Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa 3030606511, 9783030606510

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Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa Edited by Adeshina Afolayan Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba

Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa

Adeshina Afolayan Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba Editors

Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa

Editors Adeshina Afolayan Department of Philosophy University of Ibadan Ibadan, Nigeria

Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso Department of Political Science Babcock University Ilishan-Remo, Nigeria

Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba Thabo Mbeki African Leadership Institute University of South Africa Pretoria, Gauteng, South Africa Institute of African Studies Carleton University Ottawa, ON, Canada

ISBN 978-3-030-60651-0    ISBN 978-3-030-60652-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: @ Mariano Sayno / husayno.com This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Preface and Acknowledgements

In recent times, there has been a growing awareness of the need to deconstruct and decentre the Eurocentric image of the world through a re-­ centring of the place of Africa and African knowledge production in the global knowledge discourse. From the anticolonial and the postcolonial to the decolonial, and from Ngugi wa Thiong’o to Toyin Falola and down to Walter Mignolo, the new epistemological discourse essentially recognizes what Boaventura de Sousa Santos considers the epistemicide against the legitimate epistemologies of the South. Within the spurious universalism of the West and its Eurocentric framework, there is only one epistemological framework which imperialism and colonialism spread across the colonized world. But, as spurious universalism goes, this one is founded on false premises. First, the West’s understanding of the world, derived from its conquest, is too limited to encompass the many cognitive and epistemological contexts that are available. Second, these different contexts carry their own cognitive and epistemological legitimacy that colonial prejudice cannot wish away. Africa, as a continent, therefore represents a distinct challenge to the existing epistemological dominance of the West. The alternative epistemology discourse excavates the legitimate non-Western knowledge productions that challenge every denigration of ways of knowing that the West considered “exotic,” “primitive,” and “barbaric.” Many scholars are now investing serious intellectual energies into African indigenous knowledge systems (AIKS) and its capacity to reorient what we know and how we deploy what we know to the understanding of our world and the challenges we face. Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa is a v

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minimal gesture that further opens up this discursive direction in alternative ways of knowing. * * * Our gratitude goes, first to Professor Toyin Falola whose 65th birthday celebration in 2018 was the occasion for a global conference on “African Knowledges and Alternative Futures.” Falola’s scholarship represents one of the best alternative epistemology frameworks that enables the re-­ centring of Africa into the global epistemological dynamics from which the continent has been segregated. His call for Africanizing knowledge and knowledge production was a significant rallying point for most of the papers presented at the conference. We will like to sincerely appreciate all the participants at the Conference for their contributions. Special gratitude goes to all the donors who made the Conference a resounding success. We will also like to deeply appreciate all the contributors to this volume for their heartfelt commitment to the project, and for their patience in following through with the stress of seeing it through to production. We unfortunately lost one of the contributors, Akin Olaniyi, before this volume could get to production. Special gratitude also goes to Amy Invernizzi, the Palgrave editorial assistance, who was tireless in ensuring that we stayed on the production schedule. Ibadan, Nigeria Ilishan-Remo, Nigeria Pretoria, Gauteng, South Africa 2020

Adeshina Afolayan Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba

Contents

1 Introduction: Alternative Epistemologies and the Imperative of an Afrocentric Mythology  1 Adeshina Afolayan, Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso, and Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba

Part I Theories and Methodologies  17 2 Between Particularism and Universalism: The Promise of Epistemic Contextualism in African Epistemology 19 Mikael Janvid 3 The Quest for Africanizing Qualitative Inquiry: A Pathway to Methodological Innovation 35 Evelyn Namakula Mayanja 4 The State and the State of Knowledge Production in African Universities: Rethinking Identity and Curricula 61 Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba 5 Afrocentricity, African Agency and Knowledge System 77 Saheedat Adetayo

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Contents

Part II Epistemological Practices  91 6 Cultural Environmentalism in Ogunyemi’s Langbodo and Osofisan’s Many Colours Make The Thunder-King 93 Saeedat Bolajoko Aliyu 7 Security, Local Community, and the Democratic Political Culture in Africa111 Krzysztof Trzcinski 8 The “African Prints”: Africa and Aesthetics in the Textile World123 Tunde M. Akinwumi 9 On the Search for Identity in African Architecture141 Emmanuel Babatunde Jaiyeoba 10 Towards an Endogenous Interpretation of Polygamy and Gender Relations: A Critique of Lola Shoneyin’s The Secret Lives of Baba Segi’s Wives165 Akin Olaniyi 11 Religion, Patriarchal Construction and Gender Complementarity in Nigeria177 Victoria Openif’Oluwa Akoleowo 12 Yoruba Traditional Instrumental Ensemble and Indigenous Knowledge Systems205 Olupemi E. Oludare 13 Knowledge Production and Pedagogy Among the Islamic Scholars in Kano: A Case-Study of Shaykh Tijani Usman Zangon Bare-Bari (1916–1970)221 Sani Yakubu Adam Index235

Notes on Contributors

Sani  Yakubu  Adam teaches in the Department of History, Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria. His area of interest is the history of Islam in northern Nigeria. He is currently working on the history of Kano book market, the most vibrant centre of the Islamic book trade in northern Nigeria. Saheedat Adetayo  is studying for a Ph.D. in philosophy at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. Her areas of research include social and political philosophy, African philosophy, feminist philosophy and ethics. Her recent publication is “The Ethics of State Capture: Dangote and the Nigerian State” (2020). Adeshina Afolayan  teaches philosophy at the University of Ibadan. His areas of specialization include African philosophy, cultural studies, and the philosophy of politics. He authored Philosophy and National Development in Nigeria (2018), and coedited the Palgrave Handbook of African Philosophy (2017), Urban Challenges and Survival Strategies in Africa (2017), Pentecostalism and Politics in Africa (2018), and Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Development in Africa (2020). Tunde  M.  Akinwumi Professor of Art History (African Textile and Clothing), lectures at Southwestern University, Okun-Owa, Ijebu Ode, Nigeria. He has a substantial number of works in journals and books. His recent book is Adire Eleko Fabric Art: A Vanishing Nigerian Indigo Impression (2015). Two other books are forthcoming: Lost Beauty Art of Old: Kolo Bridal Tattoo in an African Society, and Transformation of an ix

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African scripts into Fabric Designs: Innovations, Culture and Emotions, 1930–1970s. Victoria Openif’Oluwa Akoleowo  holds a doctorate in philosophy and is a faculty member of the Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Dominican University, Ibadan, Nigeria. Her research interests include feminist philosophy, professional ethics and African studies. Her area of current research is on epistemic decolonization in African universities. Saeedat Bolajoko Aliyu  is a senior lecturer in the Department of English at the Kwara State University, Malete, Kwara State, Nigeria where she teaches African literature and literary criticism. She obtained a Ph.D. in literature in English in 2015 from the University of Ilorin, Ilorin, Nigeria. Her research interests include African cultural studies, environmental literary criticism, gender studies, film studies, and popular culture. She has published in these areas in books and journals locally and internationally. Emmanuel Babatunde Jaiyeoba  is a professor and Head, Department of Architecture in Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria who enjoys combining architectural research and practice. His research focuses on architectural technology, management and production. His research interests are in multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary studies at the intersection of architecture and the humanities, built environment and health, and social inequality and sustainability studies. Mikael  Janvid is Associate Professor of Philosophy at Stockholm University. His main research interest is epistemology. Janvid has published papers on contextualism, externalism, naturalism, scepticism and understanding. Evelyn  Namakula Mayanja, Ph.D  is a scholar and educator in peace studies, culture and religion at the University of Winnipeg. Akin Olaniyi, Ph.D  was a principal lecturer at the English Unit of the Department of General Studies, The Polytechnic, Ibadan, Nigeria. Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba  is an associate professor at the Thabo Mbeki African Leadership Institute, University of South Africa and a visiting professor at the Institute of African Studies, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada. He is a recipient of the research award of the National Research Foundation of South Africa, 2018.

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Olupemi E. Oludare  obtained his Ph.D. from University of Lagos. His areas of specialization are theory and analysis and ethnomusicology. His research interests include the interaction of music, rhythm and language, and also the significance of music for human and social development. He has published in reputable journals and contributed to the Bloomsbury Encyclopedia for popular music of the world. Oludare is a Catalyst Fellow of the University of Edinburgh and was recently awarded the Utrecht University postdoctoral fellowship in the Netherlands. Krzysztof Trzcinski  is a historian of ideas and a scholar of contemporary political thought. His areas of studies include African ethics and political philosophy, conceptions of democracy and power-sharing, citizenship theory, and conceptual analysis. He lectures at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. Olajumoke  Yacob-Haliso  is Associate Professor of Political Science at Babcock University, Nigeria and co-editor of the Palgrave Handbook of African Women’s Studies (2021).

List of Figures

Fig. 8.1

Fig. 8.2

Fig. 8.3

Fig. 8.4

Fig. 8.5 Fig. 8.6 Fig. 12.1

Bogolanfinni fabric. The motif on this fabric included some Mali patterns and a certain historical stream. On other fabrics, the motifs symbolized events such as the war between Samory and Tieba, nineteenth-century King and description of Malian war heroes. (Source: Cecil Lubell 1976) 124 Example of Adinkra mourning and festival related stamped fabrics produced formerly for nobles, court officials and Asante chiefs of Ghana. Some of the fabrics are in blackish and reddish colour and they bear Islamic, royal and proverbial design motifs. (Source: Cecil Lubell 1976) 125 Adire Eleko painted/printed fabric. Oloba design symbolising 1935 silver jubilee reign of King George V of UK, certain Yoruba royal activities, flora and fauna. (Source: National Museum of African Arts, Smithsonian Institution) 125 Adire Eleko painted/printed fabric. Awolowo design capturing the welcome inscription in 1967 of Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s return from prison on account of treason charge in Nigeria. (Source: Author’s personal collection)129 Vlisco prints showing motifs such as shoes, hats, magic wands, etc. (Source: Robb Young 2012) 134 Vlisco Prints showing motifs such as flowers, bags, E shapes and tapes 135 Dundun ensemble music. (Source: Author’s notation) 210

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List of Figures

Fig. 12.2 Fig. 12.3 Fig. 12.4 Fig. 12.5 Fig. 12.6 Fig. 12.7

Agidigbo ensemble music. (Source: Author’s notation) Bàtá ensemble. (Source: Author’s personal collection) Dùndún ensemble. (Source: Author’s personal collection) Sákárà ensemble. (Source: Author’s personal collection) Sèkèrè ensemble. (Source: Author’s personal collection) Rhythmic, melodic and melo-rhythmic parts in bata ensemble for Sango worship. (Source: Author’s notation)

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Alternative Epistemologies and the Imperative of an Afrocentric Mythology Adeshina Afolayan, Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso, and Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba

Introduction: On Colonial Knowledge Aside every other thing it connotes, colonialism was an epistemic onslaught against the colonized. The British Empire was founded on the twin foundation of knowledge and power. Bill Ashcroft et al. remark that

A. Afolayan (*) Department of Philosophy, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria O. Yacob-Haliso Department of Political Science, Babcock University, Ilishan-Remo, Nigeria S. O. Oloruntoba Thabo Mbeki African Leadership Institute, University of South Africa, Pretoria, Gauteng, South Africa Institute of African Studies, Carleton University, Ottawa, ON, Canada © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_1

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The most formidable ally of economic and political control had long been the business of ‘knowing’ other peoples because this ‘knowing’ underpinned imperial dominance and became the mode by which they were increasingly persuaded to know themselves: that is, as subordinate to Europe. A ­consequence of this process of knowing became the export to the colonies of European language, literature and learning as part of a civilising mission which involved the suppression of a vast wealth of indigenous cultures beneath the weight of imperial control. (1995: 1)

And as Edward Said also reported, this imperial authority was the reason behind Arthur James Balfour’s justification of Britain’s occupation of Egypt. Thus, in June 1910 when he stood in front of the House of Common to speak about the problems that would confront Britain in Egypt, his argument for solving the problem was founded on the supremacy of the British Empire based on her knowledge of Egypt. In essence, that knowledge encapsulated Egypt; it held her captive for domination. As he responded to an objection in the House, Balfour insisted: “We know the civilization of Egypt better than we know the civilization of any other country. We know it further back; we know it more intimately; we know more about it” (cited in Said 1979: 32). Balfour’s confident assertion implies a lot for the colonial enterprise and for the domination of Egypt, and the rest of the colonies: Knowledge to Balfour means surveying a civilization from its origins to its prime to its decline—and of course, it means being able to do that. Knowledge means rising above immediacy, beyond self, into the foreign and distant. The object of such knowledge is inherently vulnerable to scrutiny; this object is a “fact” which, if it develops, changes, or otherwise transforms itself in the way that civilizations frequently do, nevertheless is fundamentally, even ontologically stable. To have such knowledge of such a thing is to dominate it, to have authority over it. And authority here means for “us” to deny autonomy to “it”—the Oriental country—since we know it, and it exists, in a sense, as we know it. British knowledge of Egypt is Egypt for Balfour, and the burdens of knowledge make such questions as superiority and inferiority seem petty ones. Balfour nowhere denies British superiority and Egyptian inferiority; he takes them for granted… (ibid.)

Whether he knew it or not, Balfour was extending the Hegelian argument that already antecedently silenced the colonized. Hegel’s understanding of history is encapsulated in what he called a “philosophical history”—as different from original or reflective history. Philosophical history “is the thoughtful consideration of it”: “The only Thought which

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Philosophy brings with it to the contemplation of History, is the simple conception of Reason; that Reason is the Sovereign of the World; that the history of the world, therefore, presents us with a rational process” (2001: 23). It is this Reason that energizes the universe, and by it only can we understand the evolution of history. And it is this rational historical process that unravels the lives of people. Once this is taken for granted, we immediately understand why Hegel had to start his magisterial and rational sweep over history from “the Orient world”. Asia is the commencement of the historical process of which the West is the logical and eventual culmination. In other words, history ends in the West. The History of the World is the discipline of the uncontrolled natural will, bringing it into obedience to a Universal principle and conferring subjective freedom. The East knew and to the present day knows only that One is Free; the Greek and Roman world, that some are free; the German World knows that All are free. The first political form therefore which we observe in History, is Despotism, the second Democracy and Aristocracy, the third Monarchy. (ibid.: 121)

For Hegel, Asia and its substantial (rather than subjective) freedom constitute “the childhood of History”—“Substantial forms constitute the gorgeous edifices of Oriental Empires in which we find all rational ordinances and arrangements, but in such a way, that individuals remain as mere accidents” (ibid.: 122–123). In all these configurations of the rational manifestations of History, Africa plays no role essentially because Africa is not part of the rational prefiguration of history. Hegel divided Africa into three parts. The part north of the desert is “European Africa”; the third part, which linked with the Nile, is connected with Asia. “Africa proper” lies south of the Sahara: Africa proper, as far as History goes back, has remained—for all purposes of connection with the rest of the World—shut up; it is the Gold-land compressed within itself—the land of childhood, which lying beyond the day of self-conscious history, is enveloped in the dark mantle of Night. Its isolated character originates, not merely in its tropical nature, but essentially in its geographical condition…. What we do know of these hordes, is the contrast between their conduct in their wars and forays themselves—which exhibited the most reckless inhumanity and disgusting barbarism—and the fact that afterwards, when their rage was spent, in the calm time of peace, they

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showed themselves mild and well disposed towards the Europeans, when they became acquainted with them. (ibid.: 109–110. Emphasis added)

The “historical knowledge” of Hegel translates beautifully into the colonial knowledge of Balfour. It is in this sense that colonialism itself, an epistemic enterprise, situated knowledge within the context of the power of the imperial. In Balfour’s colonial logic, those who are incapable of self-­ government are therefore silenced into a grateful acceptance of colonial power. Colonial knowledge represents all there is to the colonial world; there is nothing else the colonized have to say. Unfortunately, the juridical independence that Africa won in 1960 did not translate into much beyond some level of political autonomy that is still encumbered by what has come to be called the “coloniality of power”. At the global level, there is a rising imperialistic impulse signaled by the growing domination of the neoliberal hegemony, and the reality of a universal capitalist domination. This is a reconstituted global model of power around the idea of race and labor, as well as the space-time dynamics of capital in relation to America and the rest of the world. Anibal Quijano elaborates these two elements that went into the constitution of this new model of global power around America: Two historical processes associated in the production of that space/time converged and established the two fundamental axes of the new model of power. One was the codification of the differences between conquerors and conquered in the idea of “race,” a supposedly different biological structure that placed some in a natural situation of inferiority to the others. The conquistadors assumed this idea as the constitutive, founding element of the relations of domination that the conquest imposed. On this basis, the population of America, and later the world, was classified within the new model of power. The other process was the constitution of a new structure of control of labor and its resources and products. This new structure was an articulation of all historically known previous structures of control of labor, slavery, serfdom, small independent commodity production and reciprocity, together around and upon the basis of capital and the world market (2000: 533–534).

This gave birth to a colonial/modern capitalist logic that is American and wrapped conveniently around the supposedly neutral concept of globalization. When Europe became the center of global capitalism, the geography of the world was already calibrated around the coloniality of labor

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control. Thus, “As the center of global capitalism, Europe not only had control of the world market, but it was also able to impose its colonial dominance over all the regions and populations of the planet, incorporating them into its world-system and its specific model of power” (ibid.: 540). Fundamentally, the coloniality of this new model of global power also involved the denigration of “colonized forms of knowledge production, the models of the production of meaning, their symbolic universe, the model of expression and of objectification and subjectivity” (ibid.). This epistemic violence is indeed significant because the boundaries of the knowledge that constituted Europe as the superior region must be preserved at all cost. And it is only Europe that could know the world since it is the origin of modernity and of useful and usable knowledge. It is in this sense that “Eurocentrism” became a perspective of knowledge—the only racial perspective of knowledge that is acceptable. For Ndlovu-Gasheni and Chambati, Africa’s insertion into this global matrix of coloniality is best represented by the term “postcolonial neocolonized world”: The term ‘postcolonial neocolonized world’ best captures the difficulties and unlikelihood of a fully decolonized African world that is free from the snares of the colonial matrix of power and the dictates of the rapacious global power. The current configuration of the world is symbolized by the figure of America at the apex and that of Africa at the bottom of the racialized and capitalist hierarchies, of a world order. Such dark aspects of European modernity as the slave trade, mercantilism, imperialism, colonialism and apartheid bequeathed to Africa a convoluted situation within which the ‘postcolonial’ became paradoxically entangled with the ‘neocolonial’, to the extent that the two cannot be intellectually approached as mutually exclusive states of being. In short, the term ‘postcolonial neocolonized world’ captures a normalized abnormality whereby issues of African identity formation, nation-building and state-construction, knowledge production, economic development and democratization remained unfinished projects mainly because of their entrapment within colonial matrices of modern global power. (2013: x–xi)

The Fetish of Independence Africa’s response to colonialism was captured by the programmatic templates of anticolonialism and decolonization. Yet, both are flawed on several levels that failed to take charge of Africa’s tragic epistemic situation

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within the Eurocentric imagination and the coloniality of power. Africa’s relations to the West create a significant paradox that circumscribed her anticolonial and decolonizing efforts. Just as Hegel’s and Balfour’s Eurocentric epistemic grandstanding revealed, Africa was constructed by Europe. And to be free of this racial construction, Africa must need engage with the West in ways that would be emancipatory. Postcolonial criticism, according to Edward Said, has remained true to a “consistent critique of Eurocentrism”. But the question is: when does this consistent critique of Eurocentrism becomes a disenabling fixation? Neil Lazarus calls this fixation in postcolonial studies “the fetish of the ‘West’.” According to Lazarus, the fetish of the West emerged from a general and idealized understanding of Eurocentrism “not as an ideology or mode of representation but as itself the very basis of domination in the colonial and modern imperial contexts” (2004: 43). Idealizing Eurocentrism this way implies that scholars are unable to tease out its dynamics as a historical framework that had significant impact on the epistemological project of colonization. It is therefore easy from the idealization of Eurocentrism to duplicate a geographic but incoherent image of “Europe” or “the West” as a corollary—the imagined monolithic home of the colonizers, and the geographic location of their power. While the idea of “the West” is meant to function as a signifier of political agency or social power, according to Lazarus, it serves in addition to mystify this power, rendering its social ground opaque. For “the West” references neither a polity nor a state (nor even a confederation of states), but a “civilization,” something altogether more amorphous and indeterminate…. In all such theorizations, it seems to me, “the West” is construed in a Weberian light, as a civilization. In my view, the inevitable result of this construction is a dematerialized understanding of “the West”–and of modernity, its socio-historical ground–as being in a fundamental or primary sense a sort of cultural disposition. (ibid.: 44, 45)

The effect of this fetish is not only demonstrated in postcolonial scholarship, but also in postcolonial practices. This simplified image of the West as the colonizing and knowing force is only matched by a similar fetish of independence in anticolonial and decolonizing movements. Indeed, “the West” or “Europe” provides a coherent locus against which the anticolonial and decolonizing resistance could emerge. Thus, the battle for independence was fought on one battlefield, and against one undifferentiated

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foe—Europe. It did not matter that colonization manifested in different cultural and material denigration of the colonized societies. Unfortunately, the understanding of resistance, encoded in anticolonial and decolonizing activities, is fatally flawed as the consequences of independence revealed on the African continent. In other words, the resistance that led to independence was empty to the extent that it failed to achieve any meaningful and emancipatory social change. Essentially, the notion of “resistance” on which colonial liberation movements were founded was already compromised by its absorption into the colonial foundational binary that separated between Europe and Others. In other words, The most tenacious aspect of colonial control has been its capacity to bind the colonized into a binary myth. Underlying all colonial discourse is a binary of colonizer/colonized, civilized/uncivilized, white/black which works to justify the mission civilatrice and perpetuate a cultural distinction which is essential to the ‘business’ of economic and political exploitation. The idea that ‘counterforce’ is the best response to the colonialist myth of force, or to the myth of nurture, both of which underly this civilizing mission, binds the colonized into the myth. This has often implicated colonized groups and individuals in a strategy of resistance which has been unable to resist absorption into the myth of power, whatever the outcome of their political opposition. (Ashcroft 2001: 21)

The fetish of independence not only blinded the national elites to the insidious binaries within which they were circumscribed, it also undermined the coherence of the agenda that independence was supposed to elaborate. Ashcroft asks very aptly, “What exactly is resistance resisting if it cannot adequately conceive the nature of its object?” (ibid.: 26). In its very essence, decolonization had an opaque agenda founded on a reductive oppositionality. This is how Lazarus puts it: The general rhetoric of anticolonialism was reductive. It implied that there was only one struggle to be waged, and it was a negative one: a struggle against colonialism, not a struggle for anything specific . . . The register of anticolonialism actively sought abstraction, desiring above all to remain free of ideological factionalism. (cited in Ashcroft, 27)

No wonder independence degenerated into unexpected conflicts when postcolonial realities confronted the ex-colonies. The expectations of

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independence were shattered everywhere the people had celebrated euphorically the end of colonialism. The liberation and prosperity that was promised failed to materialized. The most fundamental and depressing of the disillusionment of independence was the rise of national elites in the very image of the colonialists they supposedly opposed. This is what Fanon called the “pitfall of national consciousness,” and of a national elite that is too intellectually lazy to outline a decolonizing agenda in contextual and ideological specificities. When the new elites arose, in their dictatorial glory, they were already conditioned to perpetuate coloniality rather than redefining or re-designating Africanity as an ideological and epistemic category capable of transforming knowledge and development of the African continent.

A Combative Mythology: The Imperative of Africanizing Knowledge The answer to a myth of force is not necessarily counterforce, for if the myth predicts counterforce, counterforce reinforces the myth. The science of mythography teaches us that a subtler counter is to subvert and revise the myth. The highest propaganda is the propagation of new mythology. (Coetzee 1974: 24–25)

In 1995, the robust debate between two of Africa’s most brilliant scholars, Ali Mazrui and Archie Mafeje, distinctly focuses the need for an alternative rethinking of the meaning of Africanity, especially outside of the limiting colonial binaries. The debate revolved around the possibility of an alternative myth of enablement and emancipation which the nationalist elites had failed to deploy in rethinking and re-designating Africa outside of the colonial myth of the knowing Europe and the known Africa. The significant question here is: how can Africa know itself, and how can such knowledge itself be decolonized from the grip of Eurocentric epistemic order? How, in other words, can Africa come to terms with its own cultural imperative, rather than just reacting in a knee-jerk fashion to neocolonial imperatives? The key discursive concept in the Mazrui-Mafeje debates is the concept of Pax Africana. How should Africans see Africa, and how does that perception present a new mythology to the rest of the world? However, the debate became noxious from the beginning because it was set under the conceptual rubric of “(re)colonization.” A similar debate, between Archie

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Mafeje and Achille Mbembe concerned the appropriate referent for “Africa”. While Mbembe was against what he calls species of nativist theorizing in African scholarship—from negritude to Afrocentrism, Mafeje and others insisted that the materiality of the postcolonial condition demands a historicist thinking about Africanity in Afrocentric terms which Mbembe considered nativist. Indeed, for Mafeje, it is a very insidious scholarship that will insist, as Mbembe was seen to have been doing, that “Africa” be taken as a “free-floating signifier,” a virtual space of coming and going that is not “ghettoized” or boxed into a constraining Afrocentric corner. On the contrary, understanding what Africanity implies derives from the historicity of Africa itself. The essence of these debates concerns fundamentally attempts to re-­ designate what it means to be Africa. And its epistemological import raises issues with how we know ourselves. This becomes a significant question after many years of epistemic violence against the African psyche by the colonialists. This violence commenced with the understanding of Europe as the true knower, and of knowledge as only possible in the singular. To contest this claim is to seek for grounds for fragmenting knowledge into genuine plural nodes of cognizing the world for cultural purposes. At this level, epistemology becomes the first philosophy for the rebirth of the African self. Or, as Boaventura de Sosa Santos proclaimed in stentorian terms, another knowledge is possible! (2008) This admission immediately points attention to the framework of alternative knowledge that opens up the epistemic space for other knowledges to flower as part of the decolonial dynamics that attempt to correct the global cognitive injustice imposed by Eurocentrism. In essence, alternative epistemology, within this African context, translates into the unsilencing of the Africa modes of knowing in self-reflexive engagement with the African world and with other non-­ African contexts. There are two epistemic dynamics by which African scholars have responded to this challenge of demonstrating the epistemological diversity of the world. One is substantive, and the other methodological. The substantive method derives from the scholarship on African indigenous knowledge system (AIKS). And the starting point is to excavate the idea of indigeneity in ways that undermine the hegemonic limitations placed on it. Contrary to the colonial framework, indigeneity simply reveals the fact that

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knowledge resides in people and in cultural memory, in accumulated techniques, skills, and strategies for survival, in epistemological frameworks and points of reference, in language and oral and written forms of ­documentation, in value systems and their diverse modes of explanation, in cosmology and various ways of understanding the universe we live in. (Emeagwali and Dei 2014: xi)

This ought to seem self-evident, but nothing is as it seems within the colonial worldview and its epistemological imperatives that conquered the world through a cognitive injustice that suppressed other non-Western forms of knowledge and knowledge systems as unscientific because they are supposedly primitive. With colonialism therefore, epistemicide was the companion of genocide on large scales (Santos 2008). It therefore becomes important, as a first step in the recognition of a framework of alternative epistemology, to recognize that “cultural diversity and epistemological diversity are reciprocally embedded” (ibid.: xx). And in the case of AIKS, it implies the recognition of Africans as producers and creators of knowledge. Every society has its cultural knowledge system and it is on this basis that what is deemed scholarship rests. Africans have not been merely consumers of knowledge. Ancient African civilizations bore sophisticated knowledge systems deeply embedded in local culture and social politics. Local, indigenous knowledge resides in cultural memories. Through time, such forms of knowledge while transformed have not been abandoned by rural communities. Such knowledge has adapted to the times to serve pressing social issues and challenges. Such knowledge has not remained static, neither has it been confined to the shores of the African continent. Like all knowledge systems, such knowledges have diffused and interacted with other ways of knowing from other communities. In fact, many indigenous communities share knowledge systems in common with each other in terms of the principles, concepts, and ideas behind their knowledge. (Emeagwali and Dei 2014: ix)

The methodological dynamic is constituted by the urgency of Africanizing knowledge. In a significant sense, this dynamic of alternative epistemology is coterminous with the radical framework of the AIKS. Both are concerned with the need to “to highlight, endorse, legitimize, validate and produce cultural knowledge systems on Africa’s own terms” (ibid.: xi). This methodological framework questions the extent to which Western methods, disciplines, paradigms and epistemological insights could

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facilitate how Africans determine genuine knowledge production on the continent that is enabling in multidimensional ways. In other words, how do we make African scholarship “more African”? (Falola and Jennings 2002: 1) Africanizing knowledge simply refers to the challenge to allow “Africa” and the African worldviews animate the way we do scholarship. This is because There are a multitude of disconnected points at which African experiences and contexts might inform our practice as scholars. At any point in the process of academic research, scholars might pause to contextualize aspects of their work. For example, they might consider their selection of sources, their use of particular methods of research, their style of writing, or their own roles within the academic community and in relation to the local African social settings in which they carry out their work. Each of these components of academic practice is linked to its own set of assumptions, traditions, expectations, and preferences. We suggest that it is by investigating these links that Africanists might take advantage of the opportunity to make their scholarship “more African”. (ibid.)

It is in this sense that the category of Afrocentrism becomes an epistemological/methodological one for decolonizing knowledge in Africa, according to Archie Mafeje. If it makes sense that other regions of the world have studied their own cultures and social formations in their own terms and for their own unique purposes, then Afrocentrism is nothing more than a legitimate demand that African scholars study their society from inside and cease to be purveyors of alienated intellectual discourse. The underlying belief is that this will issue in authentic representations. Indeed, it is only logical to suppose that when Africans speak for themselves, the word will hear the authentic voice, and will be forced to come to terms with it in the long-run. (Mafeje 2008: 106)

However, Mafeje’s conceptualization of the difference between Afrocentrism and Africanity demands that Afrocentrism as a methodological category must inevitably lead to Africanity, a more emotive concept, which insists that “the Africans think, speak, and do things for themselves in the first place. This does not imply unwillingness to learn from others but a refusal to be hegemonised by others, irrespective of colour or race” (ibid.: 108). Both Afrocentrism and Africanity become the tools by which Africans arrive at the African renaissance—the second independence of

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Africa. Africanity in this sense becomes a “combative ontology” that serves to reinvigorate the search for the new African mythology outside of the Eurocentric circumscription. Unlike the substantive dynamics of AIKS, Africanizing knowledge is fraught with many disciplinary and methodological dangers. First, there is the danger of taking this Africanizing impulse to mean privileging the “African” at the expense of a more engaging critical and comparative research program with the African point of view at its center. Second, there is the danger of what we can call the fallacy of authenticity. African scholars need to resist the temptation to conflate the imperative of Africanizing knowledge with the need to excavate “authentic” knowledge that serves up essentialist truths about the African world. Third, as Mafeje argues, there is also the imperative of rethinking “African Studies” away from its Eurocentric connotations. The first condition for the process of Africanizing knowledge is the understanding that African scholarship is already involved with the world. What this implies is that being receptive to new possibilities in research and writing requires both a critical mindset, in order to maintain academic standards, and, at the same time, a willingness to rethink those standards when African experiences and contexts suggest that they might be inadequate or inappropriate for African studies. To put it another way, we need not advocate an uncritical acceptance of all things African in our work, but we should at the very least make a commitment to (re) consider our study of all things African within African contexts, and to be aware of the ways in which our own subjective backgrounds might blind us to those contexts. (ibid.: 2–3)

Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa The alternative epistemology framework in African knowledge production is, by its very nature, an unfinished—and possibly an unfinishable—project. And foremost, this is for a historical reason. Africa as a continent has suffered epistemic violence for hundreds of years. And this epistemicide has produced bodies of calcified knowledge that misrepresents Africa, its achievements, and possibilities. To consistently upend these falsities means African scholars still have a long walk to freedom. The second reason is methodological. This demands that the search for alternative epistemologies must be kept at the cutting edge of disciplinary, interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary reiterations and reformulations if it is to serve its purpose

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of backgrounding Africa’s re-designation of itself as an autonomous agent in the world. It is a framework whose dead knell would be methodological complacency. The third reason is substantive. The framework is an unfinished business because the epistemic basis of fashioning paradigms for Africa’s development requires constant reflection on the unraveling of the continent in different political, social, economic, cultural and global conditions and conditioning. This volume, which addresses this challenge of outlining possible pathways to alternative epistemologies, is divided into two parts. Part I, with five chapters, explores theoretical issues having to do with Africa’s struggles with Eurocentric imperialism at the theoretical level. In Chap. 2, Mikael Janvid pursued a more epistemological version of this inquiry by investigating the nature of epistemic belief, in African epistemology, that will not be universalist but particularist without succumbing to the temptation of relativism. In using the analysis of epistemic belief among the Yoruba as a foil, Janvid argues for an inferential contextualism that steers a median course between universality and particularity in “specifying epistemic conditions sensitive to the particular circumstances and beliefs of a certain community without succumbing to the relativity of truth.” Inferential contextualism, for Janvid, provides a convenient epistemological platform for decolonizing African epistemology from all universalist, particularist and relativist pretensions. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 raise specifically methodological issues about the epistemological basis of knowledge production in Africa. In Chap. 4, Oloruntoba interrogates the postcolonial African university and its extraverted capacity to produce useful knowledge that has the capacity to redirect Africa’s future. The neoliberal hegemony has reconfigured the African university against its own internal dynamics around which an African identity could be calibrated. Mayanja, in Chap. 3, makes a forceful argument for Africanizing the research methodologies of the African universities as the first condition for reclaiming their capacities to achieve relevant and qualitative knowledge production that postcolonial Africa needs. And both Mayanja and Adetayo, in Chap. 5, gesture to the fundamental significance of African indigenous knowledge systems as the critical element that could redeem the knowledge production dynamics in African universities. Adetayo explores the significance of Afrocentricity which serves as the methodological basis for an Afrocentric philosophy that undergird African agency in a Eurocentric world.

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The eight chapters constituting Part II of the volume are all united in their attempt at laying the foundation of a unique exploration of different substantive endeavors and arguments that are implicated in the alternative frameworks for rethinking Africa and its knowledge production dynamics. For instance, Chaps. 8 and 9 challenge the existing thinking in architecture in a bid to lay the foundation for a legitimate African architectural imprint that grounds what African architecture is. Tunde Akinwumi challenges what he calls the “African print hoax” that emanated from Western commercial interests which produced textile designs that were designated “African.” In Chap. 9, Jaiyeoba explores the specific cultural and philosophical issues that could bring an African influence to bear on the meaning and designation of “African architecture.” Saeedat Bolajoko Aliyu, in Chap. 6, attempts to trace the outline of a cultural environmental philosophy in the fictional works of Wale Ogunyemi and Femi Osofisan, two Nigerian playwrights. Animism—“the humanization and spiritualization of non-human environment”—which Aliyu reads into the behavior of characters in the plays, constitutes for her a better environmental philosophy because it incorporates significant elements of anthropocentrism and ecophobia. Chap. 10, by Akin Olaniyi, also deployed insights from a fictional work, The Secret Lives of Baba Segi’s Wives, to interrogate gender dynamics and the possibility of an endogenous interpretation of African cultural practices, like polygamy. Victoria Akoleowo, in Chap. 11, fully interrogates the dynamics of gender construction and gender relations in contemporary African society by outlining the critical issues that led to the unholy patriarchal relationship between religious and traditional African idea of the woman. Her argument is that this alliance is founded on an improper understanding, and even deliberate neglect, of gender complementarity that define traditional understanding of human sociality between men and women. In Chap. 7, Krzysztof Trzcinski argues for a powerful method for enriching Africa’s democratic governance that takes the local community very seriously from a communitarian perspective. His argument is that, either radical or moderate communitarian consideration for the democratic functioning of local communities in Africa enables some trade off that will serve both the politicians in terms of electoral voting, and the local communities in terms of economic empowerment. Olupemi Oludare, in Chap. 12, takes a significant portion of the African indigenous knowledge system—the traditional drum ensemble—and argues for its critical addition to the educational dynamics of a child. The final chapter, by Sani Yakubu Adam, makes a serious case for knowledge production

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dynamics that mediates between Islam and African intellectual tradition. In investigating the Islamic pedagogical method of Shaykh Ibrahim Zangon Bare-Bari, the chapter argues that Islamic scholarship in twentieth century Kano, in Nigeria, facilitated a shift from “the previous orientation towards strict specialisation to multidisciplinarity.” The idea of pathways that unites all the chapters in this volume speaks to a neural dynamic that addresses multiple paths by which we can be instigated into thinking about African epistemologies. And most importantly, the chapters’ weaknesses and strengths also in turn further stretch the boundary of possible ways by which the neural framework can be further enlarged in the search for more enlightening configuration and methods by which African scholars can continue to Africanize knowledge while remaining in constant conversations with the world and all forms of global discourses. The overriding imperative of these chapters is that they are all significant contribution to the ongoing project of fashioning a combative ontology and mythology that is not just a counterforce to Eurocentrism, but represents an emerging new vision of what Africa is and can be.

References Ashcroft, Bill. 2001. Post-colonial Transformations. London/New York: Routledge. Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin. 1995. General Introduction. In The Post-colonial Studies Reader, ed. Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Hellen Tiffin. London/New York: Routledge. Coetzee, J.M. 1974. Dusklands. Hammondsworth: Penguin. Emeagwali, Gloria, and George J.  Sefa Dei. 2014. Introduction. In African Indigenous Knowledge and the Disciplines, ed. Gloria Emeagwali and George J. Sefa Dei. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Falola, Toyin, and Christian Jennings. 2002. Introduction. In Africanizing Knowledge: African Studies Across the Disciplines, ed. Toyin Falola and Christian Jennings. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers. Hegel, G.W.F. 2001. Philosophy of History. Trans. J. Sibree, with Prefaces Charles Hegel. Ontario: Batoche Books. Lazarus, Neil. 2004. The Fetish of ‘The West’ in Postcolonial Theory. In Marxism, Modernity, and Postcolonial Studies, ed. Crystal Bartolovich and Neil Lazarus. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mafeje, Archie. 2008. Africanity: A Combative Ontology. CODESRIA Bulletin 3 & 4: 106–110.

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Ndlovu-Gasheni, Sabelo J., and Walter Chambati. 2013. Coloniality of Power in Postcolonial Africa: Myths of Decolonization. Dakar: CODESRIA. Quijano, Anibal. 2000. Coloniality of Power, Eurocentrism, and Latin America. Nepantla 1 (3): 533–580. Said, Edward W. 1979. Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books. Santos, Boaventura de Sosa, ed. 2008. Another Knowledge Is Possible: Beyond Northern Epistemologies. London: Verso.

PART I

Theories and Methodologies

CHAPTER 2

Between Particularism and Universalism: The Promise of Epistemic Contextualism in African Epistemology Mikael Janvid

Introduction Epistemology is the study of knowledge, or more generally of epistemic states (since there might be other such states apart from knowledge). Whether the conditions for knowledge, or some other epistemic state, hold universally or not is an important question raised and debated since Antiquity. Whilst universalists within any field of philosophy take conditions or principles to hold universally, opponents deny that. The question is complicated by the fact that knowledge, just as any epistemic state, is a many-placed relation with a subject as one of its relata. There is therefore obviously relativity inherent in knowledge. Moreover, other relata are in need of relativization. These complications are often ignored in the standoff between universalism and opposing views within epistemology. We thus need to be more careful in distinguishing between the opposing views here. The challenge is to distinguish precisely those conditions that must

M. Janvid (*) Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_2

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allow for relativity from those that do not. Inserting the subject of knowledge is, then, an example of the former and I now state that relativity regarding the truth of the proposition believed is an example of the latter. I will here take for granted that a sufficiently clarified proposition is absolutely true or false. For my purposes here I therefore stipulate that particularism opposes universalism and, furthermore, that relativism forms that subclass of particularism, which denies at least one of those universal conditions that should not be rejected. Truth is then one such example. (I will add another one in the next section.) The more fruitful approach to adopt is instead to steer a middle course between the two poles of universality and particularity by finding and specifying epistemic conditions sensitive to the particular circumstances and beliefs of a certain community without succumbing to the relativity of truth. I shall argue that inferential contextualism is a promising candidate for accomplishing this feat. The structure of this chapter is as follows. Here in section “Introduction”, I sketch the background by presenting universalism and particularism as they figure in African epistemology in particular. Then in section “Contextualism” I introduce inferential contextualism (from now on “contextualism” for short) and finally in section “The Role of Default Entitled Beliefs” I distill and elaborate on some aspects of contextualism that are particularly conducive for my purpose of steering a middle course between universalism and particularism. Starting in section “Contextualism” and onwards I shall thus begin my argument that contextualism is a more promising candidate by (a) allowing for greater epistemic variation than traditional epistemology without collapsing into relativism and (b) incorporating the vital social aspect of epistemic practices that traditional epistemology neglected. To my knowledge inferential contextualism has not yet been employed for such intercultural comparison, but instead mainly been put forward as a response to skepticism and also, to a lesser extent in case of the inferential variety, for allowing practical aspects to influence epistemic ascriptions, for instance that knowledge ascriptions may vary depending on what is at stake – i.e. how important is for the subject it to know some particular proposition in some context. I suggest that the tools developed for these other purposes can also greatly benefit African epistemology. The discussion between universalism and particularism that has taken place within African philosophy had some important twists of its own. One of them is that the discussion was partly cast as a debate between

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traditionalism and modernism. By itself this contrary pair is neutral with respect to the universalism/particularism debate since you can defend either traditionalism or modernism on account of its universal truth. The traditional view is held to be universally true and the modern one therefore false or, alternatively, it is the other way around. In this particular case, however, traditionalists sought to preserve the distinctive features of African thought, including epistemology, within a relativist framework. The backdrop to this stance is of course the denigrated picture painted by the colonizing Western powers. These powers charged the African societies they were colonizing for failing to match “up” to the ethnocentric standards of Western culture, a “facile universalism” to borrow an apt phrase from Kwasi Wiredu.1 In response, several African scholars attempted to restore the integrity and dignity of African culture and thought by stressing its unique features; features that therefore are incommensurable with Western standards. (I shall return to the epistemic status of traditional beliefs in section “The Role of Default Entitled Beliefs” below.) This relativist variety of traditionalism faces a number of objections. I shall here limit myself to one, which also should be raised to relativism in general. This well-known objection points to the actuality, and therefore possibility, of intercultural exchange and dialog between different cultures. Despite plenty of illicit misunderstanding and misinterpretation, not the least between Europe and Africa, the datum of such exchange rules out incommensurability and therefore relativism. By contrast, universalism can account for this worldwide phenomenon. The problem with universalism has rather consisted in that “[m]ore often than not, the alleged universals have been home-grown particulars” (Wiredu 1996, 2) of the prevalent Western world view forced upon the subjects of colonization.2 Dogmatism is therefore the real culprit. But universalism need not be dogmatic. Despite the tragic history of colonization, universalism is therefore 1  Wiredu (1996, 47). See also Bello (2004), Falola (2003) and Hallen (2009) for further references to traditionalism. 2  

Indeed it is characteristic of those who pose as antiuniversalists to use the term universalism as if it meant pseudouniversalism, and the fact is that their complaint is not with universalism at all. What they truly object to–and who would not?–is Eurocentric hegemony posing as universalism. (Appiah 1992, 58, italics in original)

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more inclusive than its rival.3 Its good intention notwithstanding, relativist traditionalism is not the right recipe for “decolonizing” (another apt term from Wiredu!)4 African epistemology. In the upcoming sections we shall instead explore the prospects of contextualism in this regard. The presence of universal conditions and aspects as such is therefore not a problem for the project of identifying contextual varieties of epistemic states, but rather a condition for its possibility. If frameworks were indeed incommensurable, they would be inaccessible to any such investigation and comparison. It is only against the background of a universal framework that these varieties can be discerned. The discussion between traditionalists and modernists has in any case somewhat subsided by philosophers having answered the call to move on from this meta-discussion – “talking about African philosophy as distinct from actually doing it” (Wiredu 1980, xi) – to conducting epistemological investigations into its subject matter: African epistemic practices.5 Nonetheless, the classical question regarding the purported universality of epistemic conditions remains relevant here as elsewhere in epistemology. Contextualism can, in any case, contribute to both endeavors.

3

 Bello (2004, 264). See also Wiredu (1996, 26–7). In another good passage Wiredu writes [I]ronically, anti-relativism is liable, through a certain adulteration of logic with psychology, to be transformed into some form of authoritarian absolutism, which turns off many intellectuals who have their hearts in the right place. (ibid., 69)

Note that I do not mean to suggest that the impossibility of intercultural exchange was an intended consequence of particularist traditionalism. 4  Decolonalization is one important aspect of Wiredu’s program within African philosophy. The other aspect consists in “domestication”. This program is thus another example of steering such a middle course between the poles of universalism and particularism (Wiredu 1996). See also Bello (2004, 267) and Falola (2003, 12): “When Africans reject their categorization of inferiority, a cultural project of self-affirmation is implied”. Note here Wiredu’s dictum “language can only incline, not necessitate” Wirdeu (1980, 35) and Wiredu (1996, 101 and 118); also quoted by Bello (2004, 267). It is also a striking feature of the traditionalist view how it appears to agree with the characterization of African cognitive constitution by the colonizing Western powers as “precritical, prereflective, protorational, prescientific, emotive, expressive, poetic and so forth” Hallen (2009, 27–8), but then attempts to replace the negative evaluation of these characteristics with a positive one. As Hallen remarks “it more or less confirmed and reinforced the reason/ emotion dichotomy between the West and Africa” (Hallen 2004, 296). 5  See Ogungbure (2012) and Òkè (1995, 206).

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Contextualism What then does the version of contextualism I have heralded as a promising research program for incorporating the right kind of particularity into epistemology consist in? In brief, Williams’ departure from traditional universalist, or “invariantist”, epistemology can be introduced with the tripartite analysis of knowledge as justified true belief as the starting point.6 In the previous section I already stated that truth is universal. I now add that belief likewise is a universal condition for knowledge. Belief is a universal phenomenon: the psychological conditions holding for a subject being in the state of belief are the same worldwide. Simply put, all humans hold beliefs and belief is a universal component of knowledge.7 It is therefore rather to the elusive notion of justification we should direct our search for contextual aspects. Aside from the subject relativity I already noted in section “Introduction”, we then also encounter the complication that there is further relativity pertaining to justification in virtue of its defeasible, non-­ monotonic character. Any particular justification for a belief is sensitive to the addition of any further evidence the subject may encounter. Adding further evidence can turn a subject from being justified into being unjustified in believing any proposition. In other words, justification is defeasible.8 For instance, any justification you already possess can become tainted by further evidence indicating that the source of that justification in fact is unreliable. It is therefore important to be careful in spelling out precisely what the contextual character of justification consists in. In my view, Williams succeeds well by pointing out that traditional invariantist epistemology endorses Claimant-challenger asymmetry. Whenever knowledge is claimed, the burden of justification lies with the claimant. If I represent myself as knowing 6  Despite being a former student of Richard Rorty, Williams’ version of contextualism crucially differs from Rorty’s version in several aspects to Williams’ credit. Incidentally, the previous attempts to apply contextualism within African epistemology, which I know of, spring from Rorty. Whilst Udefi (2009) is in favor, Hallen (2006) is highly critical of Rorty’s view as applied to the African context. 7  Humans are not the only animals that hold beliefs for that matter – see Kornblith (2012). Williams’ view on the matter is actually less clear, see Williams (2004). 8  See Janvid (2017). The dialectic pertaining to the three different kinds of contexts presented below in the main text spells out what the defeasible character of justification more precisely amounts to in those different contexts.

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that p, I invite you to ask me how I know. There is nothing you have to do, or no way that things have to be, in order for you to have the right to enter a challenge. (Williams 2007, 99)9

According to this picture the burden of proof thus always rests on the subject of knowledge. Irrespective of context, she must be able to justify any belief she has for that belief to qualify as knowledge. No corresponding requirement applies to anyone seeking to dispute, or simply inquire about, any belief held by the subject. Failing to provide justification will preclose her belief from having any positive epistemic status. By contrast, contextualism replaces this one-sided unitary model in favor of a three-sided one: 1. There are indeed contexts where the burden of proof solely rests on the claimant or subject; contexts where legitimate challenges or inquiries can be raised against the belief or claim. In those contexts, the subject represents herself as knowing something she cannot take for granted that everyone else will accept without further notice. This means that the traditional model of the subject having to justify her belief is appropriate in this context. Examples would be the spotting of a rare bird on my way to work or that the seminar in the afternoon has unexpectedly been cancelled. The subject might of course very well successfully accomplish this feat and thus secure her belief as knowledge. She does so by justifying her belief. 2. However, in addition there are also contexts where the burden of proof is shared such that there is a symmetry between subject and challenger with respect to conditions. Just as in the first case the subject does need to justify her belief, but the challenger also needs to justify any challenge or question she might raise. Without either of these, the belief would lack positive epistemic status and the challenge would be an empty one.10 A public debate and a scientific conference are examples where symmetry typically holds. A “direction 9  See also, for instance, (Williams 2001) especially Ch. 13 and 14. The qualifier “inferential” is often added to distinguish his version from more common “attributor” versions of contextualism. See, for instance, Pritchard (2016). Although both versions were launched to solve the two problems mentioned in section “Introduction”, their contextualist solutions differ. In fact, Pritchard (2016) criticizes inferentialist contextualism for being too relativist. 10  Williams employs different terms for depicting these illegitimate challenges in different works. I have elaborated on the symmetry requirement in Janvid (2013, 2017).

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of inquiry” is formed for the dialectic determining what constitutes a legitimate challenge as well as successful justification in response.11 3. Even more controversial from an invariant perspective is the contextualist thesis that there are contexts where the burden of proof is reversed compared to the traditional picture. In this instance, the burden of proof rests solely on the challenger/inquirer. This status pertains to beliefs held in contexts where they are obvious to any fellow in the epistemic practice. Think of someone (outside a philosophy seminar!) questioning why you walked around, rather than through, a medium-size physical object just in front of you in plain daylight. It is this category I am going to explore further in the next section. Note that it is not impossible for the challenger to succeed in raising a genuine challenge, but she does have to come up with legitimate grounds for her challenge (see below). Simple unspecified questions such as “why?” or “how do you know?” are met with incredulity, or simply a shrug, and can legitimately be dismissed as empty. Dismissing empty challenges does not make the subject lose her positive epistemic status. In line with Williams’ terminology I shall call beliefs belonging to the third category default entitled, which thus form a category with positive epistemic status, albeit below the level of fully justified beliefs. Note that a subject can, nonetheless, have knowledge based on default entitled beliefs as well. Knowledge does require an epistemic constituent over and above true belief, but that constituent does not necessarily have to consist in full blown justification. Default entitlement can in those specific contexts fulfill that role. Moreover, just as an epistemic challenger can succeed in raising a genuine challenge against a default entitled belief, so can a subject in turn successfully justify her original belief in the face of such a challenge. However, in so doing, the lost status of the belief as default entitled is not restored, but the belief instead now precisely becomes justified in virtue of the successful reply made by the subject. Note how what category a certain claim belongs to may depend on social aspects of the context, just as the examples illustrate: whether the seminar was unexpectedly cancelled or where more precisely the claim was made, at a scientific conference or outside a philosophical seminar. 11  Williams (2001, 160), as part of what Williams calls the methodological necessities that constrain justification and epistemic dialectic.

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The Role of Default Entitled Beliefs In this section I shall explore some options the category of default entitled beliefs give rise to for capturing particularist/contexualist aspects of our diverse epistemic practices with special attention devoted to African ones. In particular I shall reflect and comment on some of the conclusions Barry Hallen and J. Olubi Sodipo reached regarding the epistemic practices of the Yoruba in their pioneering work Knowledge, Belief and Witchcraft.12 Before I do that, however, it is worthwhile to repeat that the existence of default entitled beliefs is controversial both in its own right, but also as a response to skepticism for which inferential contextualism was originally designed. Reaching a conclusion on these matters deserve a chapter of its own, but allow me to make the following points: (i) I do believe that contextualism at least succeeds in making the skeptic share the burden of proof in the dialectic in that she needs to show that the skeptical challenge is not an empty one (in line with the point I raise below in this section about too weak conditions for raising a challenge). This move might in fact succeed solely with the help of the symmetry category 2 and thus without the existence of category 3. In any case (ii) the prospects of default entitled beliefs within African epistemology is worthwhile exploring even if, strictly speaking, it fails as a response to skepticism.13 After all, that is a fate this category shares with many other views within epistemology! Recall that what is distinctive about a default entitled belief is that in the context the belief is held it both enjoys a positive epistemic status and the privilege that the burden of proof lays on anyone wanting to challenge that belief. A default entitled belief is, in those circumstances, not put under scrutiny and the members of the community rightly take it for granted, usually implicitly. Examples of beliefs typically belonging to this category are everyday perceptual beliefs about medium-size objects in the vicinity and in plain daylight.14 But also relevant for my purpose here are well entrenched beliefs regarding social customs and many cases of beliefs transmitted through testimony. Such beliefs are often not even stated. The subject commits to them in action by, for instance, steering around a medium-size object instead of walking right into it, offering one’s right  Hallen and Sodipo (1997).  In fact, I give a negative verdict on the contextualist response to skepticism in Janvid (2006). 14  Hallen gives a Yoruba example of such “clear-cut situations” and the lack of examination and further discourse in Hallen (2000, 25). 12 13

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hand for a shake as a greeting, greeting by saying “good morning” at that time of the day rather than in the evening and simply acting on the basis of information transmitted through testimony. For instance, when the subject asks a longtime friend about something, she takes it for granted that the informant is in a position to know and the informant gives an answer that fits her expectations. When these beliefs are explicitly stated, their positive epistemic status is rightly taken for granted. The acceptance is instantaneous. No stage of critical assessment takes place in coming to form a belief in default contexts. We encounter innumerably instances of this on a daily basis. How, then, can the category of default entitled beliefs be of service in understanding African epistemic practices? My first suggestion concerns their classification as “traditional” communities. Here, one option, which to the best of my knowledge has not been explored, is that the frequency of beliefs that qualify as default entitled may vary not only between contexts, but also between different communities. Better put, these parameters are connected: everyday contexts plausibly contain a higher frequency of default entitled beliefs than a philosophy seminar. Typically more can legitimately be taken for granted in the former than in the latter contexts.15 Next, if a community in turn contains more everyday encounters than it contains contexts like philosophy seminars or scientific excursions, then that community will contain a higher frequency of default entitled beliefs. Default entitled beliefs thus form a significant part of what Wiredu calls “folk epistemology”.16 “Traditional” societies may, therefore, and simply by virtue of these features, contain a higher frequency of default entitled beliefs. Contextualism therefore allows for variety regarding not only what beliefs, but also the frequency of beliefs that are default entitled. Here traditional communities may contain a higher frequency of such beliefs for 15  This claim is subject to several provisos, one of them being that the stakes are not high in the particular everyday context. Contextualists typically take rising stakes (an example of what Williams calls economic factors in Williams 2001, 161) to bring about a shift to higher epistemic standards. Simply put, the more that is at stake in a particular context the higher the standards are for knowledge: the more important it is for me that the nearest bank office is open, the stronger justification I need to secure knowledge of its opening hours. According to contextualism such practical factors have an epistemic impact. See also note no. 17 below. 16  Wiredu (1980, 1996). Note that prolonged discussions under philosophy seminars will also eventually reveal default entitled beliefs, but they will not be found immediately on the surface of the exchange as in everyday contexts.

