Passing the Light: The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan 9780824836580, 9780824838126, 6570951249, 2012042311

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TOPICS IN CONTEMPORARY BUDDHISM

PASSING THE LIGHT The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan CHÜN-FANG YÜ

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Passing the Light

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Topics in Contemporary Buddhism GEORGE J. TANABE, JR., EDITOR

Establishing a Pure Land on Earth: The Foguang Buddhist Perspective on Modernization and Globalization STUART CHANDLER

Buddhist Missionaries in the Era of Globalization LINDA LEARMAN, EDITOR

Being Benevolence: The Social Ethics of Engaged Buddhism SALLIE B. KING

Japanese Temple Buddhism: Worldliness in a Religion of Renunciation STEPHEN G. COVELL

Zen in Brazil: Quest for Cosmopolitan Modernity CRISTINA ROCHA

Land of Beautiful Vision: Making a Buddhist Sacred Place in New Zealand SALLY MCARA

Attracting the Heart: Social Relations and the Aesthetics of Emotion in Sri Lankan Monastic Culture JEFFREY SAMUELS

The Buddha Side: Gender, Power, and Buddhist Practice in Vietnam ALEXANDER SOUCY

Passing the Light: The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan CHÜN-FANG YÜ

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Topics in conTemporary Buddhism

Passing the Light the incense Light Community and Buddhist nuns in Contemporary taiwan Chün-fang Yü

University of Hawai‘i Press Honolulu EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Yü, Chün-fang, author. Passing the light : the Incense Light community and Buddhist nuns in contemporary Taiwan / Chün-fang Yü. pages cm.—(Topics in contemporary Buddhism) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8248-3658-0 (cloth : alk. paper)—ISBN 978-0-8248-3812-6 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Buddhist nuns—Taiwan. 2. Buddhist sanghas—Taiwan. 3. Buddhist monasticism and religious orders for women—Taiwan. 4. Wuyin, Shi. I. Title. II. Series: Topics in contemporary Buddhism. BQ6160.T28Y8 2013 294.3'6570951249—dc23 2012042311 University of Hawai‘i Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources. Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc.

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Contents

Series Editor’s Preface Preface

vii ix

1

Introduction: Why Study Nuns?

2

The Beginning of the Incense Light Community

30

3

Wuyin, the Guiding Light of the Community

49

4

College Buddhist Studies Societies

71

5

Incense Light Buddhist Seminary for Nuns

105

6

Buddhist Adult Classes

150

7

Profiles of Individual Nuns

186

Conclusion Notes Glossary Bibliography Index

1

209 215 221 225 237

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Series Editor’s Preface

The large number of educated young women becoming Buddhist nuns in Taiwan is a striking phenomenon that has attracted the attention of several scholars. Historically, women became nuns to gain refuge from personal and social problems, but such a step was always drastic, requiring them to renounce not only their families but their own ordinary domestic lives as well. In modern Taiwan, becoming a nun still demands that serious level of renunciation, but for many women, ordination has shifted from being a last resort to a first choice. It is no wonder that nuns now outnumber monks in Taiwan. In this study, Chün-fang Yü, a historian of Chinese Buddhism, uses her ethnographic and literary skills to take us into Incense Light and allows us to meet and understand the nuns of this unusual all-female community. Yü focuses on the community’s primary mission of Buddhist education and practice, and she demonstrates that the relative lack of a preexisting Buddhist tradition at their temple allowed the nuns to create their own new tradition. Chün-fang Yü thus presents another striking case of Buddhists reinventing Buddhism as a contemporary religion. George J. Tanabe, Jr. SERIES EDITOR

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Preface

Xiangguang, or Incense Light, is a community of nuns in Taiwan founded in the 1980s. Neither as large nor as famous as certain longstanding Buddhist organizations, Incense Light is distinguished by two things. First, unlike most Buddhist communities, which include both monks and nuns, this is a single-sex community. Second, every member of the community is required to dedicate several years to teaching Buddhism to adults in evening classes offered at Incense Light centers established in several major cities across the island. Serendipity played a role in my decision to undertake this study. My mother lived in Taipei until she passed away in 2001, and I had been going to Taiwan at least once but more often twice a year to visit her since the 1970s. In the course of those visits, I began studying with the Venerable Shengyan (1930–2009), founder of Dharma Drum Mountain (Fagu Shan), and took refuge (formally declared myself a Buddhist) under his tutelage in 1976. This was the beginning of my relationship with the Taiwanese Buddhist community. Through Master Shengyan’s introduction, I came to know a number of Buddhist teachers and masters, and on my trips back to Taiwan, I made a point of visiting his temple and other monasteries to meet with Buddhist leaders and familiarize myself with the current conditions of Taiwanese Buddhism. In the 1990s, while doing research for a book on Guanyin, I was invited to teach intensive courses on the methodology of studying Chinese Buddhism. I offered these courses first at the Chung-hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies (Zhong Hua Foxue Yanjiuso), then at the Seminary of Buddha Light Mountain (Foguang Shan), and lastly, in 1995, at the Seminary of the Incense Light Bhikşunī Sangha (Xiangguang Nisengtuan). During the two weeks I lectured there, I had long conversations with the abbess Wuyin (1940–) and several nuns holding key administrative positions. My prior work was focused on premodern Chinese Buddhism, but through this convergence of circumstances, my interest turned to contemporary Taiwanese Buddhism. Research on the cult of Guanyin intensified my interest in Buddhism, gender, and the religious lives of Chinese women, and as a result of sharing this work with the Incense Light nuns, I was granted the opportunity to study their order. At the same time, the courses I teach on Buddhism, Chinese religions, and women made me aware of the acute need for EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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x

Preface

sources of information on Chinese women’s religious lives. The questions my students ask—which I cannot always answer—also motivated me to embark on this new project. The course and direction of academic research are sometimes unpredictable, so I count myself fortunate that I was led to the Incense Light nuns and this project. I had for years been fascinated by the large numbers of educated young women who opt to become nuns in modern Taiwan. The Incense Light nuns exemplify this trend. When I suggested that I would like to use her community as a case study, Wuyin gave her ready consent. I must therefore thank her for her cooperation and encouragement, without which this study would not have been possible. I also owe a debt of gratitude to Jianxiang Shi, who served as my assistant, guide, and guardian angel during the eight months in 1998 when I lived with the community. Last but not least, I want to thank the many nuns who agreed to be interviewed. Their life stories helped me understand why the choice of a monastic career was a fulfilling one and how a modern female monastic carried out the work of a religious teacher (zongjiao shi). Since 1998 I have kept up with my contacts in the community through correspondence and yearly trips back to Taiwan. I have followed the order’s growth and was glad to see the opening of its new headquarters, the Great Incense Light Mountain (Daxiangguang Shan), in Daxi in 2009. The present book, however, concentrates on the early history of the community, from its formal founding in 1974 to 1998, the year I did fieldwork at Incense Light Temple (Xiangguang Si), the home temple located in the mountains outside Chiayi. Since I began this research, several women scholars—C. Julia Huang, Yuchen Li, Meei-hwa Chern, Wei-yi Cheng, Hillary Crane, and Elise DeVido, among others—have published studies on Taiwanese nuns (Huang and Weller 1998; Huang 2009; Li 2000; Chern 2001; Cheng 2007; Crane 2001, 2003, 2007; DeVido 2006, 2010). I have benefited from their writings and from conversations with them. I have also benefited from other recent works on Buddhist nuns and contemporary Taiwanese Buddhism (Brown 2001; Havneivik 1990; Gutschow 2004; Arai 1999; Blackstone 1998; Jones 1999; Li 1989; Shi Hengqing 1995; Jiang 1996; Gan 2004; Hsieh 1999, 2000; Grant 1994, 1996, 2001, 2009). Because this study is concerned with monastic recruitment and education, I have found studies on similar issues in contemporary Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Thailand illuminating (LeVine and Gellner 2005; McDaniel 2008; Samuels 2010). Parts of this book have been presented at various venues, including conferences held in Seoul in 2004 and Mumbai in 2006, as well as lectures at Princeton, EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Preface

xi

Harvard, Columbia, SUNY at Albany, and The Chinese University of Hong Kong. The comments and suggestions I received were most helpful in the writing of this book. Finally, I would like to thank Patricia Crosby for her continuing interest in my work. I also want to thank Leslie Kriesel for improving the initial draft and Terre Fisher for copy editing the final manuscript.

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1

Introduction Why Study Nuns?

In recent years there has been a general surge of interest in Taiwanese Buddhism. Books on Ciji (Compassionate Relief ) (Huang 2009), Foguang (Buddha Light) (Chandler 2004), the history of Taiwanese Buddhism ( Jones 1999), and Buddhism in Taiwanese society (Laliberté 2004, Madsen 2007) are representative. Scholars have also been impressed by the quality and size of nuns’ orders: Taiwanese nuns today are highly educated and greatly outnumber monks, characteristics unprecedented in the history of Chinese Buddhism. I am interested in knowing how and why does a young woman become attracted to Buddhism and decide to become a nun? After joining the sangha, what kind of training does she receive at seminary? What kind of work does she do upon graduation? And finally, what sorts of problems and setbacks does she experience? By examining what may seem quotidian details of training and service, we can get a sense of the bigger picture of Buddhism in Taiwanese society. This book therefore does not focus on charismatic leaders or complex institutions; it is instead a case study that presents one order of nuns to reflect on the realities of contemporary nuns generally in Taiwan. My research on contemporary Taiwanese Buddhist nuns grew out of my earlier work on the cult of Guanyin (Yü 2001); that project provided the opportunity for me to work with and study the nuns. Guanyin is widely worshiped in Taiwan, and the many temples dedicated to her are located across the island. In central and southern Taiwan, such temples are called “grottoes” ( yan in Mandarin and giama in Taiwanese). The main icon in these temples is always Guanyin, who is accompanied by Mazu, Nuoza, and other deities. Villagers come to seek guidance by casting lots and make offerings by burning spirit money. As Taiwanese Buddhism began to prosper in the 1970s, many yan were either transformed or incorporated into Buddhist temples. In such complexes the original Guanyin temple in the front tends to be full of noisy pilgrims and worshipers while the back hall remains quiet and reserved for Buddhist practices. It was during my study of this kind of temple in 1995 that I first became acquainted with the Incense Light Bhikşunī Sangha. This particular community of nuns is based in a temple known originally as Jade Mountain Grotto (Yushan Yan), a religious center for people in the thirteen villages scattered in the surrounding hills outside Chiayi, a city in central Taiwan. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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2

Passing the Light

The hisTorical PicTure

The history of Buddhist nuns in China is a unique one. Unlike nuns in Tibet and Southeast Asian Buddhist countries, Chinese nuns boast a lineage unbroken since the fifth century. Those in Taiwan thus inherit a tradition of some sixteen hundred years. Due to the scarcity of sources and the lack of interest of past scholars, who concentrated primarily on monks, we still do not know much about nuns or the religious lives of Buddhist women in China. It is impossible to reconstruct a continuous history for Chinese nuns, but it will be helpful to briefly review what we can excavate from available records. One can find accounts about and references to nuns in various sources, such as local and temple gazetteers, the voluminous Chan lamp records, collected essays by literati, epigraphs and tomb inscriptions, and poems by nuns themselves. But the most important are the collections of nuns’ biographies. Biographies of monks have been assiduously collected by generations of monk-scholars. Huijiao (497–554) compiled the first lives of 257 monks in the Biographies of Eminent Monks (Gaoseng zhuan). Daoxuan (596– 667) and Zanning (919–1001) wrote two sequels, the Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks (Xu gaoseng zhuan) and the Song Biographies of Eminent Monks (Song gaoseng zhuan); these works cover monks who had lived since Huijiao’s time and collected 485 and more than 500 biographies, respectively.1 Compared to the riches of these sources, only two modest collections of nuns’ lives exist. The first, The Lives of Nuns (Biqiuni zhuan), written by the monk Baochang in or about 516 CE, begins with Zhu Jingjian, who lived around 292–361. Not until the twentieth century was a sequel written, by another monk, Zhenhua (1908– 1947), who compiled the Continued Lives of Nuns (Xubiqiuni zhuan). Zhenhua, the abbot of the Jade Buddha Monastery in Shanghai, was a favorite disciple of Master Taixu (1890–1947), a famous reformer of modern Buddhism. Zhenhua compiled the biographies of another two hundred nuns who lived from the sixth century to the Republican period. These stories allow us to see the modern faces of the Incense Light nuns in historical perspective. Buddhist tradition credits the founding of the original bhikşuņī sangha (order of nuns) to Mahāprajāpatī, maternal aunt and foster mother of the Buddha. According to conventional accounts, as a result of her three repeated requests and Ānanda’s intercession, the Buddha agreed to allow women into the sangha, despite initial reluctance. However, the Buddha did not grant this permission without reservation; he predicted that the True Dharma would last only five hundred instead of a thousand years because of the admission of women. MoreEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

3

over, he imposed the so-called Eight Rules of Respect (Skt. Garudharma; Ch. bajingfa) on the nuns, subordinating them institutionally to the monks (Heirman 1997, 34–43). From the beginning of Buddhism the sangha has included four types of believers: monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen. The order of nuns, however, was never introduced into Tibet. Although the bhikşuņī sangha once existed in India and other Buddhist countries, with the disappearance of Buddhism in India in the thirteenth century, the order of nuns also disappeared. It disappeared even earlier in Sri Lanka, around the end of the tenth century. According to the Vinaya precepts of monastic rule, a woman, unlike a man, must receive dual ordination, first from ten fully ordained nuns and then from ten fully ordained monks. Because the bhikşuņī sangha ceased to exist in Theravāda Buddhism, no woman has been able to formally become a nun in the Buddhist countries of Southeast Asia, India, Sri Lanka or Tibet. The situation of nuns in China, in contrast, has been much better. Although the ordination of women proved problematic at the very beginning, once the order was established, Chinese nuns were incorporated into the regular monastic community and have been receiving the dual ordination since 434 (Huimin 1998, 6–8; Heirman 2002, 295). Because of their close cultural relationship with China, nuns in Japan, Korea, and Vietnam enjoy the same distinction (Robinson and Johnson 1997, 77). A recent study of the The Lives of Nuns by Liu Yao explains why Baochang was the only monk to record an account of nuns prior to the twentieth century. Baochang was a prolific writer, and Liu lists eighteen works in more than 840 scrolls that he composed either alone or as part of a team (Liu 2009, 15). Unfortunately, aside from The Lives of Nuns, most of these are no longer extant. Why did Baochang write this work? Liu offers four reasons: First, although Buddhism flourished under the patronage of Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (r. 502– 549), the social status of monks and nuns declined. Compared to the treatment nuns received under the Jin (265–420), Song (420–477), and Qi (477–502), they fared less well under the Liang. Second, the practice of compiling histories flourished during this period and among the works produced, the genre of monks’ biographies saw the most growth. Third, writing biographies of exemplary women such as the Lie nü zhuan had become established long before Baochang’s era, and these paved the way for similar works. Finally, Baochang had both the literary ability and a desire to reform the nuns’ community. Liu provides statistics on the number of temples and the size of the sangha during the four Southern Dynasties (Song, Qi, Liang, and Chen, [557–589]) to show the strength of EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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4

Passing the Light

Buddhism in the Liang (Liu 2009, 74–75). Because Emperor Wu was a devotee of Buddhism, under his reign there were none of the disputes among Buddhism and Confucianism and Daoism that had troubled other periods. Still none of the four Liang rulers singled out any nun for patronage, although Emperor Wu frequently treated monks with respect (Liu 2009, 85). Liu suggests two reasons why nuns were neglected. The first is that Emperor Wu wanted to promote the study of philosophical Buddhism. Monks who specialized in the study of the Nirvāna, Satyasiddhi (Chengshi, Establishment of Truth), the Perfection of Wisdom scriptures, and the Three Treatises enjoyed imperial favor. Few nuns were proficient in these texts due to their lack of education, and furthermore, most nuns were primarily interested in personal cultivation (Liu 2009, 87). Second, the general neglect of monastic discipline among monks and nuns during the Liang lowered the general social status of both. Baochang was the only monk-scholar in the premodern period who wrote biographies of both monks and nuns, to whom he showed equal respect. According to Liu, this was most unusual. Other notable monk-scholars of the era, Sengyou, Huijiao (497–554), and Daoxuan (596–667), all regarded women to be weak in intelligence and held them in low regard (Liu 2009, 120). Dynastic histories such as Jin shu, Song shu, Nan Qi shu, and Nan shi refer to nuns as ni’ao, niman, and nilao, all meaning “old nuns,” implying infirmity and decline (Liu 2009, 121). Similarly, when Ouyang Xiu compiled the New History of the Tang (Xin Tang shi) he deleted all mentions of nuns from the Old History of the Tang (Tang shi) because of his negative attitude toward them (Liu 2009, 122). The three collections of monks’ lives follow a similar format; the biographies are grouped under ten distinct categories: translators, exegetes, meditators, elucidators of the Vinaya, defenders of the Dharma, thaumaturges, those who sacrifice themselves, chanters of scripture, benefactors, and those with miscellaneous talents. This organizing principle is somewhat arbitrary, for oftentimes a monk could be classified under more than one category. The Lives of Nuns does not classify its subjects this way. There are two other notable differences between the biographies of monks and nuns. The first concerns the reasons women decided to become nuns: Their motivations were often related to their marital status; they “left home” (the technical term for become a monastic) either after they had become widowed or because they did not want to get married. The second is that no nun is ever identified as a translator, although several are famed for their scholarship and their ability to lecture and chant sutras. A general profile of the sixty-five women in The Lives of Nuns will give us a sense of their backgrounds. Twenty-six of them came from the north (notaEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

5

bly the major cities of Chang’an and Loyang), and twenty-eight from the south (notably Pengcheng); two came from families who had moved from the north to the south, one from Sichuan, one from Yunnan; and the remaining six were of unknown origin. Ten of the nuns came from the literati-official class on account of their fathers or husbands, who held official positions including governor, undersecretary of provincial forces, magistrate, student at the imperial academy, secretary to the head of subprefectural personnel, military commander of the title Marshal in Charge of Subjugating Barbarians, marquis assistant to the provincial governor, and an unspecified “high-ranking official.” Kathryn Tsai estimates that over 80 percent of these nuns were literate (Tsai 1994, 7) because the author provides a bit of information about the education they received prior to leaving home. Some studied the Confucian classics and literature, others were educated in the Daoist metaphysics known as Dark Learning (xuanxue) or both Buddhist and non-Buddhist writings. For those whose education is not specified, we may assume that they probably were either already literate or taught to be so soon after they entered monastic life, for many of them were said to be able to write commentaries and give lectures on the sutras. Of the twenty-seven nuns whose ages at leaving home were noted, nine were under the age of ten; two left at age eleven, one at thirteen, three at eighteen, two at nineteen, three at twenty, two at twenty-one, and one each at ages twentytwo, twenty-seven, twenty-nine, and thirty. The oldest, Fasheng (368–439), did not become a nun until the age of seventy. Since a life of celibacy contradicted Confucian family values, which required everyone to get married and produce descendents, this obligation was one of the most formidable obstacles a man or a woman had to overcome to become a monastic. However, since twelve of the nuns left home before the age of thirteen, earlier than the usual marrying age, we can assume that this was not universally a problem. In fact, some parents of the younger nuns were said to be actively supportive of their daughters’ decision not to marry. What accounts for this phenomenon? According to Chikusa Masaaki, women began to become nuns at younger ages because “by the fifth century the community of nuns was established firmly enough that parents felt comfortable entrusting their children to its care” (2002, 12). Compared to the Eastern Jin (317–420), when two women were recorded to have become nuns at ages twentyone and twenty-two, the number of women joining monasteries as teenagers increased considerably from the Song (420–477) on (Chikusa 2002, 12). On the other hand, there were seventeen cases of women who clearly refused marriage. Of these, five were women who had been married but when their husband died EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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6

Passing the Light

refused to remarry; twelve were women who vowed never to marry. In the latter cases, outright opposition to these refusals was noted only in two. Interestingly, it was the mother and grandmother, respectively, who objected to their daughters’ rejection of marriage. Because the compiler does not say anything about the others, it is of course risky to conclude that women in the fourth to the sixth centuries did not have a hard time defying family expectations. This should caution us against making sweeping generalizations about refusals of marriage and generational conflict (Lee 1994, 55). The nuns whose lives were described so long ago come across even today as exceptional. Many of them were admired by emperors, nobles, officials, and men of letters. They were patronized by both royal families and local gentry. One nun advised the emperor about the appointment of a new governor, while two were asked to accompany a governor to his new post as advisers. These nuns were clearly regarded with respect and admiration. What qualities constituted their unique sanctity? Like the lives of saints in Christianity, the accounts of Buddhist monks and nuns are more hagiography than biography. However, as John Kieschnick points out, these stories represent “not only reflections of shared perceptions of the monk, they were also an attempt to shape opinions, to instill a particular set of monastic ideals” (1997, 111). If we want to discover what the faith community considered great in a monk or a nun, this literature is the place to begin. Kieschnick singles out three ideal types that exemplified the monastic ideal: the ascetic, the thaumaturge (worker of miracles), and the scholar. He suggests that it was through the creation of these three that the sangha carried out its “image war” with Daoism and orthodox Confucianism to lay claim to the hearts and minds of the people (1997, 143). These same ideal types are found among the nuns. In addition, filial piety, observation of monastic rules, proficiency in meditation, and devotion to the Buddhist sutras through the practice of marathon chanting were also highly lauded virtues. The introduction of dual ordination and the study of Vinaya texts on monastic rules during this period were topics of great interest to Baochang. By praising nuns who were strict in their observance of monastic rules, Baochang hoped to promote them as models for others to emulate. Many of the nuns featured in the Lives studied the Vinaya. While some became experts in their studies, others were noted for their scrupulous observance of the precepts. They were aware of the dual ordination requirement for nuns, and before this became possible with the arrival of Sri Lankan nuns in 434, it troubled some of them greatly that they could not be ordained properly. Of the five Vinaya texts that originated with the five Hinayana Buddhist EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

