Passion and defiance: film in Italy from 1942 to the present 9780520057449, 9780520050204

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PASSION AND DEFIANCE

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MIRA LIEHM

Film in Italy from 1942 to the Present

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS ‘Berkeley Los Angeles London

University of California Press , Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd.

London, England } © 1984 by _ The Regents of the University of California

Printed in the United States of America |

10 9 8 7 6 § | 12 11 10 09 08

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Passion and defiance. ,

Liehm, Mira.

Bibliography: p.

Includes index. : 1. Moving-pictures—ltaly—History. 2. Moving-picture plays—History and criticism, |. Title.

— PN1993.5.188L44 1984 791.43'0945 83-6667 ISBN 978-0-520-05744-9 (alk. paper)

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—

Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, | ANSI Z39.48- 1984.

To the memory of Luchino Visconti

| BLANK PAGE |

Contents

PREFACE ix | , FIRST ENCOUNTERS (BEFORE 1942) 1 I .OBSESSION (1942-1944) 41 IT LACRIMAE RERUM (1944-1948) 60 lll NEOREALISM, ACT II (1948-1953) 90

IV WHATISREALITY? 103

V NEOREALISMISLIKE... 129 , | VI DIFFICULT YEARS (1953-1959) 138 Vil THERIFT (1959-1960) 160 VT THE GLORIOUS SIXTIES (1961-1969) 181

IX HIGHLIGHTS OF THESIXTIES 221 X THE CHANGING IMAGE OF THE MOVIES (1970-1982) 249

XI THEDUSK OF THELEOPARDS 239 XII UNDER THESIGNOF VIOLENCE 307

NOTES 319 — |

BIBLIOGRAPHY 361 | | INDEX OF NAMES 375>

INDEX OF FILMS 383

BLANK PAGE

FIRST ENCOUNTERS (BEFORE 1942)

Date: Easter 1940, a few months before Mussolini’s declaration of war upon Britain and France. Place: A ship bound for Capri. Two men meet for the first time. The older is extremely good-looking, tall and slender, with dark hair. His finely chiseled features and tormented expression are reminiscent of Italian Renaissance portraits. He is in his mid-thirties. The other man is short and broad-shouldered, a smiling, extremely outgoing peasant type whose ancestors “abandoned their wives to the lust of the Turkish, Arab and Saracen conquerors.”! Their names: Luchino Visconti and Giuseppe De Santis. Result of this encounter: a film, a milestone —OSsessione. Visconti was an aristocrat, privileged by his wealth and social position to do whatever he wished. Like the majority of the Italian aristocracy, he was hostile to the fascist regime, despising the plebeian Mussolini. He had spent several years in

|i

_ France working with Jean Renoir and in 1940 had just returned from the United

States. He had everything De Santis did not have. De Santis, just twenty-three years old, was an eager newcomer to Rome. He was making his way in journalism, fiercely attacking the current film production in his articles for the journal Cinema. In the circle that formed around this journal in the early 1940s, Visconti was the potential Maecenas whereas De Santis was the “en-

, fant terrible.” All the members of the circle shared an unlimited passion for film and a desire to find new forms of expression for the medium. It is one of the incon-

sistencies of Italian fascism that this journal, with its increasingly overt antifascism, was run by Mussolini’s son Vittorio.

: Italian fascism, lacking the organizational perfection that characterized Hitler’s Nazism, was more tolerant toward its adversaries and less demanding of its partisans. Fascist Italy managed to retain the nominal allegiance of more of its intellectuals and cultural leaders than Germany did; fewer emigrated from Italy than from Germany and Russia. There were no extermination camps. Many could travel

, abroad. The tolerance toward nonfascist intellectuals went so far that the Marxist

theoretician Umberto Barbaro was able not only to teach at the Centro Sperimentale di Cinematografia but also to show the best films of the Russian avant-garde to his class of young enthusiasts (among them De Santis) and to translate Pudovkin’s

2 First Encounters writings. Antonio Gramsci, the secretary of the Communist party and its leading theoretician, was able to write the major part of his huge work in prison. In 1938, while the holocaust in Germany was approaching its peak, Gertrude Stein’s The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas was published in Rome with an enthusiastic preface by Cesare Pavese. At the same time, open admiration for American literature dominated the Italian literary scene. (A 1,000-page anthology of American literature was published as late as 1942.) Cesare Pavese, one of the leading Italian novelists, wrote in 1948 in his Diaries: “Fundamentally, humanistic intelligence—the fine arts and letters —did not suffer

under fascism; they managed to follow their own bent, cynically accepting the game as it was. Where fascism exercised vigilance was in preventing intercourse

| between the intelligentsia and the people, keeping the people uninformed.” Gramsci and many others never returned from prison. In 1938, anti-Semitic laws were enacted excluding Jews from political activities and from some professions. Many authors were not allowed to publish, and censorship was strict. Fascist

Italy was a dictatorship “Italian style,” but it was a dictatorship. Its leaders, “gerarchi,” lacked the drive and professional competence of a Josef Goebbels or an

Alfred Rosenberg, who concocted a Nazi ideological concept and in its name blacklisted hundreds of books, plays, paintings, and films, setting up norms for “true German culture” in all fields. In Italy, Galeazzo Ciano, Dino Alfieri, and Luigi Freddi never managed to enforce cultural controls and never really fused the professional film organizations with the organs of political authority. By design they allowed a limited amount of criticism on specific matters, a policy that has been called “repressive tolerance.” “What is Italian fascism?” asked Antonio Gramsci as early as 1921. “It is the insurrection of the lowest stratum of the Italian bourgeoisie, the stratum of layabouts, of the ignorant, of the adventurers to whom the war has given the illusion of being good for something and truly counting for something, those who had been carried forward by the state of political and moral decadence.” The fascists never succeeded in changing the people’s attitudes regarding two important issues of the late thirties: racism and the alliance with Nazi Germany. Both these policies went against the historically determined Italian national character, which was neither anti-Semitic nor pro-German.

Not many nations are as basically different from one another as Germany and | Italy. Few nations dislike each other so frankly as the Germans and the Italians. Yet

in 1936, through the treaty that created the Rome-Berlin axis, they were drawn

willy-nilly into an alliance. ,

Juxtaposed with the Germans’ inclination toward an often tragic mythology of

duty and discipline was the indulgent, easygoing attitude of the Italians: “die Schicksalstragodie” (the tragedy of destiny) of Wagner and the “bel canto” (beauti- _ ful singing) of Verdi. The ascetic faces of Albrecht Diirer and the joyful roundness of Raphael’s bodies. Hitler and Mussolini. Conquerors and their imitators. There was one attitude Mussolini could rely upon: the traditional Italian appe: tite for victory, the love of victory, even if it was only a disguised defeat. Never was Mussolini’s popularity greater than after the 1936 conquest of Ethiopia, Eritrea,

First Encounters 3 and Somalia and the 1938 annexation of Albania, presented to the indifferent world as a logical reconquest of Roman territories. At these moments he was cheered by the majority of the Italian people, to whom he gave a flattering image of their country as victorious, powerful, and free at last from those features that had generated a sense of national defeat after World War!l. | Did this occasional enthusiasm mean that the majority of Italian filmmakers were profascist? that they became antifascists only at the last minute, when the victory started changing sides?

“Don’t forget what happened in America during the McCarthy period,” said. director Renato Castellani in an interview. When somebody is immersed tn acertain world, he cannot see things clearly, he cannot see things outside this world, have ideas beyond this world. . . . He is like a canary born in a cage. He has no idea of what is outside: maybe the cage for

him is what is outside and not what is inside. Similarly, we had no political problems. We lived in a world organized in a certain way, we were marching forward, and we could more or less approve of the things this world was doing. Very often our approval was wrong. .. . You know, fascism in Italy was bland, there was no excessive toughness or violence.* “Italy is a strange country,” director Alberto Lattuada pointed out, when asked about fascism in Italy. “It is the only country where the religious power, the monarchic power, and a dictatorship existed as a unique triumvirate. I do not think that

| we had ever before seen the head of the church, a monarch and a dictator living together and loving each other. Even if you think you know Italy well, you do not

_ know her. It is impossible to really know Italy.” |

~ “You know, Rossellini is Catholic,” said Sergio Amidei (scriptwriter of films such as Open City, Paisan, and Anni difficili [Difficult Years]) when asked whether Roberto Rossellini was a fascist.

And Catholics are used to being forgiven. The more they sin, the more they are , loved because they have something for which to ask forgiveness. The priests do not like people who have nothing to ask forgiveness for. . . . Fascism did not have the characteristics of Nazism, its blind faith in the destiny of a nation. In

Italy there was a sense of compromise.® ,

“There was once a colonel in Cinecitta,” recalls the film historian Luigi Chiarini,

who, during the fascist period, was director of the Centro Sperimentale di | Cinematografia.

, In each of the agencies there was a fascist. And this colonel came to the Centro . to protest because it was October 28,” and the doorman was not in the fascist uniform. I told him: ‘But I’m in plain clothes, too. If you want to yell at somebody, start with me.’ And that was it. He laughed and left. He was a fascist for

show. The majority of them were.® ,

“Freddi was a party bureaucrat, an obedient person,” remarks Cesare Zavattini, recalling his association with Luigi Freddi, director of the General Film Manage-

ment under the fascist regime. 7

4 First Encounters | He was a man who was happy to be a self-described servant. This was a beautiful quality in him and that’s how it should have been. We cannot even hold it against him because this was his work, his duty. He fulfilled it consistently and sometimes even with a certain joy that made all the inherent oppressiveness disappear. The political element appeared almost as a kind of relationship between friends, a nice tap on the shoulder; and we were not aware of it, because our state of mind resisted such awareness. That was the true manifestation of a regime, of a dictatorship in the full meaning of the word. But we even accommo-

dated ourselves to other things. This was our daily life, a way of life for the whole nation, not only for the intellectuals. The intellectuals and the people were in the same boat. Intellectuals made some indirect attempts at antifascism. Literature enables one to contest things from the inside of the situation. When Pirandello was writing Six Characters in Search of an Author, he certainly was not a fascist, even if he later joined the Fascist party.? In the newspaper Corriere Padano on October 26, 1938, there appeared an article entitled “A Heroic Story on the Screen.” It was a review of a new film, Luciano Serra, pilota (Pilot Luciano Serra). Directed by Goffredo Alessandrini, coscripted by Roberto Rossellini, and personally supervised by Vittorio Mussolini, the film glorifies

the life of a pilot who dies in the Ethiopian campaign. The review was written by Michelangelo Antonioni, a prominent film critic of the late thirties and early forties.

| “Luciano Serra is undoubtedly the first great Italian film, which will find a place among the most respected works of our time,” writes Antonioni. “And for that,” he concludes, “we have to be grateful to Vittorio Mussolini.”’° Vitaliano Brancati, the Sicilian writer who coscripted many important Italian films, offered one of the best explanations for the youthful fascist enthusiasm: When I was twenty, I was a fascist, down to my hair roots. Fascism for me was a wondrous credo. I experienced the joy of a herded animal: the joy of being in accord with millions of people —to feel what they felt. An optimism of a third

order invested me. I felt like a giant of the group even in my solitude. ... I experienced deeply in 1927 what it is like for a twenty-year-old, inclined to | meditation, fantasy, and sloth to admire a man of action and violence: to believe that a new delightful morality was about to be born. It tasted like a glass of wine. | All ideological abortions . . . are as intoxicating as wine because like wine they

bring us outside laws of reality into a sphere that we call ‘the new world” I experienced also the shame that follows upon such drunkenness, the boredom of 1936 and 1937, when it was necessary to look back and write: “At certain

times, we should never be twenty.”!"! | FILM IN A CORPORATE STATE From 1930 to 1939, some 722 fiction films were produced in Italy.!* With the fascists paying more and more attention to the film medium, production rose , sharply: 12 films in 1931, 34 in 1933, 67 in 1938, 89 in 1941, and 119 in 1942. The , fascists quickly realized the propagandistic power of film and the necessity for

First Encounters 5 state subsidies and control. From the beginning they tried to centralize all cinematic activities under one authority. Between 1925 and 1929, L'Unione Cinematografica Educativa (LUCE) was created to promote educational films, and one of its _ first ventures was a three-part documentary, J] Duce, depicting Mussolint’s ascent. Following Lenin’s example and the shrewd use of the cinema for the benefit of the Soviet state, Mussolini proclaimed film to be “the most powerful weapon,” thus paraphrasing the famous Soviet slogan “film—the most important art.” “Since the very beginning, film struck us as an important element of progress not only because of its artistic achievements but because of its capacity to become a mighty instrument of the dissemination of ideas, of culture, of the instruction and education of people.” This is how the introduction to the book about LUCE, published in 1934, characterized the role of cinema in Mussolini’s corporate state.'° In 1932, Alessandro Sardi, president of LUCE, traveled to Russia where he met with representatives of the film industry. He returned with detailed information , about the Soviet film organization and published an enthusiastic article about it in the daily // Popolo. d’ Italia (August 25, 1932). Meanwhile, Luigi Freddi, Mussolini’s adviser on questions of film, went to Hollywood. It was, however, the Soviet experience that provided the original inspiration for the fascist centralization of all activities connected with film. At that time, the Italian press was flooded by articles concerned with the organization of the film industry. All stressed the educational

importance of film and the close relationship between film and politics.'* They spoke repeatedly about “film consciousness,” a term that later frequently appeared

in articles written by the neorealists. a Corrado Pavolini, an influential journalist of the time, wrote in the official fas-

cist daily Tevere (May 5, 1930): } We affirm that, in the present situation, the Italian production, even if good— which is the first problem—could by far not resolve the most important issue: to

| create a national film consciousness. . . . Film, which is both art and an instrument of propaganda, needs a collective consciousness in order to achieve all its

potentials. ... The American, German, and Russian productions are successful because film in these countries is based on a collective feeling, expressed in an appropriate cinematic form. . . . In Moscow, there is such a close and sponta-

, neous relationship between the nation and film that these two merge into one. ' The Russian filmmaker has the same feeling toward the masses and the soil as the saddest of the workers and the most naive of the peasants. . . . Cinema is not a transposition of the bourgeois theater, which is approximately the same in all

_ countries, but a unique, modern expression of national collectivity, profoundly

differentiated fm one race to another.'*

Commenting on Pavolini’s article, Adriano Apra, the contemporary Italian film historian, wrote forty-five years later: The argument about the Russian (Soviet) film appears frequently in the articles

of the thirties. At that moment, when a model for the rebirth (birth from the , fascist viewpoint) of the cinema was being sought, many reservations arose in

6 First Encounters | , connection with the American and German film industries (the leading powers ' on the market) that vanished before the model of the Russian cinema. Not only did the unity between nation and film, which the fascists were eager to attain, speak in favor of the Russian production, but also its aesthetic basis (Pudovkin was about to be translated and everybody had heard about Eisenstein’s montage). Russian film was both politics and art, which was a combination representing the highest aspiration of the more knowledgeable fascist film critics.'® Mussolini himself said in an interview: “The Russian film is at the foremost post. In Italy, we shall in no time have the means for that too.” Beginning in 1933, a powerful state organization was progressively brought to

life and generously subsidized. Luigi Freddi became the head of the Direzione Generale per la Cinematografia (General Film Management) and surrounded himself with well-chosen experts (such as Alessandro Blasetti, Mario Camerini, Mario Soldati). Under his auspices, a board of censors began reviewing film scripts and projects, distributing prizes and regulating international film exchanges. The board included representatives of the interior and war ministries, the Fascist party, and

others. No Italian-made film was ever suppressed entirely, but many had to be reedited. Certain foreign films were banned for glorifying values such as pacifism (La grande illusion) or gangsterism (Scarface). At the same time, a film section was opened at the state-controlled “Banco del Lavoro,” and was authorized to advance 60 percent of the capital needed for any film with a script approved by the censorship board. In some cases, films with a

' strong profascist message received complete funding (e.g., Scipione l’Africano,

which glorified the war in Africa). , ,

Following the example of the American Legion of Decency, the Centro Cattolico Cinematografico (Catholic Film Center) was established with the task of cataloguing all films according to their moral content. Pope Pius XI stated in his encyclical of June 29, 1936: “It is necessary that the bishops create permanent offices in all regions with the aim of promoting honest films, to classify the others, and to communicate the right opinion to the priests and believers.” The first film school in Italy opened its doors in 1934. Originally it was incorporated into the Accademia Musicale di S. Cecilia (St. Cecilia Music Academy) in Rome and managed by Alessandro Blasetti. A year later, the prestigious Centro_ Sperimentale di Cinematografia (Experimental Film Center) was created. It was

first located in an old building but later transferred into its own well-equipped facilities on the outskirts of Rome. Luigi Chiarini, the well-known critic and historian, became its first president. Among its professors were Umberto Barbaro and Blasettti, and its students included Roberto Rossellini, Michelangelo Antonioni, .

Guiseppe De Santis, Luigi Zampa, Pietro Germi, Luciano Emmer, Dino De Laurentiis, etc. In 1936, the theoretical journal Cinema came into being. (In 1938, its editor-in-chief became Vittorio Mussolini.) At the same time, the Centro started editing its own magazine Bianco e Nero, with Chiarini at its head. Concentrating mainly on theory, Bianco e Nero published articles by Rudolf Arnheim, Béla Balazs, Umberto Barbaro, Luigi Chiarini, and other established theoreticians, and Cinema opened its pages to the younger generation."