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the natural reason outlined above, well explained by contextualism, and not because they are dogmatic, irrational or pre-logical or any of the other denigrating features previously thrown at such communities. “Traditional” societies would thus in this respect simply differ in degree rather than kind from more “modern” ones. But does not the category of default entitled beliefs entail too lax conditions for enjoying positive epistemic status? The best response to this objection is perhaps to raise the counter-objection that invariantist epistemology entails too weak conditions for raising a challenge, more precisely those falling under category 1 above, i.e. none at all. Both category 2 and 3 pose stricter conditions for raising challenges. In fact, the presence of default entitled beliefs and stricter conditions for raising challenges are two sides of the same coin. Contextualism does not therefore entail an absence of critical reflection and discussion, only that the relevant requirements are distributed more widely among the different roles members of the community play in their social exchanges. A second example of a contextualist aspect falling on the right side of the relativist divide is how strong justification needs to be to qualify as knowledge. Whilst knowledge is a so called threshold concept, i.e. for any proposition p a subject either knows p or not, justification comes in degrees. Two subjects who are justified in the same belief can still have weaker or stronger justification for that belief. The question then arises about how strong a justification needs to be before a belief reaches the threshold of knowledge. One of the current controversies in epistemology concerns whether this threshold (wherever it is located) admits of contextual variation. Contextualists argue that some contexts demand stricter standards than others. Hallen and Sodipo’s aforementioned fieldwork among Yoruba communities in (Hallen and Sodipo 1997) provides a fitting illustration of the possibility that these variations may also occur between different communities. In a later work, Hallen gives the following comment: in English-language culture “belief” begins where “knowledge” leaves off. In Yoruba gbàgbó (putative “belief”) begins where imò (putative “knowledge”) leaves off. The extent of one can only be understood by interrelating it with the other. But what is more interesting is that the criteria in these two languages that determine or define where one leaves off and the other begins (and therefore how the two interrelate) themselves differ substantially. (Hallen 2006, 270. Italics in original)

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More precisely, Hallen and Sodipo claim that the threshold for imò is higher than knowledge and thus that Yoruba poses stricter standards in this regard than English does. Contextualism is well suited for accounting for differences in standards in this respect, in general and with regard to English and Yoruba.17 Recall, however, that the ability to justify a belief is not an invariant necessary condition for enjoying positive epistemic status, such as knowledge, from a contextualist point of view. So such inability does not signify where belief begins and knowledge leaves off. Of relevance to this point is Hallen and Sodipo’s stress on verification by firsthand experience in their account of Yoruba epistemic practice, which indicates a pull towards infallibilism, i.e. the highest possible justificatory standard of objective certainty as the threshold for knowledge. When confronted by a challenge or query, the subject should give the strongest justification she can muster and when challenged only infallible justification is up for the job,18 or so one might think. This infallibilist tendency is a current in both the history of epistemology as well as “folk epistemology”. Here, testimony, as a secondhand source, falls short of this standard.19 From this perspective, testimony is therefore a questionable source of justification, which I will examine further below. Contextualism urges us to resist this pull towards infallibilism. In brief, just because infallible justification would be sufficient for knowledge does not entail that it is also necessary.20 This point is of particular importance 17  To allow for shifts in standards unite inferential and attributor contextualism. One reason why it would be very interesting to know more in detail what questions were asked to the participating onisègùn (Yoruba masters of medicine, see Hallen and Sodipo 1997, 10–11; Hallen 2000, 176) during their fieldwork is whether it was the questions that gave rise to the shift to higher standards. This feature is crucial for assessing the applicability of contextualism to Yoruba epistemic practices. I hope to address this issue in future work. When their fieldwork was conducted it was classified as ordinary language philosophy, but today it would be labeled experimental philosophy. 18  Interestingly, Wiredu argues that his own language Akan is fallibilist in Wiredu (1996, 139–40). It should be noted that one praiseworthy aim driving Hallen and Sodipo in their book is to defy the image of African communities in general, and Yoruba in particular, as an uncritical and prereflective traditional culture. My own remarks are of course not meant to restore that demeaning image of the epistemic practice of African communities like the Yoruba. 19  Locke is a famous example in Locke (1975). 20  Note that sufficiency holds with certain provisos, more precisely to overriding challenges. As a response to an undermining challenge, precisely questioning your ability to form reliable firsthand experience, providing such justification would of course not be sufficient. Such a response would instead be obviously question-begging. See Janvid (2013, 2017).

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in contexts and for sources that do not allow for such justification. Fallible contexts and sources should still allow for positive epistemic status, such as knowledge. Contextualism is well equipped for accounting for the widespread phenomenon of fallible justification: instead of providing an invariant standard of knowledge, firsthand experience provides sufficient entitlement in certain contexts and directions of inquiry. Moreover, firsthand experience can fulfill this role without being invariantly certain. I am, furthermore, for several reasons not happy with the simple dichotomy between knowledge and belief, one of them being that belief itself is a component of knowledge. Charitably interpreted it is rather the case that beliefs with a positive epistemic status are distinguished from those that lack such status; in other words, mere belief is distinct from knowledge. Here one of the great virtues of contextualism consists in offering further kinds of positive epistemic status aside from full blown justified knowledge (as in the case of infallibilism). A subject can enjoy a positive epistemic status even if she falls short of that demanding state. A richer plate of different positive epistemic states is better suited to capture the contextual varieties of our epistemic practices. As a case in mind, and as my third, and final, point of this section, testimony precisely provides a good illustration of how the richer resources of contextualism can better handle a variety of sources of justification than traditional invariantist epistemology. In light of what has been pointed out above, to account for the epistemic status of testimony presents a challenge for epistemology in general and is therefore intensively discussed today under the heading of social epistemology (see below). Hallen and Sodipo take testimony to fall on the mere belief side in Yoruba epistemic practice since testimony precisely falls short of verification in terms of firsthand experience by the recipient herself. If verification in terms of firsthand experience indeed provided the invariant standard of knowledge, then this would form an epistemic practice with the strictest standard hardly allowing any sources of justification. It could even be argued that the attempt to live up to this very demanding standard of justification would lead to the breakdown of the irreducibly social aspect of epistemic practice and society.21 As a result hardly anyone would know anything and the little that one knew could not be passed along to others. 21  See Òkè (1995, 214). It should also be noted that inferentialist contextualism is a pronounced internalist position, i.e. the subject must have an internal access to her justification in order to be so. See, for instance, Williams (2001). Ogungbure calls for this neglected

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This would be a devastating result for any epistemic practice, but perhaps even more so for so called “oral cultures” like the Yoruba (as traditionally depicted). Here contextualism offers a better account allowing for the transmission of knowledge between members of the community, but without collapsing into naive credulity. Instead of subjecting testimony to the conditions belonging to the first category and, in addition, requiring unattainable infallible justification, testimony can fall under any of the three contextual categories I distinguished above. Thus no requirement of justification holds invariantly for a belief arrived at by testimony, but if the specific instance falls under the first category, then further inquiry is called for before acceptance by the receiver should occur. Instances that could be placed under this category will typically be certain information that are extraordinary. This will be either information not cohering with the recipient’s background knowledge, or when it is not immediately evident how the informant could be in a position to possess the knowledge she claims. The first example illustrates how social factors determine the epistemic status of the information, more precisely on factors pertaining to the recipient of the testimony. Cases falling under the second category will not be necessarily those where the content of the testimony is directly at issue, but also those where the informant is. For instance, the track record of the informant is not spotless. How the testimony is delivered leaves more to be desired; the informant may seem very nervous for instance. Testimony falling under this category is open to specific challenges of the kind I just exemplified. Unlike the first kind of context, unspecified challenges would be empty in the second kind of context. From this we can infer that cases falling under the third category, then, do not contain information out of the ordinary and the informant enjoys prima facie credibility, both in general and in that particular instance. What is “ordinary”, or “normal”, is partly determined by social factors pertaining to the context at hand. Challenges can thus be raised within all categories, but the conditions the challenges need to fulfill are different depending on the context. Within the first category, it simply suffices to ask “How do you know that?” By contrast, in the other cases the challenge needs to be specified aspect in African epistemology Ogungbure (2013). Intrapersonal access often goes hand in hand with interpersonal access.

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and justified. In the second case, the receiver may (politely of course) inquire about the seeming nervousness of the informant. In the third case, challenges will typically consist in questioning whether the default conditions really obtain. Appearances to the contrary, the context is in fact not normal because the following circumstance x has occurred, or the informant is generally reliable, but at this moment she seems to suffer from some condition y etc. These special circumstances are often social in kind; for instance, default status may depend on whether the testimony is offered in an atmosphere of trust or not. Instead of falling outside any positive epistemic status, contextualism includes testimony and provides a sophisticated variant model for how positive epistemic states can be socially transmitted as well as questioned by fellows within different epistemic practices. Throughout we thus see how epistemic status is sensitive to social factors pertaining to the contexts where the belief is held or claim made. To sum up, I have thus here outlined how contextualism can allow for particularist elements in epistemic practices in general, as well as African practices in particular, without succumbing to relativism. Hallen and Sodipo’s fieldwork among the Yoruba provides an interesting starting point. I have argued that the epistemic status of default entitled beliefs is especially fruitful in this regard. The important case of testimony provides an illuminating example. More research is of course needed to carry out this program, especially by colleagues fluent in the African languages to which contextualism should be applied. Then, and only then, will my suggestion be put to test!22

References Appiah, K.A. 1992. In My Father’s House. Africa in the Philosophy of Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bello, A.G.A. 2004. Some Methodological Controversies in African Philosophy. In A Companion to African Philosophy, ed. K.  Wiredu, 263–272. Malden: Blackwell. Falola, Toyin. 2003. The Power of African Cultures. Rochester: University of Rochester Press.

22  I am grateful to Adebayo Ogungbure, participants at The Toyin@65 conference “African Knowledges and Alternative Futures” at Ibadan in January 2018 and an anonymous referee for helpful comments on earlier versions of this chapter.

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Hallen, Barry. 2000. The Good, the Bad and the Beautiful. Discourse About Vales in Yoruba Culture. Bloomington/Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. ———. 2004. Yoruba Moral Epistemology. In A Companion to African Philosophy, ed. K. Wiredu, 296–303. Malden: Blackwell. ———. 2006. African Philosophy. The Analytic Approach. Trenton: Africa World Press, Inc. ———. 2009. A Short History of African Philosophy. 2nd ed. Bloomington/ Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Hallen, Barry, and Olubi Sodipo. 1997. Knowledge, Belief and Witchcraft. Analytic Experiments in African Philosophy. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Janvid, Mikael. 2006. Contextualism and the Structure of Skeptical Arguments. Dialectica 60: 63–77. ———. 2013. The Challenges of Traveling Without Itinerary. The Overriding Case. Grazer Philosophische Studien 87: 59–73. ———. 2017. Defeater Goes External. Philosophia 45: 701–715. Kornblith, H. 2012. On Reflection. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Locke, John. 1975. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, ed. P.H. Nidditch. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Ogungbure, Adebayo. 2012. The Problem of Justification in African Epistemology: A Critical Study. Saarbrücken: Lap Lambert Academic Publishing. ———. 2013. Two Notions of Justification in African Epistemology. Journal on African Philosophy 8: 31–51. Òkè, Moses. 1995. Towards an African (Yoruba) Perspective on Empirical Knowledge: A Critique of Hallen and Sodipo. International Philosophical Quarterly XXXV: 205–216. Pritchard, D. 2016. Epistemic Angst. Radical Skepticism and the Groundlessness of Our Believing. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Udefi, Amaechi. 2009. Rorty’s Neopragmatism and the Imperative of the Discourse of African Epistemology. Human Affairs 79: 78–86. Williams, M. 2001. Problems of Knowledge. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ———. 2004. Is Knowledge a Natural Phenomenon? In The Externalist Challenge, ed. R. Schantz, 193–210. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter. ———. 2007. Why (Wittgensteinian) Contextualism Is Not Relativism. Episteme 4: 93–114. Wiredu, Kwasi. 1980. Philosophy and an African Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1996. Cultural Universals and Particulars: An African Perspective. Bloomington/Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

CHAPTER 3

The Quest for Africanizing Qualitative Inquiry: A Pathway to Methodological Innovation Evelyn Namakula Mayanja

Introduction In 2015, I conducted qualitative research in Eastern Congo to explore people’s perspectives, images and experiences about the war and how they envision peace. Prior to the field research, I only just wondered how people generally cope with war and violence. As a peace and conflict scholar interested in the resource wars engulfing almost all African mineral resource rich nations, I always want to hear people’s silenced narratives about war and peace. However, I was concerned about the research methodologies and methods appropriate for the so called postcolonial African societies, yet grappling with neocolonialism manifested by the longue durée violent exploitation of the Congolese people and their resources. I contacted some Congolese friends who said: “ask us to talk about our experiences… as you know in Africa we are all story tellers.” Stories, “both enchanting and heart-breaking,” are the only means of discovering why

E. N. Mayanja (*) University of Winnipeg, Winnipeg, MB, Canada © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_3

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human dignity matters, and they offer an intimate encounter with injustices where the enormous suffering should not be reduced to abstract theories (Akhavan 2017: 6). I was also advised to consult some elders. One of them said: “When you do research in Congo (Africa) always consult the elders… the elders are even more important in a war zone because they know the appropriate methods to follow in investigating the knowledge and the people to interview.”1 The elders helped me initiate the process that led to meetings with men and women of different calibres and ethnic groups. They also suggested to ‘converse’ with people and not behave like Western researchers who interview people like detectives. I conversed with (interviewed) people in French, Swahili, English and Mashi. Every house I entered, a drink or a meal was offered in spite of the poverty that war has caused to Africa’s richest nation. Stories, folktales, proverbs, songs, and art were used to communicate experiences that date back to colonialism. At times, the neighbours and guests joined the conversations without being invited. It is from this experience that the chapter derives. Trained in Western research methodologies, it was a challenge to conjure suitable methods of inquiry to capture indigenous knowledge. How can knowledge of the formerly colonized and silenced African societies be researched and integrated into a body of literature that informs qualitative inquiry? Since a big part of African epistemology is oral, using fitting indigenous methodologies and methods to research present difficulties. Through the above narrative, this chapter argues three propositions. The first is the acknowledgement of African Indigenous Knowledge Systems (AIKS) as a body of knowledge with reliable methodologies of investigating knowledge. The second is the integration of AIKS into the research process because of their theoretical and philosophical potential to contribute to knowledge innovation for research conducted in Africa, without altering “the intrinsic order of social life” of indigenous communities (Atkinson and Delamont 2005: 823). The third is Africanizing qualitative research to counteract colonial approaches that propagate western intellectual hegemony, hereby challenging the approaches of conducting research in Africa. I use ‘western’ in reference to “ontological, epistemological, sociological, and ideological ways of thinking and being as differentiated from Eastern thought”, the African and Asian worldviews (Kovach 2009: 21). 1

 Authors own interview.

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The chapter has five sections. The first briefly examines the history of research in Africa, followed by the second section dealing with the conceptualization of Africanization and AIKS. The third section explores the rationale for Africanizing qualitative research, and the fourth sources of African Indigenous Knowledge. The fifth section is concerned with the examination of how research can be Africanized.

The Historicity of Research in Africa Africa is a living laboratory of research. Social and cultural anthropologists, missionaries, scientists and ethnographers have since the 1800 researched the African people. Social anthropologists, hired and recruited by the colonial administration, served the colonial agenda of controlling the African mind (Ade-Ajayi and Alagoa 1974). Their methodological and epistemological approaches denied the dignity, identity, cultures, history, religion, philosophy, science, political systems, and civilization of the Africans people, to justify Western hegemony, colonization, slavery, racial superiority, and racialized systems. For example, Radcliffe asserted: “For European countries we can trace the development of social institutions over several centuries. For most African societies, the records from which we can obtain authentic history are extremely scanty or in some instances entirely lacking except for a very short period of the immediate past. We cannot have a history of African institutions” (1950: 2). Social anthropologists claimed to discover “in a native society what no native can explain to him and what no layman, however conversant with the culture, can perceive its basic structures…[it] is fundamentally an imaginative construct of the anthropologist himself ” (Evans 1968: 51). Commenting about ethnographic works in Nigeria, Jones notes that “Many monographs, reports, and papers have been published by anthropologists, some of them professionals, most of them amateur, most of the earlier ones self-taught.… Much of their descriptive ethnography is pretty poor” while those written under anthropological hypotheses are vague (1974: 286). In The Philosophy of History (1956), Hegel identifies four cultures of civilizations: Oriental, Greek, Roman, and German, because in his view, Africa is unhistorical, with no philosophy, morality, religion, economics, and politics. For Hegel, Africa is a land where the Africans have not attained consciousness, are mere flesh, and cannot develop scholarship. He further categorizes Africa into three: Africa proper (south of the

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Sahara), European Africa (north of the Sahara), and Egypt (which he claims is connected to Asia). “Africa proper” is “the land of childhood, which lying beyond the day of self-conscious history, is enveloped in the dark mantel of Night” (ibid.: 91). Africans were mythologize as “Peter Pan children who can never grow up, a child race” (Fyfe 1992: 19–22). British colonizers called every male ‘boy’ (house –boy, office-boy), and the French used the familiar pronoun for a child-‘tu’ to address every African regardless of age (ibid.). Hegel’s “ignominious pronouncements” are “a great contribution to the stereotypic image of Black people” (Harris 1987: 19). These researchers, even with their language limitations, disciplinary illiteracy, and cultural ignorance, created theories that have effectively convinced other races the world over, to consider the Africans as savages, cannibals, and brutes without epistemology, morality, and worldviews. Neglected at this point is the problem of a researcher’s biases and errors pertaining to data collection and reporting, and the danger of “uncritical acceptance and use of ethnographic (and historical) sources.” (Owusu 1978: 314). Another ignored issue is that Western research is commodified, which could easily lead to data falsification. Even leading researchers, like Malinowski, raised finances for anthropological research by illustrating that anthropology was important to colonial administration (Longham 1981). Studies about European penetration of Africa, and European anthropological studies about the Africans illustrate how westerners were oblivious and sceptical about the African people (Mudimbe 1988; Thairu and Wahinya 1975). Africa was portrayed as a dark and backward continent, the Africans as beastly savages, barbaric, pagans and animists, a people with neither history nor philosophy (Mudimbe 1988; Thairu and Wahinya 1975). Joseph Conrad (1995) referred to Congo as the “Heart of darkness.” African history, epistemology and philosophy were denied with the introduction of Western education and religion (Bert Hamminga 2005b; Hegel 1991; Idowu 1973; Mudimbe 1988; Tempels 1959). Thus, Africanizing research entails ‘researching back’, questioning how academia has described and theorized about the colonized African, denying the existence of AIKS and capacity to investigate knowledge with the African lens (Chilisa 2012).

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Conceptualizing Africanization and AIKS Africanization implies “the removal of colonial influence from the phenomena in question in order to give it an African character” (Ntoumi and Priebe 2010: 1). It is the process through which knowledge and scholarship are made “more African” (Falola and Jennings 2002: 1). It is the quest for the African Renaissance (Ajul 2001; Hoppers 2002), and the decolonization struggle. It is the quest for Africans to reclaim their space, autonomy and self-determination to name their world; to philosophize and investigate knowledge according to their worldviews and not through the lenses of their colonizers. Where Africa and her people’s contribution to knowledge and civilization (Diop 1989) are conspicuously silenced and not known, Africanization is a reclamation and a representation of the African voice (Falola and Jennings 2002). After the nominal independence, “the challenge to make Africanist scholarship more African” should be embraced given that there are “a multitude of disconnected points at which African experiences and contexts might inform our practices as scholars” (ibid.: 1). In other words, Africanists are anxious to ensure that African mindsets, attitudes and approaches to scholarship, and continental problems is genuinely African. Knowledge and its methods of investigation, cannot be divorced from a people’s everyday life experiences. AIKS refers to knowledge or science imbedded in African worldview which “shapes consciousness and forms the theoretical framework” through which knowledge is investigated, critiqued and reframed (Owusu-­ Ansah and Mji 2013: 1). AIK is a body of knowledge that is found in all African forms of understanding and transmitting knowledge such as the proverbs and folklore. AIKS expresses the “major philosophical questions concerning the forms, content and the style of Africanizing knowledge” and “the status of traditional systems of thought and their possible relations to the normative genre of knowledge” (Mudimbe 1988: 10). AIK “is based on cognitive understandings and interpretations of the social, physical and spiritual worlds” (ibid.). It embraces wholeness, community, and relationships that are imbedded in cultural values and philosophies. Acquisition and ownership of AIK is collective with no copyrights. For example no one can claim to have authored a proverb or story. A person becomes human in relationships which calls for a sense of “collective ethics,” interdependence, community, and interconnectedness (Mbiti 1990; Mkabela 2005). Africanizing research therefore denotes a recourse to AIKS and their transmission.

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The Rationale for Africanizing Qualitative Inquiry The quest for Africanizing knowledge springs from the fact that African education institutions have failed to lead the Africanization process. As it was in the colonial era, African intuitions are trapped into Eurocentric ideologies. Globalization has increased the erosion of African institutions. Instead of offering contextualized education, to meet the challenges of capitalism and globalization, university graduates are busy assimilating American and Chines models to social, political, and economic issues. As Falola and Jennings observe, ...scholars of Africa often lament the fact that the most prestigious sites of production for African studies remain outside Africa itself. The best solution to this problem, naturally, would be the flowering of institutions of higher learning within Africa, drawing back to the continent not only the best Africanist scholars, but also the financial resources to fund research, to publish books and journals, and to sponsor institutes and conferences. But given the circumstances of unequal wealth and political influence between African nations and their western counterparts, we must concede that this development will be a long time in coming. (2002: 1)

Some African scholars have embarked on exploring AIKS and the importance of research conducted in Africa using African approaches (Chilisa 2012; Mkabela 2005; Tanyaniwa and Chikwanha 2011). However, most research in Africa follows methodologies and conceptual frameworks “that depend on Western epistemological order even in the most explicitly ‘Afrocentric’ descriptions” (Mudimbe 1988: 10). Yet, “The foundation of African thought cannot rest on Western intellectual traditions that have as one of their enduring features the projection of Africans as other and our consequent domination” (Oyèrónké 1998: 23–24). Knowledge and its investigation are inseparable from a people’s culture, philosophy, history, and worldview. Assuming that there are universal methods of investigating knowledge is dangerous and oppressive (Asante 2011). It propagates colonial monopoly over knowledge and epistemological violence that considers Western methods and cultures superior to others. It is that superiority complex that drove the colonial ‘mission civilisatrice’ (Paris 2002; Røge and Leclair 2012) and the denial of the existence of AIKS, philosophy and civilization. James Scheurich and Michelle Young (1997: 7) observe that when a group with complex civilization dominates others for centuries, the ways of the

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dominant group not only becomes the norm but are also considered appropriate rather than a socially constructed phenomenon. “As long as the “ancestor worship” of Western academic practice is not questioned, scholars in African Studies are bound to produce scholarship that does not focus primarily on Africa” especially where academic ‘ancestors’ and current non-Africans remain “hostile to African interests” (Oyèrónké 1998: 23–24). The profoundly disturbing image of decentring African people from a subject position even when it pertains to their wellbeing is because they have not claimed their knowledge bases (Asante 2017). Africa’s problems spring from “our failure to embark on the movement of re-awakening” our own epistemologies and research methods, yet “No sane society chooses to build its future on foreign cultures, values, or systems.” (Magesa 1997: xi). This methodological quest presupposes a search into our cultures, histories, worldviews, and philosophies to rediscover core elements of personhood necessary to map out new theologies, politics and economics that centres around the human person. Doing otherwise is tantamount to “communal suicide” (ibid.). According to white researchers, Scheurich and Young, western methodologies are “racially biased” (1997: 4), linked to colonialism, imperialism and neo-colonialism (Smith 2012). Scheurich and Young are cognizant of the multifaceted and systemic racism where “civilization racism” gives way to epistemological racism, while institutional racism is “endemic to social sciences” (1997: 5–6). Racially biased research methodologies are connected to systems and assumptions that propagate “white racial supremacy” (ibid.: 7). Western epistemological hegemony is part of the colonization strategy that continues to silence “Indigenous people’s worldview” (Walker 2004: 530). Qualitative inquiry today necessitates contextualized approaches (Atkinson and Delamont 2005; Denzin and Lincoln 2005). I concur with Dei (2013), that “the days of Non-Indigenous people becoming ‘experts’ on indigenous peoples are long over” (p. 29). Also, qualitative studies of people’s life world with “naturalistic, interpretive, and increasing critical” genres (Marshall and Rossman 2011: 3), can no longer privilege one single methodological approach over the other (Denzin and Lincoln 2005: 6). Making one dominant over the other is oppressive, if not a social injustice. Western methods of investigating knowledge and concepts are inadequate in explaining the different knowledge systems found in African cultures. No method of investigating should be considered as universal

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because, “universality can only can only be dreamed about when we have “slept” on truth based on specific cultural experiences” (Asante 1987: 168). Indigenous researchers’ quest is for representing indigenous research methodologies that favour “indigenous knowledge, voices, experiences, reflections and analyses their social, material and spiritual conditions” (Smith 2005: 87). Denzin and Lincoln acknowledge with regrets that qualitative inquiries serve as metaphors for colonial hegemony with research as a means of “representing the dark-skinned Other to the white world” (2005: 1). Qualitative inquiry studies peoples’ lived experiences and social phenomena to understand the research problem, with commitment to understand and interpret the area under study from the perspective of the people being studies (Bryman 1984; Denzin and Lincoln 2005). This requires ‘understanding’2 the actor. Failure to understand the actor has contributed to ignoring AIK even when researching the Africans. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), quoted by Bagele Chilisa, advises research institutions and researchers to undertake “research that is relevant, participatory; based on indigenous culture and language” (2012: 73). For Chilisa (2012), it is mandatory for indigenous researchers to use contextualized methods and theories. Most Africans lose interest in abstract Western scholarship because it is too alienated from their daily lived experience. Knowledge is viewed as a stepping-stone to better jobs, and the liberation of the African people. Thus, knowledge cannot be useful for its own sake. Perhaps due to colonial destruction of African cultures, identities and conditioning of Africans to consider themselves as inferior (Mamdani 2004; Thairu and Wahinya 1975), even African scholars discredit AIKS (Owusu-Ansah and Mji 2013), which partly explains why Africa still relies on foreign experts to devise solutions to Africa’s problems. There is burgeoning literature on decolonizing and indigenizing research methodologies (Chilisa 2012; Denzin et al. 2008; Kovach 2009; Smith 1999; Wilson 2008). Decolonization is considered both an “event and process” that prioritizes the concerns and worldview of the colonized ‘Others’, and empowers them towards self-understanding (Chilisa 2012: 13). As an event, research is a ceremony (Wilson 2008) where a research investigates and celebrates the collective knowledge of a community . As a 2  Schwandt (1999) highlights the difference between knowing and understanding qualitative inquiry. Understanding is relational and requires openness, dialogue and listening. Understanding is learning rather than reading, with the possibility of misunderstanding.

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process, it “engages with imperialism and colonialism at multiple levels” (Smith 1999: 20). The process questions the superiority of western knowledge and forms of inquiry, and proposes conducting research in a manner that respects and integrates the worldviews and cultures of the formerly colonized, silenced, and oppressed Other(s), while empowering them to communicate according to their frames of reference (Chilisa 2012; Kovach 2009; Smith 1999). The quest for Africanizing research springs from the quest for liberation from colonial oppression. Research should therefore foster social and institutional changes, to give way to indigenous knowledge and break the unequal power relation between the global North and the global South (Smith 2005: 89). It is important to understand that the quest for Africanizing research is neither about discrediting Western knowledge systems nor about presenting AIK as pristine. Rather, it is a search for recognition and integration of AIK into qualitative inquiry because of its potential to enrich research approaches. African and Western knowledge systems could co-exist and complement each other. In this era of information and interconnectedness, “bringing indigenous knowledge into the Euro-American academy” is critical (Dei 2000: 113). I remain interested and curious in how the issues investigated with purely Africanized methods will hold ground as compared to those investigated with Western methodologies. It is only in this way that we can avoid the “parasitic” approach to AIK and wisdom that uses African contexts and people as “guinea pigs” in furthering Western science (Dei 2013: 28). I envision a transition whereby African investigators will become the mouthpiece of their epistemological substances on the globalized stage rather than non-African researchers speaking for and about them.

Sources of AIKS AIK is embedded in worldviews, cultural heritages, values, belief systems, and histories that “encapsulate the common-good-sense ideas and cultural knowledge of local peoples concerning the everyday realities of living” (Dei 2000: 113).3 IKS is also found in African worldviews that comprises 3  I use plurals (realities, systems, etc.) because of Africa’s diversity of fifty- five nations, thousands of ethnic groups and languages, yet with enduring similarities constituting unity in diversity (Asante and Asante 1990; Gyekye 1997). Diop (1962), observes a profound unity of African culture and knowledge “beneath the deceptive appearance of cultural het-

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supernatural beings, the ancestors, the living dead, the unborn, the living, and nature. African worldviews focus on ‘being’ and life forces that permeate and connect the whole universe, shape consciousness and epistemological frameworks for investigating, critiquing, and understanding knowledge (Ngara 2007). While Western worldviews are individualistic and linear, the African way is communal, relational, and spiral, and multidimensional (ontological, epistemological, axiological and methodological). There are also layers to AIK sources: (1) The Supreme Being that empowers and energizes the universe (Hamminga 2005b; Mbiti 1990); (2) the spirits of ancestors and the living dead; (3) diviners, priests/priestesses, kings, queens, and prophets who are believed to be in communion with the spiritual realm; and (4) the wise elders4 who are the accessible custodians of knowledge, who must be listened to, and who are responsible for preserving communal wisdom. Knowledge flows in a chain within the community. The young go to the elder, the elders to the diviners, the diviners to the spirits and ancestors, and the spirits to a deity a given culture considers supreme Bert Hamminga argues that “the community is a force, and knowledge itself is a force, transmitted by the ancestors to the living” (2005b: 66). Knowledge is generated in communion and togetherness, and owned collectively by an ethnic group and not by the individual (Tempels 1959); it is “social: not ‘I’ know, but ‘we’ know” (Hamminga 2005b: 57). Other layers of African epistemology consist of the “forces” in the universe. Nature is pervaded by power and is a source of knowledge that must be carefully observed and interpreted. The sun, moon and stars are watched closely and any change in their normal form must be interpreted. Natural phenomena are studied and interpreted to know when it is appropriate to plant, go fishing, make pottery, or hunt. Thus, “every force has something you may call a ‘meaning’, an ‘intention’, an ‘aim’…knowledge acquisition is the discovery of the power of forces” (Hamminga 2005a: 63). For example, among the Baganda of Uganda, an early morning cock

erogeneity” (p. 7). Africans have a common philosophy and methodologies of investigation (Gyekye 1997; Mbiti 1990) that reflect their epistemology, their axiology, and their ontologies. 4  Age is associated with wisdom and knowledge, although not all old people are considered wise.

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crow is an alarm to wake up, but a midnight crow is an omen and the cock should be slaughtered. Land provides existence and is a linking force and source of identity for all creatures. Concluding research without reference to the land leaves a knowledge gap. Examining the importance of land as a key component of indigenous knowledge, Wilson notes “the pedagogy of place” where land for the indigenous people is connected to spirituality and community (2008: 87). Animals, plants, water bodies, all living and non-living things on the land not only provide food, medicine, beauty and are used for sacrificing to the gods, they are also knowledge sources. Food from the land is shared as a symbol of togetherness. Particular landscapes and biomes are where religious ceremonies are held and knowledge transferred during special life moments such as rites of passage among many African communities. Names of places and people, space, and time are epistemological sources and key elements in indigenous stories. Kovach observes that “place names make theoretical notions concrete,” offer tacit meaning, warmth of belonging and interconnectedness that informs knowledge (2009: 62). For example, my name ‘Mayanja’ literary means big lakes. When used in a narrative or when called among the Baganda, it leads the listener to visualize lakes and with the hidden meaning that lakes are wide, deep, give life, but could also cause death. Time is not chronological but an event—a child’s birth, a marriage, a time of war, rain, planting and harvesting (Mbiti 1990). Demographic research questions such as birthdates could be answered by referring to an event. Bert Hamminga (2005b) asserts that among the Africans, “memory…is anchored in such emotionally appealing” past events (2005b: 70). Other sources of knowledge include songs, musical instruments, dances, and art. Asante notes that “dance-music-art and science provide the sources of knowledge, the canons of proof and the stimulus structure of truth” (1990: 19). African art, characterized by a complex play of colours that tends to contrast celestial beings and land, portrays intellectual references and a “sign of an epistemological order” (Mudimbe 1988: 22–23). African dances and rhythms are pregnant with meaning. There are songs, dances, and rhythms for peace, war, marriage, worship, harvest, and death. The first experience with AIK is the immediate family, and community. All community members are responsible for teaching with words and actions. Knowledge is for the collective good, with the obligation to

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transmit it to the younger generations. The person exists in relation to the community, summed up in the maxim “I am because we are, and since we are, therefore I am” (Mbiti 1990: 141). Stories of wisdom, virtues such as hard work, courage, and exemplary behaviours are shared for the young to emulate. In most case, the characters in the story are animals personified as behaving courageously and lovingly, while others are portrayed as greedy, weak, and selfish, with implicit ramifications for goodness or badness. According to Elabor-Idemudia, oral knowledge systems “articulate a distinct cultural identity” and “give voice to a range of cultural, social and political, aesthetic, and linguistic systems long muted by centuries of colonialism and cultural imperialism” (2002: 103).

Africanizing Qualitative Research Where do we start in Africanizing qualitative inquiry? Qualitative research observes certain modus operandi (Berg 1995: 30). These include the researcher’s preparations: obtaining ethics approval, designing and identifying the research problem, literature review, identifying the research questions, data gathering, analysis, interpretation, reporting, and dissemination of data and ethics. I will analyse each of these elements to suggest how qualitative research can be Africanized, while cognizant that research in Africa should be about people lives and their liberation, and cannot be reduced to ‘cookbook’ procedures. The Researcher Conducting qualitative inquiry starts with the researcher’s preparation and epistemology, together with the paradigm and worldview that guide methodological selection (Creswell 1994; Kovach 2009). Preparation in indigenous research is multilayered, and unique to each researcher who must situate herself in the research, clarify the research purpose, relationship with the researched and respect for their cultures. Even for an African, researching postcolonial societies in Africa is intimidating. Self-location, that is “situating one’s self in relation to the research”, is key to the research preparation stage (Kovach 2009: 50). Inward knowledge of one’s identity as a member of a certain ethnic group and how it affects the research process is crucial because of either the historical hostilities or friendliness among ethnic groups, and even colonial states. Differences between the researcher and researched based on

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ethnicity, gender, social status, language, or race pose significant challenges. Indigenous researchers McCaslin and Breton compare indigenous researcher’s challenges to “entering rough waters” (2008: 514). Listening to the voices of historically silenced people is a very humbling experience. Evelyn Steinhauer recommends the observance of the “three R’s, Respect, Reciprocity, and Relationality” (cited in Wilson 2008: 58). Smith proposes key questions for the researcher to reflect before embarking on the research process: Is the researcher’s spirit clear? Does he or she have a good heart? “Whose research is it? Whose interests does it serve? Who will benefit from it?” (1999: 10). It is also important to know the cultural protocols around questioning: question type, timing, how to pose a question and to whom. For example, in North America almost everyone is addressed by name; in Africa an elder is addressed differently from a youth. Furthermore, while researching in Africa, it is also advantageous for a researcher to seek elders’ advice on the research questions before entering the filed or even engaging with the subject matter. It is also important to be clear about how the research is going to benefit the researched. Commercializing knowledge from indigenous people without considering how they benefit from the research is a form of slavery and violation of intellectual property laws. It is a form of “trading the Other” (Smith 1999: 89). Denzin and Lincoln observe that: Researching... the indigenous Other, while claiming to be in a value free inquiry for human discipline, is over. Researchers today need to develop situational and transsituational ethics that apply to all forms of the research act and its human-to-human relationships. We no longer have the option of deferring the decolonization project. (2005: 22)

The Research Topic The researcher chooses the topic, that is, the area of interest or a research problem and paradigm (Creswell 1994, 2012). In postcolonial Africa, characterized by colonial legacy, a topic could be of interest to the researcher and repulsive to participants. Wilson (2008) suggests discussing the topic with the indigenous people among whom the research is conducted. For many Africans, survival, security, (good) governance, and freedom are key concern. In African nations, the majority of African leaders behave worse than the colonial masters. Smith suggests that indigenous research should focus on self-determination, structural transformation and social justice to foster “decolonization, healing, and mobilization” (1999: 116).

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Thematizing the Study Qualitative inquiry requires thematization, that is, the why, what, and how of the study (Creswell 2012; Kvale and Brinkmann 2009; Marshall and Rossman 2011). Through a literature review, conceptual and theoretical frameworks of the topic are established as the foundation to which new knowledge will either be added because of existing gaps or integrated (Creswell 2012). What are the conceptual and theoretical frameworks of AIK? What literature is to be reviewed from AIK which is oral? AIK theories are grounded in a community’s life world, nature, and knowledge repertoires. Bagele Chilisa observes that “philosophical sagacity” is derived from a people’s wisdom and beliefs (2012: 210). While Western methods consult written texts for theories, indigenous theories are found in the AIK sources discussed above. African languages, names of gods, people, and places, art, religion, magic, theatre, and oral literature are all forms of theoretical and conceptual frameworks (Chilisa 2012). Magic, for example, “postulates a complete and all-embracing determinism” and is possibly “an expression of the unconscious apprehension of the truth of determinism, the mode in which scientific phenomena exist” (Mudimbe 1988: 44). In many African communities, one’s name could reveal the time and events around one’s birth. Bagele Chilisa asserts that “the researched, who are the knowers, draw from their web of connection with land, the environment, the living, and the nonliving (their theoretical frameworks) to engage in a dialogue” on varied issues (2012: 220). Gathering Qualitative Data The research topic determines the method(s) for data gathering and participant selection. Kovach (2009) argues for methodological congruency with the epistemology of the indigenous people and the use of their cultural protocols. Setting the research stage and establishing rapport is crucial to the data gathering stage (Kvale and Brinkmann 2009; Seidman 2006). In African communities, establishing rapport entails relating well not only with respondents but the entire community (the living, the living dead, ancestors, and nature). In conducting interviews for example, Seidman (2006) recommends formality and courtesies such as holding the door and asking the participants if they prefer to be addressed by their first or second name. Among indigenous African communities, addressing someone by name depends

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on gender, age, social class, and status. Among the Bashi of Congo, a chief, diviner, or elder is rarely called by name. If the respondent is older than the researcher, it is inappropriate and rude to ask whether the respondent is to be called by name or to ask for his or her age. Moreover, indigenous people may not recall their chronological age, but use event inferences such as war or famine during which a person was born. This is because, as we stated earlier, time is marked by events and not chronologically. Equally, even when a meeting is set at a given chronological time, the respondents could come late, because importance is on the occurrence of the event—the interview—and not the chronological time. I used unstructured semi-structured and in-depth interviews to gather data, as I wanted to hear people’s stories about their war experiences, and to dialogue5 with them. Stories are powerful sources of knowledge in AIKS (Appiah 2005; Hamminga 1983). They are part of the collective identity where every indigenous person has a place and constitutes a representation of the collective memory. Not listening to stories leads to incomplete knowledge because stories and knowing are inseparable (Kovach 2009). Stories resonate with the oral traditions both as a “method and meaning”, evoking an integral approach of indigenous knowledge as mediums for knowledge transfer (Smith 2012: 95–96). During the interviews, adults who came either as visitors, friends or relatives joined the interview process and shared their stories because African indigenous worldviews “lean toward communities’ togetherness, cooperation and connectedness” in generating knowledge (Chilisa 2012: 204). Their coming was a blessing in disguise because they shared and complemented the experiences and stories of the intended participants. Gabo Ntseane, quoted in Bagele Chilisa (2012), notes how during an interview in Botswana, the employer invited the employee to participate in the interview and they helped each other to explain different aspects pertaining to the business. Yet, western approach to interview focuses on targeted groups or individuals as the sole knower and the researcher is encouraged not to get involved at a personal level. For example, Fontana and Frey (2005) argue that the researcher must never allow another person to interrupt the interview. Yet, Chilisa (2012) asserts that researchers in Africa need to know the overriding importance of family, togetherness, sharing, and doing things together. Of course, this challenges the Western 5  Freeman (2011: 547–548) explains the meaning and importance of dialogue in qualitative inquiry as a key to discovering knowledge.

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norm of signing the consent form before taking part in the interview. Those who join in an interview are oblivious of the consent form. It is unheard of in indigenous methods that consent forms are signed before commencing a conversation. African indigenous research methods encourage relationships. For example, the client and diviner, rainmaker, priest, or magician establishes relationships that could last a lifetime. Chilisa (2012) notes that one of the African indigenous interview strategies in Botswana is where a diviner interviews the client using many animal bones that symbolize a network of relationships—the living, the living dead, the unborn, the homestead, ethnic groups, powers of life and death, and the environment. Through the interviews I conducted, I developed relationships with people who are friends to this day. Meyer argues that “Existing in relationship triggers everything: with people, with ideas, with the natural world” (2008: 221). Wilson (2008) emphasizes networks in indigenous people’s worldviews as the foundation to all interactions, with interviewing as an ‘I’-‘Thou’ relationship (Seidman 1991: 95). Moreover, knowledge investigation and generation in the field are not limited to formal sessions. In my case, formal interview sessions were coupled with informal sessions. The people I met in places of worship, playgrounds, bus stops, market places, and on the streets continued talking about their experiences especially if there was something they forgot during the formal encounters. Fontana and Frey (2005) observe that although research interview could be technical and systematic to follow academic procedures, cultural and contextual elements require serious consideration. Locating Participants and Language In choosing participants, relationships with the community is important “to offset the mistrust [and trustworthiness] of research” (Kovach 2009: 126). Guidance by gatekeepers—local chiefs and elders—who are not only the custodians of knowledge but also revered community members is crucial. Failure to consult gatekeepers could lead not only to dismissal from the community, but eventually the gathering shallow data. Representation of gender, ethnic groups, social classes, and age groups is important too because they all possess varied repertoires of knowledge, brought together through the principle of knowledge as a communal construction (Hamminga 2005b).

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Language plays a critical role in oral data gathering and participant choice, necessitating the researcher to “understand” (Freeman 2011; Schwandt 1999) and not only to “know” the indigenous languages in order to obtain deeper meanings beneath utterances. Hans-George Gadamer, argues that: What language is as language and what we seek as the truth of the word is not graspable by proceeding from the so-called ‘natural’ forms of linguistic communication. On the contrary, such forms of communication come to be understood in their own possibilities by looking at the poetic mode of speaking. (1995: 151–152)

An inextricable connection exists between language, culture, knowledge, and the understanding of AIKS (Freeman 2011; Schwandt 1999). Language is not only a medium of communication, but a vehicle through which indigenous knowledge is preserved, and a symbol (Chilisa 2012: 57). According to Gadamer (1997: 22), humans exist in a language “as fishes live in water” where exchange of words makes meaning vivid. Kovach (2009) asserts that language and thought are inextricably related, whereby research methodology becomes relevant and interesting to (indigenous) communities with language as a major component. Chilisa remarks on how HIV/AIDS prevention in African communities is highly compromised because of utilizing foreign language and thinking paradigms (2012: 73). Although the languages of the former colonizers (French, English, Spanish, or Portuguese) are widely used in Africa, local languages are preferred in communicating important issue. Code switching is also very common. Working with translators and interpreters is not a solution to linguistic limitations. Using foreign languages to access African knowledge presents a hierarchy informed by colonialism, imperialism and globalization that privilege Europeans as the knower and relegates Africa to a position of ‘Other’ who is only a consumer, a learner and always in a subordinate position. When African stories are told or written in Western languages, the original meaning is altered or completely lost. Verbal language is embedded with complexities of non-verbal communication that are culturally meaningful. While some analogues such as a smile are universal, postures, facial expressions and paralinguistic cues are contextual. When translated, the original meaning is either lost or altered. Working with interpreters, researchers run the risk of “added layers of meanings, biases and

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interpretations” that could affect the intended outcome (Fontana and Frey 2005: 707). Commenting on discourse analysis, Fairclough (1992) notes the difficulty of using translated data in text analysis, and advises that original languages should be used for discourse and text analysis because genre systems, conventional codes and discourses are culturally specific. If research is conducted and disseminated in the dominant languages, who benefits from it given that the majority of the African are not fluent in those foreign languages? Using the languages of the historically oppressed groups in the construction new knowledge across disciplines is a critical step to decolonization. Data Analysis and Interpretation Research data is retained through audio recording, video recording, note taking, and remembering. Data recorded in indigenous languages are often translated into the dominant Western languages to serve the academic goals such as being published in academic journals. How does a researcher translate it without altering or losing the meaning and the voices of the researched? If data is translated, how does it get reported back to the researched? These questions and many more illustrate some of the challenges with indigenous research. In my study, I translated the data but left some information in vernacular for emphasis so as not to alter the meaning. Since research should benefit the researched, it is critical that the final report is compiled also in their language(s). In Western methodologies, there are disciplinal “standardized vocabulary, terms, concepts, and categories of analysis” (Chilisa 2012: 215). These standards are lineal according to Western logic. Yet AIK follows non-lineal ways of interpreting and making meaning out of data, embracing individual and community relationships. African indigenous analysis is usually taken to be inductive and not deductive (Mbiti 1990). Wilson (2008) describes his analysis as an ongoing collaboration between him and community members who he refers to as ‘co-researchers’. Thus, working with indigenous African experts would lead to the analysis that pleases both the researcher and the researched. Reporting Research Findings The final stage considered is presenting data to participants to check for accuracy and publishing results. Who writes the report and in what

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language? How should the data be presented to indigenous African people? Who owns the final report? Presentation and final report would follow African indigenous methods of knowledge transmission and at the same benefit from a hybrid of traditional and modern approaches of disseminating data. Forms such as theatre, art, poetry, stories, community discussions, and meetings with the elders who in turn disseminate the information (if it meets community interests) is useful. Kovach gives the example of Laura Fitznor who uses stories to present the findings while ensuring the representation of individual research stories “in their own voice”, and “within the life context of the story teller” (2009: 132). In my research, I worked with schools and justice and peace commissions to report the findings using music, dances, drama, and stories to be made into DVD later for dissemination. Kovach also suggests three audiences for research dissemination: the Indigenous communities, the non-Indigenous academy, and the Indigenous researchers who are best positioned to evaluate indigenous research, because “if we enter into academia we must traverse these different worlds” (ibid.: 134). Language is also crucial in compiling the final research product. Whose language should be used? Texts are mostly written in the dominant languages. According to Atkinson and Delamont, “the contours of culture, the semiotics of indigenous systems of representation, and the structure of social action must be brought to bear in qualitative data interpretation and analysis” (2005: 834). They also argue for a contextualized analysis of discourses, conversations and narratives with sensitivity to the participants’ identity. There are “many cultural domains in which local aesthetic criteria are important, but their analysis remains poorly integrated” into qualitative research (ibid.: 826). Considering that there are hundreds of languages in Africa, bilingual and multilingual texts will affirm African languages and enhance the decolonization process. The onus is with African scholars to endeavour and integrate African languages into research. Research Ethics The entire qualitative research process is guided by ethical codes grounded in respect for the researched, beneficence (to do no harm), and justice reinforced by institutional review boards (Marshall and Rossman 2011: 47). African ethics is built on “relationships and responsibilities to the researched (should) informs every aspect of the postcolonial indigenous

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research process, from choice of topic and data collection instruments to data analysis and dissemination of findings” (Chilisa 2012: 171). Observing the African indigenous communities ethical codes is crucial because “Western research has a bad reputation in indigenous communities” (Kovach 2009: 147). Ethical infringements could result from lack of cultural knowledge, although a “critical analysis points to a power dynamic sustained by societal and institutional structures that allow the privileged to take, take and take” as an extension of colonialism (ibid.: 142). To conduct ethically responsible research necessitates dialogue with community elders, both men and women, who know the appropriate ethical approaches to knowledge inquiry. It is also important for university ethical boards to be familiar with African ethics because many scholars conduct research in Africa, and risk propagating the hegemonic colonial approach. Kovach (2009) suggests that decolonizing research relationships would start by devising strategies in connections with “Indigenous advisory committees…and tribal ethics review boards, and the integration of university ethics reviews that specifically consider research in Indigenous communities” (ibid.: 146). Central to ethics is confidentiality, trustworthiness and research validity (Berg 1998; Freeman 2011; Marshall and Rossman 2011). Western and African communities interpret confidentiality differently. Trust in African communities is earned through relationships, respect for cultural protocols, worldview, AIKS, and fostering community wellbeing. Yet, research ethics in the academy focuses on anonymity. In indigenous research, voice matters because “our stories are our truth and knowledge. It is about standing behind one’s words and recognizing collective protocol, that one is accountable for one’s words” (ibid.: 148). Wilson acknowledged the academic ethical procedures but used the real names of the people who worked with him on the research project for a couple of reasons: How can I be held accountable to the relationships I have with these people if I do not name them? How can they be held accountable to their own teachers if their words and relationships are deprived of their names? Participants did not want anonymity because they understood that the information imparted, or story offered, would lose its power without knowledge of the teller. The entire notion of relational accountability would have been lost had I not honoured the co-researchers by using their names. (2008: 63, 130)

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However, there are risky instances, such as war situations that require confidentiality. In such instances, the researched will tell the researcher to observe anonymity. In my case, confidentiality and anonymity were requested where the participants’ shared information feared to cause government reprisal. Dialogue is key to this quagmire. In Western qualitative inquiry, validity proves objectivity (Kovach 2009; Marshall and Rossman 2011). Knowledge has to be proved or disapproved. In AIK research validity starts with “a call to recognition of conceptual frameworks, theoretical frameworks, and data collection and analysis methods derived from the researched’s frames of reference and indigenous knowledge” (Chilisa 2012: 171).

Conclusion In the quest for Africanizing qualitative inquiry and overcoming epistemological racism, this chapter has argued for the acknowledgement and integration of AIKS into the academy for research to be meaningful to the Africans and foster their decolonization and emancipation. I have explained the meaning of Africanization and AIKS and how knowledge is investigated. The discussion has paved the way for the recognition of some differences and similarities between Western and African knowledge systems in the search for their convergence into qualitative inquiry approaches. Following the conventional steps of conducting qualitative inquiry, this chapter has suggested how AIK could be integrated into qualitative inquiry. AIK and Western epistemologies differ, yet they can complement each other and foster hybrid methods and methodologies suitable for conducting research in Africa. Integration and complementarity are needed to ensure that AIK is not compromised and that research becomes contextualized, stemming from the people’s life world and culture to benefit policy formation. Africanizing qualitative inquiry is not without challenges especially because both Western and African scholars who conduct research in Africa have been trained in Western methodologies, and AIKS have been denied for centuries. African scholars should be instrumental in the Africanization process. However, due to colonization, globalization and training in Western institutions, they have not only assimilated Western values, ways of thinking and behaving, but they are also more cognizant of Western research methodologies than African ways of knowing and inquiry. The onus is on the scholars to humbly, patiently, and respectfully “sit at the feet

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of the African elders,” and learn African philosophy, epistemology, methods, and methodologies of inquiry. Learning the AIKS is urgent because the elders are dying without the documentation of the knowledge they possess. In Africa, knowledge is generated in togetherness. Any research in Africa needs to invest in establishing non-hegemonic relationships with communities. I have suggested that the assumption of knowledge superiority is a fallacy of ethnocentrism, as there is no universal knowledge system. AIK has lots to contribute to knowledge innovation in the academe. African and Western knowledge systems, though unique, are equal partners. It is the richness found in each that needs to be brought to bear in conducting research in Africa. To this venture, language appropriateness poses a challenge, as there are hundreds of languages and ethnic groups in Africa. Alternative ways of conducting, analysing, and publishing research findings calls for a consideration for multilingualism, so that research benefits the researched and the researcher. Linguistic choices that affirm African languages have a decolonizing component and return African epistemologies to the centre. African scholars must use creativity to recognize and utilize African cultural heritages and multilayered systems in African culture and worldviews to understand the African reality and venture into African-centred research that empowers, liberates, decolonizes, gives voice and emancipates the Africans from economic, political and social servitude. Practically, the chapter is advocating for usage of AIKS and methods of inquiry in conducting research in Africa and their integration into academia as a knowledge base in the global arena. Considering that AIK systems and methods of inquiry are diverse, triangulation would enable the researcher to tap into varied knowledge banks and reinforce the credibility of research (Chilisa 2012). It is time for the world to recognize Africa’s contribution to scientific discoveries and for the African voices to be heard in their own words and languages.

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Elabor-Idemudia, P. 2002. Participatory Research: A Tool in the Production of Knowledge in Development Discourse. In Feminist Post-Development Thought: Rethinking Modernity, Postcolonialism and Representation, ed. K.  Saunders, 227–242. London: Zed Books. Evans, P. 1968. Social Anthropology: Past and Present. In Theory of Anthropology, ed. R. Manners and D. Kaplan, 46–54. London: Routledge. Fairclough, N. 1992. Discourse and Text: Linguistic and Intertextual Analysis Within Discourse Analysis. Discourse and Society 3 (2): 193–217. Falola, Toyin, and C.  Jennings, eds. 2002. Africanizing Knowledge: African Studies across the Disciplines. New York: Routledge. Fontana, A., and J.H. Frey. 2005. The Interview: From Neutral Stance to Political Involvement. In The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research, ed. N.K. Denzin and Y.S.  Lincoln, 3rd ed., 695–727. Thousand Oaks/London/New Delhi: Sage Publications. Freeman, M. 2011. Validity in Dialogic Encounters with Hermeneutic Truth. Qualitative Inquiry 17 (6): 543–551. Fyfe, C. 1992. Race, Empire and the Historians. Race & Class 33 (4): 15–30. Gadamer, Hans-Georg. 1995. Gesammelte Werke. 10 vols. Vol. 10: Hermeneutik im Rückblick. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. ———. 1997. Reflections on My Philosophical Journey. Trans. Richard E. Palmer. The Philosophy of Hans-Georg Gadamer. ed. Lewis Edwin Hahn, 3–63. Chaicago and LaSalle: Open Court. Gyekye, Kwame. 1997. Tradition and Modernity: Philosophical Reflections on the African Experience. New York: Oxford University Press. Hamminga, B. 1983. Neoclassical Theory Structure and Theory Development: An Empirical-Philosophical Case Study Concerning the Theory of International Trade. Berlin: Springer. ———. 2005a. Epistemology from the African Point of View. In Knowledge Cultures: Comparative Western and African Epistemology, ed. B.  Hamminga, 57–84. New York: Rodopi. ———., ed. 2005b. Knowledge Cultures: Comparative Western and African Epistemology (Poznan Studies in the Philosophy of the Sciences and the Humanities 88). Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi. Harris, J.E. 1987. Africans and Their History. 2nd ed. New York: Mentor. Hegel, G.W.F. 1956. The Philosophy of History. Trans. J. H. Clarke. New York Dover. ———. 1991. The Philosophy of History. Buffalo: Prometheus (Original Work Published 1892). Hoppers, C.A.O., ed. 2002. Knowledge and the Integration of Knowledge Systems: Towards a Philosophy of Articulation. Claremont: New Africa Books. Idowu, E.B. 1973. African Traditional Religion: A Definition. London: S.C.M. Press.