7

schools in India, four were translated into Chinese. Those texts were translated and actively studied during the thirty years from 405 to 435 (Li 1989, 127– 132). Among the four, the Shisong lü (Monastic rules in ten recitations) of the Sarvāstivāda school and the Sifen lü (Monastic rules in four divisions) of the Dharmaguptaka school were equally popular in fifth- and sixth-century China. However, ever since Daoxuan (596–667) undertook promoting the Sifen lü, this has been the Vinaya followed by the Chinese sangha. The first featured nun in Baochang’s work, Zhu Jingjian (ca. 292–ca. 361), received only the ten precepts for a novice from the monk Fashi in the period 313– 317, together with twenty-four other women. In 357 the foreign monk Tanmoxieduo planned to establish an ordination platform in Loyang on the eighth day of the second month (the date of the Buddha’s entry into nirvana) from which he himself would bestow on Zhu and others the bhikşuņī precepts from the order of monks. However, due to the objection of a conservative monk named Daochang, who regarded the proposed ordination as contrary to the Vinaya regulation, it did not go forward. Although Zhu Jingjian was not fully ordained according to the Vinaya rules, she nonetheless transmitted precepts to other women who wanted to become nuns. One of these, An Lingshou, received the precepts from both Jingjian and a famous monk, Fotuteng (231–348). Still, the system of dual ordination was not formally instituted until after the Jin dynasty. Most nuns of that early period received ordination from monks only, although the order of nuns had already been started. It was not until almost eighty years later, during the yuanjia reign period (424–453) of the Song, that dual ordination was established with the consecutive arrivals of Sri Lankan nuns. Eight nuns landed in China in 429 and another eleven arrived in 434, all traveling under the auspices of a Sri Lankan merchant. By 434, the nuns who had come earlier had learned the language, and the requirement that precepts be transmitted by at least ten fully ordained nuns could at last be met and dual ordination carried out. The biographies of several nuns attest to these important historical events. Huiguo (ca. 364–433) and Sengguo (b. 408) took the full ordination from both orders, the former together with five of her disciples, the latter as one of over three hundred female novices. Although both the Sifen lü and the Shisong lü were available for study, according to the accounts in the Lives, the latter was far more popular in the south. We find a number of nuns who were specialists in this text, which might have been due to its position on dual ordination. Unlike the other Vinaya texts, the Shisong lü does not list dual ordination as a prerequisite to assuming a monastic identity. Only after the reordination of nuns was already widely practiced was this stipulation added by the monk Sengju to a handbook for monks who perEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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formed rituals according to the Shisong lü. This could have been done to bring it into conformity to the Sifen lü of the Dharmaguptaka tradition (Li 1989, 13). Among ascetic practices, the highest was to sacrifice one’s life for the sake of the Dharma. This was done in early medieval times by self-immolation, a practice that Baochang referred to by the terms zifeng and shaoshen. There was a long tradition of self-immolation performed by Chinese monks, and Baochang included in the Lives six nuns who did this, following the example of the Medicine King Bodhisattva in the Lotus Sūtra. Baochang had also authored an early biography of monks, Lives of Famous Monks (Mingseng zhuan), a work in thirty fascicles containing the biographies of 425 monks. It was compiled in 510, but has not survived in its entirety. The table of contents and some selections were copied by the thirteenth-century Japanese monk Sōshō (1202–1278). It is interesting to note that compared to the six out of sixty-five nuns who immolated themselves in the Lives, only nineteen out of the 425 monks did so (Benn 2007, 20–21). It is equally striking that out of the 257 monks profiled in Huijiao’s Biographies of Eminent Monks, only eight performed self-immolation. While nuns like the monks were inspired by the deed of the Medicine King, they might have had another motivation. Chikusa Masaaki points out the following passage in the twenty-third chapter of the Lotus Sūtra: by self-immolation a woman would not only be released from her female body, she would also go to the Pure Land straightaway: If a woman, hearing this Chapter of the Former Affairs of the Bodhisattva Medicine King, can accept and keep it, she shall put an end to her female body and shall never again receive one. If after the extinction of the Thus Come One, within the last five hundred years, there is then a woman who, hearing this scriptural canon, practices as preached, at the end of this life she shall straightaway go to the world-sphere Comfortable (Sukhāvatī), to the dwelling place of the Buddha Amitāyus, where he is surrounded by a multitude of great bodhisattvas, there to be reborn on a jeweled throne among lotus blossoms, never again to be tormented by greed, never again to be tormented by anger or folly, never again to be tormented by pride, envy, or other defilements. (Hurvitz 1976, 300) Baochang relates how two nuns, Tanjian and Jingguei, immolated themselves on the night of the eighth day of the second month (the day the Buddha entered nirvana) in 494. There was not much fanfare around this event. After gathering firewood, they mounted their pyres and kindled a fire. They did this EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

9

as “an offering to the Three Treasures.” In 501 another nun, Tanyong, immolated herself as “an offering to the Buddha.” In a few cases, Baochang provides more details. For instance, the nun Daocong also offered herself to the Buddha on a full-moon night in 463. She “purified herself in a fire fed by oil. Even though she was engulfed by flames up to her forehead, and her eyes and ears were nearly consumed, her chanting of the scriptures did not falter” (Tsai 1994, 60). The immediate response to such acts of self-sacrifice was invariably shock and wonder from other people, who were said to be inspired to redouble their efforts to seek enlightenment.

Profiles in The Lives of Nuns Baochang’s account features women who were both talented and highly productive. The scholarly nuns distinguished themselves by giving lectures on scriptures and monastic rules or by writing commentaries on scriptures. The most common sutras were the Lotus, the Vimalakirtī, the Nirvāna, the Avatamsaka (Flower Garland), and the Smaller Perfection of Wisdom; less common were the Śūrangama Sūtra and various treatises. At the age of twenty Zhu Daoxin could recite from memory the Lotus Sūtra, the Vimalakirtī Sūtra, and other scriptures. She was the first nun to specialize in expounding on the meaning of the scriptures. She was highly skilled in “pure conversation” (qingtan), a style of discourse favored by literati during the Six Dynasties (fourth to the sixth centuries). It was highly philosophical, full of references to Laozi, Zhuangzi and sometimes the Yijing; it was also characterized by witty repartee. Zhu Daoxin was especially good at explaining the Smaller Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra, and students of Buddhism across the entire province regarded her as their teacher and master. Tanche (422–484) was proficient in both scriptures and monastic rules. Before she became a fully ordained nun, she was already learned in the scriptures and their commentaries. After she received the full precepts for a nun, she made a special study of Vinaya texts. She excelled at exposition—distinguishing fine points, resolving doubts, and probing deeply into hidden meanings. As a result, students flocked to her. Zhisheng (427–492) had a remarkable memory. After listening to the Nirvanā Sūtra only once, she had it memorized. Later, when she was studying books on monastic discipline, she mastered them without having to be taught twice. She wrote several tens of scrolls of commentaries in which both her writing style and her interpretations were excellent. Jingyao (421–492) studied Mahāyāna Buddhism for ten years before EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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becoming a master herself. She once gave a lecture on the Vimalakirtī Sūtra at the invitation of Prince Jingling, the second son of the Qi emperor, in 490. When she became an abbess, four hundred disciples studied under her. Jingxing (444–509) studied the Tattvasiddhi-śāstra or Satyasiddhi-śāstra (Chengshi lun),2 the Abhidharmakośa-bhāśya ( Jushe lun),3 the Nirvāna Sūtra, and the Flower Garland Sūtra from the time she entered the monastic life at the age of seventeen. When she first encountered a topic, she grasped its meaning right away. She was studious about searching out the nuances and profundities. Whenever she gave a lecture on the scriptures, the audience numbered several hundred persons. Miaowei (444–513) was a bright and witty conversationalist. She gave over thirty lectures on the Great Nirvāna Sūtra, the Lotus Sūtra, and the Treatise of the Ten Stages (Shidi jinglun).4 Faxuan (434–516) studied the Monastic Rules in Ten Recitations of the Sarvāstivāda school under a Vinaya master and became so proficient a lecturer, her fame spread beyond the immediate region. Xiao Yuanjian (d. 519), prince of Hengyang of the Liang dynasty, asked her to serve as his mother’s religious instructor. Baochang showed special interest in those nuns who were experts at chanting sutras. They could chant an entire sutra within a very short period of time. For instance, Zhixian (ca. 300–ca. 370), who was an expert in the Lotus Sūtra, could chant its entirety in one day and one night, even in her old age. According to Kathryn Tsai, this required chanting about fifty words per minute nonstop for a 24-hour period, and if she took any rest, she would have had to chant much faster (Tsai 1994, 121). Sengduan (ca. 378–448) could chant the Great Nirvāna Sūtra in only five days. This required that she chant at the rate of 7.5 words per second to finish the sutra of 350,000 words (Tsai 1994, 132). Huiyu, another speed chanter, could chant the Lotus, Śūrangama, and other scriptures in a period of only ten days. Sengnian (415–504) loved to chant the Lotus Sūtra, and she did it seven times in a day and a night. Since there are a minimum of 500,000 words, chanting the sutra seven times in a day and a night would require chanting approximately 20,800 words per hour—that is, 347 words per minute or 5.7 words per second (Tsai 1994, 144). Some nuns were famous not only for the speed of their chanting but also for the frequency. For instance, Daoshou chanted the Lotus Sūtra three thousand times and frequently saw auspicious omens. In 439, on the seventh day of the ninth month, a jeweled canopy descended and hovered over her. Chanting the sutra three thousand times would have taken her eight years, chanting nonstop, at a rate of one second per word (Tsai 1994, 130). EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

11

Updates to The Lives of Nuns The Continued Lives of Nuns, compiled in the twentieth century by the monk Zhenhua, has six fascicles and contains the biographies of two hundred nuns. The first fascicle covers the Sui (581–618) and Tang (618–907) periods and contains thirty-five biographies; the second covers the Five Dynasties (907–960) and the Song (960–1279) and has thirty biographies; the third covers the Yuan (1271–1368) and the Ming (1368–1644) and has twenty biographies; the fourth and the fifth cover the Qing (1644–1911) and present eighty-six biographies; and finally, the sixth features twenty-seven nuns who lived in the Republican period (1912–1949). The lengths of the biographies vary greatly. When eulogies were available, Zhenhua copied them almost word for word. These biographies are lengthy and can run several pages. Others, however, contain only a few lines. Most of the biographies from the Republican period were based on information that Zhenhua gathered from talking with people who knew the subjects. They thus have a sense of immediacy lacking in the other accounts. While the general categories used in discussing the earlier collection of lives are applicable here, one striking difference is the number of nuns who practiced Chan Buddhism, reflecting its growing popularity from Tang times. These women studied with some of the most prominent Chan masters of their age—Huineng (638–713), Dahui (1089–1163), Gaofeng Yuanmiao (1058–1115), Zhongfeng Mingben (1263–1323), Yunqi Zhuhong (1535–1615), and Miyun Yuanwu (1566–1642). In these cases, like entries in the conventional Lamp Records, only exchanges with the masters were recorded; biographical details are minimal, if given at all. Fewer of the later nuns achieved fame on account of their literary abilities. Still, for those so recognized, their biographies contain only their poems, paralleling the ones that contain only Chan repartee. A second major departure from the earlier biographies is the small number of self-immolators. Only three biographies out of the two hundred mention four nuns who performed this act. The first is about two sisters who lived in the Tang; their names are not provided. The second is about Fayun, who also lived in the Tang. All three were devotees of the Lotus Sūtra and chanted it throughout their lives. After they died by immolation, their tongues remained red and intact. The last story is about Huangxin, who was a prostitute before she became a nun in 1219. She vowed to cast a bronze bell weighing 48,000 catties. But this proved difficult, and after eight tries, the bell still could not be successfully cast. Thinking that this must be due to her lack of sincerity, she threw herself into the foundry during the ninth try, and only then was the bell successfully completed. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Passing the Light

Another nun, Fazhen of the Song, sacrificed herself for the Dharma in another fashion. While she stayed at the Jisha Yansheng Monastery in Suzhou, she made a vow to have the Tripitaka carved and printed. To fulfill this vow, she cut off her arm and for thirty years devoted herself to the sutra project. Many donors responded to her appeal. Some exhausted their wealth and even sold their children in the process. After Fazhen passed away, her disciples followed her example, cutting off their arms to carry out the work. It took three generations of nuns to complete the project. The ability to chant sutras was still considered a trait of sainthood. The Lotus remained the favorite, followed closely by the Diamond, Flower Garland, and the Smaller Amitābha sutras. The Perfection of Wisdom and the Vimalakirtī sutras are only occasionally mentioned. In terms of religious practice, Chan and Pure Land dominated. The ability to compose commentaries, give lectures on the sutras, or observe the Vinaya rules get scant mention, however. From some of the biographies, nuns seem to have been quite free to combine elements from different Buddhist schools in their practices. For instance, we are told that Jingzhen of the Tang loved to chant the Diamond Sūtra. She chanted it all together 100,000 times. In 660, she fell ill and told her disciples that within five months she had seen Amitābha ten times, witnessed the Pure Land twice, and five times received the prediction that she would become a buddha and achieve the superior-superior grade of rebirth. The Pure Land faith is normally associated more with the Pure Land sutras, such as the Smaller Amitābha Sūtra, the Larger Amitābha Sūtra, or the Meditation Sūtra (Guan Wuliangshou jing), than with the Diamond Sūtra. Similarly, some nuns apparently paid little attention to the conventional groupings of Buddhist icons. For instance, Zhizang worshiped Bodhisattva Dizang and hoped to be reborn in the Pure Land. She had a painting made with Amitābha in the center flanked by Guanyin and Dizang on either side. She installed it in her house and faithfully worshiped it daily. In 980 a storm destroyed her house and she lost the painting. Praying to Dizang earnestly, she saw an object descend from the sky; it was none other than the painting. She told her disciples and friends in 982, “Dizang Bodhisattva is leading me to the Pure Land. I shall go tomorrow.” She then chanted the names of the Three Honored Ones (Amitābha, Guanyin, and Dizang) 108 times. Traditionally, it is Guangyin, not Dizang, who is the attendant of Amitābha and who welcomes the dying to the Pure Land. Furthermore, the pairing of Dizang and Guanyin as attendants of Amitābha is not attested in scriptures, however, from art historical evidence, we know that this pairing became very popular after the Tang (Yao and Yü 2009). EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

13

In recent years, scholars have made great strides in the study of nuns and Buddhist women of the Song and Qing periods. Miriam Levering (1982, 1992, 1999, 2000) focused on the female Chan masters trained under Dahui. Although Chan practice in these periods engaged in rhetoric of equality based on the philosophy of nonduality, the institutional setting was not in fact hospitable to women practitioners. Ding-hua Hsieh (1999, 2000) studies the convents of the Song. Both Levering and Hsieh note the peculiar expression da zhangfu (great hero), used by male teachers to refer to praiseworthy female Chan masters. The implication of the rhetoric of heroism is of course that these female masters were exceptions and not representative of nuns in general. They had transcended the limitations of gender, and it was exactly for this reason that they should be emulated. Clearly, since ordinary nuns did not achieve this appellation, they were not treated as equal to their male counterparts. Beata Grant’s work has concentrated on nuns and Buddhist laywomen who lived in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (1994, 2001a, 2001b, 2008, 2009). Some nuns were abbesses and Dharma teachers. Some were poets who through their literary accomplishment, participated in and contributed to the Buddhism of the Song and the late imperial period. Through these activities and accomplishments, they raised the profile of nuns and received recognition from literati and officials, who often became their followers and patrons. The 265 nuns discussed in the Lives and Continued Lives constitute only a tiny sample of the nuns who lived in the sixteen centuries the two works cover. The very fact that they were patronized by the emperors and the royal family, were admired by the wealthy and powerful, built temples, and led large numbers of monastics and laypeople meant that they were not ordinary nuns. It is clear that nuns in the Lives came from elite social backgrounds. Even in the Continued Lives, where we find more diversity, the featured women still represent the exception rather than the rule, and precisely because they stood out from the masses, their stories were collected and retold. I have tried here to identify the chief qualities responsible for their fame and success, but I am also interested in teasing out the gender differences in nuns’ and monks’ reputations. Generally speaking, it is hard to detect much difference. In terms of their asceticism, ability to work miracles, willingness to sacrifice their lives for the Dharma, expertise in sutra exposition, and ability to achieve great feats of chanting scripture, the nuns noted were in no way inferior to monks. While it is true that we do not find women translators, this was no doubt due to their lack of opportunity. Most of these women were literate and some were quite scholarly as lecturers and writers of commentaries, but they were simply not EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Passing the Light

invited to participate in translation projects. The nuns who wrote commentaries were clearly proficient in their understanding of doctrines, and it is a great pity that none of their texts have been preserved. accounTs of nuns in liTeraTure

Obstacles to studying Chinese Buddhist nuns are not limited to the scarcity and scattered nature of the primary sources. Another factor is the bias against them in literary accounts where nuns were seen as pitiful and unfortunate. The traditional view was that no woman would enter the “door of emptiness” unless she were forced to by circumstance. Since a woman could not live on her own without a man in patriarchal Chinese society, the only way she could survive was to become a nun, a maidservant, or a prostitute. Like monks, nuns in traditional China were censured by Confucian literatiofficials because they did not marry and bear children; they thus were regarded as selfish and unfilial by society at large. They were blamed for not contributing to economic production because they did not engage in farming and weaving. Nuns suffered additional societal censure because they defied the dictates of the Three Obediences and Four Virtues (sancong side) and instead opted for independence. Moreover, starting in the Southern Song (1127–1279), nuns were accused of an outright crime: acting as go-betweens for illicit affairs. Due to the freedom they had to visit women in their homes, nuns were suspected of arranging trysts with admirers that would be consummated in secret chambers built for such purposes in the temples. Critics also said that when they encouraged laywomen to come to temples to worship or go on pilgrimages to make merit, in fact they were conning gentry women into making donations. Buddhist nuns were customarily counted among the so-called sangu liupo (literally, “three aunties and six grannies,” a gaggle of meddling women), proverbially notorious troublemakers and women of dubious moral character. This view of nuns was so widespread that not only writers of novels and drama but also literati essayists used it as a standard trope. The early Ming writer Tao Zungyi (fl. 1300–1360), for instance, in his Taking a Break from Farming in Southern Village (Nancun zhuigeng lu), has this to say about them: The three aunties are nigu (Buddhist nuns), daogu (Daoist nuns), and guagu (female fortune-tellers). The six grannies are yapo (marriage gobetween engaged in human trafficking), meipo (marriage go-between), shipo (female instructor), qianpo (witch), yaopo (female doctor), and wenpo (midwife). They are as vicious as the three penal punishments and six EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

15

disasters. When a household is visited by one of the above, it is seldom that it does not fall into licentiousness and thievery. If one is cautious, stay far away from them as one would snakes and scorpions. This might be said to be the method of purifying the household. (10:126) One can find similar statements in novels such as the two collections of tales entitled Striking the Table in Amazement (Pai’an jingqi), as well as Gold Vase Plum ( Jin ping mei), Dream of the Red Chamber (Honglou meng), and handbooks instructing local officials how to rule and heads of households how to govern. The message is always that local officials should treat nuns as morally dubious characters in the same category as keepers of tea and wine shops, madams of brothels, and so forth. Similarly, good families must keep nuns at arm’s length to protect their women from bad influences. The Ming novelist Ling Mengchu in the first collection of Striking the Table declares, Buddhist nuns are most vicious. Using the pretext of the Buddha and the convents as refuge, they lure womenfolk of gentry families to burn incense and young men to come to visit. Behaving no differently from monks, they interact with men with ease. But because they are women, they can also enter the inner chambers of womenfolk to recite sutras and chant the Buddha’s name. As a result of their ease of interaction with men and women, nine out of ten incidents of illicit meetings between men and women in convents are engineered by nuns. (1628/1995, 58) A popular saying of the period that reflects this common prejudice ran: “Don’t invite in, for any reason, a nun, a monk, an adept, a wet nurse, or a granny moneylender” (Cass 1999, 47). Susan Mann cites the negative attitude of a Qing official, Huang Liuhong, toward nuns as typical of his contemporaries. He called nuns “female ruffians” and asked his fellow officials to prohibit them from visiting households of good families. Female intermediaries, such as marriage brokers, procuresses, female quacks, midwives, sorceresses, or Buddhist or Taoist nuns, often act as go-betweens for people indulging in sexual debauchery. Many innocent women from good families are enticed by these female ruffians to engage in licentious acts. The magistrate should . . . post notices to the effect that Buddhist and Taoist nuns should remain in their monasteries performing their religious duties, and are not permitted to visit any household. (Mann 1997, 191) EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Passing the Light

A more damaging public image was that of nuns as courtesans. Because some convents were notorious for entertaining male visitors, the entire population of nuns came under suspicion. According to Lei Rouxin, the Luminous Cause Convent (Mingyin An) in Hangzhou, was one of the largest and most well-known convents in Jiangnan (the Lower Yangzi area) during the Southern Song period, and it continued to flourish throughout the late imperial period. In the Southern Song it had a reputation for being a nizhan (nun station), “where monks, literati, and officials would regularly call upon the youngest and most beautiful of the resident nuns for entertainment” (Lei 2006, 30, cited by Grant 2009, 2). Later, during the Ming-Qing period, the term huachan (flower Chan) came into currency to refer to nuns who entertained male visitors. It was at this time that “the transformation of nuns into prostitutes reached its zenith” (Lei 2006, 36, cited by Grant 2009, 2). This same prejudice against nuns continued in the Qing (1644–1911). Zhu Yizun (1629–1709), a famous poet and scholar, lumped all nuns together and chastised them for being licentious, lazy, and up to no good. Part of a poem he wrote describes nuns thus: Spreading licentiousness in their monastic quarters, They fill their bellies with the best monastic cuisine. In this way, they sully people’s customary ways; How will an end be put to all of their mischief ? For women there is that which is women’s work, The essence of which is sericulture and weaving. How is it then, in their monastic patchwork robes, That they sally forth from their Jetavana gardens?5 Reflecting societal views of its time, the novel Dream of the Red Chamber depicts most of the nuns who appear in it as worldly and promiscuous. They usually are said to come from the same background as actresses and are similarly “rented” to “perform” for special occasions (Mann 1999, 192). In addition to the negative image of nuns as troublemakers of immoral character, their other prevailing image was as figures of tragedy. Speaking of nuns in the early twentieth century, Wing-tsit Chan declares in his Religious Trends in Modern China that the three main reasons a woman would become a nun were poverty, chronic illness, and disappointment in love. He assumes that no woman would voluntarily enter the “gate of emptiness” (1953, 80–82). Such prejudices did not much lessen over the course of the twentieth century. Let me cite a striking example. In 1989, students of the Dance Department EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

