie 21. Espelkamp, Verlag Marie Leidorf. Kadrow, S. 2003. Charakterystyka technologiczna ceramiki kultury łużyckiej. In S. Kadrow (ed.), KrakówBieżanów, stanowisko 27 i Kraków-Rżąka, stanowisko 1 osada kultury łużyckiej. Via Archaeologica. Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce: 205-220. Kraków, Krakowski zespół do badań autostrad. Kienlin, T. L., Cappenberg, K., Korczyńska, M. M., Przybyła, M. S. and Valde-Nowak, P. W. 2010. Peripherie oder Kommunikationsraum? Siedlungsarchäologische Untersuchungen im Vorfeld der polnischen Westkarpaten (Wiśnicz-Hügelland und mittleres Dunajectal, Kleinpolen). In B. Horejs and T. L. Kienlin (eds.), Siedlung und Handwerk. Studien zu sozialen Kontexten in der Bronzezeit. Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie 194: 191-267. Bonn, Rudolf Habelt. Klimek, R. 1991. Utwory czwartorzędowe doliny Dunajca między Biskupicami Melsztyńskimi a Zgłobicami. Unpublished MA thesis, Jagiellonian University. Konieczny, B. 2014. Cmentarzysko kultury łużyckiej z epoki brązu na stanowisku 10-11 w Targowisku, pow. Wielkicki. In J. Górski (ed.), Kompleks osadniczy kultury łużyckiej w Targowisku, stan. 10-12, pow. wielicki. 169

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Via Archaeologica. Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce: 103-180. Kraków, Krakowski zespół do badań autostrad. Korczyńska, M. 2014. Dynamics of the Depositional Processes: The Example of the Tree Windthrow Structure at the Graveyard in Janowice, site 44 (AZP 106-65/103). In T. L. Kienlin, P. Valde-Nowak, M. Korczyńska, K. Cappenberg and J. Ociepka (eds.), Settlement, Communication and Exchange around the Western Carpathians. Archaeopress Archaeology. Oxford, Archaeopress. Korczyńska, M. M., Cappenberg, K., Kienlin T. L. and Ociepka, J. 2012. Vorläufige Resultate und methodische Überlegungen zu der Prospektion bronzezeitlicher Fundstellen im mittleren Dunajectal, Kleinpolen. In W. Blajer (ed.), Peregrinationes Archaeologicae in Asia et Europa Joanni Chochorowski Dedicatae: 307-321. Kraków, Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Matoga, A. 1985. Wstępne wyniki badań na cmentarzysku z III-V okresu epoki brązu w Bocheńcu, woj. Kielce. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 37: 81-109. Matoga, A. 2015. Cmentarzysko z wczesnej epoki żelaza w Kokotowie (stanowisko 19), gm. Wieliczka. Via Archaeologica: Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce. Kraków, Krakowski zespół do badań autostrad. Mazur, M. 2006. Osadnictwo w epoce brązu i we wczesnej epoce żelaza na obszarze międzyrzecza Wisłoki, Dunajca i Białej Dunajcowej. Unpublished MA thesis, Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University. Moskwa, K. 1976. Kultura łużycka w południowo-wschodniej Polsce. Rzeszów, Wydawnictwo Muzeum Okrȩgowego w Rzeszowie. Mrówka, Ł. 2011. Development of pottery style on the Bronze and Early Iron Age cemetery at Kietrz, Głubczyce district, in the light of statistical analyses. Recherches Archéologiques, Nouvelle Serie 3: 67100. Przybyła, M. S. 2009. Intercultural contacts in the Western Carpathian area at the turn of the 2nd and 1st millennia BC. Warszawa, National Center for Culture. Przybyła, M. S. and Blajer, W. 2008. Struktury osadnicze w epoce brązu i wczesnej epoce żelaza na obszarze podkarpackiej wysoczyzny lessowej między Wisłokiem i Sanem. Kraków, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Przybyła, M. S. and Skoneczna, M. 2011. The fortified settlement from the Early and Middle Bronze Age at Maszkowice, Nowy Sącz district (Western Carpathians). Preliminary results of studies conducted in the years 2009-2012. Recherches Archéologiques, Nouvelle Serie 3: 5-66. Rachwaniec, A. 1980. Groby kultury łużyckiej odkryte na stanowisku 17 w Nowej Hucie-Pleszowie, woj. krakowskie. Wiadomosci Archeologiczne 45: 81-89. Rodak, T. 2003. Grób kultury pilińskiej ze stanowiska 1 w Chełmie, pow. Bochnia, In J. Gancarski (ed.), Epoka brązu i wczesna epoka żelaza w Karpatach polskich: 205-214. Krosno, Muzeum Podkarpackie w Krośnie. Rogozińska, R. 1960. Cmentarzysko kultury łużyckiej w Nagłowicach, powiat Jędrzejów. Materiały Archeologiczne 2: 95-116. Rogozińska-Goszczyńska, R. 1964. Sprawozdanie z badań na stanowisku Stradów III, pow. Kazimierza Wielka, za lata 1959-1962. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 16: 345-354. Rydzewski, J. 1996. Nowe groby ludności kultury łużyckiej z Nowej Huty-Wyciąża, st. 5. In J. Chochorowski (ed.), Problemy epoki brązu i wczesnej epoki żelaza w środkowej Europie. Księga Jubileuszowa poświęcona Markowi Gedlowi: 437-448. Kraków, Oficyna Cracovia. Schwertman, U. and Vogl, W. 1987. Bodenerosion durch Wasser – Vorhersage des Abtrags und Bewertung von Gegenmaßnahmen. Stuttgart, Eugen Ulmer. Szpunar, A. and Szpunar, B. 2003. Cmentarzysko w Gwoźdźcu, gm. Zakliczyn, stan. 9 i Bruśniku, gm. Ciężkowice, stan. 1, woj. Małopolskie. In J. Gancarski (ed.), Epoka brązu i wczesna epoka żelaza w Karpatach polskich: 477-509. Krosno, Muzeum Podkarpackie w Krośnie. Szymaszkiewicz, M. 1985. Wstępne badania wykopaliskowe na cmentarzysku kultury pilińskij w Chełmcu, gm. loco, woj. nowosadeckie. Acta Archaeologica Carpatica 24: 147-152. Trzepacz-Cabalska, M. 1959. Sprawdozdanie z badań archeologicznych w Starym Sączu, pow. Nowy Sącz przeprowadzonych w latach 1959-1957. Wiadomości Archeologiczne 26: 178-180. Zimmerman, A. and Müller, J. (eds.) 1997. Archäologie und Korrespondenzanalyse: Beispiele, Fragen, Perspektiven. Internationale Archäologie 21. Espelkamp, Marie Leidorf. 170

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Zyzman, A. 2009. Obiekty bez kości na cmentarzyskach grupy tarnobrzeskiej kultury łużyckiej. In S. Czopek and K. Trybała-Zawiślak (eds.), Tarnobrzeska kultura łużycka – źródła i interpretacje: 303-310. Rzeszów, Fundacja Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego. Żaki, A. 1966. Badania archeologiczne w dorzeczu Dunajca w 1964 roku, Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 18: 280-285.

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The Sudetic resource base in the economy of early medieval societies Ewa Lisowska Abstract The presented research is focused on quarrying activities in south-western Poland during the Early Middle ages (6th – 13th centuries). Based on several complementary petrographic analyses (electron microprobe analysis, rare earth element analysis and X-ray diffraction) of the stone artefacts, it was possible to identify the main rock groups which were quarried in the Early Middle Ages in Lower Silesia. Quarrying activities were focused in several distinct areas. In the Strzelińskie Foothills, quartz schists, marble and rock crystal were exploited while well preserved granite quarries were identified in the Ślęża Massif and many quernstones were made from this rock type. In the area of Kamieniec Ząbkowicki and Niemcza, mica schist and mylonite were quarried. Sandstone for building churches was extracted in the Bolesławiec region. The identification of the provenance of all of the analysed objects ensured that it was possible to reconstruct the stone raw material economy during the Early Middle Ages in south-western Poland. Key words Early Middle Ages, the Sudeten Mountains, medieval quarries, stone artefacts, petroarchaeology

Introduction Extending within the borders of Poland, Czech Republic and Germany, the Sudeten Mountains in the geological sense are one of the most important units in Central Europe. This is due to the complexity of geological structures that result in a variety of rock materials occurring within them. The Sudeten have also enjoyed a strategic location from a prehistoric and medieval archaeological point of view. For centuries it was a border between ‘north and south’, and crossing it was associated with considerable difficulty and danger. It is significant, that both in prehistory and in the Middle Ages, the Sudeten were intensively exploited for raw materials. Mesolithic societies evidently appreciated the qualities of the rock crystal acquired from the Strzelin Foothils (Bobak 1997: 396; 2000: 64; Sachanbiński et al. 2008: 1013-4). In the Neolithic, the intensity of rock exploitation in the Sudeten Foreland increased greatly; granites, serpentinites, amphibolites and basalts were often used to produce honed tools such as axes, hatchets and hoes (Cholewa 2004). In the later periods, the hunt for new sources and rocks in the Sudeten was of varied intensity. For example, the recognition of sundry outcrops is most evident in the Roman period, when mass-produced whetstones made from quartzite and quernstones from granite (Pazda and Sachanbiński 1991) reached purchasers often far outside their original place of acquisition. A special place in the history of rock exploitation in SW Poland should be reserved for the Early Middle Ages, when the knowledge of most later used outcrops evolved very quickly. The aim of this paper is to present the development of rock quarrying in the Sudeten in the Early Middle Ages (the 6th-13th centuries) (Figures 1, 2). Earlier studies on rock quarrying in the Early Middle Ages Scientific interests relating to the recognition of the operation of centres of stonework in the Early Middle Ages began with the studies of German archaeologists, who focused their fieldwork activities only in the Ślęża Massif. It was then that intensively exploited quarries were discovered, located on the northern slopes of the Mt. Ślęża, which had been used to produce quernstones, both in the Roman period and the Middle Ages (Jahn 1929; Lustig 1904). Granite was first exploited in quarry fields where pretreatment stonemasonry also occurred. The unfinished discs were then transported a few kilometres further to manufacturing settlements. In these dwellings, the half-products of the quernstones received their 173

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Figure 1. Sudeten Mountains – SW Poland. Zones of Early Medieval rock exploitation (drawing E. Lisowska).

Figure 2. Exploitation methods related to the landscape and distinguished types of quarries’ forms, which may be preserved after former mining. A – pit quarries; B – escarpment quarries; C – surface quarries. Stage 1 – the natural layout of the area before raw materails’ extraction; Stage 2 – the layout of the area immediately after the end of exploitation; Stage 3 – the supposed state of preservation of old quarries hundreds of years after the end of exploitation (drawing E. Lisowska). 174

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final processing into a form of ready-to-export grinding wheels (Jaworski 2008: 79-80; Lisowska 2013: 58-67). Both quarries and stonemasonry settlements were excavated in the 1920s and 1930s by A. Janh and F. Geschwendt (Geschwendt 1922; Janh 1929). After World War II, the findings and studies by German archaeologists were summarized in a comprehensive paper written by R. Jamka (1950). In the 1960s, archaeologists again started to excavate and study the medieval process of quarrying and manufacturing of granite quernstones on the northern slopes of Mt. Ślęża. (Domański 1963; 1965a; 1965b; Wojciechowski 1962). They continued intermittently until the first half 1990s (Domański 2002; Kamiński and Kaźmierczyk 1994; Kaźmierczyk 1994). Apart from granite products, other studies focused only on determining the origin of the products made from precious stones, such as beads and pendants from the early medieval stronghold situated on Cathedral Island in Wroclaw (Kaźmierczyk and Sachanbiński 1978). These early studies concluded that the raw material used for making beads of rock crystal, carnelian, amethyst and agate was obtained broadly in the Sudeten, particularly in the Strzelin and Kaczawskie Foothills. Some of the results obtained at that time, such as locating the source of carnelian in the Kaczawskie Mountains, currently seem to be mistaken and out-of-date due to the newest data and analyses of this collection (Gunia 2013c: 308; Lisowska 2013: 224-6). In the late 1980s, M. Sachanbiński and J. Kaźmierczyk (1988) redid the provenance study for a part of collection of stone items from the stronghold situated on Cathedral Island in Wroclaw. The petrographic examination of stone artefacts showed that the main raw material for the Wrocław stronghold in the 10th-13th centuries was acquired in outcrops situated within the range of the Strzelin Foothills and the Ślęża Massif (Sachanbiński and Kaźmierczyk 1988: 170-1). The Strzelin Foothills was the base supply area for rocks for early medieval Wroclaw (from the end of the 10th to 13th centuries). At the end of the 20th century, K. Jaworski and A. Wójcik undertook a petrographic study of stone products discovered on the stronghold in Gilów near Niemcza (Jaworski and Wójcik 1997). They indicated that some of the stone products found in Gilów probably had a Silesian provenance, which could be connected with Great Moravian influences during the 9th century in southern Polish lands (Jaworski 2005; Jaworski and Pankiewicz 2008: 194). In 2008, K. Jaworski also touched on the issue of quernstone production in Lower Silesia, revealing some new data that was mainly concentrated on the issue of local mica-schist manufacture near Kamieniec Ząbkowicki (Jaworski 2008). In 2007, a new multi-faceted analysis of all stone artefacts from Lower Silesia began, during research directed towards identifying the areas of quarrying activities and the forms that emerged from these actions (Lisowska 2008; Lisowska 2013). These studies have continued until the present time in close cooperation with geologists (Borowski 2013; Gunia 2013a; 2013b; 2013c; Lisowska et al. 2014). Research methods The basis for determining the raw material economy in the Early Middle Ages in Lower Silesia was petrographic studies conducted by P. Gunia from the Institute of Geological Sciences (Gunia 2013a; 2013b; 2013c). These studies were carried out using appropriate methods in petroarchaeology and archeomineralogy (Herz and Garrison 1998: 212-29; Rapp 2009: 21-6). We examined more than 2000 stone artefacts found on 179 archaeological sites. The first step was to mark macroscopically the petrographic determination of specific items in order to prepare them for further instrumental studies. Some of them were selected for examination under the polarizing microscope (petrographic thin sections observed in transmitted and polarized light), X-ray diffraction analysis and electron microprobe (Borowski 2013). For some groups of rocks, trace elements and rare earth element analysis by ICP-MS were undertaken (Gunia 2013b). After macroscopic and multiple instrumental analyses, a verification of the results by comparing them with a collection of rock samples from the Sudeten and potential, possible outcrops was conducted. The next step focused on fieldwork based on geological maps, Mestischblätter and LIDAR data provided by geoportal.gov.pl. For some quarries recorded in the field, excavation work was also carried out in order to study what was the typical method of stone exploitation in the Early Middle Ages. 175