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Hollywood comedy. The third ingredient that influenced the Italian “white telephones” was the old Austro-Hungarian “Budapest style” light genres. The advent of sound changed the Italian film industry. Annual production fell from 150 fiction films produced in the twenties to less than ten. The mythological

genre totally disappeared during the economic crisis. In the thirties, mammoth historical films were produced only sporadically and cast in a new form. Their naiveté was gone, and their good guys became fervent partisans of fascism defending the ideals of the Roman Empire both at home and in the colonies (Scipione l’ Africano). The costume film turned into a passionate bearer of nationalistic intol-

erance (Condottieri). |

Together with the good Glaucos and bad Nerones, the athletic-acrobatic genre disappeared with its sporting heroes Ajax, Samson, and the famous giant, Maciste,

22 First Encounters first seen in Cabiria as early as in 1914. Fascism, fond of vigorous and muscular bodies, did everything to save him. In Il gigante delle Dolomiti (The Dolomite

Giant) shot by Guido Brignone (1887-1957) in 1926, Maciste, defending the moral values of the present society, bore a striking resemblance to Mussolini’s

| storm troops, the “Black Shirts.” Neapolitan production came to a halt too, a victim of the financial crisis and of ~Mussolini’s efforts toward linguistic unification. Its few remnants were found in _ some of the pink productions where they degenerated into poorly made musical films: Napoli che canta (Singing Naples, 1930), Napoli verde-blu (Naples in Green and Blue, 1935), Napoli d’ altri tempi (Naples of the Old Days, 1938), and Napoli che non muore (Naples Will Never Die, 1939).57

| The official fascist attitudes were virile, chaste, revolutionary, and celebrative. Gone were the days of the striptease in The Last Days of Pompeii. Nude breasts were covered, and all suicides became accidents, even in the newspapers. Femmes

_ fatales became bad creatures, and purification through love was reserved for women with a strong moral sense, who would always forsake the husband to his

legal wife and children. Isa Miranda, the diva of the thirties, a perfect femme fatale, and a dignified successor to Francesca Bertini, played roles of heroic Italian women (Passaporto rosso [Red Passport], 1935). The only time she could commit suicide and behave like a real D’ Annunziesque female beast in a film set in fascist Italy was in La signora di tutti (Everybody’s Lady) made in 1934 by a foreigner, Max Ophuls. It was her best part, and the film stands clearly above the standard

production that surrounded it.58 , : The actresses of the corporate film were stylized as models of joyful girls with healthy minds and healthy bodies, the prevailing female role in the Italian comedy production of the time. This became the only genre that remained indestructible. Its patterns were enriched by Hollywood and Berlin, and especially with elements from “la rivista” (variety theater or cabaret), which in the 1930s became an important part of the Italian stage and life.

| Comedy did not negate the relationship between film and reality. It expressed it through comic sentimentality, which made all dramatic harshness disappear. All details of the plot paid tribute to common sense, the guarantee of an orderly and quiet life. Timid young men, impertinent but naive girls, and surly yet loving fathers populated this world where love reigned as long as the limits of decency were not transgressed. The mirror Italy faced reflected her burning need for a beautiful

reality. | |

Some of the best comedies were written by Cesare Zavattini (b. 1902), one of the most active scriptwriters of the fascist period, who at that time was deeply influenced by Frank Capra. He was a steady collaborator with some of the experts of comedy, especially Mario Camerini, for whom he wrote the story for Daro un milione (Tll Give a Million) in 1935,°? and Camillo Mastrocinque (1901-1969), who directed Zavattini’s script Bionda sottochiave (The Locked In Blond, 1939). Second to Zavattini was Luigi Zampa (b. 1905), another great admirer of Hollywood comedy. Zampa entered filmmaking as one of the first graduates of the Cen-

tro Sperimentale di Cinematografia. In 1939, he wrote the script for Mille lire al

First Encounters 23

, mese (A Thousand Lire a Month) directed by Max Neufeld (b. 1887) and often mentioned as a typical “white telephone” film and comedy of errors. The same year, Zampa worked with Mario Soldati on Dora Nelson, centering again on the interchangeability of two couples, and in 1940 he wrote La danza dei milioni (The Dance of Millions) for Camillo Mastrocinque, a tale based on double identity. Zampa made his directorial debut in 1940 with a crazy comedy L’ attore scomparso (An Actor Disappears), one of the “first Italian suspense films with a satirical and comical background.” This genre remained Zampa’s favorite during his long career, briefly interrupted by his neorealist experience.

ALESSANDRO BLASETTI No matter what point of view we adopt toward the productions of 1930-1942, the most important personality to emerge is Alessandro Blasetti (b. 1900). He was the

, only significant Italian director who continued to attract the interest of critics after World War II, and he remained one of the leading figures of the film scene until the _ mid-sixties. In a way, Blasetti is a man of genius.®' This truly prolific and eclectic director shot the best film of the thirties, 1860 (1934), which the future generation of neorealists viewed over and over again in the small screening room of the Centro

Sperimentale. The film is an attempt to portray Garibaldi’s “ Expedition of the 1,000” (il mille di Garibaldi) from the point of view of the ordinary Sicilians. Its protagonist, a Sicilian peasant, travels north to Genoa to serve as an intermediary between Garibaldi and the Sicilian insurrection. During his travels he meets different kinds of people: aristocrats, intellectuals, priests, and businessmen. Eventually he joins Garibaldi’s expedition and takes part in the victorious battle at Calatafimi. 1860 is remarkable for its use of Sicilian locations and nonprofessional actors. As in the neorealist films, the script was conceived for nonactors, with short condensed lines, and long silences between the dialogues. The contrasting structure between the sequences showing Sicilian peasants—especially the scenes between the two lovers—and those in which politicians decide on the peasants’ future cre-

ates an atmosphere of interlaced physical and social realities. | - The film culminates with scenes of the battle at Calatafimi, shot with extremely mobile subjective cameras overlooking the tragically beautiful Sicilian landscape. (One camera was placed on a hill, giving the perspective of the heroine as she looks at the battlefield; another was placed in the middle of the action, eventually following the heroine searching for her husband among the dead bodies, etc.) Most of the final sequence is composed of depth-of-field shots with parallel action scenes and

extensive cross-cutting. , Blasetti was very successful in his choice of faces (typage), which seem to overflow in his images. A figure is seldom alone but always a part of the landscape

(there are hardly any close-ups). Faces of Sicilian women clad in black often appear against the white backdrop of the countryside, foreshadowing the images of the neorealist films set in Sicily (e.g., The Path of Hope, La terra trema). The editing of the battlefield sequences reveals the influence of the Soviet cinema of the thirties. It consists mostly of short shots linked with rapid movement. _

24 «FirstE t

*e**°.«°

y° 3 o«e°e

These brie images (jumping Norses, faliing SOIGIELS, raised af ms with guns, snout-

f hav Ilbindi on theeffect viewer, fil er ing officers, etc.) haveffect a spellbinding on 1 ,allowing allowing thethe filmmak

6ee***

to lead him in any ideological direction he chose.

hot full d ° to illustrat th f° th * de*,@ e " e +e*e°.e®° rhe genera outline o IS in Keeping wl ascisSt m ology. iIndividua

1 hd mora HOSO of the time e ultimate mythologi*

62 * e t) ° * 8 ‘ .

cal apotheosis has Mussolini cing a dif ect heir to Garibaldi asetti stresses Garl°

baldi’ tributions to th ificati f Italy, leaving aside his fight against th Papac The film ends with a vision of the Foro Mussolini in Rome, where sollers in fascist uniforms parade among the ranks of the Garibaldian veterans.®

Such i i f the victories to come were often used in costume films ‘

as a protection against possidie OMCial Criticism. the case o >» Indl gnation

f the authoriti ight have b ed by the film’s appeal for freed d it

icti f th volt of the Sicill A di fil °|ee.eee*fB]e

epiction or the spontaneous revolt of the sicilian peasants. Ccording to film director Carlo Lizzani, such thematic submotivation was the intention o asetti. L rote: “The more seriously he took fascism, the further his generous tem =

1zzani wrote: sly ,

perament € im from the pat S OF CONTOrMUSM. Owever, Emiu1o Cecchi, wno

t the finishing touch the final ion of the script robably responsibl or the nonconformist overtones of the film.

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written letters that fill the screen, windows that close on one season and openon another, trees and the sky that change their appearance in order to mark the passing of time.”84 Soldati continued to make one to three films a year until 1959. However, it is doubtful that De Santis’s wishful thinking ever came true.

AMERICA: FIRST LOVE In 1935, Mario Soldati published his book America primo amore, a kind of diary commenting on his two-year stay in the United States (the first year living on a fellow-

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First Encounters 35

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Lacrimae rerum 79 °

Silvana is a true Italian prototype of the diabolical seductress who destroys the men around her and dooms herself to destruction. Silvana Mangano, a stately counterpart of Rita Hayworth, was glamorous, sexy, and provocative, exhibiting her blackstockinged legs and her bare breasts with an inborn defiance. Her legs entered film

.e * °e *°5 *

history whereas the frames showing her breasts disappeared from practically all prints of the film, falling prey to the interest of projectionists. In Bitter Rice De Santis tried to fuse a populist melodrama of love and death with a socially committed subject. He was accused by the press of imitating American westerns, of stylistic extravagances and other offenses. But such criticism did not prevent the film from becoming extremely popular, ranking fifth among the topgrossing movies of the 1949—1950 season. (Bitter Rice was a commercial success worldwide, surpassing even Paisan.) Bitter Rice captured one aspect of the postwar atmosphere better than any other film: the “Americanization” of Italian life, the superficial merger of two civilizations, and their clash. Silvana was a product of this subculture. She was addicted to | American music, film, fashion, and cartoons. She loved chewing gum and adventures. De Santis punished her with death, but the film could not hide his own infatuation with jazz, radio, and American movies. He spent months editing the famous

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squalid railway station, filled with the noise of loudspeakers and crowded with rice

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| = =—=— |) —Crt—> and three months later Visconti left for Sicily with a small crew. His team , included Francesco Rosi and Franco Zeffirelli, both of whom were to become dis-

, tinguished artists in their own right (one in film, the other in theater). Visconti had a contract with Alfredo Guarini and some financial backing from the Italian Commu-

nist party, which wanted him to make a propaganda film for use in the electoral

campaign. Instead he produced La terratrema.© La terra trema differs from Visconti’s other pictures in its closed visual structure with tightly framed shots, which are closely allied to the story line. Abandoning the long tracking shot that opens Ossessione and most of the neorealist films, Visconti begins La terra trema with a pan that reveals the village square and suggests its main role in the story. The camera never leaves the village, never escapes the strict boundaries delimited on one side by the bus stop and on the other by the oddly shaped rocks (faraglioni) looming out of the sea just offshore. The men of . the village leave only to serve in the army and to go fishing. The women stay behind, waiting. The stagnation, the efforts to break free of it, and the endless waiting with no expectations are the main themes of Visconti’s film. In Verga’s book, the central character is the grandfather, and the plot focuses on his struggle to help his grandchildren after his son dies at sea. He is defeated by the

elements and by the same fates that dominate Greek and Roman mythology. Visconti’s main character is the grandson, ’Ntoni, who fights the exploitation of the __.

fishermen by the wholesale dealers and decides to operate as an independent. A storm wrecks his boat, his house is seized, and he has to return to the dealers. He too is defeated but not as a defenseless victim of immutable social conditions and an implacable destiny. ’Ntoni is a rebel who lives a moment of liberty and has to pay for it. The price is high, more than he can afford to pay. It is not the vain adventure

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A compromise between facts and “found facts” touched by the artist’s will could not satisfy Zavattini. He adhered to the assertion that facts exist independently of

the artistic interpretation and rejected the concept that facts cannot come into existence without the good offices of a hypothesis. Thus, in certain respects Zavattini was closer to Dziga Vertov than to Kracauer. According to Vertov’s conception of “life caught unawares,” the image on the screen must conform to an objective representation of an event filmed in reality so that its o:1tological authenticity is preserved. Zavattini followed Vertov on three of

his main points: his concern with the ontological authenticity of the shots; his belief in the artist’s obligation to face reality, without hiding from the facts; and his

linking of an aesthetic perception with an ethical and social concern (this third issue being probably the most important).°

, Zavattini’s radicalism went so far as to deny the importance of montage (together with all special effects) that Vertov had seen as a way to organize facts into new cinematic structures reflecting the artist's ideology. While Vertov used the Constructivist’ concept of building films in segments, Zavattini opposed any rearrangement of the material by means of editing, which he claimed could falsify

| life. Zavattini saw montage as an obstacle to the simple presentation of the facts— a technique that forced artists to make choices. Montage, with its attempted synthesis, creates historicity. And historicity, according to Zavattini, is always perme-

ated by some kind of propaganda. For Zavattini, true historicity—and this is where he differed with Carlo Lizzani, as well as with Visconti’s aforementioned concept of “anthropomorphic man”—is comprised in a human being, even just one human being captured in his temporal and spatial unity. On this point, Zavattini shared Kracauer’s concept that film is more a product of photography than of editing or other formative processes. He stated:

| What Is Reality? 105 Today a man who suffers before my eyes is absolutely different from a man who suffered a hundred years ago. I must concentrate all my attention on the man of

today. The historical baggage that I carry within myself must not prevent me from being what I wish to be, neither from using the means J have at hand to deliver this man from his pain. This man—and this is one of my basic and fixed ideas—has a first and last name. He is part of society in a way that concerns us, make no mistake about that. I feel his fascination. I must feel it in such a way that

I'am urgently obliged to speak to him or of him, but not as a character of my imagination’s invention. It is exactly at that moment one must beware, for it is then that the imagination attempts to come between reality and the self.® Zavattini based his naturalistic theory on the insufficiencies of neorealism. According to him, neorealism was heir to the old culture in general and to its melo-

drama, populism, and sentimentalism in particular. Zavattini was aware of the weaknesses of the neorealist narrative originating in traditional cinema, his own films included, and wanted to remedy them by insisting on an immediacy of knowledge that he found lacking in neorealist films. He never stopped believing that this was the only way out of the dead end in which neorealism found itself in the early

fifties. For him, the role of the scriptwriter, his own profession, was tied to old structures and hence of no use at all. Going beyond Antonio Gramsci’s vision of a new culture, Zavattini postulated a struggle for a new art. He rejected the Grams-

cian concept of continuity between the old and the new created by the flow of history, and he denied the past as such.” He repeatedly demanded that all plots be burned because plots always arrive late on the scene of the crime; when “the house is on fire,” there is no time to lose and “any narrative would just delay the tragedy.”!° Zavattini’s projects were a challenge to Italian intellectuals, who, according to him, were always inclined to place speculation ahead of action. In 1949, Zavattini said:

| Film has always cultivated the tendency to escape any radical scrutiny of one’s conscience. With the rapidity of a flashing light, it succeeded in alienating the

spectator from himself, and with the help of money and talent it made this escape smooth and final. One day, as we walked out of the dark screening room, we heard the newsboy shout that war had started, which meant a woman’s arm torn off of her body and thrown against the telephone wires, and the head of a certain Paolo Gaj hurled into the vase of flowers in a house with the number three. And all we could do was hope that the remaining bombs would fall on the house across the street and not on ours. And when the house across the street

with joy... .¥ .

was hit, we—superstitious, as we were—kissed each other and sang, filled

The importance of Zavattini’s naturalistic utopianism lay in its challenge of the

so-called “contenutismo” of Italian neorealism—the exaggerated importance attributed to the film’s content. Zavattini postulated a radical shift in the filmmakers’ attention, thus trying to avert the danger that led to “the self-corruption of neorealism.”!2 In 1972, film historian Bruno Torri pointed out: “After 1948, neorealism frequently resorted to mannerism and stereotypes, indulging to a greater or lesser

degree in ‘chronicling,’ in an anecdotal approach, in populism, provincialism, sen-

106 What Is Reality? | timentalism, and the stereotype of the dialect comedy. Some of these features, characteristic of the minor films of neorealism, can be detected in some accomplished films of the previous period.”!° By suggesting different ways of exploring reality, Zavattini attempted to find a way out of the impasse of “mannerism” and “dialect comedy.” He hoped to create a new basis for the neorealist movement, which, while it had the resources of a strong human and social matrix, lacked a firm philosophical and theoretical background. Yet neorealism, like every unified historical phenomenon, carried the seeds of its own destruction within its basic features, and Zavattini’s approach became one of

, them. Through its prevailing interest in the underprivileged (to a large extent originating in the neglect of this stratum by the traditional cinema with its concern for the world of the affluent), Zavattini’s theory generated confusion between plot and ideology, narrowing the range of the subject matter and creating the illusion that theory is self-sufficient. Moreover, the quest for truth, as proposed by Zavattini, had to touch upon the complex problem of verisimilitude. Even a truth discovered

by means of Zavattini’s method would necessarily appear in some prearranged form as a result of a preconceived process. In Zavattini’s teachings, however, verisimilitude was institutionalized as similitude and identified with reality.