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Jones, G.I. 1974. Social Anthropology in Nigeria During the Colonial Period. Africa 44 (3): 280–289. Kovach, M. 2009. Indigenous Methodologies: Characteristics, Conversations, and Contexts. Toronto/Buffalo: University of Toronto Press. Kvale, S., and S. Brinkmann. 2009. InterViews: Learning the Craft of Qualitative Research Interviewing. 2nd ed. Los Angeles: Sage Publications. Longham, I.A. 1981. The Building of British Social Anthropology: W. H. H. Rivers and his Cambridge Disciples in the Development of Kinship Studies, 1898–1931. London: D. Reidel Publishing Company. Magesa, L. 1997. African Religion: The Moral Traditions of Abundant Life. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. Mamdani, Mahmood. 2004. Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Colonialism. Kampala: Fountain Publishers. Marshall, C., and G.B. Rossman. 2011. Designing Qualitative Research. 5th ed. Los Angeles: Sage. Mbiti, J.S. 1990. African Religions and Philosophy. Rev. ed. Oxford: Heinemann. McCaslin, W.D., and D.C.  Breton. 2008. Justice as Healing. In Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, ed. N.K.  Denzin, Y.S.  Lincoln, and T.L. Smith, 511–529. Los Angeles: Sage. Meyer, M.A. 2008. Indigenous and Authentic: Hawaiian Epistemology and the Triangulation of Meaning. In Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, ed. N.K. Denzin, Y.S. Lincoln, and L.T. Smith, 211–216. Los Angeles/Singapore: Sage. Mkabela, Q. 2005. Using the Afrocentric Method in Researching Indigenous African Culture. The Qualitative Report 10 (1): 178–189. Mudimbe, V.Y. 1988. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy, and the Order of Knowledge. London/Bloomington: James Currey/Indiana University Press. Ngara, C. 2007. African Ways of Knowing and Pedagogy Revisited. Journal of Contemporary Issues in Education 2 (2): 7–20. Ntoumi, F., and G.  Priebe. 2010. Africanizing Scientific Knowledge: The Multilateral Initiative on Malaria as a Model? Malaria Journal 9: 1–4. Owusu, M. 1978. Ethnography of Africa: The Usefulness of the Useless. American Anthropologist 80 (2): 310–334. Owusu-Ansah, F.E., and G.  Mji. 2013. African Indigenous Knowledge and Research. African Journal of Disability 2 (1): 1–5. Oyèrónké, Oyewumi. 1998. The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourse. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Paris, R. 2002. International Peacebuilding and the ‘Mission Civilisatrice’. Review of International Studies 28 (4): 637–656. Radcliffe, B. 1950. Introduction. In African Systems of Kinship and Marriage, ed. B. Radcliffe and D. Forde, 1–8. London: Oxford University Press.

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Røge, P., and M.  Leclair. 2012. L’économie politique en France et les origines intellectuelles de “La Mission Civilisatrice” en Afrique. Dix-huitième siècle 1: 117–130. Scheurich, J.J., and M.D.  Young. 1997. Coloring Epistemologies: Are Our Research Epistemologies Racially Biased? Educational Researcher 26 (4): 4–16. https://doi.org/10.3102/0013189x026004004. Schwandt, T.A. 1999. On Understanding Understanding. Qualitative Inquiry 5 (5): 451–464. Seidman, I. 1991. Interviewing as Qualitative Research: A Guide for Researchers in Education and the Social Sciences. New York: Teachers College Press. ———. 2006. Interviewing as Qualitative Research: A Guide for Researchers in Education and the Social Sciences. 3rd ed. New York: Teachers College Press. Smith, L.T. 1999. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. New York: Zed Books. ———. 2005. On Tricky Ground: Researching the Native in the Age of Uncertainty. In The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research, ed. N.K. Denzin and Y.S. Lincoln, 85–107. Thousand Oaks: Sage. ———. 2012. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. 2nd ed. London/New York: Zed Books: Distributed in the USA Exclusively by Palgrave Macmillan. Tanyaniwa, V.I., and M. Chikwanha. 2011. The Role of Indigenous Knowledge Systems in the Management of Forest Resources in Mugabe Area, Masvingo, Zimbabwe. Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa 3 (3): 13–149. Tempels, Placide. 1959. Bantu Philosophy. Paris: Presence Africaine. Thairu, K., and N.  Wahinya. 1975. The African Civilization = Utamaduni wa Kiafrika. Kampala: East African Literature Bureau. Walker, P.O. 2004. Decolonizing Conflict Resolution. American Indian Quarterly 28 (3 &4): 527–549. Wilson, S. 2008. Research Is Ceremony: Indigenous Research Methods. Black Point: Fernwood Publishing.

CHAPTER 4

The State and the State of Knowledge Production in African Universities: Rethinking Identity and Curricula Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba

Introduction The relationship between the nature and the character of the postcolonial state and the ideational foundation of the universities in Africa has been established in literature (Ake 1979; Owolabi 2011; Oloruntoba 2014). The dominance of Eurocentric and racist ideas, philosophy, theories, epistemology, methods and focus as well as the effects that these have on shaping the mental construction of students as well as policies on the continent have been emphasised (Arowosegbe 2016, 2008). Many post-colonial African elites are themselves products of Eurocentric universities, whose main function was to train manpower for the bureaucracy and industry (Jinadu 1987). As Mkandawire (1997) would argue, until the elites became uncomfortable with radical ideas emanating from the universities,

S. O. Oloruntoba (*) Thabo Mbeki African Leadership Institute, University of South Africa, Pretoria, Gauteng, South Africa Institute of African Studies, Carleton University, Ottawa, ON, Canada © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_4

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they were seen as partners in the project of national development and integration. Perhaps as a consequence of its inability to define, refine and redirect the epistemological basis of the sites of knowledge production through a direct linkage to the historical location of African knowledges in pre-­ colonial times, the state in Africa remains entrapped in the global imperial design (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2013), The subservience of the postcolonial state to the logic of global capital and market fundamentalism provides opportunity for the overbearing influence of foreign organisations, such as the World Bank, on universities in Africa in terms of curriculum design, the courses that receive attention from government, the methods of inquiry as well as theoretical inclinations. Previous sites of alternative epistemology and argumentation such as the Makerere University in Uganda and the Dar es Salam school in Tanzania were not spared from the ordeals of impoverished, authoritarian and beggarly states. Despite the heroic resistance among Africanist scholars, from Ngugi wa Thiong’o to Archie Mafeje, at various sites of combative ontology in the 1970s, the global forces of capital and market fundamentalism have successfully rendered African universities as locations for inculcation of foreign corpus of knowledge, cultures and identity. In what Mamdani rightly entitled Scholars in the Market Place, these sites of epistemic disobedience lost their heuristic and hermeneutic values as their existential conditions compel them to follow the logic of the market of cost-sharing, rationalisation of disciplines and relegation of humanities to lower order of importance (Mamdani 2007). This chapter investigates how the neoliberal philosophy and the European Enlightenment that underpin the construction of the modern state in Africa affect the quality and relevance of knowledge production in African universities. Contrary to the Eurocentric notion of a continent without history or knowledge, the paper adopts a historical approach to show how the precolonial state in Africa established indigenous knowledge systems in the organisation of the society. The paper is organised around the following questions: What is the relationship between the neoliberal state and the state of knowledge production in African universities today? How has the post-colonial state fared in the enterprise of knowledge production? What should be the African identity of the universities on the continent? In terms of methods, the paper adopts a mix of historiography and documentary evidence to analyse the past and the present of the influence of the state on knowledge production in Africa.

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In the next section, we explicate on the relationship between the neoliberal philosophy that underpins the European Enlightenment and how that feeds into the overarching basis of the establishment of the colonial state in Africa. Section “From Colonial to Postcolonial State: Issues in Knowledge Production in Africa” establishes the relationship between the colonial and the post-colonial state as well as the various orientations that have informed the pursuit of endogeny by post-colonial African leaders (see Adesina 2011, 2008; Mafeje 2000). This section shows the continuities and disjunctions, replications and rejections as well as conformity and epistemic rebellion that have defined the production of knowledge in post-independent Africa. In section “Knowledge Production in Africa: Towards the Decolonisation of Identity and Curricula”, we present what should constitute the African identity of the universities in terms of ontology and epistemology, design of curriculum, methods, theories, mode of delivery as well as relationship with universities in other parts of the world. Section “Conclusion” concludes.

Neoliberal Philosophy and the Foundation of the Colonial State in Africa The period of Enlightenment in Europe represents a remarkable shift from medieval thinking and practices to what became known as modernisation. It was a movement away from dogmatism to freedom, reason and rationality. It follows in the logic of Descartes’s maxim, “I think, therefore, I am.” This period saw the displacement of the old order both in governance structures, economic practices and the agency of the citizens in the running of the affairs of the society. The industrial revolution that followed this period gave the Europeans an upper hand in the manufacturing of guns, boats and ships. This early development in technology provided the impetus and ammunition for exploration and domination of distant lands. In the case of Africa, the revolution in Europe became an intergenerational albatross inflicted through series of violent encounters such as the trans-Atlantic slave trade, imperialism, colonialism, neo-­ colonialism and coloniality (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2013; Magubane 1999). Magubane puts the experiences of Africans in relations with Europe, after the Enlightenment this way: European Renaissance was not simply the freedom of spirit and body for the European men, but a new freedom to destroy freedom for the rest of

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humanity. It was the freedom for the mercantilist bourgeoisie to loot, plunder and steal from the rest of the world. In the process, African people became not human beings, but chattels valued as so much horsepower. (1999: 21)

In order to justify the invasion and the exploitation, the Europeans employed both physical and epistemic violence. Physical violence involved both forceful removal from the continent to distant lands in a trade that spans about four centuries in which an estimated 12 million peopled were carted away like animals to work the plantation farms in Europe and the Americas. It also involved the massive displacement of indigenous African population, who were christened as natives, from their land, especially in countries that experienced settler colonialisms such as South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe and to some extent, Kenya (Odukoya 2018; Rodney 1981). Epistemic violence consists in the denial of the existent of knowledge in Africa prior to the arrival of Europeans on the continent. This takes the form of the denial of the humanity of Africans as well as their histories. For instance, Hegel argue that, Africa proper, as far as History goes back, has remained for all purposes of connection with the rest of the world, shut up. It is the Gold-land compressed within itself – the land of childhood, which lying beyond the days of self-conscious history, is enveloped in the dark mantle of Night …The peculiarly African character is difficult to comprehend, for the very reason that in reference to it we must give up the principle that accompanies all our idea of universality. In Negro life the characteristic point is the fact that consciousness has not yet reached the realization of any substantial objective existence – as for example, God or Law, in which the interest of man’s volition is involved, and in which he realizes his own being … . (1956: 24–25. Emphasis added)

The denial of the humanity of Africans was not limited to philosophers like Hegel or Popper. Some Christian missionaries also saw Africa as a dark continent in need of civilisation. Following in this wilful denialism was the assumption of a divine mandate to civilise the dark continent, through different forms of engagement but chiefly through direct political conquest and education. It is in this context that the origin and philosophy of the colonial state in relations to knowledge production in Africa should be interpreted. It is a contradiction in terms that the liberal values that underpin the Enlightenment in Europe did not extend to Africa. Worse, the

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colonialists failed to obey the Cristian egalitarian worldview that all were created as one under God. Thus, by forcefully dethroning kingdoms and destroying established political authorities that they met in Africa, the colonialists violated a basic principle of equality of people, which they claim to have discovered. As Mamdani (1996) argues, the colonialists destroyed existing political institutions in various parts of Africa. In their place, they established new traditional institutions and systems that answer to their exploitative calculations.

From Colonial to Postcolonial State: Issues in Knowledge Production in Africa The political conquest of African societies provided an avenue for the colonialists to set the agenda, not just for the economic system that advances their interests, but the design of the education in terms of focus, quality and scope. All over Africa, there were only 57 public and 15 private higher education institutions as at 1960, when the wave of independence sets in (Zeleza 2015). The idea of the university in a colonial state is inextricably linked to the desire of the colonialists to shape the emergent African elites in its own image. This was particularly true in the case of France, where the policies of assimilation and association were adopted to make Frenchmen and women out of Africans. More fundamentally is the lateness in establishing institutions of higher learning. In a country like Nigeria, the first university was established in 1948, barely twelve years to the end of formal colonial rule (Jinadu 1987). When these were eventually established, the curricula were designed in ways that reified European history and civilisations as against African histories and the achievements of the various African societies before the colonial intrusion. The faculty members in the universities were primarily made up of Western scholars, many of whom were schooled in the civilising mission of the colonial governments. Although some Africans were sponsored to universities in the West in order to prepare them for the eventual takeover of the public institutions such as the bureaucracy, the kind of training that they received was in line with the neo-colonial objective of the departing colonialists, in which the emergent elites see the latter as the standard in everything. The whole idea of the university established by the colonial state was to train Africans who will serve as clerks and administrators in the colonial government.

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However, from the mid-twentieth century, the constellation of global and domestic forces accelerated the process of decolonisation, which eventually gave birth to political independence in virtually all the countries on the continent. The postcolonial freedom provided the space for Africans to mount epistemic disobedience (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2013) to the hegemony of European thought and discourses on knowledge production. Basking in the euphoria of independence and spurred by the need to assert national and continental identities, post-colonial African leaders established national universities, with the objective of training manpower to drive the development agenda of the various countries. Beyond the objective of training manpower was the need to react to and correct the denialism that accompanied the knowledge produced by the colonialists on Africa. Following in the nationalist ideological persuasions of some post-­ colonial leaders, various sites of production of alternative knowledges existed such as the Makerere University in Uganda, University of Dares Salam in Tanzania, Ahmadu Bello University and University of Ibadan, Nigeria. Scholars from the two latter universities were particularly vocal in their denunciations of the hegemony of European thoughts on the history of Africa. They rejected the deliberate erasure of memories, histories and experiences of the peoples of the continent. In this connection, scholars like Kenneth Dike, Ade Ajayi, Saburi Biobaku, Bettwell Ogot, and Roland Oliver promoted the study of African history from an Africanist perspective, with a strong emphasis on oral history as a valid source of data and knowledge production. Ajayi in particular shows that indeed pre-colonial Africa existed as functional states with political, economic and social institutions to match (Davies 2017). Pan-Africanism also became an ideology and a rallying point for the reconstruction of African identity. As an ideology, Pan-Africanism became a rallying point for decolonisation and political independence. One of the fruits of the independence was the birth of the African historiography. As mentioned above, the early post-colonial leaders in Africa considered the reconstruction of history as part of the remaking of African identity, which has been so bastardised by centuries of violent encounters with other parts of the world, especially through the trans-Saharan and trans-­ Atlantic slave trade and colonialism. To achieve this objective, history departments were established, which focused on teaching African history, as a departure from the teaching European history during the colonial era. As Ogot (2003) further argues, the early post-independence period gave

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rise to national historiography of Africa. This deliberate policy of ensuring epistemic disobedience led Thornton to conclude that “African historiography has ceased to be the crowing of imperialist historians or the subtle backing of a racist philosophy” (1973: 113). As Mkandawire (2005) argues, the early post-colonial state considers the universities and the intellectuals as partners in the pursuit of nationalist agenda of development. However, the contradictions of the various African societies in terms of intra-elite struggle for power, ethnicity and the politics of self-succession led to situations in which the universities were deemed too radical and antagonistic to the ruling elites. The mutual suspicion and distrust that ensued became worsened under military regimes that took over in many African countries. These authoritarian regimes could not withstand the radicalisation of students through Marxist ideology, which was the fad in many African universities in the 1970s and 1980s. Thus, in countries like Nigeria, under General Olusegun Obasanjo, Idi Amin Dada of Uganda and Lt. General Rawlings of Ghana, to mention a few, radical scholars were sacked, while some were detained in prisons for long periods of time. Schools were closed for many months due to confrontations between the agents of the state and authorities of the institutions of higher learning (Joseph 1987). The lack of appreciation of the military rulers and, in some instances, their civilian counterparts, of the importance of knowledge production to national development, led to severe cut in funding of universities. Besides, the 1980s witnessed the era of dwindling national revenue and resources. The global commodity crisis of the late 1970s and the early 1980s rendered many African countries grossly incapable of generating enough revenues to meet national budgetary requirements. To meet these requirements, they resorted to borrowing on a large scale. This led to the intervention of international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These institutions imposed certain conditionalities on African countries. These conditionalities were largely based on neoliberal economic principles, anchored on the principle of reduced involvement of the state in socio-economic issues. The Structural Adjustment Programmes effectively led to massive cut in state spending on education, among other social services. This affected the university system in a peculiar way as the wages of faculty members became eroded to the extent that they could not barely meet their existential needs (Mamdani 2007).

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In relations to knowledge production, the World Bank recommended various reforms, which included the rationalisation of departments and less emphasis on the humanities as fields of studies. In place of the humanities, there was much focus on Science, Technology Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) disciplines. Centres of Excellence were created by the Bank at various universities to promote these disciplines. The Bank itself became known as the Knowledge Bank (Zeleza 1997, 2002; Nagar 2019). What emerged from this crisis and the intervention of the Bank and other neoliberal-oriented external stakeholders was the loss of agency of the state in Africa to transform the university in ways that can meet its development aspirations. Consequently, despite the efforts at decolonisation championed by institutions such as the Council for the Development of Social Science in Africa (CODESRIA), the curricula remain static and continued to mirror the colonial content both in theory, method and language of instruction. Worse is the brain drain that occurred due to the inclement conditions under which faculty members were left to operate. In the bid to secure professional prestige and fulfilment, African academics in their thousands moved to North America, Europe and to a less extent, South Africa from the 1980s (Gopalkrishna and Oloruntoba 2012). Similarly, others left to work in nongovernmental and international organisations. The massive exodus of experienced and qualified academics left a big gap in the availability of the right mix of faculty, from which the university system is yet to recover. The population explosion being witnessed on the continent has led to the massification of higher institutions, especially from the 1990s. In this regard, there have been increases in the number of public and private universities. As at 2015, there were at least 659 public higher education institutions and 969 private institutions (Zeleza 2015). The weakened capacity of the state to exercise agency on education policy has ensured that knowledge production in Africa remain circumscribed by the logic of the market and the dictates of donor organisations. Rather than producing knowledge for its heuristic value, there is an increasing proclivity towards commercialisation of knowledge. While there is nothing wrong in commercialising patents and copyrights borne out of original research, there is a more systemic challenge, in which faculty members are under pressure to pursue quantity at the expense of quality in terms of publication. In the rat race to conform and belong in the league of highly rated universities, scholars in Africa are under further pressure to publish in international or foreign journals. In fact, in a country like Nigeria, faculty

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members do not make it to the professorial grade if they have not published certain number of articles in these so-called international journals. While it is expected of any scholar to be able to publish articles in any reputable journals in any particular field of study, it smacks coloniality of knowledge if such become a consideration for getting promoted (Mignolo 2007; Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2015). It remains to be seen if universities in Europe and North America make the promotion of their faculty members conditional on publishing in Africa-based journals. Ndlovu-Gatsheni puts this crisis of identity and the search for affirmation by African scholars this way: African scholars continue to seek affirmation and validation of their knowledge in Europe and North America. This affirmation and validation take the form of publications in the so-called international, high impact and peer-­ reviewed journals. Europe and North America constitute the ‘international’ and the rest of the world is ‘local’. Consequently, international, high-impact, and peer-reviewed journals and internationally respected publishing houses and presses are those located in Europe and North America. Highly ranked universities are located in Europe and North America. Taken together, these realities confirm the existence of epistemic hegemony. The signature of epistemic hegemony is the idea of ‘knowledge’ rather than ‘knowledges’. (2018: 20–21)

In order to belong and probably claim more acclaim among peers, it would appear as if African scholars write for a different audience other than Africans. Many disciplines, especially in the social sciences are running after mathematical sophistry that have marked the various disciplines, especially in North America over the past six decades (see Fine 2009, 2011). Writing in this regard to the conscious or unconscious self-­negation that has come to define knowledge production in Africa. Cutajar observes that many Third World scholars … write a text with the premise that we are addressing a First World audience…we write in English, use First World concepts, methodologies and epistemologies…Some subalterns fail to engage seriously with urgent issues pertinent to the societies in which they are located since their primary objective might be to gain entry into Western academe…. (cited in Smith 2012: 34–35)

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Like any agenda for positive change, the civil society hold the ace in championing decolonisation and transformation in the higher education sector in Africa. This has been amply demonstrated by the university students in South Africa, where protests have been held against the continuation of a curricula which do not reflect the racial character of the country. The various “Rhodes Must Fall” and “Fees Must Fall” protests that started in South Africa from 2015 point to the role that the civil society can play in forcing the state to act in ways that can foster development in any country. While the debate continues to rage on the meaning of transformation and the way this can be carried out, the Government of South Africa has budgeted over 50 billion Rand to take care of bursary for university students over the next three years. There have also been calls for decolonisation of the curricula in the country. In Nigeria, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) often mobilise its members for strikes as the last option for forcing the state to fund education, since 1978. While such actions may have led to increased funding of education, they have not been able to lead to significant decolonisation of the university since, such demand was hardly placed on the agenda of the union.

Knowledge Production in Africa: Towards the Decolonisation of Identity and Curricula The preceding section has established a link between the approach of the colonial and the post-colonial state to knowledge production in Africa. The similarities between the character of the states and the location of the latter in the historically designed and sustained global matrix of power make this possible. In terms of identity, knowledge production in Africa has continued to mirror that of the metropole. Rather than assuming a Pan-African identity, in which both the curricula and research reflect the local needs and conditions of the African societies, the idea of university as conceived by the colonial state has remained dominant. First, the purpose of the university has not largely changed from training graduates based on methods and theories derived from elsewhere. Instruction materials are still largely based on examples that are drawn outside the continent. Despite the abundant indigenous knowledge systems that existed centuries before the colonial intrusion, scant attention has been paid to how this can be harnessed for national and continental development (Hountondji 1997).

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There has been insufficient attempt at mainstreaming indigenous knowledge systems in science, governance, agriculture, space, conflict management and so on to formal system of knowledge production in Africa. In instances where the government developed policies around the promotion of indigenous knowledge systems, little attempt is paid to providing all the required resources to fund such initiatives. Secondly, knowledge production still follows the logic of seeing Africa in line with the bifurcation of the continent, which was carried out at the Berlin Conference of 1884/1885. The identity of knowledge production has continued to construct Africa along the lines of the artificial borders and differences along Anglophone, Francophone and Lusophone creations. This fuels the politics of difference, alienation and distance. Worse, it fosters ignorance and self-hate. An average African elite knows much more about the metropole and the happenings there than what is happening in other parts of Africa. In a similar vein, the curricula remain largely untransformed. Despite the changes that have taken place in Africa over the past five decades, most universities still parade curricula that say little about Africa. This is not limited to the humanities or the social sciences. In Engineering and other hard sciences, there is little or no room for African context case studies or examples. Methods of inquiries and analysis as well as theories continue to reflect colonial heritage. The above necessitates the imperative of decolonisation of identity and curricula in Africa, to which we now turn. In the period before gaining political independence, discourses on decolonisation and its practice were largely located in the realm of politics, aka, seek ye first the political kingdom and other things shall be added to it (Nkrumah 1963). However, as experiences in over five decades of political decolonisation have proved, it has become imperative to rethink this narrative. As Ndlovu-Gatsheni argues, while it is true that political, economic, cultural and epistemological aspects of decolonisation were and are always inextricably intertwined, we have to be cognisant of the fact that the ‘sequencing’ arose from a practical strategic logic of struggles against colonialism, which privileges attainment of political sovereignty first. In the co-constitution of political, economic, cultural and epistemological decolonisation, epistemic freedom should form the base because it deals with fundamental issue of critical consciousness building, which are essential prerequisites for both political and economic freedom. (2018: 18)

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Indeed, without epistemic freedom, economic and political freedom will continue to be grounded in coloniality, because the knowledge underpinning such freedom is extroverted and lack context-specific importance. The starting point of decolonisation of knowledge production in Africa is to see it as another form of struggle to which more resources must be deployed. Knowledge is power and represents a means of control. It defines identity. Thus, the current beneficiaries of the epistemic hegemony under the Euro-American controlled global power will not surrender willingly. Those who carried out what Hountondji (cited in Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2018: 22) calls “intellectual extraversion” did so for a purpose in mind: the complete subjugation of the being, culture, language and knowledge of the people. Thus, Africans must see the struggle for de-centring knowledge and globalising their own knowledges as a true test of freedom. Rather than basking in the euphoria of political freedom, which has not been able to deliver on inclusive development, the time has now come for a more concerted effort to re-imagine and re-make the foundation of knowledge production in Africa in ways that reflect the pre-colonial historical achievements of various parts of Africa and mainstream available indigenous knowledge systems on socio-economic, political and technological issues.

Conclusion This chapter has examined how the nature and the character of the state in Africa have affected knowledge production in Africa. Despite pretension to the contrary through granting of flag independence, the state remains entrapped in the historical origin and philosophy of its creation: exploitation of the local resources to satisfy the economies of the metropoles. In the realm of knowledge production, the state has continued to mimic and reinforce the logic of its creation by the colonial state, which in the main, is to produce manpower for the emergent state (Mkandawire 2005). Several problems confronting the state in Africa in its bid to transforming the universities. There is no doubt that the continuing crisis of economic development on the continent and the resulting dependency on donor funding pose serious challenge to addressing the above – mentioned problems. However, the first point is to recognise that decolonisation of knowledge is fundamental to reclaiming identity and achieving the renaissance that the continent has set for itself.

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Despite its challenges, the ongoing efforts towards the reforms of the African Union presents some distinct possibilities. The establishment of Pan-African universities in different parts of the continent provide an opportunity to leading the way in fostering decolonisation through the nodal campuses. These campuses should develop strong relationship with existing universities in their host countries in ways that can ensure that knowledge produced reflect the needs of the continent. It might also be necessary to re-enact the experiences of the 1960s and 1970s, where sites of epistemic disobedience were deliberately created and nurtured. As noted above, such sites in Makerere, Ibadan, Dares Salam, among others produced knowledges that challenged the orthodoxy of modernisation theories of the time. Although these sites were also ensconced Marxism which is also Eurocentric, they show the possibility that exists for crafting alternative knowledges. While it is important for university administrators to encourage productivity among their faculty members, given the African condition and its location within the global hierarchy of power, it becomes pertinent that priority should be placed on originality of thoughts and knowledges that are embedded in African societies, rather than following in the rat race to belong to the Ivy league universities. The journey towards decolonisation must start from the lowest level of education, to wit, the Kindergarten through Primary, Secondary and Higher Institutions. This will require a new curricular that incorporate the needs of the people on the continent. Lastly, while international partnerships with universities elsewhere are necessary for cross-learning, this should be done with consciousness of ensuring that the indigenous knowledges in Africa are placed at par with those from other parts of the world. In other words, rather than continuing to be the passive recipient of knowledge from elsewhere, Africa must make conscious effort to globalise its own knowledges. To achieve the above, the state needs to be decolonised. This is a task that should be undertaken by ruling elites that have hegemony with strong embeddedness in the society. To a significant extent, the state in Africa today lacks this hegemony as many of the leaders prioritise loyalty to the metropoles than to their people. This then calls for a more engaged civil society and a different form of political structure that transcends the artificiality of the current colonial creation. It will also involve a more re-invigorated civil society whose philosophy is anchored on Pan-African progress and development.

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References Adesina, Jimi. 2008. Archie Mafeje and the Pursuit of Endogeny: Against Alterity and Extroversion. African Development XXXIII (4): 133–152. ———. 2011. Against Alterity – The Pursuit of Endogeneity: Breaking Bread with Archie Mafeje. In The Postcolonial Turn, ed. R.  Devisch and F.  Nyamjoh, 45–69. Cameroon: Langaa Research and Publishing Common Initiative Group and African Studies Centre. Ake, Claude. 1979. Social Science as Imperialism: The Theory of Political Development. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press. Arowosegbe, J. 2008. The Social Sciences and Knowledge Production in Africa: The Contribution of Claude Ake. Africa Spectrum 43 (3): 333–351. ———. 2016. African Scholars, African Studies and Knowledge Production on Africa. Africa 86 (2): 324–338. Davies, L. 2017. J.  F. Ade Ajayi: His Life and Career. The Journal of the International African Institute 87 (2): 431–432. Fine, B. 2009. Development as Zombieconomics in the Age of Neo-Liberalism. Third World Quarterly 30 (5): 885–904. ———. 2011. Towards a History of Development Economics. Paper Presented at the African Programme on Rethinking Development Economics, Congress of South Africa Trade Union House, Johannesburg, May 5. Golpakrishna, S., and S.  Oloruntoba. 2012. The Political Economy of Forced Migration in the Millennium: Pattern, Problems and Prospects. Irinkerindo: Journal of African Migration 6: 41–68. Hegel, G.W.F. 1956. The Philosophy of History. Ontario: Batoche Books. Hountondji, Paulin. 1997. Endogenous Knowledge: Research Trails. Dakar: CODESRIA. Jinadu, A. 1987. The Institutional Development of Political Science in Nigeria: Trends, Problems and Prospects. International Political Science Review 8 (1): 59–72. Joseph, R. 1987. Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria: The Rise and the Fall of Second Republic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mafeje, Archie. 2000. Africanity: A Combative Ontology. CODESRIA Bulletin 1: 66–67. Magubane, B. 1999. The African Renaissance in Historical Perspective. In African Renaissance, ed. W.  Makgoba. Sandton/Cape Town: Mafebe and Tafelberg Publishing. Mamdani, Mahmood. 1996. Citizens and the Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ———. 2007. Scholars in Market Place. The Dilemma of Neo-Liberal Reform at Makerere University: 1989–2005. Dakar: CODESRIA. Mignolo, Walter. 2007. Delinking: ‘The Rhetoric of Modernity, the Logic of Coloniality and the Grammar of the De-Coloniality. Cultural Studies 21 (2–3): 449–514.

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Mkandawire, Thandika. 1997. The Social Science in Africa: Breaking Local Barriers and Negotiating International Presence. African Studies Review 40 (2): 15–36. ———. 2005 (eds.). African Intellectuals: Rethinking Politics, Language, Gender and Development. Dakar: CODESRIA. Nagar, M. 2019. A Historical Political Economy Approach to Africa’s Economic Development: A Critique of Thandika Mkandawire’s Interests and Incentives, Ideas, and Institutions. In Palgrave Handbook of African Political Economy, ed. Samuel Oloruntoba and Toyin Falola. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S. 2013. Perhaps Decoloniality Is the Answer? Critical Reflections on Development from a Decolonial Epistemic Perspective. Africanus: Journal of Development Studies. 43 (2): 1–12. ———. 2015. Empire, Global Coloniality and African Subjectivity. New York and Oxford: Berghahn. ———. 2018. The Dynamics of Epistemological Decolonisation in the 21st Century: Towards Epistemic Freedom. Strategic Review for Southern Africa 40 (1): 16–45. Nkrumah, Kwame. 1963. Africa Must Unite. New York: Praeger. Odukoya, A. 2018. Settlers and Non-Settlers Colonialism in Africa. In Palgrave Handbook of African Politics, Governance and Development, ed. Samuel Oloruntoba and Toyin Falola, 173–186. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Ogot, B., ed. 2003. General History of Africa, Volume V. Africa from the Sixteen to the Eighteenth Century. Paris/Cape Town: UNESCO/ABC Press. Oloruntoba, Samuel Ojo. 2014. Social Sciences as Dependency: State Apathy and the Crisis of Knowledge Production in Nigerian Universities. Social Dynamics 40 (3): 338–352. Owolabi, Kolawole. 2011. My people perish for lack of philosophy, Inaugural Lecture, Department of Philosophy, University of Ibadan, Nigeria, Auguist 11. Rodney, Walter. 1981. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. 2nd ed. London: L’Ouverture Publications. Smith, Karen. 2012. Africa as an Agent of International Relations Knowledge. In Africa and International Relations in the 21st Century. ed. Scarlett Cornelisson, Fantu Cheru and Thomas M. Shaw, 21–35. Houndsmill, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Thornton, J. 1973. The State in African Historiography: A Reassessment. Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies 4 (2): 113–126. Zeleza, P.T. 1997. Manufacturing African Studies and Crises. Dakar: CODESRIA. ———. 2002. The Politics of Historical and Social Science Research in Africa. Journal of Southern African Studies 28 (1, Special Issue): 9–23. ———. 2015. Concept Note on Revitalising Higher Education Summit in Africa, Dakar, Senegal, March 10–12. Available at: www.platform.org. Accessed 7 Jan 2019.

CHAPTER 5

Afrocentricity, African Agency and Knowledge System Saheedat Adetayo

Introduction: The Twilight of Eurocentrism Eurocentrism is discursively conceived to essentially interpret the histories of non-European societies from a European (or western) perspective. It deliberately undervalues non-European societies as being primitive, and hence inferior, in comparison with western societies. More specifically, and within this Eurocentric logic, any non-European societies cannot be said to have any history. And if there is, it could only be seen as extension of European history. Western education, the hallmark of Eurocentrism, is designed to internalise in the African consciousness foreign values to the total exclusion of her indigenous cultural heritage. Through the framework of Eurocentric education, the minds of the Africans underwent de-­ education, miseducation, and deculturation. He was mentally alienated from his history, culture, identity and moral value systems. According to this colonial historiography, …before the coming of Europeans Africa had been a Dark Continent of dark-skinned savages living in primitive jungles with other animals; and that S. Adetayo (*) University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_5

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Africans were without industry, religion, history, and even without the capacity of reason. And further that Africans contributed nothing to civilization in Africa; Africans have contributed nothing to non-African civilization; and anything found in Africa which is worthy of European respect has been put there by white invaders of some earlier period. (Chinweizu 1987: 96)

Eurocentrism was asserted on the basis of “pervasiveness of European evolutionary thinking”, and the inherent cultural uniqueness of European societies (Mazama 1998: 1). And through epistemic violence and injustice, the West became the zenith of all that was possible for humanity; indeed, the European became the very definition of the human. Thus, while white signifies all that is good and valuable in terms of rationality and progress, blackness became the badge of the negative and monstrous. The binary opposition between white and black was justified by European philosophers, especially Hegel and Kant. For instance, Immanuel Kant takes the Greeks and, by extension, the West as the core of human race because they are the acclaimed founders of mathematics. In his words: No people on earth began to philosophise earlier than the Greeks, since no people thought through concepts, but instead thought through images. They first began to study rules in abstracto....The Greeks were the founders of mathematics, who demonstrated it from first grounds and elements. They are the core [kern] of the human race and its benefactors. (Park 2013: 90)

By this admission, Kant dismissed the claim that the Greeks ever learned science from the Egyptians. And thus, it stands to reason that philosophising must be native to Europe, since philosophy is founded on the abstract conceptions. The semblance of rationality found in other cultures ultimately derived from the Greeks, and hence from Europe: Among all the peoples, then, the Greeks first began to philosophise. For they first attempted to cultivate cognitions of reason, not images as the guiding thread, but in abstracto, while other peoples always sought to make concepts understandable only through images in concreto. Even today, there are peoples, like the Chinese and some Indians, who admittedly deal with things that are derived merely from reason, like God, the immortality of the soul, etc., but who nonetheless do not seek to investigate the nature of these things in accordance with concepts and rules in abstracto. They make no separation between the use of understanding in concreto and that in abstracto. Among the Persians and the Arabs there is admittedly some speculative use

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of reason, but the rules for this they borrowed from Aristotle, hence from the Greeks. In Zoroaster’s Zend-Avesta we find not the slightest trace of philosophy. The same holds for the prised Egyptian wisdom, which in comparison with Greek philosophy was mere child’s play. (Park 2013: 92)

Hegel was not so charitable to Africa. In his philosophical interrogation of world history, Africa has no space at all in the history of the world. While India and China are pre-historical, Africa is ahistorical. Yet, most of Europe’s great philosophers and anthropologists usually become baffled as to the provenance of Egypt and its historical status. Hegel had to separate Egypt from what he calls “Africa proper”. But then, it is Egypt’s proximity to “Africa” that contaminates it eventually! The theoretical nemesis of Eurocentrism is Afrocentricity. It challenges the very historical basis of Eurocentric claims. In the next section, we will interrogate the Afrocentric arguments as an alternative to Eurocentrism.

The Dawn of Afrocentricity Afrocentricity, as a theory, is a resistance to the European hegemony and domination of non-Western cultures, value systems, epistemologies, economies, and politics. It is a call for the “critical analysis and interpretation of culture, economy, history, language, philosophy, politics, and society from conceptual, methodological, and theoretical frameworks that centers Africa and privileges the agency of Africans and persons of African descent” (Jackson and Hogg 2010: 12). Afrocentricity questions the Euro-­ American dominance of the validity and production of knowledge both locally and globally. It should be noted that there are varied and multiple expressions and definitions of what Afrocentricity is. Afrocentricity is not a single or uniform concept. Rather, it is a gathering space for a range of theoretical orientations and perspectives. The root of Afrocentricity in recent times is traceable to the Temple Circle with Molefi Asante, Kariamu Welsh Asante, Ama Mazama, George J. Sefa Dei, Theophile Obenga and Tsehloane Keto as some of its proponents. However, Afrocentrism, as an ideology and movement can be traced to the anti-colonial, anti-slavery and anti-racial movements of the 1990s. A number of events of the African—Americans led to the emergence of the Afrocentric orientation, amongst which are: the experiences of slaves in the Middle Passage during the transatlantic slave trade, the denial of education to slaves once they landed in the Americas, and the

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mixed cultures of Africanisms and Americanisms stirred Afro-Americans into discarding Americanisation and began the reconnaissance of African cultures (Chawane 2016: 79). Hence, in no little way, the experiences of slavery and colonialism and its concomitant sense of lost or confused identity are leading factors that necessitated the need for the reclamation and revival of the agency of the African persons in the rewriting of the derogatory Western historiography. Afrocentricity privileges African agency; it asserts the centrality of the roles of the African subject within the African historical context, by this means displacing Europe from the centre of the African reality, and placing both Africa and Europe in its proper perspective. It calls for novel ways of generating knowledge deriving from a “black perspective” juxtaposed to the dominant “white perspective”. In the words of Molefi Asante, an Afrocentrist will probe into the African reality and ask: What natural resources would occur in the relationships, attitudes toward the environment, kinship patterns, preferences for colours, type of religion, and historical referent points for African people if there had not been any intervention of colonialism or enslavement? Afrocentricity becomes a revolutionary idea because it studies ideas, concepts, events, personalities, and political and economic processes from a standpoint of black people as subjects and not as objects, basing all knowledge on the authentic interrogation of location. (2008: 33)

Thus, Afrocentricity calls for the reengagement and reassessment of information and knowledge production, whilst taking into the cognisance, the inputs and perspectives of the black people. In explaining what Afrocentricity stands for, Sefa Dei asserts that: African indigenous cultural values, traditions, mythology, and history may be understood as a body of knowledge dealing with the social world, and that Afrocentricity is an alternative, non-exclusionary, and nonhegemonic system of knowledge informed by African peoples’ histories and experiences. Afrocentricity is about the investigation and understanding of phenomena from a perspective grounded in African-centered values. (1994: 4)

It should be noted here that Afrocentricity is not the African version of Eurocentrism. As much as it is a form of resistance to Eurocentric hegemony, Afrocentrist scholars do not seek to impose African worldviews on other peoples. On the contrary, it is a theory that expounds the

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imperativeness of the interpretation and analysis of the African experience from the viewpoint of Africans as subjects instead of being conceived as objects on the peripheries of the European experience. Asante explains the form of Afrocentricity which he seeks to establish as: [A] frame of reference wherein phenomena are viewed from the perspective of the African person.... [I]t centers on placing people of African origin in control of their lives and attitudes about the world. This means that we examine every aspect of the dislocation of people, culture, economics, psychology, health and religion...as an intellectual theory, Afrocentricity is the study of the ideas and events from the standpoint of Africans as the key players rather victims. This theory becomes, by virtue of an authentic relationship to the centrality of our reality, a fundamentally empirical project...it is Africa asserting itself intellectually and psychologically, breaking the bonds of Western domination in the mind as an analogue for breaking those bonds in every field. (1991: 172)

Conceived essentially as a theoretical methodology, Afrocentricity insists on inquiring African phenomena from an African perspective. It is the refusal to navigate phenomenal investigations through the lens that has led to the distortion and misunderstanding of the numerous African epistemologies and value systems. As an ideology, it represents the binding force for communality, and recognises the multiplicity of ideas and worldviews that were hitherto excluded by Europeans and imposed on Africans as an admission of inferiority and defeat. It offers an alternative modality for understanding and investigating social realities that is devoid of the pervasive exclusionism and dismissiveness inherent in Western ideologues. Rather than being seen as instance of an adversarial identity politics, Afrocentricity should be seen, on the contrary, as an anti-oppression theory. Afrocentrists demand for the “reconstruction and rewriting of the whole template of human history in its explanation of the origin of humankind, and the origin of philosophy, science, medicine, agriculture, and architecture” (Chukwuokolo 2009: 32). Afrocentrists seek to salvage African history, epistemologies, politics and economics from the age-long epistemic violence occasioned by the Eurocentric understanding of the world. Rather than being a reversed racist theory, Afrocentricity argues for the due and proper recognition of the contributions of African societies— both traditional and contemporary—to world civilisations. They also

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argue against the undue and deliberate distortion of her history. Neither Afrocentrists nor their predecessors seek to universalise African epistemologies and project it as the only valid source of knowledge. What Afrocentricity and its related theories seek is the recognition of African knowledge systems in the global epistemological dynamics. In the words of Chukwuokolo: Afrocentrism, which means African centeredness, does not violently confront any person or people, but is a resolute attempt to put the records right. It is about placing the African people within their own historical framework. It is a demand that the contributions of Africans in all areas of civilisation be reflected in world history. (2009: 33)

Asante argues that Afrocentricity does not repudiate any other worldviews and cultures their place in global discourses. It does not “deny even Europe the right to view the world from its cultural centre”. Its argument is that Eurocentrism should not be projected as the universal and only valid knowledge systems. Asante argues that, just as Europeans are entitled to the own knowledge claims, Africans are also entitled to interpret phenomena from a perspective that truly reflects their lived experiences. Interestingly, Afrocentricity could be a valuable asset to Europe if well received and accepted because it offers them a new perception of reality and an opportunity to explore the market of ideas (Asante 2001: 3). Afrocentricity, therefore, insists on Africa taking its place alongside other cultural and historical perspectives in the global epistemological discourses. However, as a form of engagement in the academia, Afrocentricity is conceptualised in terms of the methodology, theory, and ideology that should be engaged to attain its purposes towards realising the projected transformation. In respect to the methodology, Afrocentricity is proposed as a rejoinder to the intellectual colonisation that fortifies and serves to legalise political and economic colonialism. Theoretically, it situates Africans at the heart of any exploration of African singularities with regard to actions and mannerisms. As an ideology, it epitomises the sustained desire among Africans for some body of ideas that would serve as a communal identifier and proffer some alternates to the mainstream western ideas. It offers a form of recognition for the ideas that are hitherto excluded by Europeans and regarded, even by some Africans, as an admission of inferiority and defeat (Stikkers 2008: 40–49).

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Afrocentricity as Epistemology and Ontology The Afrocentric orientation consists of a number of edifices; socio-­ economic, cultural, ethical, philosophical and psychological edifices. This section analyses the philosophical underpinnings and the methodology described or employed by the Afrocentrists scholars in accentuating their arguments. Placing the need and interests of Africans at the centre of any discourse, the Afrocentric philosophy takes as its core the cogency of the freedom of the African peoples and peoples of black descent from imperial domination. Essentially, Afrocentricity as philosophy, calls attention to an African-centred understanding of relationships—with self, others, with nature and with some superior idea or being, outside of any Hegelian Absolute Spirit and its historical violence. Afrocentricity therefore privileges African epistemological and ontological spaces for understanding who Africans are and how we exist. Afrocentric epistemology and ontology favour a communal and relational understanding of knowledge and being (Harris 1998: 18). Harris explains the relationship between the Eurocentric and Afrocentric epistemology and ontology as such: The significance of the Afrocentric ontology and epistemology is profound. The way one constructs reality, one’s place in it, and the way one validates knowledge determines one’s life chances. For example, the individualistic ontology, into which we have all being socialised makes it all but impossible for many African-Americans to conceptualise the idea of racial responsibility, particularly as it relates to racial empowerment.....the Eurocentric notion of individualism rests on the assumption that being determines consciousness, and it is this assumption which infuses materialism with a spirit it could never have. A new or better job, more income, a car, an outfit etc are all assumed to carry intrinsic meaning that will at the level of consciousness create a new person. (1998: 19)

The individualist worldview instrumentalises the other as the basis for an egoistic perception of the world. It is therefore easy to see how such a perception serves as the basis of binary opposition that exclude others. African ontological dynamics harmonises the different forces in the universe. It recognises the relationship between the individual and himself, the individual and the community, the individual and his ancestors, the individual and his progeny, the physical self and the spiritual self and the spiritual and the material world. This, of course, accounts for the false reason why some persons criticise Africa as being too spiritualistic and

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fetish. On the contrary, individualism favours an atomistic understanding of existence in isolation from other individuals, from nature and from any other forces. On knowledge production and validation, Afrocentric epistemology places premium on the combination of historical knowledge, intuition and general consensus as a form of distinction between the Afrocentric and Eurocentric epistemologies and ontologies. In this epistemological framework, History is key because when the individual appropriately submerges himself in the reservoir of African history, then that submersion allows the individual to discover him or her self in the context of that history and thereby judge the reality of any given phenomenon…. The Afrocentric epistemology assumes a transcendent order in the world, and the Eurocentric epistemology assumes that the only order in the world is that which it can “scientifically” demonstrate and that which it can impose. An Afrocentric epistemology attempts to validate claims to knowledge through immersion while the Eurocentric epistemology seeks distance from what it attempts to know and understand. (Harris 1998: 21–22)

This distinction, as earlier argued, should not be seen in binary terms, as Afrocentricity rejecting Eurocentric epistemology. Rather, what Afrocentrists are rejecting is the epistemic arrogance that places Eurocentric knowledge production and epistemological dynamics as the sole understanding of what knowledge is. Afrocentricity renounces the idea that knowledge production is culture-free. Knowledge is contextual, and it is always a reflection of its place of production. Asante and other Afrocentric scholars argue that knowledge is generated by humans who are greatly influenced by the specificities and peculiarities of their historical and cultural acculturation. Hence, the epistemologies spawned in researches lean towards being a reflection of specific philosophy, thereby serving the interest of particular ideology. The centrality of knowledge production and validation is very crucial to the understanding of what Afrocentricity is and what it is not. A good foundation in one’s own historical background “shapes the concepts, paradigms, theories and methods” of Afrocentricity (Asante 1990: 12). Afrocentric philosophy therefore asserts that the experiences of the Blacks are worthy of intellectual inquiry; that the historical and the contemporary experiences of Africans and African-descended people can be edifying about human interactions; and that one of the most noteworthy

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assignments of an Afrocentric scholar is to devise intellectual apparatuses that can help produce knowledge designed to describe, analyse and empower Africans to modify deleterious social forces into constructive social forces in the pursuit of good life opportunities (Kershaw 1989: 45–51). As a paradigm for knowledge production therefore, the following are the obligations of Afrocentric researchers, scholars, and learners: “(a) the knowledge base must come from the life experiences of Africans and people of African descent; (b) the specific purpose of the knowledge generated must be to empower Black people to effect positive change and to describe Black life experiences as determined by Black peoples’ understanding, interests and experiences; and (c) the researcher or scholar must always maintain a dialogical relationship with the subjects” (Kershaw 1998: 35).

Afrocentricity and Indigenous Knowledge There is no better site that grounds the search for epistemic justice, as well as the attempt at validating knowledge production, documentation and retrieval than a serious focus on Africa’s indigenous knowledge systems (AIKS). Indeed, the literature on AIKS becomes the site around which the decolonisation of knowledge production becomes most acute. This is because Eurocentrism was successful to the extent that it criminalised Africa’s indigenous knowledges. The discourse on the idea of indigenous knowledges is indeed a sensitive and ambiguous one which places its analysts and proponents in a quite difficult terrain. It is sensitive because it is often attached to a sense of complex dynamics and cultural identity structures. Its ambiguity is manifested in the counterpositions on the plausibility of localised production and validation of knowledge which is tragically being defended and upheld by scholars who are of indigenous origins. These set of scholars have been indoctrinated through the Western formal school system to view knowledge systems only under the lens of Western production and validation. Hence, to them, any form of knowledge that is not in tandem with the “universal” Western knowledge is not a valid form of knowledge. We may then ask: what is indigeneity? What does the term “indigenous” imply in knowledge production? Can knowledge be localised? Is knowledge production and validation relative to societies? Can a society own a distinct epistemology? Is knowledge necessarily culture-laden or can knowledge be sluiced of any specific cultural undertones and as such

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be regarded as a universal one? Is there any knowledge system that can be accepted as being universal? Does culture have anything to do with the process of knowledge production? What are the politics of power and superiority that comes to play in the cause of validating, sharing, archiving and documenting of different epistemologies? By the “indigenous” and “indigeneity”, we refer to both a process and a form of identity. That which is indigenous implies an “existence prior to European colonization of land in the various continents” (Emeagwali and Sefa Dei 2014: x). D. A. Masolo explains the implication of the addition of the term “indigenous” to any concept as follows: In opposition to that which is alien, foreign, or extraneous, the postulation of the adjective indigenous before the characterization or name of any knowledge is to claim for the adjective of the desirability of autochthonomy (autochthony), self-representation and self-preservation....the concept of indigeneity arose as a categorical value-concept, which, first and descriptively, was or is used to identify and separate those things that belong(ed) in the local political and cultural space from those that were or are elements of (hegemonically) intrusive and illegitimate invasion. Second, but in relation to the first, it is a concept used prescriptively, to change the attitude of such a (politically, culturally and economically) dominated people by causing them to desire and seek to reclaim the schemes of representation from the dominating, alien, foreign, or extraneous control, in order to restore them to themselves as natives. (2003: 25)

The term “indigenous” is employed to dichotomise the mixed epistemic formation and concurrent mixed identity that characterise the former colonies. In the discourse of AIKS, it is used, on the one hand, to distinguish that which is autochthonous and native to the African peoples; and on the other hand, it is used to imply the awareness that has engulfed the peoples of Africa which has led them to challenge and question the cultural, political and economic underpinnings that surrounds the knowledges that has been imposed on them through colonialism. Hence, a la Emeagwali and Dei, the use of terms “indigenous” and “indigeneity” implies both a process and a form of identity. We can therefore define indigenous knowledge systems to “denote the cumulative body of strategies, practices, techniques, tools, intellectual resources, explanations, beliefs and values accumulated over time in a particular locality, without the interference and impositions of external hegemonic forces” (Emeagwali and Sefa Dei 2014: 1). It encompasses the ways

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of lives of indigenous peoples and the modalities and survival techniques employed in coping with their existential experiences. African indigenous knowledge is the knowledge of local African peoples rooted in her rich histories, cultures and traditions through time. It is the knowledge associated with the “long-term occupancy of Africa, and it is deeply rooted in the understanding of society, nature and culture, as well as experiencing the social and natural world” (Sefa Dei 2014: 166). Roberts explains further that “indigenous knowledge is the knowledge accumulated by a group of people, not necessarily indigenous, who by centuries of unbroken residence develop an in-depth understanding of their particular place in their particular world”. Indigenous knowledge therefore refers to the knowledge localised in a place prior to external intervention (cited in Sefa Dei 2014: 71). Sefa Dei is wont to ascribe land relations to his propositions and arguments for the viability of indigenous knowledge because of the significance geographical sovereignty plays in the ascription of the word “indigenous” to any concept or term. Being indigenous implies that the knowledge and practices belong to a particular set of people in a particular place which is rightfully possessed by them. Semali and Kincheloe followed this same line of reasoning by regarding indigenous knowledge as an “everyday rationalization that rewards individuals who live in a given locality”. It reflects the “dynamic way in which the residents of an area have come to understand themselves in relationship to their natural environment and how they organise that folk knowledge of flora and fauna, cultural beliefs, and history to enhance their lives” (Semali and Kincheloe 2002: 3). Indigenous knowledge, preserved as heritages, serves as a means of transmission of ideas, values and knowledge that includes both the material, tangible and intangible reservoirs of knowledge of a people. These definitions imply that, prior to any invasion by hegemonic powers, every society had a functioning knowledge system which they developed as a result of their understanding and interactions of their immediate environment. The “immediacy” of the environment will imply the relativity of these knowledges from one society to another. By implication, the divergent experiences of human existence determine the various systems we, as humans, develop in co-existing with these experiences. Hence, there are various knowledge systems across different societies and this is based on the varying realities of their existential lives and environments. Afrocentric advocates of AIKS argue that the recognition of African knowledge systems must necessarily be a fundamental part of the

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decolonisation process. It must constitute a “challenge to modernisation and non-conservative triumphalism, as well as the Western attempts of the epistemological disenfranchisement of millions of people around the globe” (Emeagwali and Sefa Dei 2014: 3). Sipho Seepe held that the discourse on AIKS “constitutes the reopening of crucial files that were closed in the chaos and violence of colonialism. This accumulated knowledge systems is of relevance to the self-esteem, sustained indigenous inventiveness, endogenous technological growth and employment generation” (Sipho 2001). The Afrocentric argumentations for the inclusion and recognition of indigenous knowledge systems challenge the arrogant, paternalistic, and overbearing imperial ideologies that marginalise and devalue any system of thoughts that does not belong to the supremacist and racially exclusivist framework of Eurocentrism. The argument for the viability of indigenous knowledge systems hold that all societies and peoples are valid creators of knowledge; that every society has its own interpretation of reality and concurrent indigenously invented techniques and devices for coping, adjusting and dealing with this reality. The understanding of the world, reality and the universe and the interpretations of its operations is not an exclusive right of any society. No human society should be relegated or devalued to a status of inferiority on the basis of its non-conformity with the systems of the self-acclaimed producers and validators of knowledge systems.

Conclusion The ideas of Afrocentricity and indigenous knowledge systems call for the reclamation, rediscovery, rewriting, maintenance and sustenance of African indigenous knowledges for the development of Africa from an African-­ centred perspective and on the terms of Africa. The staggering and stuttering development of African countries has called for the need to indigenise our development policies and paradigms. The continuous colonisation of knowledge has accorded the West the exclusive ownership to paradigms and policies that foster economic, political and social development. Over the years, Africa has continually followed these western paradigms without questioning the suitability of these policies to the African predicament. Global trade relations have persistently served as means for continuously fostering Africa dependency on foreign aids and to incapacitate Africa economically and politically. Afrocentricity and idea of

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indigenous knowledge call for the rediscovery, reengagement and reclamation of indigenous cultural heritages in a bid to create alternative African-centred solutions to the contemporary challenge confronting Africa and rewrite the distorted histories of African societies.