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The development of stone raw material extraction in the Early Middle Ages At the turn of the 6th and 7th centuries in the area of south-western Poland, the first groups associated with the influx of Slavic populations appeared (Lodowski 1980). Only several archaeological sites within Lower Silesia, mainly settlements, are known from this period. (Lodowski 1980: map 1). During the beginning of Slavic domination in the 6th-7th centuries erratic raw materials were mainly used to produce some items such as hones, grinders and polishers. Only materials from one settlement confirmed the early use of Sudeten rocks. It was recorded near Chwałków close to the outcrops of granite on the northern slopes of the Ślęża Massif. A few stone materials, including half-products of quernstones made of local granite from the Ślęża Massif and hones made of quartz-sericite schist, whose origins should be located within the Strzelińskie Foothills, were recorded at that site (Figure 1). The cultural situation changed dramatically during the 8th and 9th centuries. At that time in the region of Silesia the first territorial tribal communities had formed, such as Sleenzane, Dadosesani, and Opolini, which was confirmed in written sources in the Bavarian Geographer from AD 845 (Labuda 2003: 63-4). These tribes also created a network of fortifications in the form of strongholds, of which those located in the Sudetic area often have shafts reinforced with stones (Jaworski 2005: 196; Kaźmierczyk 1978:46). For this reason the demand for new and large quantities of rock materials increased rapidly. For the construction of the shafts, the Slavs mainly used rock that occurred in the local outcrops, which were situated in the vicinity of such a stronghold (Figure 3). On the other hand, small manufactures associated with the production of whetstones, quernstones or touchstones began to run in a totally different economic way than the stronghold. It was connected with the extraction of particular rock types intended for the manufacture of every individual sort of everyday items. It is noticeable that a deliberate choice of the best quality rocks was made. For the production of hones quartz-sericite slates from the Strzelińskie Foothills, mylonites from Niemcza and greenschists from the Strzegomskie Foothills were widely used. On the other hand, quernstones were usually made of granite from the Ślęża Massif and mica schists whose outcrops are widely accessible in the neighbourhood of Kamieniec Ząbkowicki. Against this background a quite individual case is the use of local stone outcrops of inferior quality (gneiss cataclasites) for the production of quernstones (Figure 4) found in the Gilów stronghold (Jaworski 2008: 83). This was related to the lack of recognition of the Sudeten resource base for the population who came from Great Moravia. In addition, in the 8th-9th centuries, the acquisition of greenshists from the area of Dobromierz and the

Figure 3. Stone wall made of rhyoilite observed within the 9th century stronghold in Nowy Kościół, Kaczawskie Foothills, excavations in 2014 (photo E. Lisowska).

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Figure 4. Stone wall and unfinished quernstone found within the stronghold in Gilów, Niemczańskie Foothills, excavations 2003 (photo K. Jaworski).

Figure 5. St John and St Catherine’s church in Świerzawa built of local sandstone, 13th century, Kaczawskie Mountains (photo E. Lisowska).

Kaczawskie Mountains for making hones, pads and polishers was established. Some archaeological sites in the area of Niemcza confirmed the use of locally occurring amphibolites. Occasionally, during this time some items were produced using Createcious and Rotliegend sandstones, which have their natural sources in the north Sudetic basin and in the Sudetic basin situated in the Kłodzko valley. The 10th century is a time of intense cultural changes within Silesia, as around the year 990 these lands were included in the precinct of the early feudal Polish State. It also marks the start of the Christianization of areas located within the Piast Dynasty’s state. These political events initiated a process of the development of church architecture, which in the 11th-13th centuries was built mostly of stone (Figures 5, 6). To that end, a large-scale operation connected with the exploitation of sandstone, outcrops of which are located in the north Sudetic basin and in the Sudetic basin in the Kłodzko valley, was launched. This targeted quarrying also introduced a new quality to monumental architecture in Lower Silesia that was manifested in such great works as the twelfth-century portal from the Benedictine Abbey in Wroclaw Ołbin (Figure 7). It was a continuation of the quarrying of the same types of rocks that had been used during the previous tribal period (the 8th-10th centuries), but new items made from Sudetic stones appeared, showing evidence of progress in specialized workshops. These include, among others, grindstones used for sharpening large metal objects. They were made mostly of Sudetic sandstone. In addition, from the 11th century onwards, a strong growth in the number of stone items used for games and other entertainment activities was noted, which included pawns and small game-balls, made mainly of sandstones or raw erratic materials. 177

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Figure 6. St Gothard’s rotunda in Strzelin built of local granite, 12th century (photo K. Jaworski).

Among the stones quarried and used in the Early Middle Ages, a special place was reserved for serpentinites and marbles. These rocks were acquired in the region of Jordanów Śląski (serpentinite) and Przeworno (marble) and were used at this time only in order to supply some building materials for the biggest geopolitical centre within Lower Silesia, Wroclaw. Most likely, the transport of these rocks to Wroclaw was associated with the construction and reconstructions of the Cathedral of Wroclaw, located on Cathedral Island (Kaźmierczyk 1990; Sachanbiński and Kaźmierczyk 1988). The entry into the High Middle Ages in the second half of the 13th, due to the continuation of earlier quarrying traditions resulted in the further development of masonry centres and stonework, mainly operating in the vicinity of the Kaczawskie Foothills. Perhaps the development of the stone raw material economy in the region also contributed to the identification of gold deposits

Figure 7. The Romanesque portal of the Ołbin Abbey in Wrocław, built of sandstone from Kaczawskie Foothills, 12th century (photo E. Lisowska). 178

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and the subsequent process of its extraction from the end of the 12th century (Stolarczyk 2009). For the development of further stonework industries, the main foundation was created during the evolution of quarrying and mining activities and methods for more than 700 years of Slavic domination and their economic growth in south-western Poland. The early medieval identification of geological resources in Sudeten gave a stable background of rock quarrying, very important for further late-medieval and modern quarrying activities. Rock extraction methods and types of quarries The economy of stoneworking in the 6th-13th centuries in the Sudeten region was based on extraction in opencast quarries. Both through excavation work on these features and field observation, it was possible to identify the rock extraction process itself and the accompanying forms of anthropogenic transformation of the quarrying area. Rock extraction seems to represent a long and diverse process. In order to extract the raw material, tools such as drills, wedges, chisels and hammers were used (Figure 8). More than a dozen such tools have been found within the quarry sites excavated in the region of the Ślęża Massif and in the Strzelińskie Foothills in the Fore-Sudetic Block. In addition, the rock extraction process was facilitated by using heat, mainly by igniting a fire on bare rocks. Traces of this type of activity were recorded in the quarries in the Ślęża Massif and close to the top of Gromnik in the Strzelińskie foothills. Conceivably, in addition to the two aforementioned methods, other archaeologically elusive extraction methods were used such as the gathering of individual rocks from the ground.

Figure 8. Iron wedges found during W. Wojciecowski’s excavation in 1962 in SobótkaGórka (photo Archives of the Institute of Archaeology, University of Wrocław).

Mining activities in the Early Middle Ages focused on several regions of the Sudeten (Figure 1) have left a lasting imprint in the form of old, overgrown and disused quarries, representing several forms of the antropogenic transformation of the terrain. The most commonly observed forms of quarries arose as a result of extracting rock directly from the ground, from rather shallow rock deposits. They represent a form known as pit quarries (Figures 2A, 9, 10). Similar to them are shallow surface quarries that were briefly in use and are poorly preserved in the field, often almost invisible. The last quarry form arose in the process of direct rock separation, for example, from the isolated hills and rigdes. This kind of activity is represented by escarpment quarries, and usually created niches and voids (Figures 2B, 11, 12). After the extraction and pre-treatment of stone blocks, they were then transported to settlements engaged in the final finishing of the products. In Lower Silesia, five such archaeological sites were discovered, where the traces of such processes were evident. These sites are situated in Będkowice, Strzegomiany, Chwałków, Kamieniec Ząbkowicki and Gilów (Lisowska 2013: 58-66). Despite intense fieldwork and quarryscape exploration, no early medieval stonework settlements were discovered in the Kaczawskie Mountains and the Strzelińskie Foothills. Indirectly indicating the possibility of such settlements in the above regions are the huge and significant accumulations of various rocks detected in collections from other sites in Lower Silesia, which could have been exploited in the Kaczawskie Mountains and the Strzelińskie Foothills and distributed widely in this region. 179

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Figure 9. Pit quarries in Chwałków during wintertime, Ślęża Massif (photo E. Lisowska).

Figure 10. Pit quarries in Chwałków, Ślęża Massif (photo E. Lisowska).

Figure 11. Escarpment quarries near Skalice, Strzelin Foothills (photo E. Lisowska).

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Figure 12. Escarpment quarries called Marienstein near Gębczyce, Strzelin Foothills (photo E. Lisowska).

The importance of stone raw materials in economy Stone raw materials and artefacts in the early medieval world were one of the most important elements of everyday life, both in the economic and the spiritual dimension. Due to the natural geological abundance of the Sudeten, the region of Lower Silesia in the Early Middle Ages was completely independent in terms of stone acquisition and processing. This independence was marked mainly by supplying local markets and, to a much lesser extent, the export of goods outside this area. The stone was used almost everywhere, and this sphere can be divided into several fields: –– Architecture: defensive (strongholds), sacral (churches and abbeys) and economic (furnaces, ovens, baking plates, foundations of houses, etc.) –– Processing of agricultural products: quernstones and primitive grinders –– Consumption and processing of raw materials of animal origin, i.e. stones used for tanning leather or as weights for fishing equipment –– Workshop production (weaving, woodcarving and smithing) –– Simple household activities In addition to the wide range of mineral resources exploited in the area of the Sudeten, the economy of early societies in south-western Poland had a few imported (out-of-Sudeten) products, such as spindle whorls of pink slate from the area of Volhynia, carnelian beads imported from the Middle and Far East and the mudstone whetstones of Scandinavian provenance. Their coexistence with the stone artefacts of Sudeten origin indicates the high level of social awareness of the geological richness of the Sudeten at this time, which allowed both products from the rocks of foreign origin as well as their own local outcrops to be appreciated. Summary Based on the above findings, quarrying activities during the Early Middle Ages in the area of the Sudeten can be divided into several phases of development: –– 1st stage of quarrying activities may be connected with the early recognition of the Sudeten Mountains by the Slavs in the the 6th-8th centuries; only the lower parts such as regions situated in the Fore-Sudetic Block were exploited 181

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–– 2nd stage (the 9th-10th centuries) is represented by more detailed penetration deeper into mountains at new and higher altitudes (300-700 m a.s.l.) –– 3rd stage (the 11th-13th centuries) the most desirable stone materials were sandstones and granites used in church construction and the development of architectonical detail, outcrops were exploited both in the lower and higher parts of the Sudeten and extraction and transportation of bulky materials was specifically targeted –– 4th stage (the 14th-16th centuries – the High Middle Ages) – settlement began in new parts of the mountains, due to population growth, and is strongly associated with the acquisition of new kinds of rocks and minerals, glass production and gold panning In conclusion, it is worth noting that both the early and late medieval identification and acquisition of rock resources had an invaluable contribution to the growth of modern quarrying industries. References Bobak, D. 1997. Badania mezolitycznego stanowiska Jegłowa 2, gm. Przeworno. Śląskie Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 39: 395-399. Bobak, D. 2000. Wyroby z kryształu górskiego z mezolitycznego stanowiska Jegłowa 2. In M. Boguszewicz, A. Boguszewicz and D. Wiśniewska (eds.), Człowiek i środowisko w Sudetach: 63-66. Wrocław, Regionalny Ośrodek Studiów i Ochrony Środowiska Kulturowego. Borowski, M. 2013. Wyniki badań mikrosondowych łupków łyszczykowych z Kamieńca Ząbkowickiego oraz kamieni żarnowych wykonanych z łupkow łyszczykowych. In E. Lisowska, Wydobycie i dystrybucja surowców kamiennych we wczesnym średniowieczu na Dolnym Śląsku: 309-327. Wrocław, I-Bis. Cholewa, P. 2004. Rola sudeckiego zaplecza surowcowego w kamieniarstwie neolitycznym na Śląsku. Studia Archeologiczne 34. Wrocław, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego. Domański, G. 1963. Sprawozdanie z badań wczesnośredniowiecznych kamieniołomów na stokach góry Ślęży koło miejscowości Sobótka-Górka. Śląskie Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 6: 43-46. Domański, G. 1965a. Wytwórnie kamieni żarnowych na stokach Ślęży. Silesia Antiqua 7: 211-218. Domański, G. 1965b. Sprawozdanie z badań wczesnośredniowiecznych kamieniołomów na stokach Góry Ślęży, w pobliżu miejscowości Sobótka-Górka, w 1963 roku. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 17: 240246. Domański, G. 2002. Ślęża w pradziejach i średniowieczu. Wrocław, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademi Nauk. Geschwendt, F. 1922. Vino bei Zobten. Schlesische Geschichtsblätter 2-3: 40-41. Gunia, P. 2013a. Charakterystyka petrograficzna zabytków z wczesnośredniowiecznych stanowisk archeologicznych na Dolnym Śląsku. In E. Lisowska, Wydobycie i dystrybucja surowców kamiennych we wczesnym średniowieczu na Dolnym Śląsku: 261-283. Wrocław, I-Bis. Gunia, P. 2013b. Badania geochemiczne skał wczesnośredniowiecznych zabytków z Ostrowa Tumskiego. In E. Lisowska, Wydobycie i dystrybucja surowców kamiennych we wczesnym średniowieczu na Dolnym Śląsku: 283-295. Wrocław, I-Bis. Gunia, P. 2013c. Wyniki badań gemmologicznych wczesnośredniowiecznych kamieni jubilerskich z Ostrowa Tumskiego we Wrocławiu. In E. Lisowska, Wydobycie i dystrybucja surowców kamiennych we wczesnym średniowieczu na Dolnym Śląsku: 295-309. Wrocław, I-Bis. Herz, N. and Garrison, E. G. 1998. Geological Methods for Archaeology. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Jahn, M. 1929. Eine frühgeschichtliche Mahlsteinindustrie am Siling (Zobten). Altschlesien 2: 282-289. Jamka, R. 1950. Prehistoryczne i wczesnodziejowe ośrodki produkcji górniczej i rzemieślniczej na Śląsku. Przegląd Historyczny 41: 21-69. Jaworski, K. 2005. Grody w Sudetach (VIII-X w.). Wrocław, I-Bis. Jaworski, K. 2008. Problem wytwórczości kamieni żarnowych w regionie sudeckim we wczesnym średniowieczu. In A. Přichystal, L. Krmiček and M. Halavínová (eds.), Petroarchaeology in the Czech Republic and Poland at the beginning of the 21th century, Proceedings of the 4th International Petroarchaeological Symposium in Wrocław, October 2007, 11-13: 75-94. Brno, Ústav geologických věd PřF MU v Brne, Moravské Zemské Museum. 182