The general atmosphere of the early fifties contributed to the confusion and uncertainty. In a climate of growing political tensions, both the Marxists and the Catholics interpreted aesthetic problems in terms of political expediency, using them as weapons in political battles. Most of the critics renounced any critical reassessment of the problem, adopting a paternalistic and prevailingly defensive attitude. Insisting upon the basic validity of neorealist patterns, they merely tried to protect the movement against governmental attacks and increasing censorship. The Marxist critics and their fellow travelers saw an additional reason for the crisis in the “betrayal” of neorealism by some filmmakers (Rossellini, Fellini), and

the Catholic film theoreticians considered neorealist films lacking in spirituality , and insisted on the necessity of transcending existing reality and reaching beyond social problems. Confusion prevailed at the 1953 congress on neorealism held in Parma. There, as film historians Sandro Petraglia and Stefano Rulli pointed out in 1974: “Everything was hidden under a layer of clouds as it appeared suicidal to

, show the public that the crisis of neorealist production was accompanied by an | equally severe crisis of criteria.”!4 In the atmosphere of confusion, Zavattini’s ideas, despite their aesthetic flaws, radicalism, and naturalistic utopianism, were the only theoretical framework that could sustain Italian cinema. Although these theories never generated any coherent cinematic trend, they made a significant impression on much of the production of the following years, merging with the original neorealist impulses that had engendered them. In the quest for a more complex reality, a metaphoric vision began to prevail in the approach of several directors such as Rossellini, Fellini, and Antonioni, who, _ along with Visconti, emerged as leading personalities out of the disrupted neorealist generation. This was in part a reaction against a narrow interpretation of “realism Zavattini style.” In fact, however, these directors could not avoid the influence

What Is Reality? 107 of neorealism and probably did not wish to. From the outset, their metaphors were linked to sociohistorical moments through a series of clearly outlined historical, sociological, existential, and ontological codes. (Galvano Della Volpe referred to

these metaphors as “rational.”) :

None of the first post-neorealist films bothered much with the plot. The mood and the evolution of the characters’ feelings were the main elements of their struc-

tures whereas their overall approach was influenced by phenomenological attitudes. In Italy, phenomenology became increasingly popular as a kind of a third way between Kierkegaard’s idealism and Marx’s materialism. Antonioni, Fellini, and Visconti, each in his own way, now answered the questions about reality that had been haunting them since the early forties, not by pointing to the world around them but by examining its relationship to the state of mind of human beings and to their inner selves, which until then had been overshadowed

theirdilemma: _ ,

, by the insanity of the war and its consequences. Years later, Antonioni summed up

The primary concern of the neorealist films was to establish the relationship with society. However, when I started making films, things were different, and my approach therefore was also different. I had arrived a little late on the scene, ata _ time when the first flowering of films, though still valid, was already beginning to show signs of exhaustion. Consequently, I was forced to stop and consider what subject matter was worth examining at that particular moment, what was really _ happening, what was the true state of things, what ideas were really being thought. And it seemed to me that perhaps it was no longer so important to examine the relationship between the individual and his environment, as it was to examine the

individual himself, to look inside the individual and see, after all he had been

| through (the war, the immediate postwar situation, all the events that were cur- | rently taking place) what remained inside of the individual, to see, I won't say transformation of our psychological and emotional attitudes, but at least, the symptoms of that restlessness which began to outline the changes that later came about in our psychology, and feelings, and perhaps even our morality." ,

VERISIMILITUDE AND ROSSELLINI In 1948, Rossellini—who at that time avoided all theoretical proclamations— made a film that can be considered his contribution to the discussion in progress. In the fable La macchina ammazzacattivi (The Machine to Kill Bad People), he presented a metaphorical meditation on the relationship between photographed real-

ity and the reality of moral problems. A demon bequeaths to a photographer the _ power to kill villains by means of his camera. The photographer, a good man preoccupied with justice, destroys the rich people and fat cats who exploit poor people, but finally he turns against the underprivileged too, for he finds that they are greedy and selfish as well. In Rossellini’s portrayal, the photographer is persuaded

that photography endows him with knowledge and moral judgment. While his camera captures only the visible facts, he believes that he can penetrate beneath

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What Is Reality? 117 story, Fellini summed up the subject in one sequence: a dinner at the house of a rich lawyer who is infatuated with Liliana’s legs. The takes are filled with a true Felli-

nian imagery, with a persistent note of melancholy: the comedians are gulping | down food, dancing and having fun, while an old actor sits by himself and stares into an empty dish; his sadness gradually permeates the whole sequence, which ends with the comedians returning to their sleazy hotel. They seem shabbier than ever before, lonely, goalless, rejected by the “high society” their host represents. The sequence closes with a shot of Melina—the innocent saint without a mask— crying as she realizes for the first time that Checco is cheating on her. Like Rossellini’s Machine to Kill Bad People, Fellini’s next film, Lo sceicco bianco (The White Sheik, 1952), could be considered an attempt to resolve the basic dilemma of the time: how to move beyond realism to a new reality. In later films, Fellini was to situate his characters in the world of illusion, but in The White Sheik his attitude was still ambivalent. The world of Wanda, his protagonist, con-

sists entirely of illusions. The life of Ivan, her husband, is firmly implanted in a petty social reality, and both their lives are equally dull. This time, Fellini solved the problem of illusion versus reality with a compromise. At the end of the story, __ Wanda agrees to accept her husband as her “white sheik,” and Ivan forgives his wife’s escapade into the dream world. (In Fellini’s next film J vitelloni, the clash of dream with reality left no possibility for adjustment, and the “man made of the same stuff as dreams are” became the center of Fellini’s artistic vision. ) The White Sheik was Fellini's first quantum leap on the road to fame. Edited to perfection and told with balanced ironic overtones, The White Sheik is a film of rare stylistic integrity. The script was written by Michelangelo Antonioni, who in 1949 directed Amorosa menzogna (Amorous Lie), a rather mediocre short about the stars of the “photo-romances.” Antonioni’s story of provincial newlyweds spending their honeymoon in Rome provided Fellini with the opportunity to bring together _ on the screen the two milieus that had shaped him: the kingdom of the “fotoromanzi,” where Wanda, a passionate reader of the “amorous lies,” meets her white sheik; and the city of Rome, which Ivan traverses in search of his wife. This is a truly Rossellinian Rome, seen through the eyes of a careful observer but dissected | and reshaped by an elaborate montage. The city itself—where Fellini, like Ivan, had served his apprenticeship—is the protagonist of The White Sheik. It is the . Rome of real things and people, lost corners and cafés unknown to the tourist, with piles of food and torrents of wine—the same city that in 1971 became the sole

subject of Fellini Roma. |

In the spirit of “la rivista,” Fellini created a solo number for Masina in The White

Sheik. She emerges at dawn at a deserted fountain and, introducing herself as Cabiria, tries to comfort the desperate Ivan with all the philosophy of her profession. The fountain sequence closes with a lonely performance by a fire-eater, which enhances the eerie melancholy of the story. (A similar effect is obtained in Variety Lights when the sudden apparition of a saxophone player [John Kitzmiller] as Liliana and Checco return home from a wild night out emphasizes the unreality

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What Is Reality? 119 Following the commercial failure of The White Sheik (audiences rejected it because it destroyed their own illusions), Fellini turned to his past for inspiration. At this time, and later as well, this familiar ground seemed his safest refuge. / vitelloni (1953) was entirely inspired by the kind of life he had lived before he departed for Rome: life in a small seaside resort, nurtured on illusions and destroyed by boredom.*” The narrative is split into episodes built around the five protagonists. The episodic structure is typical of all Fellini’s films. Fellini views life as disjointed — composed of encounters, small events and incidents that seem to obstruct the coherent evolution of the story. He wants to portray “life with its inexhaustible, unforeseeable treasures of meetings, persons, events, and adventures.”*? Thus, the

traditional Italian narrative form of the short story seems most appropriate for

his intention.*4 ,

Of the three films by Fellini that are to some extent linked to the Rossellinian concept of reality (The White Sheik, I vitelloni, and Il bidone), I vitelloni is the most accomplished and the most “unfaithful” to real life. It represents the Rosselli-

nian-Godardian “theater truth,” creating an appealing imagery with the attributes of a perfect fake: its imaginary milieu, governed by Fellini’s mythology, looks one hundred percent real. The studio scenes look as though they were shot on location. Ostia, where some of the outdoor scenes were filmed, looks like Fellini’s native Rimini, and the montage re-creates the flow of events as if they had never been

| interrupted by any outside interference. / vitelloni is often mentioned as the most

by illusion. :

“neorealist” of Fellini’s films whereas, in fact, the feeling of authenticity is created The stories of / vitelloni are centered around the moments of truth in the lives of five overgrown adolescents. All of them are concerned with the void inside them and around them, but only one, Moraldo, is able to realize their common dream and leave for Rome. ‘As the setting for the stories, Fellini creates a sleepy town with a stereotypical provincial atmosphere. Beauty contests, carnival balls, and the arrival of a variety theater are the major events that trigger crises in people's lives without ever actually changing anything. The environment—which in the neorealist films was used to complement and generate the motivations of the characters— is here conceived as the expression of a state of mind. This becomes an independent, self-explanatory element, an extension of the characters’ actions. I vitellonicontains a masterful sequence showing a masked ball and a sober selfrecognition at the break of dawn. Alberto, the most pathetic of the vitelloni, gets drunk and dances with a huge papier-maché mask until the other guests have gone and the waiter throws him out. He staggers home, followed by a restless, subjective camera, which gives the viewer a feeling of dizziness and uneasiness. The melancholy portrait of a useless human being culminates with Alberto watching his sister, who has always provided for him, as she leaves the town together with her lover.

In 1954, Fellini wrote a second part to / vitelloni called “Moraldo in citta” (Moraldo in the City), but it was never filmed. The treatment contains several elements of Fellini’s later films, especially Nights of Cabiria, La dolce vita, and 84/2. In “Moraldo in the City,” Fellini’s Pirandellian obsession with the search for identity

WhatKeality: I's Reality? 120 atts

.Seeere Aa eeeS3,

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again Decomes apparent. e treatment ends with an unmistaka y reiinian scene

hat sh Morald ing h ft 1 He does not know anything, he does not understand anything about life an ith distressi ?doWho amamI? people. He isi obsessed with distressingions: questions:W What I want? Who I? I

that snows Moraldo retur ning nome aiter a riotous par ty:

°

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am a little vicious but not too vicious .. . a little bourgeois but not too bouris.atWh fefor, hatwhat do do I ?I want? Outside thethe city, geols. am Iiting waiting Outside city,Morald Moraido runs intoaafriend friend with whom h d to rk.work. He says hello, keeping into with whom he used hie says nello, Keepinghis nisdist distance,

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and remains alone. hen, S€1Zed DY a mysterious Cnange OF moog, he returns to the city. First, he walks slow y, then he QUuICKENS nis Steps. He relaxes. An inexplicable joy begins to take hold of him. The lights around him again seem cheerful. And the faces in the crowd seem less hostile. A young woman with a fu mane of black shoulder-length hair passes by him and smiles at him radiantly. irtless ... Further.on, a shirtless boy bonbike a bikeis1swhistli whistling a song. . . . He meets two lovers who are walking slowly with their arms around each other. A baby cries, a cacopnony 1S heard. its inexhausti €,unf unroreseehonyOF of womens ’s voicesvoices Life Lire withwith its inexhaustible, 4° © is heard. able treasures of meetings, persons, events, and adventures. . . . Moraldo walks

l d the faces in th d less hostile. A ith a full

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e

ickly | ili attevery quic amiastamidst tne peopie,th SMuIng everyone.35

THIRD ENCOUNTER:* ANTONIONI AND PAVESE

7 d f ight, killed himself in a hotel as

On August 27, 1950, Cesare Pavese, aged forty-eight, killed himself in a hote room in Turin not far from his home. In t Ing an Overdose Of siceping pls, ne

in Turi far In taki d f sleepi ills, h

| What Is Reality? 121 gave up his fight with the “absurd vice,” suicide. It is this “vice” that is the true protagonist of his novellette Among Women Only, which Antonioni, his admirer, transposed to the screen in 1955. Pavese and Antonioni had a lot in common. Born into austere, northern bourgeois families (Pavese was born in a village near Turin in 1908, Antonioni in Ferrara in 1912) where men stayed away from family life, they were both raised by women. And women became the prisms in the imaginary worlds of their later oeuvres. Shy, self-centered, extremely reserved, Pavese and Antonioni longed for people and yet at the same time avoided them. They were strangers to the mentality

of their Roman friends and were both tortured by a sorrow that Pavese once expressed in a remark about Fitzgerald: “I understand that Fitzgerald drank a lot and eventually became almost insane. It is clear to me that anyone who has an inner urge to say something ends up like this.”°° Their restlessness and dissatisfaction reflected to a certain degree the dilemma of the Italian cultural world in the 1940s, torn between the stringent reality of social

, events and the growing need for its transfiguration through imagination. Pavese found a way out of this dilemma by combining “realism’s wealth of experience with

symbolism’s depth of feelings.”>’ Antonioni was less certain about the path he wanted to follow, though the Pavesian solution was closer to his temperament than any other. For a long time success eluded him. In the early postwar years, he lived on menial jobs and often felt discouraged. He was already thirty-eight years old _ when he directed his first feature film in 1950, the year of Pavese’s death. A few months before his suicide, Pavese pointed out: “One does not kill oneself for the love of a woman. One kills oneself because love, any love, reveals to us our nudity, misery, defenselessness, and nullity.” This could be any of Antonioni’s film characters speaking.*®

From the outset, Antonioni was fascinated by Pavese’s writings, which helped him to overcome the limitations imposed on him by his previous cinematic experience. Antonioni discovered in Pavese’s approach some important stylistic elements that later became the foundations of his own oeuvre: the transformation of the landscape into a crucial element of his vision, the inner world of the characters seen as an extension of their environment, the primacy of language (form) over _ content, the return to “writing well” (in film terms, beautiful photography), etc. Antonioni, like Pavese, was aware that “the artist who is not constantly analyzing and breaking down his technique is a poor one.” As early as 1942, when Anto-

nioni was a film critic, he wrote:

Film, fundamentally a visual art, should link its method of representation to the external appearance of nature and individuals because it is through this appearance that their interiority reveals itself. I said appearance, not substance. Therefore, it is essential to capture the relationship between the spiritual aspect and the emotional one. This can be achieved through the transfiguration of the real aspect of the world into a purely artistic illusion, or through color, whose nu-

ances, shades, and transitions create an analogous transformation. The true artistic encounter between Pavese and Antonioni occurred five years

, 122 What Is Reality? after Pavese’s death when Antonioni chose to film Among Women Only, whose

| subject is suicide. In Tentato suicidio (Attempted Suicide), an episode of the 1953 composite film Love in the City, Antonioni had already concerned himself with the subject of suicide, depicting its echoes and signs more than the act itself and con-

centrating mainly on the aftermath. It was the same approach he had used in his first feature film, Cronaca di un amore (Chronicle of a Love, 1950), which focused on the consequences of actions more than on the actions themselves. Chronicle of a Love is close to the social commentary pictures of the neorealist era. It depicts the barriers between a young woman who has married money and her | lover who has remained poor. Both of them are indirectly responsible for the death of their partners. Guido (Massimo Girotti), a typical product of the war years, penniless and frustrated, leaves Paola just when, after long years of waiting, they are finally both free to begin a life together. The Pavesian “revelation through love” permeates the whole film, especially in the last scenes where the camera captures Paola standing in front of her mansion (“her face riddled with tears, shivering with cold and despair’)*“ and then focuses on Guido, who then leaves for good. The characters are conceived to express emotions of which they may not yet be aware and which will lead to a modification of their own moral condition. The development of feelings moves in

the foreground while the social aspects gradually lose significance. , In his first fiction film, Antonioni already abandons a narrative structure with beginnings and ends, turning instead to the inner flow of emotions.** The camera often follows the characters even after everything has been said, favoring extremely long takes (sequence shots). Antonioni’s attempt to break with the formula of the

traditional script is apparent in his rendition of the past. Avoiding conventional flashbacks, he makes the past a part of the present, linking it to the actual state of mind of the characters and unveiling former acts through their present symptoms. (Paola’s working-class past is revealed through her emotional reactions as the wife

of arich Milan businessman. ) ,

In Signora senza camelie (The Lady Without Camelias, 1953), Antonioni deep-

' ened his search for a form capable of expressing “a crisis of feelings.” Clara, an. insignificant actress who becomes a star, is the first of his protagonists who foresees her loss of affection and the beginning of her loneliness —that Pavesian “main obstacle and crust to be broken.” The Antonionian couple, fading out of an emotional relationship, also makes its first appearance here in the characters of Clara and her husband Gianni, the direct predecessors of Lidia and Giovanni in Antonioni’s major film La notte. Gianni, a successful film producer, refuses to recognize the disappearance of the emotional bond between him and Clara whereas Clara accepts the breakdown with all its consequences. At the end, her fabulous career _terminated, Clara is left alone, without even the symbolic camelias, which Paola, in Chronicle of a Love, always kept in a vase.* Antonioni's belief that “for a human being, everything originates in a human being” is reflected in the structure of the script for The Lady Without Camelias. The narrative facts are not shown as parts of a separately recognizable reality; they are captured at the moment when they are conceived by human minds. For example, Clara’s intention to secure her film future at any cost becomes apparent in the film’s

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What Is Reality? 123

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to an idiot, do not have any feeling or understanding of nature.”> Zavattini’s and Visconti’s concepts clashed in Bellissima, the first and only film Visconti made after a subject by Zavattini. As early as 1948, Visconti was already involved in a polemic concerning the issues of neorealism. His stage production of Rosalinda, or As You Like It—conceived as a fantastic fairy tale in a surrealistically designed eighteenth-century setting—was attacked for its betrayal of neorealism.>? Visconti’s reply summed up his image of the future evolution of theater and cinema. He pointed out:

In the field of cinema, neorealism helped us to define different concepts that inspired the recent “Italian school.” It comprised those who believed that poetry can be born out of reality. Today, in my opinion, it is an absurd label that has stuck to us like a tattoo and that, instead of designating a method and a reference, has become a limitation and a set of rules. . . . On the stage, we carried neorealism as far as we could. We used real objects and authentic reminiscences that had been rejected by the conventional theater. All our present efforts stem .