References Asante, Molefi. 1990. Kemet, Afrocentricity and Knowledge. Trenton: Africa World Press. ———. 1991. The Afrocentric in Education. Journal of Negro Education 60 (2): 170–180. ———. 2001. Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change. Chicago: Peoples Publishing Group. ———. 2008. Afrocentricity. In Encyclopedia of Social Problems, 1 & 2, ed. Vincent N. Parillo, 33–35. Los Angeles: Sage Publications. Chawane, Midas. 2016. The Development of Afrocentricity: A Historical Survey. Yesterday & Today 16 (81): 78–99. Retrieved online on 25 October, 2019, from https://doi.org/10.17159/2223-­0386/n16a5. Chinweizu, Ibekwe. 1987. Decolonizing the African Mind. Lagos: Pero Press. Chukwuokolo, J.Chidozie. 2009. Afrocentrism or Eurocentrism: The Dilemma of African Development. New Journal of African Studies. 6 (32): 24–39. Emeagwali, Gloria, and George Sefa Dei, eds. 2014. Africa Indigenous Knowledge and the Disciplines. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Harris, Norman. 1998. A Philosophical Basis for an Afrocentric Orientation. In Afrocentric Visions: Studies in Culture and Communication, ed. Janice D. Hamlet, 15–25. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. Jackson, Ronald II, and Michael A Hogg, eds. 2010. Afrocentricity. Encyclopaedia of Identity. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. Kershaw, T. 1989. The Emerging Paradigm in Black Studies. The Western Journal of Black Studies 13 (1): 45–51. ———. 1998. Afrocentrism and the Afrocentric Method. In Afrocentric Visions: Studies in Culture and Communication, ed. Janice D. Hamlet. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. Masolo, D.A. 2003. Philosophy and Indigenous Knowledge: An African Perspective. Africa Today 50 (2) (Oral Heritage and Indigenous Knowledge): 21–38. Mazama, Ama. 1998. The Eurocentric Discourse on Writing: An Exercise in Self-­ Glorification. Journal of Black Studies 29 (1): 3–16. Park, Peter K.J. 2013. Africa, Asia, and the History of Philosophy: Racism in the Formation of the Philosophical Canon, 1780–1830. New York: State University of New York Press.

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Sefa Dei, George J. 1994. Afrocentricity: A Cornerstone of Pedagogy. Anthropology & Education Quarterly 25 (1): 3–28. ———. 2014. Indigenizing the School Curriculum; the Case of the African University. In Africa Indigenous Knowledge and the Disciplines, ed. Emeagwali Gloria and George Sefa Dei, 165–180. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Semali, Ladislaus M., and Joe L. Kincheloe. 2002. What Is Indigenous Knowledge? Voices from the Academy. New York: Taylor and Francis group. Sipho, Seepe. 2001. IKS Can Benefit Everyone. Daily Mail. October 19 Stikkers, K.W. 2008. An Outline of Methodological Afrocentrism, with Particular Articulation to the Thought of W.  E. B.  DuBois. Journal of Speculative Philosophy 22 (1): 40–49.

PART II

Epistemological Practices

CHAPTER 6

Cultural Environmentalism in Ogunyemi’s Langbodo and Osofisan’s Many Colours Make The Thunder-King Saeedat Bolajoko Aliyu

Introduction The human-nature relationship has been the focus of many scholarly works since the discovery that human activity on the environment is the leading contributory factor to climate change. Two arguments about this complex relationship stand out: the first is anthropocentrism, that is, human-centered understanding of nature. This is a materialist conception of the natural world as a resource for human use. The second argument is championed by Simon Estok, and he calls it “ecophobia” (Estok 2009). It is a perception that human domination of nature arises from a fear of nature. This article argues that while anthropocentrism and ecophobia exist as independent environmental ideologies attempting to rationalize the human-nature relationships, what emerges from the analyses of the two selected African plays—Langbodo (1979) by Wale Ogunyemi and Many Colours Make the Thunder King (2015) by Femi Osofisan—is a coalescing

S. B. Aliyu (*) Department of English, Kwara State University, Malete, Malete, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_6

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of elements into what is broadly regarded as animism. Animism here refers to the humanization and spiritualization of non-human environment. This humanization and spiritualization reflect both anthropocentric and ecophobic tendencies in the ways the characters in the plays engage with elements in their environments. We will outline this in the subsequent sections of this chapter. This chapter also explores how a robust and complementary human-nature relationship which promotes ecological harmony emerges from the indigenous Yoruba culture depicted in the selected plays.

Anthropocentrism and Ecophobia Anthropocentrism is an ideology that can be explicated in many traditional folktales about the creation of the earth and the expected interactions of all that dwell on it. It can also be understood within the theological context of Christianity as recorded in the Bible, where God is said to give instructions to man to: [b]e fruitful and increase in number; fill the earth and subdue it. Rule over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air and over every living creature that moves upon the earth... I give you every seed-bearing plant on the face of the whole earth and every tree that has fruit with seed in it.... (Genesis 1: 28–29, King James Version)

Anthropocentrism is a term that refers to the human conceptualization of nature as functional: it views nature from the position of what it contributes to the advancement of humans and human society. In the Second Treatise of Government, American philosopher, John Locke, captures this ideology thus: “land that is left wholly to nature, that hath no improvement of pasturage, tillage, or planting, is called, as indeed it is, waste; and we shall find the benefit of it amount to little more than nothing” (cha 5, par. 42). This implies that humans can only give some worth to nature on the basis of its contribution to the society. This perspective also arrogates supremacy to humans over nature. Thus, the functionalization of nature, and the relegation to nature’s status to that of “Other” are the fundamental principles anthropocentrism. The ideology is considered the bane of environmental sustainability as it promotes the perception of the environment as a mere object appreciable only when beneficial to humans. This objectification detaches humans from the environment while depicting it as only a tool with extrinsic value.

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Different ideologies or models of environmental thought have also been developed to counter the overarching influence of anthropocentrism which has set chains of environmental challenges in motion around the world. Some of them are biocentricism, deep ecology, environmental justice, environmentalism, ecofeminism, and ecocentricism. These models are premised on enhancing human attitudes towards nature for the preservation of the natural environment (Aliyu 2015). Ecophobia is a term Simon Estok uses in a 2009 article. In it, he argues that the civilized world fears the natural environment that it could harm human societies, and that this should form the focus of ecocritical research. He uses Ecophobia to describe “the contempt and fear we feel for the agency of the natural environment” (Estok 2009: 208). Nature, in the modern worldview which he conceptualizes, is a “hateful object in need of our control, the loathed and feared thing that can only result in tragedy if left in control” (Estok 2009: 210). It is an ideology that seeks to justify human domination of the natural world as especially arising from fear of the power of nature. Estok’s neologism is taken as a parallel concept to the discriminatory gender term, misogyny. For him, the emotions of fear and hatred which are responsible for human domination of nature are the same as those which inform male domination of the female gender. He thus advances the thesis that anthropocentrism is a manifestation of the fear humans have for nature. In spite of this, ecophobia and anthropocentrism can be considered as distinctly separate ideologies. The idea that Estok promotes about fear and hatred resulting in the domination of nature is indicative of a psychological state, “an irrational and groundless hatred of the natural world…” (2009: 208. Italics added). This manifestation of antagonism arises out of human conceptualization of nature as an “Other” that may overpower and control us if left unchecked. It thus becomes a case of dominate-nature-or-be-dominated. This marks ecophobia out as describing a psychological state that reinforces the need for humans to be in control. This is different from the materialist and exploitative conceptualization of the environment in anthropocentric terms. Here, humans view nature as a resource, as a functional element. In this wise, nature is not loathed or feared but regarded as beneficial and available for humans to use. All thought processes are thus geared towards exploiting it. Inarguably, both perspectives have roots in human culture and understanding, but while the former is psychological and reactionary, the latter is materialistic and exploitative.

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The Yoruba Culture and Animism The Yoruba are a linguistic and cultural group of people predominant in the south-west and parts of the north-central geo-political zones of Nigeria, and also in some parts of Benin Republic and Togo in West Africa. A significant number of Yoruba communities can also be found in many other countries of the African continent as well as other continents of the world. The spread of the people, aside from slave trade, is attributable to migration necessitated by trade, security, education, among other factors. As it is the case with cultures that are founded on orality, the Yoruba people construct myths, among other oral forms, to explain the mysteries of their existence. These myths include stories of how the world came to be, and also justifications for the existence of natural phenomena around them. These stories are a peoples’ way of understanding and responding to their world. In the search for meaning and understanding of agencies of the environment, human societies tend to arrogate patterns which they can understand and rationalize. Gutherie (1993) states that these patterns are usually drawn from humanlike models because those are the patterns with the most importance and highest organization we know. The arrogation of humanlike patterns inflects upon traditions that promote humanizing both biotic and non-biotic agencies of nature. The humanization of nature is foundational to many traditional African religions, more so in Yoruba religions where natural elements and phenomena embody gods and spirits. These gods, thought to have existed in human form, metamorphose into particular agencies of nature which are attached to them till date. Sango, for example, is associated with thunder, lightning, and fire, while Ogun is associated with iron. Oya, Oba, Osun, and Yemoja are associated with particular water bodies; Sanppona with smallpox; and Osanyi with herbs. Soyinka (1976) describes the association of gods with natural elements that are familiar to the people as based on presenting the gods in active metaphors of human social preoccupation. These associations are thus representations of spiritual beings with non-human elements which surround the people. This is why Mathuray submits that imbuing spirituality upon nature enforces mutualistic relationship of a kind that creates “...a world in which the boundaries between the natural and the supernatural, the animate and the inanimate, the dead and the living, are relatively porous, and nature itself seems to be charged with animate forces” (2009: 13).

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Nature is believed to be a force, with supernatural abilities to host spirits, and powers to impact on the existence of humans. This induces fear (or ecophobia) on the one hand and encourages reverence on the other. Fear comes from the mysteries about the origins and workings of the agencies of nature. This may transform into reverence as the people attempt to understand and justify the elements. The resultant animist qualities given to explain them imbue them with greater significance than they necessarily have. These agencies thus become even more important to the people as they play major roles beyond the material or the anthropocentric. The ascription of functionality to the agencies transcends objectification as nature is conceived as pivotal to the people’s spiritual and material existence. Nature-worship, which is a manifestation of animistic conceptualization, forges spiritual connections between the people and the agencies, thereby creating affinity between them and establishing some limited form of human control. I say limited control because votaries understand that there are boundaries in their abilities to control these agencies. An example of this awareness of limited malleability is in Achebe’s novel, Things Fall Apart (1958) where the novelist emphasizes the limitations to a rainmaker’s ability to control the weather. Thus, the humanization and spiritualization of agencies of nature, which arise out of the people’s need to understand the complexities of their environment and rationalize the fear they have for these agencies, become the basis of the animist values in such societies. Garuba describes animism as the belief that natural objects such as stones and rivers are the physical and material manifestations of gods and spirits: [N]ature and its objects are endowed with a spiritual life both simultaneous and coterminous with their natural properties. The objects thus acquire a social and spiritual meaning within the culture far in excess of their natural properties and their use value. (2003: 267)

Garuba’s position stresses that there is an imbuing of value beyond the object’s natural properties and this underscores the importance of nature and its agencies to such communities of people who animate their environment. Earlier African scholars have been reluctant to admit the existence of elements of animist practice in African cultures and religions. Eurocentric scholars had unsavorily described animist practices as child-like and reflective of primitive minds (Guthrie 1993) forcing the term to joined the

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ranks of “stigmatised and stigmatising terms” (Rooney 2000: 9). These derogatory assumptions fail to realize that animist sensibilities permeate all human societies. Guthrie (1993) submits that humans animate and anthropomorphize in the quest to interpret and understand an uncertain and ambiguous world. He concludes that the concept of humanization is a universal strategy in human perception which: …like other products of cognition, results not so much from a desire to find any particular pattern as from our more general need to find whatever pattern is most important. The most important pattern in most contexts is that with the highest organization. The highest organization we know is that of human thought and action. Therefore, we typically scan the world with humanlike models…. All perception is interpretative and all interpretation follows a pattern: we look first for what matters most. (1993: 90)

More recently, scholars of African religions such as Idowu (1963), Mbiti (1969) and Awolalu (1979) advanced the premise that some practices within the African system are animist or contain elements of animist beliefs. This acknowledgement is what Owomoyela (1981) describes as a measure of the ever-growing African self-assurance about their traditional institutions. This present chapter becomes topical as all human/nature relationships that privilege the binary opposition between humans and nature aggravate the destruction of the natural world. It is my position however, that for a successful promotion of sustainable environmental traditions, it is imperative to contextualize existing traditions in order to understand how and why a people engage with their environments the way they do. This will provide insights into the challenges facing the environment in such communities and encourage culture-sensitive alternatives that may prove more agreeable to such peoples.

The Dramaturgy of Wale Ogunyemi and Femi Osofisan Banham (2002) identifies the Yoruba culture as the major spirit informing Wale Ogunyemi’s works. Ogunyemi was a prolific playwright who engaged with the histories, legends, myths, and stories of the Yoruba world in his writing. His versatility in the different mediums of film, television, and stage, coupled with his passion for depicting the Yoruba culture, inflected

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in his writings especially in his use of the total theatre aesthetics. His adaptation of Shakespeare’s Macbeth as Aare Akogun (1968) and Everyman as Eniyan (1987) attest to his zest for the Yoruba culture just as his 1979 adaptation of D.O. Fagunwa’s novel into the play, The Ijaye War (1970), Kiriji (1976), and Langbodo (1979), reveals his sensitivity to, and consciousness of, the Yoruba culture and history. He was a major figure in Nigeria’s film, television, and stage industries. Langbodo was Nigeria’s entry to the 1977 Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC). It is a play about self-less service to society. Olaniyan describes Osofisan as an ideologue of “uncommon sense” and quotes from the playwright himself: In the plays which I have written onto the bleeding pages of this troubled age, I have sought, advisedly by suggestive tropes, to deny consolation to the manufacturers of our nation’s anomy, and at the same time to stir our people out of passivity and evasion. (2004: 109)

This style-descriptive quote suggests the ideological positioning of Osofisan as a writer with a vision of promoting social awareness for an egalitarian society. Olaniyan’s description of Osofisan’s style is also worthy of some lengthy quoting: Uncommon sense is a discriminating analytical perception produced by a reflection on reflection, that is, a second-order metacritical contemplation; a discourse on discourse. It is a contingent, specific, goal-driven knowledge that is alert to the particular circumstances that call it into being. In those circumstances, it directs unsanctioned ways of viewing and interpretation or reconfigures entrenched methods in ways that reveal new possibilities.... It ought to be clear now, of course, that the main target of uncommon sense is “common sense,” that sedimented habitual, unconscious, and therefore largely a-reflexive perception of the world that has become conventional, traditional— that is, “common”—in a given society or epoch. (ibid.: 111)

A significant number of Osofisan’s works reflect this engagement with the common. By appropriating and subverting elements of culture, beliefs, and practices of the African people, Osofisan challenges truths which characterize people’s attitudes. The playwright reveals in an interview the reason for adopting this style. He states that: “[w]e must begin to confront history at its empirical points. We must move our people away from

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superstition, and help them to analyse objectively, and hence master their immediate material condition” (Ajidahun 2014: 139). Osofisan is popularly regarded as Africa’s most prolific playwright in view of the number of works to his credit, a number well over fifty. Some of his popular plays include: Once upon Four Robbers (1991); Twingle-­ Twangle, A Twynning Tale (1992); Yungba and the Dance Contest: A Parable of our Times (1993); and Tegonni: An African Antigone (1999). He also is a critic, novelist, poet, publisher, lecturer, and culture-activist.

Animism in Langbodo and Many Colours As Garuba (2003) posits about animism as imbuing objects with abilities beyond what the animated object actually possesses, both Ogunyemi and Osofisan in their plays imbue nature with extra-abilities by spiritualizing and humanizing it. This engagement with the aesthetic of humanization is a borrowing from the Yoruba culture depicted through the plays’ settings. While Osofisan unequivocally sets Many Colours in Yoruba culture as evidenced in the names of characters and songs in the play, Ogunyemi situates his play in Oyo State and the characters traverse different cultures in Nigeria before ending back in Oyo. In the Preface, Ogunyemi states that: I wrote this play drawing much from the diverse cultures of Nigeria. It starts with Oyo State as a spring board catapulting the sojourners to Anambra State and from there to the North, coming down to the Rivers, leading them to Bendel via Cross Rivers only to be superimposed upon by Oyo, the initial starting point.

Ogunyemi’s motive of transcending beyond one culture is to emphasize on the one hand that “all black peoples of the world have a common culture” and more especially that the experiences he depicts in the play can be suitably adapted to any African state. Both playwrights therefore animate the natural environment by spiritualizing and humanizing it.

Spiritualizing Nature The African philosopher, John Mbiti (1969: 56), theorizes about the highly religious African social structure and opines that natural elements are spiritualized and mystical significations ascribed to them as a consequence. Ascribing such significations to nature imbues such elements with functionality; the ability to render supernatural assistance to humans who

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seek such assistance. This encourages nature worship. Worthy of note here is that spiritualizing or the worship of nature in Yoruba culture does not attribute superiority to these agencies. Rather, it encodes the unity of humans with their environment, on the one hand, while establishing nature’s dependence on humans on the other. Natural elements are conceptualized as dependent on humans for worship. Soyinka (1976: 10) captures this essence when he quotes a Yoruba proverb that: “Bi o senia, imale o si (if humanity were not, the gods would not be)”. The subordination of nature agencies to their human worshippers arises from the fact that worshippers can stop supplicating to any agency whenever the supplicants think that their needs are not being met. The agency thus becomes compelled to grant the wishes of the suppliant(s) or risk abandonment. In this wise, the worship and animation of agencies of nature are not mere religious acts: they are constructions of deeper functionality beyond nature’s material values. It is from the understanding that nature contributes not only materially but spiritually to the continued and stable existence of the human community that a symbiotic relationship emerges between such people and the environment around them. (Aliyu 2015)

The expedition young Akara Oogun leads in Ogunyemi’s Langbodo is froth with dangers. He alongside five hunters is on a mission to Mount Langbodo, in the forest of a thousand daemons, in search of a mystical object that will confer upon their community immunity from wars, diseases and famine. The Second Medium, the benevolent spiritual character and other spirits inhabiting the forest intermittently come to the aid of the hunters. These spirits are depicted as inhabiting trees, boulders, and other nature elements. The expedition is saved from trees encircling it only after they offer sacrifice to propitiate the gods (Ogunyemi 16) and the Second Medium is depicted as emerging from the bowels of the earth to offer help after Akara Oogun supplicates Mother Earth (Ogunyemi 28). In Osofisan’s play, the huge iroko tree in the forest is depicted as the mother of the forest and it houses a woman, Yeye Iroko. It is she who blesses Oya with a son as the playwright imbues her with abilities to grant children to women seeking them (Osofisan 60). Also, Shango’s marriages in the play are to spiritualized entities that are the human manifestations of nature. These spiritual entities embody rivers (Oshun), forests (Oya), and mountains (Oba). The marriages are to allow him tap into the benevolence of these natural elements.

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Anthropomorphizing Nature Anthropomorphism refers to ascribing to inanimate objects, animals, divine beings, and natural phenomena characteristics that are assumed to belong exclusively to humans. Employing humanized animals and plants in the selected plays indicates an anthropomorphic belief that divine beings and non-human nature can become human-like. The humanization of Shango and other gods, for example, is an indication of a fusion of primal and social origins. Soyinka describes in his treatise on myth that in the African world, there is “the innate humanity of the gods themselves, their bond with man through a common animist relation with nature and phenomena” (1976: 145). Osofisan presents primordial gods like Sango (spelt as Shango in the play), Oya, and Osun (spelt as Oshun in the play) as both human and manifestations of natural elements in a play that dramatizes the primordial god of thunder and fire, Shango, who embarks on a quest to be greater than his forebears. He seeks knowledge of how to achieve this from a priest who tells him that to succeed in his quest his first task will be to marry a river, among other nature-conquering tasks. Shango’s determination to go down in history as greater than his forefathers sees him take on the superhuman tasks. While Osofisan stays true to Sango’s mythological traits as the fiery, aggressive, and brutal god who rules with an iron fist, the thunder god who belches fire and commands the elements of thunder and lightning, the playwright subverts the characters of two of Sango’s wives. Oshun, the second wife, is portrayed as a daughter of the forest instead of a river goddess, while Oba, who is only referred to in the play as the third woman Shango seeks to marry, is depicted as the daughter of a mountain instead of as another river goddess. Osofisan’s appropriation and humanization of these Yoruba mythological characters help to situate the play within a familiar cultural milieu and foregrounds the essence of his subversion as a radical reconstruction of established cultural and religious symbols. This style thus becomes an ideological challenge of historical and conservative depictions of cultural symbols. The success of Osofisan’s technique (as it does not transgress upon cultural bounds) can be discussed on two fronts. The first is that these myths, as with many if not all myths, are not rigid. Various versions of a particular myth exist as there is fluidity in their composition and rendition. This fluidity is based on the dexterity of the storyteller and his/her motive in telling the myth. This significantly influences how the story is told. The second is that the Yoruba culture has

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established animist traditions. Hence, animating these various natural phenomena is not out of place within the context of the socio-cultural setting of the play. Shango’s right-hand man on his quest is Alagemo, a chameleon. Osofisan engages with the chameleon’s color-adaptive characteristic to depict Alagemo as able to change form as he works towards helping Shango fulfill his ambitions. Thus, Alagemo the chameleon was first a Masquerade (Igunnun), and then human with chameleonic powers. Alapandede, the Heron, the tortoise, and ants are characters in the play that are depicted in their actual animal forms and yet they speak and interact with the human characters: (All kinds of species of singing birds begin to dance in and join the song. A giant Alapandede, evidently the birds’ king, walks in with his retinue...) Alapandede: You look like human beings. And then not like Human beings. What are you? Alagemo: I’m a travelling salesman, your majesty. My name is Alagemo the chameleon, and this is my apprentice. (Osofisan 32–3)

The humanization of animals articulates a distinct opinion about animals that is not limited to particular societies. European novels also anthropomorphize animals in this way; Anna Sewell’s fable, Black Beauty (1877) and George Orwell’s Animal Farm (1946) are popular examples. Gracia-­ Vega (2016) describes the ability of humans to converse with non-human nature as a form of an ecoliteracy. She arrives at this submission in her analysis of Kanors le Jour Ou La Mer a Disparu (2007) where the narrator (Nina) converses with the sea. Ogunyemi also humanizes non-human elements in his play. At the start of their expedition, four of Akara Oogun’s companions are attacked by trees which suddenly begin to move and close in on them (Ogunyemi 22). Talking birds fly out and speak to the terrified hunters, telling them to sacrifice a bird. Also a community of birds, complete with a king and entertainers, accost them for killing one of their own. The king of the birds, the Ostrich, has the head of a human and the body of a bird (25). This mixed specie of human and bird is reminiscent of Greek mythological characters such as the centaur who is half man half horse; Echidna who is the half woman half snake character and mate to snake-man Typhon; and, Harpy who in Greek and Roman stories is a bird with the head of a woman.

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Ogunyemi’s creation of the Ostrich as mixed species reflects the seemingly loose delineation or boundary between animal species in indigenous cultures. It foregrounds the point that beyond the physical manifestation of beings, there are linkages which may manifest in anthropomorphic traits such as a walking tree or a talking bird for instance, to more scientifically defying phenomena such as characters with mixed species. This mixture of species is also depicted in one of the hunters that makeup Akara Oogun’s retinue; Kako, who is a child of ghommids. His parents abandoned him beneath a tree because “his skin was human and so were his limbs” (9). Among those in Akara Oogun’s team are characters who reflect the fluid delineation between the species. Imodoye lived with a spirit for seven years while Elegbede “lived to maturity among wild animals” (Ogunyemi 12).

Dramatizing Contemporary Human/ Environment Relationship Anthropocentrism or human-centeredness predicates human needs in the human/environment relationship. In spite of the symbiotic environmental tradition in many indigenous African cultures, there still exist materialistic tendencies which lead to destruction and oppression of both human and non-human nature constituents. In Osofisan’s play, the playwright depicts Shango’s in both his primordial character of being fiery, brutal, impatient, and destructive with an inordinate desire for fame at whatever expense. Shango’s desire for unprecedented fame makes him to seek the help of Igunnun, the mask and storyteller. It is actually the fear of Shango’s brutality that compels Igunnun to help: Igunnun: What! When an elephant walks by, Does one still ask – is that a passing breeze? The crocodile may leave his mouth open, but Which animal will walk into it to have a nap? Shango Olukoso mi!... Total strangers who have never seen your face Tremble at the sound of your name! (pp. 14–15)

Shango is not afraid to take on challenges that other mortals would not attempt. The first task he is given is that of plucking the fruit of the sacred odan tree. This tree is culturally regarded as the tree of witches and people

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usually avoid it. In Osofisan’s play, no one has ever succeeded in climbing it or getting its fruit. In view of the impossibility of climbing the tree as demonstrated by the repeated failure of Gbonka and Timi, Shango proceeds to cut the tree down. This will be Shango’s first and most defining moment in the domination of nature for his personal advancement in the play. The plot of the play depends on him getting the fruit of the sacred tree, and his success by such a violent act is summed up by Alagemo who emerges from the fruit thus: Alagemo: You have plucked the fruit of the odon tree, the sacred tree of Eshu, my master! You have achieved a feat no one else had ever done.... I shall serve you, but be warned. Because you freed me by the way of violence, both of us will part by the way of violence! Shango: I am Shango. Violence does not frighten me! (Many Colours, 18. my emphasis)

Alagemo’s reference to Esu (spelt Eshu in the play) here is symbolic. Esu is the trickster god known for causing mischief and confusion. It is then not surprising that Shango later falls victim to manipulations from Oya, his wife. Shango’s success in getting the fruit of the sacred odan tree grants him the privilege of having Alagemo, the chameleon, as his servant. Alagemo is bound to fulfill three wishes Shango makes. These wishes are used to further Shango’s inordinate ambition. The rationale behind Shango’s desire to be greater than his forebears can be located within the cultural understanding of what constitutes successful kingship in traditional Yoruba culture. A ruling king’s successes are always measured against the exploits of his forebears. This tradition is to motivate the younger generation towards striving to improve the society, but it fuels Shango’s egoistic trait. Despite conquering more territories than Oranmiyan, his father; pushing further the boundaries of the kingdom, and bringing immense prosperity to Yorubaland, Shango still claims that it is not enough. That: “the child is not yet a man who has not accomplished something his father never even dreamt about!” (p. 15). Shango’s aspirations reflect contemporary human culture that is in constant search for breakthroughs; each discovery surpassing the previous in a never-ending circle. Igunnun’s counsel that as human beings, “we do not need extraordinary feats to live a happy life!” (p. 15) falls on deaf ears. Shango still proceeds with his quest without thought of the price.

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The tasks before Shango include marrying a river, then a forest followed by a mountain. These tasks represent three significant acts that describe the human/nature relationship. The first is of human conquest of nature. The two wives  – Oya and Oshun  – bring along with them to Shango’s kingdom all their material and supernatural abilities just as the wife in the traditional African culture comes under the control of the husband. The second significant act is that Shango’s marriages are a form of humans nurturing nature, as Alagemo notes that after Shango marries the daughter of the mountain, he would have “restored our link with Mother Earth” (p.  42). Third, there is the significant act of nature nurturing humans. Alagemo states in the aftermath of Shango’s wedding with Oshun that: …with her came the dwellers of that place to bless Shango’s kingdom. Food crops came in abundance, along with fruit trees.... And Oshun proved to be so fertile that, in no time, she earned a reputation as the daughter of the god of fertility, and needy women came praying to her court for help. (Many Colours, p. 38)

The humanization of nature is a form of empowerment; giving voice and agency to nature. However, Osofisan’s depiction of the humanization of thunder and lightning, the river, and the forest through the characters of Shango, Oya, and Oshun respectively show that it is a form of human domination and exploitation of the agencies. The character that possesses and controls a particular agency uses it according to his/her human emotional dictates. This is evidenced when Oshun’s maid, Ireti, says Oshun swelled her waters to stop all navigation in anger at unworthy suitors whom she believed had come to mock her unmarried status (Osofisan, 20–12). Consistent with his style of subverting established depictions of mythical characters and symbols to promote a particular ideology, Osofisan’s reconstruction of the motivating factors for the gods’ actions is to engage them in the topical issue of environmental destruction and sustainability. The playwright uses his mythological narratives of the gods to depict how uncontrolled human domination affects both the environment and the people. Shango’s inability to rein in his personal desires for the overall good of both humans and the environment leads to the domination and eventual destruction of both humans and nature. Oya’s individualistic focus denies her of the consciousness that her actions will have

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far-reaching consequences on everyone and the environment. Out of jealousy and desire to be Shango’s only wife and for her son to be the sole heir to the throne, she connives with Shango’s lieutenants to foil his quest to take on a third wife despite her knowledge that the third marriage will consolidate his success. She also betrays the trust and sisterhood between herself and Oshun when she sets Oshun and Alagemo up for Shango to find in a compromising way. Shango also, in his characteristic impatience and anger, fails to properly analyze the situation and he banishes Oshun from his kingdom while condemning Alagemo to be walled up to die a solitary death. This effectively stops Shango’s plans to marry the mountain and ensures that there are no other contenders to Shango’s throne except Oya’s son. His inability to assess the situation in which he finds Oshun and Alagemo questions the veracity of his cosmic agency as that of retributive justice. The devastation that concludes the play arises as a result of different powerful supernatural forces coming in conflict with one another. Yeye Iroko intends to sacrifice Oya’s son because his destiny is to bring destruction to the world. At the point when Oya prays to Yeye Iroko for the boy, she also pledges to give him back in appreciation for experiencing motherhood. Alagemo reconciles with Shango after Shango is chased out of Igbeti, and commits to serving Shango one last time. The final task of marrying Oba, the daughter of the mountain and completing the tasks is jettisoned in favor of rescuing Oya’s son from Yeye Iroko. The clash of opposing powers results in the blinding lightning and outbreak of fires. This becomes a commentary on power clashes in modern times; one powerful nation wishing to impose its might over another and the inevitable outbreak of war and destruction of both man and nature. Alagemo’s last line captures the destruction inherent in human action which is not premised on environmental awareness and sustainability: Alagemo: Remember, whatever you do, and whatever choices you make in your lives, the Earth is older than all of us. And after we are gone, she will still be here. Let us strive therefore always to nourish her, and not despoil her. (Many Colours, 111–112)

Ogunyemi in his play depict that humans merely depict cruelty to fellow humans and other natural elements out of their never-ending quest to acquire material wants. He sermonizes, through the king from whom Akara Oogun and his team are to receive the treasured gift that will give

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his people immunity from wars, diseases, and famine that all they need is to love and help one another (67–8).

Conclusion The selected plays of Ogunyemi and Osofisan engage with the element of human materialism which environmental scholars have identified as the bane of sustaining the environment. Human excesses in the interactions with fellow humans and the environment lead to eventual domination. The plays also point out alternative and viable ways of human/environment relationship: one that is based on conceiving of the environment as an integral part of humankind which aids humanity while depending on us to sustain its existence. In spite of the culture-specific settings of the plays, evidence abound as to how they raise issues which transcend the Yoruba and/or African setting to address contemporary environmental cultures of the world. Far from validating the perfection or otherwise of this animistic environmental tradition that emerges, this study acknowledges that the playwrights raise cogent and critical issues relating to the continued prioritizing of human needs without a commensurate attention paid to the impact those needs will have on the natural world. This Ogunyemi and Osofisan criticize in their plays: Shango: All I wanted was to be greater than my father! But see! I’ve lost my precious wife, and my dearest friend! I’ve lost my throne. And the town behind us, Reduced to cinders by lightening! It is not enough then to marry a river, and wed a forest! One must still conquer a mountain, The mountain within yourself! (Many Colours, 110)

Osofisan’s reconstruction of the myth of the god of fire, thunder, and lightning (Sango) through the character of Shango in the play recasts the god as a metaphor of unbridled human desire. By engaging with a popular mythical character in the way he does, the playwright makes a forceful statement that resonates across social and economic strata. It is a form of leveling as Shango is here conceptualized as both a god and a human. If as a humanized god, he is not immune to environmental despoliation, then

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no human can lay claim to immunity from the effects of environmental destruction. To avoid environmental and the subsequent human destruction from the current over-exploitation of the natural world, it becomes crucial then to develop a human/environment tradition wherein human desire for achievement or success is tailored within limits which will not lead to strains on the natural environment. This is akin to what Rawlinson (2000) identifies as one of the changes needed to counter the damaging consequences of anthropocentrism.

References Achebe, Chinua. 1958. Things Fall Apart. London: Heinemann. Ajidahun, C.O. 2014. Myth, History and the Marxist Polemics in Femi Osofisan’s Morountodun. International Journal of Languages and Literatures 2 (2): 137–149. Aliyu, S.B. 2015. Aesthetics of Environmentalism in Selected Contemporary Niger Delta Poetry. Unpublished Ph.D. Manuscript. University of Ilorin, Nigeria. Awolalu, J.O. 1979. Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites. London: Longman. Banham, Martin. 2002. Wale Ogunyemi. https://www.theguardian.com/ news/2002/feb/14/guardianobituaries.books Accessed 17 Oct 2017. Estok, S.C. 2009. Theorizing in a Space of Ambivalent Openness: Ecocriticism and Ecophobia. ISLE 16: 203–225. Garuba, Harry. 2003. Explorations in Animist Materialism: Notes on Reading/ Writing African Literature, Culture, and Society. Public Culture 15 (2): 261–285. Gracia-Vega, M. 2016. Literature for Children and Young Adults as Path to Enlightenment and Emancipation. Journal of West Indian Literature 24 (2): 74–95. Guthrie, S.E. 1993. Faces in the Clouds: A New Theory of Religion. New York: Oxford. Idowu, E.B. 1963. Olodumare: God in Yoruba Belief. New  York: Frederick A Praeger. Locke, John. 1980. Second Treatise of Government, ed. C.  B. McPherson. Indianapolis/Cambridge: Hackett. Mathuray, M. 2009. On the Sacred in African Literature: Old Gods and New Worlds. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Mbiti, John S. 1969. African Religions and Philosophy. New  York: Praeger Publishers. Ogunyemi, Wale. 1979. Langbodo. Lagos: Thomas Nelson Ltd. Olaniyan, Tejumola. 2004. Femi Osofisan: The Form of Uncommon Sense. In African Drama and Performance, ed. J.  Conteh-Morgan and Tejumola Olaniyan. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

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Orwell, George. 1946. Animal Farm. London: Penguin Group. Osofisan, Femi. 1992. Twingle-Twangle: A Twynning Tale. Lagos: Longman. ———. 1993. Yungba-Yungba and the Dance Contest: A Parable for Our Times. Ibadan: Heinemann. ———. 1999. Once Upon Four Robbers. Ibadan: Heinemann. ———. 2015. Many Colours Make the Thunder-King. Lagos: Concept. Owomoyela, Oyekan. 1981. Review of Awolalu Omosade J’s. Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites. Research in African Literatures. 12 (2): 256–261. Rawlinson, J. 2000. Question of Human Nature? Green Letters 2 (1): 4–9. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1080/14688417.2000.10588958 on 10 May 2017. Rooney, C. 2000. African Literature, Animism and Politics. London: Routledge. Sewell, A. 1877. Black Beauty. Norwich: Jarrold & Sons. Soyinka, Wole. 1976. Myth, Literature and the African World. London: Cambridge University.

CHAPTER 7

Security, Local Community, and the Democratic Political Culture in Africa Krzysztof Trzcinski

In this study, the idea of the local African community as a social structure ensuring the security of its members is presented. An understanding of the concept of security is first briefly discussed, followed by the meaning of the concept of the local African community. The chapter also makes an a priori distinction between what one can call “moderate” and “radical” types of communal life and two case studies exemplifying them are presented. The chapter aims to analyze the trade off, in terms of provision of security, including economic security, by local communities, for the shaping of a democratic political culture in Sub-Saharan Africa. Most importantly, however, this chapter also highlights the rationality that underpins the seemingly low-quality democratic political activities of members of local African communities. The term “security” may be understood differently. It may refer to various entities, such as individuals, a nation (or other social groups), or a

K. Trzcinski (*) Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_7

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state. It may also relate to different planes of existence of given entities, such as health, food, economic, ecological, cultural, military and political. Consequently, expressions such as “health security,” “food security,” “economic security,” or “cultural security” are in everyday use. In Anne V. Whyte’s (2001: 4664) opinion, human security is above all understood as the absence of a threat to physical existence. And as Robert J. Art (1993: 820) also notes, to have a sense of security also means being free from threats, anxieties and danger. In a broader sense, the concept of human security may be understood as the absence of a threat to the values people believe, and at the same time, the absence of fear that these values may be threatened. Thus, as Lawrence Freedman (1992: 731) observes, the concept of human security combines physical condition with a state of mind. George Silberbauer (1993: 19–20, 27), who stresses that a fear of chaos is prevalent in all societies, points out that security in “small-scale societies” is directly related to the socio-economic and psychological existence of their members. Because individuals tend not to be self-sufficient, the societies in which they live play a fundamental role in ensuring their security in many different dimensions, especially economic security. Economic security in the reality of small-scale societies means the certainty of survival and the gradual improvement of existential conditions. In Sub-Saharan Africa, we can identify the local community as a typical kind of small-scale society. Moreover, we can recognize that this kind of society is fundamental to the security of individuals in it. However, the term “local community” tends not to be understood by African thinkers in precisely the same way as non-Africans might think of it. We may talk instead about a common core of different perceptions, with somewhat blurred peripheries of understanding. For example, the Nigerian philosopher Ifeanyi A. Menkiti interchangeably employs the terms “community” and “local community” to refer to smaller communities existing within “peoples.”1 However, Menkiti does not specify whether, by local community he means lineage, clan or village (as a territorial, organizational, and social unit). Though in one of his works, Menkiti (2004b: 124, 133) uses terms such as “village society” and “village world” as synonyms for the local community. As Menkiti argues, in Africa, the individual cannot be construed in separation from the community, because the world of communal ties dominates the world of individuality. Africans also tend to have a much stronger 1

 This refers to “ethnic groups,” a term which Menkiti saw as problematic and avoided.

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sense of community than non-Africans, especially Westerners. The African “communal world” (Menkiti 1984: 171) is a world of strong, common ethnic identification, associated primarily with blood ties. In this context, Menkiti (1984: 172) uses such phrases as “biological set” and “communal gene pool.” Accordingly, the individual is part of a larger whole, a chain of kinship that has been in operation for generations and originates from certain progenitors. In addition to blood ties and common descent, the essence of African communal life is also defined by a particular cultural whole, manifest primarily in the community of language and the principles governing interpersonal relations. Of key importance for Menkiti is the essential difference in the general understanding of the substance of “community” by Westerners and Africans. According to Menkiti (1984: 179), in much of modern Western thinking, community tends to mean the aggregated sum of individuals who have particular priorities and interests. Individuals get together into a collection because, combined they can achieve goals that they cannot reach on their own. In such a community of far-reaching personal independence and autonomy, individuals are protected by laws often considered to precede the existence of a social organization. This approach significantly deviates from the essence of African communal life, in which the central role is played not by the deployment of rights, but by obligations towards other members of a given community. To sharpen this difference, Menkiti (1984: 179) makes a distinction between the African “collectivity in the truest sense” and the Western “constituted human group.” He then argues that in the society of the first type, the existence of an organic dimension of interdependence between component individuals is assumed, while in the understanding of human society as something constituted we are dealing with a non-organic lumping together of atomized individuals into a unit; more an association than a community (1984: 180). Menkiti also places the traditional African concept of the person (or man)2 in opposition to the Western concept of the person as a biological and rational individual. The primary difference is related to the fact that “person” in the African sense is defined by the community to which he or she belongs, and not—as is usually the case in Western thinking—from the perspective of the properties typical of entities aspiring to be called “man” (Menkiti 1984: 171). Menkiti also points out, in African thinking, it is the 2

 Menkiti (1984) uses the terms “person” and “man” interchangeably.

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community that defines an individual as “person” and not some isolated static attribute such as rationality, will or memory (1984: 172).3 In Menkiti’s opinion, the fundamental characteristic of the traditional African way of thinking about the essence of personhood is a belief in its gradual acquisition. Personhood is something that must be accomplished and, as such, is not granted just because of the biological fact of being born (1984: 172). And it is achieved by the individual in the process of growing up in and into the community. And it is the inculcation of the appropriate behavior, i.e. respecting and obeying the communal norms, that earns someone personhood in the eyes of the community. The norms are instilled in the individual who internalizes them, and hence starts growing into increasingly mature membership of the community. Therefore, in the collective thinking of the community, the individual becomes a “full person” (Menkiti 1984: 174) or, in other words, a “true person” (Menkiti 2004a: 326) following the process of inclusion into it.4 Becoming a person coincides with the acquisition and continuous enrichment of social personality. In the process of accomplishing personhood, the individual has to mature to participate in collective decision-making in the community to which he or she belongs. The community constitutes an absolute political whole, and its collective political thinking is to be represented by its political elite, often the local chief and the elderly, on behalf of all members (Trzcinski 2010a). Moreover, it is ultimately the communal elite that has the moral right to decide on all matters essential for the community’s existence, including those related to its economic security. It is the elite that has the right to support, on behalf of the community, such political forces and arrangements that can help ensure the security of the community. The local community is strong when it maintains unity. Lack of unity means weakening the local community and, as a consequence, weakening the security of its members (Trzcinski 2010b: 77). Menkiti (2001: 137) claims that in postcolonial, multiethnic African states, injustice should be understood as the state of unequal treatment by the authorities of some “peoples” that are a part of the state. Some groups not only dominate other groups in decision-making but also persecute and 3  Cf. Menkiti (2004a: 326) enumerates the following “minimalist requirements” of being a person: consciousness, memory, will, soul, rationality, and mental function. 4  Menkiti (2004a: 326) also uses in this meaning such phrases as a “moral being” and “bearer of norms.”

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exploit them economically. Such injustice means that many Africans feel excluded from the countries in which they hold citizenship, at least nominally. Menkiti (2002: 49–51) notes that groups that precede post-colonial African states tend to be crucial for individuals, especially in terms of security. In conditions of injustice in African states, such groups can act as a buffer to protect individuals against injustice. At the local level, local communities are the equivalent and part of the “peoples.” In this context, the security of individuals can above all be understood in the sense that the local community provides them with access to fundamental goods. Complementary to Menkiti’s views are the ideas of Ghanaian philosopher Kwasi Wiredu. Wiredu defines the local community as the totality of lineages inhabiting a small area. The term “lineage” refers to the sum of individuals who come from one ancestor and live, for example, in a town or village. This ancestor may be a woman or a man, depending on whether in a given culture lineages are patrilineal or matrilineal (Wiredu 1996: 161). Wiredu (1996: 184) recalls that in significant areas, especially in pre-­ colonial Africa, representatives of lineages formed local councils consisting of elders. At the head of these councils were leaders from the chieftain line. Wiredu uses the example of the Akans to illustrate that the main issues under the responsibility of such councils included, and often still include: guaranteeing observance of law and order in a local community, ensuring security and caring for the well-being of its members (1996: 162). Local African communities are therefore “communalistic societies,” in which extensive kinship ties play a dominant role in social relations (Wiredu 1998: 241). According to Wiredu (1998: 242), kinship ties give members of local communities a sense of security, which can be easily lost in the relatively “non-communalistic” environment of a modern city (or modern liberal societies), with its destabilizing consequences for the psyche of individuals and social balance.5 While African intellectuals who analyze African communal life in their works tend to agree that local communities have the responsibility for ensuring security for their members, including economic security, they differ in their assessments of the costs that carrying out this task generates for the development of democratic political culture in the conditions of democratization processes in Sub-Saharan Africa. The most important

5

 Cf. Trzcinski (2011).

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difference here is between Menkiti and the Ghanaian philosopher Kwame Gyekye.6 Gyekye (1998: 328) regards contemporary African communitarianism as a moderate, restricted communitarianism, which combines the dual nature of the individual as a communal being and, simultaneously, an autonomous one.7 Thus, Menkiti’s views on African communitarianism are symptomatic of what Gyekye calls radical, unrestricted communitarianism. This kind of communitarianism is characterized by limiting and inhibiting the individual in the name of the alleged good of the community, without the recognition of the importance of the rights and autonomy of the individual, not only for their development but also for the interests of the community as a whole. Gyekye admits that Menkiti’s vision of radical African communitarianism and personhood strongly dominated by the community is typical not only for Menkiti’s thinking or observation. Gyekye (1998: 318) quotes examples from the writings of Senegalese man of letters and statesman, Leopold S. Senghor, as well as the Kenyan intellectual and politician, Jomo Kenyatta, who support the thesis that in African cultures, when one seeks to explain an existing social reality, the primary relevant concepts are: group, communal solidarity, communal society or spirit of collectivism; not such terms as isolated individual, individual autonomy, individual needs, individualism, or individual autonomy. However, Gyekye contests Menkiti’s opposition to the allegedly African point of view on the essence of personhood, and its development and ascription by the community, towards the Western perspective which takes a static view of it. On the contrary, Gyekye presents the view that in Africa, an individual is a full person regardless of age, social status or the degree to which their activities correspond to the ethics of duties existing in the community. Therefore, personhood cannot be acquired in the community, unlike social status, customs, or even some character traits. Gyekye (1998: 324) states that an individual qua individual precedes the acquisition process, and hence cannot be defined by what they acquire. In other 6  Gyekye does not explain the meaning of the term “local community,” perhaps taking its meaning for granted. 7  This coincides with the views of the Sierra Leonean philosopher George M. Carew (2006: 55), who maintains that although a person is a socially constituted being, this does not entail a loss of his or her autonomy. And, as he states, individuals may still be able to shape society, just as society can determine their identity partially. This perception of agency as “self-activity” contrasts with the liberal view of passive agency associated with the possession of abstract rights.

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words, an individual is a person only by virtue of being a person, not by what they have acquired. In Gyekye’s opinion, the social status of a person in the local community is determined by the degree of their responsiveness and sensitivity to the needs of other members of that community, their life successes, which they achieve through physical, intellectual and moral effort, as well as achievements in family life, especially in marriage and the upbringing of children. The life aspirations of a person remain focused on achieving a certain social status, not personhood. A person may fail in achieving these goals and lose respect among other members of the community. For example, among the Akans, as Gyekye (1998: 326) notes, such a person could then be labeled as useless (onipa hun). Gyekye claims that, contrary to what Menkiti would probably think, such failures are significant with regards to building social status and not in acquiring personhood.8 Gyekye emphasizes that the African, like any other person, is constituted by physical features and such attributes as reason, possessing the potential for virtue and the ability to evaluate and make judgments and choices of a moral nature. These properties are not produced during communal life. The role of the community is to find and cultivate them in the individual. Therefore, according to Gyekye, it is impossible to prove that social relations fully define a person. Gyekye also thinks that the community does not establish the closed set of values, practices and goals of a person, all the more so because at least some of them are subject to gradual change. In the opinion of Gyekye (1998: 327), one cannot state that the individual inevitably and permanently remains trapped by the community. The ethos of the community cannot permanently suppress the individual’s critical point of view on communal values and practices. For him, an average African is able to affirm, reassess, refine, revise, or reject the existing values, practices, or goals of their community. Gyekye, therefore, perceives a typical member of the local community in Africa as an entity capable of reflection and assertiveness. Moreover, a member of the community is an autonomous person who can make independent decisions, including political ones. Autonomy, in the understanding of Gyekye (1998: 327), is an individual’s own rational 8  However, Gyekye’s opinions on the conceptualization of a person among the Akans are rejected by Kwasi Wiredu (1996: 129–130, 221), whose support for Menkiti’s views is all the more important because both Wiredu and Gyekye are Akans, and Menkiti is not.

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will that gives them the ability to set specific individual goals and strive to achieve them. It is the autonomy of the individual that drives social change—the formation of new and the disappearance of old moral and political values in the cultures of particular communities. A community cannot make its member culturally and intellectually passive and inert. Consequently, a member of the community cannot be seen as a downtrodden being who acts mechanically at every whim and caprice of the community. All these claims do not contradict Gyekye’s belief that the average African remains deeply attached to the local community of which he or she is a member. He is also convinced of the ontological priority of the community over the individual and emphasizes that relations between members of a typical African local community are primarily characterized by highlighting the importance of common good and the values, projects, and the goals of the community as a whole. However, he insists, this understanding of communitarianism does not necessarily have to lead to the limitation of individual rights. Allowing a member of the community to exercise their rights freely includes, among other things, the possibility for the individual to use his or her unique attributes or talents. For Gyekye (1998: 330), therefore, if the community were to disregard individual rights, it would cut off the branch on which it sits. Gyekye (1998: 334), in contrasting the concept of moderate communitarianism with the concept of radical communitarianism, notes that it is not entirely clear which of them is correlated with African cultural traditions. It can be inferred that Gyekye does not assume that one of the patterns presented is symptomatic for some African communities and the other for others. Moreover, while Menkiti presents the concept of personhood as representative of traditional African thinking, Gyekye neglects the issue of traditional ways of thinking. One can conclude that these philosophers are in fact talking about two different realities. Anthropologists call the “pure” type of understanding of personhood, represented by Menkiti, as “folk.” Today, it can characterize rural communities in particular, which does not mean that they are not numerous. Whereas, the pattern illustrated by Gyekye may be more relevant to urban societies or, in general, to communities undergoing rapid cultural transformation. Most importantly, Menkiti does not see the average African in terms of being an active (political) agent, and an individual interpreter of the world in which he or she lives. In turn, Gyekye’s considerations allows us to presume that Africans, as an autonomous entity, have the potential to build a

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democratic society and to be a meaningful part of it, and thus to make political decisions on their own. However, a particular political context is necessary for this. As Gyekye (1997: 90) points out, democracy in African countries must be built taking into account their multi-ethnic character and based on institutions that will prevent the domination of some ethnic groups by others. It is in the process of democratization of contemporary Sub-Saharan Africa that the practical dimension of both types of communitarianism— radical and moderate—can be seen. Nigerian political thinker, Claude Ake, a keen observer and outspoken critic of deviations in the process of building African democracies, indicates that voters in African countries tend to be manipulated in various ways by their communal patrons. He argues that due to the existence of a patron-client networks, the electorate is used by politicians acting in collusion with local notables. Consequently, election results are often achieved above the heads of voters. In this context, Ake recounts the example of the local Senegalese communities, where religious brotherhood leaders, the marabouts, are often rewarded by politicians to provide them with the votes of the faithful. Ake (2000: 171) explains that religious authority allows the marabouts to manipulate people, and hence redirect the democratic process in a way that consolidates social relations that, by definition, negate democracy entirely. The marabouts in Senegal, Ake argues, take advantage not only of religious relations with the faithful but also of existing economic relationships, in particular related to the credit system for peanut cultivation. Such seeming choice, made as a result of manipulation or following other bad practices, has nothing to do with voters making an informed, individual political decision, and even more, is not an expression of their own will, he argues. The described Senegalese practice can serve as an example of radical communitarianism. Senegalese local community leaders explain to their members that ensuring economic security by guaranteeing them employment through the sale of their agricultural products is only possible by voting in elections for the indicated politicians and political parties. These leaders, using their religious and economic authority, achieve the desired goal. Consequently, members of local communities do not actively contribute to the political reality in which they live but are merely providers of electoral votes. However, the election procedures are completed. The right election result will then be one that translates into concrete benefits for members of the communities.

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The practical dimension of the moderate communitarianism may, in turn, be the well-established custom presented by local chiefs from the Chiradzulu district in southern Malawi to me during field research in 2013. According to them, every time just before presidential and parliamentary elections, they are visited by politicians who, in exchange for the votes of local voters, promise to implement various local investments after the election. Communal leaders do not admit to receiving gifts or other gratifications from politicians. However, they indicate that politicians promise specific benefits for the local communities, and the role of the chiefs, in this case, is to choose the best and most realistic offer and convince the members of their communities of its merit. These offers include, for example, laying asphalt on a section of a local road, building a new well, or supplying electricity to the village in some time perspective. In the Malawian case, the chieftain’s authority is devoid of religious and economic elements, as in the case of the Senegalese marabouts. However, as in the Senegalese case, communal leaders usually achieve the expected electoral results because they can explain to the voters the economic benefits of the political behavior envisaged for the entire community and, more specifically, of collective voting for a given politician and political party. These leaders, as they claim, also take responsibility for the effects of any failure of politicians to fulfil their pre-election promise. The price for this failure may be, for example, a loss of respect in the eyes of the community. In both cases, the same result is achieved, namely of strengthening the economic security of Africans who are members of local communities. However, the Senegalese case of practical radical communitarianism illustrates the petrification of strong ties of dependence existing in local communities. The costs of the benefits achieved are, therefore, high for democratic principles. The Malawian example of practical moderate communitarianism is also hardly compatible with the essence of individual political choice. Still, it is certainly closer to the core of democracy than the Senegalese one. At first glance, these cases show the high cost of security for members of local African communities from the point of view of political participation and, more broadly, the formation of a democratic political culture in the conditions of democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa. Members of societies with established democratic regimes may find the political realities of communal life in Africa undemocratic. However, for the members of local African communities, whose political awareness is collective, certainly more important than the compatibility of their political activity with abstract principles of democracy is a specific advantage,

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including economic security.9 Achieving benefits may, however, lead them to associate such democratic procedures as elections and voting positively, as they will directly translate into maintaining or improving their standard of living. Furthermore, one can ask if a clear difference exists between the collective voting of the members of the local African community in agreement with its elites’ decision and an institution of party discipline in parliamentary votes in the practice of parliamentary democracy. On balance, the collective political behavior of members of local African communities can be considered rational, even from the perspective of the theory of democracy. It is worth recalling here the observations of Patrick Chabal (2009: 103) who argued that it is in the undiscovered nuances of life, in the inconsistencies of individual and group behavior, that one can find a more illuminating version of events and processes than in Western Africanist analysis. Chabal (2009: 84) also shows that only when we make an effort to understand the moral dimension of the political action of Africans can we begin explaining their political behavior. Last but not least, the practical cases discussed also gestures us towards the thesis that democratization does not have to mean the twilight of traditional authority in Africa. On the contrary, it can strengthen it, at least temporarily. Traditional authority is essential in this context, as it acts as an intermediate framework between politicians and members of local communities in order to gain electoral support for the former and economic benefits for the latter. The mobilization of political support among those subject to traditional authority is of great importance to politicians because over 50% of the population of Sub-Saharan Africa lives in the countryside, in  local communities, where traditional authority enjoys the highest obedience.