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Jaworski, K. and Pankiewicz, A. 2008. Badania na grodzisku z końca IX- początku X wieku w Gilowie koło Niemczy w latach 2004-2006. Śląskie Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 50: 179-208. Jaworski, K. and Wójcik, A. 1997. Przedmioty wykonane z surowców skalnych z grodziska w Gilowie, woj. wałbrzyskie. Studia Archeologiczne 29: 115-149. Kamiński, L. and Kaźmierczyk, J. 1994. Inwentaryzacja konserwatorska kamieniołomów granitu w masywie Ślęży. Śląskie Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 35: 367-370. Kaźmierczyk, J. 1978. Kamienne elementy obronne grodów śląskich w VIII-XI w. In M. Niemczyk (ed.), Początki zamków w Polsce: 33-49. Prace Naukowe Instytutu Historii Architektury, Sztuki i Techniki Politechniki Wrocławskiej 12. Studia i Materiały 5. Wrocław, Wydawnictwo Politechniki Wrocławskiej. Kaźmierczyk, J. 1990. Kamień w kulturze Ostrowa Tumskiego we Wrocławiu w wiekach X-XIII. WrocławWarszawa, Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Kaźmierczyk, J. 1994. Kamieniarze na górze Ślęży w XII-XIII w. Wyniki badań uzyskane w latach 19911992. Śląskie Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 35: 355-360. Kaźmierczyk, J. and Sachanbiński, M. 1978. Studium do produkcji wyrobów z kamieni szlachetnych na Śląsku w X-XII w. Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 26 (4): 465-495. Labuda, G. 2003. Słowiańszczyzna starożytna i wczesnośredniowieczna. Antologia tekstów źródłowych. Poznań, Wydownictwo Poznańskiego Towarzystwa Przyjaciół Nauk. Lisowska, E. 2008. Problematyka użytkowania surowców kamiennych we wczesnośredniowiecznym Wrocławiu. In P. Kucypera and S. Wadyl (eds.), Kultura materialna średniowiecza w Polsce. Materiały ze studenckiej konferencji naukowej. Toruń, 24-25 kwietnia 2008 roku: 59-66. Toruń, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Lisowska, E. 2013. Wydobycie i dystrybucja surowców kamiennych we wczesnym średniowieczu na Dolnym Śląsku. Wrocław, I-Bis. Lisowska, E., Gunia, P. and Borowski, M. 2014. Production and distribution of rotary quernstones from quarries in southwestern Poland in the early Middle Ages. In L. Selsing (ed.), Seen through a millstone. Geology and archaeology of quarries and mills: 167-180. AmS-Skrifter 24. Stavanger, Museum of Archaeology, University of Stavanger. Lodowski, J. 1980. Dolny Śląsk na początku średniowiecza (VI-X w.). Podstawy osadnicze i gospodarcze. Wrocław, Ossolineum. Lustig, G. 1904. Die Trichtergruben (Mardellen) von Zobtenberge zu Schlesien. Globus: 85: 85-89. Pazda, S. and Sachanbiński, M. 1991. Problem eksploatacji, użytkowania i dystrybucji łupków kwarcytowych (kwarcowo-serycytowych) z rejonu Wzgórz Strzelińskich jako surowca do sporządzania osełek na Śląsku w starożytności. Studia Archeologiczne 20: 47-73. Rapp, G. 2009. Archaeomineralogy, Natural Science in Archaeology. Berlin-Heidelberg, Springer-Verlag. Sachanbiński, M., Girulski, R., Bobak, D. and Łydżba-Kopczyńska, B. 2008. Prehistoric rock crystal artefacts from Lower Silesia (Poland). Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 39 (8): 1012-1017. Sachanbiński, M. and Kaźmierczyk, J. 1988. Eksploatacja surowców skalnych na Wzgórzach Strzelińskich we wczesnym średniowieczu. In B. Gediga (ed.), Surowce mineralne w pradziejach i we wczesnym średniowieczu Europy Środkowej: 157-172. Prace Komisji Archeologicznej Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Oddział we Wrocławiu 6. Wrocław, Ossolineum. Stolarczyk, T. 2009. Górnictwo metali nieżelaznych na Dolnym Śląsku od XIII do początku XVII w. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Wrocław. Wojciechowski, W. 1962. Sprawozdanie z prac wykopaliskowych przeprowadzonych na terenie wczesnośredniowiecznego kamieniołomu w Sobótce-Górce, pow. Wrocław. Śląskie Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 5: 47-48.

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Beginnings of mountain settlement in Czech Republic – a case study from the Bohemian Forest Katarína Kapustka, Matthew Walls and Jan Eigner Abstract Information about prehistoric human activity in mountaneous areas of the Bohemian Forest is quite poor. Most of the evidence comes from isolated finds, and systematic prospection has been focused on the Medieval and Modern period. In the lower parts of the Bohemian Forest region, the remains of Mesolithic settlement were found thanks to the oscillation of the water level in a dam. Our project links to this evidence and focuses on the upper parts of the Bohemian Forest region. We present finds from the Mesolithic period. First, a surface survey was conducted to choose areas with a high probability of settlement. Then, test pitting was done and finaly a small excavation carried out. The project continues with the survey of surrounding areas. The main result of this project was the discovery of an area with Mesolithic settlement situated near flowing water along a length of about 2 km, at an altitude of 1000 m a.s.l. Apart from this settled area we found a few other, less intensive, traces of settlement. The discovered Mesolithic settlement seems to date from the end of the Early Mesolithic period. Raw materials originate from Bavaria and, apart from the Mesolithic settlement, the remains of La Tene and Medieval settlement were found. Key words Mesolithics, mountain settlement, hunther-gatherers, lithics

Introduction The Czech Republic is mostly a hilly, lowland landscape with a chain of mountains around its borders. In the Bohemian region there are mountain regions which have been seen as a marginal settlement zone through the whole history of humankind (Velímský 1998). In general, this view is correct for the Czech Republic too yet there is also subtle information about the settlement of these areas. Mountain areas in the Czech context are defined as situated at an altitude of at least 600 m a.s.l. The highest mountain in the Czech Republic is Sněžka (1603 m a.s.l.) on the Polish border, in the northern part of Bohemian territory. Most of the archaeological evidence of the settlement in the mountain regions comes from single finds. Research projects in the Czech mountains were mostly focused on the medieval period and the mining issue in particular (Velímský 1998). To understand correctly the importance of mountain settlement it is necesarry to mention the basic characteristics of the natural environment in these areas. In Central Europe, altitude is one of the characteristics which has the greatest influence on the natural environment (Pokorný and Horáček 2006: 339). Winters in the Czech mountains are quite long and cold while summers are short and wet, often affecting vegetation. These regions are not very useful as agricultural areas, whilst it is possible to produce some kind of crops here, it is a much less effective way than in the lowlands. So it seems that mountains were used for certain purposes throughout almost the whole of prehistory, but only for specific ones. It seems probable that hunting and gathering continued throughout the whole of prehistory. Furthermore, there were mines with copper and silver being exploited in the Ore Mountains (Bohdálek 2015; Hoffmann 2014). The earliest evidence in this region comes from Middle Ages, but it is possible that there were mining activities earlier. In the Bohemian Forest region there is evidence of gold mining from the Middle Ages but it is very probable that gold had been exploited here since the Iron Age (Waldhauser 2003), because there is evidence of Iron Age settlement near rivers with golden dust and remains of gold washing were found there too (Čuláková et al. 2012b). Traces of mining come from Bohemian-Moravian Highlands, where silver has been exploited since the Middle Ages (Hrubý 2014). During the Modern period, transhumance started to be quite widespread in the mountains, and some sheep production moved to higher altitudes (Dreslerová 2015). During the Middle Ages the exploitation 185

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of wood was especially important, as it was necessary for wood coal production, glass production and of course for the construction of buildings. So, even if we can sum up with a conclusion that higher altitudes revealed only scarce traces of settlement, we can find wide range of different activities in Bohemian mountains. Overview of archaeological evidence on mountain settlement in the Czech Republic During the Upper Paleolithic an intensive exploitation of mountains seems unlikely. There were some minor ice sheets on some of the highest places, so they were possibly crossed if necessary but people did not stay there for a longer time (Čuláková 2014). However, for hunter-gatherer life style mountains were quite a useful environment which is why since the begining of the Holocene era we have some evidence for Late Paleolithic sites from the Bohemian Forest region. The Mesolithic seems to have been a golden era of mountain settlement in Bohemia. Mountains were used as much as any other landscape type, but the surviving evidence is quite scattered. During the Neolithic period it is almost sure that mountains were not used in the Neolithic way of life, but it is possible that they were exploited in the hunter-gatherer style (Svoboda 2003: 100). With regard to the Neolithic and all later prehistoric periods a theoretical concept has been formulated positing that these areas were used as pastures, but only very subtle evidence has been found thus far in its support (Dreslerová 2015). This evidence is not archaeological, but palynological, and its meaning depends on the interpretation of the record. As for the Aeneolithic and the Bronze Age there are some valuable single finds which can be explained in different ways. Usually these type of finds from the mountains are seen as treasures hidden near landmarks or were more likely given to supernatural forces. The other, simpler explanation is that these finds are just lost things. Both explanations are possible depending on the circumstances. During the Iron Age the picture starts to be more complex. In some of the Czech mountains, gold was probably washed from streams (Fröhlich 2006). Mining in the mountains rose in importance during the Middle Ages, there is evidence especially in the Ore Mountains and the Bohemian Forest. In both of these locations, wood coal was also produced and there is good evidence for glass industry (Drahotová 2005). Overview of the Mesolithic mountain settlement In general we can see subtle evidence of the mountain land use throughout the whole of prehistory all around Czech Republic. Mesolithic occupation seems probable in most of these areas, but is difficult to prove. There are single Mesolithic finds from the Ore Mountains, Krkonoše, Beskids and Bohemian Forest (Čuláková 2014) (Figure 1). These single finds should probably be Mesolithic, but they are not

Figure 1. Position of the research area on the map of the Czech Republic.