7 from this method, which is also at the origins of our fantasy. I said fantasy and I insist on that word. Neither realism, nor neorealism, but fantasy, a complete

freedom of spectacle.*4 ,

In Bellissima, Visconti deepened the narrative level of Zavattini’s subject by identifying it with his own experience. Thus, a collision ensued between demands |

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.Se»PieSe : am oe — ae .ee Magnani was equally eager to work with him, more so than ever in 1950 after Rossellini had left her for Ingrid Bergman.>*° Visconti’s interest in the many-sided character of a self-destructive mother, portrayed by an actress such as Magnani, helped him to transcend Zavattini’s anecdotal approach and to go beyond the French objective realism.>’

At the outset of the fifties, films by Antonioni, Fellini, Rossellini, and Visconti were instrumental in the attempt at a “transition from neorealism to realism” (as

this period is referred to). For several years, however, these four directors remained men alone on an untraveled road; they did not find much critical understanding for the innovative force contained in their films. Especially Rossellini and Antonioni were the underdogs of the Italian film industry, having increasing difficulties in finding financial backing for their projects. Their full appreciation came

only after years of delay.

_ Inretrospect, the unity of the neorealist movement was an exception in the overall history of the Italian cinema. Since its end, there has not been a trend that shares a common poetics, even less an ethics. Lino Micciché goes so far as to suggest that “after the period 1945—1950, the Italian cinema was the only one among the major film countries to lack a common denominator shared by a group of filmmakers and not to produce a group of films born out of a collective film. In our cinema personalities have always prevailed over general movements and trends.”5®

NEOREALISM IS LIKE... What is neorealism? Definitions abound. “There are many kinds of neorealism; everyone has his own. Mine was a moral position, an effort to understand myself inside a phenomenon.”! This was Rossellini talking. _ The majority of film dictionaries and encyclopedias refer to neorealism as, for example, “a movement in Italy from about 1943 to 1952 which reacted against the artificiality of the prewar and fascist cinema; although its adherents were diverse and never really formed a school, most of them shared a generally left-wing attitude and relied on natural decor, unprofessional actors, and a simple direct style of direction.”?

In the early seventies, a group of Italian film critics reacted against the very concept of neorealism as a movement. A movement, according to them, has to have

a unity, which neorealism lacked. Thus, for Lino Micciché, neorealism was not even a phenomenon because “on the level of its expressive results, namely, films, it | could be decomposed and recomposed almost as desired.”> This critical group was probably right to view neorealism as the result of previous traditions, but it under-

estimated the coherence of its style as it was progressively coined.* In his introduc- :

tory paper at the 1974 conference on neorealism Micciché said: Neorealism was not an aesthetics, and one of the reasons for its demise was the belief that it was and, what is worse, had the intention to be one. Neorealism was “an ethics of an aesthetics.” It was the answer of a generation of filmmakers to , the question asked by Vittorini: “Shall we ever have a culture capable of protect- ing people against suffering instead of just comforting them?” In this respect— and only in this respect—the Viscontis, De Sicas, Rossellinis, and the De Santis, aesthetically so different from one another, were ethically similar.°

Yet all these artists, one so unlike the other, brought to life a phenomenon with clearly defined technical and moral components that influenced almost all subsequent film trends in the West and in the East. In this respect, little doubt remains.

After Paisa, Shoeshine, Germany, Year Zero and Bicycle Thief, cinema could never be the same again. The neorealist approach became a permanent part of 129

130 NeorealismIs Like. . . : the filmmakers’ equipment. Its influence could be seen in French cinema from

Clément, Cayatte, and Clouzot to Godard and Truffaut, its influence on Japanese directors like Kinoshita, Ichikawa, and Oshima must have been considera-

ble, and it may well be that the neorealist example encouraged Satyajit Ray when he embarked on Pather Panchali®

Basil Wright’s contention 1s supported by James Monaco, who wrote: “While neo: realism as a movement lasted only until the early fifties, the effects of its aesthetics are still being felt. In fact, Zavattini, Rossellini, De Sica, and Visconti defined the ground rules that would operate for nearly thirty years. Aesthetically, Hollywood never quite recovered.”” The International Encyclopedia of Film as well states in connection with Open City: “It was a way of making films which was to influence

not only the postwar generation of filmmakers in Italy, but also generations to come.”8 As the French critic Louis Marcorelles contended:

Historically, neorealism in 1944-1945, the British “free cinema” of 1956—1959, and the French New Wave of 1958—1959 show the first efforts that were made to create a cinema that was not costly, that came closer to reality, and that was free from slavery to technique. The most significant films of the period bear

on them, like a watermark, something that foreshadows the direct cinema of the sixties.? Stephen Member emphasized mainly the influence of Zavattini:.

Zavattini has to be cited as part of the aesthetic foundation of cinéma vérité, regardless of the failure of neorealism to fulfill this stated commitment to undirected reality. There has to be room here for a man who can say: “However great

a faith I might have in imagination, in solitude, I have a greater faith in reality, in people. I am interested in the drama of things we happen to encounter, not those we plan.” Here, he beautifully articulates the cinéma vérité, outlook.'®

Others, such as Louis D. Giannetti, concerned themselves with the influence of neorealism on American fiction film directors, such as Elia Kazan and Samuel Fuller (The Steel Helmet). According to Giannetti, Kazan was influenced particularly in the use of authentic urban location, the use of nonprofessional actors (though primarily for minor roles), and in the development of explicit sociopolitical themes. Significantly, Kazan’s movies (Boomerang! Panic in the Streets, On the Waterfront, A Face in the Crowd) did not eschew plots. The “new look” of his films was largely confined to matters of details, not to structure."

Rossellini was right. Everyone had his own neorealism according to his disposi-

tion, temperament, belief, and external circumstances. In Japan, the neorealist films provoked a real explosion in the development of cinema, linking up with prewar Japanese realism, mainly with the films of Yasujiro Ozu. Ozu’s crude style (e.g.,

in An Inn in Tokyo, 1935, or The Only Son, 1936) and striving for authenticity _ anticipated especially the neorealist method found in De Sica’s early work with its poetic vision of streets populated with social outcasts and an indifferent crowd.

- Neorealism Is Like... 131 Some postwar Japanese directors fused these traditions with the new Italian influence (Tadashi Imai, Keisuke Kinoshita, Satsuo Yamamoto).!”

| Neorealism holds a special place in the development of the East European cinema. In the mid-fifties, its influence in Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia was crucial, merging with the endeavor of these productions to free themselves from Stalinist aesthetics. The neorealist experience in these countries symbolized the yearning for truth and freedom that obsessed the East European filmmakers as much as the early neorealists. The generation of Felix Mariassy and Zoltan Fabri in Hungary, of Elmar Klos, Jan Kadar, and Vojtéch Jasny in Czechoslovakia, of Andrzej Wajda, Andrzej Munk, and Jerzy Kawalerowicz in Poland saw in the neorealist

struggle not only an inspiration to renovate an antiquated style, but also, in a broader sense, an impulse to deal with certain aspects of their own society. The Soviet director Mikhail Romm said about the influence of neorealism inthe USSR: | “I know the impression created by the Italian films. I can underline that this influence was real.”!3 While in Hungary and Czechoslovakia, the attempts to follow the example of neorealism were stopped in their early stage, in Poland neorealism found a more congenial atmosphere. In 1954, Krzysztof Toeplitz, the Polish film

critic, saw neorealism as “an artistic ideal for our authors and our cinema.”!* Twenty years later, Boteslaw Michatfek claimed that “Toeplitz expressed to alarge degree the opinion of the Polish film scene and of mature audiences. For them, neorealism was not just an Italian phenomenon bound to a geographical, historical, and political context: it was an alternative genre—or one of the alternatives—for the Polish cinema at a moment when it was trying to find its way out of a crisis.” Andrzej Wajda said about his first feature film, A Generation (1955), whose perspective and style bear some marks of the neorealist influence: “In the neorealist films we have seen that scenes shot in studios were used only to complement scenes shot on real-life locations. In Polish productions, my film was the first where scenes took place outdoors in the rain or under covered skies. Before, similar techniques

were simply inadmissible.”!© :

Afraid of the impact that Italian neorealism might have on filmmakers and audiences, the authorities of the majority of the East European countries withheld several important neorealist films from public release or restricted them to film clubs and art theaters (e.g. Open City, Paisan, Germany, Year Zero, Bitter Rice, Miracle in |

Milan, La terra trema, Difficult Years)." ,

TEN POINTS |

In 1952, the Parisian journal Films et Documents published the famous “ten points of neorealism,” which, to a large degree, still remain valid.

(1) A message: for the Italian filmmakers, cinema is a way of expression and communication in the true sense of this word. (2) Topical scripts inspired by concrete events; great historical and social issues are tackled from the point of view of the common people. (3) A sense of detail as a means of authentification. (4) A sense of the masses and the ability to surprise (De Sica) or manipulate them

132 Neorealism Is Like. . . | in front of camera (De Santis, Visconti): the protagonists are captured in their relationship to the masses. (5) Realism; but reality is filtered by a very delicate

sensitivity. (6) The truth of actors, often nonprofessionals. (7) The truth of decor : and a refusal-of the studio. (8) The truth of the lighting. (9) Photography reminiscent of the reportage style stresses the impression of truth. (10) An extremely free camera; its unrestricted movements result from the use of postsynchronization.'®

The last point played an important role in the shaping of neorealistic aesthetics (and of the aesthetics of the Italian cinema in general). Most of the films were shot silent and postsynchronized. Consequently, the filmmaker had an unprecedented freedom of movement, which reappeared in movie production only after the invention of light hand cameras equipped with sound recording. Because of their long

distinguished tradition in dubbing, Italian sound technicians were experienced , enough to re-create sounds in a studio to such perfection that hardly anybody noticed any discrepancy. (The most famous case is that of Bicycle Thief where Lamberto Maggiorani, a blue-collar worker who played the part of the unemployed worker, was dubbed by an actor.) In an article aptly called “Film Witness,” Jacques Doniol-Valcroze, the French critic and director-to-be, observed in 1947:

The photography of the neorealist films, austere and gray, creates the impression of having gone through changes of temperature and situations. Also, the sound (though almost always recorded in a studio) evokes the feeling of outdoors, of hasty direction, and a complete absence of a search for effects. The actors follow these movements; they “exist” modestly in front of the camera.!9

Almost twenty years later, Giuseppe Ferrara, author of several books on Italian cinema, analyzed the points that Doniol-Valcroze noted. In his essay “I neoreal-

ismo italiano,” Ferrara wrote: } The neorealist cinematographer simply followed the stream of light, as Caravaggio used to do. If the light entered through one window, then the lighting had only one source that illuminated objects in their most humble truth. Objects were not to be beautified—the cruder they were, the purer they appeared, the more authentic, the more “beautiful.” Neorealist photography contains a luminous truth that

had never before appeared in any film. Similarly, the neorealist actor did not transfer a literary reality that was beyond his reach. He was no longer just the image of a human being; he was its historical interpretation.”°

Several critics tried to explain neorealism as an aesthetics of rejection. (Barbaro said in 1943: “If we want to reject forever historical set pieces, the heated-up nineteenth century, and the double-identity comedy, we must try out realism.”)! The theory of rejection was fully adopted by the Soviet semiotician Jurij Lotman in his popular book Semiotics of Cinema. He writes: In its struggle against theatrical pomposity, Italian neorealism arrived at the total equation of art and extraartistic reality. Its active elements were always refusals: a refusal to use stereotyped heroes or typical scenes; a refusal to use professional actors; a refusal of the star system; a refusal to employ montage and an iron-clad

scenario; a refusal to use prepared dialogues or musical accompaniment.”

: Neorealism Is Like... 133 Lotman’s contention does not stand the proof of any major neorealist film. The leading neorealist filmmakers never achieved “a total equation of art and extraartistic reality” and probably never really tried. They did use elaborate montage (Bicycle Thief, La terra trema, Bitter Rice), as well as prepared dialogues (Tragic Hunt, Shoeshine, Umberto D.), dramatic musical accompaniment (Mill on the River Po, No Peace Under the Olives, Germany, Year Zero), and professional actors (Open City, Bitter Rice, Without Pity). Lotman just reduced neorealism to a simple denial of the past, which is an attitude shared by so many (e.g., the verists and Futurists

went much further in this direction.) ,

Lotman’s simplification must be compared to the concept of neorealism as a movement that went beyond previous aesthetics based on the emphasis of reality— | ___ be it naturalism, verismo; or, in cinema, the French populism of the thirties or the British documentary school of John Grierson and Basil Wright. This approach, formulated mainly by Amedée Ayfre, the French philosopher and film critic, saw neorealism as a movement that used the full capacity of the film medium in order to capture not only real events but also their deeper significance. In a 1963 essay, Ayfre wrote: As much as Merleau-Ponty —following Husserl, but in a more existential than transcendental way —elaborated the phenomenological method to reach beyond — the opposition of materialism and idealism, the neorealists in cinema transcended all previous aesthetics that took for their points of departure the notion of the ultimate foundations of the real. Neorealist films presented themselves to anybody who wanted to look at them with naive eyes as simple descriptions of appearance lacking a dominating contextual idea. In this respect, many critics of the time did not consider them art but only documents that were not interpreting a historical point of view but only chronicling. Such minimalization occurs whenever radically new works of art cannot be judged according to existing canons.”4

Ayfre touched the heart of the matter. Neorealist films caught critics unprepared, and much of the confusion stemmed from the incongruency of the theory that accompanied them and eventually helped to bury them. And yet, its manifold qualities provoked a discussion that continued long after those who had once started it were no longer its protagonists. Like some critics, audiences often were not prepared to accept stories basically

_ so different from almost everything that had been presented to them until then. Films that did not attract attention with immediately understandable and topical messages (as did, e.g., Open City, Paisan, To Live in Peace) or with their extracine-

matic values (the eroticism in Bitter Rice) were usually financial failures. 7

HUMANISTS AND SOCIOHISTORIANS _ Two approaches prevail in the overall evaluation of neorealism: the humanistic and the sociohistorical. In retrospect, the humanists, who explained the neorealist phenomenon in terms of its ethical content, proved more foresighted than those who tied it solely to its sociohistorical background.