References Ake, Claude. 2000. The Feasibility of Democracy in Africa. Dakar: CODESRIA. Art, Robert J. 1993. Security. In The Oxford Companion to Politics of the World, ed. Joel Krieger, 820–822. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Carew, George M. 2006. Democratic Transition in Postcolonial Africa: A Deliberative Approach. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press. Chabal, Patrick. 2009. Africa: The Politics of Suffering and Smiling. London: Zed Books. 9

 Cf. Schatzberg (1993: 457).

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Freedman, Lawrence. 1992. The Concept of Security. In Encyclopedia of Government and Politics, ed. Mary Hawkesworth and Maurice Kogan, vol. 2, 730–741. London: Routledge. Gyekye, Kwame. 1997. Tradition and Modernity: Philosophical Reflections on the African Experience. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ———. 1998. Person and Community in African Thought. In The African Philosophy Reader, ed. Pieter H.  Coetzee and Abraham P.J.  Roux, 317–336. London: Routledge. Menkiti, Ifeanyi A. 1984. Person and Community in African Traditional Thought. In African Philosophy: An Introduction, ed. Richard A.  Wright, 171–181. Lanham: University Press of America. ———. 2001. Normative Instability as Source of Africa’s Political Disorder. In Explorations in African Political Thought: Identity, Community, Ethics, ed. Teodros Kiros, 133–149. London: Routledge. ———. 2002. Philosophy and the State in Africa: Some Rawlsian Considerations. Philosophia Africana 5 (2): 35–52. ———. 2004a. On the Normative Conception of a Person. In A Companion to African Philosophy, ed. Kwasi Wiredu, 324–331. Oxford: Blackwell. ———. 2004b. Physical and Metaphysical Understanding: Nature, Agency, and Causation in African Traditional Thought. In African Philosophy: New and Traditional Perspectives, ed. Lee M.  Brown, 107–135. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Schatzberg, Michael G. 1993. Power, Legitimacy and ‘Democratisation’ in Africa. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 63 (4): 445–461. Silberbauer, George. 1993. Ethics in Small-Scale Societies. In A Companion to Ethics, ed. Peter Singer, 14–28. Oxford: Blackwell. Trzcinski, Krzysztof. 2010a. Legitimacy and Importance of the Traditional Authority in Africa: K.  A. Appiah’s Approach and Its Critique. Africana Bulletin 58: 47–74. ———. 2010b. The Future of the Multi-Ethnic African State: On the Perspective of Ifeanyi A. Menkiti. Hemispheres: Studies on Cultures and Societies 25: 73–93. ———. 2011. Why Is Globalization a Threat to Africa? A Study of the Thought of Claude Ake on African Migration to the City and Some of Its Consequences. In Metropolitan Areas in Transition, ed. Mirosława Czerny and Jorge T. Quevedo, 314–326. Warsaw: Warsaw University Press. Whyte, Anne V. 2001. Environmental Security. In International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences, ed. Neil J. Smelser and Paul B. Balties, vol. 7, 4663–4667. Oxford: Elsevier. Wiredu, Kwasi. 1996. Cultural Universals and Particulars: An African Perspective. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ———. 1998. The State, Civil Society and Democracy in Africa. Quest: An African Journal of Philosophy 12 (1): 241–252.

CHAPTER 8

The “African Prints”: Africa and Aesthetics in the Textile World Tunde M. Akinwumi

Introduction Misrepresentation of Africa’s image as reported by non-Africans started in the nineteenth century by European and American travellers and missionaries to Africa who see Africans as no more than barbarians, savages, uncivilized people, etc. (Curtin 1965). Even recently the president of the United States, Donald Trump, castigated Africans using unprintable words thus misrepresenting Africa. Toyin Falola often frowned in his works at how the image of Africa has been misrepresented in literature. It is therefore necessary to interrogate the concept of Africa’s image in the context of decolonization and post-modern world. This chapter addressed this using a case study of Vlisco, a Dutch textile manufacturing firm, which represented its created African prints with artistic, historical and symbolic contents of Euro-Asian descriptions (i.e. of non-African symbology). What we have as indigenous African prints are Africa’s handcrafted printed fabrics. Examples include bogolanfini (bogolan) of Mali (Imperato and Shamir 1970: 32–41), adinkra of Ghana (Quarcoo 1972; Kwandwo

T. M. Akinwumi (*) Southwestern University, Ijebu Ode, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_8

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2002; Iseki n.d.), and adire eleko of Nigeria (Akinwumi 2015) (Figs. 8.1, 8.2 and 8.3). Right from the late nineteenth century, the Vlisco firm had the opportunity of studying those indigenous African prints as other manufacturers in Europe did with the purpose of mass-producing similar prints for the African market. Instead, it mass-produced a type of fancy prints that is an amalgam of mainly Javanese, Indian, Chinese, Arab and European artistic traditions and still branded them as “African Prints”. Vlisco shipped these branded “African Prints” fabrics to Africa since the early twentieth century (Nielsen 1979: 467–498). In fact, they have since then been sold predominantly in Africa including Nigeria by different names: Ankara among the Yoruba, abada in Igbo, and atampa among the Hausa. The paradox is that the consumers including African fashion designers neither knew that the products had little or no African art content nor complained about it. I made an attempt at stopping the century-old humbug when I published a rebuttal, in The Journal of Pan African Studies, titled “The ‘African Print’ Hoax: Machine Produced Textiles Jeopardized African Print Authenticity” (Akinwumi 2008: 179–192). As a follow-up, this present

Fig. 8.1  Bogolanfinni fabric. The motif on this fabric included some Mali patterns and a certain historical stream. On other fabrics, the motifs symbolized events such as the war between Samory and Tieba, nineteenth-century King and description of Malian war heroes. (Source: Cecil Lubell 1976)

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Fig. 8.2  Example of Adinkra mourning and festival related stamped fabrics produced formerly for nobles, court officials and Asante chiefs of Ghana. Some of the fabrics are in blackish and reddish colour and they bear Islamic, royal and proverbial design motifs. (Source: Cecil Lubell 1976)

Fig. 8.3  Adire Eleko painted/printed fabric. Oloba design symbolising 1935 silver jubilee reign of King George V of UK, certain Yoruba royal activities, flora and fauna. (Source: National Museum of African Arts, Smithsonian Institution)

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chapter reiterates and expands the political and economic contexts which underpinned Vlisco’s origins including how it started producing for West African market. The claim that it produced “African Prints” was examined through the lenses of various stakeholders in this matter resulting in either certifying or debunking the assertion. Finally, the way forward at achieving true image of Africa on African Prints aesthetics of the future were articulated from the stakeholders’ views.

Political and Economic Contexts in Vlisco’s Production of African Prints The European scramble for Africa, otherwise known as the partition of Africa in the late nineteenth century, led to the colonization of Africans. The issues, including the motives for colonization, used to be hotly debated by professional historians (Njoku 2001: 148; Hargreaves 1963; Ofonagoro 1979; Izuakor 1987: 55–65). It is not necessary to reiterate them here. The focus here is that the period of scramble witnessed many business calculations by many European firms in terms of vying for production of suitable and volume of fabrics for the subjects in annexed territories. In 1891, Alvan Millson, the British Colonial Secretary in Lagos, called the attention of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce to the marketing potentials of British cheap fabrics among the Yoruba. He provided the following statistics: The Yoruba could select his cloth for consumption because his craftsmen were able to produce varieties which could go round annually… (I have discovered that) not less than 30 yards of cloth would be needed for each male adult, 45 yards for each female adult and 6 yards for each child. The Yoruba were a fully-clad race, who for fashion’s sake were with two or three ample cloths…. Their fabrics were made of homegrown materials, dyed with native dyes, and woven in narrow looms or framed out of yarn spun by hand. From careful calculation, it appears that 31,000,000 yards were annually consumed in Yoruba, of which 30,000,000 were of home manufacture. From this, the chamber of commerce would be able to realize the extent to which the people were engaged in the work of making their own garments.

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In Yoruba, there was an immediate market for European goods with half a million a year and in return for those goods, the people there had the will and the necessary amount to produce to put at least an equal value of trade into our hands (Millson 1891: 586, The Lagos Times 2 Sept. 1891).

We could make deductions from this 1891 address. Those relevant to us are that the Yoruba were great producers of large volumes of indigenous dress fabrics and that they satisfied their local demand. The consumption pattern of clothing was high at the time. Not much of imported European textiles were available in Yoruba market; instead, the market was dominated by the sale of indigenous textile materials. Alvan Millson expressed the hope that the British merchants could benefit from the viability of the Yoruba cloth market. What type of fabrics should merchants from Britain produce for the African market? This was not mentioned above but just the need to produce for the Yoruba market. The merchants did not rest on their oars. Some of them like Charles A. Beving (1858–1913), a Manchester textile merchant, travelled widely across Africa: Nigeria, Mali, Senegal, Kenya, Togo, Gold Coast (Ghana), Sierra Leone and Zaire. He collected 432 pieces of native textile with the purpose of studying and producing similar materials for the African market (Lubell 1976: 35, 92–95). He set up a textile printing factory in Manchester. There is little or no evidence that he succeeded well in the execution of this project. Beving and other European fabric manufacturers did not succeed in having the envisaged mass-produced African designs. The alternative was mass-producing fancy prints of all shades of colour, form and shape for the African market from the beginning of the twentieth century. The fancy prints of diverse form were very conspicuous in the Nigerian shops from that time (Macmillan 1920: 19, 20, 71–89). Meanwhile, the Indonesians developed wax batik aesthetics by handcrafting production. The change in designs were influenced over the centuries through their contacts with the Indians, Chinese and Dutch. The Europeans firms led by the Dutch were ready for the mass-production of the new machine-made batik, among other places, the African market. In doing this, the European aesthetics were added to the Indonesian model in the late nineteenth century (Muller n.p.). Many firms attempted modifying this exotic design in order to incorporate the Africanity favour to the existing modified Indonesian model so as to designate their designs as “African Prints”. The attempts did not work.

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In other words, the development of the speciality termed “African Prints” posed a great problem for the producers. As Butler noted: It has been the life’s work of many merchant converters in Manchester to produce speciality African prints for the people...the development of a new design for this market normally absorbs more time and effort than is taken over one for the transitory fashion markets (Buttler 1958: 12; Nielsen 1979: 467).

Butler’s observation lends credence to the failed attempts by merchants like Beving. Vlisco achieved little or nothing at developing an African print at its inception and later years, hence its decision to mass-produce some non-African exotic designs for the African markets. In 1974, Jefferson in her study of African decorative arts disregarded the exotic prints as authentically African. She rather considered them to be European “African Cloths” (1974: 95). Vlisco denied the failure in artistic content. We shall discuss more of this below. The speciality African prints project by the Dutch and English firms failed from the onset because certain matters were not taken into consideration. For example, the design type found on adire eleko printed fabrics were conceived and designed by the elderly designers whose works benefitted from their tremendous knowledge and understanding of their worldview. For adire eleko, we can see pictures of these old designers in relevant publications (Akinwumi 2015). How could these firms not have imported similar older designers to the United Kingdom at that time for similar authentic designs? For additional illustrations, we can see more pictures of the elderly Indonesians who made wax batik tick from extant publications (Gittinger 1989: 110, 111, 112, 125; Newman 1977: 23, 25, 29, 38). As earlier stated, the productions of the handcrafted prints (bogolan, adire eleko, adinkra, etc.) were influenced by historical, cultural and philosophical settings of their respective places in Africa. It is safe to state here therefore that most young African textile designers are still being trained even today, for example in some Nigerian universities and polytechnics having textile design departments, to design with African worldviews as guide. It has been a great challenge making them think out of the box (Akinwumi 2010: 309–314). In the next section, we will examine several but different viewpoints and perspectives on the Vlisco designs and the veracity of Africanity (Fig. 8.4).

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Fig. 8.4  Adire Eleko painted/printed fabric. Awolowo design capturing the welcome inscription in 1967 of Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s return from prison on account of treason charge in Nigeria. (Source: Author’s personal collection)

Vlisco Production: Multiple Viewpoints Amah Edoh is a design scholar who wrote on the politics of good designs (Edoh 2016: 258–272). He paid a visit to Vlisco studio in Holland and interacted with the studio workers. He submitted that Vlisco designers’ practice was guided by a “Good Design” ethos, anchored in the technical and creative process of bringing expert skill, experience and personal handwriting to bear on designs. Edoh observed this point as a process that the designers envisioned as being divorced from place and politics (2016: 260–265). He disagreed after first presenting the views of other observers starting with those who espoused that African prints as a Dutch wax cloth has been possessed by Africans as theirs and next by those who believed the designs embodied a legacy of colonial domination and as products of colonial trade routes that are still created in Europe by non-African designers (2016: 266–268). For him, the designers’ conceptionalization was political as these designers saw their design work as a project for redrawing their power and trade relations between Europeans and Africans (2016: 268–272). In “The Commodification of Ethnicity: Vlisco Fabrics and Wax Cloth Fashion in Ghana” Christine Delhaye and Rhoda Woets (2015: 77–97)

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contended that there were the sales of ethnicity throughout the Vlisco trade journey: it sold Dutch to the Africans while the Africans appropriated the Dutch fabrics to themselves, for example, through giving African names and sayings to the products. The writers concluded: “fancy prints as they are called, still sell to a large market and remain a strong identifier of African aesthetics” (2015: 96–97). This conclusion is to be broached here. There is the need for us to interrogate Delhaye and Woets’ thoughts on Vlisco’s sale of the concept of African ethnicity and aesthetics on their fabrics in Africa and that the African buyers appropriated Dutch fabrics to themselves. The first was the question of African ethnicity and aesthetics. “Aesthetics deals with the philosophy of the beautiful as well as the standards of value in indulging art and other aspects of human life and culture” (Lawal 1976: 239–249). There is an on-going research effort at establishing typical African aesthetics. To enable the gathering of principles of aesthetics from various ethnic communities and thus emerge with acceptable canons in Africa, many scholars went on the field for this purpose, such as Borgatti on northern Edo, (1982: 28–40, 1988) Thompson (1974), Lawal (1976: 239–249), Cordwell (1958: 56–59), Drewal and Drewal (1987: 225–251) and Abiodun (1994: 68–78) on the Yoruba, Kaeppler on Tongan society (1987: 261–274) and Hardin on Kono culture (1987). The general canons on African aesthetics have neither emerged nor concluded. For examples, let us address the views of Dutch prints buyers among the Igbo of Nigeria. Which Igbo aesthetic principles did Delhaye and Woets use in showing the Igbo’s identification with the Dutch art? We should relate this question to other African buyers too. If all these are not highlighted in Delhaye and Woets’ work, the provision of blanket conclusion remains illusionary and therefore not of any help to the issues raised. For this and other reasons, further research is called for. Secondly, Delhaye and Woets observed that African consumers gave names and proverbs to the Dutch fabrics. They felt this was a form of appropriation of the Dutch fabrics such that through the naming many people would see the action as an aspect of incorporating African aesthetics on the fabrics. The authors appear deceived by this naming action. On the contrary, the naming has nothing to do with the aesthetics. This is because over the centuries, the Africans including the Yoruba of Nigeria have always given names to designs in order to attract marketing attention. For example, Richard Burton, a British anthropologist, while touring Yorubaland in 1863, observed tattoo designs among the females and documented it thus:

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Freeborn (Yoruba women) have one, two or three raised lines thread-like scars from the wrist up the back of arm and down the dorsal regions like neck-lace; they call this “entice my husband” (1863: 105).

In the above report, the Yoruba called this design in 1863 fokomora (“entice my husband”). There are others in contemporary times. There is also gbokoletan (“sit the husband on the laps”) in the tattoo design (Akinwumi In Press). Names giving that related or not to the artistic content of designs are also found in Yoruba handcrafted woven and printed fabrics (Barbour and Simmonds 1971: 11, 13, 52, 54, 69, 75, 98; Akinwumi 2015: 63–115, 139–157). Name giving is a way of advertising the products. For the “African Prints” issue, the name-giving action here is not synonymous with Africans’ appropriating Dutch aesthetics to themselves. It is also not to be confused with strong identification with African aesthetics. These are all misinterpretations of African thought system. In a short commentary, a United States newspaper columnist Meg Miller noted in The Torrent among others the following points (2017). She observed the gradual speed with which Vlisco produced Dutch fabrics and sold them in Africa from 1846 while showing no interest in the improvement of known African prints, such as bogolan and adire eleko from the beginning of the twentieth century. One of the reasons for least interest in development of indigenous prints was that the Dutch fabrics remained a delight to the African consumers having appropriated the fabrics as theirs. While acknowledging the raised issue that the Dutch fabrics were not authentically African in design content, Miller demanded a production switch which could express the African pride. Miller failed to provide the nature of production she envisaged (2017). We have, in Making Africa: A Continent of Contemporary Designs, perhaps the most comprehensive document of a touring exhibition of contemporary design of Africa (Vitra Design Museum 2015). It was published by the Vitra Design Museum, Germany, in 2015. The Museum’s array of diverse designs included those on “African Prints”. The 352-page museum documentary has a short review on Vlisco’s Dutch Wax (2015). Rhein was the contributor on Vlisco’s fabrics. He was worried that despite the huge commercial success recorded by Vlisco in terms of its operations and design content, it has been found questionable by many commentators. He revealed that Vlisco’s products are traditionally African; more so that many young African fashion designers within and outside the borders of Africa applied the fabrics for producing clothes and showcasing

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them at international fashion shows. One would declare on the contrary, that the fashion designers from Africa using the material for creating fashionable dresses does not make the fabric African. One might as well say that when a Japanese fashion designer uses a Ghanaian fabric in dressmaking, that automatically makes the fabric Japanese! The next item is taken from a Berlin-based blog, Art and Histories and Aesthetic Practices. This is a 2016 narrative titled “Stories and Storytellers: The Naming of Textiles in West Africa,” and authored by William Kwayanan-Wilson (2016). He summarized the history of Vlisco’s fabrics as being connected with the problems of African colonial past and even of the present global world, and revealed the way it started with Indonesian wax batik art and technique, then to mass-production and how it marketed the fabrics especially in West Africa today and in Holland. He confirmed the naming process and the names given to “African prints” by different communities in both West Africa and Europe, and questioned rationalising and appropriating the fabrics to any culture. He claimed that Africans appropriated the fabric by giving African names and attaching African oral tradition (especially sayings) to the fabrics (2016: 70). At the end, Kwayanan-Wilson proclaimed that the issue of ownership of the textile became more problematic in the sense that Indonesian art travelled to Africa as a result of European colonialism, now manufactured around the world in Holland, West Africa and Asia (China). He then quipped: How do you claim ownership of the textile? How do you then apportion ownership to Holland, West Africa and Asia? In conclusion, he submitted that “these textiles cannot be classified as purely European, African or Asian”. In addition, Kwayanan-Wilson called for further research on the theme (2016: 70). Sarah Archer published a paper on the Dutch fabrics in 2016 titled “How Dutch Wax Fabrics became a Mainstay of African Fashion”. It was a complement to an exhibition of Dutch prints under the programme “Welcome to Black Heritage Amsterdam Tours” at Philadelphia Museum of Art (Archer 2016). She observed certain points. First, she was convinced that Vlisco made marketing waves and successes in Africa with its products despite the debate on the question of its Africanness. Second, she briefly examined and thereafter acknowledged the enviable long history of indigenous African textiles. Third, Archer posted many questions which she could not answer. They included: Are Dutch wax prints really based on traditional African form? Can they be compared to indigenous African fabrics? Has the introduction of Dutch wax prints hurt the indigenous

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textile market, driving locally produced fabrics out of the market? She concluded the questions by saying “You be the judge”. Finally, Archer presented the outcome of the interview she conducted on the topic in this article. She presented in particular the opinion expressed by an anonymous informant she named as “Dr. Y”. The latter argued that the New York Times article discussed below and the claims made by Akinwumi falsified history in their insistence that Vlisco’s products were European when indeed the products addressed the needs of the African population. This is to state that “Dr. Y’s” point has earlier been broached. On the last note, Archer appealed that the sleeping dog be allowed to lie and that people should stop complaining about Vlisco products (2016). Bianca Exposito in “Colonialism, The Dutch East Indian Company and Traditional Fabrics” summarized the history of the Vlisco firm. She concluded by certifying that Vlisco’s products are “melding of cultures, Dutch, African and others which in the end created something beautiful”. Exposito’s article appeared in a newspaper The Closet Historian of 25 April 2015. A reader Stephthecostumer made a comment on the article in same newspaper 27 April 2015 raising a pungent query “can there be any truly equal cultural exchange when one of the parties (groups cited above) in the exchange has been traditionally oppressed by the other”? It seems the reader’s query suggests that the African contents in the “African Prints” has been traditionally oppressed by the Dutch. Let us ask again: where are the African contents in the Dutch wax prints as asked by Stephthecostumer? Robb Young, an acclaimed fashion journalist in Europe and the United States, in “Africa’s Fabric is Dutch”, interrogated the veracity of Africanness in “African Prints” (2012). Young interviewed Vlisco’s Creative Director, Roger Gerard, on the authenticity of the Africanity contents in Vlisco products, the outcome of which is reflected below. When Young visited Vlisco studio, he observed the following. The team of designers hailed from Germany, Cameroon, France, Nigeria, Mexico, Britain and the Netherlands. Commissioned designs were requested by the African merchants particularly from the 1950s. They ordered for their European design collections. Later Vlisco produced certain colour schemes for certain regions in Africa. Gerard stressed that this was one of the ways by which the company brought in the Africanity content into their designs. Young however contended, contrary to the views of the Creative Director, that the quality and adulation given to the products seem misplaced to the uninitiated in the West and indeed to many Africans. He declared that prints labelled as African prints were Dutch. The Director

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disagreed with Young, and explained that Vlisco developed through a symbiotic and very intense relationship between African consumers and traders, as well as through Dutch design. That the firm expanded designs to include other sources such as local landscape, allegorical objects used in daily life, like mirrors, desktop fans, international architectural monuments, Islamic geometrical patterns, modern music and tong-in-cheek pop art (2012) (see Figs. 8.5 and 8.6). The question to ask on the last point just raised is whether the listed art motifs are Africanity-oriented or that they were then just being developed in pretence for the global market. The motifs are not Africanity themes.

Anticipating More Objections More issues are expected on the Dutch wax prints among others, such as suggesting that Dutch wax prints are “Afropolitan” in nature and that they are global designs. Further objections may even include the charge that the view about African print expressed here represents a rather closed

Fig. 8.5  Vlisco prints showing motifs such as shoes, hats, magic wands, etc. (Source: Robb Young 2012)

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Fig. 8.6  Vlisco Prints showing motifs such as flowers, bags, E shapes and tapes

perception about what Africanity, or African designs, signifies in relation to cultural interactions with the world, and finally that an apologist of African designs may not permit the concept of interactions and adoption on this discourse. I respond to these possible objections below. Fabric designs are best judged by the technical experts especially fabric designers. Non-designers could do so and they do so always. It is one’s belief that many technical experts would declare that there is nothing “Afropolitan” about Dutch wax print designs. Amah Edoh and Robb Young have earlier clearly stated this. It was proved by Edoh that Dutch wax print are essentially made to meet the general elements and principles of design and thus achieve what is known as “good designs”. Vlisco accomplished that in order to meet criteria of global best practices just as this ethos has been achieved by designers of many past and contemporary prints across the world. It is therefore better to see the concept of global designs from the set global criteria for all designers and not otherwise.

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It is to be noted that Dutch wax prints are part of the uncountable number of fancy prints of various descriptions that have been imported and sold across Africa over time (Macmillan 1920: 19, 20, 71–89). Shall we then call all of them “African Prints” by virtue of the fact that they are marketed in Africa and because they have “global designs”? The question is not whether all these prints, including Dutch wax prints, are to be considered as cultural adaptation in Africa but could we say they have African ethnic artistic essence, not the imagined one as argued by Vlisco and its supporters? Producers and scholars of indigenous African fabrics have not expressed being cocooned in their world including being oblivious of world happenings around them. This is because the producers benefitted considerably from imported textile science and technology. Many scholars published on the issues of benefitting interactions, borrowings and adoptions among neighbouring communities in Africa as well as benefits from beyond Africa. A few references will suffice here, including the acknowledgement that there were and have always been cultural interactions and adoptions. For example, there were intra-borrowings and adoptions in Africa: broad loom technology was borrowed by northern Nigerian communities from the southern parts particularly from the Yoruba (Boser-Sarivaxevanis 1975: 329, 1980); the narrow loom technology was borrowed by the southern Nigerian communities from the Hausa and the Nupe (Boser-­ Sarivaxevanis 1980); brocade weave technology was suggested as having been developed by the Yoruba and it was borrowed and adopted by craftswomen and men in northern Nigeria and among the Igbo (Mason 1981: 54, 94; Perani 1979: 56–57; Aronson 1980: 64–66). There is no doubt that African indigenous textile craftswomen and men borrowed ideas. For example, they incorporated the western imported modern dyestuff especially for production of adire over the past century and adopted synthetic and cotton yarns for weaving across Africa such as for aso oke (Yoruba), akwete (Igbo), okene (Ebira) and kente (Asante) (Picton 1995: 9–21). After the borrowings from the Western textile science and technology, these craftswomen and men remained constant incorporating on their products art contents derived from their ethnic worldview. As the producers of Dutch wax prints did not borrow and adopt African ethnic arts into their products, how do they get the support of an apologist of Africanity-­ content designs to their side?

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The Way Forward Vlisco may have over time been gloating over the Africans’ inability to check its production pretence on the Africanity issue. The firm succeeded in its “civilizing mission” in Africa as it cunningly forced the European fabric model on the African market. By this move, the firm kept quiet as an oppressor, as monitored and declared by Edoh (2016) and Stephthecostumer (2015). Paradoxically most African fashion designers continued giving tacit approval to the “civilizing mission” because of their lack of knowledge. The battle to redress this production lapse in Africans’ favour is not lost totally; but what is the way forward? The issue has been addressed in two previous publications (Akinwumi 2008: 179–192; Akinwumi 2010: 309–314). In these publications, I suggested that future designs should be modelled after the irregular composition style characteristic of African tradition. It was proposed that innumerable design motifs can be derived from African handcrafted traditional textiles. Besides, design ideas should focus on the use of popular African objects and thoughts surrounding musical events of Africa and other themes. An apologist for African arts and culture, Enyinna Nwauche, argued that traditional culture of Africa must be prominently featured while writing (and designing) in the sphere of literature, art, design and music (Nwauche 2017). In his book, Traditional Cultural Expressions in Africa, the protection of traditional cultural expression in Africa was advocated. He discussed the need for one to be well-grounded in indigenous knowledge in order to produce good works on folklore and other forms of intangible cultural heritage. Other defenders of the Africanity issue are Dereje Debeli, Liu Jie Yuan and Zhou Jiu (2013). In a conference paper titled “African Textile Design and Fabric Art as a Source for Contemporary Fashion Trends”, they advocated the adoption, adaptation and application of motifs found in African traditional textiles as a source for producing contemporary African prints for Africans.

Conclusion The Vlisco firm executed the European colonial administration’s “civilizing mission” by selling fabrics to Africans with European artistic contents as “African Prints”, thus propagating European aesthetics and introducing “light” to Africa, the Conradian “Heart of Darkness”. This firm has

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operated for more than a century. And its operation has generated quite a lot of contrary perspectives. Some agreed that “African Prints” is Dutch, others that it is European while still others were convinced that Vlisco fabric design is an amalgam of some Euro-Asian culture. There is also the suggestion that it is purely African, European and Asian. The claim that “African Prints” is African was particularly debunked. In all these, the available but tortuous direction for Africa is to join in earnest the global race of textile production. And this can be done by undermining the global cultural textile imperialism that has been foisted on the continent by many decades of design oppression. The dispensation of being bound to European designers who produced and sold fake “African Prints” is now over. It is time for Africa to start producing her own prints and fabrics as a way to join the global textile trade and design. Africans should be able to raise the image of Africa as a continent by executing this pan-African project. It may appear a tall order but it is achievable if Africa gets dedicated number of African industrialists to fund the gigantic project.

References Abiodun, Roland. 1994. Understanding Yoruba Art and Aesthetics: The Concept of Ase. African Arts 27 (3): 68–78. Akinwumi, T.M. 2008. The ‘African Prints’ Hoaz: The Machine Produced Textiles Jeopardize African Print Authenticity. The Journal of Pan African Studies 2 (5): 179–192. ———. 2010. The European ‘African Prints’ and the Direction of Authentic African Print Design Efforts in Nigeria. Journal of Cultural Studies (Nigeria) 8: 309–314. ———. 2015. Adire Eleko Fabric Art: A Vanishing Nigeria Indigo Impression. Lagos: May University Press. ———. In Press. Lost Beauty Art of Old: Kolo Bridal Tattoo in African Society. Lagos: MacMaurice Publishers. Archer, S. 2016. How ‘Dutch Wax Fabrics’ Became a Mainstay of Art Fashion. The Philadelphia Museum of Art, November 3. Aronson, L. 1980. History of Cloth Trade in the Niger Delta: A Study of Diffusion. Textile History 11: 64–66. Barbour, J., and D Simmonds, eds. 1971. Adire Cloth in Nigeria, 11, 13, 52, 54, 69, 75 and 98. Ibadan: Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan. Borgatti, J.M. 1982. Okpella Masks: In Search of the Parameters of the Beautiful and the Grotesque. Studies in Visual Communication 8 (3): 28–40.

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———. 1988. Social Change and Aesthetic Attitudes in Okpella (Nigeria). Paper Read at the Annual Meeting of the Society of Cultural Anthropology, Washington, DC. Boser-Sarivaxevanis, R. 1975. Recherche sur L’historie des textiles traditioneles tisses et teints de L’Afrique occidentale. Band 86/1 und 2, 329. Basel: Verhandlungen der Naturforshenden Gesellschaft. ———. 1980. West African Textiles and Garments. Basel: Museum for Volkerkunde. Burton, R.F. 1863. Abeokuta and the Cameroons Mountains. Vol. 1, 105. London: Tinseley Brothers. Buttler, R. 1958. Sales of British Cotton Goods in West Africa. The Times, August 13: 12. Cordwell, J.M. 1958. Art and Aesthetics of the Yoruba. African Arts 16 (2): 56–59, 92, 94. Curtin, P.D. 1965. The Image of Africa. London: Macmillan. Debeli, D., L.J. Yuan, and Z. Jiu. 2013. African Textile Design and Fabric Art as a Source for Contemporary Fashion Trends. In Proceeding of the 2nd International Conference on Science and Social Research, 229–233. Hong Kong: Atlantis Press. Delhaye, C., and R.  Woet. 2015. The Commodification of Ethnicity: Vlisco Fabrics and Wax Cloth Fashion in Ghana. International Journal of Fashion Studies 2 (1): 77–97. Drewal, M.T., and H.J. Drewal. 1987. Composing Time and Space in Yoruba Art. Word and Image 3 (3): 225–251. Edoh, M.A. 2016. Redrawing Power? Dutch Wax Cloth and the Politics of ‘Good Design’. Journal of Design History 29 (3): 258–272. Esposito, B. 2015. Colonialism, The Dutch East Indian Company, and Traditional Fabrics. The Closet Historian, April 25. Gittinger, M., ed. 1989. To Speak with Cloth: Studies in Indonesian Textiles. Los Angeles: Museum of Cultural History. Hardin, K.L. 1987. The Aesthetics of Action: Production and Re-production in a West African Town. Ph.D. Dissertation, Indiana University. Hargreaves, J.D. 1963. Prelude to the Partition of West Africa. London: Macmillan. Imperato, P.J., and M. Shamir. 1970. Bokolanfini: Mud Cloth of the Bamana of Mali. African Arts 3 (4): 32–41. 80. Iseki, K. n.d. Mourning Clothes of West Africa Adinkra Clothes Among Asante. Osaka University of Art (Monography). Izakor, L.I. 1987. Quest for Further Exploitation: British Occupation of Nigeria. In Britain and Nigeria: Exploitation or Development, ed. T.  Falola, 55–65. London/Atlantic Highlands: Zed Brook. Jefferson, L.E. 1974. The Decorative Arts of Africa. London: Collins. Kaeppler, A. 1987. Melody, Drone and Decoration: Underlying Structures and Surface Manifestations in Tongan Art and Society. In Arts in Society, ed. M. Greenhalgh and V. Megan, 261–274. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

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Kwadwo, O. 2002. A Handbook on Asante Culture. Kumasi: Kwadwo Enterprise. Kwayanan-Wilson, W. 2016. Stories and Storytellers: The Naming of Textiles in West Africa. In From Traditional to Contemporary Aesthetic Practices in West Africa, Benin and Togo, ed. Hannah Baader and Gerhard Wolf. Berlin: The Art Histories and Aesthetics Practices Blog. Lawal, B. 1976. Some Aspects of Yoruba Aesthetics. British Journal of Aesthetics 14 (3): 239–249. Lubell, C. 1976. Textile Collections of the World. Vol. 2, 35, 92–95. London: Studio Vista. Macmillan, A. 1920. Red Book of West Africa, 19, 20, 71–89. London: Frank Cass. Mason, M. 1981. The Foundations of the Bida Kingdom. Vol. 54, 94. Zaria: AHmadu Bello University Press. Miller, M. 2017. The Fraught History of African Textiles. The Torrent, April 1. thetorrent.com.ng/2017/04/01th. Accessed 20 Aug 2018. Millson, A. 1891. The Yoruba Country, West Africa. Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, 586. Muller, A. n.d. Der Zengdrwck in Museum des Landes Glarus in Nafels. Glarus: Glarus Museum, n.p. Newman, T.R. 1977. Contemporary Southeast Asian Arts and Crafts. New York: Crown Publishers. Nielsen, R. 1979. The History and Development of Wax-Printed Textiles Intended for West Africa and Zaire. In The Fabrics of Culture, ed. J.M.  Cordwell and R.A. Schwarz, 467–498. The Hague: Mouton Publishers. Njoku, N. 2001. Economic History of Nigeria, 19th and 20th Centuries, 134–136. Enugu: Magnet Business Enterprises. Nwauche, E. 2017. Traditional Cultural Expression in Africa. n.p.: Springer International Publishing AG. Ofonagoro, W.I. 1979. Trade and Imperialism in Southern Nigeria, 1881–1929, 30–31. New York/Lagos: NOK. Perani, J. 1979. Nupe Costume Crafts. African Arts 12 (3): 56–57. Picton, J. 1995. Technology, Tradition and Lurex: The Art of Textiles in Africa. In The Art of African Textiles, Technology, Tradition and Lurex, ed. J.  Picton, 9–21. London: Barbican Art Gallery Publishers. Quarcoo, A.K. 1972. The Language of Adinkra Patterns. Legon: Institute of African Studies, Accra. Stephthecostumer. 2015. Commentary. The Closet Historian, April 27. Thompson, R.F. 1974. African Art in Motion. Los Angeles: University of California Press. Vitra Design Museum. 2015. Making Africa: A Continent of Contemporary Designs, Weilam Rhein, September 13. Young, R. 2012. Africa’s Fabric Is Dutch. New York Times, November 14.

CHAPTER 9

On the Search for Identity in African Architecture Emmanuel Babatunde Jaiyeoba

Introduction African architecture, if it exists in the sense of having a distinct identity, is yet to take its place in the theoretical and practice space of contemporary global architecture discourse. As stated by Le Roux (2004), African architecture or indigenous culture is yet to be felt within the symbolic language of built space even in African countries. If African influences are already prominent in other artistic forms like music, dance, spirituality, painting, sculpture, textiles, film and other cultural productions then architecture should not be left behind in architectural design and production with African identity. A search for an African identity in architecture necessitates and renews interest in African culture, indigenous and building tradition and its evolution in space and time. This is one of the objectives of this study. Another objective is to create awareness about the cultural achievements of African peoples, especially in architecture. This becomes imperative due to the lack of knowledge about the diversity and richness in comparison to the well documented European achievements as observed by Stahl (2005).

E. B. Jaiyeoba (*) Department of Architecture, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_9

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While different perspectives on African architecture exist and African architecture has recorded influences on architecture, art and artists in the developed world, some of these perspectives doubt whether African architecture actually exist at all. Meanwhile, the variants of architecture in different parts of Africa are as diverse as the peoples, the crafts, occupations and other socio-economic and cultural characteristics, the climate, topography and the pre-colonial, colonial and postcolonial histories. Though architecture satisfies the basic need for shelter, it remains a significant part of the stories and memories in the construction and understanding of the history of places. Also, in conceptualising the identity of architecture one of the issues is whether the origin of an architect should be discoverable from the design project, aside the other prevalent issues of the clients’ needs, budget and purposes, the site and contextual constraints and the user’s limitless requirements. The identity issue is made complex by the multifarious dimensions that the design solution must respond to like the program/brief, budget, the sites climatic, economic and technological contexts, especially in the midst of sometimes large and diverse design team. The brand and identity requirements of the client may even override that of the architect unless for those architects whose brand or identity is already established in a way that dictated the choice of the designer. Opponents of identity, whether African or otherwise, believe these aforementioned regulators far outweigh architectural identity imposition. However, the Eurocentric academic establishment has globalised architecture’s identity discourse around Western civilisation to the detriment of other civilisations, and the development of other nonWestern viewpoints. The goal of this chapter is to rekindle the discourse on the identity of African architecture through a qualitative literature review of the contending perspectives. The idea is to try to tease out the dynamics of that identity from the various contentions, as well as the global and diasporic influences of African architecture. The review also covers obstacles, precepts and possible approaches to creating African architecture identity to surmise the way forward in the search for African architecture identity.

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Perspectives and Contentions on African Architecture There are documented misconceptions about African architecture that point to issues that need further investigation to discover more directions for African architecture identity. African Architecture as Simple Shelter The need for more documentation and studies on African architecture is confirmed by the misconception that African architecture is nothing more than a desire to provide shelter for humans (Vlach 1976b). The argument of those who hold this view is based on the idea that Africa lacks the monumental and technologically sophisticated structures as documented in popular architectural history and literature of ancient civilisations in the West and the Far East. Also, African indigenous buildings were seen as impermanent and were not produced by lettered and “civilised” people as established by western thought. It was seen as mere “shelter” or at best “material culture” devoid of meaning and “a feeling of space” as understood by the western architectural academy (Prussin 1974). Furthermore, according to Robert Plant Armstrong (1971: 179), architecture needs to have affective quality to have affective presence, and African architecture lacked any affective impact since there was no tradition of building technologically sophisticated buildings. The counter argument however posits that sheltering space is first borne out of an idea motivated by some desires that is embedded in socioculturally defined needs. The processes, the organisation, and the materials adopted vary within different societies even if they coexist in the same region of the world (Vlach 1976b). Vlach further argues that building goes beyond the materials, techniques and technology of construction, and that the investigation of the African built environment should rather focus on ideas, intentions, spatial quality, symbols, expectations and concepts behind the material reality of buildings and towns. For example, the Yoruba family house in relation to the courtyard system is said to be suggested by the opening line of the Yoruba divinatory system of Ifa: “I build a house around you Ifa, so you can build a house around me, so you can let children surround me, so you can let money surround me” (Bascom 1969). This shows that there is more to the buildings than just the need for shelter but whether it constitutes architecture is another controversy.

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“Africa Does Not Have Architecture” Some scholars assert that architecture is an index of progress from savagery to civilisation and western modernisation as reflected by house architecture, family and domestic life (Lewis H.  Morgan in Demissie 1997). Civilisation and modernisation include having a regulated material industry with a technologically advanced building industry. Instead of this, according to Fry and Drew, We found few building materials we could use, no building industry, no codes of building practice worth the name, and little architecture we could emulate. But everywhere in the huts, villages and mud-walled towns of these trusting, gentle people are found the beauties of a once closely-adjusted culture that was melting away before our eyes…. (cited in Liscombe 2006: 25)

A contrasting view is the discourse on the autonomous status of architecture that theorises architectural production as representative of meanings, marking of landscapes with cultural inscriptions and the system of power it represents (Demissie 1997). In addition, architecture can only be described and experienced in relation to the other arts, crafts and the experiences of people as a means of cultural production. In a study of indigenous tent architecture of nomadic people in Africa deploying visual, oral, literary and ethnographic data, Prussin (1995) suggests that the nature of the desert environment, geographic mobility, marriage rituals and the nature of transport technology were important to the development of nomadic architecture in Africa. African Architecture as Minor Architecture In modern architectural discourse, Giovannoni and Piacentini theorised the concept of minor architecture that attracted the interest of Italian architects in Libyan vernacular architecture. Carlo Enrico Rava (in McLaren 2002) argues that the Libyan vernacular architecture was derived from Roman architectural precedents and therefore connected with Italy’s past which reflects a modernist aesthetic in its spare, simple forms that is responsive to climate. Though McLaren (2002) proposed an abstract assimilation of the forms and typologies in the colonial architecture, he asserts that by conceiving Islamic art and architecture in Libyan architecture as ancient and modern Italian culture, Rava and other Italian

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architects displayed a Eurocentric view in contemporary Western historiography. This view, through an understanding developed in the so-called “scientific” disciplines like anthropology and ethnography and a racially motivated interpretation of Libyan culture, conceives Libyan architecture as a timeless repository of an essentially backward people; a view opposed by McLaren (2002) and Elleh (2011), amongst others. African Architecture as “Civilised Products” In a review of Steven Nelson book, From Cameroon to Paris: Mousgoum Architecture in and out of Africa (2007), Elleh (2011) observed that the teleuk (a traditional architecture found among the Mousgoum, an ethnic group in Northern Cameroon) is majorly appreciated according to Eurocentric aesthetic standards as “civilised” structures and at the same time as advanced primitive architectural products from Africa. This, for Elleh (2011), is because in Nelson’s narrative, the teleuk has made its circuitous journey back to Africa after decades of interpretive and diverse synthetic, cultural and structural diagnostic journeys in the western world. Elleh (2011) further observed that the persistent treatment of tradition and modernity when it relates to African architecture in Western imagination is a double negative that historians must note, report but must not confirm and institutionalise. African Architecture as Romanticism Ceesay (1976) observed that Gardi and MacRae’s (1976) book, Indigenous African Architecture, is poetic since they showed a romantic preference for the simpler, less technological rural life of the peasant in Africa; and that despite the erosion of indigenous architecture, this beautiful way of life must be preserved. Put in another way, African architecture as a part of indigenous knowledge may just be a feel-good way of searching for answers in topsy-turvy times; it may not be useful practically for contemporary times beyond ideological reasons (Bar-On 2015). Africa as “Ideal Laboratory for the West” Wright (2002), the architectural historian, coined the phrase “ideal laboratory for the West” to make the point that Africa being an unknown world for European architects allowed them to try out new forms, explore

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new models in a new culture “unencumbered by the constraints of democratic politics or shared cultural norms” (cited in Immerwahr 2007: 4). In their foundational treatise on tropical architecture, Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew (1964) were elated to be free from the rigidity of conservative habits and customs in England in their architectural practice in West Africa. Immerwahr narrated that a British architect working in Africa saw Africa as an “architect’s paradise” where “…everything and anything is allowed” (Immerwahr 2007: 5). Also, Africa was the first place where the International Style was initiated in 1915 by projects built in reinforced concrete by the great August Perret in Casablanca. It was followed by another project by one of Perret’s great disciples, Le Corbusier in Algeria (Moshé 2005).

Triple Heritage of Postcolonial African Architecture This perspective is made popular by Nnamdi Elleh’s book African Architecture, a book that surveys buildings all over the continent of Africa by relying on Ali Mazrui’s triple-heritage thesis comprising of African indigenous, Islamic, and European influences. A critique of the triple heritage concept raises issues of whether there was a cultural vacuum in Africa before contact with other cultures despite the indigenous aspect of the thesis. On the contrary, the objection suggests that African scholars and Africanists should rather pursue the unpopular line of inquiry which includes studying the influence of African cultures on other cultures or adopt the Cartesian intellectual and moral approach of doubting all that has been written on Africa (Habtu 1984). Contrary to these negative ideas about African architecture, there are documented influences of African architecture that substantiates the existence of African architecture and provide more sources of identity.

Global Influences of African Architecture African architecture has continued to affect the architecture and other arts of other societies and cultures at different times and in different places across the world. The mullet fishermen camp in North Carolina defies the racial prejudice in the racist southern America because it transcended racial divisions of the era by borrowing architectural ideas brought by West

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African slaves. “The circular walls, conical or hemispherical roofs, central fireplaces, and thatching and lathing methods exemplify a complex building technique and architectural philosophy prevalent for centuries in many parts of West Africa” (Cecelski 1993: 10). The building required for mullet fishery is derived from by the black fishermen’s concept of architecture and design passed from generation to generation present in Afro-Caribbean building with similar African influence. But this is not present in any European or American patterns of vernacular building (Cecelski 1993). The slavery era was when the American South building, craftwork and furniture making was taken over by slave-artisans and African craftsmen-­ slaves who operated as “supervisor-designer-builder” under a “master”. After emancipation, according to Booker T. Washington, the whites had lost building skills and became dependent on now freed slaves (Grant, 1996 in Kliment 2007). Furthermore, the shotgun house, which is the central building type in the development of an Afro-American architecture that first appeared in New Orleans about the same time of massive infusion of blacks, has its roots in African architecture. It is a distant and long-term link starting from the sixteenth century trans-Atlantic slave trade, the growth of free black communities, the beginning of folk/vernacular architecture (Vlach 1976a, c). Yoruba and Yoruba-related people were prominent among the first group of slaves brought to Haiti and they preserved a lot of African cultural elements including the building tradition. The Yoruba two-room house unit, the horizontal and vertical dimensions, the morphological and the spatial arrangement constitute the same features of the Haitian shotgun. The form and philosophy of architecture of the Haitian shotgun are African contributions which involves the design process. They are deeply embedded in Haitian culture and were later taken to Louisiana. The shotgun of Port-au Prince then became, quite directly, the shotgun of New Orleans. Historically, the American shotgun is connected to Haiti and therefore represents the final product of processes emanating from African architecture (Vlach 1976a, c). Technology transfer in metal processing from Africa to the West took place during the slavery era. The contemporary technological transfer from the West to Africa earlier occurred from African iron making culture by enslaved iron workers to Western Maryland in America. This was established by Jean Libby in a 1991 MA thesis through African American autobiographies, data from archaeology, census, legal records and advertisement between 1760 and 1850. Technological diffusion, occupational identity

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and resistance to enslavement were observed through a comparison of the furnace technology and cultural practices of iron making societies in Maryland and West Africa (www.africahistory.net). Also Candice Gouche (Hauser 1999 cited in Emeagwali 2018a), identified iron, gold and copper based alloy techniques of African metallurgists in the charcoal fuelled bloomer process that survived till the nineteenth century in parts of the Caribbean and eastern North America (www.gloriaemeagwali.com). David Hughes in the 1994 book, Afrocentric Architecture: A Design Primer, highlights form, order, hierarchy, monumentality and detail as architectural concepts that originated from Africa as evident in the Pyramids of Egypt and the abstract West African ceremonial masks. These evidences and others have continued to influence the design of buildings and planning of spaces around the world (Kliment 2007). Also, while the love of African music is a recent phenomenon, the search for Africa’s artistic outputs by museums in Europe started during the nineteenth century. The unfamiliar rhythms, shapes and forms including architectural elements like posts, frames and doors reclassified as sculpture inspired artists like Pablo Picasso, Henri Emile Benoit Matisse, and Georges Braque. African sculpture greatly influenced cubism as evident in Amedeo Modigliani’s long-faced portraits bringing to remembrance African masks (Prussin 1974; Robinson and Labi 2001 cited in Imaah 2004).

Obstacles to Identity in African Architecture David Brody, a Fellow of the American Institute of Architects (FAIA) in New York, believes African architecture and African art are a product of Africa’s cultural and the material circumstances and not just a style, and this explains the differences across the continent in the same manner that Holland, Scandinavian and Turkish architecture is different in Europe (Kliment 2007). However, Africa’s history of balkanisation, and of groups, whether referred to as ethnic groups, regions or nationalities, that was exacerbated initially by rivalry, conflicts, slave trade and later by colonisation, is the major hindrance to a coherent African identity in any endeavour, apart from architecture. Okoye (2002) raised the cogent issue of Nigeria alone having over two hundred and fifty different architectural histories, and each country in Africa having an average of eleven ethnic groups with different languages. The dilemma of African, American and European historians when studying anything “African” is to be looking for the traditional, the

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indigenous and local inventions uncontaminated by any globalised histories. Denyer (1978) studied the traditional architectural styles of over 204 different ethnic groups living below fifteen degrees north in Sub-Saharan Africa. Kliment (2007), presenting the views of proponents and antagonists of Afrocentric architecture in America, inquired whether there are elements that belong to different racial or ethnic groups and what constitutes African architecture—West African, Sub-Saharan, Caribbean, Antebellum South, and East African—without mentioning North African. Furthermore, antagonists asked if a trained architect or an untrained observer recognise by the use of materials, detailing, ornament, the flow of spaces or the site layout an African-American architects project. The proponents of identity argue that all artistic and cultural output –music, art, textile, fashion, food and architecture—possesses the ethnic creative spirit and attribute. Slave trade and colonisation are two events in history that are obstacles to a truly indigenous African identity but may unavoidably contribute to identity in African architecture. Studies may continue to imagine if slave trade and colonisation never happened, what transpired during the periods and the after effects of each. Karin Barber, in reviewing Enwezor’s (2001), book argued that for many of the contributors to the book “…the twentieth century was the century of Western modernity; but in Africa, they argue, modernity was delayed for half a century, since it could only come with decolonization ….and that we have not yet understood the effects of the process of decolonization on the emergence of ‘new narratives and subjectivities, identities and nationalities, contemporary and historical forms’” (2003: 175–177). The question is whether fragmentation completely nullifies the possibility of identifying with a group within Africa that is useful for developing a variant of African architecture. New interpretations of pre-colonial, colonial and postcolonial architecture of different groups can contribute to evolution of identities in African architecture. Moreover, contemporary African architecture is intertwined with Western architecture and establishment in many ways. Early studies of indigenous African architecture were done by European archaeologists and anthropologists to understand these “others” whose culture and way of life are inferior to that of Europe (Lane 2005 in Wynne-Jones and Croucher 2007). Perhaps if the first studies were done by Africans, the focus of the studies and the findings may have been skewed towards more identity relevant issues. Also, the pioneer practitioners were colonial architects and engineers that introduced western elements with some attempts

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to adapt these elements to the African context. A good example is what is conceptualised as tropical architecture, an adaptation of modern architecture to the climatic and environmental conditions of the tropics. In addition, the education of the first generation of African architects and architectural educators both within and outside the continent of Africa has a background not deep in indigenous African tradition and creative arts or at best selected portions of African history. Most of these pioneers of African architecture studied in missionary primary and secondary schools, as well as in European and American higher institutions. The forefathers of architecture in Nigeria, for instance, were torn between their foreign education and architectural experiences and the architectural contexts of African cultures and traditions. The first generation of African architects followed the modernist paths of the colonial architects who adapted their designs to the environmental climate, functional requirements of the clients and the sites with little or no cultural inputs. There was little or no interest to incorporate indigenous traditions or culture into tropical modernism inherited from the colonial era architects. Falola and Dauda gave the example of hierarchical segregation of residential areas in newly planned universities in Nigeria into senior and junior staff quarters and according to academic grades, as “systemic institutional and subliminally deep-rooted or neurologically-wired colonialism that has been ingrained and programmed into the subconscious mind-set of Nigerians including the professional human settlement planners” (2017: 441–442) The general agreement at conferences organised post-­ independence by architects was that while it is the business of architecture to establish an identity for Nigeria, this can only be done by looking forward to a modernist architectural future without any local history or culture relationship (Immerwahr 2007). Ulli Beier (cited in Immerwahr, 2007) observed the modernist inevitability of most public buildings built by foreigners, and suggested that Nigerians see modern architecture as a symbol of progress and participation in a modern world. This has not changed. For example, many Nigerians, except those in the lowest income bracket, crave the modern style buildings especially whatever is in vogue in the environment with little or no thought about connectivity with the traditional or the indigenous. The greater problem of developing an African architecture identity is that major projects are awarded to foreign consultants by the government and public authorities without any competition or competitive award process to solicit culture-inclusive design solutions. The masterplan of

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Nigeria’s federal capital at Abuja as well as other major projects are case studies in this regard (Immerwahr 2007). Also, when colonial officials thought about instituting comprehensive system of African education, it was based on the architectural idioms of the British and transatlantic models. The curriculum and content of architectural education in Nigeria is still largely based on this model that unfortunately relies on writings of Western architectural scholars due to the little or no attention paid to the funding of architectural education and research in Africa. Another obstacle is that the architecture of Africa was divorced from the other visual arts—sculpture, drawing and painting, especially once the arts of Africa started attracting world attention and became the source for new forms of expression. Many of the removable and meaningful wooden elements in African architecture—carved wooden columns, plaques in wood or metal, decorative roof pinnacles, doors, doorposts, doorframes, and locks, all architectural components—were removed from their contextual surroundings and reclassified as sculpture. These were pilfered and transported to European museums and bistros where they inspired great artists like Picasso, Modgiliani and others (Prussin 1974). Moreover, the modern state in Africa is so weak that it cannot enforce the laws as written in the statutes that only the professionally registered architect can design buildings and register with approval authorities before any building can be erected (Okoye 2002). Okoye also suspects that the African academy has no African historical architecture but has chosen to engage architectural history through the traditional and myopic idea of modernism. This is partially agreeing with Maxwell Fry’s idea that contemporary architectural practice has nothing to benefit from African historical architecture. The orthodoxy of European expertise coupled with Western and modernist architectural theory was only challenged by those who are not architects, like the artist Demas Nwoko. Demas Nwoko introduced African sensibility into twentieth century architectural projects, including the Dominican Chapel and the Benin Museum confirming that African architectural and art history has a place in contemporary architecture. In the process, his works has continued to receive rare reviews and documentation and “illegitimate” state architectural commissions since he is not professionally a registered architect (Okoye 2002). Another hindrance to African identity in architecture is the uniformity of design expression enveloping the world in the name of “modernisation” or “globalisation,” and the consequent loss of a sense of place. Globalised ideas and ideals in architecture, as defined by the community of

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practitioners, clients, trained and untrained observers and users, often dictate what and how architects design. Often there are prevailing modes of expression especially for globalised typologies like hotels, shopping malls and commercial brand stores. Associated with this is the multiple standards in judging what is modern. For example, in modernism, every form of decoration was discouraged. However, this is subjectively judged. As pointed out by David Lee, FAIA, of Stull & Lee, Boston USA, the introduction of Corbusian colours instead of the preferred clean and white colour can be tolerated instead of a kente cloth pattern in a room. Similarly, if Robert Stein introduced a Western themed row of Greek columns in a design, it will be readily accepted whereas he feared the opposite if he introduced African forms (Kliment 2007). Therefore, the greatest obstacle to having any form of identity in African architecture is whether African traditional architecture is useful for contemporary times and contemporary spatial organisation needs. The observation of Elleh (2011) about Nelson (2007) book, “From Cameroon to Paris: Mousgoum Architecture in and out of Africa”, is apt in stating that “…the most significant contribution Nelson makes is using the teleuk to raise new sets of research questions by positioning an aspect of African traditional architecture in perpetual intellectual tension with modernist and contemporary practices” (2011: 99).