17

at the Taiwan National Academy of Arts planned to perform the popular Chinese opera called Longing for the Secular Life (Si fan). The opera was written by an anonymous author in the southern style of drama known as kunqu, which was popular in the Yuan period (1206–1368). This particular work, which takes only about twenty minutes to perform, has enjoyed great popularity in China since 1700. It was usually performed as a prelude to more extensive and formal pieces (Goldman 2001). An essential play in the training of young actors who played female roles, it is alluded to in the film Farewell My Concubine, where the protagonist who plays the nun has to demonstrate having mastered it before he can be certified by his teacher. He is punished severely because instead of singing, “A young nun am I, sixteen years of age,” he sings, “A young man am I, sixteen years of age.” Lin Yutang cited this very work as a “refined example of the literary handling of the sexual problems of the monks” in his My Country and My People (1935, 128). Lin translated its opening passages: A young nun am I, sixteen years of age; My head is shaven in my young maidenhood. For my father, he loves the Buddhist sutras, And my mother, she loves the Buddhist priests. Morning and night, morning and night, I burn incense and I pray. For I Was born a sickly child, full of ills. So they decided to send me here Into this monastery. Amitabha, Amitabha! Unceasingly I pray. Oh, tired am I of the humming of the drums and the tinkling of the bells; Tired am I of the droning of the prayers and crooning of the priors; The chatter and the clatter of unintelligible charms, The clamor and the clangor of interminable chants, The mumbling and the murmuring of monotonous psalms. Prajnaparamita, Mayura-sutra, Saddharmapundarika— Oh, how I hate them all! While I say mitabha, I sigh for my beau. While I chant saparah, my heart palpitates so! Ah, let me take a little stroll, Let me take a little stroll. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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In the next passages she makes fun of the lohans in the Five Hundred Lohans’ Hall. Whence comes this burning, suffocating ardor? Whence comes this strange, infernal, unearthly ardor? I’ll tear these monkish robes! I’ll bury all the Buddhist sutras; I’ll drown the wooden fish, And leave all the monastic sutras! I’ll leave the drums, I’ll leave the bells, And the chants, and the yells, And all the interminable, exasperating, religious chatter! I’ll go downhill, and find me a young and handsome lover— Let him scold me, beat me! Kick or ill-treat me! I will not become a buddha! I will not mumble mita, prajna, para! (130–131) This opera not only depicts the young nun as a worldly creature tormented by sexual desire but also demonizes institutional Buddhism as inhumane in its suppression of that same desire, which the audience believes to be natural. From the Buddhist point of view, both are gross distortions, for returning to lay life when celibacy cannot be maintained has always been an option. For centuries, Buddhists had to endure this defamation without being able to do anything about it. A staple in the traditional repertoire, the opera was performed in Taiwan as late as 1979 without incident. Ten years later, however, things changed. In 1989, under the leadership of a young activist nun named Zhaohui (1957–), who had formed an organization called the Association for Defending Buddhism, the Buddhist position saw a better outcome. Starting from January 14, when Zhaohui first learned about the impending performances on January 27–29, she wrote letters of protest to the Ministry of Education, which had authority over the content of performances, as well as to the administrators of the Academy of Arts and to newspapers and media. She generated enormous support from fellow Buddhists and ordinary citizens. At the height of the protest, a man identifying himself as a Buddhist devotee threatened to immolate himself in front of the theater if the opera went on as planned. Eventually, a compromise was reached that, though not entirely satisfying the Buddhist community, was the best option possible at that time. The opera went on as planned, with two provisions: first, the heroine EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

19

should not be identified as a Buddhist nun. It was suggested that if she carried a fly-whisk, she could be a Daoist priestess. This is rather far-fetched because all the references in the libretto are Buddhist. Secondly, therefore, the Ministry of Education promised to have the libretto revised. This opera has not been staged again since (Bei ge si fan chuanji 1989; Tao 1995, 144–160). Another example I would like to cite is the so-called Zhongtai Incident (Zhongtai shijian). In September 1996, when the summer vacation ended, about one hundred women college students who participated in the Buddhist Studies Summer Camp run by the Zhongtai Chan Monastery of Puli in central Taiwan did not return home. This greatly alarmed their parents. Monastery-sponsored summer camps became very popular in Taiwan starting in the 1980s. This was one of the most common ways for college students to come in contact with Buddhism, other than joining student clubs known as Buddhist studies societies ( foxueshe), a subject I will take up in chapter 4. In those days, there were no college courses offered on Buddhism, and monks and nuns were forbidden by law to give talks on campus. It turned out that these college students had taken group ordination at Zhongtai. Refusing to believe that their daughters chose this of their own free will, the parents accused the temple of indoctrinating the young women and launched a campaign in the media to attack the temple. Some parents even tried to kidnap their daughters to save them from being “brainwashed.” Though this instance is probably the most famous, it was not an isolated case. As I will discuss in a later chapter, when a law student from the National Taiwan University chose to join the Incense Light Bhikşunī Sangha in 1990, that also created a huge sensation. Her family accused the temple of pressuring her to join. This came to be known as the B.A. Nun Incident (xueshini shijian). Public opinion about these incidents was sharply divided. The majority of critics condemned the young women for wasting the education that their parents had worked hard to provide and thus being unfilial. Some other enlightened individuals called for better communication between generations so that parents could understand their children’s way of thinking. The public outcry reflected the traditional view that to become a nun represents a sort of failure. When an educated woman can find a good husband and be a professional woman as well, who in her right mind would want to become a nun? Life in a nunnery is still seen as a last resort, and no woman can be imagined to want to live there if there are other options. An example of this continuing ambivalence can be found in contemporary literature. Chen Ruoxi (b. 1938), a famous Taiwanese woman author, focuses on nuns in two recent novels, The Story of Taiwan’s Nuns (Huixinlian, 2000) and Return to Peach Blossom Spring (Chongfan taohua yuan, 2002). EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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After studying in the United States, Chen went to China in 1966 with her husband and lived there for seven years. She first attracted international attention with her novels about the Cultural Revolution, which she began writing after leaving China for Hong Kong in 1973; the most famous of these is The Execution of Mayor Yin (Yin Xianchang). She then lived in Canada and San Francisco until 1995, when she returned to Taiwan for good. Chen is a writer of realism, and women always play important roles in her novels. However, until these two novels, she never thought to write about Buddhist nuns. In the preface to The Story of Taiwan’s Nuns Chen describes how she began to read Buddhist publications in the 1990s and became much inspired by Humanistic Buddhism (renjian fojiao), the predominant form of Buddhism practiced in Taiwan, which she thought would serve as a force to revive Buddhism in East Asia. She was also much impressed by the achievement of Taiwanese nuns. She was encouraged to use Buddhist themes in her writing by Jiang Zanteng, a scholar of Taiwanese Buddhism, and the impetus to write the first novel came from the disastrous earthquake of September 21, 1999. This work represents a new departure in Chen’s writing career, but it also reflects the new high profile of Buddhist nuns in Taiwanese society (Chen 2000, 3–4). Still, Chen’s novels carry both negative and positive attitudes toward women who become nuns. They represent both the traditional prejudices and the more progressive and affirmative attitude about the “new nun” in contemporary society. The first novel presents a positive picture; its title comes from three characters in the names of the three female protagonists: Tu Meihui, Tu Meixin, and Wang Huilian—thus “Huixinlian.” Meihui and Meixin are sisters, and Huilian is Meihui’s daughter. The novel begins with Meihui receiving the tonsure in 1975 when she is twenty-six years old. She enters the order because of a failed marriage and other misfortunes in life. We gradually learn that as a teenager she was sexually abused by her stepfather. After she got married, her husband unfairly suspected that she was unfaithful because the children did not resemble him. He beat her and left her for another woman. She became estranged from her daughter, who was brought up by her ex-husband and his mother. Meihui saw herself as a victim, “The marriage failed and there is nowhere for me to turn. The sangha is my last chance to survive” (2000, 23). When asked by a fellow nun why more women than men leave home, she answered, “This is because the common lot of women is very bitter. This must be because we have created a lot of bad karma in our previous lives.” She advises the fellow nun to chant the Sūtra on the Merits of the Fundamental Vows of the Seven Buddhas of Lapis Lazuli Radiance, the Masters of Healing (Yaoshi liuliguang qifo benyuangongde jing), which promises, EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

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among other benefits, that a woman who detests her female form and calls the Medicine Buddha’s name will be transformed into the body of a man right away and become enlightened (2000, 47). Meihui initially shares the traditional view about the inferiority of women, but over the course of the novel she gradually becomes a modern nun reflecting the ethos of Humanistic Buddhism. An anonymous donor (who turns out to be her repentant stepfather) enables her to go to the United States and earn a master’s degree. When she returns to Taiwan, she becomes abbess of her temple and teaches at a university. As a Buddhist leader, she promotes education, reduces the performance of rituals for the dead, and establishes a temple exclusively for nuns. Instead of seeking donations from the faithful to expand or refurbish the temple, she tells her followers, “I promote the spirit of Humanistic Buddhism and believe that we should first enter the world (rushi) and then transcend the world (chushi). We must elevate the Buddhadharma by serving society. We advocate ‘the purification of the mind of human beings’ ( jinghua renxin), which is the same as helping the poor and saving those who suffer” (2000, 141). She establishes a shelter for child prostitutes and women who suffer from domestic violence as concrete ways to carry out this idea. By the 1990s, one could readily find similar sentiments expressed by real nuns in Taiwan. In November 1996 Wang Huilian, Meihui’s daughter, also decides to become a nun and receives the tonsure from her own mother at her temple. Huilian graduated from Tsinghua University with a major in history. Why does she become a nun? In sharp contrast to her mother, she does not do so because of disappointment in love or any misfortune in life. Instead it is because she is inspired by the lifestyle of the nuns and wants to contribute to society. I feel I have already been blessed with an abundance of love. I want to share it with other people, the more the better. I have long wished to live a happy and fulfilling life in which each person helps the other and, while everyone takes whatever he needs, all contribute to the same common community. But I did not know what shape this kind of life would be until I went to Haikuang Si [her mother’s temple]. There I saw all the nuns happily read sutras, sweep the floor, wash dishes . . . I then realized that this was indeed the lifestyle I had dreamed about for a long time. (2000, 63) Over two decades, the motive for becoming a nun as exemplified by this mother and daughter has changed noticeably. While the mother was driven to seek refuge in a Buddhist temple, the daughter chooses the life of a nun out of a desire to serve society. It is also not by accident that Huilian is a college graduate, for this indeed EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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reflects the social reality in Taiwan, that many nuns are highly educated college graduates. In addition to depicting the changing image of nuns, Chen’s novel provides a window into the chaotic and troublesome scene created by the many new religions that emerged in Taiwan over the last decades of the twentieth century. We see this through the story of Meixin, the younger sister of Meihui the abbess. Meixin is at first vain and materialistic. But after she becomes interested in religion, she drifts from one to another until she becomes blindly devoted to a “Golden-bodied Living Buddha” who enjoys fame as a healer. She is devastated when the master tries to seduce her. After she refuses his advances, he ostracizes her by having his followers spread rumors, charging her with seduction. Thanks to the help of her older sister the nun, she files suit and wins a monetary settlement from the master, which she promptly donates to her sister’s temple to be used to establish a shelter for women who suffer from domestic violence. When the stepfather dies, he leaves all his property to the temple as well. The novel ends on a positive note, affirming the progressive spirit of Humanistic Buddhism. Chen’s second novel, however, casts nuns in a negative light. The main protagonist, the nun Yuanzhen, eventually returns to lay life and marries a much older widower mainly because she learns the truth of her master’s sexual misconduct. Like the “Living Buddha” in the first novel, the abbess in this story turns out to be a charlatan. Her secret life is exposed when her toilet has to be repaired because it becomes clogged with discarded condoms. What is most amazing about these two masters is that their secret is well known among their most intimate followers. Incidents of sexual harassment and sexual misconduct among religious teachers, including Buddhist ones, became public in Taiwan during the 1990s, and the author’s decision to highlight these reflects a traditional anticlerical prejudice that regards temples and convents as potential places for secret debauchery, a view repeatedly expressed in traditional literati writings and popular literature. Are the images of nuns today substantially different from the traditional ones described above? According to Chern Meei-Hwa, who studies references to Buddhist nuns in newspapers published since the 1960s, the images remain both positive and negative. Nuns are certainly seen as “other” (Chern 2001). Their negative image persists, as is reflected in most responses to the question of why someone would choose to become a nun. Shiu-kuen Fan Tsung carried out fieldwork in three Hakka villages—Taoyuan, Xinzhu, and Miaoli—in 1970s Taiwan. There nuns were thought either to be unattractive or to have suffered disappointment in love or marriage and thus needed to “escape from society.” Because of this prevailing attitude, when a girl who was not unattractive chose to become a nun, EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

23

men would say, “I don’t understand why she wants to leave home (chujia). She is not bad looking. Fair skin, large round eyes, attractive face, good body build” (Tsung 1978, 168). The persistence of such sentiments is hard to understand, for Buddhism has been undergoing a great resurgence in Taiwan during the last several decades. Since the 1970s, and particularly since 1987 when national security laws were lifted, new developments in Buddhism have attracted the attention of both the media and academics in Taiwan and abroad. These are represented by the increased number of new temples, monastic complexes, and Buddhist universities, but also by young people joining monastic orders. Two characteristics stand out about Buddhism in Taiwan: the emphasis on Buddhists’ active engagement with society under the rubric of Humanistic Buddhism, and the striking ratio of nuns to monks. Both are new in the history of Chinese Buddhism. Buddhism in Taiwan Today

The term “Humanistic Buddhism” has been used by three Buddhist leaders in Taiwan: Xingyun (1927–), Shengyan (1931–2009), and Zengyan (1937–). It was first coined by Yinshun (1906–2005) who, through his prodigious writings and wide circle of disciples, is universally regarded as the most influential thinker in modern Chinese Buddhism. Yinshun advocated Humanistic Buddhism based on his belief that “The Buddha is in the human realm” (Fo zai renjian) but not in the other five realms. He explained how he came to this realization: I read the Ekottarāgama and learned that “All Buddhas become enlightened in the human realm, but not in heaven. . . . I thus became convinced that the Buddhadharma was “the Buddha in the human realm” and it means that “the human being is the principal manifestation” of the Buddhadharma. (1989, 3) Humanistic Buddhism differs from “Buddhism for Human Life” (rensheng fojiao) only in one character. The latter term was used by Taixu, who in the first half of the twentieth century emphasized that the purpose of Buddhism is the improvement of society and betterment of the world. Buddhism is concerned with human beings, not gods and ghosts. In his essay “The Purpose of Buddhism for Human Life,” Taixu lists improving human life as the first of four goals, the other three being a better rebirth, release from samsara, and complete insight into reality. To improve human life Buddhists had to purify society through philanthropy, educaEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Passing the Light

tion, and culture (Taixu 1971, 5:234–236). These are exactly the areas into which all contemporary Buddhist leaders in Taiwan put their prosletyzing energy. Like the engaged Buddhism promoted by American Buddhists, Humanistic Buddhism is characterized by an activist social concern. Criticisms of the traditional Buddhist orientation toward life after death and of the prevalence of death rituals among monastic activities have led to a reexamination of nuns’ position in the Buddhist community. As many scholars have pointed out, the most glaring example of the nuns’ subordination to monks is the Eight Rules of Respect.6 Zhaohui, the activist nun mentioned earlier, is a faithful disciple of Yinshun. On March 31, 2001, at a conference celebrating Yinshun’s ninety-seventh birthday, she formally announced that the rules would be abolished and had the eight guests representing the four constituencies of the sangha— monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen—symbolically tear large paper posters on which each of the rules was written. These rules have been hotly debated among monastics in Taiwan (Richard and Johnson, 1997), and Zhaohui cited Yinshun as her authority for their repeal. Yinshun stated that according to Buddhadharma, men and women do not differ in faith, virtue, or wisdom. Both can cultivate the way and achieve liberation. Physiological differences have nothing to do with spiritual equality. The subordination of female to male monastics reflected the social realities of ancient India. Yinshun concluded, “Buddhism has been controlled by monks for over two thousand years. The spirit of gender equality was not promulgated. Not only did the female assembly not receive any assistance and elevation, they were on the contrary denigrated and despised due to gender discrimination. So much so that women are regarded as incorrigible and uneducable. This is indeed a distortion of the Buddhadharma” (Yinshun 1988, 171–172). This positive and progressive view, however, has not been universally embraced. Taixu, in a letter to women Buddhists in Hong Kong dated 1933, encouraged them to practice Buddhism at home like Queen Śrīmālā, and did not approve of their becoming nuns (Taixu 1971, 26:282). Moreover, in another article written in 1935, he advocated that reducing the number of nuns to a minimum would improve the quality of the sangha (Taixu 1971, 17:275). Just as Taixu and Yinshun expressed different attitudes about women and nuns, the same variety of opinions on the Eight Rules may be found among nun leaders in Taiwan. Buddhist leaders in Taiwan since the latter part of the twentieth century have been critical about the traditional treatment of nuns. Yinshun and Shengyan publicly announced in March 1965 that Buddhists in Taiwan need not “overly stress” the Eight Rules of Respect ( Jiang 1993, 84–85). Since then, the activist Zhaohui has been able to openly challenged these rules, while other nuns (and EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

25

monks) have taken a more moderate position. Wuyin, a great promoter of the study of Vinaya, has this to say about the Eight Rules: While initially one could think that the eight gurudharma indicate that bhikshunis were seen as inferior, from another angle, one sees that the Buddha put responsibility on the bhikshus to aid and support the bhikshuni sangha. The bhikshus are not to ignore bhikshunis, but to help them to actualize the path. . . . In my thinking, having both men and women in the sangha made the situation more complex. Because of that, the Buddha warned us that if we did not practice the Dharma with commitment, the existence of the Dharma would be shortened. We must find means to work with this more complex situation so that it will have a positive, not a negative, impact on the existence of the Dharma. For this reason, the Buddha affirmed the bhikshus’ leadership of the sangha in the gurudharma. . . . His main concern was not women’s spiritual capabilities. Rather, he knew that if the relationship between the two sanghas was not healthy, the Dharma would be the victim. His warning enables us to be careful and to preserve the Dharma. (Shi Wuyin 2001, 88–89) Male Buddhist teachers in Taiwan today look upon the ordination of nuns with favor. Efforts have also been made to reintroduce the order of nuns to those Buddhist countries where it had disappeared. One example is Xingyun’s sponsorship of international ordination ceremonies, the most notable being the one carried out in February 1998 at Bodhgaya, India. When the twenty Sri Lankan candidates returned home, they restored the order of nuns in their country after a lapse of nine centuries (Tsomo 1999, 13). Taiwan has become a center where female Buddhist novitiates, Asian and non-Asian, from all Buddhist traditions— Theravadin, Zen, and Tibetan—can receive training and full ordination. Xingyun and Shengyan, the founders of the Buddha Light and Dharma Drum monastic complexes, are both monks, while Zhengyan is undoubtedly the most famous nun in Taiwan. All three have been much influenced by Yinshun. Hailed as the “Mother Teresa of Taiwan” after receiving the social welfare prize from the government of the Philippines in 1992, Zhengyan founded the Merit Association of Compassionate Relief (Ciji Gongde Hui), a grassroots lay organization (Huang and Weller 1998; Huang 2009) that has become something of a movement among overseas Chinese in fourteen countries. There are forty-three branches in the United States alone. Zhengyan’s emphasis on social relief and service has put a new face on Buddhism and challenged the common concepEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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tion of it as an otherworldly, individualistic, and escapist religion. But she is by no means the only Buddhist teacher with this message. Xingyun and Shengyan also emphasize how Buddhism is not just for individual salvation but also for the good of society and the welfare of humankind. Although the communities led by Xingyun and Shengyan consist of both monks and nuns, nuns are by far the majority and they play leadership roles. Buddha Light, for instance, has about one thousand members, of whom over nine hundred are nuns. The Zhongtai Monastery mentioned earlier now has even more members than Buddha Light, and again they are mostly nuns. This is in fact true for Taiwanese Buddhism in general. From 1953 to 1998, during the forty-five years since the first ordination of nuns at the Daxian Si in 1953, more than twelve thousand nuns have received full ordination. They make up 75 percent of the total ordained monastics (Yao 1984, 117–131). While one estimate put the ratio of nuns to monks at 4 to 1 (Li 2000, 1, 353), others put it even higher. According to Huiben, the head of the board of directors of the Kaohsiung Buddhist Association, Taiwan had about fifty thousand monks and nuns in 1998. Nuns were the majority and the figure was expected to increase in the future. He estimated the ratio of nuns to monks at an incredible 9 to 1 (Huiben 1998). Nuns in Taiwan have attracted attention not only because of their numbers but also because of their level of education. Many have received at least a high school education and often some college; some have gone abroad to Japan, the United States, England, and other countries to pursue advanced degrees. Like professional women in Taiwan, nuns engage in teaching, social work, research and writing, editing magazines, and producing radio and television programs, as well as managing temples using modern techniques like company executives. The large-scale influx of college-educated women into nunhood took off between 1978 and 1983, and represents the cohort born between 1956 and 1961. It occurred ten to fifteen years after the government established mandatory nineyear public education for all beginning in 1968. While in traditional China, monasteries were often the only place that provided an opportunity for poor children to receive an education, the situation is the opposite now. The women who became nuns in the 1980s were already educated, and they brought changes to the management and functions of monasteries. For these nuns, the Buddhist temple was clearly not an escape from life, but an open place where they could develop their talents and fulfill their aspirations. Unlike most monastic communities in Taiwan, which consist of both monks and nuns, Incense Light is a single-sex community. In 1998, when I resided in their EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

27

home temple in the hills outside Chiayi, it had only been in existence for twentythree years. Its establishment coincides with the period of Buddhist revival. It was initially a small community, with only 119 members, 85 percent of whom had either technical college or university education. While about half lived at the home temple, the rest resided in five branch-temples located in Kaohsiung, Taipei, Taichung, Miaoli, and downtown Chiayi. During the eight months I stayed at the home temple, I visited all five branch-temples at different times and stayed in each for about a week. I interviewed thirty nuns who entered the sangha in the 1970s and 1980s. Most of them by then held important positions. This was supplemented by questionnaires sent to all members (of whom fifty replied) and twenty-two autobiographies written by younger nuns who had joined the community since 1989. My research was facilitated by materials published by the community. They own a press that publishes Chinese translations of Japanese, Thai, and more recently, English books on Buddhism (mostly in the areas of Vinaya and meditation); a quarterly magazine, Xiangguang zhuangyan (Adornment of Incense Light), which is mailed to lay and monastic readers for free; two periodicals, one edited by members of the regular sangha, Fanwangji (Collection of Brahma’s net), and the other edited by students of Incense Light Buddhist Seminary, Qingsong mengya (Young shoots of green pine); and finally, a newsletter, the Neixun (Internal news). The latter three are for internal circulation. Wuyin is very interested in recordkeeping and the profusion of publications produced by the community was her conscious plan. My decision to write a book about contemporary Taiwanese nuns based on this community was not an easy one. By training I am a historian of Chinese Buddhism, and my earlier work concentrated primarily on the premodern period. However, I have always been interested in Buddhism and gender. In recent years, I have been teaching a course, “Buddhism and Women in China,” and questions about Buddhist attitudes toward women in both scriptures and institutional settings, women as patrons and practitioners, and how Buddhism both constrained and empowered women in Chinese history have become increasingly pressing. Taiwanese Buddhist nuns, like Taiwanese Buddhism, have provided an avenue for this investigation. While claiming to inherit the Chinese Buddhist tradition, Taiwanese nuns are also remaking it. In what ways have they kept the tradition and in what ways do they depart from it? Why and how is the nuns’ order growing in Taiwan? These are some of the issues I explore in the following chapters. The physical setting of Incense Light Temple, the headquarters of the organization, is the subject of chapter 2, while the establishment of the community at this locale under Wuyin will be taken up in chapter 3. Incense Light Temple was EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Passing the Light

originally a local temple with no Buddhist history. Wuyin and her early disciples, who formed a collective leadership, were therefore free to create a style of Buddhist practice and a form of Buddhist institution unencumbered by preexisting models. Chapter 4 is devoted to a discussion of the Buddhist studies societies now commonly found in universities. These introduced Buddhist teachings and practices to college students who had no other way to learn about Buddhism in the period prior to 1987 when the national security law was lifted, and they played a major role in inducing large numbers of college students to enter the monastic order from the 1970s to the 1980s. Two lay Buddhists, Li Bingnan (1889–1986) and Zhou Xuande (1899–1989), were largely responsible for promoting the study of Buddhism among college students and helped to create many Buddhist studies societies on college campuses. Their activities and teachings will receive detailed treatment in this chapter. Chapter 5 examines the entrance requirements and curriculum of the Seminary of the Incense Light Bhikşuņī Sangha (Xiangguang Nizhong Foxueyuan). All nuns must attend five years of seminary, whether they have prior knowledge of Buddhism or not. I shall analyze the curriculum and compare it with that of other seminaries. Although the Incense Light nuns engage in various activities, their chief mission is education. The community runs Buddhist adult classes ( foxueban), free evening classes for the public, at their five branch-temples. No fee is charged, but students who graduate often become faithful followers and make donations. These classes thus form the economic base of the order. Chapter 6 examines the content of the textbooks the nuns compiled for the three levels of adult classes and the teaching methods they use. I examine enrollment data from the classes to provide a profile of the student body. I also offer some hypotheses concerning the effectiveness of the classes by studying samples of homework assignments and exam essays written by the students. Chapter 7 focuses on several nuns who entered the order in its early years and follows their careers to 1998, when I interviewed them. By then they had either obtained advanced degrees or achieved important positions in the community. The other nuns looked up to them as exemplars. I look at their family backgrounds, their motives for joining the sangha, their accomplishments and setbacks, hopes and frustrations. By looking closely at the spiritual lives of the Incense Light nuns, I hope to say something about what makes a contemporary nun different from the women profiled in The Lives of Nuns. Is there any continuity in the standard of sanctity? EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Introduction

29

Or have the Incense Light nuns totally jettisoned the past? My concluding comments assess the present situation of the community and offer projections about its future development. What this particular community experiences may not represent all female monastics in Taiwan, but I hope by presenting its story in real depth, I can shed light on that bigger picture.