134 NeorealismIs Like... _ André Bazin was prominent among the former. For him, what counted was cinema’s way of explaining reality and not what was explained. “I am prepared to see the fundamental humanism of the current Italian films as their chief merit,” he wrote in 1948. “They offer an opportunity to savor, before the time finally runs out on us, a revolutionary flavor in which terror has yet no part.”25 Bazin considered neorealism as an exemplary model of his thought about cinema, “attaining its fullness in being the art of the real.” On the other hand, for Henri Agel, another of the French humanists, neorealism—as a “state of mind” —was “tied to the deep song of the Italian soul.”*¢ Bazin considered it a “revolution in art,” another of the assessments attacked during the 1974 congress on neorealism. The word revolution is often mentioned and not only in Bazin’s writings, though it is without doubt an exaggerated term for a movement bound in many ways to established aesthetics and inspired by the 1930s cinema (descriptive calligraphist realism, documentarism of De Robertis’s and Rossellini’s war films, French populism, etc.). Yet for Bazin, neorealism was

a revolution in a form which comes to bear on the content. For example, the priority which they accord to incidents over plot had led De Sica and Zavattini to replace plot as such with a microaction based on an infinitely divisible attention to the complexities in even the most extraordinary of events. This in itself _ rules out the slightest hierarchy, whether psychological, dramatic, or ideological, among the incidents portrayed.2”7)

In Italy, too, Luigi Chiarini claimed that “neorealism tends, perhaps unconsciously, toward new cinematic forms that mean a real and true revolution with respect to the concept of cinema as spectacle.” Chiarini belonged to the best known humanists among Italian critics. In the early fifties, he wrote one of the most pertinent analyses of the neorealist phenomenon, attacking simplified sociohistor‘cal attitudes. He pointed out:

The greatest misunderstanding consists in confusing neorealism with cinematic verismo and in the belief that a neorealist film can be created just by shooting on location without actors and with people picked up in real life. That was a mis-

| take that led to the confusion between the demands postulated by a spiritual attitude and a technical fact. It is utterly arbitrary to classify as neorealist all films, and only such films, that tackle the contents of social concern and are based on certain external features such as the use of nonprofessional actors and shooting on location.?° One of the best definitions of neorealism was provided by Mario Gromo, one of the first Italian film critics inspired by the teachings of Benedetto Croce. In his essays on neorealism, Gromo always linked historical circumstances with the evo-

lution of human freedom. He wrote in the early fifties: : After the fall of fascism, when half of the country was still under German occupation, life was hard and cruel; this pain and anguish became vital for our directors. They felt free but obsessed with this suffering. Thus Open City and Shoe-

shine were born and were hailed almost all over the world. They appeared,

Neorealism Is Like: .. 135 , suddenly, in an atmosphere of three tired conformities: the American, predominantly industrial; the Russian, entirely political; and the French, rather literary. What came to life was less a new realism and more a new truth rooted in the

search for a new freedom.2° , : Among the humanists, some read the neorealist films in terms of “stories of despair,” as Basil Wright put it. In 1956, Brunello Rondi, the film critic and screenwriter for Rossellini and Fellini, anticipated the later evolution of the Italian cinema when he contended: The new Italian cinema is imbued with a tragic sense of human coexistence and an ethical passion that searches for the meaning of a “valid society.” Films about human solitude, about gaps between individual lives separated one from the other by hatred and indifference, draw their decisive impact from the war only because war revealed the truth of the ethical passion, the sense of a lost coherence and the horrible deformations caused by man to man. Italian cinema is the only cultural expression that has sensed this urgent situation of modern humanity. It inserts it into a complex historical vision. The major Italian directors are “historians” of human solitude, not its “elegists.”*°

Umberto Bart::-o in Italy and Georges Sadoul in France were the most promi‘nent among the socichistorians. Their theory of neorealism as an exclusive expression of the war and antifascist resistance, with an emphasis laid on social concern, , proved extremely tenacious. It was more easily explainable and applicable than other concepts. This theory, departing from a just assessment about the birth of neorealism out of an exceptional moment in European history, never really went beyond its premise. Its proponents attempted to tie down all subsequent development in Italian cinema to this original impulse. Simplistic contentions, such as “neorealist films were repeatedly showing that unjust and perverted social structures threaten to warp and pervert the essential and internal human values,”*! eventually prevailed in other countries also, especially in Germany, Switzerland, and the United States. A more careful analysis is needed to reveal that the consistent focus of major neorealist films was “not only upon social reality but also upon the dialectics of reality and appearance, usually the appearance or illusion of reality produced by artistic means.”32 However, in such a widely read book as Georges Sadoul’s Histoire générale du cinéma (1946) only a simplistic explanation of neorealism appears that pays a heavy tribute to the political situation of the time: “Thanks to the people, thanks to their fight for national independence, thanks also to the theoretical basis elaborated in deep clandestinity by antifascist militants, neorealism could emerge fully armed the very moment the war was over.”33 Sadoul followed the general outlines of neorealism defined by Umberto Barbaro, for whom “art was on one hand conditioned and determined (i.e., tied to an epoch), expressing a determined reality, and, on the other hand, turned toward the future, anticipating and contributing to the creation of a new epoch.”34

The sociohistorical opinion was carried to its utmost rigidity by Raymond

136 NeorealismIs Like... Borde and André Buissy, for whom “neorealism was the first mass experience of | social cinema,” which “had the ambition—and only on this ambition can any

definition be based——to be a cinema of content.”35 | A more differentiated attitude was adopted by Ulrich Gregor and Enno Patalas in their Geschichte des modernen Films. In the opening pages, they point out: After 1945, Italian cinema became the avant-garde of those European countries that had gone through the war. Postwar Europe found its representative style in

neorealism, in its concept of crude reality, and in its documentaristic camera. | Humanism and universal impact, deeply rooted in the historical and social reality, were the reasons for the exceptional success of early neorealist films, both in

Italy and abroad.*° |

Siegfried Kracauer, who based large segments of his theory of cinematic realism . on his experience with neorealism, defined its roots better than most of the social critics. He wrote: |

When history is made in the streets, the streets tend to move onto the screen. For all their differences in ideology and techniques, Potemkin and Paisan have this “street” quality in common; they feature environmental situations rather : than private affairs, episodes involving society at large rather than stories centering upon an individual conflict. In other words, they show a tendency toward

. documentary. . . . These narratives serve to dramatize social conditions in general. The preference for real people on the screen and the documentary ap-

proach seem to be closely interrelated.*’ ,

The conflict between the humanists and the sociohistorians culminated in its time in the discussion about Rossellini ending with André Bazin’s open letter to Guido Aristarco. Bazin could not admit that Rossellini be excluded from the ranks of the major Italian filmmakers only because he did not limit the use of the film medium to the confines determined by the sociohistorical demands that Aristarco upheld. Bazin rightly anticipated that by narrowing neorealism to just one side of its experience, both the future development of Italian cinema and the general image of neorealism could be jeopardized. Thus, for example, the refusal by the 1974 Pesaro group to see neorealism as a movement was based, among others, on the rejection of the formula into which neorealism had been locked after the dismissal of directors like Rossellini,

, Fellini, and Antonioni. The sociohistorical definition penetrated into many film histories and later created a certain mistrust of neorealism among some critics and film_ makers outside Italy who considered it a typical product of the traditional narrative cinema with no space left for formal experiments. In his letter to Aristarco, the editor-in-chief of Cinema Nuovo, Bazin wrote:

When I find you hunting for fleas in Gelsomina’s tousled hair (La strada) or

| dismissing Rossellini’s last film (Voyage in Italy) as less than nothing, I am forced to conclude that under the guise of theoretical integrity you are in the process of nipping in the bud some of the liveliest and most promising offshoots of what I persist in calling neorealism. [These two films], far from being felt

NeorealismIs Like... 137 here [in France] as a break with neorealism and still less a regression, have given us the feeling of creative inventiveness deriving directly from the spirit that informs the Italian school. I have to confess to a strong dislike for a notion of neorealism that is based on the exclusion of all else, on what is only one of its present aspects, for this is to submit its future potential to a priori restriction.** As early as 1952 Rossellini said:

Neorealism involves a greater interest in individuals. Modern man feels a need to tell of things as they are, to take account of reality in an uncompromisingly concrete way, which goes with today’s interest in statistics and scientific results. Neorealism is also a response to the genuine need to see men for what they are, with humility and without recourse to fabricating the exceptional; it means the awareness that the exceptional is arrived at through the investigation of reality. Lastly, it is an urge for self-clarification, an urge not to ignore reality whatever it may be. This is why I have tried in my films to reach an understanding of things, and to give them their true value. It’s not something easy or lightly undertaken

but a highly ambitious project because to give anything its true value means | grasping its real universal meaning.*?

DIFFICULT YEARS (1953-1959)

Today, a conformist atmosphere prevails which is not much different from that of the fascist period. In my opinion, this is happening because of the growing power of the governing party. Its actions against freedom of expression are not democratic and liberal but, on the contrary, conformist and backward. Unfortu-

nately, censorship generates self-censorship. Today, nobody knows for sure

film started losing courage.

what he is allowed to say; one is sure only of what he must not say. The Italian

This excerpt from the autobiographical novel Success by Luigi Zampa, published in Rome in 1957, sums up the atmosphere of the fifties, often referred to as “the difficult years” —the title of Zampa’s 1948 film. Sandro Zambetti, the Italian film

critic, pointed out: , |

The fifties represent the worst period in the history of the Italian cinema— with the exception of fascism. It was a period of so-called pink neorealism, of “Love, ‘Bread, and,. . .” of “Poor but Beautiful,” of flat composite films put together for

a fast profit. The Italian cinema was pervaded by mystifying optimism, escap- , ism, and happy misery. (“We're not doing too well, that’s true, but we have the sun, the sea, pretty women, and thus we are, in a way, a happy country.”) Not too many films deserve to be remembered. Many prominent authors let themselves be dragged along with the overall decline. The cinema of the fifties was typical

of De Gasperi’s “centrism.”! NEOREALISTS AND THE DIFFICULT YEARS After years of unity and confidence, the story of the Italian cinema became a story of mistrust and uncertainty with some of the leading neorealist personalities leaving the film scene for some time or forever. In 1949, Umberto Barbaro left the country and spent several years in exile (he died in 1959). De Santis, ostracized by the government as well as by the producers, tried to reassemble the pieces of his concept of “cinema as a national medium” in films such as Un marite per Anna

138 :

Difficult Years 139 Zaccheo (A Husband for Anna Zaccheo, 1953) and Giorni d’ amore (Days of Love, 1955). These tales, however, were deeply marked by the compromises of the time and were light years away from De Santis’s former endeavors. Like Barbaro or Gillo

Pontecorvo, De Santis too looked for work abroad, in France and in Yugoslavia where in 1958 he finally shot La strada lunga d’un anno (The One- Year-Long Road). As Georges Sadoul put it: “Because of the pressures and coercions, none of these films equaled Tragic Hunt.” Artistically, De Santis never recovered from the effects of “the difficult years.”> Antonio Pietrangeli too attempted for some time to preserve the nationalist-populist line of early neorealism, but eventually he bowed to the demands of the industry and directed several finely chiseled comedies. Even the old fox Chiarini paid his due to the witch hunt. In 1949, he was fired from the editorial board of Bianco e Nero. De Sica, along with his faithful Zavattini, went to Hollywood but did not make any deal. At home, he returned to his acting career, starring with tremendous success in all three “Bread and Love” films, thus reassuming his place as “Vittorio nazionale,” the most popular Italian actor. Zavattini went back to scriptwriting (a profession he had tried to bury a few years before), scripting as many as three films a year, films of all kind, value, and impact. But he never stopped preaching his idea about fidelity to reality, influencing deeply some members of the upcoming generation (Francesco Maselli, Gillo Pontecorvo, Paolo and Vittorio Taviani) and keeping alive, in a way, the spirit of neorealism.

In 1956, Zavattini and De Sica made another attempt to revive the neorealist idea. Their pathetic // tetto (The Roof) brought the maids and bricklayers, the underemployed and exploited, back to the screen. The simple, sentimental plot revolved around the efforts of a newlywed couple to roof their illegal home in a single night before the arrival of the police. The Roof bears touching testimony to the impossibility of resuscitating the past. Its characters and events are presented almost exclusively in terms of one facet of life, leaving no space for a reality out of

which to forge new possibilities.4 , |

Pietro Germi made a similar attempt with II ferroviere (The Railwayman, 1956) where he himself portrayed a railwayman struggling against poverty and injustice. The story, a predictable melodrama, transformed its social background into a convenient metaphor and idealized both the main characters and their milieu. Those neorealists who had begun their careers in commercial production during the 1930s were soon reintegrated into the mainstream of the film industry. In 1952,

Luigi Zampa directed an ambitious film, Processo alla citta (Trial Against the City), which was subsequently mutilated by the censors. It focused on the investigation of a double murder, leading to the revelation of criminal connections in Neapolitan high society. (The story, written by Francesco Rosi, anticipated Rosi’s later films in centering on the power-brokering between political groups.) With his following films, Zampa returned to the traditional comedies of his beginnings. - In 1952 Alberto Lattuada successfully blended the calligraphist notions of his early films with the neorealist method in // cappotto (The Overcoat). Gogol’s story of a humble provincial clerk was transposed from nineteenth-century Russia to twentieth-century Italy and thus could be comfortably adapted to the neorealist concept of reality. Renato Rascel, one of Italy’s most appealing actors, played the

140 = —Difficult Years

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142 ~=Difficult Years

Catholicism. They pretended to be realistic so as to make the viewers believe that their deformed images reflected Italian reality. To achieve this impact, these films used the technical experience of neorealism, replacing its original revolutionary significance with an escapist, edifying silent-majority content.’ The most famous of these “wastes of realism,” as Chiarini referred to pink neorealism, was Pane, amore e fantasia (Bread, Love, and Fantasy, 1953), drawing on a

stylized peasant mythology and a contrived anecdotal approach. Its heroine (a glamorous Gina Lollobrigida clad in a high-fashion minidress), a poor village girl,

ends up living happily ever after because she is modest, goes to church, never complains about her misery, and believes in good and evil, just as the priest has always taught her. The success of Bread, Love, and Fantasy gave rise to a whole series of pink comedies and farces, evolving against the picturesque Italian countryside (Bread, Love, and Jealousy, Bread, Love and .. . , etc.). Their central characters were affable priests, charming policemen, poor and pure girls, and village villains. The neorealist heritage enlarged their scale by adding farm laborers, _ shepherds, prostitutes, and World War II veterans. Pink neorealism was unthinkable without the glamour of its main protagonists and the so-called “pink vamp” as the leading lady. Dressed in sexy rags, with carefully unkempt hair and made up to look like a true poor peasant girl, the pink vamp was the Italian version of the American pin-up. .The images of Gina Lollobrigida and Sophia Loren were created as a national reaction to the stardom of Rita Hayworth and Ava Gardner. (Lollobrigida was often referred to as “the most beautiful Italian housewife.” )

LUIGI COMENCINI AND DINO RIS! The most successful directors of pink neorealism were Luigi Comencini (b. 1916) and Dino Risi, both originally documentarists.? Having been silent witnesses to the © neorealist experience, they were boosted to sudden success by its economic fail-

| ure. Faced with the demise of neorealism and the rising American competition, the producers turned to Comencini and Risi, who made a series of neorealist imitations, searching for forms of expression for a modern popular spectacle. Obsessed with a fidelity to reality, they concocted a successful formula through a compromise between verisimilitude and the conventions of the comedy. Their statements do not differ substantially from those of the early neorealists, and it is possible that they both believed in the truthfulness of their prearranged cinematic reality. Risi, whose models were Lubitsch and Billy Wilder, contended: “I portray things as they are. In my opinion, it is important not only to tell the truth but also to show it as profoundly as possible.”?

Both Comencini and Risi shot several films a year. Comencini created the “Bread and Love” series, whose third installment was directed by Risi. In 1956, Risi started his own, slightly cynical, version of the pink stories with Poveri ma belli (Poor but Beautiful Boys) followed by Belle ma Povere (Beautiful but Poor Girls, 1957), Poveri millionari (Poor Millionaires, 1959), etc. In Risi’s films, the poor but beautiful characters lost their innocence, which they harbored in the

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Chan : ; he si ti 10n h ed.the The advent of television, theT growing istic po rt But soon situa ged. C pov f pink orealism and popular melodrama, combined with the poor quality 0 *

overall

i i | f ‘ei risis.!° pr ,p ry ,

the

in i:i i9‘i after V ll production, plunged the movie industry into a cepc :

i changes ei

i the comedy Ital1 tyl hose extraordinary longevit was due to ifS €voiutio !| ian style, who i ri i li (b. 1915) wasy one)of |its ost prominent . : most prominent directors. Monicellidirec began working indepe 49, havi been for fifteen years acy, y ian assistant iretdirector | at(to Gustav ugusto

Various elements of pink neorealism were gradually Oo *

in the social structure of Italian society. ario Monicelll (0.

144 Difficult Years Genina, Pietro Germi, and others). Monicelli had worked successfully with scriptwriter Steno (b. 1915) and had Steno codirect his first film, starring Toto (Toto cerca casa [Toto Looks for an Apartment)}). Monicelli’s comedies have slight overtones of social criticism directed against the bureaucracy of the judicial system and

sympathetic to individuals who are defeated by absurd obstacles. In Guardie e

ladri (Guards and Thieves, 1951), a good-hearted policeman must renounce his friendship in the interest of abstract justice; in Toto e Carolina (Toto and Caroline, 1955), another policeman intervenes on behalf of a girl who has been seduced and _ abandoned. In 1979, Monicelli pointed out: “In Italy, there has always been a tendency to view reality as a comedy with a touch of bitterness, a touch of vulgarity, even boorishness. Such is Italy, with our temperament originating in remote tradition. It is a bitter tradition, born of misery, which takes advantage of the bad luck of others. Comedy Italian style has always been the foundation of our production.”"! Monicelli’s comedies are direct heirs to the “rivista” style, which was as common in the movie production of the fifties as it had been twenty years earlier on the stage. The visual was suppressed in favor of verbal humor, and the comedy was based more on situations than on narrative. Monicelli’s best comedy, / soliti ignoti (The Big Deal on Madonna Street, 1959)—constructed around an exceptional trio of actors: Toto, Marcello Mastroianni, and Vittorio Gassman—portrayed three petty thieves, victims of their own incapacity to be truly dishonest. Monicelli (with

his scriptwriters Steno and Scarpelli) created an excellent parody of the criminal | genre with its idealization of modern gangsters and master minds.'* Audiences apparently identified with the awkward antiheroes who failed at everything they tried: The Big Deal on Madonna Street grosséd over 1 billion lire. Vittorio Spinaz-

| zola pointed out: : | Monicelli put his finger on an ancient and very topical area of Italian reality. The plot transcends its space, and the whole country becomes its main protagonist:

our Italy, that easy-going Italy that manages to survive against all odds, that kingdom of the approximate and the nonscientific, that country of false profes_ $ional dignity where it is almost honorable to have a profession for which one

has not been trained." : ,

This description also holds true for Don Camillo, the most successful film series of the fifties, based on the bestseller by journalist and novelist Giovanni Guareschi.