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K. Kapustka, M. Walls and J. Eigner: Beginnings of mountain settlement in Czech Republic

characteristic enough. In the Krkonoše and in Orlické Mountains there is high probability of some land use during the Mesolithic, because there is a huge concentration of the sites in the foothills, but these regions need further research. The Ore Mountains are a problematic area, as settlement is known only

Figure 2. Bohemian Forest region – sites marked by numbers, as in Fig. 3. 187

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from single finds. Unfortunately, huge areas of these mountains were affected by acid rain and during the recultivation of the forest most of the archaeological areas were destroyed. The Beskids are not very well known and the evidence is quite poor even for its foothills, so there should be further research in this area in future. The best known area is the Bohemian Forest and its foothills (see Figures 2, 3). In this area several research projects had run and our own is conducted too. The advantage of this region is that not only are the

Total Altitude amount of finds 750 73 748 80 755 7 744 2 775 1 790 2 1018 350 1010 135 1007 300 1006 4 1150 2 760 3 740 5 1300 1 723 240 725 101 725 137 770 7 723 25 723 253 723 3 723 10 723 1 723 2 723 1

N° in map

Site

Way of excavation

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

Čachrov 1 Čachrov 2 Čachrov 3 Čachrov 4 Prášily 1 Prášily 2 Javoří Pila 1 Javoří Pila 4 Javoří Pila 2 Javoří Pila 3 Filipova huť 1 Blažejovice Volary 1 Třístoličník Nová pec 3 Pernek 4 Pernek 1 Pernek 3 Horní Planá 1 Horní Planá 2 Hůrka 1 Hůrka 2 Hůrka 3 Pestřice 1 Pernek 2

26

Hůrka 4

725

2256

surface survey

27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

Hodňov Černá v Pošumaví Bližná 1 Bližná 2 Bližná 3 Bližná 5 Bližná 4 Dolní Vltavice 2 Kyselov 1 Kyselov 2 Svatonina Lhota 1 Hruštice 1 Pasečná 1

723 723 723 723 723 723 723 723 725 725 725 723 1035

2 2 1 110 2 9 22 6 1 7 2 1 2

surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey

surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey test pitting test pitting excavation excavation excavation test pitting test pitting surface survey excavation single find surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey surface survey

Intrusions

References

Late Palaeolithic Late Palaeolithic Late Palaeolithic Late Palaeolithic Modern Period 0 Middle Ages 0 Modern Period 0 Modern Period 0 0 0 Aeneolithic 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Neolithic, Aeneolithic, Prehistory 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Middle Ages

Šída et al. 2011 Šída et al. 2011 Šída et al. 2011 Šída et al. 2011 Čuláková 2015 Čuláková 2015 Čuláková 2015 Čuláková 2015 Čuláková 2015 Čuláková 2015 Čuláková 2015 Parkmann 2006 Parkmann 2006 Fröhlich 1997 Parkmann 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006

Figure 3. Bohemian Forest region – basic information on the sites. 188

Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006

K. Kapustka, M. Walls and J. Eigner: Beginnings of mountain settlement in Czech Republic

mountain areas themselves relatively well known, but so are the foothills. The Bohemian Forest covers aprox. 1700 km2 and its highest mountain is 1456 m a.s.l. Almost 40 sites are known from this area, most of them in the surroundings of the Lipno dam. These sites were found thanks to the lowering of the water level in the dam. They are mostly known from surface survey and some of them were test pitted and/or excavated too (Figure s 2 and 3). As you can see in Figure 3, most of the sites are known from surface survey and none of them have been radiocarbon dated. The chronology is based on typo-technological characteristics of the lithics. Most of the sites are without any intrusions. Intrusions from Middle Ages and Modern period can hardly harm final evidence but more problematic are intrusions from other prehistoric periods, because during these times the raw materials used in this region were the same as in the Mesolithic. Therefore the evidence from the sites where a low number of pieces was found is not clear but from ten sites where the highest number of pieces was found the evidence seems to be quite clear. There are microliths present and technological analysis shows Mesolithic methods. Microliths are quite important for the chronology of the surface finds. In the Bohemian Forest region more than 40 microliths were found which come from almost ten different sites. There are trapezes, segments, different kinds of triangles, rectangles, different types of points and retouched blades, which come from the whole Mesolithic period (see Figure 4).

N° of site

Site

Raw material

30 33 20 20 20

Bližná 2 Bližná 4 Horní Planá 2 Horní Planá 2 Horní Planá 2

Chert (Flintsbach type) ? Chert (Flintsbach type) Chert (Flintsbach type) Chert (Flintsbach type)

20

Horní Planá 2 Chert (Flintsbach type)

26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26 26

Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4 Hůrka 4

Chalcedony mass Chalcedony mass Chalcedony mass Chalcedony mass Chalcedony mass Chalcedony mass Radiolarite Chert (Flintsbach type) Chert (Flintsbach type) Chert (Flintsbach type) Chert (Flintsbach type) Chert (Flintsbach type) Chert (Flintsbach type) Chert (Flintsbach type) Moraine silicite Moraine silicite Moraine silicite Moraine silicite Moraine silicite Moraine silicite Moraine silicite Moraine silicite Moraine silicite

Type according to Kozłowski 1980 BJ TR DE K RA?

XA? ? DA K TN TO WA-C? DA ? DA K RA? TN TO WA-C? AZ DA DD? K PD TH TN TO WA-C?

Description asymetrical trapeze scalene segment truncated baldelet rectangle triangle with retouched base triangle point truncated baldelet Isoscele scalene backed bladelet point triangle point truncated baldelet rectangle Isoscele scalene backed bladelet trapeze point segment truncated baldelet point asymetrical triangle Isoscele scalene backed bladelet

189

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Chronology

1 1 1 1 1

Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006

Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic

1

Vencl 2006

Mesolithic

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 2

Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006 Vencl 2006

Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic Mesolithic

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N° of site

Site

Raw material

Type according to Kozłowski 1980

Description

7

Javoří Pila 1

Chalcedony mass

TE

Isoscele

1

7

Javoří Pila 1

Porcelanite

TE

Isoscele

1

7

Javoří Pila 1

TN

Isoscele

1

7

Javoří Pila 1

TR

triangle

1

7

Javoří Pila 1

Silicite

TN

Isoscele

1

9

Javoří Pila 2

Chert (Flintsbach type)

TN

Isoscele

1

9

Javoří Pila 2

Silicite

TN

Isoscele

1

8

Javoří Pila 4

Silicite

K

truncated baldelet

1

17

Pernek 1

Chert (Flintsbach type)

K?

truncated baldelet

1

Chert (Flintsbach type) Chert (Flintsbach type)

Total References amount

Chronology

Čuláková et al. 2012 Čuláková et al. 2012 Čuláková et al. 2012 Čuláková et al. 2012 Čuláková et al. 2012

The end of lower Mesolithic period The end of lower Mesolithic period The end of lower Mesolithic period The end of lower Mesolithic period The end of lower Mesolithic period The end of lower Unpublished Mesolithic period The end of lower Unpublished Mesolithic period The end of lower Unpublished Mesolithic period Vencl 2006

Mesolithic

Figure 4. Microliths found in the area of Bohemian Forest (until the end of the year 2014).

Case study from the Bohemian Forest region – the area around Roklanský Stream This paper presents a project that has been conducted in the area of the Bohemian Forest. It started in 2011 in the area of Roklanský Stream (for the position see Figure 1). Our project was focused on the Mesolithic occupation in higher altitudes. For our survey we chose several watercourses in the central part of Bohemian Forest. There was no prehistoric settlement known in this area before. Sites are situated at altitudes ranging from 1010 up to 1150 m a.s.l. Today, this area is covered mainly with spruce forest which is the result of the wood industry during the 18th and 19th century. During the Mesolithic period the situation was different and in the proximity of the sites there are moors which produced the evidence which covers the period of the Mesolithic occupation. During the preboreal era, birch and pines appear here and plants start to be much more diversified. The country is open with scattered patches of the forest and occasional thermophilic woody plants. At the end of the preboreal period, species typical for open landscape dissapeared and the country became gradually forested. During the boreal period, pines and hazels expanded their range; hazels became common throughout the whole territory of the Bohemian Forest (Svobodová et al. 2002) (Figures 5, 6). First, a surface survey was conducted in the area of the Roklanský Stream. The main aim of the surface survey was to find promising places in the landscape. However, we were lucky enough and even the first finds were discovered at the eroded terrace of the stream. Subsequent test pitting was carried out at several places, followed by small size excavations. So far almost 800 lithic pieces have been found at four different sites in the proximity of the Roklanský Stream. They are situated at the edge of the river terrace so it seems that part of a former site was eroded during the Holocene (for the position of the sites in the landscape see Figures 5, 6). Research in this area continues until today. The most important tasks are to improve our knowledge of the natural environment and geological history of the area. All sites which are known from our research were test pitted, because in forested areas this is the basic way of survey. Sites were identified by test pitting and their area was determined by other test pits. 190

K. Kapustka, M. Walls and J. Eigner: Beginnings of mountain settlement in Czech Republic

Figure 5. Position of the chosen sites in the landscape – Javoří Pila 1, position of the site marked by arrow.

Figure 6. Position of the chosen sites in the landscape – Javoří Pila 2, position of the pits marked by arrows.

Sediments were wet sieved in the stream and most of the finds, i.e. approx. 75% were found thanks to wet sieving (Figure 7). Collections from the different identified sites are quite similar. The number of pieces reflects more or less the area of the excavation, so in general the density of pieces is almost the same at different sites. Microliths were found at three sites: Javoří Pila 1, Javoří Pila 2 and Javoří Pila 4. These sites are quite large in terms of their extent, so it seems that they were visited repeteadly. It is clear that we do not have the whole area of the site, because part of it was eroded. Based on the characteristics of the lithic collections it seems clear that at these three sites lithics were produced, or at least retouched (Figure 8). Microliths from the surroundings of the Roklanský Stream are triangle shaped and were produced with the use of the microburin technology. These triangles are scalene and non-regular (see Figure 8). Chronologically, these sites can be placed at the end of the early Mesolithic period. Apart from the 191

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N° of site 7 9 10 8

Site

Microliths

Scrapers

Javoří Pila 1 Javoří Pila 2 Javoří Pila 3 Javoří Pila 4 Total

5 1 0 1 7

1 0 0 0 1

Other Flakes Blades/ retouched Cores and bladelets pieces waste 12 17 1 277 2 5 0 27 0 1 0 3 1 5 0 25 15 28 1 332

Core preparation 16 5 0 3 24

Unmodified raw Total material 330 1 40 0 4 0 35 0 1 409

Figure 7. Basic information on lithics found in the area of Roklanský Stream (until the end of the year 2014).

Figure 8. Selected finds: Javoří Pila 1: 1-4, 9, 10; Javoří Pila 2: 6-8; Javoří Pila 4: 5, 11. Raw materials: Chert (type Flintsbach): 1, 4-8, 11; Flint from moraines: 9, 10; Porcelanite: 2; Chalcedony mass 3.

microliths there are scrapers and retouched flakes. Both are not particularly chronologicaly sensitive, but at least the discovered scrapers could be classed as Mesolithic. Compared to the lithics from the Western Bohemia and Bavaria these lithic collections culturally belong to the Beuonien B or C. Similar collections could be seen in the southern part of the Bohemian Forest (Vencl 2006) or in the upper Otava river region (Šída et al. 2011) (Figure 9). The majority of the material in the collections is made of chert from Bavaria, but there are many other kinds of raw materials as well (e.g. quartzite, opal, rock crystal; see Figure 8 and 10). The composition of the raw materials in this collection is similar as in other collections known from the neighbouring areas (Šída et al. 2011, Vencl 1989, Vencl 2006). Although in very low numbers, raw materials are present from different regions of Bohemia and the variability of the raw materials indicates the high mobility of these groups. The only raw material which occurs naturally in this area is quartz but it does not seem to have been used for lithic production. Bavarian cherts of the Flintsbach type are predominant (87% of the collection), while cherts of the Arnhofen type are present in low numbers (0.7%). Moraine flint constitutes 3%, and it is difficult to determine the exact position of its source, as it could be found anywhere at the foot of the icesheet. Quite popular was rock crystal (3%), which could be used not only for lithic production, but smaller crystals could have had a decorative function too. 192

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Site Javoří Pila 1 Javoří Pila 2 Javoří Pila 3 Javoří Pila 4 Total

Chert type ChalceChert Moraine Rock QuartBurned UnFlintsOpal dony type Other Total silicite crystal zite silicite known bach mass Arnhofen 330 185 18 11 2 6 6 3 30 54 15 40 25 5 1 0 1 2 0 3 3 0 4 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 35 27 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 6 0 241 23 12 2 7 8 3 35 63 15 409 Figure 9. Basic information on raw materials at the sites in the area of Roklanský Stream (until the end of the year 2014).

Figure 10. Proveniences of the raw materials used for lithic production. Map basis: Earth Satellite Corporation® ESRI®.

The collection is dominated by waste which makes up 80% of the total number of pieces (see Figure 7). The percentage of chunks which are result of retouch or repair is quite high (16%). An important part of the collection are indirect inditions of blade/bladeled production: crested bladelets found at Javoří Pila 1 and Javoří Pila 3. Then there are pieces known as outrepassée (sensu Tixier et al. 1995) from Javoří Pila 2. All these pieces indicate that lithic production was carried out on-site. The majority of the unmodified blade fragments are basal parts (70%), which supports the idea of the microlith production by microburin 193

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technique. The majority of medial pieces were modified to the final form of the microliths while most of the blades/bladelets were produced by soft hammerstone, a technique typical for Central Europaean Mesolithic. Technologically it seems that raw materials were brought to the sites in a prepared form, because cores and cortical pieces are pretty rare. Raw materials were exploited to the maximum, there are no unmodified raw material pieces left. Flake technology was identified along with the blade/bladelet production, but it seems that it was rather an opportunistic, non regular action. Discussion In general, the area of the Bohemian Forest is the best known mountain region in Czech Republic, but further research is nevertheless necessary. There is a rough idea of the vegetation in the area, but it is not very well connected to the archaeological information. The occupation seems to have been seasonal, as the Bohemian Forest is one of the coldest regions in the Czech Republic, so it is more likely that sites were used during the warm part of the year. The sites seem to be quite big, probably because they were visited repetitively. The explanations for the settlement in this region are quite various. Some of the ideas are only theoretical whilst others are very well supported by the evidence. Roklanský Stream is situated in one of the highest areas of the Bohemian Forest but mountains are not steep here and it is quite easy to pass through the mountain chain in this place. During the Middle Ages, a long-distance trade route was situated here and thus it seems likely that this part of the mountains was favourable as a crossing point. Good quality raw materials are lacking in the Bohemian Forest and the only one which is present is quartz and this, according to the archaeological evidence, was not used for lithic production. However, raw materials from Bavaria were quite popular during the Mesolithic – not only in the mountains but in the foothills too (Šída et al. 2011). So it seems that Mesolithic groups could cross the mountains here but the only evidence of contact through the Bohemian Forest is the presence of Bavarian raw materials in western and southern Bohemia. The manner in which the lithics were produced and the range of the raw materials indicate that a Mesolithic cultural group could have formed around the Bohemian Forest with the mountaneous area in its centre. The hypothetical part of this idea is that people could have observed the fact that fish or game run up to the mountains, and profit from the fact that fruits ripen later in the mountains. Unfortunatelly we have no direct proof for this idea and the soil in the mountains is too acidic to let any bones or organic remains survive. The only evidence for the natural environment comes from the palynological analysis (Svobodová et al. 2002). So far this palynological evidence has not been directly connected to the archaeological evidence. Nevertheless, it seems that there were quite a lot of fruits and nuts and thus, especially during the mellow summer months, this area could have been atractive for hunter-gatherers. On the other hand, during winter months it seems unlikely, because today it is one of the coldest areas in Czech Republic and winters there would have been hard. Conclusion We wanted to present the cluster of Mesolithic sites situated in the central part of the Bohemian Forest region. These sites are clearly from the Mesolithic period, and their chronology is based on the lithics as no organic remains have been found in connection with archaeological finds until today. These sites seem to be culturally conected with the Mesolithic of Bavaria and Western Bohemia. The sites in proximity of Roklanský Stream are not in an empty space, there are 35 other sites which are situated in the Bohemian Forest, so it seems that this region was used regularly during the Mesolithic period. The purpose of these sites is not very clear and there are two basic competing explanations. On the one hand, these sites could have just been camps which were built on the way to Bavaria/Bohemia. On the other hand, these sites could have been camps used during some seasonal hunting/gathering. We hope to find clearer evidence for the purpose and function of these sites in the future. 194