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2

The Beginning of the Incense Light Community

The home temple of the Incense Light Bhikşuņiī Sangha is Incense Light Temple (Xiangguang Si), located in the village of Neipu in Zhuji County, Chiayi District, in central Taiwan. This is where the community got its start. Although subtemples came to be established in different cities as the community grew, Incense Light Temple has remained the spiritual home and administrative center. When I first visited in 1995, I was immediately struck by the incongruity of the site. In the center of the courtyard, a traditional ornately decorated local temple had pride of place (fig. 2.1). To either side stood imposing two-story buildings, which served as classrooms for the Incense Light Buddhist Seminary, offices, and housing for the nuns. In contrast to the temple, these buildings were made of gray cement, simple and without decoration (fig. 2.2). They were constructed in 1984 to accommodate the increasing number of young nuns who joined the community. Incense Light literally sprang from a location where the local cult of Guanyin had existed for over a hundred years. The architectural proximity of its headquarters and the local temple represents the conjuncture of two different religious traditions and orientations. As we shall see, the coexistence of the local cult and the Buddhist institution has presented the Incense Light nuns with both a welcome opportunity and a perpetual challenge. What has come to be the Incense Light home temple has a history of over one hundred years. According to its founding myth, at the end of the Qing dynasty, a villager named Lin living in nearby Baiqi village worshipped an image of Guanyin in his house. That image, originally brought from the mainland, had the reputation of being very efficacious, for all prayers offered before it were answered without fail. The villagers asked the Lin family to allow them to worship this Guanyin so they could receive her protection as well. Subsequently, they decided to build a temple to house the icon. In 1875, after a site with excellent fengshui was chosen by Guanyin Fozu (Buddha Patriarch Guanyin), a name by which the villagers refer to Guanyin herself, the project began. It was completed the following year, and the temple was named Jade Mountain Grotto (Yushan Yan). Local legend explains why the temple was built on this particular location: EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Figure 2.1

The original Incense Light Temple. Photo by author.

Figure 2.2 New wing next to the temple used as classrooms by the Incense Light Seminary. Photo by author. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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32

Passing the Light

When Emperor Jiaqing [Renzong, r. 1796–1820] came to Chiayi during his imperial tour of Taiwan, he saw a golden light covering the eastern part of the county seat and an auspicious splendor filled the whole region. When he asked a geomancer what caused this, the latter told the emperor that it was because that place had a lucky cavern ( jiku)1 of extraordinary rarity. Such a place of exceptional geomancy could not be found in a hundred years. Should anyone occupy that place, he would be destined to become the son of heaven. Thinking that if a commoner should one day take hold of this site, the Qing dynasty would surely be ended, Emperor Jiaqing decided to use the royal brush to break the geomancy. But just as he was about to do so, Fozu suddenly appeared and told everyone that this place belonged to her and a temple would one day be built to house her golden image. Therefore its fengshui should not be destroyed. Realizing now that commoners could not get hold of the site because it already belonged to Fozu, the emperor gave up the idea of spoiling its geomancy. Later on, people came to call the place “Bat’s Cavern” (bianfu ku) or “Golden Armchair” ( jin jiaoyi). (Chi 1996, 40) After the temple was completed in 1876, the image of Guanyin Fozu was moved from the Lin home and enshrined in the temple. Thirty-one villagers donated land and used the rent from it to provide for incense, oil, and other expenses in maintaining the temple. The temple, built of wood, was destroyed in an earthquake in 1906. It was rebuilt in stone and renamed Golden Orchid Temple ( Jinlan Si). It no longer belonged only to the village of Baiqi but had become a public temple collectively maintained by the “five villages and thirteen settlements” (wucun shisan zhuang), with Neipu as the center. In 1943 Chiayi again suffered an earthquake and the temple was once more destroyed. The image was removed to the homes of villagers, who took turns caring for it. This continued until 1969, when local leaders formed a committee to rebuild the temple. This time it was constructed of cement and steel. The work took three years and when it was finished in 1973, the temple was registered with the government. Village leaders also decided to ask a Buddhist nun to serve as abbess. It was common practice for community temples to be headed by a Buddhist monk or nun; this was characteristic of Taiwanese religion. Xinzhi (1939–) was invited to serve as the abbess, and she formally assumed those duties in 1974. The following year, with the approval of the Believers’ Assembly (xintu dahui), the name of the temple was again changed, from Golden Orchid to Incense Light (Xiangguan) Temple. The name “incense light” comes from the expression EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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The Beginning of the Incense Light Community

33

“adornment of incense light” (xiangguang zhuangyan) found in the Śūrangama Sūtra (Lengyan jing). In the chapter where the twenty-five bodhisattvas speak of enlightenment, Bodhisattva Dashizhi describes the effect of practicing the mindfulness of the Buddha: “Beings who are always mindful of the Buddha, always thinking of the Buddha, are certain to see the Buddha now or in the future. They will never be far from buddhas, and their minds will awaken by themselves without any special effort. Such people may be said to be adorned with fragrance and light, just as people who have been in the presence of incense will naturally smell sweet” (Śūrangama Sūtra 2009, 230). Xinzhi decided to change the name of the temple at the suggestion of Juesheng, who thought the original name was not appropriate for a Buddhist temple. Juesheng (1912–1993), better known by his secular name, Liu Meisheng, was an overseas Chinese living in the Philippines. He had been brought up Catholic but converted to Buddhism after meeting the Vinaya master Hongyi (1880–1942), who was staying at the Nanputuo Si, close to Xiamen University where Liu was a student. Liu devoted his life to promoting Buddhist education in the Philippines; he established the first Buddhist elementary and middle schools there. At age seventy-two he finally took the step of becoming a monk. He was friendly with Li Bingnan (1898–1986) and Zhou Xuande (1899–1989), two laymen who did much to spread Buddhism among college students. Liu visited Taiwan often after the 1960s, usually to present lectures to students. Mingjia (1951–), who would become a leader among the Incense Light nuns, had met him when she was in college and later introduced him to Xinzhi and Wuyin. After Xinzhi changed the name of the temple, whenever someone commented, “Isn’t the light of incense too weak?” she always answered, “As long as there is incense, there is light. Although the light of one stick of incense is weak, the light will become strong with the accumulation of many sticks” (Mingjia 1992, 135). The main hall of the temple does not follow the iconographical arrangement of a Buddhist temple. One does not see any image of the Buddha, whether Śākyamuni Buddha, Amitābha Buddha, or Medicine Buddha. Nor is there an image of Maitreya or any of the bodhisattvas. Instead, the main icon of the temple remains the image of a clearly feminine Guanyin sitting behind Guanyin Fozu, nicknamed Mother Guanyin (Guanyin Ma), who is represented by three images known familiarly as Da Ma (Great Mother), Erh Ma (Second Mother), and San Ma (Third Mother). The focus of the villagers’ devotion is these three foot-high wooden images clothed in yellow silk robes (fig. 2.3). They sit on thrones, their faces black from heavy incense smoke, a sign of their efficacy. Villagers invite the EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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34

Passing the Light

Figure 2.3

Guanyin Ma (Great, Second, and Third). Photo by author.

images to their homes when someone is sick or when they need guidance from Guanyin Ma to solve their problems. I was told that Da Ma was the original image for which the temple was built. However, because many villagers wanted to invite her home, Erh Ma, and then San Ma were carved and enshrined alongside Da Ma to “help out.” A medium acts as Da Ma’s mouthpiece. The architecture of the temple is typically Taiwanese, like that of all local temples. It has elaborate curved eaves, with the three gods of Longevity, Prosperity, and Felicity standing in the middle of the temple roof. A dragon and a tiger guard the entrance to the right and left of the main hall. Inside the hall, large incense coils offered by the villagers hang from the ceiling and a small image of Hu Ye (Grandfather Tiger) sits as guard under the offering table. Taiwanese temples usually have an image of a tiger carved in wood or stone, though he is sometimes represented by a painting. Grandfather Tiger has a special significance in Taiwanese popular religion. He is the mount of Earth God and is also believed to be the doorkeeper of Baosheng Dadi (Great Emperor Who Safeguards Life), a popular god in Taiwan. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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The Beginning of the Incense Light Community

35

In addition to his connection with these gods, he serves as the mount of the Daoist Celestial Master Zhang (Gao 1995, 352). None of these functions has anything to do with Buddhism. Another temple structure is also unrelated to Buddhism. To the left of the courtyard, a large stove known as “the golden stove” ( jinlu) stands prominently. Villagers burn large quantities of spirit money in it on festival days. Neipu is located in a valley and surrounded by twelve other settlements in the hills. Area villagers are fruit farmers who grow oranges, grapefruits, and betel nuts. They gather at Neipu to trade on market days, so the temple was built in this central locale. Like all community temples, its upkeep comes from yearly membership fees, which are called dingkou qian because the money comes from the male or ding and the female or kou population. The amount is set yearly by the stove master (luzhu) and collected by the donation master ( yuanzhu) of each village. Aside from making offerings of spirit money burned in the golden stove on the first and fifteenth of each lunar month, the most important ritual is the annual observance known as “encircling the realm to secure safety” (raojing pingan), which takes place on the sixteenth and seventeenth days of the first lunar month. During this festival, the three Guanyin Ma icons are put into a sedan chair and, accompanied by the sedan chairs housing the images of Mazu, Wang Ye, and other gods invited from the temples in the neighboring regions, they are carried in a procession through the five villages and thirteen settlements that maintain the temple. Villagers make roadside offerings of cooked meat and food. More elaborate offerings are made in the village squares, together with Taiwanese opera and acrobatic performances. This conforms to the ritual practice of all community temples, whose main icons are paraded in the same fashion on their birthdays. Rituals of community religion such as this have a very long history. Already in the Han dynasty (202 BCE–220 CE) people in several areas of north China built shrines for protective spirits, some of which were originally humans. Villagers made ceremonial carriages and “celebrated with feasts and songs for several days . . . saying that there was a deity who responds quickly to inquires about one’s fortune” (Poo 1998, 148). It was also during the Han that the people began to worship at local community altars called she. She altars were originally for the worship of the earth, but now villagers sought protection by participating in cults of the “Lord of the She.” In subsequent centuries, rituals at community shrines continued. Villagers hoped to gain “peace, security and longevity” by making offerings to deities and participating in the celebratory activities (Overmyer 2009, 36–37). Daniel Overmyer studies community religions in a number of villages in north China today. He has found many features reminiscent of what one reads about religious pracEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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36

Passing the Light

tices in ancient China. The worship of Guanyin Fozu icons by the Neipu villagers described above may well be another example of such longstanding religious practice. That Incense Light originated in a small community temple situated in the remote hills outside Chiayi is interesting but not an isolated case. As I mentioned in the previous chapter, many local temples whose main icon was Guanyin and whose name contained the character yan (Tai. giama) have been transformed into Buddhist temples. This is particularly common in central and southern Taiwan (Lin 1995). What is unique in this case is that in subsequent years, while the Incense Light community created a clearly Buddhist image and carried out a Buddhist mission, local villagers who built the temple have continued their traditional rituals and practices. For the most part the two groups coexist peacefully. The nuns do not interfere with the villagers’ monthly offerings and annual tours, which conclude with a communal feast at the temple. The only stipulation is that no meat offering should be brought into the main hall but must be placed on tables set up in the courtyard outside. The communal feast, which includes many meat dishes, should also be held in the courtyard. The nuns have tried to create good relationships with the villagers. They also try to interest the villagers in Buddhism by holding Buddha-invocation meetings for housewives, offering remedial reading classes for schoolchildren, and making frequent home visits to discuss Buddhism. This relationship, however, started to deteriorate in 1992 and problems came to a head in 1997 when the villagers attempted to take over the management of the temple on February 18. This crisis came to be called the 2.18 Incident (er yiba shijian). When the Incense Light Bhikşuņī Sangha celebrated its twelfth anniversary in 1992, a decision was made to add a new building to accommodate the increased membership as well as to facilitate its many new projects. Because the original temple had been built right in front of a hill, there was no space to add another building behind it, so the new building had to be erected in front of the old temple. This arrangement differs from most local temples that are converted into Buddhist temples. The new temple with Buddhist images is normally built behind the temple housing Guanyin Fozu and other popular deities. The ceremony of breaking ground for the new Incense Light temple took place on May 30, 1993; local dignitaries attended and the villagers performed a lion dance. The plan for the new temple was shared with the representatives of the villagers before construction started in 1994. A decision had to be made about where Guanyin Ma should be enshrined. Should she remain in the old temple or be moved to the new one? On March 31, 1995, Guanyin Ma revealed through divination EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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The Beginning of the Incense Light Community

37

blocks that she wanted to move to the new or front temple. It was decided that the formal ceremony of installation would be held on October 26, 1996. Up to this point, the villagers had not expressed any objection to the construction of the new temple; they seemed to actively support it. The next development was completely unexpected. On October 21, 1996, just five days before the planned installation of Guanyin Ma in the front or new temple, a group of villagers under the leadership of Zeng Chunhe and his son Zeng Zhennong, wealthy villagers who owned a factory, met in the auditorium of Neipu Elementary School and formed the Managing Committee of Jade Mountain Grotto (Yushan Yan Guanli Weiyuanhui) and, claiming that Guanyin Ma had cried out during a séance, they accused Incense Light nuns of moving the image without her consent and said that Guanyin Ma would become “homeless.” This was of course a clear departure from the earlier decision. The real issue was not where to place Guanyin Ma but ownership of the temple. By reinstating the original name of the temple and calling their organization its managing committee, they indicated their desire to expel the nuns and seize control. The Incense Light nuns denied the legality of the managing committee, citing statutes regulating temples and shrines ( jiandu simiao tiaoli). These statutes were based on a set of rules published in 1915. Promulgated by the Nationalist government in 1929, they have remained valid ever since (Miaoran 1994, 140). Then in 1987, the provincial government of Taiwan issued a set of rules governing temple construction on lands not owned by municipalities. It regards the Believers’ Assembly, which consists of all registered believers belonging to a temple, as having the highest authority (Miaoran 1994, 562). So on both counts the Incense Light nuns had the law on their side. First of all, the committee hastily created by the Zengs had no legal standing; second, Incense Light had a duly constituted Believers’ Assembly from the very beginning, and major decisions were presented to it for approval. The conflict came to a head with the near completion of the new temple, which coincided with the election of a new village head. The candidate who won made the retaking of the temple his key campaign issue. In the meantime, there was talk about Guanyin Ma’s vision being blocked by the new temple, which created bad fengshui. A rumor circulated that Incense Light planned to tear down the old temple and build a tower to keep the ashes of the dead. The temple-control candidate won the election and tensions escalated. When several negotiations between the two parties failed, villagers staged a forced takeover of the old temple on February 18, 1997. In response, the nuns, together with some laypeople, sat in silent meditation in the Buddha hall and refused to move, disregarding the clamor of drums and gongs. They suffered verbal abuse and physical attack. This EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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38

Passing the Light

incident attracted wide media coverage and generated much support from fellow Buddhist groups as well as public sympathy. The villagers sued the nuns for illegal occupation, but the court dismissed the case. Since then, at least on the surface, things have returned to what they were before. But villagers never set foot in the new temple. When they come to worship Guanyin Ma, they avoid the front gate and take the old narrow path leading to the back temple. In the eyes of the villagers, they own the old temple in spirit, if not in fact. The new temple, on the other hand, has nothing to do with them and is the property of Incense Light (Xiangguang Zhuangyan Bianjizu 1997, 6–53). The struggle over Incense Light Temple was in one sense about property ownership and local power. But it also highlighted the difficulty of Humanistic Buddhism taking root in a local setting. Because of the 2.18 Incident, the new temple was not completely finished, though when I arrived in January 1998, the building was already in use. The architecture is a complete break from that of local temples, represented by the original Incense Light Temple behind it (fig. 2.4).

Figure 2.4

The new Incense Light Temple. Photo by author.

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The Beginning of the Incense Light Community

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One enters at the lowest level, where a statue of Maitreya in a pensive pose sits. This immediately alerts us to a new iconographic approach, for Maitreya is always depicted as the Cloth Bag Monk (Budai Heshang) with a protruding belly in Chinese Buddhist temples. The departure from traditional iconography continues in the main Buddha hall on the second floor. Śākyamuni Buddha sits in front of a very imposing stupa that is so large as to almost overwhelm the Buddha statue (fig. 2.5). The stupa was the center of devotion in Indian Buddhism. Pilgrims would circumambulate it as their main ritual act. In many Chinese Buddhist cave temples carved in the sixth and seventh centuries, stupas served as central pillars, which enabled monks to carry out the ritual of circumambulation, but no temple either in premodern or contemporary times has featured a stupa in the main Buddha hall. Of the innovations introduced in the new temple, this is surely the most noteworthy. This conscious decision to go back to Indian Buddhism is also reflected in the community’s translation projects and its textbooks for adult Buddhist education classes, a subject that I will take up in chapter 6. One can now understand why the

Figure 2.5

Buddha image in front of the Incense Light stupa. Photo by author.

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40

Passing the Light

villagers rejected the new temple. Not only did they not find Guanyin Ma, but they most likely were not able to recognize any of the other icons. Breaking away from conventional temple architecture and iconography was a symbolic act for the Incense Light nuns, a way to forge a new identity for themselves. Both the building material and the iconography follow the model of the Purple Bamboo Retreat (Zizhulin Jingshe) in Kaohsiung, which had been built in 1991. The design of the latter was very much influenced by the architectural style of the headquarters of Risshō Kōseikai, a lay Japanese religious organization emphasizing the importance of the Lotus Sūtra. This was no accident, for the nun who was responsible for designing the Purple Bamboo Retreat had studied in Japan and been impressed by the simple austerity of this style. Like it, the main hall of the new Incense Light Temple enshrines only Śākyamuni Buddha, who taught in the Lotus Sūtra that everyone can achieve buddhahood. This is one of the sharpest departures from the traditional Chinese Buddhist temple architecture. In the Buddha hall of all traditional Chinese temples, one always finds the three buddhas of the past, the present (Śākyamuni), and the future, or Śākyamuni Buddha flanked by Amitābha Buddha and Medicine Buddha. Another departure from tradition is that neither the new Incense Light Temple nor the Purple Bamboo Retreat features a Lord Guan, who is always enshrined opposite Weituo, the two figures posted as guardians of the temple. The reason given for excluding this venerable figure is that he is a deified hero of Chinese popular religion, but not part of “original Buddhism.” To understand the source of this revolutionary spirit, we must know something about the Incense Light leadership. Xinzhi (1939–) was the first abbess, but she was soon joined by Wuyin (1940–) and Mingjia (1951–). In the early days, the three acted as a collective. The nuns I talked with always refer Xinzhi as the mother, Wuyin as the father, and Mingjia as the teacher. I will discuss Xinzhi and Mingjia in this chapter and Wuyin in the next. Key Personnel in the Founding oF incense light