Its central characters, the village priest Don Camillo and the communist mayor Peppone, symbolize the conflict between the major powers of contemporary Italy —the church and the Communist party. All five films featuring Don Camillo are characterized by explicitly conformist attitudes that deprive class conflicts of all seriousness: all blame is put on “dirty politics,” and the natural Italian kindness of heart is given credit for eventually reunifying everyone. The Don Camillo films

borrowed liberally from the patterns of pink neorealism, mixing them with elements of tame political satire. The first Don Camillo, directed by the Frenchman Julien Duvivier, grossed 1.5 billion lire and was the most popular film of the 19511952 season. It was followed in 1953 by II ritorno di Don Camillo (Don Camillo’s Return—third place among that year’s top-grossing films); in 1955 by Carmine

| Difficult Years 145 Gallone’s Don Camillo e l’ onorevole Peppone (Don Camillo and the Deputy Peppone); and in 1961, by Don Camillo, monsignore ma non troppo (Don Camillo,

Almost a Monsignor); these last two films took fourth place in their respective years. And as late as 1966, Comencini’s /1 compagno Don Camillo (Comrade Don

Camillo) grossed 779 million lire. (Don Camillo was portrayed by the popular

French comic actor Fernandel, Peppone by Gino Cervi.) Numerous critics and historians have tried to explain Don Camillo’s unprecedented success. The main reason probably lies in the fact that in one of the most politicized countries of the world, it offered audiences a truly popular spectacle that focused on daily political issues, directly addressing the two protagonists of the political scene (the communists and the Catholics). The films touched the heart of certain Italian attitudes, especially the belief in “following the path of least resistance.”!*

FILM SOAP OPERAS Between 1950 and 1955, the most successful genre was the populist melodrama, which later was assimilated by television and transformed into serialized soap op-

- eras. The trend was started by Catene (Chains), one of the greatest hits of the 1949—1950 season, which grossed 750 million lire in that one year. With this film,

Raffaello Matarazzo (1909-1966) opened a new chapter in the history of Italian movie production, mixing stale conventions with some neorealist impulses. Chains tells the story of a happily married woman who is pressed to yield to the passion of

e (9f | fe lrrs— Catene

146 Difficult Years her former lover. Her husband, believing that she has betrayed him, kills the lover and emigrates to America; arrested, he faces a severe sentence; yet the woman,

though innocent, confesses to adultery, thereby transforming his crime into a crime of honor. The husband is set free, learns of his wife’s innocence, and reaches

her just in time to prevent her from committing suicide. | | Similar in many ways to traditional melodramas, Chains also contained some new elements. The story was set in the present, the atmosphere was authentic, the protagonists were common people, and issues such as emigration, poverty, and crimes of honor were mentioned. Yet the melodramatic core, the codified great _ sentiments, remained unchanged; and so did the protagonists, “victims of social injustice, torn by eternal passions and destroyed by blind, cruel destiny.” Thanks to Chains, Matarazzo experienced a meteoric rise in popularity. As early as the thirties, he had been noted as one of the foremost directors of tearjerkers. But now, in the fifties, his fame reached its peak with films such as 7ormento (Torment, 1950), Zorna! (Come Back! 1954), Schiava del peccato (Slave of Sin, 1955), etc. Working with Aldo De Benedetti, Matarazzo packed his films with the characters and situations that had formed the backbone of silent melodramas. Audiences were offered images of maternal anguish, of threatened honor, of innocent beauty menaced by worldly evil, etc.'° Italian melodramas competed successfully in Italy with Hollywood productions. No American film ever grossed as much as Matarazzo’s movies. The Italians have always preferred portrayals of their own life—or an imitation of it—to remote fantasy. Melodramas, like the other genres of the early fifties—and all yellow journalism—were aimed primarily at female audiences. The new aspect of the - melodramas was that they no longer lured women with fables of fantastic passion but instead offered an ersatz realism, which eventually became the basis of the soap operas. Codified melodramatic situations were seasoned with extramarital relationships, masculine irresponsibility, the woman’s desire for sexual freedom, her _ longing for adventure, the problems of adolescents, etc. The influence of neorealist

, female characters 1s apparent in many of Matarazzo’s heroines. But the melodramas’ characters are still a far cry from women such as Pina (Open City), the first independent modern woman to be portrayed by an Italian film; or Silvana (Bitter Rice) with her sensual lust for life. Matarazzo’s timid references to equality of the

sexes takes place in an atmosphere that carefully preserves the notion of male superiority. In spite of all the changes, the heroines of the cinematic soap operas continue to be “good girls.”

ONE DEBUT The Italian film industry of the fifties was not hospitable to young filmmakers. In order to get backing, one had to be a known director; in order to be a director, if ever, one had to go through a long apprenticeship. Like the thirties, the fifties was a decade of veterans. After the passing of the neorealist wave, the film scene soon came to be dominated by middle-aged and older directors, with little space left for newcomers. Among the rare debuts, Francesco Maselli’s was the most promising.

Difficult Years 147 Deeply affected by his experience with the neorealists as Visconti’s assistant and Zavattini'’s collaborator (he directed one of the episodes of Love in the City), Maselli at twenty-five, returned to the neorealist matrix in his own first feature—a story of war and resistance. Having also been an assistant to Antonioni and a fervent admirer of Kenji Mizoguchi, he linked the neorealist impulse with the attempt to probe into human emotions. Gli sbandati (The Runaways, 1955) is set in the summer of 1943 when Italian soldiers were deserting the army following Mussolini’s capitulation. Maselli focused on a character, a twenty-year-old man from an aristocratic family, and on his emotional reactions to the events. His story has the concentrated power of a parable (the indifferent attitude of some of Italian youth to fascism) ending with inner | defeat. When faced with a choice between his comfortable life and the fight against the fascists, Andrea lacks the strength to overcome his indifference. The narrative is constructed in a slow rhythm with long insistent takes of incidental details so as

to highlight the protagonist's qualities. Like Antonioni’s films, The Runaways is | _ composed of individual moments that are given meaning in relation to the protagonist’s memory. In the final sequences, Maselli ceases to concentrate on the protagonist’s isolation and also abandons his characteristic preoccupation with the visual, producing a straightforward finale with political overtones. The dramatic tension,

rather than increasing, as Maselli obviously intended, is lost. : In Maselli’s second film, La donna del giorno (The Woman in the News, 1957), inspired and overseen by Zavattini, the outdated neorealist approach prevailed, resulting in a static description of a young woman in search of fame who is destroyed by the world of advertising and movies.

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Before the Revolution

e o * e eg * ‘the°uxt".hardo*and? could, pelled by man, . ;as |

.

V is the most autobiographical of Bertolucctis films. z eit is pro-

h, be bereferred refi dtto“th fessi fachildof of t ” All such, as “the confession a child of ourBertolucci’s century. olu fears d hesitations hesitatt flected in Fabrizio’s “what“what is totsbeto done. ” Bertol 1 and are renected in Fabrizio Ssdil dilemma, e€rtolccis ttraction to the C ist party (which h tually joined) and his attachment t

(p y y > e e* ° * ew>°?Hj>***.923 6 * ° ¢ : hi e * ° ° ° J g g p bd y f B i i ] i fe ll iy

IS OWN SOClal DacKground are graqu oversnadowe an infatuation WIitn Cinbodied in the film by Fabrizio’ friend, a film buff in lo e with Rossellini

aye e€ nim airector Glanni Amico e coautnor 0 @ Script).

Attilio Bertolucci called his son’s films from the 1960s “autobiographical in a

symbolic sense.” “W l lics,” d, “Bernardo “B d baptized and all y .” “We are all Catholics,” he said, was baptize a

that. There is a contradiction in Bernardo. I thi that at the same time he nates an loves his background, his life, his class. Therefore the heroes of his autobiographi-

5 ays try to ore oose Out fail In the en ertoluccl nimseilf cone

tended: “More than just being autobiographical, it was a way to exorcise my own ears. Because to be like that character is almost a destiny for all bourgeois young uropeans.” When asked about the origins of his Marxist sympathies, Bertolucc1 e Said: aiways e€like that. Marxism In italy Italy 18S very id:WaS “I Iways that. Marxi isCommon. very ) ae While the more immediate Grim Reaper has retained most of its original freshness, the impact of Before the Revolution has gradually weakened with the passage

E ” h ked ab t th igi f his M cist thi Bertolucci

4*e¢®«e«e,

f time b any f its stylisti lement h racteristic of the 1960s ‘

194 The Glorious Sixties search for a new language. This reflective first-person film testimony is, in a way,

an anthology of the efforts by 1960s filmmakers to renovate film narrative by, among other things, basing it on present-tense stream of consciousness. Bertoluc-

ci’s restless camera uses many components cherished by various New Waves, which, in retrospect, appear outdated: high-angle shots culminating in frozen compositions, repetitions of the same shot from a slightly different perspective, freeze _ frames, unexpected and unmotivated changing of distance between camera and object, subjective tracking shots and pans, etc. Bertolucci’s style is based on insis-

| tent, extremely seductive takes reminiscent of the language of Romantic poetry

with its highly personal sets of signs. ,

In its time, Before the Revolution was hailed as a major achievement of the New Italian Cinema, equaled only by Fists in the Pocket. The film amassed many awards and strengthened Bertolucci’s image as a prodigy.”° But its box-office results were rather poor, and the producers labeled Bertolucci “noncommercial.” He had to wait another four years before he could embark on his next feature film, Partner (1968), which reconfirmed both his exceptional talent and his avowed eclecticism.”° Partner centers on the incapacity of European intellectuals to join the revolt of their time. Bertolucci described his film as “the story of a professor of drama who

suffers from a neurosis and his own intellectual failure.”*” The protagonist, Giacomo, evolves a fantastic idea: he creates a second self. His partner is successful

whenever he fails; he has a good relationship with his students, and he incites a student revolt. Loosely based on Dostoyevsky’s The Double, Partner once again reveals the intellectuals’ impotence with regard to political-revolutionary ideology. Its message, however, remains rather confused, as does its protagonist’s death: following his partner, Giacomo jumps out of a window after informing us that the film is a parable about American imperialism and syphilitic marines. Partner is a difficult and provocative film that draws on the stylistic and ideological approach of Jean-Luc Godard. But Bertolucci lacks Godard’s ability to blend

surreal plot with an authentic political background. The world surrounding Giacomo—-anti- Vietnam demonstrations, the 1968 student revolts—loses much . of its effectiveness because of Bertolucci’s prevailing interest in portraying his protagonist’s self-awareness. Even more than Before the Revolution, Partner is repre-

sentative of the effort of modern cinematic narrative to use the film screen as a

mirror of characters’ thought processes.

In 1962 another first-person film attempted to express the social implications of Italian life: Un uomo da bruciare (This Man Must Die), made by the audacious and | brilliant Taviani brothers (Vittorio b. 1929, Paolo b. 1931) along with the more

radical Valentino Orsini (b. 1926). , :

VITTORIOANDPAOLO: |

DESPAIR AND HOPE OF REVOLUTION

In the Taviani’s fourth film, Sotto il segno:dello scorpione (Under the Sign of Scor-

pio, 1968), a group of young men invades a peaceful island, and one of them, 7 Rutolo, tries to persuade his comrades to use violence against the island’s inhabit-

The Glorious Sixties 195 ants: “Let’s make them cry, let’s frighten them, you must exaggerate.” One comrade: “Whom? Them? But why?” Rutolo: “They must leave the island with us. Immediately. We can’t do without them on the continent.” Another comrade: “It’s in their interest, isn’t it?” Another comrade: “But this will take time.” Rutolo: “That’s why. Exaggerate, make them cry, frighten them. . . .” In the end, Rutolo’s group massacres the men and rapes the women because they have refused to join the invaders’ search for a “better world” (referred to in the film as “the continent”).

This short example from one of the most accomplished of the Tavianis’ films sums up the uneasy choice Vittorio and Paolo try to express in their oeuvre: there | should be a revolution, but is there a revolution without injustice, blood, and despair? In a revolution, there are neither victors nor vanquished but only victims; revolution may be a goal, but is any goal worth so much bitterness and suffering? Can there be a revolution without one group forcing another to do what it does not want to do? But if there can be no good revolution, what is left? Is it all just utopian

dreaming??8 These are the questions asked by Salvatore Carnevale, the protagonist of This Man Must Die in the days preceding his death. He knows that the Mafia wants to kill him. He experiences his death in a dream in which his past comes back to him: |

, the past of a revolutionary, a union leader who had come to Sicily to help the peasants fight their oppressors. But the peasants turned him down, and his party rejected him too. He was too radical and also too eccentric. He was a subversive— to everyone.”? Salvatore is torn between his desire to work for the revolutionary cause and his yearning for a normal life. Now there is the revolution, his messianic mission. “If they kill me, it will be like killing Jesus Christ,” he says. But he is not sure he is doing the right thing. They shoot him in the back on a dusty road. And then his casket is carried in a grandiose funeral procession with banners, flowers, and crowds of people. The death of a revolutionary. Nobody asks who killed him. And probably nobody cares.*° This Man Must Die is based on a real event: in 1955, in a small village near

Palermo, the Mafia murdered Salvatore Carnevale, a thirty-two-year-old union leader. At first glance, the adaptation by the Tavianis and Orsini resembles a neorealist film: shot on authentic locations with unknown or nonprofessional actors, the film was referred to as “an act of love for neorealism.”*! But the directors never attempted to comply with historical truth. They created an ambiguous character whose hesitations would have been unthinkable at the time of neorealism. Everything was shaped in accordance with the directors’ personal experience. The subjective interpretation of history, based on objective facts, has always been one of the main assets of the Tavianis’s oeuvre. The other feature of their work is a cinematic form that blends perfectly with the first-person narrative. An extremely mobile camera uses different kinds of follow shots and subjective shots to scrutinize the characters’ inner selves. The structure is elaborate, with frequent aerial shots and pull-back shots, but never gratuitous ones. There is a strict correspondence between the camera movements and the narrative development, resulting in a complicated time/space continuity (real events are juxtaposed with dreams and halluci-

| nations, the past alternates with the present).

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Oy its narce ¢ nN ar h m a Ww n itions oO Osi :i. roo ‘ . ; Cav ose S : : 3 : fiction film a : ifesto. « : I!OT sur :C. asoto sto. :ticli°"Assi sSS1 that 1ious! he subjec he isiality. beca ‘ei :::¢!‘.a.:

den , 3 S Francis ot . 3 heroic ;: :e1S re

ra obviou had nthe f Itali ties atnolic groupdce i xTIC

Cath re) urla In itary in the mid nd to “en ™ J C] €

ch “anep 2 3 : m ! :ic|ani irepre stress :reat ,myy favan theth strug wa se beans ¢can unci n ;p.: : S

; n : con on tna : ; € ciearry ” Renderi £

| dilem : Cava : : nunciation of a h y possession and

10 | ancis ~ ions n ' . uest vty : thus rs . . ) nt ission ion :) ny 18Si0N, . ’s S sellini, «i : 3 3 Ital .1an lization, ee ? < :nrmS1810 |u; 7O F od .

: 2 oton Cc re ) wea ut also uodie ;

hus : yCavan c h’s Not unq: Ro ctures right St. Francisto oryb a 6_ y | ruc : 3 he my : of the real.” St. F nc was one 0 films e

icle, shu ; te

,Galile :).,.ers ‘focuses neratio os :i:ian 0 ; ning .of ‘ Tele tion

:

andby = ance 3 backwhose . ca mbDitiou e1yoO unded € ita V0Comm executiv e€and i.

m 1's next fi

°

o (1968 | a controve etween a free

-

ereaes ae 12 G Soha hg es Coes SaagSa resneitirsrnie Ses ., bee oe Birssesn SO Se SOR aERR See Oo XxX

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Pe Bese =Renee See eae SOREN SE ate SSS ses ae Sea Re Se oe po - hs =ER,Bats EES cetera . Rese Sees Sane Se eo RR enste ES ess Seee Ba Rene Se ER eRe Seng Re SRR Seams SR Re oi Sa ae teint Secatts

Bae BENS Se cea Sa Co . .— Sarees Pon a 2a se ee — ee ss oe Seta ee era SRC RRS =: Na BO Sena oF — ed tee SNR ert ne :— = @ : . anor sek aes -: :: Es . oo es ae oe aes Stee ee io aaa eae Soe es Sas Sean — pepe Rone a ” .BOKe Se SS es rf ee ne — — od oe Pace oe ee SOS Sd SUNS Sua — Se Rae . ed CES SESS — sotatee Seana oS So SEES a : ; Soe ebeaaenane Se , ae . ca ee poet & SeRea aoe SR Se BOI See-Scans Bats Seek “ERR cae a USER SuSE BoRE SESseis Cs om oe: em aan mai ??