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An Approach to understand the significance of the Cultural landscape of the tribes of Arunachal Pradesh, Northeast India Bina Gandhi Deori Abstract Cultural Landscape plays significant role in explaining the relation between human and nature and how this relationship evolves over time in maintaining the cultural heritage of a particular community. The paper highlights the role of the cultural landscape and the Galo tribe of Arunachal Pradesh, India. Key words Northeast India, Arunachal Pradesh, Galo, mountain community, cultural landscape

The Region The Northeast region of India popularly known as ‘Northeast’ comprises of eight states: Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura. From time immemorial, Northeast India has been the meeting point of many ethnic communities with diverse cultures and traditions. People with distinct ethnicities, practicing different faiths across the borders of Bangladesh, Burma, Bhutan, China, the Tibet Autonomous Region and Nepal entered the Northeast region of India in subsequent waves and made it their home. It is a land of great ethnic diversity; more different indigenous people live here in a comparatively smaller area than anywhere else in Asia. The Northeast region provides a natural bridge between India and Southeast Asia. Despite the fact that the region is situated in a remote geographical location it has a dynamic past. Due to the influx of people over a long period of time, Northeast India has more than 200 indigenous peoples speaking a wide range of languages (Figure 1). Climatically, Northeast India falls within the subtropical monsoon rainforest belt which receives the heaviest rainfall in the country. Mawsynram, a village in the East Khasi Hills district of Meghalaya state is claimed to be the wettest place on earth with an average annual rainfall of 11,872 millimeters (467.4 inches). Prior to that Cherrapunji, also in Meghalaya, held the record for the highest rainfall and wettest place in the world. Arunachal Pradesh is the northeastern most state of India, located in the foothills of the Himalayas. It is the eastern stretch of the Himalayas and the richest bio-geographical province of the Himalayan zone. The topography of Arunachal Pradesh is characterized by undulating hilly terrain, towering hill slopes, enthralling river valleys and imposing peaks. Arunachal Pradesh receives heavy rainfall of 80 to 160 inches (2000 to 4000 mm) annually, most of it falling between May and September. Winters are severe with thick mist formation and occasional rainfall. The state has a variegated climate due to the wide altitudinal range and a prolonged period of monsoon has resulted in luxuriant forest growth over the hill slopes. Since the state is widely covered with dense forest, it supports a vast and diverse group of fauna. Topography Arunachal Pradesh shows a wide variation in the topography of the land. Topography wise, Arunachal Pradesh has been divided into four distinct physiographical divisions: 1. The Himalayan Ranges 2. The Mishmi Hills 197

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Figure 1. Map showing Arunachal Pradesh.

3. The Naga-Patkoi Ranges and 4. The Brahmaputra Plains The region has been described as ‘an intricate labyrinth of precipitous, rocky and high hills and mountains, with beautiful green valleys drained by innumerable rivulets and mighty rivers cascading down from upper elevation’. The landscape presents a splendid view of scenic beauty and diversity (Choudhury 1994: 5). Because of its easternmost location and presence of extensive chain of mountains and hills, Arunachal Pradesh is also known as the Land of Dawn-lit Mountains. The mountains of Arunachal Pradesh are considered much later in origin than the peninsular India which originally belonged to the continent known as Gondwana. Arunachal Pradesh has different passes across its mountainous boundaries which served as routes of communication, migration of people and military movements since the earliest times (Chatterjee 1991: 18). Flora & fauna According to the India State Forest Report 2015, out of the total area of 83,743 sq km, the forest covers 67,246 sq km (Figure 2). Area wise, Arunachal Pradesh has the second largest forest cover in the country. The forests of Arunachal Pradesh possess a phenomenal range of biological diversity, both in flora and fauna. Over 500 rare species of medicinal plants have been found in the forests of Arunachal Pradesh. Arunachal Pradesh is one of the world’s biodiversity ‘hotspot areas’. Namdapha National Park located in the Changlang district of Arunachal Pradesh is the largest protected area in the eastern Himalayan 198

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Figure 2. Forest Cover Map of Arunachal Pradesh (courtesy India State of Forest Report 2015).

biodiversity hotspot. Arunachal Pradesh has a number of sacred groves managed by the indigenous communities. The people Verrier Elwin (1999: 1) the English anthropologist referring to the people of Northeastern region remarked that ‘its history ascends for hundreds of years into the mist of tradition and mythology’. Nestled in the lap of the Himalayas, Arunachal Pradesh remained more or less cut off from mainland India due to its difficult terrain and lack of better transport and communication facilities for a long period of time. This inaccessible topography has also prevented regular intercommunication between the indigenous communities living in the different valleys of Arunachal Pradesh which has resulted in distinct attributes in language, dress, customs etc. Each group has its own defined cultural identities which present a unique scenario of unity in diversity in Northeast India. However, within the last two decades, due to urbanization and globalization, major influences entered the mountainous region and altered the indigenous life ways in manifold ways. The tribes of Arunachal Pradesh belong to the Tibeto-Burman group. For the indigenous communities of Northeast India, ‘Scheduled Tribe’ is the term used in the Indian Constitution. In Arunachal Pradesh, the term ‘tribe’ is widely accepted by the communities themselves with a sense of pride in preference to adivasi,1 native or indigenous. The region is inhabited by prominent tribes like Galo, Minyong, Nyishi, Aka, Apatani, Bugun, Singhpo, Memba, Mishmi, Miji, Tangsa, Monpa, Sherdukpen, Tagin, Khamti, Wancho, Nocte etc. The total population of Arunachal Pradesh is 1.38 million according to Census 2011. The average population density is 17 persons per sq km thus making it the least populated state in India. Nature-human relationship Traditional (mountainous) communities are deeply connected to their physical environment. Their relationship with traditional lands and territories form an integral part of their identity and spirituality. Respect for nature is central to tribal identity. The inaccessible topography yet wide availability of edible wild plants and animals in surplus provide the population with a unique strategy to survive in its natural 1

Term used for the indigenous peoples of South Asia.

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setting. The tribal communities have been living in close proximity with nature over so many centuries and this prolonged interaction with the ecology and the environment has helped them to develop a way of life more coherent and compatible with nature. Forests supply their needs for daily sustenance through its abundant natural resources. Tribal habitats are made of wood, bamboo and leaves (Figures 3-6) and the practice of traditional medicine and knowledge is quite popular among many of the tribes. The ways of life of the mountain communities of Arunachal Pradesh are remarkably different from those of mainstream Indians. Many of the tribes still subsist on gathering and fishing, though hunting is occasionally done too. Traditionally, agriculture, jhum2 cultivation, is their main mode of subsistence. Apart from agriculture they have broad diversity of food-gathering techniques. They hunt game, trap birds, fish and gather wild foods. All of these activities require an acute observation and intimate knowledge of the environment. The continuation of traditional fishing techniques and indigenous

Figure 3. Yid and Gichi Village, Upper Subansiri District, Arunachal Pradesh (photo courtesy: L. Lomdak).

Figure 4. Pega Lomdak Village, Upper Subansiri District, Arunachal Pradesh (photo courtesy: L. Lomdak).

2

Shifting, slash-and-burn cultivation.

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Figure 5. Bam village, West Siang Dist, Arunachal Pradesh.

Figure 6. Toopo` Xigee (Great Curve of the Tsangpo). Photo Courtesy: Internet (https://sandrp.files. wordpress.com/2013/07/ yarlung-tsangpo-grandcanyon-e28093-tibet.jpg)

practices of food procuring methods by the present population is evidence of their significant reliance on the environment, like it has been in the past. According to the oral tradition of the Galo tribe of the West Siang district, human, spirit, elephant and tiger shared the same ancestry in the distant past. This interprets the interconnections between human, nature and the spiritual world. The tribes view both themselves and nature as an extended family sharing the same origin and hence stories of lycanthropy among them are quite common. In the context of indigenous cultures, the story of the communities can be best understood and interpreted through the interplay of community and environment. Arunachal Pradesh is unique in having traditional rights of various tribes over land, water and forest within their jurisdiction. Each tribe as a community exercises control over the natural resources within their surrounding habitation and also the moral responsibility that the natural resources are not exploited to the extent of being misused. Historical connection with the landscape The oral history of the tribes carries rich information regarding their migration and genealogical histories. It mentions particular mountains, hills, rivers etc. which mark or define the geographical boundaries of 201

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Figure 7. Map showing the different routes of Galo migration (map courtesy: B. Riba).

their ancestral territories. Through oral narratives, community ownership over their territorial lands is established. Their migration legend is an important part of the oral tradition. These legends are narrated by well-versed village elders or shamans on special occasions like marriage. Dooku Runam or migration legend is narrated during Togu Panam,3 where hobe (Bos frontalis) is sacrificed along with the performance of elaborate rituals. During the narration, the prehistoric migration of a tribe or clan from its original homeland to their present settlement is described in vivid detail. One of the well-known Galo migration story recounts that Karko-Ao,4 a clan of the Galo tribe, in the course of migration sojourned through places like Nyime-Libu,5 Toopo ` Xigee (Great Curve of the Tsangpo) before settling down in isolated pockets which later developed into hamlets and then villages. These regions have been identified as places located under Pemako in the Nyingchi Prefecture of South Tibet, frequently mentioned in Karko-Ao migration legend. Tibet, known as Nyime, also occurs regularly in the oral history of the Galo tribe as a prominent location from where the tribes started migrating downwards towards the present borders of Arunachal Pradesh. As informed by Dr Bomchak Riba in 2012, a native of Dari Village, the Galo took several different routes over a long period of time following the courses of Sinyik,6 Siyom7 and Hiaa8 rivers (Figure 7). According to another popular migration legend, the Bam clan followed the course of Yomsi-Libu9 and settled in their present location at Chili and Chiko villages. Some of them also settled in villages away from the main Bam settlement. The Lendo migration legend records that they migrated from Mai Yomi There are different types of marriages in Galo society. In Togu Panam a large number of hobe/mithun is sacrificed. Karko-Ao is a clan of Galo tribe consisting of Riba, Basar, Rina, Riram, Ering as sub-clans. Marriages within the sub-clans aren’t permitted. 5 Nyime identified as Tibet and Libu means narrow gap of rock cliff. 6 Identified as Subansiri river. 7 Identified as Yomgo river 8 Identified as Siang river. 9 Identified as Siyom or Yomgo river. 3 4

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(?) and Hichum Dele (?) and finally settled at Lipu near Pushi Doke. From there they dispersed in different directions in search of better cultivable land and presently the members of the Lendo clan are settled in 25 villages mostly located in the West Siang District. Identification of the locations of these ancient ancestral sites and other places of importance would be very useful to reconstruct the Galo migration route from their original homeland and add more information about its history and culture. In addition to narratives, place names focus and sustain traditional knowledge related to the land (Buggey 1999: 8). In this respect the methodology emphasizes the need to reconsider oral history in conjunction with the remnant landscapes of the region. Over the long period of time, the names of many places have faded away from the memories of the people but the places with greater significance were recorded in the traditional narration. However, it is also interesting to note that the name of some places remained the same. For example, Golo Yorbe is still well known by the same name and it has been identified as a hill range near Monigong village in the extreme north of the West Siang District. Thus, the term Galo might have been used to those people who stayed at Golo Yorbe (Riba 2010: 24). During the performance of Dello Mennam,10 the narration of the genealogy of a particular clan, a number of landscapes appear consistently throughout the oral narratives. Oral narratives are deeply rooted in their culture and history. The notion of belonging to the land is embedded in indigenous peoples’ cultural identities. Therefore, village elders feel the need to pass on the indigenous knowledge to the youth of the community. It connects them to their land and instills cultural identity and a sense of belongingness. Systematic investigation of the oral narratives in conjunction with cultural landscape analysis can enable a deeper understanding of the cultural complexity of the history of the tribe and also engage in archaeology of historical landscapes of the region. Spiritual connection with the landscape The indigenous belief systems are loosely termed animism or ancestor worship. The indigenous communities have a deep and profound spiritual connection with their territorial lands and its natural resources; a sense of sacredness. They do not see themselves as separate from nature but an integral part of nature. The Donyi (Sun) and Polo (Moon) are the supreme elements of their folk religion. They are always under the constant watch of Donyi during the day and Polo during the night. Mountains, hills, forest, trees, agricultural field, rivers, streams etc. are associated with spirits and sylvan deities that protect it. Disrespectful activities to nature and misuse of its resources can enrage the concerned deities who bring calamities to punish the defaulters. Hence, sickness, epidemic, crop failures etc. are seen as displeasure or fury of some deities. Certain places in the landscape are recognized as sacred and some as unholy which needs to be avoided. For cultivation, prior to clearing of forest11 or cutting unusually big trees,12 appropriate rituals are performed and sacrifices are offered to pacify them. Respect for the land and its spirits are integral to their living. For the protection of standing crops from pests and blessings for good harvest, different spirits are propitiated through the performance of rituals and offerings from time to time (Figure 8). Rituals are a way to propitiate the spirits and seek their blessings before undertaking any tasks. Hunting of big game like deer, wild boar, tiger etc. entail several rituals and strict observance of taboos. Rituals are performed both before and after hunting. Before the hunting expedition, ritual is performed to ascertain whether the hunting of the animal is necessary at all. It also calls for the painless or less painful death of the game. The hunter ought to be respectful towards the animals and the concerned spirits that protect the animal. The gift of the successful hunt is shared among the community members. Traditionally, a feast is arranged. After the successful hunting expedition, a ritual known as Digo13 is performed and the concerned hunter undergoes a series of taboos related to restriction in food and movements. In certain rituals, along with the hunter the whole village observes a day or two of abstention Folk song which narrates the genealogy of a particular clan or tribe during marriage. Clearing of undergrowth might destroy the habitats of the spirits. 12 Certain species or unusually big trees are believed to be the dwelling place of spirits. 13 The Digo ritual is performed mainly after hunting deer and wild boar. 10 11