Xinzhi is a native of Kaohsiung. She was tonsured by Tianyi (1924–1980), a forceful figure known as “King of Nuns” (nigu wang), at the age of nineteen. Tianyi was one of the most powerful nun leaders in the years after the Nationalist government came to Taiwan in 1949. Since she exerted great influence on both Xinzhi and Wuyin, it is necessary to begin with her. She came from a wealthy family in Fengshan near Kaohsiung. Her father owned a bakery. Since everyone in Taiwan must buy cakes for weddings, festivals, and memorial services, busiEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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ness flourished. She loved to study and at sixteen she passed the examination for Pingdong High School for Girls. In the days under the Japanese occupation, that school was exclusively for Japanese girls and each year only three to four Taiwanese students were admitted. When she graduated she went to Japan for college, following her two elder brothers, another unusual move for a woman. Upon returning from Japan, she decided to join the monastic order and was tonsured in 1948 by Yuanrong of Dongshan Si at Pingdong in Taidong, a famous temple for nuns only. Yuanrong was an outstanding leader in her own right. She was interested in education and often invited scholar-monks to come to give sutra lectures, despite the remoteness of Pingdong. She also upheld the tradition of job assignment rotation (qingzhi), a system practiced in public monasteries in China. This gave each member of the sangha a chance to work at one particular job for half a year and then rotate out to take up a different job. In this way, everyone would become capable of performing all monastic functions, be it secretary, guest prefect, or cook. Tianyi continued this system, which has also been followed at Incense Light and its five branch-temples. Tianyi came to play a prominent role in Buddhist circles after the Nationalist government came to Taiwan in 1949 and the exodus of Buddhist monks from mainland China. She served as translator and assistant for Baisheng (1904–1989), who did not speak Taiwanese. Tianyi and her tonsure master, Yuanrong, received the full precepts for nuns in 1953 at the first ordination conducted by Baisheng at the Daxian Si in Tainan, although both of them had taken on disciples of their own long before. Tianyi’s leadership was eagerly sought, and she eventually served as abbess in four temples, including Yuantong Academy in Taipei, Banshan Yan in Chiayi, and Xinglong Si in Kaohsiung. Xinzhi sought permission from Tianyi to join the order at Banshan Yan and received her tonsure from Tianyi at Xinglong Si. Tianyi firmly believed that nuns had a responsibility to “shoulder the affairs of the Tathāgata” (hedan rulai jiaye). To do so well, the quality of nuns had to be improved and to reach this goal, two things were required: solid knowledge of the Vinaya and leadership of nuns by nuns. I hope nuns can take care of themselves. After joining the sangha, one must study the Vinaya for three years and only then learn the Buddhist teachings and practice meditation. I hope those nuns who are serious would study the detailed rules of deportment from another nun, for nuns should be taught by a nun teacher. It is in this way one learns what one ought to do and what one ought not to do. . . . I sincerely hope that nuns will organize themselves into a real bhikşuņī sangha. (Shi Jianye 1999, 142) EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Tianyi asked nuns to rid themselves of feminine airs and act like a “heroic man” (da zhangfu). She herself was tall and robust. She was said to walk and speak like a man. It is not without reason that she was given the nickname “King of Nuns.” She firmly believed in the ability and autonomy of nuns, and both Xinzhi and Wuyin were much influenced by her teachings. Wuyin summarized what she learned from Tianyi this way: First, female monastics must teach fellow female monastics; second, nuns must stand up and have faith in their own ability to solve their problems and should not rely on monks; third, the affairs of nuns should be decided by nuns. If they could not solve their own problems, how could they hope to become religious teachers? They must therefore be independent and self-reliant. (Shi Jianye1999, 149–50) Tianyi served as abbess in four temples, but she had founded none of them. She thought it was better to renovate an old temple instead of building a new one. Xinzhi likewise agreed to come to Incense Light Temple because it was an old temple; this was her takeaway from Tianyi’s instruction. Wuyin, in contrast, remembered Tianyi by stressing the importance of education, the need to study and observe the Vinaya, and that nuns should live in a single-sex temple led by a nun. The name of the community, Incense Light Bhikşuņī Sangha, which was adopted in 1980, came directly from Tianyi’s words quoted above. My information about Xinzhi and Mingjia comes primarily from the interviews I conducted in 1998. When Xinzhi was in the sixth grade, as she recalled, she was impressed by a classmate’s statement that she wanted to become a nun, given in response to their teacher asking them what they wanted to be when they grew up. Later, when she visited Dagang Shan, a famous Buddhist temple in Kaohsiung, she was much attracted by the serenity and wished to stay there. But the strongest impetus for her decision to join an order was a chance glimpse of Xinyun, the founder of Buddha Light Mountain. One day she saw him walk by the clothing store where she helped her mother, and his dignified deportment generated in her deep admiration. She used the word zhuangyan (splendid, imposing), the same word commonly used to refer to a well-adorned Buddha icon, to describe the master. She admitted that at that time she really did not know much about Buddhism, so it was not intellectual conviction but rather emotional fervor that drew her to Buddhism. As we shall see, this was also the case with Wuyin. Both women were first drawn to Buddhism by a striking aesthetic-affective experience. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Jeffrey Samuels refers to this as “attracting the heart” to highlight the “aesthetics of emotion” in forming social relations in Sri Lankan monastic culture (2010). That idea can certainly be applied here. Xinzhi studied at the Chinese Buddhist Tripitaka Seminary (Zhongguo Fojiao Sanzang Xueyuan) after she received precepts in Taipei from Baisheng at Shipu Si in 1959. It was at the seminary that she and Wuyin became friends. Due to poor health, Xinzhi had to withdraw from school after one year and returned to Xinglong Si. She was joined there in 1963 by Wuyin, who stayed for eight years. Because the temple is in Kaohsiung where there were many colleges, students often came to visit and got to know Xinzhi. By the time she was asked to head Incense Light Temple in 1974, she was teaching and acting as spiritual guide to young women at Purple Bamboo Retreat. She was a great devotee of the Lotus Sūtra, which she loved to chant. Her lectures also focused on the sutra. She was a good cook and seamstress, and often cooked and sewed robes for her followers. The nuns who knew both Xinzhi and Wuyin liked to contrast the two teachers and commented on their opposite temperaments. While Xinzhi was emotional and spontaneous, Wuyin was rational and reserved. A number of the Incense Light nuns cited Xinzhi’s warmth and personal concern for them as what attracted them to join the sangha. Mingjia was one of these. She met Xinzhi when she visited Xinglong Si as a high school student. Mingjia is a native of Kaohsiung and the eldest of five children. The family was financially comfortable, since her father owned a department store. Like most families in Taiwan, hers did not follow the Buddhist faith; the god worshipped at home was Baosheng Dadi, a god in the popular religion. She frequently went with her grandfather and mother to pray at the temples of Mazu, Nuoza, and other deities to seek help because she was sickly as a child. She also went to the Catholic church near the store and was impressed by the sisters, who wore habits neatly starched and ironed, different from anything she had seen. She was aware of the existence of vegetarian halls (zhaitang) in her hometown, but her impression of the women living there, who were referred to derogatorily as “vegetable aunties” (caigu), was not good, reflecting the generally low opinion of them in society at large. Mingjia’s contact with Buddhism began when she was seventeen and in high school. By then her family had moved to a different part of the city, near the temple Mituo Yuan, whose abbot was Juesheng. Because her home was cramped, she often went to the temple with her classmates to study. They liked the quiet and spacious surroundings. They would read and could even play badminton or ice skate in the courtyard. The temple regularly held a Buddha-invocation AssemEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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bly (nianfo hui) organized by lay Buddhists because Abbot Juesheng was usually abroad. A layman introduced some basic Buddhist ideas to Mingjia and her friends. When she realized that her poor health might be the result of her karma, she gave up eating meat and decided to be a vegetarian. She got actively involved with Buddhism as a student at Kaohsiung Normal College where she became president of the Great Wisdom Buddhist Studies Society (Dahui Foxueshe). She often went to Buddhist lectures held in other places and invited Juesheng to come to her college to give lectures. In the summer of 1969, when she was a freshman in college, she participated for the first time in the Academic Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts (Zhaijie Xuehui) for college students conducted by Chanyun (1914–2009). This program ran seven to ten days and was held in both the winter and summer of the academic calendar. I will discuss this important training event in detail in chapter 4. Chanyun played a major role in introducing Buddhism to college students by providing them with an opportunity to live a monastic life for a short time. Students came to receive monastic training at his temple, Liaolian Si in Shuili, after they first studied Buddhist doctrine with Li Bingnan (1889–1986) in nearby Taichung. As we will read in chapter 4, these two together with Zhou Xuande (1899–1989) were responsible for attracting college youths to Buddhism through the channels of Buddhist studies societies and the Academic Gathering to Keep Fast and Precepts in the 1960s to 1980s. Mingjia participated in the Academic Gathering each winter and summer while she was at college. Eventually she was entrusted by Chanyun to take charge of female college students who came for training. She maintained contact with him after she became a nun in 1977. By then she had graduated from college and had taught in a middle school in Kaohsiung for three years, where she received a model teacher award. Because Chanyun was a strict observer of the Vinaya, he did not accept female disciples. Mingjia therefore was tonsured by Baisheng through Wuyin’s introduction. Soon afterward, she came to Incense Light to join Xinzhi and Wuyin, whom she had met at Xinglong Si ten years earlier. With Wuyin’s encouragement, Mingjia eventually went to the United States to study for four years (1987–1991) and received a master’s degree in business management (fig. 2.6). By 1980 more college women had joined Incense Light. Because Xinzhi had only an elementary education, she felt Wuyin, who was a college graduate, would make a more suitable abbess. She therefore asked Wuyin to assume the leadership of the community when the latter returned from Hawai‘i. Because Xinzhi, Wuyin, and Mingjia all believed in Buddhist education, together they established EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Figure 2.6 Wuyin (left) saw Mingjia off when the latter went to the U.S. to study. From Xiangguang Nisengtuan shier zhounian tekan, 1992.

the Incense Light Bhikşunī Sangha Buddhist Seminary (Xiangguang Biqiuni Foxueyuan). The Incense Light community was growing rapidly in the 1990s, and Wuyin was open to ideas proposed by young college graduates trained in both humanities and social sciences. At their suggestion, psychology and management technology were gradually incorporated into the training of the sangha. Beginning in 1985, the community began to invite outside experts to run workshops, and the nuns enrolled in seminars offered by business groups. In 1989 teachers from the Institute of Cultural Affairs (ICA), a Christian teacher-training organization based in Chicago, were invited to offer short-term intensive courses at the Incense Light Temple. The goal of ICA was to develop society, culture, and religion in different regions through education and social activities. All the ICA courses emphasized the betterment of society, which included religious concerns. The main purpose was to offer their educational methods to help different social groups, including religious orders, make more extensive and comprehensive contributions within their own organizations as well as in society as a whole. The unique teaching methods of the ICA included “conscious conversation” ( yishi EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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huitan) and “imaginative pedagogy” ( yixiang jiaoxue). Both were designed to create free exchanges between teachers and students and make the classroom atmosphere more lively and dynamic. Conscious conversation aimed to encourage participation and stimulate dialogue in the classroom. The description of this method below appears in the “Brief Introduction to Conscious Conversation” written by students who had undertaken this training. On the one hand, through multiple exchanges among group members and by listening to and answering each other, this method allows us to hear the innermost words of everyone and learn from each other with open hearts and deep understanding. On the other hand, it also enables each person to recognize the workings of their imagination. By freeing ourselves from fixed ideas and outmoded mind-sets, we can change our behavior. The functions of the conversation are to elicit participation and focus consciousness in the beginning of the class and to activate the imagination at its end. . . . This is a group activity, for each participant can influence the atmosphere and direction of the entire conversation. For this reason, the attitude of the leader is critical in making it a success or failure. Basically you want to help the participants trust and listen to each other. They should not just listen to the surface “social” language, but must use a third ear to hear the hidden language of the heart. When a person is listened to, she feels accepted and respected. We should respect each person in her ups and downs, when she is good as well as when she performs badly. We should accept the presentation of each person regardless of her status. We do not curry anyone’s favor nor reject praise when it is offered. It is important that the leader be focused. However, conversation is not a lecture and thus there is no value judgment or debate, nor should negative words be said. The leader should not conduct the conversation with just a few specific people, but should include everyone in the group. (Shi Jiancan 2002a, 23) Imaginative teaching is closely related to conscious conversation. Here is the theory as it was described to me: Based on our experience and knowledge, each one of us forms a picture of our life and the world that guides our daily life. This picture is the “image” ( yixiang). Throughout our lives, this image keeps changing, but rarely are we consciously aware of it, nor do we know that it controls our behavior. It plays an important role in education. Conversely, through education, we can come to know the image and transform it. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Education is based on the belief that one’s behavior can be changed. To change behavior one must transform the image. Imaginative pedagogy provides an opportunity for the image to change by sending carefully designed information into one’s consciousness. . . . This kind of education leads to self-awareness. The teacher does not manipulate or force the student to change behavior. The change comes from the student herself. (Shi Jiancan 2002b, 30) These new teaching methods were quickly adopted and used in the seminary as well as in the adult classes taught by the nuns. In addition to inviting specialists to Incense Light Temple to give lessons, Wuyin and some of the nuns also enrolled in advanced workshops that trained leaders in this method. Reflecting in 2004 on her first experience at the workshop in 1986, Wuyin had this to say: It was actually very difficult for me to take this step at that time. The tuition for the workshop was expensive. On top of that, I had to face difficult questions raised by the participants in the workshop. For instance, they asked me: Can nuns enjoy pulp fiction illustrated with cartoons? Can homosexuals join the sangha? There were other similar questions that were difficult to answer directly. The process of study was very hard. In addition, we monastics had to take part in activities held at hotels together with laypeople. This often made me feel very uncomfortable. However, I decided to adopt this method of teaching. Why? Designed to train Christian professionals in the West, this teaching method involves interaction between people, sharing life experiences, our reactions produced by the objective environment, understanding resulting from our experience, and our choices as well as actions following from this understanding. It thus contains knowledge, feeling, and will all in one. Actually, what is taught in the Buddhadharma and Chan meditation are the same. What they are concerned with and what they discuss are none other than human problems. It is for this reason that I am positive about this teaching method. It can be used to teach yourself but also others. In our work to spread the Dharma, we need a teaching method that can lead lay believers and tell them what the Buddhadharma is. (Shi Wuyin 2004a, 28) While Wuyin, Mingjia, and most nuns with a college education welcomed the changes brought about by these new projects, Xinzhi regarded them as a threat to religious cultivation. By both temperament and education, Xinzhi difEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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fered from Wuyin and Mingjia. For her, chanting sutras, reciting Buddha’s name, sitting in meditation, and performing penance were the true calling of a monastic. Xinzhi was usually warm and loving to the nuns, but she could also be harsh when she found they did things contrary to her orders. Several nuns told me that they were scolded and beaten when they did not follow her directions. Wuyin, by contrast, liked to correct their mistakes by lecturing. Since most of the nuns who joined the sangha in the 1980s were college graduates, they tended to appreciate Wuyin’s method of teaching and regarded Xinzhi’s approach as old-fashioned and outmoded. The more changes occurred in the community, the wider became the divergence of views among its leaders concerning what constituted a religious life in the modern society. The years between 1985 and 1989 were turbulent for the community. Xinzhi and Wuyin quarreled constantly. Xinzhi became mentally disturbed and often left the temple for no reason; she wandered aimlessly and turned up in various places. Wuyin, for her part, had become physically unwell. The last straw was the visit of a teacher from ICA, Katherine Johns, who came to lecture on marriage problems, including sex education, in 1989. She was asked to give this workshop because the nuns, who were virgins, were often consulted by married laypeople and it was felt that they should have knowledge about such matters. Once in her lecture she showed a videotape of a man and a woman kissing. Xinzhi happened to see it and considered it pornography. She became so enraged that she broke a chair after the lecture. After this incident, the situation continued to deteriorate. Finally, the disagreement became so pronounced that in 1990 Xinzhi formally requested to retire and returned to Kaohsiung for good, although she had often been absent from Incense Light Temple even before that. Accompanied by a few nuns, she set up a place to practice a more devotional and traditional type of Buddhism. Many Incense Light nuns who lived through the early days and knew both Xinzhi and Wuyin felt great regret at the way these two teachers had parted ways. Xinzhi’s disapproval of the new direction the community was taking and her eventual departure coincided with the worsening trouble with the villagers. This was rather symbolic. The modern front temple broke from the style of the traditional local temple, and Xinzhi left because she could not go along with the new orientation in the training of the nuns. From now on, Wuyin and her collegetrained coreligionists would determine the direction of Incense Light.

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3

Wuyin, the Guiding Light of the Community

Taiwanese nuns have had to contend with a misunderstanding that nuns on the mainland have not. In colonial Taiwan nuns were derisively referred to as zhaigu (vegetarian hall auntie) or caigu (vegetarian auntie) by the common people. Although these two were seen as essentially the same, there is emically a distinction: only the caigu lived at a Buddhist temple, though without taking tonsure or receiving precepts (Shi Jianye 2003). There was no difference in the eyes of the common people. Buddhist nuns in Taiwan today consider these names unacceptable and insist on being called biqiuni (bhikşuņī). The origin of the former appellations has to do with the situation in Taiwan prior to 1949 when the Nationalist government arrived with a large exodus of monks from the mainland. Besides Buddhism, Daoism, and popular religion, sectarian religions were also practiced in Taiwan during the period of Japanese occupation. Three sects derived from the Luo Teaching (Luo jiao) established by Luo Qing (1443–1527) were introduced in Taiwan from the mainland during the Qing. They were Dragon Flower (longhua), Golden Banner ( jinzhong), and Prior Heaven (xiantian). All members of these sects kept a vegetarian diet, but the sects differed with regard to marriage. While members of the first two could marry, members of the third remained celibate. They either lived in vegetarian halls or went there for ritual activities. Many of these vegetarian halls were built for unmarried daughters or widows by their male kin. The Japanese classified these sects as “vegetarian religions” (zhaijiao) and differentiated them from Buddhism ( Jiang and Wang 1994). During the Japanese occupation, nuns could not be ordained because there was no regular contact with the mainland, and it was very difficult to get to Gushan Si in Fujian, the temple from which Taiwanese monastics traditionally received their Dharma transmission, for ordination. So if a woman wanted to lead a celibate religious life, she could either become a zhaigu or she shaved off her hair and lived as an unordained nun. There was very little difference in their lifestyles except that a zhaigu wore a bun and dressed in a jacket with side closure and pants in the fashion of the Qing period. It is no wonder that people confused the two, and even today nuns are sometimes referred to as “vegetarian auntie.” EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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When the mainland monks arrived in Taiwan, they concentrated on converting the zhaigu and having them ordained as nuns. In the spring of 1953, Baisheng (1904–1989) officiated at the first three-altars ordination ceremony (during which the precepts for novices, monks/nuns, and bodhisattvas were given) at Daxian Si in Tainan. Most attendees arrived without proper attire and did not behave like future monastics. Baisheng was so disturbed by what he saw that he set down seven rules for everyone. If any ordinand could not comply within two days, he or she must leave.1 In the early postwar years, it was apparently quite common for women to become tonsured and even occupy important monastic posts without undergoing the formal ceremony of ordination. For instance, as we read in the last chapter, the nun Tianyi (1924–1980), an important assistant to Baisheng and prominent during the 1950s and 1960s, received her ordination in 1953 together with her master Yuanrong and her disciple Yichun. At the time, this was regarded as big news (Shi Jianye 1999, 32). Since then, as a result of an active campaign by mainland masters and general trends in Buddhist circles, many former zhaigu or caigu have taken tonsure and become nuns after receiving precepts. But some have continued in the former lifestyle. For them, the main thing in leading a religious life is to keep a vegetarian diet and not get married. Keeping their hair and not receiving precepts do not present a problem for them (Shi Jianye 2003, 485). Formative experiences

Wuyin was born in Qingshui, Taizhong, in 1940.2 Her father came from a large lineage consisting of seven branches. The fifth, sixth, and seventh branches originally owned a rice-milling plant. Her family belonged to the sixth branch, but because previous generations in her father’s branch had indulged in gambling, they eventually lost their share in the business. Unlike the descendants of the other branches, who worked in banks, taught school, and even served as the village head, her great-grandfather and grandfather were both farmers. Education was never regarded as important. Although her own father was educated, his whole life he worked as a clerk in the local government office. Compared to her relatives, her family’s financial situation was notably modest. When she was still young, she came to realize two things: first, education was critically important, for there was a direct relationship between education and social status; second, there was glaring inequality between men and women. Women worked in the kitchen to cook all the dishes, yet they were not qualified to sit down and eat with men. The sequence at table was first the men, then the children, and lastly the women. Women always ate the leftovers of the men and children. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Wuyin’s family lived right next to Qingshui Yan, a famous local temple dedicated to Guanyin Fozu, just like the Incense Light home temple. A married monk who identified himself as a follower of the Dragon Flower sect managed the temple. Aside from Guanyin, it also housed Mazu, Taiziye (Nuozha), and other gods. Wuyin often played in the temple courtyard, where she loved to listen to the “instructions to do good” (shanyu), which local literati presented there. The shanyu is most likely the Taiwanese version of public lectures on the Sacred Edict (shengyu) supplemented by stories culled from the morality books (shanshu), a form of moral indoctrination and popular entertainment prevalent all over China since the eighteenth century. According to Victor Mair, the Sacred Edict was promulgated by the Kangxi emperor in 1670. Originally consisting of sixteen maxims teaching Confucian morality such as filial piety, family harmony, diligence, moderation, propriety and other virtues, it was subjected to various kinds of “adaptation, commentaries, paraphrases, and exegeses,” many of which were written in the vernacular (Mair 1985, 326). The Sacred Edict received a further boost when the Yongzheng emperor issued the Amplified Instruction on the Sacred Edict consisting of about ten thousand characters in 1724, the second year of his reign. He did this because he was worried that the sixteen maxims were too concise for the common people to understand. To make sure the Instructions were disseminated widely, he issued several decrees over the next three decades. In 1729 the court decreed that places for public lectures on the Amplified Instructions should be established in all the larger towns and villages where there were dense concentrations of people. Similar measures extended the lecture system to all villages without restrictions on size in 1736. Finally, in 1758, the emperor decreed that “it would do no harm to explain [the Amplified Instructions] clearly in local dialects and with common sayings” (Mair 1985, 351). In time, the lectures became a form of public entertainment in addition to moral instruction. This is because itinerant lecturers often interspersed the lecture with stories drawn from popular novels and folktales. From reports made by people who lived in the early twentieth century, such lectures apparently remained quite popular. Mair cites the author Guo Moruo: Lecturers on the Sacred Edict, who told stories about loyalty, filial piety, and fidelity from the morality books (shanshu), often came to our village. These morality books were for the most part made up of folktales. . . . When it came time for the lecturer on the Sacred Edict to preach, he, dressed as though going to have an audience with the emperor, would knock his head audibly on the ground four times as he faced the plaque EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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of the Sacred Edict. Then he would stand up again and, drawing out his voice, would recite the ten [sic] maxims of the Sacred Edict. After that, he would get back up on the platform and start telling stories. His method of delivery was to chant the text in a very simple manner. Whenever he came to a part that was to be sung, he would draw out his voice as he sang and, especially when there was something sad, it would be tinged with the sound of weeping. . . . This type of simple storytelling was a form of entertainment that people in the villages liked to listen to very much. They would stand before the platform of the Sacred Edict and listen for two or three hours. The better storytellers could make the listeners weep. It was easy to make the villagers cry; all you had to do was draw out your voice a bit at the sad part and add a few sad sobs. Before I had begun my schooling, I was already able to understand the morality books of these lecturers on the Sacred Edict. (Mair 1985, 355) Wuyin lived in a different place and a different time, but what she described is not that much different from what Guo remembered, although the performance was devoid of the formality of kowtowing to the plaque. The stories she heard came from novels such as Journey to the West (Xiyouji), Investiture of the Gods (Fengshenbang), and the Water Margin (Shuihu). They were stories about karma, cause and effect, reward and punishment, and these were meant to teach people to do good and to avoid evil. While the lectures taught Confucian virtues, some stories told of prohibitions and taboos that applied only to women. For instance, women must keep a vegetarian diet on the first and the fifteenth days of the lunar month; women’s clothes must not be sunned outdoors on those two days; women should not wash clothes in the river, for fear that it would pollute the water used by people living downstream to cook food and make tea as offerings to the gods; women should not go to temple to worship when they were menstruating and after they gave birth. Furthermore, even when they were free from these prohibitions, they had no right to participate in rituals, which were totally controlled by men. Women’s only role was to cook the food offered to the gods and consumed by worshippers. Of all these indignities imposed on women, Wuyin was most struck by the strange belief that there was a hell specially reserved for women. Should a woman die while giving birth, she would be thrown into the Blood Pond Hell to suffer punishment. It was not until much later that she found out that there was an indigenous sutra called the Blood Pond Sūtra (Xuepen jing) that describes this special hell for women.3 This text, which has a Daoist coun-

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terpart, appeared sometime after the Song and contributed to the popular conception of women’s sinful nature (Cole 1998). In Taiwan until just recently, a ritual usually conducted at women’s funerals was called “Ceremony of the Blood Pond” or “Breaking the Blood Bowl” (Tai. phau hueq phun) during which the son would drink from a bowl of wine colored with red food coloring to symbolize the birth fluid of his mother, thereby freeing her from suffering in the blood pond hell. Gary Seaman observed this ritual many times from 1970 to 1976 in central Taiwan, and he recorded the ritual text Cibei xuepanchan, a seven-syllable verse based on the Blood Pond Sūtra. The sutra provides graphic descriptions of female anatomy and lays heavy emphasis on women’s pollution. Seaman’s translation of the relevant passages run below: Our bodies, born of our parents, are made up of three hundred and sixty bone joins, ninety thousand pores, nine thousand sinews and blood vessels. But only a woman’s body has the five hundred worms that leech onto her joints. When all these worms are active, her body is listless and weary. Moreover, a woman has within her the eighty thousand yin [female] worms, which collect in her vagina. These worms have twelve heads and twelve mouths. When they feed, each sucks raw blood. Day and night they move about, wearying muscle and bone. Midway through the month, they slough unclean fluid. Each of these worms vomits pus and blood out of its mouths. Each exudes blood and pus that has a red color. These ulcerous worms: their mouths are like sharp needles, and they regularly afflict women, eating raw blood, irritating each other, ceaselessly crawling, disturbing a woman, making her body unable to calm itself. This the result of karmic retribution, for which there is no surcease. (Seaman 1981, 387) Here is another passage: Birth is an unclean thing: a woman’s body is an unclean collection of worms’ pus and filth, which comes together and collects. Ten months it ripens between the two viscera, entrapped, pressed into a female prison. One thing should be known: this body is not the Pure Land. No lotus is to be seen, nor wafting sandalwood incense. There is only the stench of shit, where the fetus develops for so long.