Precepts in Identity Formulation in African Architecture In spite of the obstacles in deploying African identity in architecture, case studies have been documented in Africa and diaspora that suggest the way forward. Architecture may choose to romanticise the past or look into the future. This is the case with Langston in Oklahoma. The university presidents’ residence, known as “the white house”, is in the Greek colonial revival style that reminds the Langston residents of their ancestors’ slavery past that they would rather forget. The bungalows built by the second generation embody the lives, dreams and realities and physical statement of optimism, hope and progress that looks into the future (Hardwick 1997). Through the personal narratives of the Langston residents, the appropriations, transformations and oppositional coded meanings were expressed while romanticising the past or looking into the future.

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Curvilinear forms are traceable to the fluidity of African forms in indigenous towns and villages. This was generously used in Ebenezer Baptist Church, Auburn Street, Atlanta where Martin Luther King Jnr. used to preach. According to Kliment (2007), it was a logical project to utilise African motifs and Ethiopian Coptic Christian forms. The design was done by SAK made up of William Stanley III (FAIA), and Ivenue Love-­ Stanley (FAIA), and Stanley, Love-Stanley, PC in Atlanta. There are also clients that actually request for projects with African identity in Africa as well as in the diaspora. A case in point is the Elementary School designed by Kennard Design Group, Los Angeles, where the community desired the project to reflect African and African American culture though the firm rarely used African elements in their projects (Kliment 2007). Actually, in another approach to identity formulation, members of diaspora groups are known to re-enact embodied ways while laying claims to ownership of the places and nations in which they settle (Werbner and Fumanti 2013). The approach of “diasporic aesthetics” has been utilised for looking at diasporic food, dance, music and dress. The transformative power of mimesis results in an alternate multicultural image of the nation and mimesis serves as a form of ownership within the host country (Werbner and Fumanti 2013 cited in Ricke 2017). Africans in diaspora may utilise this in creating individual and African identity in architecture. In another context, Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, the most prominent European architects that worked in English West Africa, embraced contradictory assumptions of political and cultural change in modern architecture. On the one hand, they acknowledged local knowledge and practice by commissioning local artists to execute superficial crafts on particular elements of the building while taking into account local climate and topography. On the other hand, they also participated in colonial projects of importing Western modernity and European techniques into transforming African architectural conditions. Western modernity and westernised division of labour were to mediate indigenous culture to create African political and cultural independence towards “a formal and aesthetic framework for authentic African Architecture” (Liscombe, 2006: 194). However, in order to commence the evolution of a distinct African architectural identity, we need the reinterpretations of architecture during the colonial era from the viewpoint of traditional architecture by looking for precepts derived from our cultures and tradition. And to do this, we need to urgently interrogate not only architectural practices, but all areas

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of African artistic culture—arts and craft, music, dance, literary works, as well as written and oral tradition. Postcolonial African architecture studies need to look back to the precolonial period. The West African coast, particularly the Lusophone areas of Senegambia and Bissau before the culture contact with the Europeans, was the origin of an architecture adapted to the social needs, climate and materials of sub-Saharan Africa. The distinctive Euro-African architecture inappropriately referred to as the “Portuguese style” coincided with the establishment of the Luso-African ethnic group with a cultural identity through the seventeenth century (Mark 1995). Mark (1995) further observed that in defining the cultural identity of the Luso-Africans by economic specialisation, language and religion, the group identity was also founded on shared material culture. It is important to study the dynamics in the politics, economy and climate relative to the settlement patterns and cultural identity in the evolution of architectural identities. Borrowing good things from other peoples, especially with regard to handling indigenous knowledge and modern technology, is necessary. Indigenous knowledge is a significant part of identity and way of life of the Amish communities and the ultra-orthodox Jews in the United States. Also, the Native American and Australian aboriginal groups seek to either reconstruct their historical indigenous knowledge with up-to-date technology or conserve some knowledge for future generations in order to preserve their cultural roots. For example, an out-of-date activity like shooting of bow and arrow is even taught by some Bushmen (2015). Also, products of architecture are known to last many years. They are a repository of a people’s history as well as history making in an unending continuum. Considering the Kuwaiti’s rapid development after the discovery of oil, Mahgoub (2006) observed a multiplicity of identities co-existing at the same time as hyper – identity since culture is dynamic with evolution and culture contact. Culture contact results in mutual cultural appropriation by the two cultures. There is the cultural appropriation of the local Akan architecture featuring the courtyard and asymmetric composition and the symmetrical, compact two-storey structure, colonial British and Afro-Portuguese architectural style in the hybrid architecture of the Ghana coastal area between 1870 and 1920 (Micots 2015). Producing hybrids is another way of expressing African identity by designers. According to Micots (2015), the houses in Anomabo, Ghana produce an African style that continues the discourse of globalisation, modernity and colonialism on African agency.

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These precepts, in addition to the possible approaches suggested in literature, point the way forward in arriving at partial and whole identity in African architecture.

Possible Approaches to Creating Identity in African Architecture Studies and reviews have made subtle observations in codifying and recognising identity expressions, ingredients and formulation. Identity is communicated, received and interpreted subjectively by observers. Life is not dependent on it but it reveals intentions and a framework for arriving at these intentions with dependence on the understanding of these intentions by others (Wynne-Jones and Croucher 2007). The process and product of identity are continuously negotiated in the social context and the performance and practice evolves daily from social issues in the context (Bourdieu 1977; Butler 1990). It is not an individual or group primordial characteristic based on one category of difference (Bhabha 1994; Casella and Fowler 2005; Meskell 2001). There has been a critique of describing people’s architecture by just the form. It is richer to add oral history of the experiences of people. Loughran believes that Prussin’s book, Nomadic Architecture of Africa, is “is about process, about change. It is also about the anatomy of perception—how understanding comes through the senses, through memory and experience, as well as through words” (1997: 92). Also Demissie (1997), in reviewing the same book, observed that Prussin, in using visual, oral, literary, and ethnographic data, explores the production of indigenous tent architecture in Africa and suggests that the nature of the desert environment, geographic mobility, marriage rituals, and the nature of transport technology have particular imprints on the specificity of the development of nomadic architecture in Africa. Therefore, it is important to relate architecture to culture in the search for identity. What are the architectural experiences that have endured over time? Vlach (1976b) observed that in spite of many buildings made in mud being destroyed after a few rainy seasons, there are palace buildings and family houses that have been existing for over 300 years. McLaren (2002) asserts that the indigenous architecture of Libya, which is a repository of traditional culture wrongly designated as “Italian” by Rava and other Italian architects because of politics of exclusion and purity, is a material basis for producing an identity.

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Descriptive narratives of traditional architecture of Africa are inadequate. Elleh (2011) pointed out that Nelson (2007) studied the Mousgoum social institutions that affect the building of the teleuk including the structure of the homestead, how to become a mason, and the art of building through the movement of the body (corporeal architecture), rhythm and dance and the judgement of taste (beauty) to situate this Northern Cameroon traditional building in the context of history. Elleh (2011) also opine that Nelson’s approach recognises that studying buildings within the social context of production allows for social-spatial characteristics-­ tectonics  – to be read as embodiments of architectural form, function, materiality, technology and aesthetics to access meaning in architecture. It is noticeable that ordinary Africans are known to combine the new and the old whereas researchers and policy makers are scared and continue to tinker at the edge of bankrupt theories (Logan et al. 2012). A case in point is the bifurcated architectural vision of tropical modernism for government offices and major downtown buildings while preferring catalogue-­ type European residences for government estates in Lagos, Nigeria. Meanwhile ordinary people with minimal income build in ways that keep alive aspects of indigenous building tradition and allows maintenance of a complex informal economy. (Immerwahr 2007). Common people built neither European type housing nor traditional mud huts. They simply followed the Brazilian ex-slaves’ model of roomy houses on either side of a corridor that performed the mini-function of the Yoruba courtyard with kitchen and toilet facilities externally or internally located at the back (Jaiyeoba et al. 2017). In a critique of Prussin’s understanding of the Fulbe identity as defined by language, nomadism, pastoralism, and Islam, which is based on the colonial project of distinguishing “tribes” as hermetically sealed cultural environments, DeLancey (2014) posits that ethnic and religious categories may have less meaning than local identities in relation to Fulbe building tradition in varying locations from the Adamawa Region, Cameroon, Guinea to the Fouta Djallon region. What is thought of as a “Fulbe identity” is rather a nexus of cultural intersections in design creation and employment since there are transformation of political and socio-cultural forces. DeLancey concludes that “Building an inclusive local history of architecture is a necessity in combatting the often artificial divisions invoked, or provoked, in the colonial period that continue to haunt the present” (2014: 40).

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Hanna Le Roux (2004) reported in an interview that Olumuyiwa, one of the first generation of local but foreign-trained architects, said Nigerian architecture had not arrived at a regional style like Switzerland, Spain or Japan. Le Roux observed that it was unclear whether he meant this was a stage in the evolution of the formation of an identity for Nigerian architecture, or that modernism provides an avenue for neutral expression considering the ethnic complexities of Nigeria. Olumuyiwa actually did not reject the African identity since his dress code was usually African, and he was at the forefront in the formation of the Nigeria Institute of Architects to challenge the then status quo of foreign architects’ dominance in professional practice. According to Le Roux (2004), this signifies Olumuyiwa’s acceptance of the triple heritage of Islamic, Western and African influences on contemporary African life. Alan Vaugh Richards attempted in his work to incorporate cultural motifs and communicate African architecture to the world by documenting significant local buildings as part of his belief in communicating African architecture to the world. In a continent with many ex-colonised nations, Falola and Dauda (2017) suggested for Nigeria the recognition of social agents of colonisation as well as an intense examination of Nigerian creativity and culture towards reviving them. Traditional architecture, as a critical part of creativity and culture, needs a revival to work out variants of cultural identities in a multi-ethnic country. The diversity of cultures in nations and the whole of Africa can only contribute to the richness of forms and interpretations in architectural form coming out of Africa and African countries. If this interpretation occurs simultaneously all over Africa, it is possible for comparative studies to overview, synthesise and improve these expressions towards fashioning out African architecture identities.

Conclusion African architecture that was said to be non-existent actually influenced the building tradition in North Carolina, and the African indigenous metal technology was diffused to Western Maryland. If the African idea of that era was taken into diaspora, it is important to make some of these ideas and ideals recognisable in present and future practice. It is also necessary to widen the search for identity in African architecture to African architecture in the diaspora or all forms of architecture elsewhere with roots or link to the continent. Bar–On’s (Bar-On 2015) argument that the

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ideological end of the search for indigenous knowledge cannot be validated is not entirely true when it comes to architecture. Architecture displays practically the ideology of the designer, the perception and interpretation of the client and the brief, the physical, social, economic, political and technological context amongst other intangibles. The ideology of architecture can be put into practice, and the practice and products of architecture can be interpreted ideologically. Furthermore, African Arts has been able to influence practitioner of different arts—painting, sculpture, music, dance—in other climes, including developed societies. It is imperative to develop authentic identity from African arts for African architecture. Also, African people’s music, spirituality, genealogy, life and customs, including the environment and natural landscapes, are unique and can be integrated into architectural design conception. African architecture, both in Africa and in the African Diaspora, was evidently communal; meanwhile we have been pursuing foreign models that promote social isolation. Some “foreign” architecture models have been perceived a failure in their places of origin and studies in social isolation are now being commissioned in North America seeking solutions to the social malaise of unexplainable human conduct of both the young and the aged in their society. Africa has enough economic induced social problems which adding the space designed induced ones might result in immeasurable social-psychological problems. The time to revert back to the traditional values and ethos in African architecture is now. Another way forward is a review of curriculum and pedagogy of Architecture and teaching in architecture schools. The curriculum students go through in school greatly affects the architectural ideology and philosophy the architect deploys in practice. The example of the first African American architect—Robert R. Taylor—is instructive in this sense. All buildings on the campus of Tuskegee Institute, in Alabama that he designed were in the Greek revival manner as in the MIT design curriculum where he graduated (Sass 1994). Great buildings should have history and culture embedded in their conception. We need studies of built forms and structures of the past meshed in culture studies with interpretations of symbols, signs, forms and all the intangibles that makes the humans perform daily activities and occasional rituals in relation to the community. A simplistic observation of our monumental architecture which by itself is eclectic shows wholesale “foreign” decorative columns, pillars, pilasters

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and wall edges devoid of indigenous arts and crafts with historical significance related to the typology under consideration. There is no doubt that what constitutes African identity will be as diverse as the peoples and dynamic cultures in Africa and the Africa diaspora at different periods in history. This diversity will yield multifarious interpretations. These different interpretations derivable from the diverse African culture and all the African arts, sciences, technology and way of life must be based on in-depth knowledge and should permeate from the exterior to the interior and all dimensions of the project. Not attempting to deploy African identity at all will make the status quo to prevail. The status quo is the denial of African culture, indigenous knowledge, building tradition and architecture roles in global architecture, arts and development discourse. This lop-sidedness diminishes the global architecture knowledge base and knowledge production by undermining the presence of Africa on the world map. Eldemery (2009) puts forward recommendations to counter globalisation of architecture to include adopting architectural forms expressing contextual place, local and regional histories, heritage, culture and dominant styles in relation to positive aspects of advanced technology. Furthermore, it is possible to homogenise the project with the distinct place identity and simultaneous linkage to the necessary global forces. African identity can permeate interior design and furnishing. Algotsson (2000) describes the distinguishing characteristics of the African style and how African objects, forms, colours and textures can result in an African interior. The hallmarks of African style are continuity, technique, simplicity, spirituality and flexibility with the necessity of knowledge of Africa and its diversity (Kliment 2007). There is also the need for every place and project to have a character or uniqueness that is recognisable. Architects and urban designers pride themselves in being able to impose uniqueness in design based on individualism or manipulation of the circumstance and context of a project. This characteristic of designers makes it imperative for Africans and Africans in diaspora to deploy African identity when appropriate. The idea that the built environment is part of the historical artefacts in constructing the history of places and peoples who have definite roots necessitates more research into the architecture and building tradition in space and time. One way of encouraging this research in Africa is to seek to utilise the past in contemporary architectural design solutions through continuous search for African identity. From the whole to the parts, the idea to the ideology,

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the form through its perception to the interpretation and from practice to the theory, African architecture identity will only take a rightful place in global knowledge by infusing the traditional and indigenous African worldview to the present and the future.

References Algotsson, S. 2000. African Style: Down to the Details. New York: Clarkson Potter. Armstrong, R.P. 1971. The Affecting Presence: An Essay in Humanistic Anthropology. Urbana/London: University of Illinois Press. Barber, K. 2003. Review of ‘The Short Century: Independence and Liberation Movements in Africa 1945–1994’ by Okwui Enwezor. The Journal of African History 44 (1): 175–177. Bar-On, A. 2015. Indigenous Knowledge: Ends or Means? International Social Work 58 (6): 780–789. Bascom, W. 1969. Ifa Divination: Communication Between Gods and Men in West Africa. Bloomington: Indiana University. Bhabha, H.K. 1994. The Location of Culture. London: Routledge. Bourdieu, P. 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Butler, J. 1990. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. New York: Routledge. Casella, E.C., and C.  Fowler. 2005. The Archaeology of Plural and Changing Identities: Beyond Identification. New  York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. Cecelski, D.S. 1993. The Hidden World of Mullet Camps: African-American Architecture on the North Carolina Coast. The North Carolina Historical Review 70 (1): 1–13. Ceesay, M. 1976. Indigenous African Architecture by René Gardi and Sigrid MacRae. Leonardo 9 (4): 344. DeLancey, M.D. 2014. Localizing Fulbe Architecture. Islamic Africa 5 (1): 1–43. Demissie, F. 1997. Review of ‘African Nomadic Architecture: Space, Place and Gender’ by Labelle Prussin. The International Journal of African Historical Studies 30 (2): 395–398. Denyer, S. 1978. African Traditional Architecture. New  York: Africana Publishing Company. Eldemery, I.M. Winter, 2009. Globalization Challenges in Architecture. Journal of Architectural and Planning Research 26 (4): 343–354. Elleh, N. 2002. Architecture and Power in Africa. Westport: Praeger.

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———. 2011. Review of Steven Nelson (2007). From Cameroon to Paris: Mousgoum Architecture in and Out of Africa. Buildings & Landscapes: Journal of the Vernacular Architecture Forum. 18 (1): 98–99. Emeagwali, Gloria. 2018a. African Caribbean Metallurgy. www.gloriaemeagwali. com. Accessed 1 Mar 2018 ———. 2018b. www.africahistory.net. Accessed 1 Mar 2018 Enwezor, O. 2001. The Short Century: Independence and Liberation Movements in Africa 1945–1994. Munich: Prestel. Falola, Toyin, and Bola Dauda. 2017. Decolonizing Nigeria, 1945–1960; Politics, Power and Personalities. Austin: Pan-African University Press. Fry, M., and J. Drew. 1964. Tropical Architecture in the Dry and Humid Zones. London: B.T. Batsford. Habtu, H. 1984. The Fallacy of the ‘Triple Heritage’ Thesis: A Critique. A Journal of Opinion 13: 26–29. Cambridge University. Hardwick, M.J. 1997. Homesteads and Bungalows: African-American Architecture in Langston, Oklahoma. Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture. Shaping Communities 6: 21–32. Imaah, N.O. 2004. Music: A Source of Inspiration and Harmony in Architecture: An African View. International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music 35 (2): 169–182. Immerwahr, D. 2007. The Politics of Architecture and Urbanism in Postcolonial Lagos, 1960–1986. Journal of African Cultural Studies 19 (2): 165–186. Jaiyeoba, E.B., A.O.  Asojo, and B.  Amole. 2017. The Yoruba Vernacular as a Paradigm for Low-Income Housing: Lessons from Ogbere, Ibadan, Nigeria. ArchNet: International Journal of Architectural Research 11 (1): 101–118. Kliment, S.A. 2007. Discovering African Identity in African-American Architecture: Part I and II. AIArchitect: The News of America’s Community of Architects 14, August 3. Lane, P. 2005. Barbarous Tribes and Unrewarding Gyrations? The Changing Role of Ethnographic Imagination in African Archaeology. In African Archaeology: A Critical Introduction, ed. A. Stahl, 24–54. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Le Roux, H. 2004. Modern Architecture in Post-Colonial Ghana and Nigeria. Architectural History 47: 361–392. Libby, J. 1991. African Ironmaking Culture Among African American Ironworkers in Western Maryland 1760 to 1850. Unpublished MA Thesis, San Francisco State University. www.africahistory.net. Accessed 1 Mar 2018. Liscombe, R.W. 2006. Modernism in Late Imperial British West Africa: The Work of Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, 1946–56. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 65 (2): 188–215. Logan, B.I., F.Y. Owusu, and E. Kalipeni. 2012. Introduction: Beyond the ‘Post’ and Revisionist Discourses in African Development: Exploring Real Solutions to Africa’s Problems. Progress in Development Studies 12 (2&3): 93–98.

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Loughran, K. 1997. Review of ‘African Nomadic Architecture: Space, Place and Gender’ by Labelle Prussin. African Arts 30 (2): 91–92. Mahgoub, Y. 2006. Hyper-Identity and Kuwaiti Architecture. Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review 18 (1): 50–51, Hypertraditions: Tenth International Conference December 15–18, 2006, Bangkok, Thailand. (FALL 2006). Mark, P. 1995. Constructing Identity: Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Architecture in the Gambia–Geba Region and the Articulation of Luso-African Ethnicity. History in Africa 22: 307–327. McLaren, B.L. 2002. The Italian Colonial Appropriation of Indigenous North African Architecture in the 1930s. Muqarnas 19: 164–192. Meskell, L. 2001. Archaeologies of Identity. In Archaeological Theory Today, ed. I. Hodder, 187–213. Cambridge: Polity Press. Micots, C. 2015. Status and Mimicry: African Colonial Period Architecture in Coastal Ghana. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74 (1): 41–62. Moshé, L. 2005. Regional and Colonial Architectures in French West Africa: Formalistic Dialogues. Présence Africaine, Nouvelle série 171: 59–68. Nelson, S. 2007. From Cameroon to Paris: Mousgoum Architecture in and Out of Africa. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Okoye, I.S. 2002. Architecture, History, and the Debate on Identity in Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, and South Africa. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 61 (3): 381–396. Prussin, L. 1974. An Introduction to Indigenous African Architecture. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 33 (3): 182–205. ———. 1995. African Nomadic Architecture: Space, Place and Gender. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press and The National Museum of African Art. Ricke, A. 2017. Making ‘Sense’ of Identity: Ethnicity, Nationalism, and the Sensory Experience of German Traditions in Brazil. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 46 (2): 173–202. Robinson, Simon, and Aisha Labi. 2001. Endangered Art. Time Magazine, June 18, 157 (24). Sass, L. 1994. Precedents in African American Architecture. Thresholds 10: 13–15. Stahl, A.B. 2005. Introduction: Changing Perspectives on Africa’s Pasts. In African Archaeology. A Critical Introduction, ed. A.B.  Stahl, 1–23. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Vlach, J.M. 1976a. The Shotgun House: An African Architectural Legacy. Part I. Pioneer America 8 (1): 47–56. ———. 1976b. Affecting Architecture of the Yoruba. African Arts 10 (1): 48–53. ———. 1976c. The Shotgun House: An African Architectural Legacy: Part II. Pioneer America 8 (2): 57–70.

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Werbner, Pnina, and Mattia Fumanti. 2013. The Aesthetics of Diaspora: Ownership and Appropriation. Ethnos 78 (2): 149–174. Wright, G. 2002. The Ambiguous Modernisms of African Cities. In The Short Century: Independence and Liberation Movements in Africa, 1945–1994, ed. Okwui Enwezor. Munich: Prestel. Wynne-Jones, S., and S.K.  Croucher. 2007. Theorizing Identity in African Archaeology. Introduction: Journal of Social Archaeology 7 (3): 283–285.

CHAPTER 10

Towards an Endogenous Interpretation of Polygamy and Gender Relations: A Critique of Lola Shoneyin’s The Secret Lives of Baba Segi’s Wives Akin Olaniyi

Knowledge Formulation in the West and Africa Unarguably, Euro-American theories have attained the status of mega-­ theories across disciplines. And the western critics, having been buoyed by the hegemonic predilection of the western intellectual establishment, seem to have been careered to discountenance non-western theoretical standpoints. In a programmed renunciation of non-western models, western “arm-chair” critics had relied on pamphlets, hand-outs, and jaundiced opinions of western sojourners to conclude that Africa was unworthy of a

Akin Olaniyi passed on before this volume could be published. The editor will like to deeply appreciate Olayinka Oyeleye for her assistance in responding to some of the reviewer’s comments on the chapter. A. Olaniyi (Deceased) (*) Department of General Studies, The Polytechnic, Ibadan, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_10

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sustained scholarly enquiry, while Africans should thank their stars for coming into contact with European overlords who were on a “civilizing” mission! To them, modernity can only be distilled through a conscious propagation of Eurocentric technological, socio-cultural and religious worldview without a modicum of respect for non-conforming ethnocentric and religious diversities of the “others”. African indigenous knowledge was castigated as primordial, barbaric, and alien to civilization. With this mindset, non-western cultures are derogatorily perceived as atavistic to development, a mere appendage of western precepts. This simplistic, unidirectional, over-bearing epistemic persuasion, which was aggravated by the twin incidences of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade and colonialism, had promoted Eurocentric mindset as the grand norm, a fait accompli unto which non-European theoretical postulations must conform to in awe. With a limited knowledge of Africa’s cosmos and a deep ignorance of Africa’s heterogeneous cultural diversity, James Joyce’s Mister Johnson and Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness, for instance, offer an eloquent representation of western theoretical models on the “dark continent.” Therefore, as a counter-discursive mechanism, theoretical postulation in African studies can only be meaningful if it offers sites and alternatives for correcting the misrepresentations about Africa for the purposes of continental and global reaffirmations (Nnolim 2013; Achebe 1995; Chinweizu et al. 1980). Soyinka justifies the pragmatic importance of arts in the urgent endeavor to achieve cultural revitalization: Nevertheless, I hold the somewhat optimistic view that the Arts must remain the last bastion of resistance to their tendencies towards the homogenization  - a different prospect entirely  - and devaluation of taste, judgment, identity and indeed, often, humanity. As practitioners, we have not much choice but to defend that bastion—from the strength of a cultural security that is obtained from our own varied and unique sources—not in isolation however, but engaging creatively in a dialogue that commences from our antecedent, cultural certitudes. (2009: 37)

In the same vein, Falola enjoins humanities scholars in Africa to be wary of the totalitarian nuance of western scholarship whose globalization rhetoric helps to sustain the hegemonic design to denigrate non-western theoretical framework. To guide against western imperialism, he charges them to engage in a sustained distillation of counter-discursive theoretical models which can be extracted from an endogenous investigation of African worldview:

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One of the challenges that faces the humanities in Africa is to make sure that globalization and its knowledge and policies do not become the transitional narrative to imperialism…. Global “knowledge,” as a narrative of western power and its expansion, provincializes Africa, turning the national concerns of one great power into the metanarrative of global affairs. What we do in African countries and how we study the continent represent one of the powerful counters to the attempt to provincialize us. (2016: 58–59)

Besides propelling western epistemological framework above those of the non-western others, the evils of slave trade and colonialism had far-­ reaching implications for the subjugation of Africa. Although science has not shown a cognitive difference in the mental make-up of human, Africans were largely humiliated and treated with contempt as the colonialists were merely interested in mental colonialism, an objective deriving from their denial of humanity, and hence ratiocinative capacity, to Africans. Even at independence, the West was perceived as the norm particularly with the implantation of western capitalism and the attendant commodification of the world in the global village. The Internet played a prominent role in the discharge of western values and norms to the detriment of non-western cultures. Ironically, some African critics were merely interested in paying lip service to the reconstruction of Africa, perhaps to gain undue advantage from western publishing firms. Gloria Emeagwali is disturbed by the attitude of some lily-livered colonial and postcolonial African critics who glorify western knowledge at the expense of indigenous knowledge, and fail to accord the repertoire of indigenous knowledge the importance they deserve: During the colonial era and in the post-colony, not only were the majority of scholars, at various levels, afraid to challenge the dominant eurocentered and eurocentric knowledge system and its values, they were also reluctant to admit, both to themselves and publicly, that their ‘non-lettered’ compatriots, shoved to the lower rungs of society, were indeed repositories of valuable primary knowledge. Some Western-trained doctors admitted privately the superiority of indigenous medical techniques in certain areas, but were too terrified to expand on this for fear of being ridiculed, and possibly ‘demoted,’ by their Western peers. Although they recognized the value of indigenous knowledge, they were forced to privilege only one epistemological and methodological tradition at the expense of all others. (2014: 3)

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Among others, Uhuru Hotep adduces reason for this mental colonization to include the determination of western critics to impose their worldview on Africa and Africans. He puts it more succinctly: In addition to colonizing African land, Europeans also colonized African knowledge not just to claim it as their own, but also to disconnect Africans from their heritage and culture. Why? Because people who are cut off from their heritage and culture are more easily manipulated and controlled than people who are not. Adisa Ajamu (1997) calls this “intellectual colonialism”. (2011: 3)

Suffice it to say that the pride of place accorded western intellectual and cultural values has untoward consequences for non-western cultures.

Indigenous Knowledge(s) in Africa At the risk of undue glorification of the past, which has the propensity to produce what Moses Oke calls “cultural nostalgia” (2006: 332), African cultures are replete with diverse indigenous knowledges which are ensconced in the lived experiences of the people. These indigenous knowledges inform the production of cultural knowledges which are rooted in the core epistemologies of African worldviews. This is clearly at variance with the disposition of western critics who are determined to articulate one unique and non-complementary but hegemonic mode of knowledge formulation as if one global knowledge production mechanism is possible across cultures. While making a case for the existence of a plethora of indigenous knowledges long before the emergence of the so-called Age of Enlightenment, Lewis Gordon discountenances any attempt to view the mode of knowledge formulation in the singular all in the name of globalization: The formulation of knowledge in the singular already situates the question in a framework that is alien to times before the emergence of European modernity and its age of global domination, for the disparate modes of producing knowledge and notions of knowledge were so many that knowledges would be a more appropriate designation. (2014: 88)

A crucial tool in the decolonization agenda is the multi-disciplinary, multi-faceted and multi-sectoral approaches to the endogenous

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interpretation of knowledges across cultures  (Ngugi 1993). These approaches discourage a rather simplistic, West-induced interpretation of knowledge which accords the right of place and dominance to European modernity, at the expense of indigenous knowledges of non-European societies in the globalization mission of the West. Gloria Emeagwali avers that the scholars and advocates of indigenous knowledge system see no need to over-amplify western culture over others, particularly when no worldview is superior to the others: In defense, scholars of IK have argued that no society or segment should be ostracized and relegated to a status of inferiority. They challenge arrogant, paternalistic, and overbearing ideologues, some of whom are complicit in marginalizing and devaluing systems of thought that do not fit within supremacist and racial exclusivity. (2014: 3)

Similarly, Owusu-Ansah and Mji argue that the heterogeneous nature of African society notwithstanding, each culture is unique in its own right and should be assessed using its own cultural yardstick: Almost all knowledge has cultural relevance and must be examined for its particular focus. From this perspective it is dangerous, if not oppressive, to hail any one method of investigation as universal…the hallowed concepts and methods within Western thought are inadequate to explain all of the ways of knowing because ‘universality can only be dreamed about when we have “slept” on truth based on specific cultural experiences’. (2013: 1)

Put in other words, the promotion of indigenous knowledges, which abound in African cultures, will help to reposition Africa for better understanding by non-Africans on the one hand, and be of tremendous assistance to the sustenance of Africa’s image and self-esteem on the other hand.

Theorizing Gender in Africa Discourse The liberation movements in the West had provided a launch-pad for gender theorizing and, invariably, promoted its preferred western feminist assumption as the grand norm from which other gender models should take their cue. The classical manifestation, which was advanced by Plato in The Republic (1979), had discountenanced family/social configuration on the basis of sexual prejudice. After the French Revolution, the 1880s had

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occasioned a programmed renunciation of all impediments to liberation and, consequently, a demand for equality promised by the said Revolution. From the early twentieth century, it blossomed as a western middle-class initiative for the interrogation of patriarchy. It was instigated by the publications of Mary Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Women, Simon de Beauvoir’s The Second Sex, Virginia Woolf’s A Room of One’s Own, amongst others. However, the core assumptions of feminist discourse, which do not emanate from African traditional oral aesthetics, make it susceptible to repudiation by discerning African minds  (Sotunsa 2009). Besides, to assume that all cultures of the world are patriarchal is an absurd generalization. Some western feminist critics situate their unconvincing gender treatise on the premise that men are accorded a pride of place in social engineering as the natural order supposedly privileges men above women. However, this assertion may not pass empirical historical test because western theories of meaning, no matter their overt mega-status, are clearly at variance with the epistemological foundation of non-western cultures and  hence, inappropriate to advance development for value-conscious African societies (Adeoti 2005). In this vein, we aver that owing to hermeneutic incongruity, western feminism can only adduce development for western societies, a culture whose ideals suit its adherents. Nonetheless, the need to redress gender-related imbalance foregrounds the emergence of diverse indigenous feminist theories in African literature (Teke 2013). Meanwhile, feminist critics of African extraction have advanced a plethora of indigenous feminist theories to promote their positions on the perceived cultural, economic and socio-political subjugation of women. Female critics like Chikwenye Ogunyemi, Mary Kolawole, Molara Ogundipe-Leslie, Obioma Nnaemeka, Chioma Opara, Catherine Acholonu, Akachi Ezeigbo, amongst others, have articulated diverse indigenous feminist variants like womanism, STIWANISM, nego-­ feminism, femalism, motherism, and snail-sense feminism. Anthropologist Ifi Amadiume and sociologist Oyeronke Oyewumi are also notable contributors to the feminist/gender discourse in Africa. A brief articulation on the views of both theorists regarding polygamy, for example, will serve as theoretical foundations to our analysis in the final section of this essay. Ifi Amadiume, in Male Daughters, Female Husbands, contends that polygamy as the accumulation of wives is principally an exercise of power and authority. This accumulation of wives was however not restricted to

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the men; women were also involved in the power play. According to Amadiume; In indigenous Nnobi society, there was a direct link between the accumulation of wives, the acquisition of wealth and the exercise of power and authority. The ultimate indication of wealth, the title system, was open to men and women, as was the means of becoming rich through control over the labour of others by way of polygamy, whether man-to-woman marriage or woman-­ to-­woman marriage. The Nnobi flexible gender system made either possible. (2015: 42)

Oyeronke Oyewumi makes a similar analysis on the subject of polygamy amongst the Yoruba people of South-west Nigeria. Oyewumi corrects the assumption that polygamy is an act of hypersexuality by insisting that it is instead the “social accumulation of people as wealth that it represented in the life, conduct, and imagination of Yorùbá people as in the saying ènìyàn la ṣọ mi (people are my cloth/wealth)” (2016: 185). She argues furthers that Marriage among other things represented an important mode of expanding the lineage and did not necessarily amount to sexual prowess…. The reduction of indigenous polygamy to manliness and sexual prowess represents the view of the outsider imposed on a different culture; or views propagating masculinist ideologies at a time of ascending male dominance riding on the backs of the new religions: Islam and Christianity. (ibid.)

Oyewumi augments her defense of polygamy with this interesting twist; For one thing, in Yorùbá culture, even impotent or infertile men could marry and father children through other men in the family or from outside of the family without this compromising their standing. Remember that fatherhood was fundamentally a social construct, not only in a metaphoric manner but also due to the fact that the absence of the father’s DNA in a child did not nullify his claim as the father. (ibid.)

Amadiume’s and Oyewumi’s claims thus provide a theoretical background for our analysis on polygamy in the literary work of Lola Shoneyin which we will discuss next.

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Polygamy and the Yoruba Modernization Praxis in Lola Shoneyin’s The Secret Lives of Baba Segi’s Wives Indigenous Yoruba culture helps to promote and sustain polygamy. Polygamy represents a system where a man is expected to have more than one wife, or where the woman has more than one husband. Polygamy is perceived in some quarters as desirous because of the benefits which accrue from it. Besides its economic advantage, as the wives and the children offer one form of assistance or the other on the farm in a largely agrarian society, polygamy is seen as a mark of respect for men in the Yoruba patriarchal order. Important personalities like kings, chiefs, religious leaders, warriors, wealthy men and men of valor are expected to have harems. The husband remains the undisputed leader in his household. Lola Shoneyin’s The Secret Lives of Baba Segi’s Wives (2013) offers an uncritical critique of polygamy in a typical Yoruba culture. In a manner that privileges Afropolitan theorizing above an endogenous interpretation of polygyny, Shoneyin presents an account of Mr. Ishola Alao’s polygamous home. Otherwise known as Baba Segi, Mr. Alao takes proper care of his wives and children. He makes sure that the household lacks nothing. He treats his wives equally, though Bolanle, a graduate and the latest wife, holds a special place in his heart. While satisfying his sexual pleasure, he ensures that all the wives get their turns. He has no inkling of his sexual inadequacy at all. On their part, the wives struggle to hold on to Baba Segi’s attention, thereby enjoying his wealth. Mama Segi cannot fathom losing out in the scheme of things owing to her inability to conceive in time after marriage. She, therefore, turns to her husband’s driver for succor. It is to the driver that she bore her two children, thinking that the secret will be safe forever. She is however proved wrong when medical science confirms her husband’s inability to impregnate a woman. Mama Segi’s preeminent status in Baba Segi’s household is understandable. Yoruba culture accords a pride of place to the eldest wife in a typical polygamous home. Besides her expected motherly role on the home-front, she controls the family economy. She leads her co-wives to work on the farm, trade in the market and, thereby stabilizes the family economy. In the final analysis, she determines who gets what in the home. Since it is the duty of the first wife to train the children in the house, Mama Segi guides the male on the virtue of love, hard work, home-management, commendation and punishment for exemplary behavior and misconduct

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respectively, adequate provision for the home and, generally, leads by example. For the female, she never shirks in her responsibility of imbibing the virtue of good conduct, moral uprightness, sexual abstinence until marriage, domestic chores, respect and deference to their would-be husbands and his families, and others. A custodian of the family tradition, her unrivalled retentive memory comes to the fore as she normally leads in the performance of the ekun iyawo, the poetic rendition meant to welcome a new wife to the family. She teaches the new wife and the children in the home the societal norms and values of the omoluabi through her stories, folktales and legends. She is the undisputed leader in the home-front whose authority is unquestionable. She is loved by all and sundry. Unfortunately, Mama Segi, through her misconduct and attitude, betrays the confidence repose in her. Her misdeed leads to the death of her daughter, Segi. Her humiliation is justified. The second wife, Mama Tope, does not fare better. Having been influenced by Mama Segi, she keeps a secret lover with whom she has her three children. She pretends that all is well until the bubble bursts. Her craving for material possession is unrivalled. She does not come to mind as a reliable person despite her so-called Christian religious persuasion. She is forced to marry Baba Segi because of his wealth. Mama Femi is a study in treachery. Having lost her highly-cherished position as the latest wife to Bolanle, she connives with Mama Segi to kill the latter. She is, however, humiliated. Her unpalatable background must have influenced her attitude. She also keeps a secret lover through whom she has three children. Both Mama Segi and Mama Femi however could be seen as traditional women who, through the vices of modernization, had lost touch with the realities of their traditional culture which insists that even infertile men could still father children through others, without any shame. While this would have provided justification for their act, their ignorance of this aspect of culture perhaps triggered their deceit. The last wife, Bolanle, throws caution to the wind to marry Baba Segi. She literally forces herself on him supposedly for his wealth. She abandons her educated status as a graduate to marry an “illiterate” man despite the opposition from the members of her family, particularly her mother. Her past misdeed must have influenced her decision. Lola Shoneyin’s engagement with polygamy, alongside Amadiume and Oyewumi’s explorations when taken together, provides us with the conceptual framework which we can unsettle the neatness of western feminist discourses on Africa and her cultural dynamics. Polygamy, as the

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characters in the novel demonstrate, is not a black and white phenomenon that is subject to a straightforward moral analysis. While a feminist reading of the complex politics of the home in The Secret Lives of Baba Segi’s Wives would yield an enlightening analysis that illuminates the intersection of gender and politics in a typical community, it would fail to excavate those subtle cultural variables that often animate the social realities of an average polygamous home and the entire ramifications of gender discourse in Africa. A feminist reading, for instance, may fail to make sense of why an educated Bolanle, who might fit as the poster image of a modern feminist, would get involved with polygamy in the first place, not to mention being drawn into the marital intrigues with “illiterate” women with supposedly primitive gender consciousness. The eminent figure of Bolanle is confounding to western feminist scholarship on polygamy. Reading the character of Bolanle through the lens of Oyewumi’s analysis however would reveal a modern woman who understood, valued and upheld indigenous culture. Ogunyemi’s womanist approach to the gender and sexual phenomena in Africa offers an explanation that unravel the nuanced dynamism of gender relations and gender challenges in Africa. For her, When i was thinking about womanism, i was thinking about those areas that are relevant for Africans but not for blacks in America–issues like extreme poverty and in-law problems, older women oppressing younger women, women oppressing their cowives, or men oppressing their wives. Religious fundamentalism is another African problem that is not really relevant to African Americans Islam, some Christian denominations, and also African traditional religions. These are problems that have to my mind to be covered from an African womanist perspective. (Arndt 2000: 714–715)

Clenora Hudson-Weems’s womanist understanding sees the woman as “strong, family-centered (in concert with the men in the liberation struggle), genuine in sisterhood, whole, authentic, respected, recognized, male compatible, flexible role player, adaptable, respectful of elders, spiritual, ambitious, mothering, nurturing” (46). With this combined articulation, we can begin to unravel the politics that ties Baba Segi and his wives together, as well as the vibrant voices of the women within a patriarchal polygamous setting which is supposed to silence them.

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References Achebe, Chinua. 1995. An Image of Africa: Racism in Conrad’s Heart of Darkness. In Postcolonial Criticism, ed. Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, 112–125. New York: Routledge. Adeoti, Gbemisola. 2005. The Re-making of Africa: Ayi Kwei Armah and the Narrative of an (Alter) Native Route to Development. Africa Media Review 13 (2): 1–15. Amadiume, Ifi. 2015. Male Daughter, Female Husbands: Gender and Sex in an African Society. London: Zed Books. Arndt, Susan. 2000. African Gender Trouble and African Womanism: An Interview with Chikwenye Ogunyemi and Wanjira Muthoni. Signs, Vol. 25, No. 3(Spring): 709–726 Chinweizu, Onwuchekwa Jemie, and Ikechukwu Madubuike. 1980. Toward the Decolonization of and African Literature. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers. Emeagwali, Gloria. 2014. Intersections Between Africa’s Indigenous Knowledge Systems and History. In African Indigenous Knowledge and the Discipline, ed. Gloria Emeagwali and George J. Sefa Dei, 1–18. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Falola, Toyin. 2016. The Humanities in Africa: Knowledge Production Universities and the Transformation of Society. Austin: Pan-African University Press. Gordon, Lewis R. 2014. Disciplinary Decadence and the Decolonization of Knowledge. Africa Development XXXIX (1): 81–92. Hotep, Uhuru. 2011. Decolonizing the African Mind: Further Analysis and Strategy. Pittsburg, PA: KTYLI. Nnolim, Charles. 2013. In Search of New Challenges: African Literature and Criticism in the Twenty-First Century. In Critical Issues in African Literature: Twenty-First Century and Beyond, ed. Chinyelu F.  Chukwu, 25–38. Port-­ Harcourt: University of Port-Harcourt Press. Ngugi, wa Thiong’o. 1993. Moving the Centre: The Struggle for Cultural Freedoms. London: James Currey. Print. Oke, Moses. 2006. Cultural Nostalgia: A Philosophical Critique of Appeals to the Past in Theories of Re-making. Africa Nordic Journal of African Studies 15 (3): 332–343. Owusu-Ansah, Frances E., and Gubela Mji. 2013. African Indigenous Knowledge and Research. African Journal of Disability 2 (1): 30. Oyewumi, Oyeronke. 2016. What Gender Is Motherhood? Changing Yorùbá Ideals of Power, Procreation, and Identity in the Age of Modernity. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Plato. 1979. The Republic. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd. Shoneyin, Lola. 2013. The Secret Lives of Baba Segi’s Wives. Abuja: Cassava Republic. Sotunsa, Mobolanle E. 2009. Feminism: The Quest for an African Variant. The Journal of Pan African Studies 3 (1): 227–234.

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Soyinka, Wole. 2009. The Creative Pursuit in Global Time. Journal of the African Literature Association 3 (2): 15–38. Teke, Charles Ngiewih. 2013. Straddling Borders in Postcolonial Discourse: Delocalisation (Displacement) and Reconstruction of Literary Theory in Africa. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 4 (3): 169–184.

CHAPTER 11

Religion, Patriarchal Construction and Gender Complementarity in Nigeria Victoria Openif’Oluwa Akoleowo

Introduction African feminist scholar, Oyeronke Oyewumi, in her 1997 work The Invention of Women, avers that gender constructs were not existent prior to colonial rule in Nigeria. Using the Yoruba people as a fulcrum, Oyewumi asserts that gender construction among the Yoruba people is a function of colonial epistemology. For her, the Yoruba were socially organized on the basis of age and societal roles. Contra western hierarchical categories where man is binarily opposed to woman, the Yoruba words for both sexes indicated a form of commonality, as found in the suffix rin of obinrin and okunrin. Thus, rather than conceptualizing sexes in terms of the ‘One and ‘Other’, Yoruba social classification were role constructs signifying anatomical differences only, devoid of any consequential social privilege or advantage (Oyewumi 1997: 34). Furthermore, Oyewumi emphasizes seniority as the principal determinant of social organization in Yoruba culture. This fact, for her, explains the fluidity of identity in Yoruba culture,

V. O. Akoleowo (*) Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Dominican University, Ibadan, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_11

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where identity is constantly changing, given its foundational feature of relationality, wherein everything is determinant upon the fluidity of senior/older and junior/younger positions. Oyewumi justifies this assertion by highlighting the lack of gender bias in the Yoruba word for older and younger relatives, egbon and aburo respectively. Much as Oyewumi’s notions of relationality and fluidity of social relations are borne out by traditional and modern accounts of social relations, her denial of gender construction prior to colonialism has generated many critiques bothering on the historical and sociological accuracy of her accounts and analyses. This is particularly relevant in the light of ascertainable gender constructs in traditional African cultures. Scholars like Sophie Oluwole, Oyeronke Olajubu, lfi Amadiume, Chikwenye Ogunyemi, and Mary Kolawole, whose works focus on gender relations in Africa, have tried in various ways to determine whether gender roles in African cultures are also, like their western counterparts, socially constructed. Such scholars have however, paid little attention to the role played by scriptural texts and their interpretations in the continuous perpetuation of patriarchal misogyny. Scriptural and textual interpretations, with particular reference to holy texts of the three Abrahamic religions, have provided proponents of patriarchy with additional fodder in their attempts to justify patriarchy. Such interpretations are accepted as gospel truth, and utilized in justifying contemporary applications of gender roles in Africa. This work argues that such interpretations and applications run counter to traditional African notions of gender roles. While scriptural interpretations conceptualize gender roles as binary opposites, traditional African cultures paint pictures of fluid gender roles, conceived as complementary opposites. This chapter therefore examines traditional African gender constructs, in relation to western conceptions of gender constructs and gender relationality. This is of particular import in the light of contemporary global focus on gender roles in politics and religion. This study will undertake this task in four stages. First, I examine the relationship between religion and culture in selected traditional Nigerian cultures, with particular emphasis on traditional Yoruba culture which is the culture with which I possess a high degree of familiarity. Second, I interrogate traditional Nigerian gender constructs to ascertain their existence or absence prior to colonization. Third, utilizing the historico-­ grammatical method, a hermeneutical method best suited for attempts at understanding scriptural writings through a literary exegesis of the text coupled with a basic understanding of the historical, social and cultural context of both writer and intended audience, I then critically analyze the

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import of scriptural interpretations on the discourse on gender. Finally, the chapter presents a re-evaluation of gender roles in African cultures as complementary rather than hierarchical.

Religion and Culture Religion, the belief in, and the response of the ineffable or the supernatural, is an essential element of the human condition. Defined as a social construct, it is informed by cultural factors which shape a people’s experience of their reality. Thus, it is an indispensable and essential part of a people’s culture. In traditional African societies, religion was a particularly pervasive phenomenon, in that participation in the social life of society was primary dependent on religious beliefs due to the non-demarcation between the sacred and the secular or material. This lack of discrimination between spiritual and material led to the development of social, economic and political practices which were often backed with, and steeped in religious beliefs, rituals and expressions. Religion determined and shaped the people’s worldview, and governed their activities from cradle to grave (Mbiti 1990: 1). In contemporary times, religion continues to exert influence on African societies, as seen in its performance of key functions in society, including economic and developmental functions through the provision of infrastructures (from schools to hospitals) and hence employment, and in political party affiliations, voting behavior and peer groupings. One major mode religion utilizes to exert influence on society is through the notion of conformity. As social beings, humans tend to congregate in groups for various purposes. In such groups, members are expected to conform to the rules of the group which supposedly builds cooperation in terms of achieving the group objective(s). Such conformity earns a newcomer acceptance as a group member. Religious groups constitute one of the largest organized groups, and the opinions and beliefs expressed by religious leaders often influence and shape communal behavior. Such influence could be overt or covert, depending on the extent to which the values of a particular religion are adopted and the number of persons adopting such values, and ranges from the dominant party’s overt construction of religious structures and promotion of religious laws, to covert changes in governmental policy (Dzurgba 2002). Ultimately, in both Western and African societies, religion performs a major role of influencing or determining beliefs and values. While this role is gradually being eroded in Western societies, religion is still a major force

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to reckon with even in such Western societies, as seen in the fact that religious beliefs often determine the social and political beliefs of religious persons, who in turn mobilize or lobby in support of such beliefs. In African societies, religion retains, prima facie, the primary motivation for secular actions and beliefs. While an in-depth analysis of the raison d’etre of such secular actions by informed persons unearth more fundamental motivations, primary amongst which is power relations, the general populace seems predisposed to accept religion as primary among other factors, which explains the accusation of religiosity often leveled against many Africans.

Traditional African Gender Constructs The view that “it is hard to find a society that does not create gender as a crucial category” (Sered 1999: 9) is aptly borne out in contemporary societies. Gender is typically defined as a socially constructed paradigm derived from social and cultural practices which underpin how people relate in the society. In traditional African societies, as in other societies, religion was woven into culture, and served to provide the enabling foundation to social practices, including gender relations. Gender constructs arise from mythical accounts, with emphasis on cosmological myths which present accounts of meanings. As Olajubu avers, gender constructs/classification pervade every culture, and are implicit in cultural symbolisms, rituals and philosophies of life (Olajubu 2005) Thus, gender constructs are deeply embedded in each culture’s cosmological and social accounts of life, and such accounts determine the roles allocated to each gender. I will subsequently examine three traditional cultures—Yoruba, Igbo and Hausa— and their gender construction. Gender Constructs in Traditional Yoruba Culture As Oyeronke Olajubu notes, Yoruba philosophy and religion are based on the existence of two fundamental principles, male and female, both of which are interdependent (Olajubu 2003: 9, 23). This belief plays out in the Yoruba cosmological myth where Olodumare, the supreme deity, sent seventeen primordial divinities to the world at the beginning of time. These deities comprised of sixteen males and one female. The sixteen male divinities, in an apparent lack of respect, ignored the only female divinity and excluded her from their deliberative processes. In retaliation, she

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gathered women to create the Iya Mi (My Mother) group which disrupted the smooth running of the world. The other divinities quickly realized their error and appeased her, after which they all collaborated to successfully order the world. This myth presents an initial portrayal of the woman as a complementary, indispensable part of Yoruba cosmology, contrary to western cosmological myths (Judeo-Christian and Greco-Roman), which conceptualize her as the weaker, easily influenced sex. This account also justifies the argument that myths play a vital role in the construction of identity. Babatunde Lawal’s analysis of the Yoruba understanding of ‘Ejiwapo’ (duality) provides a more nuanced analysis of these two fundamental principles as seen in Yoruba metaphysics. According to him, Ejiwapo references the Yoruba idea of achieving equilibrium in nature. Yoruba cosmology recognizes two complimentary forces in nature, the spiritual and the physical; and in what Lawal labels a ‘binary fusion of opposites.’ This fusion is founded on the relational dynamics of the oppositional forces of benevolence and malevolence which are not mutually exclusive even while in constant conflict (Lawal 2008: 30). In explicating on these oppositional, yet complimentary forces in nature, Lawal utilizes the Yoruba cosmological depiction of the cosmos as a gourd with two equal halves. The top half signifies maleness/heaven/immateriality, and is further divided into the oppositional forces of good/benevolence and evil/ malevolence, while the bottom half signifies femaleness/materiality and is in turn divided into male/harshness and female/fecundity. The top (invisible) and bottom (visible) halves make up a continuous whole with mediums serving to maintain constant communication and interaction between both halves. This cosmological gourd further establishes the oppositional complementarity inherent in Yoruba cosmology, wherein opposing elements are interrelated, and there is no absolute good or bad. For the Yoruba, tibi, tire la da ile aye (the world was created on the principle of good and evil), and fi otun we osi, fi osi we otun ni owo fi nmo (a clean hand is the result of collaboration between the left and the right hand). For Lawal, This oppositional complementarity in the Yoruba cosmos finds one of its most eloquent expressions in the osé Sàngó, the double-ax ritual staff of the thunder deity Sàngó…The staff stands for the polished stone ax or the thunderbolt (edùn àrá) that this òrìsà allegedly hurls down from the sky during thunderstorms. A collection of these stones represents Sàngó on an altar,

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alluding to the deity’s virility and firepower. A typical osé Sàngó usually takes the form of a human figure—frequently female—surmounted by a pair of carved stone axes, signifying the interaction of heaven/earth, male/ female, creation/destruction, etc., in the Yoruba cosmos (2008: 32).