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Figure 8. Jed Mod, an agricultural ritual performed at Basar, West Siang, Arunachal Pradesh.

from work in the agricultural field. The hunting of a tiger is a huge affair, perhaps more so than any feast or festival in the village. As human and tiger are believed to share same ancestry, the rituals performed are much more elaborate and the subsequent taboos are severe. The hunting of a tiger is considered no less than a felony, therefore the hunter has to undergo certain taboos that might last a lifetime. In some Galo creation myths the sky and earth was a couple, stuck together for long years before deciding to move apart to let the creation begin. Sky rose to its position. Water gushed in between the space, plants grew, fish, animals, birds and humans appeared on earth. The cycle of life started. However, the sky and earth continued to miss each other. Therefore, mountain peaks on earth are the points where the earth is still trying to reach the sky. There are many other creation myths and stories which clearly bring out the deep connection shared between human and landscape. Archaeological remains The tribes have cultural and spiritual associations with the land that go back thousands of years. Due to their perishable material culture, the physical evidence of the archaeological remains is less likely to survive in the given climatic condition. Dr Bloch, who conducted his first archaeological survey of Assam during 1906-7, observed that unfavorable climatic conditions like torrential rainfall, perpetual recurrences of seismic disturbances, highly acidic soil are unsuitable for the preservation of ancient relics and monuments. The thick vegetative cover in this area hinders archaeological investigations and considerably reduces the visibility of archaeological remains. He has stated that owing to unfavorable conditions in Assam, such as its torrents of rain and exuberance of wild vegetation, it is almost impossible to penetrate the jungles of Assam and explore. H. C. Sharma (1972) also mentioned the difficulties regarding archaeological investigation in Northeast India as it falls in the Tropical Rain Forest Zone. In the absence of adequate archaeological evidence, oral traditions act as a significant source of information about indigenous history and culture. The history of several hundred years of a tribe is 204

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practiced in myriad forms of folk tales, ballads, songs, myths and legends; making it a part of their present cultural life. The main theme of the oral tradition deals with the story of human and landscape. Prominent landscapes like particular mountains, hills and rivers are frequently referred to in the oral narratives due to their historical and spiritual significance. The evidence of human interaction with their physical environment has the possibility of being erased from the activity sites but the recollections of the events linger in the conscious memory of the community and get passed on to their descendants in the form of oral histories. ‘Oral tradition is mapped on the landscape . . . events are anchored to place and people use locations in space to speak about events in time’ (Cruikshank 1994: 409). However, when urbanization set in, the balance in human-nature relation has been disturbed and the lifestyle of the indigenous people has been catastrophically disrupted. In recent years, Arunachal Pradesh suffered huge loss of forest cover due to deforestation, jhum cultivation, diversion of forest areas for unchecked developmental purposes and, to some degree, poaching and the hunting of wildlife. Like elsewhere in the world, the indigenous communities of Northeast India are threatened with extinction in many parts of the world. Due to globalization and intense pressures to assimilate in the mainstream, there is an increasing eagerness among the community members to revive their age old traditional practices, indigenous knowledge system and native languages. Efforts are being made at the local level to create awareness regarding their indigenous cultural heritage. What the world needs at this junction is the indigenous perspective of land and landscape for its harmonious existence. This distinct case study from Arunachal Pradesh aptly illustrate the significance of the preservation and interpretation of the cultural landscape in maintaining the history and cultural heritage of indigenous communities. Acknowledgements My heartfelt gratitude to Dr. Bomchak Riba, a native of Dari Village, West Siang District, Arunachal Pradesh for his unceasing academic support. References Bloch, T. 1906-07. Conservation in Assam, Annual Report of Archaeological Survey of India: I7-28. Buggey, S. 1999. An Approach to Aboriginal Cultural Landscapes. Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada Framework Paper. Chatterjee, S. 1991. A Comprehensive History of Arunachal Pradesh. Calcutta, Prabartak Printing & Halftone. Choudhury, S. D. 1994. Arunachal Pradesh District Gazetteers: East Siang and West Siang Districts. Itanagar, Government of Arunachal Pradesh. Cruikshank, J. 1994. Oral Traditions and Oral History: Reviewing Some Issues. Canadian Historical Review 75 (3): 403-418. Deori, B. G. 2013. Ethnoarchaeological Study of the Adi Tribe, Arunachal Pradesh. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Deccan College. Guha, R. 2014. Savaging the Civilized: Verrier Elwin, His Tribals and India. India, Penguin Books Limited (original work published 1999). India State of Forest Report 2015. Published by Forest Survey of India (Ministry of Environment & Forests). Dehradun. Riba, B. 2010. Relevance of Indigenous Knowledge System of the Galo of Arunachal Pradesh in Sustainable Development of Forest Resources. Unpublished Ph.D thesis, Rajiv Gandhi University. Sharma, H. C. 1972. Prehistoric Archaeology: Stone Age Cultures of Garo Hills, Meghalaya. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Gauhati University.

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Fog, mountain and desert: human-environment interactions in Lomas de Lachay, Peru Piotr Kalicki, Tomasz Kalicki and Piotr Kittel Abstract Lomas de Lachay region is located in the desert area of the western coast of South America. Fog-alimented ecosystems (lomas) were formed there due to the humidity deposited on first ridges of the Andes by advective fogs, during the humid season in particular. It has attracted human communities since the early Holocene and complex societies appeared in the region c. 1800 BC. Therefore, as a threshold environment, Lomas de Lachay constitutes a perfect case study for the studies of human adaptive strategies to fragile mountain and desert ecosystems. In Lomas de Lachay, a number of settlement phases separated by long hiatuses were found. Moreover, there was also observed a clear trend of subsistence changes from intensive agriculture to the extensive pastoralism of camelids. We suggest that these phenomena may be related with fluctuations in the frequency of El Niño events. During periods of frequent El Niño events, torrential rains alimented springs, which were also active during the dry season where they served as water sources for the population of permanent settlements. However, when El Niño episodes were occasional, human groups had to withdraw from Lomas de Lachay and exploit its natural resources only seasonally. A progressive shift from agriculture to pastoralism is also related to a gradual increase of aridity in the Lomas de Lachay region. Key words Lomas, Prehistory, settlement pattern, El Niño, geomorphology

Introduction Lomas de Lachay is situated on the western coast of South America, about 100 km north of Lima and 10 km from the coastline (Figure 1). Due to peculiar ecosystem of fog-alimented lomas, its natural resources have attracted various human groups, both from highlands and coastal area, from hunter-gatherers in the early and middle Holocene (van Dalen Luna 2008; Lanning 1963; Patterson 1966; Patterson and Lanning 1964; Patterson and Moseley 1968) to complex societies with different socio-economic systems (Kalicki et al. 2014). Because the Lomas de Lachay environment was relatively stable during the Holocene (Kalicki et al. 2014), it constitutes a perfect case-study for investigating the influence of the cultures and socio-economic structure of human communities in terms of their adaptive strategies to cope with a fragile environment. In recent decades many archaeologists, especially those with a processual theoretical background, have been devoted to the study of human adaptation to different environmental conditions. It was often assumed that socio-cultural changes were the consequences of climatic changes, as if there was only one, almost obvious, way of reacting to environmental change. However, as New Ecology has argued, that was clearly not the case (Erickson 1999). First of all, past societies actively participated in the creation of an environment by: cutting forests, tilling fields, building terraces and canals. Secondly, environmental change per se is neither beneficial nor harmful to human activity (Dobrzańska and Kalicki 2013; Kalicki 2013) – its social consequences depend on the character and scale of local environmental effects and on the structure and type of affected society. For example, climate warming in the Medieval Warm Period brought prosperity to Christian Europe (Lamb 1965) and a devastating drought to the American Southwest, which played an important role in ending the Anasazi culture (Palonka 2011). Last but not least, societies which do not share the same culture and economy can react differently under the same environmental impact, because their values and worldview suggest other adaptive strategies to them. We are not suggesting that the importance of environmental changes as impulses for socio-political transformations should be downplayed but instead we claim that the process of human adaptation in much more complex than previously thought. 207

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Figure 1. Location of the Lomas de Lachay (Kalicki et al. 2014, modified).

The ecosystem of Lomas de Lachay is totally dependent on the deposition of humidity by thick fogs (garúa) during austral winter and, as a result, is very fragile. Even small changes in moisture and temperature can cause disproportionately large environmental effects, especially for vegetation and animal distribution. Lomas in general can thus be considered to be a threshold environment, where minor climatic changes can initiate a cascade of changes resulting in a new ecological balance. Therefore, Lomas de Lachay area is a perfect place to study human adaptation to environment, because societies developing in the area relatively often had to adapt to environmental changes. The sequence of environment transformations in Lomas de Lachay was established based on the results of geomorphologic mapping with sampling. An archaeological survey, focused on complex societies’ sites, was used to reconstruct changes in settlement pattern in the study area. Because no excavations or test-pits were used the dating of settlement patterns, it is based on well-known chronologies of the coreareas of cultures present in Lomas de Lachay. Environment Lomas de Lachay area is situated on the western coast of South America, where the Nazca Plate is subducting under the continental South American Plate causing the rise of the Andes (Araya-Vergara 2007; Mydel and Groch 1999; Orme 2007). This process began in the Paleogene and is still ongoing. The neotectonic uplift of the study area is documented by the sequence of three uplifted maritime terraces: 350-250, 250-150 and 150-50 m a.s.l. which were later covered by Aeolian sands. The bedrock of Lomas de Lachay is formed by igneous rocks, mainly granodiorites and gabbro (Shoobridge 2003). Due to chemical weathering, oval niches (tafoni) developed in the rocky outcrops in the lomas zone, especially those exposed to advective fogs (Figure 2). 208

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Figure 2. Tafoni in the Lomas de Lachay (Photo by T. Kalicki, 2013).

Figure 3. Mean annual sum of precipitation in the Lomas de Lachay: a) in the years 1999-2012; b) in the year with major El Niño episode (1997-1998).

The climate of Lomas de Lachay is determined by three principal factors: location in the tropical zone, the cold Humboldt Current which flows along the western coast of South America, and the orographic barrier of the Andes. Generally coastal and mountain deserts in the Atacama Desert are characterized by extremely hot (mean annual temperature 15-20oC) and dry (mean annual precipitation sum c. 25 mm) conditions (Mydel and Groch 1999). However, in Lomas de Lachay the mean annual precipitation between 1999-2012 was about 163 mm1 (Figure 3) and mean annual temperature is about 14oC (Shoobridge 2003). The atypical climatic regime of the study area is associated with the phenomenon of garúa which occurs during the austral winter, approximately from June to November (Dillon et al. 2003; Shoobridge 2003). Due to the inversion of temperature caused by the cold Humboldt Current, thick Stratus clouds form, which subsequently move towards the continent. These advective fogs deposit humidity on the first, low ridges of the Andes which is essential for the development of vegetation. We would like to thank the head and personnel of Reserva Nacional de Lachay for providing us with data on precipitation in Lomas de Lachay. 1

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Figure 4. Alluvial fans in the Quebrada Guayabito valley (Photo by T. Kalicki, 2013).