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And this life can only enter and leave through a woman’s vagina. (Seaman 1981, 389) Because of the polluting nature of women, everything they do is polluting. As a consequence, they must suffer in the Blood Pond after they die. This insidious belief has had a pervasive influence among the common people, as we will read later on. All women, when they give birth, draw water from the well, or from the river or pond, to wash the birth cloths or to wash the body. The bloody water overflows and spreads to cover the ground—the veins empty their contents into the well. Taking water to brew tea, it is then offered to the gods, and in it is this unclean thing, this blood. It is a blasphemy to offer this disgusting filth to the gods, so the divine officials in charge of recording good and evil deeds will note the woman’s name; waiting until she dies, the malevolent demons of hell will take up iron forks and pierce her innards, and iron hooks will grapple her cheeks. They will force stinking pus and loathsome blood down her gullet. (Seaman 1981, 391) In addition to the indigenous sutra, this belief can be found in many of the “precious scrolls” (baojuan) that served as the favorite medium for transmitting the beliefs of sectarian religions from the Ming and Qing on. The earliest and also the most famous of the precious scrolls are the Wubu liuce (Five books in six scrolls) by Luo Qing of the sixteenth century, patriarch of the Luo Teaching. All Chinese popular religions, including the zhaijiao, derived directly or indirectly from the Luo Teaching. According to Luo Qing, after the death of the Sixth Patriarch, Huineng, in 713, the true transmission of Buddhism was kept by laypeople and not monks. Moreover, it was the precious scrolls rather than the Buddhist sutras that contained religious truth. One especially popular precious scroll that has remained well known since the Qing era, The Precious Scroll of Woman Huang (Huangshi nü baojuan), deals with the issue of pollution. Beata Grant has thoroughly studied the story cycles of its heroine (1985, 2011). Many versions of the story are found in different literary genres including regional operas, prosimetric literature and ballads, and precious

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scrolls. Despite differences in some details, the main outline of the story, as summarized by Grant, runs as follows: Huang Guixiang is born to an older couple who had almost despaired of ever having children. She is a good and pious child, and at seven she adopts a strict vegetarian diet. Her mother dies just as she is entering adolescence, and her father then marries a widow who has a son of her own. Guixiang is abused by her stepmother and stepbrother, especially when her father is away on business. At one point she is about to commit suicide, and is saved only by the intervention of the gods. Later, Guixiang’s stepbrother attempts to murder her father, but kills his own mother by mistake. When Guixiang’s father is falsely accused of the murder, his filial daughter asks to be executed in his stead. In the end, however, the gods save Guixiang and punish the stepbrother for his crime. Guixiang, hereafter more commonly known as Woman Huang, is then married off to a local man who happens to be a butcher, which Buddhism regards as the most polluted of occupations. She tries very hard to get her husband to change his occupation but his response is that she is equally polluted since she has borne him several children. Horrified and fearful of the fate that lies in store for both herself and her husband, Woman Huang resolves to purify herself. To this end, she turns her household duties over to her husband and spends her days in the sutra hall reciting the Diamond Sūtra. The zeal with which she devotes herself to her religious practice attracts the attention of Yama, King of the Underworld. He sends his messengers to bring her to his court so he can question her on her understanding of the Diamond Sūtra. When she realizes that she is being called down into the Underworld, Woman Huang feels betrayed and momentarily regrets her piety. She also finds it terribly painful to leave her husband and children. Eventually, however, she resigns herself to death and accompanies the messengers to the Underworld, where she is given a tour of the various courts before she meets King Yama. She recites the Diamond Sūtra flawlessly and then demands to be returned to the world of the living. King Yama is willing to grant her request, but since it is now too late for her to return to her original body, he decides that she will return in the body of a man. In this way, she is reborn as the male son of a childless couple, is given an education, and eventually becomes an official. In a dream, the official learns of his previous existence and goes to find Woman

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Huang’s husband and children, finally converting the former and providing handsomely for the latter. Then, having fulfilled his familial obligations, he resigns from office and devotes himself completely to the religious life. Thus, Woman Huang eventually achieves purification and saves both herself and her family. It is not hard to see why this story enjoyed such popularity. First of all, it reflects the general attitude about female pollution shared by the common people. Second, it brings Woman Huang back to life as a man, another hope shared by many women. Finally, unlike Princess Miaoshan, the legendary manifestation of Guanyin, Woman Huang not only gets married and bears children but also brings spiritual salvation to her husband and children. Her religious pursuit thus does not prevent her from fulfilling her Confucian obligations. Why women are considered polluting and what punishment they suffer as a result are both explained in the story of Woman Huang. When she asks her husband to give up butchering because it is polluting, he answers that the ritual pollution of childbirth is equally so: When you gave birth to your children you also committed a sin: How many bowls of bloody water, how many bowls of fluids? For every child, there were three basins of water, Three children, and thus nine basins of fluids. You dumped the bloody waters into the gutters, And so you polluted the Sprite of the Eaves. Three mornings and you were already back in the kitchen, And so you polluted the God of the Hearth. Before ten days were up, you went into the front hall, And so you polluted the household gods and ancestors. Before a month was up, you went out of doors, And so you polluted the sun, the moon, and the stars. You washed the bloodstained clothing in the river, And the tainted waters polluted the Dragon King. You spilled these waters onto the ground, And the spirits of Hell had nowhere to hide. After washing the clothes, you laid them on the bank to dry, And so you polluted the Great Yin and the Great Yang. In vain you rely on your reading of the Diamond Sūtra— The sins of a lifetime will not be easily redeemed. (Grant 1985, 270) EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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The punishment for giving birth and thus polluting all these deities is that women must suffer in a hell intended specifically for them. This is none other than the Blood Pond Hell. The story of Woman Huang provides a vivid description of the Blood Pond Hell. Before Woman Huang is restored to life, she is led by the Lad to tour the eighteen hells. The very first is the Blood Pond Hell. Here was what she saw: The blood pool was filled with women undergoing punishment. Huang asked the Lad, “What sins have they committed?” The Lad answered, “These were ignorant women who, after giving birth and before the blood and fluids were dried, rushed back and forth in front of gods, not knowing that they ought to hide. In other cases, they might have washed bloodstained clothes in the river and angered the Dragon King, who reported it to Lord Yama. This is why they suffer this punishment.” Woman Huang asked, “How can they be saved?” The Lad answered, “If a woman has filial sons and daughters, they ought to keep a vegetarian diet for three years. After that she will naturally be released from this hell.” (Duan 1992, 70) This hell receives a more vivid description in a ballad entitled “Woman Huang Tours the Underworld.” In this version of the story, she, like Mulian, looks for her dead mother and comes upon this scene: And so it is said that Woman Huang Raised her head to take a look. But all she saw were masses of women Weeping and sobbing with grief. Each one had a blue bowl in her hands Which she pressed to her chest; Pressing to her chest a blue earthenware bowl Of blood-water she had to drink. As soon as Woman Huang saw this In her heart she thought, The mother who gave me life, I wonder Where is she now? In the Court of the Underworld, I didn’t see The old mother who gave me life, But I am thinking of coming to drink The blood-water on her behalf. (Grant 1985, 262) EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Wuyin grew up in an environment much influenced by traditional morality and conventional prejudices against women. Listening to this kind of story and similar ideas about women left Wuyin bewildered. Why were women subjected to various restrictions but not men? Even more unjust, why should women suffer punishment for giving birth or for dying from giving birth? Is giving birth to a child a sin? She remembers another troubling incident that happened when she was young. Although people were poor in those days, the faithful would offer robes made of silk, brocade, or velvet to Guanyin on her birthday. When new robes arrived, the old ones would be taken off. One time when Wuyin was fourteen, the wife of the monk who took care of the temple asked Wuyin’s mother, who was a seamstress, to use the discarded robes and make her a pair of underpants. Wuyin instinctively thought this was wrong and was saddened at the lack of respect for Guanyin. coming to Buddhism

Like Xinzhi and Mingjia, Wuyin had only been exposed to Taiwanese popular religion and had no formal contact with Buddhism as she was growing up. As she recalls, not only did she not know much about Buddhism, in fact she had never seen a real monk until she was sixteen, after the family moved to Taipei. She attended an open-air service of bathing the Buddha’s image held at New Park in the spring of 1957 with her mother. When she saw the monks on the stage, she was greatly impressed by them and started to think of joining the monastic order. As was the case with Xinzhi, it was this emotional response to an aesthetic experience that first planted the seeds of her future monastic career. Another reason she wanted to become a nun was that she loved to read. Her mother, who was not educated, did not want her to become a seamstress like herself, and so Wuyin was sent to attend a girls’ middle school in Zhanghua, a neighboring city. However, her mother also often reminded her that a girl’s duty was to serve her in-laws, cook food, and wash babies’ diapers after she got married. It was useless to read so many books. Hearing this, Wuyin began to wonder whether marriage was a good thing, for if marriage and study could not coexist, it would be better not to get married. In an autobiographical essay, she attributed her desire to become a nun to her love of learning, for “there are many books to read in monasteries.”4 Wuyin’s introduction to Buddhism happened quite by accident. When she was sixteen, one day she and her mother decided to go to a movie, but because EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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the tickets were all sold out, they went to New Beitou to do some sightseeing instead. By then it was near dusk. Suddenly they heard the beautiful sounds of temple bells and wooden fish. Following the sound, they arrived at a temple at the top of a hill and found the monastics there performing the evening service. This was the first time Wuyin met Mingzong (1938–), who was then studying at the seminary established at the temple by the monk Dongchu (1907–1977). When Mingzong saw Wuyin and her mother, she asked if they worshipped Guanyin and kept a vegetarian diet. When they answered yes, Mingzong told them that Wuyin should take refuge with her and Wuyin’s mother with her master. Wuyin became a Buddhist laywoman on that day. In those early days many Buddhist seminaries did not last long due to a lack of funds or teachers or both—the one established by Dongchu lasted only half a year. When it closed, Mingzong continued her study at Baisheng’s Tripitaka Buddhist Seminary located in Taipei. Mingzong was originally tonsured at Xinzhu, one of the two Taiwanese Buddhist temples most hospitable to mainland monks, the other being the Shipu Si in Taipei. Mingzong was outgoing and sociable, and she knew many important mainland monks such as Baisheng and Donchu. She was good at telling stories and explaining Buddhist concepts in an interesting and accessible way, which was very attractive to Wuyin. The Tripitaka Buddhist Seminary had one class for monks and another class for nuns. It was not open to laypeople. When Wuyin went to visit Mingzong, she could only listen to the lectures standing by the window outside the classroom. This and her growing interest prompted Wuyin to decide to become a nun. However, she met strong opposition from her parents and her two brothers when she told them her decision. The general societal prejudice against nuns was still very strong. People regarded these women as pitiful creatures, who with no man to support them were forced to become nuns. But Wuyin was a young girl who had not suffered any misfortune. Why should she want to take this step? Her father told her, “If you leave home, I will never go to see you.” He explained that he did not want her to become a nun for three reasons: first, because as a nun she could only eat vegetables and life would be very hard; second, because she would have to shave her head and wear coarse clothes, and this would make her ugly; third, if she did not get married and have children, who would take care of her when she got old? Who would make offerings to her when she died? It would never do to bring her soul tablet home. Perhaps even more seriously, he would also lose face in front of relatives and friends, for as a father, he had a duty to marry his daughter off. Because of her father’s objections, it was over a year before Wuyin could take the tonsure with Mingzong in 1957, when she was seventeen. On the day of her tonsure, all EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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her family members cried, just like the scene of Meihui’s tonsuring ceremony described in the Chen Ruoxi’s novel Huixinlian. Wuyin’s father died ten years after she became a nun. During that time, he indeed never went to visit her, but was overjoyed when she came home to visit him. A similar pattern is discernible in the cases of the other Incense Light nuns. It was the father who put up the most strenuous opposition, and it was also the father who was more hard-hearted in his rejection when the daughter went against his wishes. For this reason, in 1997 Wuyin instituted a waiting period of three to six months during which a woman must live in the temple as a lay believer, and another six months during which she must live there as a postulant. During this time, she should communicate with her parents and try to persuade them so that no permanent alienation would result. After Wuyin became Mingzong’s tonsure disciple, she enrolled at the same seminary, becoming Mingzong’s classmate. She stayed there for two sessions, each lasting three years. But the seminary closed after these two sessions in 1963 because of difficulties of retaining both teachers and students.5 During the second session, besides studying, she also taught elementary English and a class on the Hundred Dharmas of the Weishi or Yogācāra school. The curriculum at the seminary was modeled upon the traditional curriculum used in seminaries on the mainland. There was a heavy emphasis on Mahāyāna sutras and treatises such as the Lotus Sūtra, the Śūrangama Sūtra, the Vimalakirtī Sūtra, the Diamond Sūtra, the Platform Sūtra, and the Awakening of Faith in Mahāyāna. There were also courses on Tiantai, Mādhyamika, Yogācāra, Vinaya, and Chan, concentrating on the major texts of these schools such as the Tiantai treatises Doctrine of the Four Teachings,6 Outlines of Teaching and Meditation,7 Precepts for Novices and Monks, and the recorded sayings of Chan masters. Additionally, there were courses on the history of Indian Buddhism, the history of Chinese Buddhism, the Analects, Chinese history and geography, calligraphy, and English. The students at the seminary spent all their time studying. Although Wuyin stayed there for six years, she actually had no experience of living as a monastic. As a student, she was housed in separate quarters and had nothing to do with the daily life of Shipu Si, which housed only monks. When the seminary closed in 1963, she decided to go to Xinglong Si to join her classmate Xinzhi, who had gone there two years earlier. As mentioned earlier, Xinglong Si was famous for being one of the temples under Tianyi’s direction. It was attractive to Wuyin because it was a single-sex temple exclusively for nuns, and it emphasized the traditional system of job assignment rotation observed in public monasteries. Wuyin wrote a letter to Tianyi asking for permission to join EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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the temple. When they met in Taipei, the first question Tianyi asked was whether Wuyin was able to work in the rice fields, thinking that such hard work would be difficult for someone who had never done any manual labor. Wuyin answered that she could do whatever everyone else at the temple had to do. She lived there for eight years, from 1963 to 1971, and she eventually worked as the temple secretary (shuji), a very important job. Xinglong Si was a Taiwanese temple with an especially long history. Established in 1697, its original site was within the city of Kaohsiung. During the Japanese occupation, it was moved to the city outskirts because the area where it had been located was being used by the navy. Only in 1948 did local believers choose a site inside the city to rebuild. Tianyi became abbess in 1961. In those days Xinglong Si was a traditional temple. There were about forty nuns, and with the exception of a few old nuns who paid a lump sum when they entered (called andan or “securing a bed”) and so were exempted from labor, everyone else had to farm the rice fields owned by the temple. The most intensive work was done during planting and harvesting, but watering and weeding also required daily attention. Income from selling the rice paid the living expenses for the community as well as land taxes to the government and the electricity and water charges. Because this was not enough, the nuns also performed Buddhist rituals for laypeople to supplement their income. These services were known as jingchan (chanting sutras and performing penances), and the fees from this actually constituted one third of the temple’s entire income. There were three kinds of services: comforting the dead ( jianwang), dispelling disaster, and celebrating happy events such as marriage, opening a new shop, or moving to a new residence. Wuyin had a good voice and knew how to talk to believers and teach them about Buddhism, and she was therefore very popular. The scriptures used most often were the Diamond Sūtra, the Sūtra of Dizang's Past Vow, and Emperor Liang’s Confession. The nuns might be called to the home of a dying person to chant the sutras, day or night. On the seventh day of each of the seven weeks after the person’s death, sutra chanting was also performed. Depending on the means of the family, nine or eleven nuns would be invited. Sometimes it would be fewer, three, five, or seven nuns, but it had to be an odd number, although never just one. The life of the nuns was simple and severe. When they first joined the community, they had to provide their own bedding, wooden clogs, washing basins, robes, and prayer books. It was therefore necessary that a person save the money to buy these items before entering service at Xinglong Si. Two nuns shared one room because Tianyi believed that a nun must not be alone. This way they could take care of each other. Although the rooms were small, they did everything there— EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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sleep, work, and study. The temple provided food and sometimes robes, but the nuns had to buy rain gear, arm coverings, and straw hats for work in the field. Whenever they got ill, they would first drink Great Compassion Water (dabei shui), which was water blessed in the ritual of Great Compassion Confession. If this was not effective, then they would drink water brewed with herbs gathered in the fields or on the mountain. If this also failed, they would try massage and other traditional Chinese medical treatments. It was only when all other measures failed that they would go to the hospital. But any fees for treatment and hospitalization were to be borne by the patient herself (Shi Jianye 1999, 111). Prior to 1970, the nuns received 20 NT dollars each month to cover personal expenses. This was the equivalent to what they got for performing a service for laypeople. Performing Buddhist rituals was therefore necessary for the support of the temple as well as for the sustenance of the individual nuns. The daily schedule at the temple was quite regular. They got up at 4:30 a.m., performed the morning service at 5:00, ate breakfast at 6:00, made a food offering to the Buddha at 11:00, and took the evening medicine (supper) at 5:30 or 6:00 p.m. The time for the evening service varied in summer and winter. It was 4:30 in the winter but 7:00 p.m. in summer. Everyone went to bed at 9:00 p.m. Every first day and fifteenth day of the month, they made noon offerings to the Buddha to pray for the well-being of believers. Seven Dharma Gatherings ( fahui) took place each year on the following days: worshipping the thousand buddhas from the first to the fifth day in the first month; bathing the Buddha on the eighth day of the fourth month; worshipping Bodhisattva Dizang from the twenty-seventh to the twenty-ninth of the seventh month; lamp lighting to transfer the merit of the entire year on the first day of the twelfth month; and finally, the three feast days dedicated to Guanyin (the nineteenth day of the second month, the nineteenth day of the sixth month, and the nineteenth day of the ninth month). On these occasions, they made food offerings to the Buddha in the morning as well as at noon. The temple maintained two buildings to serve the postmortem needs of the local community, which constituted another source of income. The first was the Ashes Tower, in which were kept the urns of ashes of the cremated dead brought to the temple by the faithful ( guhui ta). Fees varied depending on which level the urn was placed. The lower and closer to the offering table, the higher the fee. Nuns would make offerings of incense and water every morning and evening in front of the urns. On festival days, additional food and fruit offerings would be presented and sutra chanting was done as well. Family members would come to visit and ask the nuns to chant sutras during the Ghost Festival when the rituals EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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of Food Offering to the Burning Mouths ( yankou) were performed for the sake of the dead. The second structure, the merit hall ( gongde tang), housed the soul tablets of faithful believers, donors who made contributions to the temple, young women who died before marriage, people who died by accident, or those who either did not have any descendents or had children far away. During Wuyin’s stay at Xinglong Si, she was uncomfortable with the traditional practice of “securing a bed,” or accepting women who paid a certain amount of money to the temple so that they could stay there for life and not have to work. She also thought the Ashes Tower and Merit Hall distracted the nuns from religious life. Although these measures helped the temple financially, the negative effects were greater than the advantages. That is why Incense Light Temple is free of all these common practices found in other Taiwanese temples. Tianyi appreciated Wuyin’s talent and often accepted her suggestions. Two things Wuyin did while at Xinglong Si showed her managerial ability and dedication to Vinaya study. The rice harvested twice a year had been stored in a room at the temple. Whenever more rice was needed, a nun would put the unhusked rice in a bag and carry it by bicycle to a factory to be husked. After paying for the labor, she would take the husked rice back to the temple. In the meantime, during the months the rice sat in storage, rats often got into the storeroom and made a mess. Wuyin decided to try a new method. At harvest time, a representative from the factory was asked to come weigh the rice and the weight was entered in a ledger. Instead of storing the rice at the temple, it was stored at the factory, which was responsible for it. When the temple needed the rice, the factory would be notified and the husked rice would be delivered to the temple after the appropriate charges were noted. The secretary at the temple had to sign in her ledger every time a new request for rice was made. The factory also kept track of the charges by noting them in their ledger. After a certain period, the two ledgers would be compared and the fees for husking the rice would be paid to the factory. Wuyin, being the secretary, was the person in charge of the transaction. It was also Wuyin who asked Tianyi to institute the twice-monthly recitation of precepts. The technical term for this ritual is poşadha (busa); it originated in India and was at least as old as the Vinaya Pitaka. According to tradition, every month, on the days of the full moon and half moon, monks gathered to listen to the recitation of the prātimoşa (the 250 precepts for a bhikşu). After the reciter reads each of the precepts, he asks three times, “Are you all pure with regard to this?” If there is silence, he says, “Since you have proven your innocence by remaining silent, then take and cherish the precept as before.” If any monk committed an offense, while the rules were being read aloud, he had to confess in front of the EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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assembly. He would then receive either absolution or punishment, depending on the nature and severity of the offense (Yü 1981, 199–202). With the exception of a few monasteries, neither the ritual of reciting the precepts for bhikşu nor the corresponding one for bhikşunī had been performed in China or Taiwan for a very long time. In response to Wuyin’s request, Tianyi began to teach the nuns the rules for reciting the precepts for bhikşunī and performing the ritual of poşadha in 1963. When she was not there, Wuyin would take the lead in the ceremony. During the eight years Wuyin stayed at Xinglong Si, she worked in the rice fields with everyone else (fig. 3.1). The work was hard and unrelenting. She began to wonder if this was the purpose of living as a monastic. If all one did was to work in the field, then what was the difference from living at home as a farmer? However, despite this occasional doubt, she probably would have remained there if the following incident had not occurred. The turning point in her life came in 1969, when she was twenty-nine years old. By then she had lived as a nun for eleven years. Xinglong Si was located next to the Wenzao Foreign Language Academy,