(Oed sd ght who buried her brother in defiance of the tyrant’s order. S) The Cannibdats ibals t transcends ds thi yththis dm reflects thetne 1968 revolt of th generayre ang renects revolt O e younger

* *9 r) oa 9 ry 9 e 35 e

i h thus h i skinshi fil like thel1Ke Tavi is’ Under thdign Si Scorpi tion, OWING ith a KiINSnip wi ms the lavianis Under ine of scorpio, asolnis rigpen, punueisS Ml ay, iru auts fFanrenneit etc e televi-

sion realism of The C ibals undermined the film’s metaphor ic substance to such

a aegree that 1t creates a fee ing Oo perp exity. ompare wit f. anctsS an

Galil C ibals ] loflevel achievement aiueéo, The € Cannibdais 1S ONi a]lower OF acnievement.

Li Wertmiiller’s first nt into film directing, / basilischi (The Lizards

1963), theIngheadi f soci edy.. ertmuliler, W ull ho ked fe , lalisfall underder the hea Or SOC1IOCcOomM: whohad nad worked for

Fellini’ istant, drew h avily n his J vitelloni but offered a completely

spective on the theme of waste out ereas Fellini takes a meta°

horic vi f hi bject, Wertmiuller adopts from the outset the patterns of comedy lan Styie, transrorming it into Come ew Cinema STyie. ound a gripping

Ital tyl t fe it int dy N Ci tyle. Ar ippi

rtrait of fe incial adol ts, Wertmiuller folds dozens of tiny stories

Capturin € innaoditants OF aof small Own in their their daily siee ood, S€x turl the inhabitants t in dailroutine: tine: sl SICEp, SCX, SICep, and a Kind OF WOK. The izaras remains one oO Wertmuller’s bes

films,if1Frhe S bly phapne hedy Uilanni by Gi Di V itituSes a not v the best. ery st. uperoly p otogr. L741i venanzo,

very Cu tivate anguage tnat pares the scenes down to Dare essentials. it e

ti fafe that | int icature (the visit of iety lady wh to the t to fil trike of the local day laborers), The Lizards’ approach is

yrical, attaining a Kind OF porgnanc that gives the hilma aunting power.

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I cannibali

, 202 The Glorious Sixties : Wertmiiller’s next film, Questa volta parliamo di uomini (Let’s Talk About Men, 1965), differed sharply from her debut work in its simplistic caricatural vision of its central problem—the battle between the sexes. Let's Talk About Men is a popu-

list farce based on a showy yet tame feminism. In her later works, she further developed the style introduced by Let’s Talk About Men rather than returning to the promises of her first film.

TWO OUTSIDERS: ERMANNO OLMI AND CARMELO BENE While Wertmiiller, Bertolucci, and Cavani were working their way up to interna_ tional fame, Ermanno Olmi, the most original filmmaker among the newcomers, remained enclosed in his small world, to which few people had access. During the sixties, Olmi directed five films, all remarkable for their dispassionate lyrical objectivity. None of them has a true “plot.” They are built on the slow unfolding of a single theme, of a single life philosophy: no digressions, no compromises, no yearning for fame. When, after twenty years, the fame arrived, nobody was more

_ surprised than Olmi himself. Olmi’s characters are never successful in the usual sense of the word. Even when they achieve something, their success is only a narrative pretext used to make the viewer realize the illusory nature of “making it.” At a time when the majority of

Italians worshipped the liberties of the consumer society, Olmi’s nostalgia for a return to nature and the simplicity of feelings could have seemed old-fashioned, even ridiculous. Later, when attitudes started changing, Olmi’s modest souls and his dedication to the simple life became popular. Even Olmi’s least accomplished film, E venne un uomo (A Man Named John, 1965), a dramatized study of the life of Pope John XXIII and an attempt to draw an official portrait.of'a public figure, eludes the traps of officialdom. Though referred to as “Olmi’s only widely acknowledged failure,” by the British film critic Gavin Millar it retains the virtue of celebrating an ordinary man “not for his ordinariness, but for his singularity.”>’ Un certo giorno (One Day, 1968) is the most telling illustration of Olmi’s conviction that modern civilization has a destructive influence on man’s sense of responsi-

bility. Blending the description of an industrial concern (which he himself had come to know so well) with his own perception of the human inner self (which had always interested him), Olmi made almost physically palpable the loss of moral values. “And now everything will be normal again,” says the wife of the protagonist at the end of the film. Her husband, a successful executive in an advertisement company, has been acquitted of charges of manslaughter. During the trial, nobody is interested in the victim, a worker. Everyone accepts the lawyer’s argument about the “accumulated stress on the defendant,” his important work, the poor driving conditions. And the manager, free of all responsibility, can go back to his “job.” As early as his second film, // posto (The Job, 1961), Olmi was concerned with the alienation generated by industrialization and bureaucracy. Whereas the protagonist of One Day is a middle-aged man, afraid of having a heart attack, The Job centers on a working-class boy whose mother one morning dresses him up in his best suit and ships him to Milan to apply for a job. One Day and The Job are based on the same

The Glorious Sixti 203 ea ee aR. a ft Ae - - oo Lot

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asks hisen recurrent questions with a 1 feeling for the tragicomic essen f lif

later in Onemelancholy. Day his tone is ch d with ) years g angry Job’s st impact results, rhe s strongest one hand, frdepiction y icti , on ¢ , on its sympathetic «

2 3}e ;determina e r, +e ° from i| | s omenicos de its y g e life of this simple bo O succeed in his first job and, on the other, f . e film’s detached rendering of the bureaucratic routine. Th ‘purposely subdued an . dedramatized style is most successful in suggesting that the life of this si y °

} ne S gues, who have been demost3 reveals the co Ww ’S ViSi Yee that the y Vv Ww party pioyees. setting is a lo gr and ballroom company throws fore» its em Th€ | occay OU sion ou and boring, pervaded by lack a tragi ic | of Souturns ;sperately y a sadtragicomic In Olmi’s nee Fiances, J i ; >91, 63) 5 anzall the ntial f essential features are will follow the same patter ns as that of hi ld ll V

The sequence that prived Oo their identity and sense of values by theaily d ilyroutine. ti nsistency Oo mi’s vision shows a New Yeart’s Eve party that th ia

: OvVe.°.

communication. .

again concentrated in aprincipal ballroomcharacters seque Theare princi n CO! quence. The twoVv | ers, both holdi ill id j V | ; olding ill-paid jobs, because of y ’ ifwho pove are unabDie to get e

eives surrounade married. T hey Zo to a dance where they find themselv ded by Wwell-meaning ut Dasica ly indifferent people. Th i peopie. e realization that none of these people or

204s‘ The Glorious Sixties anyone else, will be able to help increases their solitude, which eventually becomes the film’s main theme. The man accepts a better job in Sicily, the woman remains alone. They exchange letters full of sorrow and helplessness. Their painful reunion is portrayed in an austere style, achieving an almost perfect analysis of two isolated

human beings. |

Nonnarrative, formalist cinema found its most important (and almost its only)

representative in the sixties in the controversial theatrical director, actor, and writer Carmelo Bene (b. 1937). An eccentric personality reminiscent of Salvador Dali and drawing on similar sources of inspiration, Bene soon attracted attention with his narcissistic, highly provocative theatrical interpretation of Camus’s Caligula, as well as by his theatrical personalization, rather than interpretation, of characters such as Hamlet, Ubu, Pinocchio, and Faust. After the “succés de scandale” of his Salome at the Spoleto Festival in 1964, he published his first novel Nostra Signora dei Turchi (Our Lady of the Turks, 1965), which in 1968 he made

into a film of the same name. ,

| Beginning from the ossuary at Otranto, which holds the skulls and bones of 800 , victims of the fifteenth-century Turkish massacre, the film departs on a fantastic voyage, mixing mysticism and farce, provocation and sentimentality. It is an outburst of eclectic, visual, operatic, and literary imagination, demanding complete submission from its viewers. Bene’s next film Capricci (Caprices, 1969), full of hyperbolic egocentrism, draws its inspiration from the Elizabethan horror drama Arden of Feversham but is equally indebted to Roland Barthes and Giacomo Puccini. Of all those who have ever dealt with the myth, his film Don Giovanni (1970) probably expresses its significance best.

Un Amleto di meno

The Glorious Sixties 205 Exploring his own dreams of sexuality, Bene seems to control his personal fantasies better than in his other films. Freddy Buache once observed that Bene’s films resemble “a show orchestrated by a great fashion designer who is infatuated with literature.”35 On the other hand, Alberto Moravia referred to Bene’s work as “desecration by dissociation, pushed beyond the point of schizophrenic delirium” and to the overall effect of Caprices as that of a grotesque, delirious lynching.*? Bene continued his surrealist experiments well into the seventies (Salome, 1972; Un Amleto di meno [One Hamlet Less], 1973; etc.). “Bene’s films are visual, lyrical, and auditory cataclysms whose lavalike outpourings are of unequalled hallucinatory perversity. Their visual density and creative exuberance defy description.”"”

THE MONSTERS OF MARCO FERRERI Marco Ferreri (b. 1928) remained an outsider during his entire career. He had left Italy during the “difficult years,” unable to find backing for his controversial pro-

jects, and came back in 1961. He joined the young Italian filmmakers in their attacks against moral conventions, surpassing most of them with his biting sarcasm and an uncompromising hatred of all dogmas. Ferreri’s entire life has been marked by his refusal to fit into any artistic, social, or political pattern, which made him into one of the most difficult characters of the Italian cinema.*! Regina, the protagonist of his first Italian feature, Una storia moderna (Conjugal Bed, 1963), writes on her night gown, “I am not doing it for my pleasure but for | the pleasure of God.” And she means it. For her, the man is just a means of obtaining the status of a married woman and later a tool for acquiring a child. The very day she finds out that she is pregnant, she discards him like a queen bee.*? The man

(Ugo Tognazzi), who has suffered a heart attack as a result of the fertilization procedure, is cast aside into a tiny room and left there to die. At his funeral, Regina

does not shed a single tear. She stands there with her child in her arms, more beautiful than ever, wearing the same victorious smile we saw on her face on her wedding day. She has fulfilled her duty in life, just as her family, her priests, and her teachers had taught her. Her desire “to possess a man” was a holy one, and she has successfully passed through all the stages of the life of an Italian woman: a model daughter, a wife-mistress, and a mother. Conjugal Bed was Marco Ferreri'’s first fierce attack against the family and the Italian concept of a couple. Fascinated with the bizarre and the grotesque and possessed with a Bufiuelesque tendency to view the world through its distorted aspects, Ferreri created a freakish black comedy, which, in a way, had its roots in Spain in the patterns coined by the Spanish directors Juan Antonio Bardem and _ Garcia Berlanga.” : The influence of the grotesque aspect of Spanish art became still more apparent in Ferreri’s second Italian film La donna scimmia (The Ape Woman, .1964), the bizarre story of a bearded and hairy woman (Annie Girardot), whom her husband (Ugo Tognazzi) exhibits in the streets and at country fairs. The anomaly of their relationship is brought to a conclusion when the woman dies in childbirth and the man continues to make money by showing the two corpses—hers and the child’s—

206 The Glorious Sixti

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with the patterns of the theater of the absurd, rep ted in the sixties by E onesco, Samuel Beckett, Fernando raDal, and others. e the theater of the a

surd, Ferreri makes n attempt to explor ps chological tivati t t logical relati thOf Nis ti Characters. f his Mowever, ch t Ferreri’s H Vfreakish 1’ Ogical reiationsnips among thehi actions

caricatures remain realm ofmaking the real Id aking thei versity ev more inineathe e world, their perversity even horrifying than of the i hensibleuniverse univ f 0the th f the orrirying than tnatthat 0 € incomprenensidie e theater o eabsurd absurd. Ferreri’s visual composition is based on the obsessive presence of objects with eroti

boliy) The objects eventually suffocate ht beifining on fining them symoonusm e€human oojyecis oc um 1}Sy m. y suffocate beings,eventu con them in imeta

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phorical prisons. he isolation of Ferreri’s characters inev itably leads either to death Or to an LuUSOry escape. luinger {S L7é orten Considered rerreris masterpiece) e setting—and the “prison” —is a house equipped with every possible gadget an . uxury Item. € protagonist (an engineer in Charge oO the pro uction Oo protecti ve

masks that enable one to breathe in an unbreathable environm t) ds th ight in ae series of m inglinciuding ti including th ti off an laborate di 0 Caningiess actions, the preparation eiadorate dinner and the c caning Of an oid gun. en, naving viewed some 6mm films, gone thr ouge

IdClippings clippi reaturing featuring th inati oO f the gangster ter John Dilli dandmad oid the assassination soni luinger, made love id,nehe his ifehead, inSwims the head 1 t ilis iphi e€ toto theth maid, snooshoots is Siceping wileslinithe ou to a Sailing

* « ege,e@ ? bd .pt) p

p

und tor 1 an ires nimseil On aS a COOK. ¢ ian film historian Paolo : 1€ escape to uti means a total Closure oO orizons, the

Bertetto concluded: “Th to Tahiti i

aralySisS O ossibilities; we are brought down to zero, stripped of all perspec tives, and restored to th iginal nothi ” 6 > estored to tne Original nothingness. °

=

208 The Glorious Sixties

The isolation that results from surrounding oneself with objects becomes still | more nonsensical in Man’s Semen. The story is set on an enormous white beach ina house filled with objects that have been saved after a world catastrophe. There are electric gadgets but no electricity, toys but no children, a car but no gas. A man and a woman, survivors of the catastrophe, live in the house. The man gradually turns it into a museum of a dead civilization. His work is useless, his actions are useless,

| but he persists in the eternal male urge to save the world even if the world no longer exists. The woman provides food for both of them. When another woman appears on the beach and seduces the man, she kills her, chops her into pieces, cooks the meat, and feeds it to the man. The man wants to experience the ultimate manifestation of virility, to father children. He wants to do it, as Ferreri pointed out, “for society, for the world,” so that his sons will perpetuate the now nonexistent human race. He repeats the same mistakes that destroyed humanity: “He will never learn anything, never overcome his immaturity and inertia.”*” The woman refuses to conceive a child. She does not care about the human race. He rapes her in her sleep and then dances naked on the deserted beach: “I have sown!” he shouts until another explosion brings to an end all the myths he has been trying to revive. The form of Man's Semen is as impressive as its story. The precise and detailed | narration is based on a rhythmic alternation between long views of the waterfront and close shots of the characters. The precisely timed montage creates the feeling of a vicious circle, a feeling emphasized by the rigid structure of the sequences. Their distinct beginnings and endings make more believable the potential finality of all actions: death is a possible conclusion to each of them.

TWO BELATED DEBUTS Unlike the films of the French New Wave, which generally were preoccupied with highly stylized ways of presenting human relationships, the New Italian Cinema focused primarily on broader and more socially relevant problems. Some patterns

of neorealism reappeared in these films, enriched by new visual elements and moral attitudes. The neorealist heritage was clearly apparent in Banditi a Orgosolo (Bandits of Orgosolo, 1961), the belated debut of Vittorio De Seta (b. 1923), already known for his excellent documentaries. Orgosolo is a small township in central Sardinia, with stone houses built along steep narrow streets that fade out high up in the mountains. It was the ill-famed center of Sardinian gangsterism, kept alive for centuries by poverty and the silence of the people. The villagers never speak to a stranger, never reveal anything to the “carabinieri.” As a matter of fact, they talk very little even to one another, and their sharply chiseled faces hardly ever reveal any emotion. Unlike the Italians, whom they consider foreigners, the Sardinians rarely smile. Sardinia is a tough country, and so is the life of its people. De Seta structured the aesthetics of his first feature film in accordance with the characteristics of the island. He rendered the austere exoticism of the menacingly beautiful countryside with an almost motionless yet not impassive camera, favoring slow movements and few changes of angle in order to evoke an impression of

The Glorious Sixties 209

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inabili 1 f Burri’s canvas The Large Cello-

inability to free himself from his suffering (e.g.,

h ith it dominant and brown on a choppy surface). pnane withof white its predomimant * . euse .On the

Cd * e e ° ° 9 5 especiauly the Cracked wa :

ther hand I influence of Red Desert on Italian painting cannot be ex-

*.

luded. Burri’s picture Large ite 1S reminiscent o emmsc ’ e

ioni’ Palma

e Ldis*repeatedly captured. (Red pecially th ked walls against which Giuliana

Desert was the first of Antonioni’s films to be Pp otograp e y Vario . inning 19ms-——excep — ‘ ira—were photographed b Beginning in 1in a 1S avventura—W i 1 Di V Di Antonioni is quoted as Saying:q“An Gianni Venanzo. ntonioni g: absolute color does not b