The ENSO (El Niño Southern Oscillation) phenomenon also plays an important role in Lomas de Lachay climate (Kalicki et al. 2014). In 1997-1998, during a major El Niño episode, the total annual precipitation in Lomas de Lachay was almost three times larger than in a ‘typical’ year (Figure 3). During El Niño episodes, torrential rains occur on the Peruvian coast of the Pacific Ocean, which usually trigger mass movements, flash floods and intensive water erosion (Caviedes 2007; van Dalen Luna 2008). Traces of those processes like alluvial fans and active alluvial plain of episodic braided river are easily recognizable in mountain desert in Quebrada Guayabito near Lomas de Lachay (Figure 4). However, in the lomas area only one fossil debris flow was discovered. It was located in one of the tributary valleys of Quebrada Hato Viejo and judging from the lack of vegetation cover it was apparently associated with one of the recent El Niño episodes. Also some recent erosional cuts were found in the Quebrada Lechuza in Lomas de Lachay, which were probably created during the El Niño episode of 1997-1998. Neither permanent nor seasonal streams or lakes or other water reservoirs currently exist in the study area. The Río Seco was probably a seasonal river before its waters were diverted to aliment the contemporary irrigation system. There are only two active springs located in the upper sections of lateral valleys and high planation surfaces (Figure 5) in the lomas area. Interestingly, according to local informants there were 23 active springs in the 1970s. We suggest that springs are alimented by heavy rains connected with El Niño episodes (Kalicki et al. 2014), in periods with frequent El Niño episodes there were many active springs in Lomas de Lachay. Presumably in such times there were also small streams in upper parts of tributary valleys. It seems that a shallow (a few millimetres deep) deposit associated with the point-bar of a meandering river discovered in the middle section of Doña María valley is connected with the episodic streams active during El Niño events. The relief of Lomas de Lachay is composed of a sequence of planation surfaces, marine and fluvial terraces, which are cut by deeply incised dry valleys. Six planation surfaces were discovered in Lomas de Lachay: 600, 550, 500, 430, 350, 250 and 300-200 m a.s.l. (Figure 6), all of which were probably formed during the Neogene. Fluvial terraces in the lomas area are relatively low (up to 2 m), while in the principal valley of Río Seco they are several metres high. We interpret both lomas and Río Seco fluvial terraces as Pleistocenic, because our TL dating of terraces in Río Seco valley confirmed their Vistulian age and they are morphologically related to those in Lomas de Lachay (Quebrada Doña María and Quebrada Hato Viejo valleys). Sediments in profile LL-21 are dated to 21±3,2 ka BP (KIE-791), in profile LL-23 to 15,1±2,3 ka BP (KIE787), in profile LL-24 to 57,2±8,6 ka BP (KIE-789) and in profile LL-25 to 24,9±3,7 ka BP (KIE-788). During the 210

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late Pleistocene and the Holocene, aeolian sands accumulated on lower planation surfaces, lower sections of slopes in the lomas and marine terraces. Their age is confirmed by a TL date of aeolian sand cover from the middle section of Quebrada Lechuza which was deposited c. 18,6±2,8 ka BP (KIE-792) in profile LL-1 and c. 21,2±3,2 ka BP (KIE-790) – the second date of Aeolian sand cover beneath the lower buried soil in profile LL-14. It seems that the main features of terrain relief in Lomas de Lachay were developed in the Neogene and the Pleistocene and they were only slightly modified during the Holocene. The lack of largescale relief changes in the Lomas de Lachay during the last 10,000 years suggests a long-term trend towards the aridization of climate in region. It is confirmed also by traces of significant fluvial activity in the Pleistocene and the absence of perennial streams or rivers in the Holocene in the study area. Our interpretation of environmental data confirms the suggestions that

Figure 5. Active spring in the Quebrada Herbabuena valley (Photo by P. Kalicki, 2013).

the areas of fog oases in Peru have been constantly decreasing since the end of the last glacial age (Engel 1987; Patterson and Lanning 1964; Patterson and Moseley 1968). Due to geological and climatic conditions, especially scarcity of water in the dry period, the pace of pedogenesis in the study area is very slow. It is estimated that in the desert regions it takes on average about 200-400 years for soil to form. Most of the Lomas de Lachay area is covered by thin regosols and lithosols and in the alluvial fans some initial soils exist (Shoobridge 2003). In coastal desert and mountain desert geosystems, no soils are present. Differences in humidity related to the average level of the garúa creation and its thickness caused the development of four main plant communities in the lomas area: herbaceous lomas (150-300 m a.s.l.), shrubby lomas (300-600 m a.s.l.), Bromeliacaeas lomas (on the rocky outcrops) and cacti lomas (in the areas which are not exposed to fog) (Dillon et al. 2003; Ohga 1992; Rundel and Dillon 1998). During the humid season, the abundant vegetation attracts many species of animals including birds and large mammals like puma, Andean deer and guanaco. There is almost no vegetation at all in the coastal desert zone, while sporadic cacti occur in the mountain desert. Three different geosystems may be distinguished in the study area: coastal desert (0-20 m a.s.l.), lomas (200-800 m a.s.l.) and mountain desert (800 m a.s.l.). While the first and last of them are characterized by extremely dry, unhospitable conditions, the second was attractive to a man due to its natural resources and climate regime. The first two are relatively stable, with terrain relief developed mainly in the Neogene, while the third had high dynamics also in the Holocene. 211

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Figure 6. Geomorphological map of the Lomas de Lachay with the archaeological sites and profiles discussed in the text (Kalicki et al. 2014, modified). 1 – hilltop planation surface; 2 – planation surface 550 m a.s.l.; 3 – planation surface 500 m a.s.l.; 4 – planation surface 430 m a.s.l.; 5 – marine terrace 350-250 m a.s.l.; 6 – marine terrace 250150 m a.s.l.; 7 – marine terrace 150-50 m a.s.l.; 8 – planation surface 350–250 m a.s.l.; 9 – planation surface 300-200 m a.s.l.; 10 – terrace IV 250-150 m a.s.l.; 11 – terrace III 200-140 m a.s.l.; 12 – terrace II; 13 – terrace I; 14 – terrace III in Q. Hato Viejo; 15 – terrace II in Q. Hato Viejo; 16 – valley floor; 17 – valley floor of episodic braided river; 18 – barkhan; 19 – older aeolian cover; 20 – present day aeolian cover; 21 – beach; 22 – watershed; 23 – pass; 24 – ravine; 25 – talus; 26 – alluvial fan; 27 – small erosional valley; 28 – scarp in the valley floor; 29 – young erosional gorge; 30 – hummock; 31 – volcanic form; 32 – slope; 33 – edge; 34 – anthropogenic forms (pyramid, mounds, looted graves). Please note that profiles LL-23, LL-24 and LL-25 are outside the map in main Río Seco valley.

Settlement patterns Six major settlement phases can be distinguished in Lomas de Lachay: Formative (c. 1800-100 BC), Lima (200-500 AD), Middle Horizon (600-900 AD), Huaura-Chancay (900-1450 AD), Inca (1450-1550 AD) and historic (1550-1970 AD). They are separated by hiatuses with no significant human activity in the study area. There are few traces of human activity in Lomas de Lachay in the Formative phase. Most of them are concentrations of ceramic sherds scattered throughout lomas, which probably represent relics of seasonal 212

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Figure 7. Ceremonial site in the Quberada Doña María valley. Note stone staircase on the main axis and platforms (Photo by P. Kalicki, 2013).

activity in a fog oasis. Presumably in the Formative people visited lomas during the wet season to hunt game like wild camelids, Andean deer or felines and gather plants which were edible or had other uses (e.g. medicinal, source of dyes). Traces of similar seasonal exploitation of fog oases during Early and Middle Formative2 have been found also in Lomas de Lurín (Jiménez 2009), nearby Lomas de Iguanil (Engel 1970) and other fog oases of the Central Coast (Engel 1987). In Quebrada Doña María a possible ceremonial site (La-266) from the Formative phase was found (Figure 7). It is an erosional remnant modified to form a series of three platforms connected by partially preserved stone stairs. The orientation of the principal axis of the site is NW-SE and the main entrance was probably from the north-western side. Dismantled stones and remains of stone walls suggest that there were some precincts on the highest platform. No traces of mortar were found. The architecture, its location far from farmland and a lack of nearby habitation structures could be interpreted as characteristic for the Formative. However, Engel (1987) claims that this structure should be associated with the Chancay culture and on the surface some late pre-Hispanic pottery sherds were collected. In our opinion this structure could have been built in the Early Formative period (1800-1200 BC) and the later ceramic fragments could be associated with rituals performed in this place which was considered a huaca (holy place). Such practices in abandoned structures from previous period were fairly common in the late pre-Hispanic Andes. The next settlement phase in Lomas de Lachay is associated with the Lima culture. Based on diagnostic pottery, the sites discovered in the study area can be assigned to the Playa Grande phase (200-500 AD). In contrast to the Formative period, during the Lima phase the natural resources of Lomas de Lachay were exploited intensively rather than extensively. The Lima culture people constructed a sophisticated agricultural infrastructure composed of agricultural terraces, water reservoirs and dams (Kalicki et al. 2014). About 80% of agricultural terraces were channel-in terraces (e.g. La-223, La-225, La-295, La296), while the rest were bench terraces built on slopes exposed towards advective fogs from the Ocean. According to Brooks (1998) channel-in terraces are characteristic of a dry environment. Lack of water is also suggested by structures designed to store water like water reservoirs (e.g. La-275) or a dam south of the Cerro Redondo. However, a V-shaped structure situated in valley floor and designed to reduce velocity of flowing water was found in the Quebrada Hato Viejo system (Kalicki et al. 2014). The need to We use the periodization of Formative proposed by Kaulicke (2010) instead of popular chronologies of Rowe (1945; 1961; 1962) or Lumbreras (1969). 2

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Figure 8. U-shaped structure in the Lima settlements (La-180 site) (Photo by P. Kalicki, 2013).

construct a specialized structure to deal with floods indicates that they had to be common phenomena, because otherwise it would be unnecessary to build such a structure. To sum up, the characteristics of agricultural infrastructure suggest that the environment to which the Lima culture societies were adapting was characterized by dry conditions with relatively frequent floods. Such a climatic regime is typical for the Atacama desert climate during periods with frequent El Niño episodes with flash floods. Proper cultivation of fields in Lomas de Lachay required considerable manpower and, as a consequence, the population centres had to be within a few hours walk from the fields. There were at least five (La32, La-180, La-49, La-226, La-329) relatively large (several ha) Lima culture settlements in the study area. The mean distance between them was about 1800 m. To provide easy access to water sources, they were situated in the upper sections of lateral valleys or on the planation surfaces near active springs (Kalicki et al. 2014). Remains of U-shaped stone walls, which probably served as foundations of structures constructed from perishable materials like reed, do not follow any particular orientation (Figure 8). Thick layers of marine shells in grave robbers’ pits suggest that Lima culture people had access to marine resources, while grinding stones confirm the role of agricultural products in their diet. Based on the size of settlements, their location in zones with year-round access to water, remains of exploitation of marine resources and the scale of agricultural infrastructure, it seems that Lima culture settlements were permanent, not just seasonal. The Lima people also created rock art in tafoni in Lomas de Lachay. Attributing at least three sites to this phase is possible due to the use of a distinctive Playa Grande motif of interlocking serpents (Figure 9). Lima rock art in Lomas de Lachay was previously mentioned (Cabrel Palomares 2006; Echevaría Lopez and Ruiz Alba 2006; Engel 1987; Morales Castro without date; Shoobridge 2003). Because pottery fragments on the site’s surface reflect the last phase of its occupation, they may be regarded as a chronological indicator of when the site was abandoned. Therefore, the lack of Lima pottery belonging to the Maranga style suggests that permanent settlements in the study area were abandoned before c. 500 AD. It is consistent with a general tendency observed within the Lima culture, when centres located in the northern part of the Central Coast (Chancay and Chillón valleys) gradually lost importance 214

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to southern parts of Central Coast (Rimac and Lurín valleys). For instance, the Lima culture sites in the Chancay valley were abandoned in the 6th century AD (Fuentes Sadowski 2007). After a hiatus during the Maranga phase, new groups arrived in the Lomas de Lachay in the first half of the Middle Horizon (c. 600-900 AD). However, Lima culture settlements were probably not reoccupied because almost no pottery from the Middle Horizon phase was found on those sites. Only in grave robbers’ pit in the La Revuelta site was a single fragment of elite pottery of the Cajamarca III style found, which suggests a limited occupation of that site during the Middle Horizon.

Figure 9. Interlocking serpents motif in rock art in the La-344 (Photo by P. Kalicki, 2013).

Despite the lack of permanent settlements a very large cemetery (La-26) was found in the floor of the Quebrada Teatino II valley, near its confluence with the Quebrada Doña María valley (Figure 10). It is the eponymous site for the Teatino ceramic style (Bonavía 1960), which was probably an exclusive pottery style as suggested by its presence in elite tombs in San José de Moro in the Jequetepeque valley (Castillo Butters 2000), roughly 500 km north from Lomas de Lachay. Moche imports have also been found in Lomas de Lachay (Shoobridge 2003). Unfortunately it was never specified where exactly they were discovered, but it seems plausible that they came from the cemetery in Quebrada Teatino II, because this site was heavily damaged by grave robbers (huaqueros) (Kalicki 2010) and is of roughly the same age as the Moche culture. Due to grave robber activity it was impossible to determine the original form of the Teatino graves during the survey. The symbolic importance of Lomas de Lachay during the Middle Horizon phase is also confirmed by the presence of rock art panels. Some of them are dated to the Middle Horizon based on probable

Figure 10. Quebrada Teatino II cemetery (Photo by P. Kalicki, 2013).