Figure 3.1 Wuyin (left) and Xinzhi working in the fields of Xinlong Si. Courtesy of the Incense Light archives. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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a Catholic junior college for girls. One summer day that year Wuyin was again working under a burning sun. Covered with sweat and dirt, she stopped momentarily to rest and saw the students reading, leaning on the balcony with their white uniforms fluttering in the wind. She hastily lowered her gaze and looked at herself. The contrast could not have been sharper. She was covered with dirt, standing barefoot in a field. She suddenly felt very sad and her tears streamed down her cheeks together with her sweat. She asked herself why Catholic nuns could be religious teachers but not Buddhist nuns? Why could Buddhist nuns only engage in individual cultivation and the performance of Buddhist rituals? She made up her mind to change her life and began to attend evening school to finish her high school education (she had stopped after the ninth grade). After she finished work, she went to the Ashes Tower, the most secluded place at the temple, to study. When Tianyi learned about Wuyin’s desire to study, she transferred her in 1971 to the Yuantong Academy, another temple under Tianyi’s direction in Taipei. That same year, Wuyin took the college entrance exam and was accepted into the Department of Chinese at the College of Chinese Culture at Yangming Shan, in the northern suburbs of Taipei. When Wuyin took the college examination, she was already thirty-one years old. It was rare for a person that age to take the exam together with eighteen-yearold high school graduates. It was even rarer to see a nun in the examination hall. So she went there with Mingjia, who was still attending college in Kaohsiung. They told whoever asked that it was Mingjia who was taking the exam and Wuyin was accompanying her, instead of the other way around. the Yuantong academY Years

Yuantong Academy had been a missionary station (bujiaosuo) under Japanese rule. After the war, it was turned over to the Nationalist government and the Zhang family lived in it as caretakers. When the Tripitaka Buddhist Seminary closed in 1962, Baisheng’s female disciples who studied there had no place to go because Shipu Si was a temple for monks only. Baisheng made arrangements for the Zhangs to move out so the nuns who studied with him could be accommodated at Yuantong. Since none of the nuns had any experience living the monastic life, Baisheng asked Tianyi to assume leadership there, too. Yuantong was quite different from Xinglong Si. For one thing, it was located in downtown Taipei, which is full of noise and busy traffic. Furthermore, it was very old and small. When Wuyin arrived, there were already close to twenty residents who lived in its cramped space. This is how Wuyin described the situation. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Yuantong Academy was converted from a Japanese-style building built originally with tatami. There was only one floor. The main hall was used as a reception room. There were three bathrooms, one kitchen, and a courtyard. The living space for the residents was extremely small. They had to be squeezed together like sardines. When one person sneezed, everybody heard it. There was no place to put everything and the space for work was also very limited. (Shi Jianye 1999, 117) To make it a functional temple, Tianyi decided to rebuild it, and Wuyin helped her with this project. But negotiations with the government were protracted, lasting several years. Although the temple had the right to use the building, the land on which it stood belonged to the government. When the government refused to grant use of the land to the temple, Tianyi decided to buy the land. The building itself was not worth much, but when the land estimate was added to back taxes owed to the government over the past thirty years, the selling price amounted to 8,000,000 NT dollars. This was a huge amount of money, and even Baisheng advised her against doing it. Tianyi, however, was determined to carry out the plan and sought donations vigorously. But first, the status of Yuantong Academy had to be changed. In 1971 Tianyi registered it as a “juridical person of religious association” (zongjiao faren) under the direction of a board of directors and deregistered it as a temple owned by a Believers’ Assembly. This was because according to the regulations governing religion, land owned by the government could only be sold to a juridical person of a religious association, not to a temple. This project of buying the land and rebuilding started the year Wuyin began college as a freshman. She served as the prior ( jianyuan), the second in command under the abbesss, at Yuantong from 1971 to 1977. In order to fulfill her duties there, Wuyi attended evening classes at the college and took care of the temple during the day. In the early days, the nuns at Yuantong Academy relied on the support of Shipu Si, for they did not have lay patrons. Tianyi believed, however, that Yuantong should be self-reliant. Performing Buddhist services was a way to begin generating income, as was the practice at Xinglong Si. Residents did not receive a monthly stipend, but if anyone participated in a Buddhist service, she could receive 100 NT dollars. Otherwise there was no money. Aside from food and housing, residents were responsible for all other daily needs such as toothpaste, soap, stamps, and bus fare. For this reason, unless the nuns had financial support from their families or lay patrons, the only way that they could manage was to perform Buddhist services. Many Buddhist leaders, including Baisheng, talked about EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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the drawbacks of over-reliance on Buddhist services, for this diverted monastics from religious cultivation and made them lose sight of their original reason for entering the sangha. But without these services, the livelihoods of monks and nuns became a problem. This was indeed the tragedy of Buddhism. These sad experiences at both Xinglong Si and Yuantong Academy made Wuyin determined that the Incense Light nuns should not have to perform Buddhist services. The daily schedule at Yuantong Academy was similar to that at Xinglong Si. Morning service took place at 5:00 a.m., the midday meal at 11:30, and evening service at 4:30 p.m. But because Tianyi was a devotee of Guanyin, on the nineteenth day of each lunar month she held a Great Compassion Confession Dharma Assembly (Dabeichan Fahui), at which the chanting of the Great Compassion Dharani (Dabeizhou) was the highlight. Sixty to seventy people would usually attend the monthly meetings, although the number would grow to more than two hundred, filling the hall to capacity on the occasion of the Buddha’s birthday and the Ghost Festival. Another regular meeting for both monastics and lay believers was the worshipping of the thousand buddhas, held from the first to the third day of the first lunar month. Tianyi also studied the Esoteric school with the scholar and lay Buddhist Chang Chengji (1920–1988). So from 1964 on, Tianyi held a seven-day Guanyin retreat during which everyone chanted Guanyin’s name and meditated on the bodhisattva. Tianyi also received the Dharma transmission from Baisheng and was a Linji Chan master of the forty-second generation. Because Tianyi had been exposed to both exoteric and esoteric Buddhism, she was not doctrinaire but allowed each person to pursue her own method of meditation. However, she encouraged her followers to chant the Great Compassion Dhāranī and the Cuntī Dhāranī, practice the visualization meditation of the fourarmed Guanyin, and chant the “Universal Gateway” chapter of the Lotus Sūtra as well as the Kştigarbha Sūtra (Dizang jing) (Shi Jianye 1999, 177).8 Wuyin was much influenced by Tianyi’s teaching style. As we shall see, the methods of religious cultivation practiced by the Incense Light nuns were equally diverse, including Chan, Pure Land, Esoteric Buddhism, and Theravada Buddhism.

A Brief Soujourn Abroad Wuyin graduated from the College of Chinese Culture in 1976. While in college, she came to know the famous monk Dongchu because she often went to the nearby library, the Hall of Zhonghua Buddhist Culture (Zhonghua Fojiao Wenhuaguan), associated with his temple to study. By then, some of the residents of Yuantong Academy had gone abroad to study. She knew that it was necessary to continue her studies if she wanted to devote herself to the education of monasEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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tics so they could serve as religious teachers. Wuyin’s tonsure master, Mingzong, had gone to Kyoto to study twelve years before, and Dongchu had helped her with 20,000 NT dollars (Shi Wuyin 2007, 119). In the 1970s when monastics first went abroad to study, they usually went to Japan. However, Wuyin wished to go to the United States because she already knew some English. She was not sure exactly where she should go and when she consulted Dongchu, he advised her to go to Hawai‘i, first to study English and then to apply to the University of Hawai‘i. In 1977, through the introduction and assistance of Dongchu, who also provided her with 1,000 US dollars, she left for Honolulu and lived in Yufo Si, a temple for nuns only. The abbot of the temple was an overseas Chinese from the Philippines and had lived in Honolulu for many years. One month after Wuyin’s arrival, he returned to the Philippines, leaving the affairs of the temple to Wuyin’s care. Aside from giving Dharma talks to believers every Saturday and Sunday, she spent most of her time studying English at a local community center, which offered instruction free of charge. This was something new to her and left a deep impression. Her original plan was to do graduate study in religion and sociology. But before she could apply to the University of Hawai‘i for admission, she was called back to Taiwan by Shengyan to deal with an emergency. Dongchu had suddenly died in 1978, leaving the temple and other properties to his tonsure disciple Shengyan; Wuyin’s name was also included in the will. Since Dongchu had registered the temple in his secular name, the government could take it over unless it was incorporated into a juridical person of a religious association, for inheritance law did not recognize the right of a monk to pass his property to another monk who was not related to him by blood. Because Wuyin had experience dealing with the government from her time at Yuantong Academy, Shengyan needed her help. as aBBess at incense Light

After the matter was settled, Wuyin did not return to Hawai‘i to continue her dream of graduate studies. By then her friend Xinzhi was already the abbess of Incense Light Temple, which had started to attract female college students. Because Xinzhi only had an elementary-level education and Wuyin was a college graduate, she invited Wuyin to join her in teaching the resident nuns. Wuyin became abbess in 1980. She also started a seminary for nuns, the Buddhist Seminary of Incense Light Bhikşunī Sangha, that same year. It was modeled after the Tripitaka Seminary she had attended, but the curriculum was less traditional, including not only sutras and treatises important to Chinese Buddhism, but also EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Āgamas and other works emphasized in Theravāda Buddhism. The training also took much longer, five years instead of three. The most innovative feature was its combination of study and job training. Students, like members of the community, were assigned specific work to do in maintaining and running the monastery. During their last two years, students served as interns in the subtemples and were expected to write a thesis based on their experiences. Four years later, in 1984, Wuyin started the Buddhist adult classes ( foxu yanduban), which were modeled on the free English classes she had attended when she was in Honolulu. If English could be taught for free, why not Buddhism? Although she stayed in Honolulu for only a year, what she experienced there had a lasting effect on her life. Because Incense Light Temple started out as a temple of popular religion and not a Buddhist monastery, there was no established tradition for Wuyin to follow or break. She was free therefore to experiment and find a new course. In the meantime, the community saw a tremendous infusion of new blood. Between 1980 and 1984, thirty college-educated young women became nuns and joined the Incense Light community. All of them wanted to modernize Buddhism, and Wuyin was open to suggestions proposed by a core of three young nuns. Experts in business management, data control, instructional methods, and psychological counseling were brought in from universities and companies to run intensive courses and workshops. The young nuns had been introduced to Buddhism when they were in college. Most of them attended the intensive two-week course taught by the layman Li Bingnan in Taichung. Li contributed much, as we shall read in the next chapter, to the movement of college students to study Buddhism. Many of them also participated in the Academic Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts led by Chanyun after completing the course. Li had started the classes already in the summer of 1961. College students were housed and fed by him and given a survey of Buddhism based on his pamphlet Fourteen Lectures in Outline (Shisi jiangbiao). It covers basic concepts such as karma and rebirth, Buddhist cosmology, the Four Noble Truths and the law of dependent origination, the Buddha and bodhisattvas, and so on. It provides extensive discussion of the Yogācāra philosophy and ends with exhortation to follow the Pure Land path. Wuyin does not identify herself as a feminist because she, like most nuns in Taiwan, equates feminism with either its first wave of anti-male militancy or its later associations with sexual freedom and gay rights. Yet she questioned the inequality between men and women in society when she was young. She firmly believed that nuns could be religious teachers and nuns should be led by nuns. In her lectures, she likes to challenge the traditional Taiwanese views about female EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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pollution. For instance, addressing the incoming nuns at the seminary, she spoke directly to this issue. According to tradition, when a woman is menstruating, she should not enter the hall where the Buddha is enshrined because she is “dirty.” Why should this be so? All human bodies, be it male or female, are dirty and the menses are not the only parts of the human body that are dirty. Actually, it is the mind and not the body that is really dirty; the mind is full of vexation, egoism, and guilt. It is therefore necessary for everyone, both men and women, to purify this mind. (Shi Wuyin 2001a, 6) Wuyin also instructs the nuns to transcend the limitation of gender and become a “heroic man” (da zhangfu). She likes to remind them that they should walk with their heels planted firmly on the ground. This will enable them to walk steadily instead of swaying their bodies. Moreover, they should stride with big steps. While the left arm swings in an arc from 45 to 60 degrees, the right arm should be kept close to the body and swing slightly. The robes worn by the nuns were designed by Wuyin herself after she visited Korea. They resemble the traditional dress worn by Korean women, with a high waist and flowing about the body, so as not to reveal any curves. To become a nun is to transcend one’s secular status. Hillary Crane suggests that Taiwanese nuns wish to become men because they address each other as “brothers” and hide their feminine characteristics (2007). This is definitely not the case with the Incense Light nuns. For Wuyin and her nuns, giving up the mannerisms and habits of a woman is not to become a man, but a first step toward becoming a bodhisattva, who is neither male nor female as understood in the secular sense. Attaining this lofty goal starts with a mundane change in the walking gait. Wuyin possesses a natural self-confidence and spirit of independence. Her experience of working closely with the forceful and charismatic Tianyi for fourteen years surely played an important role in shaping her own career as well. Her leadership has provided a space in which educated nuns can flourish. At the same time, the young nuns have also helped Wuyin accomplish her goal of bringing the Dharma to the people.

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College Buddhist Studies Societies

The Incense Light community experienced its most rapid growth in the 1980s. This reflected broader changes on the Taiwanese religious scene. Scholars have spoken of a “religious renaissance” in Taiwan since the 1980s (Madsen 2007). New Buddhist organizations sprang up such as Foguang, Ciji, Fagu, and Zhongtai, and the activities of folk religions such as the Unity Sect (Yiguan Dao) and the cult of Lord Guan at the Xingtian Gong (Enacting Heaven Temple) flourished as well. Temple complexes were built by increasing numbers of wealthy middle-class believers. These high-profile Buddhist institutions attracted in turn more support by the faithful. Academia Sinica conducted the first Taiwan Social Change Survey in 1985 and has followed with annual surveys since 1990. These surveys track changes in social stratification, family, communication behavior, religion, cultural values, political culture, work, and leisure time. In the 1985 survey, almost half of the individuals interviewed identified themselves as Buddhist. But many of them did not undergo the ceremony of “taking refuge in the Three Treasures.” Therefore, although they called themselves Buddhist, they were not formally lay Buddhists. A better index of the real influence of Buddhism is the number of refuge takers. In the 1990 survey, for instance, while 31.5 percent identified as Buddhist, only 4.5 percent had actually taken refuge. But in the 1995 survey, the respective numbers were 27.2 percent and 5.4 percent, indicating an increase of real lay Buddhists (Chü 1998). Guggenmos found that 87.2 percent of the 440 people interviewed by the survey team in July 2004 selfidentified as Buddhist, and 10 percent either had taken refuge or had a close relationship with a Buddhist master or organization. She called the former “conventional Buddhists” and the latter “specifying Buddhists” (Guggenmos 2010, 50). Another source, the Fu Bao (Welfare news), published by the layman Hong Qisong, reported that in 1988 there were 330,000 Buddhists, representing 17 percent of the population in Taiwan. Moreover, according to this report, most of them were intellectuals and people of the middle class, ranging in age from 25 to 65 (1988, November 5). Taiwanese nuns came from this segment of the general population. About one third of Taiwanese nuns younger than 30 are estimated to have either a diploma from a five-year technical school (three years of high EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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school plus two years of junior college) or a college degree (Li 2000, 270). In the case of the Incense Light nuns, the number was even higher, about four-fifths or 83 percent. What was the ratio of nuns to monks, and how many nuns were there in Taiwan? Based on annual ordination records for both monks and nuns from the years 1953–1987 and 1988–1998, Li Yuzhen came up with the numbers 7,078 and 4,819 for the two periods, respectively. Nuns constituted 75 percent of the monastic population. The number of female ordinands has consistently been greater than that of male ordinands by two to three times since 1987 (Li 2000, 354). According to recent statistics supplied by the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BAROC), as of 2008, the number of those who had received the precepts for bhikşu is 5,120, and for bhikşunī 14,967. When one adds the smaller numbers of those who received the precepts for male and female novices, the total monastic population was 20,784 (http://www.baroc.com.tw/cahier-1 . php). This is less than 10 percent of the 225,700 nuns tallied for 1930 (Goossarert 2000, 11–12). But despite their small numbers, the contribution today’s female monastics make to Taiwanese Buddhism is far from slight. There are several reasons highly educated women are attracted to Buddhism. As a result of social and economic changes, more women have the opportunity to receive a college education and become professionals. As one scholar noted, “Education is thus an important social force in altering the lives of women, providing a means for women to realize their potential and advance their status in the family and society” ( Jiang 1997, 4). Another source reports, “Advanced education has prompted more independent reasoning and judgment while possession of high-paying jobs has led to greater economic independence” (Yin 1987, 27). With this new sense of independence, a number of women choose not to get married, and thus remaining single no longer carries a stigma. Likewise, becoming a monastic is not only less objectionable than in the past, it is coming to be regarded as a preferred vocation. As was the case with Xinzhi and Wuyin, most Incense Light nuns did not come from Buddhist families and had little knowledge of Buddhism while growing up. In the course of my interviews, it became clear that they came to know and be attracted to Buddhism through lectures and other activities sponsored by the Buddhist studies societies ( foxueshe) they joined in college. Such student associations have played a critical role in the revival of contemporary Buddhism in Taiwan. Male students were of course equally exposed to Buddhism this way, and some of them also took refuge or joined the sangha as a result. But more men did not choose to become monks for mainly sociological reasons. As Wuyin and EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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others explained, it is more difficult for a son to leave home because sons have a moral obligation to continue the lineage. Moreover, since all male college students are required to serve in the army for two years after graduation, even if they have begun a monastic trajectory in college, observing monastic vows during the military service is difficult, and they often simply return to lay life. On the other hand, becoming a monk after finishing the military service is challenging because by then a man is twenty-four or twenty-five. This was the usual age to get married in the 1970s and 1980s. Parental pressure to remain in society would therefore be greater for a son than for a daughter. The Nationalist government imposed martial law in 1948, and it was not lifted until 1987. During those forty years, nongovernmental organizations, including students’ associations, faced certain restrictions. The government exerted strict control over all indigenous religions, including Buddhism. During the 1970s, although Christians and Catholics were permitted to establish universities and their religious activities could be carried out on campuses freely, the same was not true for Buddhists. Monks and nuns were not allowed on the campus of the National Taiwan University, and the Taiwan University Hospital even refused to allow a nun medical student to do a rotation there ( Jiang 1997, 57). This was not unique to Taiwan University, for according to Wuyin, monks and nuns were not permitted to visit any university campus to give Dharma lectures. Recalling the situation in the 1950s, Shengyan said, “In those days, young people liked to wear crosses around their necks and considered this fashionable. If someone was said to be a Buddhist believer, he would either be laughed at as being superstitious or be considered a pessimist. If the person was a young intellectual, people considered this even more bizarre. Why would anyone become a Buddhist believer if he has not suffered tragic events in his life?” (Shengyan 1979, 61). Not only did generally negative perceptions of Buddhism exist across society, it was also extremely difficult for college students to form clubs to learn about Buddhism. Except for student associations with a clearly patriotic overtone or purely academic and apolitical groups, college students had a hard time getting permission to form any extracurricular society. How did Buddhist studies societies manage to be the exception to government restrictions? The first cohort of Incense Light nuns entered the order in the 1970s, at the beginning of a broader Buddhist revival. Their recruitment was encouraged by developments that began outside the university walls, but quickly took hold in university life. Two lay Buddhists, Zhou Xuande (1899–1989) and Li Bingnan (1889–1986), together with their associates, played a major part in a Buddhist revival movement that became greatly influential among college students. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Lay Devotees anD BuDDhist RevivaL

Lay Buddhists and their societies have existed in China throughout the long history of Chinese Buddhism. Known as she, yi, or yiyi, these were grassroots associations of lay believers who pooled resources to cast statues or erect steles in order to generate merit. Evidence of such devotional societies was first found in the cave temples of Yungang and Longmen. The earliest dated stele is one in Yongmen Cave 11, erected by fifty-four members of a yiyi society in 483. Similar steles erected by such societies were found in the Longmen caves after the Northern Wei capital was moved from Datong to Loyang in 494 (Wong 2004, 53). Based on documents recovered from Dunhuang, we know that lay societies were active in providing material aid to temples as well as to each other. Society members generally maintained close relations with the monks of nearby temples who served as their spiritual guides (Ch’en 1964; Gernet 1995). In later periods, especially since the Song, societies formed for collective religious activities such as sutra recitations, casting statues and bells, releasing animals from captivity, and collectively chanting the name of the Buddha (ter Haar 1992; Getz, 1999; Yü 1981). In these collective activities, monks also served in a leadership capacity. Monks taught and guided the laity. From this historical perspective, the uniqueness of the present case is striking. First of all, the Taiwanese Buddhist studies societies were primarily organized for the sake of studying Buddhism, although trips to temples to observe and participate in rituals also took place. Secondly, the spiritual leaders to these societies were lay Buddhists instead of monks, and the societies themselves were headed by college students. Zhou Xuande concentrated his efforts in publishing: the magazine Torch of Wisdom (Huiju), and books issued by his company were all devoted to the propagation of Buddhism. He sponsored essay competitions on Buddhist themes and offered scholarships to college students who demonstrated knowledge about Buddhism. Li Bingnan, on the other hand, taught college students about Buddhism in regular courses designed specially for this purpose. Finally, thanks to their vision and energetic promotion, Buddhist studies societies could be established on college campuses beginning in 1961. These societies in turn served as the main pools for the recruitment of college students into the sangha.