While Sango’s staff expresses the oppositional complementarity in the Yoruba cosmos, the edan ogboni, a pair of female and male brass emblem, serves to portray the unity/oneness in the dual aspects of the cosmology. On the one hand, it is an emblem signifying membership of the Ogboni society, an influential group wielding social, political and religious powers in Yorubaland. On the other hand, it is a portrayal of Edan, the goddess daughter and alter ego of Ilè (earth). In Yorubaland, it is Ilè that sustains the community, and the Ogboni society justifies its existence as an influential group by serving as the link between Ilè and the community Having identified the cosmological basis for the existence of the male and female fundamental principles, it becomes contestable that gender constructs were not existent in Yoruba culture prior to colonization as Oyewumi asserts. In making this assertion, Oyewumi argues that: (1) Gender discourse as currently constituted takes its basis from Eurocentric perspectives. (2) The term ‘woman’ is not synonymous with gender. (3) Social roles are separate from sexual roles. (4) Current accepted gender norms are uncritical adoptions of western ideologies and epistemologies. (5) There is a need for an epistemic decolonization to uncover African ideologies. (6) There is a distinction between a worldview (visual-based), and worldsense (more inclusive of other sense experiencing). (7) The body and its accompanying features occupy a central position in western epistemologies, thus, dictating the notion of difference/otherness in terms of biological determinism. (8) Biological determinism is a thesis of binary opposition with its initial posit of woman as the ‘other’, as against man’s ideal/norm. (9) Social constructionism as a reaction to the biological determinism thesis highlights the fundamental truth of gender construction—that there was a time, before it was constructed—when gender was not (1997: 8–11). Based on these critical points, Oyewumi opines that the result of an epistemic decolonization of the Yoruba ideology on gender relations leads to the truth that the Western social category ‘woman’, defined in biological terms in relation with, and in opposition to ‘man’ did not exist in Yorubaland prior to colonization. Thus, colonization resulted in the adoption of western social categories hitherto absent in the traditional Yoruba

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culture, including woman, gender and accompanying social rankings. Traditional Yoruba ideology on social relations ranked persons, not on the basis of their sex, but on the basis of seniority determined by a person’s chronological age (ibid.: 13–14). While this work agrees with Oyewumi’s assertion that the possession of certain biological features does not exhaustively define persons in traditional Yoruba culture, it must be stated that such assertion merely qualifies the level to which biological differences determine personhood/a person’s essence, and does not constitute an outright denial of such determination. Thus, if biological features play any role in the determination of the category to which a person belongs, this in itself implies the existence of gender constructs based on such biological differences, which is an essential feature of feminist discourse (de Beauvoir 1953: 267; Mama 2001). As Olajubu contends, gender constructs in Yoruba culture are often modulated by other factors apart from biological differences, including but not limited to age, relationship status and achievements. Of all these factors, age is most prominent; the older a person is, the more the level of respect accorded. While this belief is a result of the value placed on the notion of respect, it does not imply that age trumps all other factors in the determinations of respect. Respect, in the Yoruba culture, is a virtue which is carefully cultivated, and which provides the initial conceptualization of an individual as a moral or immoral agent. Other factors come into play after the initial conceptualization, which can either solidify the initial impression or nullify it. Regardless of this, the emphasis placed on respect for age does not translate into a corresponding denial of gender constructs and roles. Such a denial would in turn be countered by the existence of Yoruba words such as abo (feminine) and ako (masculine). These words equally denote the biological differences in the human species, and the male and female oppositional, yet complimentary principles which govern reality. Abo is the Yoruba word for the female sex of any species, while ako translates as the male sex. While abo or ako can be used for the sexes in both plant and animal kingdom, these words typically hold several connotations beyond delineating the biological differences in species. We can argue therefore that abo and ako, properly translated, allude to Yoruba traditional gender constructs. As Olajubu states, “The male is taken as a representation of toughness, volatility, and aggressiveness. In contrast, the female represents coolness, gentleness, and peace” (2003: 22). Olajubu rightly interprets the abo principle as denoting ero (ease/coolness/

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gentleness), while the ako principle represents lile (toughness/stress/difficulty), and she cites different Yoruba sayings to buttress her assertion, including sayings like, odun a yabo fun wa (may the year be a fruitful one, full of easy conquests); and owo ero le mu (you started on a note of ease) (ibid.: 9, 22–23). However, this interpretation does not imply that ako/abo translates into the antithetical male/masculine and female/feminine constructs of western society. Western epistemologies portray oppositional constructions as necessarily rigid binaries, each excluding the other. This is a far cry from Yoruba gender oppositional constructs which are necessarily complimentary, as both male and female principles are dependent on each other for a balanced cosmos. The Yoruba cosmological myth of creation, in providing the basis for the relationship between the male and female fundamental principles, also provides justification for the belief in the existence of gender constructs in Yoruba cultural and religious practices. Olodumare, the supreme deity, as Lawal and Olajubu aver, is androgynous, and indigenous Yoruba religion is populated with both male and female deities who are worshipped by male and female mediums. Rather than portray binary oppositional gender constructs, it could even be argued that Yoruba spirituality conceives the female spiritual forces as superior to their male counterparts in a case of reversed gender roles. This is particularly demonstrated by the Iya Mi groups which continue to wield enormous powers and influence, particularly as spiritual authorities. The Yoruba cosmological myth of creation explains the creation of the Iya Mi group as arising from the goddess Osun’s attempt at frustrating the ordering of the world at its creation. The Iya Mi group is the women’s group created by Osun, after she was excluded from the male deities’ ordering of the world. The group, as currently conceptualized, wields enormous powers, described as powers “that may be dangerous, destructive, and antisocial as well as extraordinary, developmentally focused, and employed for good purposes” (Olajubu 2004: 56). It is closely linked with the notion of motherhood, a creative force, and it acts as the spiritual backbone or foundation of all social, cultural, religious and political practices. As the spiritual foundation of social, cultural, religious and political practices, the Iya Mi group is much venerated, mostly covertly, by Yoruba who believe that such practices are efficacious only based on the fact that they have the support of members of the Iya Mi group. Members of this group are called Aje, wrongly translated as ‘witch’ in western parlance. An Aje differs from a witch in that while witches exercise evil and destructive

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powers, the Aje’s exercise of her powers is fluid, and could either be for good or evil, depending on the circumstances and individuals involved. The Aje exercise psychic, spiritual powers gotten from the supreme deity, Olodumare, and are said to be descendants of Odu, a primordial being with an Olodumare-given spiritual force. Odu’s spiritual force is represented by a bird in a calabash. The calabash denotes the cosmos, while the bird denotes the ability to transcend material limitations. Altogether, both bird and calabash represent the primordial force inherent in the Aje which enables her to navigate and shape reality (Adepoju 2019). Gender fluidity in Yoruba culture also plays out in social and political matters. The traditional Yoruba society comprised of the Oba (King)/Baale (head of smaller communities), Oloye (chiefs) and Olori-Ile (compound/family head) as the socio-political authorities (Salami 2006: 69). Women were not only involved at all levels of social-political structures, they also played active roles at these levels, up to and including being crowned as substantive Oba in their own rights. Examples of such female oba are the twenty-first Ooni of Ife, Ooni Luwoo Gbagidi, Alaafin Orompoto who reigned as monarch over the Oyo empire in 1554, Oba Pupupu, the first Osemawe of Ondo in 1516 AD (Gbenle 2018: 64), as well as the 13th and 25th Deji of Akure, Oba Eyearo (1393–1419), and Oba Eyemoin (1705–1735) (Akintide 2013). The above examples of gender fluidity must however be analyzed side-­ by-­side with examples of gender discrimination in traditional Yoruba culture. Evidence of such discrimination is seen in the more enthusiastic reception of male babies than girls, as well as in proverbial sayings which vilify women (Familusi 2012: 302). Examples of such proverbial sayings include: Omo to dara ni ti baba, eyi ti ko dara ni ti iya (The good child is the father’s, the bad, the mother’s); Aini okunrin nile, lobinrin njogun ada (It is when a family lacks male members that a woman can inherit a cutlass); Kaka ko san fun iya aje, onfi gbogbo omo bi obinrin; eye nyi lu eye (The witch keeps birthing girls, thereby adding witches to her coven, rather than being cautious and minimising her affairs.)

This gender discrimination is not minimized even with regard to the understanding of spiritual groups like the witches and the wizards. This is evident in the fact that the Iya Mi/Aje group is the only form of

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spirituality that is both simultaneously valorized and demonized. Aje (witches) and Oso (wizards) exercise spiritual authority in religious activities, but where witches are often vilified and ostracized, wizards are regarded as benign (Peel 2002; Washington 2005: 6–7). Women are also discriminated against during certain religious activities. For example, a menstruating woman is anathema in a religious activity that honors Obatala, who signifies purity and is represented by white symbolisms; and they are also forbidden from entering certain sacred groves/ places of worship. Gender discrimination is also seen in the delineation of jobs. For example, in Iwori Igosun, a verse of the Ifa divinatory corpus, paste-making is perceived as a woman’s job. The Ifá verse makes this determination by explaining why a man who makes paste is not considered successful economically compared to a woman who does the same job. This ultimately suggests a subtle classification of jobs based on biological dynamics: rigorous activities are for men, while soft and docile activities belong to women. This is subtle in the sense that such classifications were not rigid, men and women could undertake any activity delineated for the opposite gender (even if it comes at the risk of stigmatization). However, and despite these limiting determinations, women enjoyed a measure of authority as functionaries, especially in religious activities, with some of such activities led by women. Prime examples include the Yeye-Oro who is the mother of all traditional religious activities in Ekiti; and the Osun-­ Osogbo festival, a religious festival largely led and organized by women (Familusi 2012: 308). Gender Constructs in Traditional Igbo Culture The Igbo comprise the third largest ethnic group in Nigeria. The traditional Igbo culture also evidenced fluid gender constructs. Traditional Igbo mythology portrayed a Supreme Deity, Chukwu, whose female counterpart is Ala. Both related as spouses. Each male deity in Igbo religion also had a counterpart female deity. Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart depicts the level of authority credited to female priestesses with the portrayal of Chika and Chielo, past and current priestesses of the male deity, Agbala, who were greatly feared as a result of the enormous power they wielded. There is also the goddess Ala’s male priest, Ezeani, who reprimands Okonkwo for beating his wife, and mandates him to offer propitiatory sacrifices to Ala. Achebe’s cultural framework of male god/female

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priestess and female god/male priest gestures at the complementary nature of gender roles in Igbo culture. In traditional Igbo culture, there was no strict delineation between the public and private spheres, as the private sphere was viewed as pivotal to the public sphere (Oluwagbemi-Jacob and Uduma 2015: 231). This is portrayed in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart with its recognition of the trading prowess of women, gotten as a result of the Europeans’ demand for what was then labelled as female farm produce. Women and men worked together in many aspects/areas including domestic chores such as sweeping and harvesting. In these areas, demarcation was on the basis of strength—the stronger persons performed the more strenuous domestic chores, for example, sweeping the compound; while the weaker persons performed the less strenuous chores, for example sweeping the rooms. Men and women farmed the land; while men were more involved in planting and harvesting, women tended the crops in addition to cultivating their own household farms in which they grew cassava, cocoyam, maize and other crops. Traditional Igbo society had a reward system where men and women were equally applauded and rewarded for their productive prowess. Using the Edda traditional culture in Afikpo, Ebonyi state, Oluwagbemi-Jacob and Uduma relate the rewards for women whose productive abilities as mothers were viewed as efforts at enlarging the community at either family or village level. Both argue that gender relations in traditional African culture was complementary. They also recognize that traditionally, women in Igbo culture could also ‘take title’, meaning they could hold chieftaincy titles depending on their level of economic success (Oluwagbemi-Jacob and Uduma 2015). Victor Uchendu’s The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria also contradicts the notion of women as the inferior sex. In this book, Uchendu portrays the Igbo woman as one who exercises agency, as evidenced by her ability to be economically buoyant, utilize her profits as she deems fit, marry whom she wills, and when she wills (Uchendu 1965: 50). Ifi Amadiume raises the bar in her Male Daughters and Female Husbands by affirming the gender fluidity inherent in traditional Igbo culture. Such fluidity, according to her, informs the practice of rich and prosperous women who marry other women as wives, and who function in the role of the man in such spousal relationship. Where such happens, the woman-husband performs all roles designated as male. The biological role of procreation is outsourced and all children borne out of such arrangements belong to the woman-­husband (Amadiume 1987: 42). The phenomenon of ‘male daughters’ occurs

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when a family lacks male offspring to perpetuate the family name. In such cases, daughters of that family lineage can decide to become male daughters by staying in their father’s compound to raise any children they bear as descendants of their patrilineal lineage. It is necessary to note that despite this fluidity of gender constructs in traditional Igbo culture, women were also discriminated against on the basis of their gender. The socialization process was one geared towards the ‘production’ of wifely and motherly women (emphasis on marriage and procreation), and strong, courageous and unemotional men (emphasis on bravery, self-assertion and strength). Also, although women were represented and consulted during the socio-political decision-making process, they were not the final arbiters/decision-makers in political decisions (Agbasiere 2002: 37). However, despite this, Igbo women were politically conscious and made their views known. On the other hand, certain parts of Igboland had queens, wives of ruling kings, who had social and political authority over all female matters. An example is centralized Onitsha where the queen, the Omu, and her councilors governed the female section of the community to the exclusion of male authority. The Omu and her councilors were also essential to decision-making processes on matters pertaining to trade in the king’s court. This power was possible by the Queen’s council’s reliance on the solidarity of women in society (Oluwagbemi-Jacob and Uduma 2015: 231). Gender Constructs in Traditional Hausa Culture Prior to the incursion of Islam, the Hausa society was characterized by walled cities sustained by agrarian economies. These walled cities numbered fourteen, and are known historically as the Hausa Bakwai and Banza Bakwai cities. Kari Bergstrom notes that indigenous Hausa societies were matrilineal, but the shift to patrilineal society occurred with the establishment of the Hausa Bokwai states in the sixteenth century (2002: 2). Hausa cities were governed through the sarauta political system, headed by the king, and strengthened by territorial expansion (Adeleke 2005: 100; Liman and Anka 2019: 218). Each city utilized funds raised through various revenue systems to develop their communities and showcase traditional festivals. The traditional religions of these cities were primarily polytheistic, and included the worship of gods and goddesses. The sixteenth century history of the Hausa people showcased evidence of women’s participation in the public sphere; including the existence of

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female tax collectors, religious leaders, warriors and political authorities as in the case of Queens Bakwa Turunku and her daughter, warrior-Queen Amina of Zaria, as well as Queen Tawa of Gobir. The indigenous religion of the Hausas was Bori, and it was traditionally led by women from the ruling class who presided over the activities of the Bori shrines, and also acted as priestesses, the Inna (‘mother of us all’). The tutelary deity of this religion was Rana, a female deity. Thus, prior to the 1804–1808 Uthman dan Fodio-led jihad against Northern Nigeria’s Hausa states, women in the traditional Hausa society were active in the political, religious and economic affairs of their societies (Vaughan and Banu 2014: 2), with their roles dictated more out of material necessity than religious concerns/ beliefs. The Hausa came in contact with Islam through the trans-Saharan trade route around the sixth century. Many of the traders were Muslims, and economic prosperity from the trans-Saharan trade hinged on conversion to Islam. In this way, many Hausa converted to the new religion which also gradually became incorporated into the traditional Hausa culture. Uthman dan Fodio’s foray into Hausaland began with an attempt to teach a purified version of Islam, one uncorrupted by idolatrous beliefs and practices. His teachings on justice and equity were however taken as a critique of the then-king of Gobir’s oppressive and extortionist policies, which put him in conflict with the ruling authorities, but also endeared him and his version of Islam to the hearts of the masses. His jihad was in equal parts a reaction to the king of Gobir’s attempt to do away with him, as well as an attempt to propagate his teachings (Okene and Ahmad 2011: 84–85). With the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate through dan Fodio’s successful jihad, economic necessities further dictated a high level of conversion to dan Fodio’s ‘purified’ version of Islam. However, in comparison to contemporary conceptions of Islamic beliefs in Hausaland, dan Fodio’s version of Islam was gender-inclusive; his daughter Nana Asma’u was an advocate for effective and efficient political participation of women through adequate education. Rather than impose their own socio-cultural practices on the conquered territories, dan Fodio’s forces simply synthesized traditional socio-political Hausa institutions with the victorious forces’ religious beliefs, resulting in a syncretized society. However, contemporary Hausa society has travelled a long way from dan Fodio’s period. Adherents to the dominant Islamic religion have ensured a rigorous adherence to the dictates of the Shar’ia, the Islamic legal code, which has

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ensured the rejection of other religious principles. In this newly evolved society, women are now subjected to what has been dubbed an ‘ambiguous social polarization’ (Callaway 1984: 432–433). This polarization conceives women as subordinate to men. And as subordinates, they are limited to the private sphere and have fewer property rights than men, yet they control the activities of large households and are active investors in economic pursuits. As active economic investors, they are economically independent of men, and thus, able to actively assert the rights accorded them by Islamic law.

Gender and the Interpretive Dynamics of Religious Texts With the above brief exposition of religious and cultural practices of the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria, it is evident that while gender constructs existed in Africa prior to colonial rule, such constructs were fluid and not as rigid as the gender constructs adopted in the wake of postcoloniality. Contemporary gender constructs, in which gender roles are strictly delineated, can therefore be conceptualized as the result of the lingering effects of colonialism. The colonizers conceptualized universal gender roles as primarily dependent on biological differences which cast women as the weaker sex against men’s natural strength. This conceptualization was derived from the Abrahamic creation tale that had the first woman as one who was easily influenced and as a result was held responsible for the ‘fall’ of humankind. Adherents of Christianity and Islam utilized this creation myth to construct an idea of women as the weaker of the sexes, and the one most susceptible to negative and evil influences. This in turn necessitated the social dynamics that demand the need for women to be ‘protected’ by the stronger sex. This belief was held as rigid, distinct and universal, applying to all women everywhere and at all times. In Nigeria, while the southern cultures were heavily influenced by this notion as propagated by Christian preachers, the Hausa north adopted the patriarchal nature of Islam. The consequence was the emergence of cultural structures within which women were less valued than what their precolonial stature demanded. Contemporary adherents of both Christianity and Islam believe in the divine writings of the Bible and the Quran respectively. Christians identify Jesus as the Son of God and as a member of the God-head, while Muslims

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acclaim Prophet Mohammed as the last major prophet sent by God to humanity. The holy scriptures of the two Abrahamic religions speaks to human nature and human sociality. And these two are complicatedly wrapped in human interpretation of what God seems to be saying to humanity through the scriptures. In the rest of the chapter, I will carry out a rigorous hermeneutical interrogation of the scriptures and their precepts about gender and gender relations. The Bible and the Woman New Testament hermeneutics portrays Jesus as an iconoclast; a revolutionary of his time. Ancient Israel was highly patriarchal, and women’s status severely limited to their fathers’/husbands’ homes (Fiorenza 1994: 90–91). They exercised little or no authority, and were often victims of impurity laws. By involving them in his ministry, however, Jesus became iconoclastic. His radical teachings included ignoring impurity laws (Mark 5: 25–34); teaching women (Luke 10: 38–42); proclaiming women as equal to men (Luke 13: 16); taking them on tour along with his male disciples (Luke 8: 1–3); choosing women to receive the first apostolic commission (Matthew 28: 1–7); and choosing women as the first set of people to appear to after his resurrection (Matthew 28: 9). All these portrayed Jesus as one who rebelled against the traditional gender constraints against women in his time. After his death, scriptural passages highlight the active participation of women in early Christian history. Acts 1: 13–14 notes the presence of women with those who met for prayers in the upper room where the Holy Spirit descended; Acts 21: 8–9 emphasizes the case of evangelist Philip’s daughters who were early Christian preachers; and in Roman 16, Paul commends women, including Mary, Priscilla, Junia and Phoebe amongst others, as co-laborers. In this latter passage, Junia and Phoebe are singled out: Phoebe as a diakonos (someone in service), a unisex word translated as ‘deacon,’ and Junia as an apostle of note who was Paul’s fellow prisoner. Biblical passages like these highlight the equal and active participation of women, as apostles and deacons of the early church, and paint them as authority figures in the early Christian tradition. Where then did the idea of the submissive, silent woman originate from? Apostle Paul is often credited with the construction of the female gender role as that which is subordinated to men’s authority in all things. This is often utilized to justify contemporary biblical interpretations of a woman

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as a subordinate other to a man. However, an exegesis of Pauline writings demystifies this misogynist interpretation. First, there is much to be gained in adopting a skeptical approach to the origin of some of the writings attributed to Paul including 2 Thessalonians, Colossians, Ephesians, 1 & 2 Timothy and Titus which contain the major calls allegedly made by Paul for the submissive obedience of women (Harrington 1987). Such skepticism is on the basis of hermeneutical interpretation which yields two conclusions, namely that the writer was not Paul, and that the passages contradict I Corinthians 11: 5 where Paul admits that women can and do lead prayers as well as prophesy. The earlier admission in I Corinthian 11: 5 coheres more with the recorded religious participation of women in early Church history than the latter writings credited to Paul. Thus, hermeneutically, these latter writings, if written by Paul, presents an example of patriarchal influence on the early Church teachings. The Quran and the Woman While Prophet Mohammed also lived in a highly patriarchal society, his teachings conceptualized women as complementary to men, rather than inferior. These teachings were further translated into praxis by his encouragement of women’s participation in the social, political and religious spheres of his epoch, as seen in historical records of women’s political participation during his lifetime which showcase evidence of women playing active roles in congregational prayers, military service, economic affairs, and rendering consultations on political processes as a result of their educated status (al-Turabi 2013: 244). The Quran also evinces Prophet Mohammed’s revolutionary ideas in his assertions of women’s equality with men in religion as seen in the following passages: Surat Al Ahzab [verse 35]; Surat Al Nahl [verse 97]; Surat Al Imran [verse 195]; Surat Al Maida [verse 38]; Surat Al Nur [verse 2] and Surah Al-Ahzab [verse 35]. For example, Surat Al Nur [verse 2] states that “The [unmarried] woman or [unmarried] man found guilty of sexual intercourse – lash each one of them with a hundred lashes, and do not be taken by pity for them in the religion of Allah, if you should believe in Allah and the Last Day.” And Surah Al-Ahzab [verses 35] states: Indeed, the Muslim men and Muslim women, the believing men and believing women, the obedient men and obedient women, the truthful men and truthful women, the patient men and patient women, the humble men and

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humble women, the charitable men and charitable women, the fasting men and fasting women, the men who guard their private parts and the women who do so, and the men who remember Allah often and the women who do so – for them Allah has prepared forgiveness and a great reward.

These verses are emblematic of Prophet Mohammed’s notion of equality of the sexes. The former verse dictates similar punishment for adulterous women and men, while the latter verse delineates conditions to be satisfied by both sexes in order to be rewarded. In both verses, the treatment of the two sexes are similar, thus, justifying the belief that Prophet Mohammed’s take on women’s liberation was revolutionary for his era (Hasan 2020). We must acknowledge that despite presenting an admirable account of divinely inspired thoughts on women, the Bible and Quran, as written by men who lived in patriarchal times, retain androcentric taints, and have therefore been perceived as political weapons against women’s struggle for liberation. In the light of various passages from the Holy Books of the Christianity and Islam which espouse equality of men and women, it is therefore pertinent to address how religious interpretation of scriptures has perpetuated a continuous religious oppression of women. An example of religious interpretation in Christianity is found in the story of the woman who anointed Jesus with oil in Bethany (Matthew 26: 7; Mark 14: 3; Luke 7: 36–50; John 12: 3). In the first two gospels, Matthew and Mark do not name her when recounting the story; the third, Luke, recounts an event with similarities to Matthew and Mark’s account, while the last gospel, John, names her Mary, Lazarus’ sister. While Matthew and Mark’s narrative evokes a royal anointing, with the woman anointing Jesus’ head, Luke and John recount her anointing his feet. In line with traditional Jewish beliefs, the woman’s anointing of Jesus’ head would have proclaimed Jesus as the prophesied King (or Messiah), placing her in a position of leadership to make such determinations. Her anointing of his feet however portrayed the picture of the subservient woman whose duty was to welcome visitors to her home by washing and anointing their feet. An exegesis of this story in the four gospels sheds more light on the possibility that this might be a narration of two separate stories, or that the Luke’s and John’s account could have been changed to better suit their interests (Asikainen 2018: 106–133). Lacking such exegetical hermeneutics, contemporary religious interpretations advertently de-emphasize the importance of the event by interpreting it in terms of the Lukan tradition which not only identifies the woman as a remorseful sinner, but also

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translates the ‘superior’ priestly act to an inferior one. Thus, contrary to Jesus’ assertion that the act would be a memorial for her, the woman is forgotten in an androcentric rendition of Christian ‘His’tory. Muslim women suffer more from scriptural (mis)interpretation, as the primary interpreters of Islamic texts, and the main implementors of Islamic legal codes are males who interpret and implement such texts and codes from varying schools of thoughts. The Quran and Sunnah are two of the most authoritative sources of Islamic theology and law, the latter comprising of verbatim quotations of Prophet Mohammed, and the former comprising of narratives purportedly describing the conduct of Prophet Mohammed and his followers (El Fadl 2005). Islamic law itself is nothing more than “a shorthand expression for an amorphous body of legal rulings, judgments, and opinions that have been collected over the course of many centuries” (ibid.: 149), categorized in two distinct categories as the Sharia and Fqih. The Sharia is composed of laws which, like Thomas Aquinas’ eternal laws, are supposedly eternal and immutable, while the fiqh is composed of positive laws which are prone to error and change. While moderate Islamic jurists acknowledge that the fiqh encapsulates human efforts at understanding and implementing the eternal laws which are inaccessible to humans, puritans and traditionalist Islamic jurists contend that the Sharia is strictly applicable to human conduct. On this basis, puritans selectively pick writings which confirm their patriarchal worldviews and ignore the rest (ibid.: 150–152). Such selective application of jurist writings based on conformity with a jurist’s worldview denies the established source of Islamic laws. If Islamic laws comprise of collated legal rulings, judgments and opinions, as Fadl opines, and eternal laws are inaccessible to humans, dominant Islamic codes can then best be regarded as imperfect interpretations of eternal laws which are then interpreted by Islamic jurists. This subjects the latter interpretation to charges of double jeopardy in the sense that interpretations of divinely inspired writings are themselves fraught with the many biases of the interpreters; how much more derivations from such biased interpretations? As examples of discriminatory penal codes, puritans cite Islamic injunctions which permit husbands to beat their wives, and withdraw maintenance (Chaudhry 2016: 31, 34–35; Surah An-Nisa [verse 34]); and in rape cases, the woman must present four witnesses, failing which she is liable to prosecution for adultery (Mehdi 1997: 102; Surah an- Nur [verse 13]).

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A direct comparison of the examples of religious interpretations from both Christianity and Islam reveals that scriptures are interpreted as historical facts, rather than interpretations of such facts by the authors. As historical facts, little or no consideration is given to the structure, organization and context within which such writings emanated, a task at the forefront of hermeneutical studies. While agreeing that these texts are in themselves nothing more than the writers’ interpretations of events, modern and contemporary preachers utilize religious writings which justify their prejudicial beliefs on women, with little or no attempt to verify such writings within historical, linguistic and contextual parameters. Thus, it is easily seen that religious interpretations emanate from self-interest and ideological biases, and can be defined as a mode of appropriating collective privileges through redefining of social categories (Onwutuebe 2014: 17–18). Religious texts are interpreted through an application of the interpreter’s socio-religious paradigm, thus, presenting a biased version of such scripture. Such biased versions promote the interpreter’s ideologies, and the interpreter includes and excludes scriptural passages to the extent to which such passages aid or impede these ideologies respectively. In terms of gender parity, religious interpretations matter to the extent of the interpreter’s influence on the larger society. Contemporary religious leaders enjoy and exercise a vast amount of influence, not only in their various localities, but also beyond. Their scriptural interpretations of gender roles influence gender norms as can be seen in the case of a prominent Nigerian pastor with a global following, Chris Oyakhilome, who remarked that women were created for men, and on that basis, that men are the masters of women (Adelakun 2016).

Religious Interpretation and Contemporary African Gender Constructs From the above, it becomes obvious that prejudicial interpretations of scriptural texts paint gendered pictures of Otherness, which, to say the least, constitute an instrumentalization of gender in African societies. Religious interpretations are commonly utilized in Christianity and Islam to justify the marginalization of women. In Christianity, the woman is chastised as a descendant of Eve, the first woman who caused man to fall from grace, and preachers quote misogynist passages in particular to admonish women to evince outward piety and submit to men, while

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ignoring other passages which capture the stories of women who exercised political and religious authority in the Bible (Joyce 2009). Evidence of contradictory passages in the Bible challenges the fundamentalist notion about the inerrancy of the Bible. However, such evidence poses no such challenge to textual foundationalists who view the Bible as a basis for empowering ethics and doctrines if interpreted correctly (Osiek 1997). Viewed hermeneutically, the Bible can only be understood in its basic groupings as textual interpretations of historical facts based on the context of such facts, rather than a pure, idealized portrayal of historical facts as the fundamentalists would have us believe. In Islam, the woman is equally admonished to submit to her husband and obey him, except where he disobeys God, as in Surah An-Nisa [verse 34]. This is contrary to the notion of justice as fairness, the hallmark of the Islamic system, as exemplified in the following Quranic injunctions which emphasize fairness to all: Surah An-Nisa [verse 135], Surah Al-An’am [verse 132], Surah Al-Ahqaf [verse 19] (cited in Hussain 2013). The two religions are examples of western and eastern religions whose cosmological myths picture women as the source of evil/hardship, contrary to African conceptions which regard women as the indispensable part of society, without whom society would lack organization. One of the many results of colonialism was thus a paradigm shift in gender construction to portray women as Victorian models of weakness and inferiority, both in the public and private spheres, ably guided by their male ‘masters’. Little wonder then the belief that religious interpretations are one of the primary factors responsible for the contemporary marginalization of women in African societies (Barlas 2019; Joyce 2009). Due to such erroneous beliefs and interpretations, primarily built on the backbone of the colonial patriarchal system, African women have been relegated to the private sphere, while the public sphere is heavily dominated by men. Colonialism not only enforced a discriminatory paradigm shift, but also denied economic power to women, who had, prior to colonial rule, played major roles in the economic affairs of their society. Such measure, together with the western, formal mode of education, placed women at a disadvantage in comparison with their male counterparts in their exercise of agency. The biased interpretations of religious texts as well as the predominance of western education facilitated the prevalence of western patriarchal conceptions, which reinforced the traditional patriarchal formations in a pervasive manner to ensure that African women

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perceive themselves a debilitated, besieged and dominated gender, contrary to what traditional practices demonstrated. Since “religion is often hijacked, politicized and subsequently used as the basis to justify certain predetermined goals” (Onwutuebe 2014: 2), it is not too difficult to delineate such a predetermined goal as the continued subjugation of women. The gender disparity in the public affairs of African states is sustained by patriarchal social formations which, to all intents and purposes, is firmly undergirded by biased religious interpretations (Sanusi and Olayinka 2012: 275–278; Tamale 2014: 155–164, 168). While many African governments have seemingly made efforts at improving women’s lot in the public sphere in the light of contemporary agitations for gender parity, religious fundamentalists and their patriarchal interpretations have equally proliferated as counterpoints to the gains of gender equality. However, since our earlier analysis of the biases of religious arguments against gender parity in the public and private spheres has revealed that these biases cannot be justified even on religious grounds, it is necessary to attempt a reconstruction of African gender roles in order to achieve an effective integration of women into the polity.

In Praise of Gender Complementarity Gender complementarity simply refers to the integration of gender constructs in a manner where each is seen as necessary and essential to each other, rather than in terms of binary and hierarchical opposites. Unfortunately, gender complementarity has often been wrongly interpreted as a conservative, religious idea through which gender difference, inequality and subservience are justified. This interpretation is dependent on a wrong and limiting notion of gender complementarity. The notion, properly understood, recognizes that gender differentiation does not translate into gender discrimination; thus, society should recognize that all persons within it play roles which are complementary in nature rather than adversarial and unnecessarily hierarchical. The idea of complementarity is not adapted merely towards the assertion of equality; rather, it is a theoretical dynamic that is founded on the recognition of the essential human dignity possessed by all sexes. Its fundamental significance derives from the difficulty involved in attributions of equality in the social relations between both sexes, a difficulty based on biological differentiation. Complementarity is denied when women are defined as inferior in relation to men. In this instance, therefore, it becomes immediately obvious

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how the denigration of women’s productivity in favor of men’s, limits the developmental capacity of most African states. Patriarchy and its attendant gender discrimination therefore facilitate the halving of the productive forces in the society. Women who are critical to the development process are restricted from the productive process simply because they are women, and not on the basis of any evidenced limitations. This makes the notion of gender complementarity all the more fundamental, not only as a paradigmatic rethinking of human sociality, but also as an instigator of human development. And it therefore reiterates the necessity and urgency of continuous collective effort at removing all vestiges of a patriarchal dynamics, not only to the extent that they color identity and agency, but also to the extent of their determinations of collective progress, especially in Africa. In recent times, efforts at integrating traditional African gender constructs with Abrahamic religious beliefs have achieved a fair measure of success. Islamist advocacy for gender complementarity, as opposed to gender equality, has also resulted in the increase in the political participation of women in the Middle East and North Africa. As an example, Sudan, an Islamic state, justifies its 25% women’s quota in national and state legislative positions as necessary on the basis that women’s political opinions are necessary to provide different perspectives arising from their primary ‘nurturing’ roles, as political decision-making is balanced only when both men and women’s perspectives are equally valued (Tønnessen 2018: 5). In  African responses to Christianity—from the Ethiopianism of the African nationalist elites which challenged the colonial misrepresentation and neglect of African cultural heritage, through the pneumatic challenge of the African spiritual churches to the emergence of the charismatic and (neo)Pentecostal movements—we see evolving and established practices of religious synthesis of western Christian and African beliefs. Such syncretist religious formations and movements develop distinctly African inflected theologies incorporating African symbolisms, music and musical instruments, and leadership practices which create liberating religious spaces for women, resulting in a reassessment of women’s roles (Mwaura 2005: 413–416). These churches become liberational platforms utilized by women to challenge patriarchal Christian religious traditions, and to recover women’s traditional roles as significant religious leaders in their own right. Examples of these churches and their leaders include the Cherubim and Seraphim movement whose establishment was made possible by Sophia Odunlami and Abiodun Akinsowon, healer and prophetess respectively; and the Fountain of Life Bible Church founded by a husband

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and wife team—Taiwo and Bimbo Odukoya, the latter whose charismatic teachings served as impetus to reorient and transform the lives of youths. Contemporary examples include Margaret Idahosa, who succeeded her husband as bishop after his death, (Fatokun 2006: 195–196) and philanthropist Esther Ajayi, founder and general overseer of an Aladura church. In Nigeria, Muslim women’s advocacy groups have utilized hermeneutics to reinterpret Quranic writings on women to appeal gender discriminatory sentences in Sharia courts. Examples include the Women’s Rights Advancement and Protection Alternative (WRAPA), and the BAOBAB for Women’s Human Rights. In the cases of Safiyatu Hussaini and Amina Lawal, these two groups were at the fore in attempts to acquit both women of the rape charges levelled against them under Islamic law. Their efforts led to the acquittal of both women based on a reinterpretation of rape cases in Islamic jurisprudence (Yawuri 2007: 132). Although such advocacies are viewed by Islamic puritans as due to westernized and corrupt influences which undermine traditional Muslim values, Islamic moderates view such as the Islamic legal system’s mode of validating itself by self-­ correction and self-sustenance (ibid.). Some Islamic scholars have also attempted to highlight scriptural passages like those cited above on fairness as religious passages that espouse equity between sexes, and expunge patriarchal interpretations of same (El Fadl 2005: 261–262; Hasan 2020). Such scholars have also integrated traditional African cultural beliefs with Islamic writings to arrive at an ‘elevated’ status for women, ‘allowing’ them to attain leadership positions in religious activities and places of worship. The titles Iya Adini, Olori Alasalatu or Majeobaje Adini, for instance, are titles given to Muslim women who make significant contributions to the development of a local mosque or Muslim community. These women are seen as leaders of the Muslim community who perform socio-cultural functions, including the administration of welfare issues in the mosque or/and community, simultaneously satisfying cultural, traditional and religious sensibilities. This is a form of reconstruction, where traditional African gender constructs are revived, and women accorded leadership roles in religious settings accordingly. These are all measures of espousing gender complementarity which must be vigorously pursued. The dynamics of African cultures need to be revisited and synthesized with salient features of contemporary cultures to arrive at an adaptation where gender relations are mutually enhancing. Thus, cultural values need to be evaluated to determine gender roles which can then be contrasted

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with western conceptions to gain clarity on cultural dynamics. Thus, there is an identified need for a reconstruction of our conceptions of gender to fit into the imperatives and exigencies of modern existence in postcolonial Africa. And education plays a prominent and definitive role in the attempt at achieving a paradigm shift in gender thinking that is more empowering, because it is more complementary.

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Callaway, Barbara. 1984. Ambiguous Consequences of the Socialisation and Seclusion of Hausa Women. The Journal of Modern African Studies 22 (3): 429–450. Chaudhry, Ayesha S. 2016. Interrogating the “Shari’a” Excuse: Religious Reasoning, International Law, and the Struggle for Gender Equality in the Middle East. In Empowering Women After the Arab Spring. Comparative Feminist Studies, ed. Marwa Shalaby and Valentine Moghadam, 21–44. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. de Beauvoir, Simone. 1953. The Second Sex. Trans. H.M. Pashley. New York: Knopf. Dzurgba, Akpenpuun. 2002. An Introduction to Sociology of Religion. Ibadan: University of Ibadan Press. Fadl, Khaled Abou El. 2005. The Great Theft: Wrestling Islam from the Extremists. New York: HarperCollins Publishers Inc. Familusi, Olumuyiwa. 2012. African Culture and the Status of Women: The Yoruba Example. The Journal of Pan African Studies 5 (1): 299–313. Fatokun, Samson. 2006. Women and Leadership in Nigerian Pentecostal Churches. Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 32 (3): 193–205. Fiorenza, Elisabeth. 1994. In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins. New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company. Gbenle, Grace. 2018. Socio-Religious Issues in the Debate on Masculinity in Yorubaland. KIU Journal of Humanities 3 (3): 63–74. Harrington, Wilfrid. 1987. Jesus and Paul: Signs of Contradiction. Delaware: Michael Glazier Inc. Hasan, Usama. 2020. Gender Equality. Retrieved May 30, 2020, from Plain Islam: https://www.plainislam.com/in-­depth/gender-­equality/ Hussain, Tanveer. 2013. Justice and Equality. The Quranic Teachings: Teachings of the Quran Explained in Simple and Concise Manner. Retrieved from https:// quranicteachings.org/justice-­and-­equality/ Joyce, Kathryn. 2009. Quiverfull: Inside the Christian Patriarchal Movement. Boston: Beacon Press. Lawal, Babatunde. 2008. Ejiwapo: The Dialectics of Twoness in Yoruba Art and Culture. African Arts 41 (1): 24–39. Liman, Abdulahhi, and Anas Anka. 2019. Relevance of Indigenous Political System in the Transformation of Nigeria: Special Focus on Kingship (Sarauta System) in Northern Nigeria. International Journal of Recent Innovations in Academic Research 3 (3): 217–224. Mama, Amina. 2001. Challenging Subjects: Gender and Power in African Contexts. African Sociological Review 5 (2): 63–73. Mbiti, John. 1990. African Religions & Philosophy. Oxford: Heinemann. Mehdi, Rubya. 1997. The Offence of Rape in the Islamic Law of Pakistan. In Dossier 18, ed. Marie-Aimee Hélie-Lucas and Harsh Kapoor, 98–108. Paris: Women Living Under Muslim Laws.

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Mwaura, Philomena Njeri. 2005. Gender and Power in African Christianity: African Instituted Churches and Pentecostal Churches. In African Christianity: An African Story, ed. Ogbu U.  Kalu, 410–445. Pretoria: Department of Church History, University of Pretoria. Okene, Ahmed, and Shukri Ahmad. 2011. Ibn Khaldun, Cyclical Theory and the Rise and Fall of Sokoto Caliphate, Nigeria West Africa. International Journal of Business and Social Science 2 (4): 80–91. Olajubu, Oyeronke. 2003. Women in the Yoruba Religious Sphere. New York: State University of New York Press. ———. 2004. Seeing Through a Woman’s Eye: Yoruba Religious Tradition and Gender Relations. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 20 (1): 41–60. ———. 2005. Gender and Religion: Gender and African Religious Traditions. In Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. Lindsay Jones, 2nd ed., 3400–3406. New York: Thomson Gale. Oluwagbemi-Jacob, Dorothy, and Chima Uduma. 2015. Gender Equality, Gender Inequality and Gender Complementarity: Insights from Igbo Traditional Culture. Philosophy Study 5 (5): 223–232. Onwutuebe, Chidiebere. 2014. Religious Interpretations, Gender Discrimination and Politics in Africa: Case Study of Nigeria, 1–21. Retrieved from cnd.ymaws. com: https://cdn.ymaws.com/www.istr.org/resource/resmgr/africaregional2014wp/james._religious_interpretat.pdf Osiek, Carolyn. 1997. Feminist and the Bible: Hermeneutical Alternatives. HTS 53 (4): 956–968. Oyewumi, Oyeronke. 1997. The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourses. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Peel, John David Yeadon. 2002. Gender in Yoruba Religious Change. Journal of Religion in Africa 32 (2): 136–166. Salami, Yunusa. 2006. The Democratic Structure of Yoruba Political-Cultural Heritage. The Journal of Pan African Studies 1 (6): 67–78. Sanusi, Ramona, and Wumi Olayinka. 2012. Religio-Cultural and Poetic Constructions of the Subaltern African Woman. Ibadan Journal of Humanistic Studies 21&22: 273–293. Sered, Susan. 1999. Women of the Sacred Groves—Divine Priestesses of Okinawa. New York: Oxford University Press. Tamale, Sylvia. 2014. Exploring the Contours of African Sexualities: Religion, Law and Power. African Human Rights Law Journal 14 (1): 150–177. The Qur’an. 2010. Trans. M.A. Haleem. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Tønnessen, Liv. 2018. An Increasing Number of Muslim Women in Politics: A Step Towards Complementarity, Not Equality. Bergen: Chr. Michelsen Institute. Retrieved June 14, 2019, from https://www.cmi.no/publications/6534increasing-number-of-muslim-women-in-politics

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Uchendu, Victor. 1965. The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria: Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company. Vaughan, Olufemi, and Suraiya Banu. 2014. Muslim Women’s Rights in Northern Nigeria. Africa Program Occasional Paper Series. Washington, Teresa. 2005. Our Mothers, Our Powers, Our Texts: Manifestations of Ajé in Africana Literature. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Yawuri, Aliyu Musa. 2007. On Defending Safiyatu Hussaini and Amina Lawal. In Sharia Implementation in Northern Nigeria 1996–2006: A Sourcebook, ed. Philip Ostien, vol. 5, 129–139. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd.

CHAPTER 12

Yoruba Traditional Instrumental Ensemble and Indigenous Knowledge Systems Olupemi E. Oludare

Introduction Indigenous knowledge is the traditional method developed unique to a society, through which the people communicate the knowledge of their ethics and ethos within and without. Within, it serves as an indigenous system wherein the people have a first contact with their environment and learn their cultural way of life through intra-kinship and community activities (Awoniyi 1975). Without, it is the magnifying spectacle through which outsiders have an internal perspective and gain knowledge of such traditions through observation and documentation of traditional and modern cultural resources (Aderibigbe 2016). Indigenous knowledge is the internal mechanism that preserves and sustains the cultural practices of the people, be it their indigenous institutions of religion, leadership, commerce and the arts. With regards to the arts, music remains one of the iconic and important indigenous knowledge practiced sustainably amongst the Yoruba people. Although the impact of the foreign musical influences,

O. E. Oludare (*) University of Lagos, Akoka, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_12

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elements and dynamics, due to colonization and modernization, have greatly influenced traditional Yoruba music, the Yoruba indigenous forms are still practiced and preserved through their indigenous knowledge systems (Omojola 2012; Vidal 2012). The traditional instruments and ensemble knowledge are taught through the dedicated indigenous systems of family lineage, apprenticeship and communal imitation institutions. This study thus examines Yoruba traditional instrumental ensembles and how their musical and cultural functions expedite the erudition and preservation of Yoruba indigenous knowledge systems.

Yoruba Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Traditional Instrumental Ensemble Human societies globally “have developed rich sets of experiences and explanations relating to the environments they live in. These ‘other knowledge systems’ are…referred to as traditional…or indigenous or local knowledge” (Nakashima et  al., cited in UNESCO 2010). Aderibigbe (2015) defines indigenous knowledge systems as the established age-old traditions and practices of a people. Mapara (2009) referred to it as a form or forms of knowledge of the indigenous people of a particular geographical areas. Chiwanza submits that these forms are “developed through the stages of acculturation, kinship relationships…and handed down for posterity by oral tradition and cultural practices” (2013: 20). Indigenous knowledge is an integral part of a society’s culture and history, with every society having its cultural knowledge system (Gorjestani 2000; Emeagwali and Dei 2014). Chiwanza posits that “indigenous knowledge is indeed the cornerstone for the building of…identity and ensuring coherence of social structures within communities” (2013: 20). Speaking on Yoruba indigenous knowledge, Aderibigbe adds that “indigenous people have a broad knowledge of how to live sustainably” (2015: 116). This cultural sustainability is realized in Yoruba culture by engaging their intrinsic socio-cultural agencies of knowledge transfer. The Yoruba people are domiciled in the South-western part of Nigeria; and they are known for their exuberant cultural heritage, preserved and passed aurally, orally and by some cultural rituals from generation to generation, through an indigenous knowledge system (Hamzat 2017). The Yoruba indigenous knowledge system function as a didactic method, structured towards the transmission of the cultural wisdom and traditions to the people. Amongst such knowledge system is the Yoruba traditional

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instruments and ensemble, which reflects their musical (entertainment, panegyric, commemoration) and social (sacred, family, gender, hierarchy) structure (Akpabot 1986; Omojola 2017). Until the incursion of ‘colonial’ education in the Yoruba traditional education, which was based on Western epistemology and a subjugating agenda through a systematic ‘civilizing’ and ‘modernizing’ process, pre-colonial Yoruba societies had their independent knowledge systems (Vidal 2012; Hamzat 2017). These traditional systems successfully functioned as the authentic instructive model of communicating their socio-cultural knowledge, such as religion, politics, commerce, professions, arts, and so on. For example, the Yoruba religious belief system centers on the various òrìsà, their unique mode of worship, symbolism and functions (Ogungbemi 2017). The Yoruba indigenous institutions reflect a political hierarchy, functions and values similar to their religious structure (Falola 1998; Ogundeji 2017). So also, there are indigenous knowledge systems of economics, trade, agriculture, health, vocations and education within each Yoruba society (Awoniyi 1975; Falola and Akinyemi 2017). Similarly, there are indigenous knowledge systems employed in the learning, performance and practice of Yoruba vocal and instrumental musical forms. According to Omibiyi, “given the concepts of musical universalism…every culture has a system of introducing members into its musical tradition” (1975: 489). Hamzat expatiates on these indigenous musical knowledge systems in Yoruba culture. She narrates that “there are professional performers who are usually trained for a period of time…put a lot of efforts to their professions in the vocal and instrumental artistry…the hands are exercised…indigenous devices are invented…and sleepless nights are expended” (2017: 162). Scholars such as Omibiyi (1975), Olusoji (2013) Idamoyinbo (2013) and Osundina (2015) also wrote extensively on the indigenous knowledge system for training Yoruba traditional musicians. According to the scholars, the three models of Yoruba indigenous knowledge system for musical (instrumental) training include (i) hereditary or ascription, (ii) apprenticeship, and (iii) observation, imitation and participation in musical activities. Example includes the family lineage system, such as the ‘Ayan’ family believed to be divinely gifted with the dexterity and indigenous knowledge of the drums, being descendants of the òrìsà Ayangalu (Osundina 2015). In Yoruba culture, those who are not of the Àyàn lineage but learnt and play the drums are referred to as “Ayan t’oju bo”. There are also families who specialize in the making of traditional instruments and are instructors and custodians of

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the indigenous knowledge. This is similar to the culture maintained in Europe around sixteenth to eighteenth centuries by the Amati, Stradivari and Guarnerius families; who were makers and custodians of the knowledge of the violin (Heron-Allen 1984). So also is the knowledge of these Yoruba traditional instruments and ensemble gained through the apprenticeship and combined observation, imitation and participation indigenous models. The Yoruba instrumental ensemble and music structure also reflect their social structure, in terms of the religious, kinship and gender roles and hierarchy. Structurally, all the ensemble consists of a lead and various support instruments, with each instrument in the ensemble having its unique musical and cultural role. For example, the dundun drum ensemble is led by the Iya-ilu dundun and supported by the gudugudu, omele isaaju, omele ikehin, kanango and Kerikeri; the sekere ensemble is led by the Iya Aje sekere and supported by the isaaju Aje and ikehin Aje (see the findings of the study for details). There are also instrumental ensembles unique to some deities and cults, and each instrumental ensemble consisting of feminine and masculine instruments; like a family led by the mother (Iya-ilu) instrument and supported by the daughters (omele abo) and sons (omele ako). According to scholars such as Akpabot (1986), Euba (1990), Vidal (2012), Osundina (2015), Babawale (2016), Adedeji (2016), Agawu (2016), Omojola (2016) and Hamzat (2017), these traditional instruments and ensemble have both musical and cultural functions and their structures reflect the Yoruba social structures. The scholars aver that the function of African musical styles determines their forms. Thus, the various forms of Yoruba traditional instrumental ensembles and their diversified functionalities serve as indigenous musical and cultural knowledge systems through which their socio-cultural identities can be learned and conserved.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework The study surveys the various Yoruba traditional instrumental ensemble. It engages a descriptive analysis of ensemble forms, the traditional pedagogical methods and how their musical and cultural functions uphold and preserve Yoruba indigenous knowledge systems and cultural identity. In examining the different Yoruba traditional instrumental ensembles, the study highlights the musical elements engaged in the instrumental ensembles and their extra-musical roles in the Yoruba socio-cultural milieu.

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Primary data were gathered through ethnographic research methods such as oral interviews and observation during field work, with information elicited from traditional instructors, music families, master musicians and instrument makers in South-western Nigeria. Secondary data were sourced from literature on Yoruba traditional instruments and indigenous knowledge systems. Theoretically, this study takes off from the philosophical and cultural imperatives of indigenous knowledge system, especially within African indigenous education, as explored by Ocitti (1979) and deployed by Akinwale (2013), and with respect to Yoruba traditional education as an indigenous knowledge system. Ocitti (1979) identified five philosophical foundations or principles to include preparation, functionalism, communalism, perennialism and holisticism. Akinwale (2013) adopted these principles as a valuable tool in Yoruba Traditional Education System. The first principle, preparation, refers to the teaching process that equips and prepares the people with the required skills. The principle of functionalism involves learning through imitation, initiation, heredity, apprenticeship and oral literature, which makes the traditional ensemble functional within the community. The communalism principle consolidates the African indigenous philosophy of communal spirit to life and work. The fourth principle of perennialism inculcates the importance of maintaining or preserving traditional and cultural heritage. The fifth principle of holisticism establishes the holistic nature of indigenous knowledge system towards societal sustainability. This study generally appropriates the associated benefits of these principles, highlighted in the findings, as revealed in their infusion into the Yoruba indigenous knowledge systems of teaching traditional instruments and the relationship with the musical and cultural functionalities of each ensemble.

Findings and Discussion Yoruba Instrumental Ensemble as Indigenous Musical Knowledge Systems The Yoruba have a rich musical heritage, with music functioning as an avenue for expressing the day-to-day activities and a fenestration of their cultural identity. In Yoruba culture, music is engaged from the cradle— through the mother’s lullaby which serve as the first source of indigenous knowledge to her infants, to the grave—through the folksongs that archive

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and transmit knowledge of their ethos. Vocal and instrumental music are ubiquitous in all Yoruba societies. While there are forms of only vocal and instrumental music, most of the traditional vocal music are accompanied by one or more rhythmic instruments (including hand clapping), due to the penchant for percussive and dance pattern in Yoruba music (Omojola 2012; Vidal 2012). Some of the instrumental ensembles, such as sekere (shakers), agogo (gong) and so on, incorporate vocal parts which supply the melody as a compensation for the instrument’s rhythmic parts. However, in instrumental music where melodic or melo-rhythmic instruments are present, such as the agidigbo, bata and dundun music (see Figs. 12.1, 12.2 and 12.7 below), to mention a few, the voice (lyrics) serve as linguistic iteration and decoding of the instrument’s encoded music. Yoruba traditional instruments can be grouped into the membranophone, aerophone, chordophone and idiophone categories. Each ensemble may consist of same instrument (homogenous form) or different instruments (heterogeneous form). However, due to the multiplicity of Yoruba traditional instruments, they are further grouped according to their sub-families within the same taxonometric categories and homogenous forms, with each member having unique nomenclatures and musical function (Omojola 2017). For example, within the membranophone category, there are more than ten different Yoruba drum ensemble. There are also varied types of gongs, shakers and beaters within the idiophone category. Each family of drums, gongs, shakers and beaters form an ensemble made up exclusively of members of its sub-family. Hence, while the dundun drum family consist of the Iya-ilu dundun, gudugudu, omele isaaju, omele ikehin, kanango and Kerikeri; the bata family is comprised of the Iya-ilu bata, omele abo bata, omele ako bata, kudi and afere. Also,

Fig. 12.1  Dundun ensemble music. (Source: Author’s notation)

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Fig. 12.2  Agidigbo ensemble music. (Source: Author’s notation)

whereas the asiko drum family is made up of the Iya-ilu asiko, tamale, bemu and samba; the bembe family is made up of the Iya-ilu bembe, isaaju, atele and ejin. Within the idiophone category, the sekere family comprises the Iya Aje sekere, isaaju Aje and ikehin Aje, while the agogo family includes the Iya Aro, isaaju Aro and ikehin Aro. There are also varied types of Yoruba aerophones, which include the oro, fere, ekutu, kakaki, oja, ayede ode, tioko, ipe and toromogbe; as well as Yoruba chordophones, such as the Goje and Duru (Echezona 1981; Euba 1988, 1990; Vidal 2012; Oludare 2007; Omojola 2012, 2016; Osundina 2015; Adedeji 2016). This knowledge of the nature of the musical instruments is acquired by the musicians during their indigenous training (Figs. 12.3, 12.4, 12.5 and 12.6). Each instrument in the homogenous and heterogeneous ensembles have their individual and interactive musical elements and functions in the ensemble. These musical elements and functions include rhythmic, melodic, melo-rhythmic and accompaniment attributes. Yoruba traditional instruments are considered as either rhythmic, melodic or melorhythmic based on the pattern they play. The omele ako (male) instruments play the rhythmic patterns, the omele abo (female) instruments play the melodic patterns, while the Iya-ilu (mother) instrument play the melorhythmic pattern. Although melodic instruments are able to play both melody and rhythm, they are restricted to melodic patterns, in support of the Iya-ilu. They however provide melo-rhythmic parts occasionally during call and response passages with the Iya-ilu, or at interludes while the master instrument is at rest or absent in the ensemble (Osundina 2015). The musical function of the Iya-ilu is to provide the principal melo-rhythmic part in the ensemble, which include melodic parts (with linguistic meanings) and series of rhythmic improvisations.