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sequence of styles (Cabrel Palomares 2006; Echevería Lopez and Ruiz Alba 2006; Morales Castro without date), while the representation of a double-spout bottle in La-208 site may be assigned to the first half of the Middle Horizon, because in this part of Central Coast double-spout bottles were popular only in that period (600-850/900 AD). It is thus especially interesting that in the same rock art panel a motif of interlocking serpents is present, which is highly diagnostic for the Playa Grande phase (200-500 AD) of the Lima culture. Therefore, the minimal duration of creation of that panel was about 100-200 years. This suggests that making rock art was a gradual process to which each generation contributed. Probably its subsequent phases were separated by hiatuses. However, the presence of Playa Grande and Nievería motives in one rock art panel suggest that, despite the abandonment of settlements, Lomas de Lachay played an important role in the symbolic landscape of both Lima and Middle Horizon societies, which implies a cultural continuation between the late Early Intermediate Period and the early Middle Horizon. The discovery of the Teatino pottery in elite cemeteries on the North Coast (San José de Moro) and on the Central Coast outside the study area (Ancón) (Bonavía 1960; Kaulicke 2000; Krzanowski 2008), together with the presence of pottery imports from distant areas in Lomas de Lachay like North Coast (Moche), North Andes (Cajamarca III) and South Andes (Wari or Wari-inspired bottle) suggest a high degree of mobility in this period. We interpret this phenomenon as a result of the increasing role of the herding of camelids (llamas and alpacas). Evidence of pastoralism can be recognized in LL-14 profile, where two buried humic layers (lessdeveloped buried soils) were found within the series of Aeolian sands and slope deposits (Figure 11). It must be emphasized that the pace of soil formation is quite slow in tropical desert conditions. We suggest that this depositional sequence was caused by intensive camelid grazing on the steep slopes, which triggered mass movements and led to the burial of incipient soil. The later of these episodes was certainly connected with the historic grazing of cows, sheep and camelids during the Colonial and Republican periods and we tentatively associate the older with the early Middle Horizon (Kalicki et al. 2014). This conclusion is also supported by the fact that late Early Intermediate Period was characterized by relatively wet conditions connected with frequent El Niño episodes (Figure 12), which had a positive impact on the pace of soil formation. As a consequence it seems quite probable that the first incident of soil formation should be dated to that period. Unfortunately due to the extensive presence of contemporary plant roots, it was impossible to verify our interpretation by 14C dating. Presumably the herding of camelids was associated with the mechanism of transhumance between the highlands

Figure 11. Profile LL-14 with two buried soils and Aeolian sands below (Photo by T. Kalicki, 2013). 216

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Figure 12. Correlation of El Niño frequency and Pre-Columbian settlement phases in the Lomas de Lachay (Kalicki et al. 2014). 1 – reconstruction of El Niño frequency based on lithic flux in marine sediments of Peru (Rein et al. 2004); 2 – model of El Niño frequency (Clement et al. 2000); 3 – reconstruction of El Niño frequency based on sediment core of Laguna Paucallcocha (Moy et al. 2002); 4 – settlement phases with seasonal settlements in Lomas de Lachay; 5 – settlement phases with permanent settlements in Lomas de Lachay; FP – Formative Period; L – Lima culture; T – Teatino culture; Ch – Chancay culture; I – Inka phase.

and lomas in the coastal area (Kalicki 2014), which implies high mobility. Camelid herding without transhumance is rather improbable because during the dry season there is almost no vegetation in the lomas and consequently the feeding of animals would be impossible. It is also interesting that the formation of Teatino style is sometimes associated with the expansion of highland groups (Bonavía 1960). During the second half of the Middle Horizon (c. 850/900-1000 AD) and Late Intermediate Period (10001450 AD) there were no settlements in Lomas de Lachay, but the large cemetery of Quebrada Teatino II was nevertheless still used. Both the local elite pottery styles (Huaura, Huacho, Chancay Three-Colored, Chancay Black-on-White) and the elite ceramic imports from nearby regions of the North Coast were found on the site’s surface (Figure 13). It thus seems that the mobility of cemetery’s users significantly decreased during the second half of Middle Horizon as compared to the previous times. Tombs were deep, L-shaped pits with shafts lined with adobe or stones, which is typical for the Chancay culture. Traces of suprasurface structures (rows of aligned stones) were also found. Interestingly, the Quebrada Teatino II cemetery is distanced from other Chancay cemeteries and settlements by approximately 2030 km (Krzanowski 2008) which, together with its location far from the margins of river valley is highly atypical for the Chancay culture. Except for the Quebrada Teatino II cemetery, the only Late Intermediate Period sites in Lomas de Lachay were rare concentrations of Chancay Black-on-White pottery scattered throughout the study area. According to Krzanowski (1991) Chancay Black-On-White style is characteristic for funerary and ritual contexts. 217

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During the Huaura-Chancay phase (900-1450 AD) Lomas de Lachay had high symbolic status, as documented by cemetery with elite pottery, some of which probably constitute imports from the nearby North Coast valleys, and by ceramic concentrations of Chancay Black-on-White pottery, although no traces of settlements were discovered. It is especially noteworthy that during Huaura-Chancay times permanent settlements closest to Lomas de Lachay were located some 15-20 km away in Huaura and Chancay valleys. In contemporary Andean folk traditions the transport of the deceased to a distant cemetery usually indicates high social status (Korpisaari 2006). Therefore, it may be suggested that the Quebrada Teatino II burial site was an elite cemetery, because Chancay people transported the bodies of their deceased for such a long distance and they were accompanied by elite pottery and possibly also by metal artefacts. The important role played in the symbolic Figure 13. Chancay Black-on-White ceramic landscape of that period contrasts from the Quebrada Teatino II cemetery strongly with the region’s secondary (Photo by P. Kalicki, 2013). socio-economic importance. We suggest that such a difference can be explained by the ‘inheritance’ of the symbolic importance of Lomas de Lachay from the previous period, while its socio-economic role significantly decreased. Perhaps it was seen as the place of origin (pacarina) by the inhabitants of the Chancay or Huaura valleys. After the Inca conquest there was a definitive change in settlement patterns in the study area (Kalicki et al. 2014). At least four new settlements were established (La-49, La-339, La-38, La-322), two of which were situated in the same places as the earlier Lima culture sites. Their location in the high planation surfaces near active springs granted easy access to water. Remains of walls are constructed from large and medium irregular blocks of stone of local origin with no traces of mortar. Large metate, attached to the wall of the house (Figure 14) found in Machupicchito (La-38) site and many manos found on the surface of settlements confirm important role of plants in the diet of its inhabitants. Pottery fragments are scarce and usually non-diagnostic, but they seem to have had a utilitarian character. They do not resemble the Lauri Impresed style typical for domestic Chancay contexts (Krzanowski 1991) or Quillahuaca characteristic for the nearby highlands (Krzanowski and Tunia 1991), but rather highland pottery from more distant regions. Some Inca Local ceramic fragments were also found. Moreover in La-38 site a ceramic polisher was found, which suggests pottery production in Lomas de Lachay. Interestingly, Vallejo Berrios (2004) interprets one group of late Ychsma pottery as associated with lomas based on clay properties. Because no traces of European influence were detected in these settlements they must have been abandoned shortly after the conquest, probably immediately after the collapse of the Inca state or during so called reducciones toledanas. 218

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Figure 14. Metate in the Machupicchito site. The construction of wall from large, irregular blocks of stone of local origin without the use of mortar (Photo by P. Kalicki, 2013).

During the Inca phase, the large Chancay cemetery in Quebrada Teatino II was still used and the type of burials and associated artefacts remain typical for the Chancay culture. Some glazed Chancay recipients were found there which implies that this cemetery was probably still used for some time after the arrival of Spaniards. However, two new cemeteries were established in Lomas de Lachay in the Inca phase: in Quebrada Teatino I and in Quebrada Torre Blanca. The former is characterized by deep pits typical for the Chancay culture and pottery composed in c. 10% of vessels in classic Chancay Black-on-White funerary style and in about 90% fragments of ceramic characterized by oxidizing firing, brown or dark red colour and forms atypical for the Chancay culture. The latter is a typical Chancay cemetery with the presence of Chimú-Inca pottery (Figure 15).

Figure 15. Chimú-Inka vessel from the Torre Blanca cemetery (Photo by P. Kalicki, 2013).

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The presence of irregular, oval corrals in the nearby Lomas de Iguanil suggests that herding of camelids played an important role during the Late Horizon (1450-1532 AD) in the lomas of the Central Coast (Kalicki 2014). Probably during that period pastoralism developed also in Lomas de Lachay, as evidenced by irregular, oval corrals found in Machupicchito and early historic transhumance between highlands and fog oases in the coastal areas. It thus seems that during the Inca times Lomas de Lachay was an important area since four new, relatively big settlements were established. They were inhabited by people whose culture shows links to the highlands and access to prestige goods, especially pottery, associated with local political elites of the Inca Empire. The syncretic cemetery in Quebrada Teatino I and the presence of Inca Local pottery in Quebrada Torre Blanca also confirm a relatively strong Inca influence in the area. According to Hyslop (1984) and D’Altroy (2002) the principal coastal road of the Inca state ran through the study area, while María Rostworowski de Diez Canseco (2007) claims that Tambo de las Perdices mentioned in the diary of Miguel de Estete was situated in Lomas de Lachay. The location of one of the nodes of the Inca administrative and transport infrastructure in the study area explains the Inca influences there. During historic times, transhumance between lomas and highlands developed (Cogono Ventura 2005; Shoobridge 2003). It was associated with highland groups moving with their flocks to the lomas during the austral winter when the pasturelands in the high Andes were dry (Kalicki 2014). Initially only camelids (llamas and alpacas) were herded which were later replaced by sheep and cattle. The establishing of a nature reserve in Lomas de Lachay in 1977 AD terminated large-scale transhumance between highlands and this fog oasis (Kalicki et al. 2014). However, during fieldwork in 2013 we witnessed small-scale goat herding in Lomas de Lachay. Large, rectangular corrals, sometimes also with associated domestic structures are material remains of historic transhumance. In the zone of coastal desert separating Lomas de Lachay from shoreline, many shell sites were found. They are large but very thin (a few centimetres deep) concentrations of pottery fragments from different periods (from the Formative to the Inca), fragments of marine mollusc shells and those of land snails. We interpret them as desert pavements which were formed where the wind removed fine particles and the coarser material was left (Kalicki et al. 2014). Shells of marine molluscs and pottery fragments are traces of sporadic human activity from various periods and the land snail shells are associated with massive thanatanosis after the end of an especially wet humid period (see Craig 1992). Almost no archaeological sites were found in the mountain desert zone (Kalicki et al. 2014). We suggest that this is due to a hostile environment which discouraged groups from inhabiting that area in the past. Furthermore, any hypothetical sites present in that area would have been literally washed away during El Niño episodes. Conclusions Our results suggest a strong correlation between settlement phases in Lomas de Lachay, especially those with permanent settlements, and periods marked by a high frequency of El Niño episodes. The torrential rains associated with El Niño episodes alimented ground waters and consequently springs and local streams in the upper parts of lateral valleys. All year-round access to water allowed the development of permanent settlements, which were usually situated near springs or in the valleys upper parts. Furthermore, the beneficial effect of increased El Niño-related precipitation also enabled past populations to practice agriculture in the valley floors due to the presence of shallow ground waters or even small streams. It seems thus that, contrary to the views expressed sometimes in literature (Marchant et al. 2004; Schimmelman et al. 2003), ENSO did not have only negative impacts on Pre-Columbian societies, but positively influenced human activity in the lomas. There is a tendency towards an increase in the camelid herding role in the subsistence economy and a decrease in the importance of agriculture. Such a gradual shift may be explained by a long-term trend 220

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of climate aridization, which resulted in the deterioration of agricultural conditions in Lomas de Lachay. The existence of such a trend is independently confirmed by the millennial-scale stability of terrain relief development in the lomas geosystem in the study area. Future research should address the problem of whether such a trend towards aridization is a local anomaly or a manifestation of a larger, perhaps regional-scale, phenomenon. It seems that pre-Hispanic human activity in Lomas de Lachay was strongly influenced by the environment, especially by climatic conditions. However, socio-cultural factors also played an important role in choosing a dominant adaptive strategy. Despite the fact that the frequency of El Niño episodes was almost the same in the Lima, Middle Horizon and Inca settlement phases, only Lima and Inca societies created permanent settlements in the study area and intensively exploited its natural resources by using sophisticated agricultural infrastructure. In the Inca case, political factors i.e. a desire to control one of the principal routes of communication of their empire, also contributed significantly to the foundation of permanent settlements in Lomas de Lachay. Teatino groups, despite favourable environmental conditions, exploited the study area in an extensive way by basing their strategy on camelid herding. It seems that they were much more mobile than the Lima and Inca groups, which could confirm their close links with the highlands. During periods with a low frequency of El Niño episodes (Formative and Huaura-Chancay settlement phases) Lomas de Lachay was exploited extensively, probably mostly by a few day-long visits during the wet season. Interestingly, regardless of the economic importance, in all settlement phases Lomas de Lachay had a relatively high symbolic status. In the Formative phase a ceremonial site functioned there, while in the Middle Horizon, Huaura-Chancay and Inca phases, the large cemetery in Quebrada Teatino II developed. During Lima times and the beginning of the Middle Horizon, rock art panels were created. However, the use of various styles in rock art and their comparisons with different regions suggests that rock art in the study area was also developed in other settlement phases. We would also like to put special emphasis on the fact that the symbolic status of Lomas de Lachay did not correlate well with their economic importance, which suggests that it was determined by religious beliefs and power structure rather than by economic or environmental factors. Acknowledgements The research carried out in Lomas de Lachay was financed by the Polish National Center of Science (Narodowe Centrum Nauki) on the basis of contract no. UMO-2011/03/N/HS3/01151 as part of the project ‘People of the fog – human response to climate change in the late pre-Colombian Andes. A case study from Lachay-Iguanil region’. References Araya-Vergara, J. 2007. Ocean Coasts and Continental Shelves. In T. T. Veblen, K. R. Young and A. R. Orme (eds.), The Physical Geography of South America: 249-261 New York, Oxford University Press. Bonavia, D. 1960. Sobre el stilo Teatino. Unpublished BA thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. Brooks, S. O. 1998. Prehistoric Agricultural Terraces in the Rio Japo Basin, Colca Valley, Peru (Doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison). Castillo Butters, J. L. 2000. La Presencia de Wari en San José de Moro. In K. Makowski (ed.), Los dioses del antiguo Perú 1: 103-135. Lima, Banco de Crédito del Perú. Cabrel Palomares, D. 2006. Inventario de sitios con manifestaciones rupestres en la Reserva Nacional de Lachay Lima. Lima, Instituto Cultural Ruricancho. Caviedes, C. 2007. Impacts of El Niño- Southern Oscilation on Natural and Human Systems. In T. T. Veblen, K. R. Young and A. R. Orme (eds.), The Physical Geography of South America: 305-321. New York, Oxford University Press. Clement, A. C., Seager, R. and Cane, M. A. 2000. Suppression of El Niño during the Mid-Holocene by changes in the Earth’s orbit. Paleoceanography 15 (6): 731-737. 221

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