*

230 Highlights of the Sixties , exist. There is always a relation, a relation between the object and the direction of the rays that illuminate it, and between the material of the object and the psycho| logical state of the observer; they condition one another mutually.”!° Red Desert is set in Ravenna, the famous artistic city, and today one of Italy's most important industrial cities, where Giuliana’s husband works as anengineer. _ He does not understand his wife’s confused loneliness, which is aggravated by the ugliness of the industrial wasteland. She attempts to commit suicide, and he tries to help her with the most conventional methods. In her utter despair, she is similarly conventional: she finds herself a lover, only to run up against another wall of incomprehension. The last scene pictures Giuliana walking in a field with her little son. Vapors of unknown origin appear above the grass, dirty steaming water runs out of a faucet: yellow fumes surround the hideous chimneys of a nearby factory. “Why is the smoke so yellow?” asks the child. “Because it is poison.” “So, if a bird flies over there, it will kill him?” “Yes, but the birds know it and don’t fly there any more.” With these words Giuliana heads out of the field and disappears from the screen.!! By the time he made L’ avventura, Antonioni’s style had already been fully established by his previous films, revealing its facets with the progression of the tetralogy. Since the early fifties, when he had relinquished traditional narrative, Antonioni had been increasingly concerned with capturing moments of psychological crisis rather than with telling a story, a concern that relates his work closely to contemporary literature. In 1965, with his “tetralogy of feelings” completed and

his long-time relationship with Monica Vitti coming to an end, Antonioni attempted to find a new thematic framework for his recurring questions.'? At that time, he became more and more attracted to the idea of a film set in a real desert or a jungle, places that for him represented absolute nothingness. He went in search of the most terrifying jungle and found it in the Amazon rainforest. In 1966 he wrote a script about two men looking for lost values in other civilizations who become

trapped in a jungle. The producer, Carlo Ponti, rejected the final version of the script entitled “Technically Sweet” and instead offered Antonioni the opportunity

to direct a film based on a short story by the Argentinian writer Julio Cortazar. Antonioni accepted when Ponti had promised to produce “Technically Sweet” immediately afterwards. Yet this next project did not materialize. (Some of its narrative elements appeared later in The Passenger.) Blow-Up (1966) was shot in London, in English, with David Hemmings and Vanessa Redgrave in the starring roles. With Red Desert Antonioni had exhausted his subject of the failure to adjust to modern society. In Blow-Up the characters are integrated into modern civilization, at the price of not even attempting to understand its logic. The film uses a classic thriller plot built in cumulative episodes and sustained by the idea of the inscrutability of facts.'* The murder in question may or may not have really occurred: no camera can ever reveal the truth of the incident— or nonincident—witnessed in a London park by a fashion photographer. He saw a young woman luring an older man into the bushes and took pictures of them. Back in the studio, he enlarged the photographs. Believing he could discern an arm with a gun aimed at the man, he returned to the park and found a corpse. He went back

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232 Highlights of the Sixties The original visual intensity of Blow-Up has not retained its traumatizing effect through the years (as have, e.g., Girlfriends or L’ avventura). On the other hand, Antonioni’s repetitive monologue about the mystery of intention and motive as __ well as his investigation of emotions have gained in strength. When we look from today’s perspective at the desert in Giuliana’s mind, at her loneliness in the middle of an industrialized city, or at the atrophy of human relations in Blow-Up, Antonioni, the most prominent representative of the phenomenological trend in film, appears almost as a prophet.

LUCHINO VISCONTI “... and thenit will be different, but worse. We were the leopards and the lions, those who will follow us will be jackals and sheep.

And all together, the lions, the leopards, the | jackals, and the sheep, will always believe that they are the salt of the earth.”

: "(Prince Salina‘in The Leopard) His fight with the censors for the release of Rocco and for permission to stage Giovanni Testori’s L’ Arialda (prohibited for “obscenity”) induced Visconti to leave Italy. As a matter of fact, he vowed he would never work there again. In 1961, he staged John Ford’s comedy ’Tis Pity She’s a Whore for the Theatre de Paris, with Romy Schneider and Alain Delon in the starring roles. At that time, Visconti was

bound to Delon by a profound friendship, and it was primarily because of this friendship that he agreed to direct an episode for the composite film Boccaccio’ 70 (1962). The lead was played by Schneider, Delon’s fiancée. Visconti’s episode, // lavoro (The Work), inspired by a short story by Guy de Maupassant, is a small masterpiece.’ In its protagonists—the count Ottavio and his wife Pupe— Visconti _ portrayed two extremely provocative types of people doomed by their origins to the bondage of money. He surrounded them with oversophisticated luxury, thus stressing the unreal essence of their relationship to the rest of the world.’* The story of Pupe, who decides to “earn her living” by selling herself to her husband, anticipated a turning point in Visconti’s oeuvre, which was to become increasingly concerned with the aristocracy’s faded system of values. Visconti did not condemn Pupe or Ottavio. He put them in a golden cage and displayed them for all to see, not without a certain pride in their good taste and beauty. Visconti forgot his decision never to make a feature film in Italy the very day he read the novel // gattopardo (The Leopard) by Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa, a Sicilian prince. Lampedusa, who had no reputation as a writer, had spent two years trying in vain to have his book published after he completed it in 1954. It was not until 1958, two years after his death, that the Feltrinelli publishing house decided to give it atry. The Leopara’s first modest edition of 3,000 copies sold out overnight. Within six months, the novel became a bestseller and therefore highly attractive to

the film industry. But the author’s widow agreed to sell the film rights only after : Visconti had been signed to direct. For Visconti, making The Leopard was like telling the story of his own family.

en ,

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J j 23 3

Highlights of the Sixties

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234 Highlights of the Sixties Visconti transcends Lampedusa’s novel by stressing the circumstances that led , to the birth of modern Italy, particularly the betrayal of Garibaldi’s revolution by the victorious middle class. This historical aspect permeates the film’s last sequence, set in a palace in Palermo: princesses and duchesses dance with merchants and bankers at a magnificently staged ball, and Tancredi celebrates his engagement to Angelica, the daughter of a “jackal,” while a few blocks away representatives of the new law and order execute those who wish to carry the revolution further.

, For all its historical overtones, The Leopard is, above all, the story of Prince Salina’s life and of the disintegration of an ancient family: the prince’s daughter Concetta loses Tancredi, whom she loves; his sons are good for nothing; his wife, who makes the sign of the cross each time they make love, loses her authority over the family; and the old leopard himself gets increasingly tired. In the ballroom sequence, the camera follows him as he wanders among the guests. Stopping in : front of Greuse’s picture “Death of a Just Man,” he ponders his own death, the doom of his class, and everything he has loved. The forty-five-minute-long, nonnarrative and extremely modern ballroom sequence (mercilessly massacred by the American distributor) is a foretaste of Visconti’s reading of Proust, a project that he

: was never able to realize. The Leopard is Visconti’s most costly film, staged as a grandiose operatic spectacle: thousands of extras, superb authentic settings (an entire dilapidated mansion near Palermo was restored for the film); costumes created by Piero Tosi, the best

Italian film designer; major stars in the leading roles (Burt Lancaster as Prince Salina, Claudia Cardinale as Angelica, Alain Delon as Tancredi), and authentic Italian aristocrats playing the parts of the guests at the ball. The film’s original version runs for 205 minutes and is filled with exquisite images of the past. (The English version was cut by forty minutes.) The splendor and the misery of that era are re-created through a lucid analysis whose extended historical metaphor links _ the past to the present: to revolutions that fail, to human beings that face death in disarray, and to societies that have no place for the “leopards.” The collapse of ancient families, observed against the background of historical events, is also the topic of Visconti’s subsequent films Vaghe stelle dell’Orsa ... (Sandra, 1965) and La caduta degli dei (The Damned, 1969).'’ After seven films that had left almost no room for hope, Visconti directed these two tragedies ending with absolute damnation and excluding any possibility of a happy relationship. In both Sandra and The Damned nobody wants to forgive or forget any longer. The past destroys them all, trapping them in a Sartrean situation with “no exit.”

_ They are all vanquished and guilty. In Sandra, set in contemporary Italy and loosely based on the myth of Electra, the questions of guilt are never resolved. Sandra and Gianni suspect their mother and her lover of having betrayed their Jewish father, causing his death in a fascist concentration camp. But their only proof is their own hatred, which destroys the two of them as much as it destroys those against whom it is directed. The truth of their alleged incest is never revealed either. Gianni, a stranger in the world of reason, loves his sister more than anyone else; refusing to compromise his feeling, the cherished symbol of his childhood recollections, he kills himself. Sandra remains alone, doomed to her hatred. She

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Rosi w of fiction and ° ntifascist literature nonficti | ie | ! ) ) on Cristo si é fermato a as less lucky with the legendary book of Italian antifasci Carlo Levi’s almost perfect blend of ficti d

Eboul, 19 e film fell victim rist 79). Stopped at Eboli, 197 Th to ictithe attem

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wide-screen film.. Th The use of color has always been one of the major deficienc1

Rosi’s films. In Christ Stopped Lucan ’ ia, one of at the Eboli, poorest parts of Italy.

cation resort. photographed byasqualino P: li Santis, comes out looking like a vacati

The Changing Image of the Movies 259 Freddy Buache called Christ Stopped at Eboli“an excellent exercise by a first-class technician, but not a return to Salvatore Giuliano, which Levi’s book might have made possible.”'? In the more intimate Tre fratelli (Three Brothers, 1981), Rosi used the framework of a novella by the Russian twentieth-century writer Andrei Platonov about

the homecoming of three brothers for the funeral of their mother. Through the brothers’ stories, dreams, and obsessions, he once again presented some of Italy’s poignant problems, such as terrorism and juvenile delinquency. Despite some good performances and an excellent beginning, the film remained literary and contrived, only rarely attaining the emotional impact of Rosi’s best movies.

WHERE HAVE ALL THE PRODUCERS GONE? The expansion of the Italian cinema in the sixties was facilitated by a handful of producers who were not afraid to undertake ambitious projects. People such as _ Franco Cristaldi (the man behind Rosi, Maselli, Germi, Bellocchio, and others), Alfredo Bini (who produced all Pasolini’s films from Accattone to Oedipus Rex), and Giuliani G. De Negri, producer of all the Taviani films, played important roles in the overall artistic rise of Italian cinema. Dino De Laurentiis and Carlo Ponti were primarily responsible for furthering its international impact. In the seventies, the producer began increasingly to play the role of a mere intermediary between the moneylenders and the exhibitors, and the element of speculation became stronger. The film critic Otello Angeli analyzed the changing role of the producers

in Cinemasessanta: |

The producer has become an executor of the demands of the industrial complex and the financial powers. He has lost a large part of his autonomy, a fact that influences the entire production of a film, as well as the creative process as such. _ The division of the producer’s role between financing and distribution-——typical of

the recent oligarchic evolution of capitalism—brought to an end the dialectical — relationship that used to exist between different stages of production. The rigidity of today’s film market has resulted in the absorption of the figure of the producer and the transformation of his role into a managerial and bureaucratic function.'4

During this period, Titanus (one of the biggest Italian production companies) fell under the control of FIAT, De Laurentiis moved his office to the United States, and Carlo Ponti became more and more involved in extracinematic transactions. The era of billionlire productions such as The Leopard, La dolce vita, and the historical blockbusters was definitely over. Small companies were disappearing and with them went the ordinary entertainment films. There was nothing to equal the quality of the “spaghetti westerns,” and the level of the 1970s popular entertainment genres hit rock bottom. Exploiting the 1974 success of Cavani’s The Night Porter, so-called Nazi-porno films were turned out by the dozen: Long Nights of the Gestapo, Camp of Love, The Last Days of the Storm Troopers, The Last Orgy of the Third Reich, A Private House for Storm Troopers, Women’s Hell, Women of the Special Station, etc. Similarly, the good

260 The Changing Image of the Movies box-office results of Pasolini’s The Decameron and The Canterbury Tales helped to , pave the way for pure pornography: Decameron Number 2, The Prohibited Deca-

meron, The Last Decameron, Decameroticus, Hot Nights of Decameron, The Other Canterbury Tales, Canterbury Number 2, etc. In 1972, the state, under pressure from all sides to counter the decline of the film industry, launched a program to subsidize new directors’ first feature films. Through Italnoleggio—a state agency created in the sixties to distribute films with limited release possibilities—the government cofunded over a dozen first fiction films between 1973 and 1977 (among them Holiday Making, On the Road from Damascus, Irene, Irene, and Just for One Night). Subsidies were also available for films by established directors, such as Maselli’s The Suspect, Cavani’s Beyond Good and Evil, the Tavianis’ St. Michael Had a Rooster, Bellocchio’s In the Name of

the Father, Olmi’s The Circumstance and The Tree of the Wooden Clogs, and Zurlini’s The Tartar Desert. Such ambitious, mostly low-budget films would otherwise have been unable to obtain financial credit and investment money in the face of competition from American blockbusters, which were invading the European market with increasing aggressiveness. Without public funding, the image of the

Italian cinema of the seventies would have been even grimmer. In addition to Italnoleggio, the government supported films through the state Television Com- _ | mission. Whereas in the sixties, the commission had funded mostly television plays and television documentaries, in the seventies it began cofinancing the production of films intended for theatrical release, such as Bertolucci’s The Spider's | Stratagem, Gagliardo’s Maternale, the Tavianis’ Padre Padrone, Rosi’s Christ Stopped at Eboli, Cavani’s Milarepa, etc.

Three of the government financed “first films” stand out as attempts to break away from the prevailing narrative patterns, and all three show the influence of Michelangelo Antonioni in this regard. Whereas Visconti founded a true “school” (including, among others, Cavani and Rosi) and Rossellini influenced practically everybody, Antonioni’s antinarrative modus seemed too “non-Italian” to have more than a few followers. Peter Del Monte’s Irene, Irene (1975), Giovanna Gagliardo’s

: La maternale (1976), and Carlo Di Carlo’s Per questa notte (Just for One Night, 1977) sought to avoid plot in the traditional sense and to present instead certain significant—often seemingly dissociated—-symptoms of deeper emotional struc-

tures and changes.

Gagliardo (b. 1941) was successful with this technique, capturing the relationship between a mother and daughter by examining small details of daily life in a middle-class northern Italian family. “My film’s characters do nothing but eat,

prepare meals, remember a good cake that was served with tea and music by Chopin while another tea party was being recalled,” said Gagliardo.'© La maternale is a string of “forgotten memories,” as she put it, whose disclosure eventually expresses the essence of acomplex interdependence: the mother and the daughter are viewed as mutual victims and oppressors. In the same way, Irene, Irene exposes hidden aspects of human relationships by

concentrating on the visible effects of situations that no longer exist. In a style

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The Changing Image of the Movi 261

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The Changing Image of the Movies 271 ster and a handsome, womanizing officer. The film’s main concern, however, is the confrontation between “beautiful” and “ugly,” reminiscent of fantastic stories by romantics like E. T. A. Hoffmann.

In his best films, Scola makes good use of his two primary skills: his writing ability, which enables him to endow his characters with psychological credibility,

and his ability to create a believable sociohistorical background. A similartalent | for combining writing and directing has also been the strength of Franco Brusati. Brusati’s Bread and Chocolate and To Forget Venice go beyond formulas of Italianstyle comedy, relying instead on a system of motifs with symbolic overtones. Bread and Chocolate, set in Switzerland, chronicles the vain efforts of an Italian emigrant worker to adapt to a foreign way of life. Jo Forget Venice, paraphrasing Bergman, Chekhov, and Mann, attempts to elucidate the relationships among the

members of a family by depicting a series of events that occur in the space of | several days: the older sister, who has been the head of the family, dies, and the family home loses its appeal as a refuge. In an elegant, polished style Brusati evokes the twilig:1i of an old bourgeois milieu in a manner reminiscent of Chekhov's plays. Yet the end brings neither Bergmanian self-castigation nor Chekhovian sadness over “a life that has slipped by, and one would say it had hardly begun.” In-

stead, the film’s protagonist ponders the future over a cold meal and a bottle of wine, ready to forget the family trips to Venice and, along with them, the past. But it was neither Scola nor Brusati who authored the greatest box-office hits of the 1970s Italian comedy of manners. That distinction again went to Dino Risi and Mario Monicelli, with Risi’s Profumo di donna (Sweet Smell of Woman, 1975) and Monicelli’s Un borghese piccolo piccolo (That Little Man, 1976), grossing over 1 billion lire in Italy in their respective years of production. Both films are exceptions in their directors’ oeuvres in that they are based on novels. Sweet Smell of Woman transcribes Giovanni Arpino’s successful novel Obscurity and Honey, and That Little Man is an adaptation of the bestseller of the same title by Vincenzo Cerami.”4 The appeal of Monicelli’s That Little Man lay mainly in its subject matter, which struck a responsive chord with many Italians: when the son of a petty clerk is killed

| during a hold-up, the father sets out to find the murderer and takes justice into his own hands, becoming a killer himself. In the role of the father, Alberto Sordi personified to perfection the average Italian, stressing his basic mistrust of all government authority and his obsession with the idea that he is a helpless victim in some far-reaching political frame-up. Vittorio Gassman, who played the leading role in Sweet Smell of Woman, embodies the opposite of Sordi’s “little man.” In this and other roles, Gassman personifies the Italian yearning for grandeur and concern with “savoir vivre.” The protag-

| onist of Sweet Smell of Woman is a blind middle-aged man, endowed with great serenity, common sense and an epicurean knowledge of the pleasures of life. Lonely and exploited by his young boy friend, he undertakes a journey whose destination is unknown: death or love, solitude or the sweet smell of woman. Risi charges his films with a strong touch of real life, guided by an unerring instinct for the significant topics of the moment. Thus, in 1979, when terrorism in

272 The Ch | Image of the Movies . °

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