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Fig. 12.3  Bàtá ensemble. (Source: Author’s personal collection)

Fig. 12.4  Dùndún ensemble. (Source: Author’s personal collection)

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Fig. 12.5  Sákárà ensemble. (Source: Author’s personal collection)

Fig. 12.6  Sèkèrè ensemble. (Source: Author’s personal collection)

The excerpt below is a typical bata ensemble music for Sango worship. The omele ako bata consists of two or three instruments—ako, kudi and afere (the afere is left out in a two bata pair), attached and played by a single person. The ako bata has the highest pitch and the afere the lowest,

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Fig. 12.7  Rhythmic, melodic and melo-rhythmic parts in bata ensemble for Sango worship. (Source: Author’s notation)

hence the ako bata is notated on the highest line, kudi on the middle line, and afere on the lowest line of the three-line staff. The Iya-ilu and omele abo bata (a smaller version of the Iya-ilu) have two membrane faces. The sasa is played with a leather belt but the Oju ojo is played with the palm. While the sasa produce rhythmic patterns, melo-rhythmic patterns are played on the Oju ojo through different palm techniques on the membrane. While improvisation patterns are replete in the Iya-ilu parts, the omele abo bata often play constant melodic patterns, with only occasional melo-rhythms and improvisation as a creative accompaniment. The traditional musicians are educated on these musical elements and functions of the instruments and ensembles through the various indigenous musical training they undergo. Hence, these traditional ensembles serve as an indigenous musical knowledge system for learning the Yoruba instrumental music practices (Fig. 12.7). Yoruba Instrumental Ensemble as Indigenous Cultural Knowledge System and Identity The Yoruba have a cultural knowledge system for training their traditional musicians. As mentioned earlier, it includes the hereditary or ascription system, the apprenticeship system, and the observation, imitation and participation system. Each of these three models engages the five principles of philosophical foundations of African indigenous education mentioned earlier. The intending students are prepared both through their community experience while growing up and their master’s initiation at the inception of their training. The functionalism stage involves the actual learning of the musical instruments and ensemble through imitation and oral literature involving their expected functionality within the community. They

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learn the cultural philosophy of communal spirit to life and work in the third stage; the importance of the music, instruments and ensemble to the maintaining and preserving of the traditional and cultural heritage in the fourth stage; and the holistic nature of indigenous knowledge system towards a societal sustainability and cultural identity in the last stage. The mastery of these traditional instruments and ensemble thus equip each master musician with the cultural knowledge of Yoruba music, their functionalities and identity. This has a far reaching educational experience and value for the musicians, as they are able to engage these traditional instruments and ensemble through indigenous creative processes and practices, which reflects the authentic Yoruba musical and cultural knowledge and identity. Music among the Yoruba function as a panegyric and commemorative tool. In Yoruba traditional religion, music is used to celebrate, appease and petition the gods and the deities, with each deity having its unique genre and musical instruments dedicated to its worship. For a traditional instrumentalist to function appropriately in the society, he must therefore learn the sacred function of each instrument and their ensembles. For example, the igbin drums are used in the music for the worship of Obatala (head of the gods), the ipese drums are used in the music for worshiping Orunmila (custodian of the Ifa divination), the gbedu drums are used for worshiping Ogun (god of iron), kete drums for the music of Obaluwaiye (god of the earth) worship, the bata drums accompany the music in the worship of Sango (god of thunder) and Oya (goddess of storms), while the agogo are used both for Ogun and Sango worship (Euba 1988; Omojola 2017). Instruments such as the bata, dundun, sekere and agogo ensembles are also used for royalties, cults, as well as secular festival celebrations. For example, the Yoruba kings are referred to as ‘ikeji Orisa’, hence the gbedu drums are also used in the king palaces as they symbolize royalty (Adedeji 2016). The ipese and agogo also have a special role in the rituals of the Ogboni cult. The learning of the different Yoruba traditional instruments thus correlates with such cultural knowledge system for learning and preserving the various identities of the Yoruba deities, kings and cults: their mode of worship, rituals, musical and cultural practices. The traditional instruments and ensemble also serve as a cultural knowledge system through which the Yoruba gender structure is learned. Yoruba traditional instruments are stereotyped in terms of masculine and feminine nomenclature and function (Adedeji 2016). In Yoruba culture, the mother is the custodian of the home and the myths that females undertake more

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domestic activities and more voluble than their male counterpart (Oludare 2018). Consequently, in Yoruba traditional instrumental family, the feminine instruments are the larger, melodic and melo-rhythmic instruments, with more musical expressions and creativity than the masculine ones. By hierarchy, the Iya-ilu leads all the instruments in the ensemble, which are generally referred to as either female (omele Abo) or male (omele Ako) instruments. Other Yoruba traditional instruments associated with feminine gender are gudugudu, tamale and isaaju, while the masculine ones are kanango, kerikeri, kudi, bemu, atele and ejin. Another indigenous cultural knowledge assimilated in the learning of Yoruba traditional instruments is the understanding of the linguistic properties and communicative attributes of the Yoruba language. Linguistic communication is vital to the development and conservation of every cultural identity, with Akangbe (2017: 47) corroborating that “communication is a very vital part of human life and it is a lubricant that oils the wheel of coexistence”. The Yoruba language makes use of the three low, mid and high phonemic tones for word intelligibility, and the instrumental music are usually conceived and performed with linguistic connotations. In Yoruba societies, the traditional instruments are employed as non-­verbal medium, which may also complement the verbal expressions of the vocal parts (Akangbe 2017). It is therefore expedient to understand the tonal inflection and characteristics of the Yoruba language in order to master the instruments and ensemble, especially the feminine ones which are often used as speech surrogates for encoding and tonal communication of text, due to their melorhythmic capabilities (Vidal 2012; Osundina 2015; Omojola 2017). Thus, these instrumental ensembles through their linguistic appropriations serve as indigenous cultural knowledge system and identity of the Yoruba people. The significance of the individual and collective musical and cultural functions of the Yoruba traditional instruments and ensemble are therefore multifaceted. Each instrument has unique musical (melodic and rhythmic) and socio-cultural (gender, hierarchy, family, sacred and secular) attributes and role they play and with which they interact in an ensemble. Similarly, each ensemble has unique musical characteristics and socio-cultural functions, deployed in different contexts such as during religious worships, rituals and at festivals and entertainment gatherings. These instruments and ensembles relate differently when they face different audience and occasions. For example, instruments such as the igbin, ipese, gbedu, agogo and saworo are used by the deity worshippers and cults for specialized musical patterns and cultural roles, but only serve pure dance

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and entertainment when played for social audience and occasion. We have also mentioned the various cultural contexts in which each of these instruments and ensembles function. It is also noteworthy to mention that the domination of the mother figure in these traditional ensemble reflects the significance of gender relations in Yoruba culture. In Yoruba family, indigenous education and discipline systems, the Iyaale (head wife) is in charge of the other wives and children, the family domestic affairs and responsible for instilling discipline and the omoluabi character in the children and family (Awoniyi 1975; Dasylva 2017).

Conclusion and Recommendation This study has provided valuable insight into Yoruba traditional instruments and ensemble, as well as their indigenous knowledge system. The Yoruba traditional instrumental ensemble serves as an indigenous knowledge system through which the Yoruba musical and cultural identity are communicated, promoted and preserved. Through the Yoruba indigenous training system, the musicians learn all the musical and cultural elements, functions and practices of the instruments. Hence, Yoruba traditional instrumental ensemble serves as indigenous musical and cultural knowledge system. In recommendation, this study aligns with Aderibigbe’s position, especially with regard to the ideological relationship between tradition and modernity. He argues that the practice of indigenous knowledge systems does not mean African cultures are essentially traditional and non-innovative. He submits that “common to all human societies are…cultural values and practices, which were inherited and are still maintained up till the present time” (2016, 121). Thus, Yoruba indigenous knowledge systems, of which the traditional instrumental ensemble practices is a cogent part, could serve as an alternative educational knowledge to the Western system, with far more didactic achievements, in terms of the Yoruba musical and cultural ethics and ethos. Although these Yoruba indigenous systems are informal educational forms, nonetheless they have remained functional and achieved similar knowledge transfer and preservation, like the outcome of Western education. After all, Malinowski posited that “education is greater than schooling” (cited in Awoniyi 1975). This include the making of master musicians and the preservation of Yoruba musical identity and cultural heritage. Thus, this Yoruba indigenous musical and cultural knowledge system can be adopted in the nation’s educational policy towards its globalization.

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References Adedeji, Femi. 2016. Musical Instruments. In Encyclopedia of the Yoruba, ed. Toyin Falola and Akintunde Akinyemi, 108–109. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Aderibigbe, M.M. 2015. Yoruba Indigenous Knowledge on the Wane: Playwrights to the Rescue. Journal of the Yorùbá Studies Association of Nigeria 8 (1): 115–138. Aderibigbe, M.O. 2016. Between Tradition and Modernity: An Examination of Cultural-Technological Change in Africa. In Contemporary Nigeria: Transitional Agencies of Change, ed. Sati Fwatshak, 121–134. Austin: Pan-­ African University Press. Agawu, Kofi. 2016. The African Imagination in Music. New  York: Oxford University Press. Akangbe, Adeniyi. 2017. Non-Verbal Communication. In Culture and Customs of the Yoruba, ed. Toyin Falola and Akintunde Akinyemi, 47–58. Austin: Pan-­ African University Press. Akinwale, Ayanleke. 2013. Yoruba Traditional Education System: A Veritable Tool for Salvaging the Crisis-Laden Education System in Nigeria. Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2 (6): 141–145. Akpabot, Samuel. 1986. Foundation of Nigerian Traditional Music. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd. Awoniyi, Timothy. 1975. Omoluabi: The Fundamental Basis of Yoruba Traditional Education. In Yoruba Oral Tradition, ed. Wande Abimbola, 357–388. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press. Babawale, Tunde. 2016. Drums. In Encyclopedia of the Yoruba, ed. Toyin Falola and Akintunde Akinyemi, 108–109. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Chiwanza, Kudzayi, Maxwell Musingafi, and Paul Mupa. 2013. Challenges in Preserving Indigenous Knowledge Systems: Learning from Past Experiences. Information and Knowledge Management 3 (2): 19–26. Dasylva, Ademola. 2017. Family, Indigenous Education System, and Discipline. In Culture and Customs of the Yoruba, ed. Toyin Falola and Akintunde Akinyemi, 709–719. Austin: Pan-African University Press. Echezona, Wilberforce. 1981. Nigerian Musical Instruments: A Definitive Catalogue. East Lansing: Apollo Publishers Ltd. Emeagwali, Gloria, and George Dei, eds. 2014. Introduction. African Indigenous Knowledge and the Disciplines, ix–xiii. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Euba, Akin. 1988. Essays on Music in Africa. Bayreuth: IWALEWA-Haus. ———. 1990. Dundun Drumming: The Dundun Tradition. Bayreuth: Bayreuth University. Falola, Toyin. 1998. Culture and Customs of Nigeria. Westport: Greenwood Press. Falola, Toyin, and Akintunde Akinyemi, eds. 2017. Introduction. Culture and Customs of the Yoruba, 1–30. Austin: Pan-African University Press.

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Gorjestani, Nicolas. 2000. Indigenous Knowledge for Development: Opportunities and Challenges. Paper Presentation the UNCTAD Conference on Traditional Knowledge in Geneva. Hamzat, Saudat. 2017. Songs. In Culture and Customs of the Yoruba, ed. Toyin Falola and Akintunde Akinyemi, 159–170. Austin: Pan-African University Press. Heron-Allen, Ed. 1984. Violin-Making: As It Was and Is. London: Ward Lock Ltd. Idamoyinbo, Atinuke. 2013. The Training and Performance Practice of Yoruba Indigenous Drummers. Journal of the Association of Nigerian Musicologists 7: 182–188. Mapara, J. 2009. Indigenous Knowledge Systems in Zimbabwe: Juxtaposing Postcolonial Theory. The Journal of Pan African Studies 3 (1): 139–155. Ocitti, Jakayo. 1979. African Indigenous Education as Practiced by the Acholi of Uganda. Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau. Ogundeji, Adedotun. 2017. Signs, Symbols and Symbolism. In Culture and Customs of the Yoruba, ed. Toyin Falola and Akintunde Akinyemi, 269–280. Austin: Pan-African University Press. Ogungbemi, Segun. 2017. Traditional Religious Belief System. In Culture and Customs of the Yoruba, ed. Toyin Falola and Akintunde Akinyemi, 309–324. Austin: Pan-African University Press. Oludare, Olupemi. 2007. The Standardization of African Indigenous String Instruments: A Study of ‘Goje’. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. University of Lagos. ———. 2018. Masculinity and Femininity in Yoruba Traditional Musical Instruments. Journal of the Association of Nigerian Musicologists 12: 98–110. Olusoji, Stephen. 2013. A Discourse on the Master Musician and Informal Music Education in Yoruba Traditional Culture. Journal of Arts and Humanities 2 (4): 55–61. Omibiyi, Mosunmola. 1975. The Training of Yoruba Traditional Musicians. In Yoruba Oral Tradition, ed. Wande Abimbola, 489–516. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press. Omojola, Bode. 2012. Yoruba Music in the Twentieth Century. Rochester: University of Rochester Press. ———. 2016. Music: Traditional. In Encyclopedia of the Yoruba, ed. Toyin Falola and Akintunde Akinyemi, 108–109. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. ———. 2017. Music and Dance in Culture and Performance. In Culture and Customs of the Yoruba, ed. Toyin Falola and Akintunde Akinyemi, 407–420. Austin: Pan-African University Press. Osundina, Oyeniyi. 2015. Dundun: The Talking Drum of the Yoruba People of South West Nigeria. London: Austin Macauley Ltd. UNESCO. 2010. Indigenous Knowledge and Sustainability. www.unesco.org/ education/tlsf/mods/theme_c/mod11.html. Accessed 25 Nov 2017. Vidal, Augustus. 2012. Essays on Yoruba Musicology: History, Theory and Practice. Ed. Femi Adedeji. Ile-Ife: Obafemi Awolowo University Press.

CHAPTER 13

Knowledge Production and Pedagogy Among the Islamic Scholars in Kano: A CaseStudy of Shaykh Tijani Usman Zangon BareBari (1916–1970) Sani Yakubu Adam

Introduction In 1963, Hugh Trevor-Roper makes a highly provocative statement that constitutes the fundamental basis of the Eurocentric understanding of Africa. According to him, “Perhaps in the future, there will be some African history to teach. But at present there is none: there is only the history of the Europeans in Africa. The rest is darkness… and darkness is not a subject of history.” (See Fage 1981: 31). This racist assertion generated so many rejoinders from the African historians who tried to argue in favour of the existence of African historical traditions. Although the development of African historiography has addressed, over the years, the onslaught of the European and Eurocentric scholars against veritable dynamics of African history, there is still the need for more studies on especially some aspects of the intellectual history of Africa to further vindicate the high S. Y. Adam (*) Department of History, Bayero University, Kano, Kano, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7_13

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intellectual achievements of the Africans even prior to the period of contact with the Europeans. To begin with, evidence suggests that Africa had a rich history prior to the advent of the Europeans. The writings of Arab travellers, such as al-Mas’udi (d. 956), al-Bakhri (b. 1040–d. 1094), alIdrisi (b. 1100–d. 1165), and a host of others, indicated the existence of the written sources on African pre-colonial past. Moreover, the work of Ibn Khaldun (b.  1332–d. 1406), using the cyclical theory, has documented the history of Africa and its relations with the peoples of the Mediterranean and Near East. With the advent of Islam into the Sub-­ Saharan Africa, Arabic literacy became well enshrined especially among the ulama. This equally facilitated further development of historical writings. Some of the most significant of these include the Tarikh al-Sudan and Tarikh al-Fattash1 essentially composed in Timbuktu in the seventeenth century. In the accounts of these two works, the history of the famous pre-­ colonial West African state, the Songhay Empire, was presented. Another important historical writing is the Kano Chronicle, which documented the political history of Kano with its various rulers and their reigns. In order to justify the existence of Africa’s rich historical traditions, the African historians began to counter the arguments of the Eurocentric scholars. Thus the modern African historiography began as a radical opposition to the European denials of the existence of any independent historical process in Africa (See Bello 2003: 99). In tropical Africa, radical and revolutionary steps were taken by two prominent historians, Kenneth Onwuka Dike (and his doctoral thesis, titled “Trade and Politics in Niger-­ Delta 1830–1855”), and Saburi Biobaku (whose doctoral thesis is titled “The Egba and their Neighbours.”) These works employed an Afro-­ centric approach to African history. Dike and Biobaku served as a demonstration of the paradigm shift in the African historical scholarship from Eurocentric view point to the Afro-centric approach. In the following decades after the colonial period, African historians using the Afro-centric approach had written extensively about the history of various states. This all serve to vindicate the existence of the rich cultural heritage worthy of being recorded and preserved in the pages of the historical texts primarily produced for the students of history in various Nigerian universities. It is also in this regard that historians documented 1  The Tarikh al-Sudan was edited and translated by G.  Houdas in 1900; the Tarikh alFattash by G. Houdas and M. Delafosse in 1913.

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the history of the advent and growth of Islamic scholarship together with the Muslim intellectual tradition. Perhaps one of the enduring aspects of the history of Hausaland in northern Nigeria was the arrival and entrenchment of Islam. One significant dimension of the arrival of Islam is its capacity to integrate into the African cultural dynamics in a manner that enabled a unique knowledge production. African scholars interested in the history of Islam in Nigeria have conducted studies into the trajectories of Islam in the pre-colonial, colonial and even post-colonial periods (See Al-Ilori 1971; Bobboyi 1992; Gwarzo 1997; Minna 1982; Mohammed 1986; Mustapha 1987; Quadri 1981; Umar 2006). This endeavour highlighted the intellectual traditions among the various Muslim societies and resulted in the production of research theses and monographs which documented the nature of the Islamic scholarship and its dynamics from the pre-colonial period onwards.2 The main objective of this undertaking is to debunk the Eurocentric claim that Africa was not capable of civilization and the African history only began with the advent of the imperialists. Using written records and other alternative historical sources, these scholars have been able to debunk such a fallacy. Despite the contributions in this direction, none of the scholars documented the dynamics of the Islamic pedagogy in the history of Hausaland. It is against this background that this study focuses on this area of study. The case-study of Kano in the twentieth century has provided a good example of how the changing pattern and approach to the Islamic scholarship was improved to address the growing shift from the previous orientation towards strict specialization to multidisciplinarity. This indicates that Islamic scholarship in Africa is dynamic and it is capable of transforming to meet the new realities of a particular period contrary to the Eurocentric portrayal of African civilization as stagnant and incapable of change. The following sections highlight this transition in the city of Kano through the approach of Shaykh Ibrahim Zangon Bare-Bari to Islamic pedagogy.

2  Some of these works focused on specific Islamic groups in Nigeria (For example Quadri 1981; Ahmed 1986), others documented aspects of Islamic tradition in a particular region (For Example Mohammed 1986; Umar 2006) while a few others (such as al-Ilori) were ambitious as they covered the history of Islam in the whole of Nigeria.

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Intellectual Tradition in Kano Fourteenth Century to the Early Twentieth Century To fully understand the changes which developed in the twentieth century Kano regarding its curriculum in particular and the entire educational system in general, it is important to highlight the changing nature of the city’s intellectual tradition. The growth of Islam during the reign of the ruler of Kano, Sarki Yaji (r. 1349–1385) facilitated the progress of Islamic education as the two always go together.3 It was during his reign that the Wangarawa (a group of Fulani Islamic scholars from Mali) came to Kano and settled in the Madabo quarters. Their presence facilitated the growth of Islamic scholarship. They established schools where they taught a number of Islamic courses, especially in Islamic Jurisprudence and Qur’an. Literacy classes were held in the various wards of Kano city named mostly after the scholars. Some of such wards were: Mandawari, Sheshe, JujinYanlabu, Dukurawa and Madatai. They were perhaps the first to teach the Islamic courses such as Jurisprudence (Fiqh) and The Traditions of the Prophet (Hadith) (Bako 2017: 29). In the fifteenth century, the Fulani, according to the seventeenth Century Kano Chronicle4 translated by a British Colonial Officer, Herbert Richmond Palmer, brought “the doctrines of God’s unity (Tauhid) and the Arabic language. Before them, religious knowledge consisted of jurisprudence (Fiqh) and Hadith” (Al-Hajj 1967: 15). The Fulani therefore broadened Kano’s educational curriculum. In the late fifteenth century, a North African scholar, Muhammad b. Abd al-Karim al-Maghili, came to Kano city. In addition to his teaching role during the period of his settlement in Kano, he engaged in preaching. He established a close relationship with, the King of Kano, Sarki Muhammad Rumfa (r. 1463–1499) for whom he wrote a political treatise in which he outlined the bases of the Islamic government and gave practical advice on statecraft (see Al-Maghili 3  The popular view among historians supports the introduction of Islam into Kano in the fourteenth century during the reign of SarkiYaji. However, some scholars argue that considering the fact that Islam was in neighbouring Borno since tenth century and there was strong relationship between the two states, it was probable that Islam reached Kano through the influence of Borno even before the fourteenth century but probably, the religion was practiced by a portion of the population. What happened in the fourteenth century with the advent of Wangarawa from Mali was the conversion of the political leadership of the kingdom. 4  It is a written history of Kano and Hausaland which documented the reigns of the rulers of Kano from the tenth century. It was translated from Hausa into English by Plamer.

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1932). In the following years, this treatise became source material for the Islamic scholars in Kano, and it was also included in the curriculum of the schools. In the sixteenth century, the curriculum continued to expand. Some other new texts gained popularity, including: al-Shifa5 by Qadi Iyad (d. 1149) and a work on Hadith: al-Jami’ al-Saghir by al-Suyuti (b. 1445–d. 1505). The expansion of the curriculum was linked with the influx of scholars from other parts of the Muslim world, especially North Africa. For example, in the first half of the sixteenth century, a Tunisian scholar, Shaykh al-Tuni, settled and taught a number of disciples in Kano. Sarki Abubakar Kado, the Kano ruler in the sixteenth century, also supported the expansion of Islamic education by building a centre known as Gwauron Fagachi for the study of the Qur’an (Chamberlin 1975: 60–61). By the late eighteenth century, Islam has recorded significant progress in Kano. However, the Shari’a was not the exclusive law governing the state. The rulers were absolute monarchs whose decisions were final and whose judgment were mostly not in accordance with the provisions of the Islamic law. This triggered a reformist revolution spearheaded by Usman Dan Fodio at the dawn of the nineteenth century. At the end of the revolution, the Fulani jihadists established new dynasties throughout Hausaland. Most of the Jihadists were themselves Islamic scholars. The first Fulani emir of Kano, Sarki Sulaiman, was also an Islamic scholar. The major impact of the Jihad, which began as the educational movement of enlightenment, was the establishment of Shari’ah, accompanied by an unprecedented progress in the Islamic education. In the late nineteenth century, many scholars from neighbouring Katsina relocated to Kano due to insecurity because of the constant attacks unleashed by the toppled Hausa rulers from their base in Damagaran  (now in Niger Republic) (Chamberlin 1975: 81). This has significantly impacted on Kano especially by the beginning of the twentieth century when the city emerged as the most popular centre for the study of Islamic jurisprudence in Hausaland. By the beginning of the twentieth century, Kano was already the main centre for the study of the Islamic jurisprudence, with the Madabo quarters serving as the base. The leadership of the Ulama in Madabo was under the Babban Malami, the title which was held since 1817 by the family of 5  Kitāb al-Shifāʾ bı̄taʾrif Ḥ uqūq al-Muṣt ̣afa by Qadi Iyad or Ayyad is perhaps one of the most commented books of Islam. Its author born in Ceuta, Morocco was the Imam of that city and he later became a Qadi in the Emirate of Granada.

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Malam Umaru Ba’ajume. In the first decade of the twentieth century, Malam Suyuti, the son of Ba’ajume, was the holder of the title. Education was organized along the system inherited in the nineteenth century. Basically, the educational institutions were divided into Qur’anic and Ilm schools. The Qur’anic schools were mainly concerned with the recitation and memorization of the Qur’an while the Ilm schools were meant for the advanced students. They taught various disciplines such as Hadith, Fiqh, Arabic language, and a host of other subjects. It was within this educational tradition that a scholar connected to the Salgawa network created a new system of knowledge production with some public appeal. This scholar was no other than Tijani Usman Zangon Bare-Bari.

Shaykh Tijani Usman Zangon Bare-Bari and the New Pedagogy Tijani Usman was born in 1916 in Zangon Bare-Bari ward of Kano city. He started his early education under his uncle, Malam Rafa, who taught him the recitation of the Qur’an. He studied jurisprudence under Malam Habu Dan Malam. Later in life, Malam Tijani was introduced to Malam Salga (See Adam 2016), one of the most prominent scholars in twentieth century Kano. This was on the advice of his grandmother, Iya Dije, who suggested that her grandson was in dire need of higher Islamic education, and that she wanted him to be taken where he would study well. Malam Salga was perhaps the most popular Tijani scholar in the second and third decades of the twentieth century Kano. He was the Imam of the first Tijani Zawiya established in Koki quarters in 1925 through the influence of a North African scholar, Shaykh Alami, who visited Kano then. After the death of Salga, he continued with his studies under Salga’s son, Malam Abdulahi. He also studied Tasawwuf (Islamic mysticism) and Balaga (rhetoric) with Malam Abubakar Mijinyawa. He then studied tafsir (Qur’anic exegesis) and nahwu (Arabic grammar) with Malam Mahmud Sanka (Musa 2008). Salga’s earlier popularity was mainly based on his disagreement with the Madabo scholars over some customs associated with the funeral of the dead. In fact, there was heated debate between the scholars of Madabo and the Salgawa, the name used to refer to Malam Salga and his disciples. Salga distinguished himself among the scholars of Kano by enriching the curriculum of his school. The dominant tradition in the first decades of

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the twentieth century, as noted above, was that of specialization. Hausa scholars mostly taught Fiqh in their schools while the Fulani taught Arabic language. Malam Salga encouraged his disciples to learn other courses from other scholars. It was within this Salgawa tradition that Usman established new style of pedagogy. Three aspects of this pedagogy will be examined, namely: the use of the new Salgawa curriculum with its diversity; the introduction of the public tafsir, and finally the Maulud celebration and public lectures. As noted above, in the early twentieth century Kano, the Islamic schools were distinguished from one another by their specializations. In addition to the general Qur’anic schools that mainly taught the recitation of the Qur’an, the Madrasas or Ilm schools catered for the advanced students who graduated from the Qur’anic schools. The main feature of the former was their specializations in particular subjects, like Islamic Jurisprudence. The most prominent among these schools were those of Malam Salga of Madigawa Quaters and Malam Suyudi of Madabo Quarters. The most famous schools of tafsir were those of Malam Sani and Malam Shamsu of Jar Qasa. Those who wanted to become expert in Arabic language mostly had to travel to Zaria for further studies; although within Kano, scholars such as Mahmud Hassan, the son-in-law of Malam Salga and Malam Abba of Madabo Quarters were experts in Arabic grammar and they were able to train many students. The pedagogic innovation of Malam Tijani Usman lies in his enrichment and diversification of the existing curriculum. His inspiration came from the training of his teacher, Malam Muhammadu Salga, who encouraged his disciples to learn various branches of Islamic knowledge from his friends and some of his disciples who had expertise in other subjects. Instead of teaching his students only Islamic Jurisprudence, his school taught students other branches of knowledge, including Arabic grammar, Sufism (especially Tijaniyya doctrines), Qur’anic exegesis and the Hadith (the Traditions of the Prophet). Following this tradition, his students and other disciples of Malam Salga also enriched the curriculum of their schools; so that ultimately by the second half of the twentieth century the schools associated with the Salgawa scholars had distinguished themselves through their multidisciplinary approach to the Islamic pedagogy. The teaching career of Malam Tijani Usman began in the 1930s while Malam Salga was still flourishing as a teacher and scholar. Salga realized the brilliance of Usman, and adopted him as a teacher. Salga would ask his young students to follow Usman home for further revision of what they

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had studied with him. After the death of Salga, the school of Usman became permanent and graduated a lot of students who became scholars as well. His disciples came from different parts of northern Nigeria. Some of his prominent disciples were: Khalifa Isma’il Ibrahim (from Gamawa, in present day Bauchi State), Malam Ali Alkali (also from Gamawa), Malam Sule Kila (from Kila, in present day Jigawa State), Malam Dan Almajiri Fagge (from Niger Republic; he later settled at Fagge), Malam Kabiru Funtua (from Funtu’a now in Katsina State), Malam Waddu Shagamu (from Kano, but later relocated to Shagamu in Lagos), Malam Hassan Gawuna (from Gawuna in Kano), and host of others (Musa 2008: 54–56).6 Even before his death in 1970, Malam Tijani Usman had to rely on his advanced students for the enormous task of teaching a multitude of students. Some of those who helped him were Malam Buba, Shaykh Isma’il Khalifa and Malam Lawan.7 Usman was also able to establish and popularize the Islamiyya night school for the youths in the 1960s in Kano which was very rare then. The teaching sessions were held at night and in open space, unlike the traditional Ilm schools that were held in the vestibules (Zaure) of the Islamic scholars. In the 1960s, the Shaykh realized that many young men used to watch movies in the Plaza Cinema at night. To prevent them from doing so, he established the Night Islamiyya School known as Madrasatul Fala.8 The school attracted students from Zangon Bare-Bari and the neighbouring areas such as Dukawa, Yan Awaki, Darma, Kofar Wambai, Koki and Jakara. Ever since then, the culture of establishing such type of schools became well established in Kano. Moreover, the students were exposed to not only the Qur’an but also other Islamic courses. Unlike the traditional system of Islamic education in which the study of the recitation and memorization of the Qur’an was separated from the study of the other courses, the two were combined in the Islamiyya schools. Following the successful establishment of this school, it became a new tradition in the history of Islamic education in Kano. In fact, in the following decades, the Islamiyya schools were associated more with the Salafi scholars.  There was also a discussion with Malam Bashir Abdulkadir, 30th August, 2014.  Oral interview with Malam Bashir Abdulqadir on 9th November, 2013 at Shaykh Tijani Usman Secondary School. 8  Oral interview with Malam Munji Lawan on 13th September, 2013 at Shaykh Tijani Usman Secondary School. He is a relative of Late Shaykh Tijani Usman and currently a teacher at Tijani Usman Secondary School. 6 7

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Tijani Usman also introduced a new style in the presentation of the tafsir sessions in Kano. The tafsir of Zangon Bare-Bari has been well-­ documented by Andrea Brigaglia.9 By the beginning of the twentieth century, Kano, as noted above, was known as the centre for the study of Jurisprudence. Borno had the most prominent scholars who specialized in the various fields of the Qur’anic studies such as recitation, calligraphy and exegesis. In Kano a public tafsir was held in the Emir’s palace. The study of tafsir was predominantly considered as an indoor affair (Brigaglia 2009: 348–349). Advanced students who aspired to consolidate their expertise of the Qur’anic studies attended the teaching sessions of tafsir held exclusively, in the traditional educational system, in vestibules (zaure). In the 1930s, there were only three or four areas where public tafsir during the month of Ramadan were held in Kano (ibid.: 352). After the death of Malam Salga, the Salgawa paid allegiance to the Senegalese Shaykh Ibrahim Niasse (See Hiskett 1981; Seesmann 2011) who came to Kano on the invitation of Sarki Abdullahi Bayero. The former was then emerging as a leading figure in the leadership of the West African Tijaniyya brotherhood. In his early scholarly formation, the public tafsir sessions of Niasse greatly contributed to his career. In Kano the most prominent Salgawa scholars—Abubakar Atiku, Umar Falke, Sani Hassan Kafinga, Tijani Usman and Abdullahi Salga—all became disciples of Niasse and the major propagators of his teachings in northern Nigeria. Usman, in fact, became his spokesperson. He translated the speech of Niasse into Hausa language during the period of the latter’s frequent visits. The tafsir of Tijani Usman in particular and that of the Salgawa in general were inspired by Niasse. Usman was able to introduce a stylistic change in the public tafsir of Kano. He introduced the use of loudspeakers, and instead of sitting on the goatskin as was customary, Usman would sit on a raised platform so that he could be seen clearly by his audience. This attracted large turnout at his tafsir sessions. This new innovation has been summarized succinctly by Brigagli thus: Tijani Uthman started performing his public tafsir at the mosque of Zangon Barebari ward…. As it was customary, Tijani Uthman would sit on a mat or 9  Brigaglia has written a number of articles on the tafsir styles of several Islamic scholars in the north, such as Mahmud Gumi, Umar Sanda and Shaykh Dahiru Usman Bauchi. Only one of such essays is mentioned here: Brigaglia (2013).

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on a goat skin (buzu) inside the mosque, facing the audience sitting in front of him…. After a few years when the people attending tafsir increased dramatically, he decided to move a few hundred meters further, to the large paved street where his native home was located… To meet the logistic needs of this new arrangement, he introduced the habit of sitting upon a wooden platform, making his figure visible even from far in the crowded street… Later also a loudspeaker was added, which enabled not only men attending, but also women of the surrounding neighbourhood to listen from the courtyard of houses. The change from sitting on a goat skin to a small podium, and the introduction of a loudspeaker, were very significant at that time, as they concretely marked the transformation of tafsir in Kano from a discipline of indoor learning to a public expression of scholarly talents (Brigaglia 2009: 360–361).

The attendance of his tafsir sessions was dominated by the youth in the city.10 Young people from the neighbouring villages came to the city especially in the 1950s and 1960s to listen to his public tafsir sessions. As noted above, the unique style of Usman was that of public appeal of his teachings. In addition to the public tafsir, he organized public lectures on various topics to address pressing issues that were critical to public life. This approach was popularized by Usman in the 1950s. The main purpose of such gatherings was public enlightenment. Moreover, he used the period of Maulud11 anniversaries of the Prophet too for admonishing and enlightenment. He also read the letters of Shaykh Ibrahim Niasse every 10  Oral Interview with Shaykh Ukashatu, 17th May, 2013 at his residence in Kurna. Shaykh Ukashatu is a major muqaddam of Tijaniyya order in Kano. 11  The birthday celebration which the Muslim authors unanimously consider as the origin of the maulud was that which was initiated by Muzaffar ad-Din Gökböri (b. 1154–d. 1233) in Arbela, the Capital of Kurdistan Region of Iraq which began in 1207 AD. Muzaffar had close connection with the Sufi movements. Preparations for this maulud began long before people arrived from remote districts. On the actual day of the maulud the entire people that came for the celebration would gather in a place where a wooden tower had been erected for the ruler and a pulpit for the wa’iz (preacher). A sermon would then be delivered by the preacher and the people would be served afterwards. All the expenses of the people were taken care of by Muzaffar. It was this observance of maulud that spread to Mecca, Ceuta, Tlemcen and Fas, all in North Africa. This kind of celebration then spread to Spain and India, so that ultimately the whole of Muslim World was united in this celebration. The manner of the Maulud al-Nabiyyi celebration is a matter of local custom. Most typical is the recitation of various litanies in mosques. In the countries that were part of the Ottoman Empire, it has become an established custom to recite al-Burdah (a poem by al-Busiri whose theme is the praise of the Prophet) during the maulud celebration.

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year which also contained admonishment to the Muslim community. The nature of the Maulud anniversary was summarized by Malam Bashir, one of his disciples: The maulud is organized on the night of the 11th of Rabi’ul Awwal12 up to the morning of the following day. As the maulud starts, Fatiha and Salat al-Fatih would be recited. Then a poem of tahni’ah (celebration) would be read. Shaykh Tijani Usman would then read the first letter that was sent to him by Niasse when he was to start organizing Maulud…. Then the closing remarks of Shaykh Ibrahim during his last maulud in Senegal would be read…. The poem of Imamul Busiri, known as Hamziyya would then be recited. This poem contains the biography of the Prophet. The poem will be read up to the point where it discusses the birth of the prophet. It is at this juncture that Faydul Ahmadi, a book written by Shaykh Ibrahim about the birth of the Prophet, would be read. Then the two poems would be alternated. As Faydul Ahmadiy was being read, everybody would stand up in deference to the Prophet. Then praise of the Prophet would be chanted by all, and people would be requested to say their individual prayers. Then different praise poems of the Prophet would be recited that comprise of al-­ Burda, and Diwan of Shaykh Ibrahim. Then the pages of the Holy Qur’an would be distributed to the gathering. And thus the entire Qur’an would be recited. Finally, Shaykh Tijani Usman would say his closing remarks which was admonishing to brothers; and that would be the end of the maulud.13

The maulud celebrations and the public lectures, like the Islamiyya school system, became popular in Kano in the following years. Usman was able to leave enduring legacy in the pedagogical tradition of Kano in particular and northern Nigeria in general. Shaykh Tijani Usman died on Friday, 28th Shawwal, 1390 AH (equivalent to 25th December, 1970 AD). He died in a ghastly motor accident on his way to Jos (Ibrahim 2006). After his death, his disciple, Isma’il Khalifa, was appointed his successor. The latter continued to carry out the enormous responsibility of teaching and training of Murids on the same pattern of his teacher although much later he introduced new modifications the details of which are outside the scope of this chapter.

12  The third month of the Islamic calendar. The Prophet was born on the 12th of the month. 13  Interview with Malam Bashir Abdulqadir at Shehu Tijani Usman secondary school on 9th November, 2013.

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Conclusion The history of the Islamic educational system in Kano can never be complete without the discussion on the role played by the Salgawa scholars in bringing unprecedented changes on the Islamic curriculum and pedagogy. This new revolution began during the life time of Salga who was able to enrich the curriculum of his school and took the unusual decision of learning some branches of the Islamic studies from his disciples. Salga had also encouraged the culture of literary production after engaging in literary debates with the Madabo scholars. He and his disciples including Tijani Usman had extensively written to defend the view point of the Salgawa on the condemnation of the rituals associated with the funeral of the dead. This has been extended in the following years to the arena of Sufi-Salafi polemical debates. The Salgawa Shaykhs: Abubakar Atiku and Sani Hassan Kafinga had written a rejoinder to Shaykh Mahmud Gumi  (an Islamic scholar that is generally credited with the introduction of Salafism in Nigeria) who in the early 1970s had written a book which criticized the Sufi brotherhood. Unfortunately, however, in the following decades, the culture of literary production has been gradually dying. The prominence of the Western education in the scheme of things in Nigeria has resulted in the neglect of Islamic education. The efforts to include the Islamic studies in the modern system of education has brought progress in the systematic study of Islam and it provided those who pursued degrees in Islamic studies to be employed in both private and public sectors. However, the rigour of the scholarship found in the traditional educational system which as we have seen with the influence of the Salgawa had emphasized on the extensive study of the entire branches of Islamic studies has been lost. Although, the two systems go hand in hand today, the traditional system has been neglected in favour of the modern system of education. Contrary to the Eurocentric view on African past, the case study provided here illustrates that Africans are capable of transforming pedagogical system to correspond with the realities of their time. By the same token, intellectual traditions that could be traced back to the pre-colonial period were never stagnant, they transformed over a time whenever a stimuli warranted such changes. The new realities of colonial times could be seen as the trigger for the new style of pedagogy introduced by the Shaykh. This can be seen with the latter’s introduction of nocturnal school system to divert the attention of the youth that attended the newly founded cinema

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of colonial period and at the same time affected new changes in the school system by borrowing from the existing colonial schools by designing particular curriculum and also by adopting a new method of progression from a lower to higher class which was alien to the traditional educational system.  Moreover, the introduction of public tafsir exemplifies how local Islamic scholars mobilized the new communication gadgets of the colonial period, such as loudspeakers, to transmit Islamic education to the public. This has radically altered the previous methods of instruction which was more of private than public where a disciple would be taught on an individual basis in the premises of his teacher’s residence. Presumably, Usman was inspired by the new realities of colonial period in which communication was given a public appeal through the use of new communication gadgets (such as loudspeakers and mobile cinemas) in campaign rallies of local political parties of the 1950s.

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———. 2013. Two Exegetical Works from Twentieth-Century West Africa: Shaykh Abu Bakr Gumi’s Radd al-adhhān and Shaykh Ibrahim Niasse’s Fı̄riyāḍ al-tafsı̄r. Journal of Qur’anic Studies 15 (3): 253–266. Chamberlin, J.W. 1975. The Development of Islamic Education in Kano City, Nigeria, with Emphasis on Legal Education in the 19th and 20th Centuries. PhD Thesis, Department of Education, Columbia University. Fage, J.D. 1981. The Development of African Historiography. In UNESCO General History of Africa, ed. J. Ki-Zebro, vol. I, 25–42. London: Heinemann. Gwarzo, H.I. 1997. The Life and Teachings of al-Maghili with Particular Reference to Saharan Jewish Community. PhD Thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies. Hiskett, M. 1981. The Community of Grace, and Its Opponents, ‘The Rejecters’: A Debate About Theology and Mysticism in Muslim West Africa with Special Reference to Its Hausa Expression. African Language Studies, XVII: 99–140. Ibrahim, B. 2006. Musahamatu Ba’adu Ulama al-Dariqat al-Tijaniyya fi Tadawwuri Dirasatul Islamiyya bi Madinati Kano, 1960–2005. M.A. Thesis, Department of Islamic Studies, Bayero University, Kano. Minna, M.T. 1982. Bello and Tijaniyya: Some Light about Conversion Controversy. Kano Studies 2 (2): 1–18. Mohammed, A.R. 1986. History of the Spread of Islam in Niger-Benue Confluence Area: Igalaland, Ebiraland and Lokoja c. 1900–1960. PhD Thesis, Department of History, Bayero University, Kano. Musa, J.A. 2008. Biography of Shaykh Tijani Usman Zangon Bare-Bari. B.A. Dissertation, Department of History, Bayero University, Kano. Mustapha, A. 1987. The Contribution of the Sayfawa ʿUlamāʾ to the Study of Islam c. 1086–1846 AD. PhD Thesis, Department of Islamic Studies, Bayero University, Kano. Quadri, Y.A. 1981. The Tijaniyya in Nigeria: A Case Study. PhD Thesis, Department of Islamic Studies, University of Ibadan. Seesmann, R. 2011. The Divine Flood: Ibrahim Niasse and the Roots of a Twentieth Century Sufi Revival. London: Oxford University Press. Umar, M.S. 2006. Islam and Colonialism: Intellectual Responses of Muslims of Northern Nigeria to British Colonial Rule. Leiden: Brill.

Index1

A Abada, 124 Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), 70 Adire eleko, 124, 126, 128, 129, 131 Africa, 3–6, 8, 9, 11–15, 21, 22n4, 35–42, 46, 47, 49, 51, 53–56, 61–73, 78–83, 86–89, 111–121, 123–138, 142–153, 155–159, 165–171, 173, 174, 178, 190, 198, 200, 221–223 African architecture, 14, 141–160 African epistemology, 13, 15, 19–32, 36, 44, 56, 81, 82 African ethics, 53, 54 African indigenous knowledge system (AIKS), 9, 10, 12–14, 36–40, 42–46, 49, 51, 54–56, 85–88 Africanity, 8, 9, 11, 12, 127, 128, 133–135, 137 Africanization, 37, 39, 40, 55 African print, 14, 123–138

African Renaissance, 11, 39 Afrocentricity, 13, 77–89 Afrocentrism, 9, 11, 79, 82 Afropolitan, 134, 135, 172 Agency, 6, 13, 63, 68, 77–89, 95–97, 101, 106, 107, 116n7, 154, 187, 196, 198, 206 Agogo, 210, 211, 215, 216 Akan, 29n18, 115, 117, 117n8, 154 Ake, Claude, 61, 119 Akwete, 136 Ala, 186 al-Jami’ al-Saghir, 225 al-Shifa, 225 Amadiume, Ifi, 170, 171, 173, 178, 187 Animism, 14, 94, 96–98, 100 Ankara, 124 Anthropocentrism, 14, 93–95, 104, 109 Anthropomorphism, 102 Anticolonialism, 5, 7

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Afolayan et al. (eds.), Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60652-7

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Architecture, 14, 81, 141–160 Asante, Molefi Kete, 40–42, 43n3, 45, 79–82, 84, 125, 136 Ashcroft, Bill, 1, 7 Aso oke, 136 Atampa, 124 Àyàn, 207 B Babban Malami, 225 Baganda, 45 Bata, 210, 213–215 Beliefs, 13, 20, 21, 23–25, 23n7, 43, 48, 86, 87, 97–99, 102, 114, 118, 135, 157, 179, 180, 183, 184, 189, 190, 193, 195, 196, 198, 199, 207 Biocentricism, 95 Bori, 189 Botswana, 49, 50 British Empire, 1, 2 Buildings, 71, 117, 119, 120, 141, 143, 144, 146–148, 150, 151, 153, 155–159, 206, 225 C Capitalism, 4, 5, 40, 167 Chinua Achebe, 186 Christianity, 94, 171, 190, 193, 195, 198 Chukwu, 186 Civil society, 70, 73 Colonialism, 1, 4, 5, 7, 8, 10, 36, 41, 43, 46, 51, 54, 63, 64, 66, 71, 80, 82, 86, 88, 132, 150, 154, 166–168, 178, 190, 196 Coloniality, 4, 5, 8, 63, 69, 72 Coloniality of power, 4, 6 Colonization, 6, 7, 21, 37, 41, 55, 86, 125, 168, 178, 182, 205 Communalism, 209

Communitarianism, 116, 118–120 Community, 10, 11, 13, 14, 20, 26–28, 29n18, 31, 36, 39, 42, 44–46, 48–54, 56, 83, 96–98, 101, 103, 111–121, 130, 132, 136, 147, 151, 153, 154, 158, 174, 182, 185, 187, 188, 199, 205, 206, 209, 214, 231 Complementarity, 14, 55, 177–200 Congo, 36, 38 Contextualism, 13, 19–32 Culture, 2, 10, 11, 21, 28, 29n18, 31, 37, 40–44, 43n3, 46, 51, 53, 55, 56, 62, 72, 77–82, 86, 87, 94–102, 104–106, 108, 111–121, 130, 132, 133, 137, 138, 141, 143–147, 149, 150, 153–155, 157–159, 166–174, 177–190, 199, 206–209, 215, 217, 228, 232 Curricula, 61–73 D Decolonization, 5, 7, 39, 42, 47, 52, 53, 55, 123, 149, 168, 182 Default entitled beliefs, 20, 21, 25–32 Democracy/democratization, 3, 5, 115, 119–121 Democratic governance, 14 Development, 5, 8, 13, 37, 40, 62, 63, 66–68, 70, 72, 73, 88, 115, 116, 128, 131, 142, 144, 147, 154, 155, 159, 166, 170, 179, 198, 199, 216, 221, 222 Dogmatism, 21, 63 Drum ensemble, 14, 208, 210 Dundun drum, 208, 210 E Ecocentricism, 95 Ecophobia, 14, 93–95, 97

 INDEX 

Education, 38, 40, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70, 73, 77, 79, 96, 150, 151, 189, 196, 200, 207, 209, 214, 217, 224–226, 228, 232 Egypt, 2, 38, 79, 148 Emeagwali, Gloria, 10, 86, 88, 167, 169, 206 Enlightenment, 63, 64, 225, 230 Environment, 14, 48, 50, 80, 87, 93–98, 100, 101, 104–109, 115, 143, 144, 150, 155, 156, 158, 159, 205, 206 Environmentalism, 93–109 Epistemicide, 10, 12 Epistemology, 9, 19–23, 23n6, 26–30, 31n21, 38, 44n3, 46, 48, 56, 61, 63, 83–85, 177, 207 Epistemology, alternative, 1–15, 62 Ethnicity, 47, 67, 130 Eurocentrism, 5, 6, 9, 15, 77–80, 82, 85, 88 Europe, 2, 4–9, 21, 63, 64, 69, 78, 80, 82, 124, 129, 132, 133, 148, 149, 208 F Family, 45, 49, 117, 143, 144, 155, 169, 171–173, 185, 187, 188, 206–211, 216, 217, 225 Fashion, 8, 124, 126, 128, 131–133, 137, 149 Feminist/feminism, 169, 170, 173, 174, 177, 183 Fiqh, 194, 224, 226, 227 Forces, 6–8, 44, 45, 62, 66, 81, 83–86, 96, 97, 107, 114, 156, 159, 173, 179, 181, 184, 185, 189, 198 Functionalism, 209, 214

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G Gender, 14, 47, 49, 50, 95, 165–174, 177–200, 207, 208, 215–217 Gender fluidity, 185, 187 Globalization, 4, 40, 51, 55, 151, 154, 159, 166–169, 217 Gwauron Fagachi, 225 Gyekye, Kwame, 43n3, 116–119, 116n6, 117n8 H Hausa, 124, 136, 180, 188–190, 224n4, 225, 227, 229 Hegel, G.W.F., 2–4, 6, 37, 38, 64, 78, 79 Hegemony, 4, 13, 21n2, 36, 37, 41, 42, 66, 69, 72, 73, 79, 80 Historiography, 62, 66, 67, 77, 80, 145, 221, 222 Holisticism, 209 Humanization, 14, 94, 96–98, 100, 102, 103, 106 I Identity, 5, 13, 37, 42, 45, 46, 49, 53, 61–73, 77, 80, 81, 85, 86, 116n7, 141–160, 166, 177, 181, 198, 206, 208, 209, 214–217 Ideology, 6, 40, 66, 67, 79, 81, 82, 84, 88, 93–95, 106, 158, 159, 171, 182, 183, 195 Ifá, 143, 186, 215 Igbo, 124, 130, 136, 180, 186–188 Indigenous/indigeneity, 2, 9, 10, 13, 36, 41–43, 45–55, 64, 73, 77, 80, 85–89, 94, 104, 123, 124, 127, 131, 132, 136, 137, 141, 143–146, 149, 150, 153–160, 166–172, 174, 184, 188, 189, 205–217

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INDEX

Indigenous knowledge system, 62, 70–72, 86, 88, 169, 205–217 Individual, 44, 52, 53, 83, 84, 112–114, 116–121, 153, 155, 183, 211, 216, 231 Individualism, 83, 84, 116, 159 Infallibilism, 29, 30 Inquiry, 13, 24, 25, 30, 31, 35–56, 62, 71, 84, 146 Instruments, 45, 54, 198, 206–211, 214–217 Islam, 15, 156, 171, 174, 188–190, 193, 195, 196, 222–225, 223n2, 224n3, 225n5, 232 Islamiyya, 228, 231 Iya-ilu, 208, 210, 211, 214, 216 Iya Mi (My Mother), 181, 184 J Jesus, 190, 191, 193, 194 Justification, 2, 23–25, 25n11, 27n15, 28–31, 29n20, 30n21, 96, 173, 184 K Kano, 15, 221–233 Kano Chronicle, 222, 224 Kente, 136, 152 Knowledge, 1–5, 8–13, 15, 19, 20, 23–25, 27–31, 27n15, 36, 38–56, 43n3, 44n4, 49n5, 62–64, 66, 68, 69, 72, 73, 77–89, 99, 102, 107, 128, 137, 141, 145, 153, 154, 158–160, 165–169, 205–217 Knowledge, Africanizing, 8–15, 39, 40 Knowledge production, 5, 11–14, 61–73, 80, 84–86, 159, 168, 221–233 Kolawole, Mary, 170, 178

L Land, 3, 37, 38, 45, 48, 63, 64, 86, 87, 94, 168, 187 Langbodo, 93–109 Language, 2, 10, 22n4, 28, 29n17, 29n18, 32, 38, 42, 43n3, 47, 48, 50–53, 56, 68, 72, 79, 113, 141, 148, 154, 156, 216, 226, 227, 229 Lazarus, Neil, 6, 7, 193 Locke, John, 29n19, 94 Lord Balfour, 2, 4, 6 M Mafeje, Archie, 8–9, 11, 12, 62, 63 Malam Muhammadu Salga, 227 Malawi, 120 Many Colours Make the Thunder-­ King, 93–109 Mazrui, Ali, 8, 146 Mbembe, Achille, 9 Menkiti, Ifeanyi, 112–118, 112n1, 113n2, 114n3, 114n4, 117n8 Modern/modernity, 4–6, 21, 28, 53, 62, 95, 107, 113, 115, 134, 136, 144, 145, 149–154, 166, 168, 169, 174, 178, 195, 200, 205, 217, 222, 232 Modernism, 21, 150–152, 156, 157 Multidisciplinarity, 15, 223 Music, 53, 134, 137, 141, 148, 149, 153, 154, 158, 198, 205, 206, 208–211, 213–216 Mythology, 1–15, 80, 186 N Nana Asma’u, 189 Nature, 3, 7, 12, 13, 44, 48, 61, 72, 78, 83, 84, 87, 93–98, 100–107, 116, 117, 131, 134, 144, 155, 169, 181, 187, 190, 191, 197, 209, 211, 215, 223, 224, 231

 INDEX 

Negritude, 9 Neocolonialism, 35 Neoliberal philosophy, 62–65 Niasse, Shaykh Ibrahim, 229–231 Nigeria, 15, 37, 65–68, 70, 96, 99, 100, 124, 127, 129, 130, 133, 136, 148, 150, 151, 156, 157, 171, 177–200, 206, 209, 223, 223n2, 228, 229, 231, 232 Nwoko, Demas, 151 O Ogunyemi, Wale, 14, 93–109, 174 Okene, 136 Olodumare, 180, 184, 185 Omu, 188 Onisègùn, 29n17 Ontology, combative, 12, 15, 62 Osofisan, Femi, 14, 93, 98–100 Osun, 96, 101, 102, 106, 107 Other, 42–45, 47, 51, 94, 95, 137, 177, 183, 216 Oyewumi, Oyeronke, 170, 171, 173, 174, 177, 178, 182, 183 P Pan-Africanism, 66 Particularism, 19–32 Patriarchy, 170, 178, 198 Pax Africana, 8 Pedagogy, 45, 158, 221–233 Perennialism, 209 Person/personhood, 39, 41, 46, 49, 79–83, 113, 114, 114n3, 116–118, 116n7, 117n8, 173, 179, 180, 183, 187, 197, 213 Political culture, 111–121 Polygamy, 14, 165–174 Post-colonial state, 62, 67 Power, 1, 4–7, 21, 22n4, 43, 44, 50, 54, 67, 70, 72, 73, 86, 87, 95,

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97, 103, 107, 129, 144, 153, 167, 170, 171, 180, 182, 184–186, 188, 196 Prophet Mohammed, 191–194 Q Quijano, Anibal, 4 R Rana, 189 Reason, 2, 3, 12, 13, 22n4, 28, 29n17, 30, 54, 63, 64, 78, 79, 83, 99, 117, 130, 131, 145, 168 Re-colonization, 8 Relativism, 13, 20, 21, 32 Religion, 37, 38, 48, 78, 80, 81, 96–98, 154, 171, 174, 177–200, 205, 207, 215, 224n3 Research, 11–13, 23, 32, 35–43, 45–56, 68, 70, 95, 120, 130, 132, 151, 152, 159, 209, 223 Research ethics, 53–55 Research methodology, 35, 36, 41, 42, 51, 55 Resistance, 6, 7, 62, 79, 80, 148, 166 S Said, Edward, 2, 6 Salgawa, 226, 227, 229, 232 Sango, 96, 101, 102, 104–108, 181, 182, 213, 215 Santos, Boaventura de Sosa, 9 Sarki Abdullahi Bayero, 229 Sarki Abubakar Kado, 225 Sarki Sulaiman, 225 Scholarship, 6, 9–12, 15, 37, 39, 41, 42, 166, 174, 222–224, 232 Science, Technology Engineering and Mathematics (STEM), 68

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INDEX

The Secret Lives of Baba Segi’s Wives, 14, 165–174 Security, 47, 96, 111–121, 166 Sekere, 208, 210, 211, 213 Senegal, 119, 127, 231 Sharia, 194, 199 Shaykh al-Tuni, 225 Shaykh Ibrahim Zangon Bare-Bari, 15, 221–233 Shelter, 142, 143 Shoneyin, Lola, 165–174 Skepticism, 20, 26, 26n13, 192 South Africa, 64, 68, 70 Soyinka, Wole, 96, 101, 102, 166 Spirituality, 45, 96, 141, 158, 159, 184, 186 Stories, 35, 36, 39, 45, 46, 49, 51, 53, 54, 96, 98, 102, 103, 142, 173, 193, 196 Structural Adjustment Programmes, 67 T Tafsir, 226, 227, 229, 229n9, 230 Testimony, 26, 27, 29–32 Textile, 14, 123–138, 141, 149 Things Fall Apart, 97, 186, 187 Tradition, 11, 15, 40, 49, 80, 87, 96, 98, 103–105, 108, 109, 118, 124, 132, 137, 141, 143, 145, 147, 150, 153, 154, 156, 157, 159, 167, 173, 191, 193, 198, 205–207, 217, 221–228, 223n2, 231, 232 Traditionalism, 20–22, 21n1, 22n3 Truth, 12, 13, 20, 21, 23, 42, 45, 48, 51, 54, 99, 169, 178, 182

U Universalism, 19–32, 22n4, 207 University, 13, 40, 54, 61–73, 128, 150, 152 Uthman dan Fodio, 189 V Vlisco, 123–138 W Wangarawa, 224, 224n3 West, 3, 6, 22n4, 65, 78, 88, 133, 143, 145–147, 165–169 Wiredu, Kwasi, 21, 22, 22n3, 22n4, 27, 27n16, 29n18, 115, 117n8 Woman, 14, 101–103, 115, 172, 174, 177, 181–183, 185–187, 190–196 World Bank, 62, 67, 68 Worldview, 10, 11, 36, 38–44, 46, 49, 50, 54, 56, 65, 80–83, 95, 128, 136, 160, 166, 168, 169, 179, 182, 194 Y Yoruba, 13, 26, 26n14, 28–32, 29n17, 29n18, 94, 96–102, 105, 108, 124, 126, 127, 130, 131, 136, 143, 147, 156, 171–174, 177, 178, 180–186, 205, 206, 208–217