Zhou Xuande and the Promotion of Buddhism on Campuses Zhou Xuande was ten years younger than Li Bingnan, but I will start with him because he is regarded as the originator of the Buddhist studies societies moveEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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ment. Zhou was a native of Nanchang, Jiangxi. His grandfather had become an orphan at a young age, but he became a skillful maker of firecrackers in middle age. His ingenuity and skill earned him fame among his peers and locally. He married in his old age and had one son named Yunung, who was Zhou’s father. The father studied the Odes and History as a young man and later became a specialist in neo-Confucianism. He was not interested in competing in the civil examination, but studied Chinese traditional medicine instead. He became a skilled physician, and even in his old age he practiced medicine to help people. Often he would not only refuse to accept a fee, but instead give the patient money to buy medicine. In this way, he saved many lives. His philanthropic deeds became widely known and many people came to him for aid. Zhou’s mother, née Xu, gave birth to eight daughters and two sons. She was very strict about childrearing. The children were not allowed to eat meat on the full moon (the first) and the half moon (the fifteenth) days of the lunar month. She also prohibited the use of silk in making garments. One can form an idea about the lifestyle and the environment in which Zhou grew up from such examples. Among the ten children, Zhou Xuande was number nine. He was first home-schooled by a tutor. He then enrolled in Nanchang Elementary School. But even before he graduated, he had successfully passed the entrance exam for the Number One Jiangxi Provincial Middle School. Upon graduation, he entered National Peking Industrial University and majored in chemical engineering. He graduated soon after the start of the May Fourth Movement (1919). His early career was as an educator. He taught at Yanjing University in Peking, Yinghua College in Canton, and the Jiangxi Institute of Industrial Technology. Under the Nationalist government, he worked as an education administrator. He served as dean and president at various colleges. He was also responsible for establishing two middle schools in Jiangsu Province. Because of the local unrest during this period, he encountered a number of dangers. In one instance, he was robbed and in another, he was nearly killed by members of a secret society known as the Small Knife Society. Undaunted, he refused to give up and persevered until he completed his work. The second phase of his career began when he became the editor of the Commercial Press, a very famous, if not the most famous, publishing company in the Republican period. When the company facility was burned to the ground in 1932, Zhou returned to teaching once more. When the Second World War broke out, he followed the government into exile in Sichuan Province. At first he served as a technical specialist in charge of weaponry. Four years later, he taught business management at the Sichuan Provincial Accounting College. As an educator, EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Zhou’s service was intermittent, but over all it covered a period of some twenty years. After the war ended and Taiwan was returned to China, Zhou was asked by the government to take charge of the Taiwan Sugar Company located in Yuemei near Taichung. This was the third phase of his career. The factory had been badly damaged by bombing, and there was a shortage of spare parts. He worked hard and restored the factory so that production was resumed ahead of schedule. After seven years, he was transferred to the company’s central office in Taipei. He assumed charge of planning, research and development, and personnel administration, and finally worked as a consultant. This lasted for over twenty years, until he retired and moved to Los Angeles in 1979 to seek medical treatment for his high blood pressure. Throughout his life, Zhou maintained a close connection with the Nationalist government. This proved important, as will become clear, to the later establishment of student Buddhist studies societies. Zhou was attracted to Buddhism in his thirties, when he took refuge in the Three Treasures and studied Buddhist scriptures. In 1932 he was lucky enough to attend the Dharma lectures given by Taixu, the famous Buddhist reformer. For Zhou, Śākyamunī Buddha was the one person most admirable among the ancients, while Sun Yat-sen was the one person most admirable among people of recent times. He deeply appreciated what Sun said about religion and Buddhism: He liked to refer to Sun, who often said that people cannot live without religion. Religion can guide politics and politics can protect religion. While politics rule the body, religion rules the mind. The two complement each other without conflict. The benevolent teaching of Buddhist religion can save the world. Buddhist study is the mother of philosophy. Religion is one of the greatest natural forces that create and maintain the identity of a people. Therefore, people cannot do without religion. The study of Buddhism can correct the partiality of science. So Zhou was both a Nationalist and a Buddhist. Assuming responsibility for promoting and protecting Buddhism in society, he devoted his energy to Buddhist education directed particularly at college students. After a long history of ordinary people mistaking Buddhism for superstition, he believed it was essential to involve the educated members of society to correct this prejudice and launch a Buddhist revival. After arriving on Taiwan, Zhou took refuge with the monk Zhiguang (1889–1963) and also worked closely with Nanting (1900–1982), a younger coreligionist. In 1952 Zhou, together with Nanting, lectured on Buddhist sutras regularly as part of a radio program. This was the beginning of mass proselytizing using public media. The Amitābha Sūtra, Song of Enlightenment EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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(Zhengdao ge),1 Sūtra of the Young Maiden Miaohui (Miaohui dongnü jing),2 and Sūtra of the Ten Good Deeds (Shishanye dao jing)3 were the texts used most often in the lectures.4 Zhou was also a lover of traditional Chinese culture, of which, in his view, Buddhism was an essential part. For Zhou, a correct understanding of Buddhism could counteract the power of Christianity to influence the thought of the youth (Gan 2004, I:467). This is evident in an essay Zhou wrote in 1986, which reviewed the Buddhist activities his publication, Torch of Wisdom, had promoted among college students during the previous twenty-four years. He explained that he had three goals in this endeavor: 1. Buddhadharma can mold moral character and lead to the dual completion of virtue and wisdom. It can thus establish young people’s correct view of life. 2. In the environment of Taiwanese Buddhism, there are more women than men, more old people than young people. Gods and Buddha are not distinguished. Superstition and negativity prevail. All these need to be assiduously corrected. 3. Youths should take the lead in promoting true Buddhism so that the society will be safe, the country will be prosperous, the people will be peaceful, and the human mind will be purified. (Zhou 1986, 3) In July 1958, Zhou used the money given to him by friends for his sixtieth birthday to put his plan of spreading Buddhism among college students into action. He printed one thousand copies each of the Sūtra of Eight Great Realizations of a Great Man (Ba daren jue jing)5 and the Characteristics and Value of Buddhism by Liang Qichao (1873–1929), and asked Buddhist periodicals such as Life (Ren sheng) and Bodhi Tree (Puti shu) to distribute them to college students for free. As further encouragement, he invited students to write essays about two thousand words long describing their reactions after reading the books. Those whose essays were selected would receive a scholarship of 100 NT dollars. This call for papers was successful, and a number of students responded. The essays were judged by Zhou’s refuge master Zhiguang. Zhou collected the winning essays and published them as a book, which he distributed to students at many colleges and universities in 1959. The essay contests continued. When Zhou published the journal Torch of Wisdom in 1961, it not only included these essays but also solicited cartoons, plays, and other types of writing by college students. In the following year, he expanded his publishing project by starting a press that, like EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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the journal, published only Buddhist material. He gave most of the publications to people for free. By his forging a “good karmic link” ( jie shanyuan) with readers in this way, he hoped that Buddhism would become better understood by society at large. It was also in 1959 that Zhou took another measure to promote the study of Buddhism among college students. Together with Nanting, Yinshun, Dongchu, and the layman Qiu Hanbing, Zhou created the International Scholarship Foundation for Culture and Education to provide scholarships to students to study Buddhism. When Zhou made the proposal, he stated: Within three months after Buddhist books were distributed by Buddhist periodicals to colleges as gifts, we had received more than ten excellent book reports that were very moving. From the time we published these essays as a book, we have held lectures, visited famous temples, and had group discussions as well as individual interviews. . . . From this series of activities, we can see the beautiful vision of youth turning to Buddhism in the future. It already begins the process of budding, growing, and flowering. At this moment, what is needed most is to water the tender roots. I propose that, with the permission of the university administrations, we establish scholarships for Buddhist studies and give them to the most excellent students as a special encouragement. There are several tens of junior colleges and universities. If we allot three to five scholarships to each school, there will be more than a hundred recipients. If each person receives 800–1,000 NT dollars we will need several hundred thousand NT dollars. Suppose this amount is divided among the more than a thousand Buddhist organizations. Then on average, each would contribute no more than a little over 100 NT dollars. This focused approach is indeed the most economical and effective way to develop Buddhism. (Zhou 1959, 2) Nanting was the first to respond, by contributing 50,000 NT dollars. Yinshun and Dongchu and some lay believers also supported this appeal with enthusiasm (Fang 1960, 13). According to the bylaws of the International Scholarship Foundation, learned scholars in Buddhism drawn from both the monastic and the lay communities would form a committee to provide guidance to college students. Yinshun and Nanting were members representing the monastic community, while Zhou and Qiu were two of several lay members. The committee members were entrusted with the following duties: EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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1. To select appropriate books and magazine articles for college students to read. When they have difficulty understanding, they can write to the committee members for guidance. 2. Read and grade students’ essays on Buddhism and determine the amount of scholarship awarded. This initiative was very effective. Other lay Buddhists living in Canada and the United States responded by setting up foundations of a similar nature. Eventually fifty-one such foundations were created and all were entrusted to Zhou to manage. After 1971, with increased funds, the number of scholarships grew by 300 to 400 each year (Gan 2004, I:475). In light of this success, other people interested in promoting Buddhism began to set up similar scholarships in the 1970s and 1980s. By 1985, the number of scholarships entrusted to Torch of Wisdom by people not connected to Zhou and his circle had increased to forty-nine and by 1989, more than eight thousand students had received scholarships worth altogether 13,000,000 NT dollars (Gan 2004, I:478–480). Some of the scholarship recipients went on to write an M.A. thesis or a Ph.D. dissertation on Buddhism (Li 2002, 142). Starting in 1976, to encourage college students to pay equal attention to religious practice and intellectual understanding of Buddhism, Zhou held weekly gatherings to chant the Buddha’s name at his home. He called these the “Buddha invocation gathering at the Pure Abode” ( Jinglu nianfo hui), for his home was named Jinglu or Pure Abode. To ensure that both the Torch of Wisdom Press and the periodical of the same name would last after he was gone, when he was eighty years old, Zhou donated his private residence to be used as their headquarters. In this Zhou followed a traditional pattern of lay Buddhism: believers often converted their residences into monasteries or donated money and fields when they were old; Zhou’s contemporary twist on this was to turn his home into not a temple but a beacon to attract educated young men and women to Buddhism. Both the press and the periodical are still in existence. Their staying power is a good indication of his influence. Zhou also donated his entire pension and, with the contributions made by other donors, he bought a building and named it Torch of Wisdom. The building houses three memorial chambers dedicated to the three masters of the twentieth century: Xuyun (1840–1959), Taixu, and Yinguang (1861–1940). Moreover, Zhou created a Torch of Wisdom Foundation specifically for scholarships given to college students. The following list describes the activities Zhou carried out under the umbrella of the Torch of Wisdom: EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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1. Hold oratory competition among college students. 2. Hold essay competition on Buddhist themes. 3. Provide mentoring and help with activities initiated by student organizations on college campuses. 4. Show movies about Buddhism. 5. Establish Torch of Wisdom reading rooms. 6. Hold wall poster competitions on college campuses. 7. Provide medicine and medical care to the disabled and poor. 8. Sponsor activities promoting nonkilling and the release of captured animals. 9. Distribute Buddhist books and magazines for free. 10. Make contributions to Buddhist organizations. 11. Serve as a distribution center for Buddhist books. 12. Recruit individual youth to study Buddhism. These activities have rightly received much adulation from his contemporaries, but in my view, his greatest contribution was the establishment of Buddhist studies societies on college campuses beginning in the 1960s. The first was the Compassionate Light (Ciguang) Society at National Taiwan University, which was approved by the university administration and formally began operation on April 8 (the Buddha’s birthday), 1959. Soon afterward, the president of the university, Qian Siliang, asked that the name be changed because it sounded too Buddhist and because no religion was allowed to proselytize on campus. The name was therefore changed to Light of Dawn (Chenxi) in 1961 (Li 2002, 351). Indeed, the reason this first Buddhist studies society had been allowed was because Zhou maintained good relationships with the government and the Nationalist Party. Thanks to his connections, whatever Zhou suggested was usually approved. This was well understood by everyone in Buddhist circles. Shengyan explained the situation at the time this way: Elder Zhou patiently explained to the educational circles that Buddhist studies are not the same as believing in Buddhism. Establishing Buddhist studies societies is not intended to turn youths into Buddhist believers. Buddhist studies is profound knowledge that benefits the world and human beings. The purpose of the society is not to indoctrinate college students with religious beliefs. In order not to present any problem to the college administrators, Zhou gave them an oral guarantee that the Buddhist studies societies would not carry out any religious activities on campus. This way no other religion can use this as a precedent to proselytize on EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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campus. It is also because of this guarantee that no Buddhist Dharma masters can enter famous universities such as the National Taiwan University or the National Normal University to give lectures. (Shengyan 1979, 108) Shengyan recalled that when he was a professor at the College of Chinese Culture upon returning from the United States in 1977, he was invited to give lectures by the Buddhist studies societies of various universities. Although Buddhist masters could at that point set foot on campus, Shengyan was always asked by the student in charge to talk about Buddhist studies but not Buddhist religion; he was told that he could only discuss theory, not belief. This, of course, was a heritage of earlier days. How different it would be less than ten years later, when the study of Buddhism was no longer considered separate from a belief in Buddhism. This development would extend beyond Buddhist studies societies. As we shall see in chapter 6, the adult Buddhist education classes taught by the Incense Light nuns since 1984 are directed toward people in society, including college students and intellectuals. The very first lesson in the textbook of the advanced class has the title “Buddhist Studies and Learning from the Buddha” ( foxue yu xuefo). In part it reads: The teaching of the Buddha as well as what his disciples practiced and advocated are all within the realm of Buddhist studies and learning from the Buddha. . . . To learn from the Buddha means one realizes the Buddhadharma with one’s own body. This refers to the four levels of faith, understanding, practice, and realization. . . . When one studies Buddhism and can truly realize it oneself, only then will one receive the real benefit of the Buddhadharma. . . . In learning from the Buddha, one makes progress in Buddhist studies and one’s level of study can be advanced. Therefore, the study of Buddhism and the practice of Buddhism mutually aid each other. Buddhists should pay attention to both understanding and practice, and should cultivate both wisdom and blessing. (Xiangkuang Nisengtuan Jiayeshan Wenjiao Jijinhui 1997a, 7–9) The first Buddhist studies society at National Taiwan University had twenty members, and Zhou was invited to serve as its adviser. It is no coincidence that the first students’ Buddhist studies society was established the same year the International Scholarship Foundation was founded. It is also significant that the name of the society was at first Compassion Light, the name used by Li Bingnan, another layman to be discussed below, for a Buddhist lecture series EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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he delivered to college students. In June of the same year, students at the Normal University organized the Middle Way Society and students in the Taipei Engineering College formed Wisdom Light Society. They asked Zhou to serve as their adviser as well. Buddhist studies societies were formed in colleges, universities, and technical schools all over the island in the next two decades. By 1985, there were sixty-four societies on different campuses with 10,953 student members (Li 2002, 129), and by 1989 their number had continued to grow, to ninety-two in all (Gan 2004, I:490–492). Buddhist studies societies sponsored lectures by noted Buddhist scholars as well as speech competitions among their members. Visits to temples and pilgrimages to famous Buddhist sites also provided opportunities for students to come in contact with Buddhism. The speed and ease with which these Buddhist studies societies could be organized was undoubtedly due to Zhou’s active encouragement and promotion. Since he had held several important jobs under the Nationalist government, his connections made getting approval from university administrations, which had to answer to the Ministry of Education, much simpler. Zhou continued to take a hands-on approach with the student associations, just as he did with running the essay competitions and awarding the scholarships. Beginning in 1961, he invited the leaders of all the student groups to meet each semester in the office of the Torch of Wisdom to exchange experiences. During such meetings, invited scholars, educators, and important personages would give lectures. In addition to the weekly Buddha-invocation gatherings held at his home, he invited students to attend a weekly Chan meditation or “quiet sitting” class, which was added to balance the Pure Land practice.

Li Bingnan and the Formation of a Modern Lay Buddhist Education Li Bingnan played an equally important, if somewhat different, role in the propagation of Buddhism among college students in the 1960s and1970s.6 Like Zhou, Li was a pious and learned Buddhist layman. They had met in 1952 when Zhou was appointed by the government to take charge of the Taiwan Sugar Company near Taichung. A year before that, Li had established the Buddhist Lotus Society (Fojiao Lianshe) in Taichung as a center to promote Buddhism. Li, a native of Jinan, Shandong Province, was born on December 7, 1890, in the last decade of the Qing dynasty. The Li family belonged to the literati gentry class. They had lived in the same compound for over three hundred years and were renowned for their good works in the community. Li received a traditional Confucian education, which included Confucian classics, history, literature, and EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Chinese medicine. Like many of his contemporaries, he also studied Buddhist and Daoist writings. He became interested in popular education at an early age. In 1912, when he was only twenty-three years old, he organized a Committee for Popular Education, which he headed in Jinan. He gave lectures not only in his home city but also in other cities and towns. To get people interested, he composed popular songs to go with the lectures. The Shandong provincial government rewarded his efforts with citations. In 1920 he became the prison warden in Lü County. Seeing how crowded the prison was, he set out to improve conditions there. It took him five years to have new facilities constructed. He believed in rehabilitation of the prisoners through education and stressed moral education in prison. When prisoners fell ill, he provided medical care, and when a prisoner died with no family to take care of the corpse, he would pay from his own pocket to have it buried. He was in this way deeply influenced by Confucian teaching. His formal introduction to Buddhism took place when he attended the Shandong Academy of Law. The teachers there often referred to the Buddhist law of cause and effect to explain the principle of the secular law. The lay Buddhist scholar Mei Guangxi was serving as an official in Shandong at that time. Mei was a specialist in Yogācāra (Consciousness Only) philosophy and formed a society for the study of Buddhism on the banks of Lake Daming, where he regularly gave lectures on Yogācāra thought. Li often attended the lectures and became quite interested. He liked to harmonize Buddhism and Confucianism. Mei’s promotion of Yogācāra was by no means exceptional; this school had become popular among Chinese intellectuals in the early twentieth century. This school, with its strong scholasticism, never reached the popularity of Tiantai or Huayan, not to mention Chan and Pure Land. Still, it underwent a notable renaissance in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, thanks to its more rational and even scientific approach to the world. In the new spirit of modernism, the study of Yogācāra philosophy was eagerly embraced by both monastic and lay Buddhist thinkers. Both Taixu and Yinshun, for instance, were great promoters. Courses focused on the main Yogācāra texts Thirty Verses and Twenty Verses of Consciousness Only and the Completion of Ideation Only became favorites in Buddhist seminaries and other venues like the lay association Mei had founded. Between 1927 and 1931 civil conflicts raged across China, and Lü County, where Li served, suffered as a result. Twice the magistrates in charge abandoned the area, and Li had to take the lead in either defending it or negotiating a truce. What happened in 1930 was particularly important. In February of that year the warlord in control decided to rebel against the Nationalist government. Lü EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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County was under siege from the Nationalist army for six months, and many people starved to death. During this difficult time, Li happened to read a book by the famous writer, painter, and cartoonist Feng Zikai (1898–1975) called Drawings to Protect Life (Husheng huace). Feng had trained in music and painting under Li Shutong, better known as Hongyi (1880–1942), a Vinaya master. Hongyi was not only Feng’s teacher and mentor, he also became his refuge master. Like many intellectuals in the 1920s, Feng went to Tokyo in the spring of 1921 to study. Although he stayed for only ten months due to financial reasons, Feng was exposed to and became fascinated with the Japanese manga (Ch. manhua), a genre concerned with “everyday things or with grotesque fantasies. They were full of—often crude—burlesque humour” (Harbsmeier 1984, 19). Feng was interested in the lives of the common people and wanted to create art that was not just for the elite. He found this kind of drawing congenial and began to create manhua (sketches or cartoons) for periodicals and newspapers. These became so popular among readers that they were later republished in collections. The first collection was published in 1925 under the title Zikai manhua (Feng Zikai’s cartoons), and the last was issued in 1969, twenty-nine years after Feng’s death (Tarocco 2007, 71–75). The collection Li Bingnan saw was published in 1929; it contained fifty drawings that illustrated classical poems and Buddhist tales accompanied by Hongyi’s calligraphy. The drawings promoted vegetarianism and release of animals captured for food, and at this point Li came to the realization that the best way to end wars was by observing nonviolence and actively protecting the life of sentient beings. He would keep a vegetarian diet for the rest of his life. Li’s attraction to Pure Land Buddhism deepened after he started reading books published by the Society to Spread Buddhism in Suzhou. That society had been established by Yinguang, the master credited with the revival of Pure Land Buddhism in the modern period. When Li read books such as Introduction to Buddhism and Easy Primer for the Study of Buddhism, which discussed mainly Pure Land tenets, he found them much easier to understand than the Mahāyāna sutras and treatises he had studied earlier. When he later learned from a friend that Yinguang was a Buddhist master who also knew Confucianism well, he admired him even more and wished to take refuge with him. This would not become a reality until several years later, when he met one of Yinguang’s Buddhist lay disciples and through his introduction began corresponding with the Pure Land master. He subsequently did take refuge with Yinguang and became a Buddhist layman. Three years later, Li finally got a chance to visit Yinguang in Suzhou. When he saw him, Li felt as if he were meeting the Maitreya Buddha. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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At that time, Yinguang was observing a solitary retreat, and most visitors were allowed no more than ten minutes in his presence. To his delight, Yinguang kept him all day. When he left, it was already night. In 1934 a new gazetteer for Lü County was in the works. Most of the contributors were renowned Confucian scholars. Li was assigned four sections—on ancient sites, military affairs, judicial affairs, and inscriptions. This work he completed in three years, and the editor-in-chief recommended him to the Office of Sacrifice to Confucius. He was soon promoted to executive secretary of this office. This was the official position he held for the rest of his life. Li met Taixu in Sichuan during the war years. Li had long admired Taixu for his writings in the Buddhist periodical Sound of Tidal Waves (Haichao yin). Taixu was staying in Chang’an Si in Chongqing when Li asked to meet with him. It happened that Mei Guangxi was also there that day. Taixu wanted to send someone from the Buddhist studies society based at the temple to spread the Dharma among the prisoners. Mei recommended Li, who had already served as a missionary in prisons for several years. Li lectured to great effect and received much praise from Taixu. His approach to Buddhism, despite his personal Pure Land faith and early study of Yogācāra, was not sectarian since he had also studied Chan and Esoteric Buddhism. He liked to say, “There is no fixed method in the Dharma.” In 1948 Li followed the Nationalist government to Taiwan. Leaving his family on the mainland, he lived alone and led a very disciplined life, like a monk. His daily routine never varied: from 4:00 to 6:00 in the morning he devoted himself to his own religious practice. He then worked at his regular job during the day and gave Dharma lectures from 7:00 to 9:00 in the evening. In memory of Huiyuan’s Lotus Society, Li organized the Taichung Lotus Society in 1950. It was at first located in Fahua Si, but in the following year, with the help of other likeminded lay Buddhists, he purchased a private house to use as a meeting place. He set down three goals for the society: 1. To give lectures on Confucian and Buddhist classics in order to transform and guide people. 2. To practice collective Buddha invocation in order to achieve rebirth in the Pure Land. 3. To promote cultural and philanthropic activities to encourage moral living and improve society. Li was not only interested in teaching Buddhism and Confucianism and encouraging individual religious cultivation, he was equally interested in promoting EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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compassionate action to help people in need. In Pure Land practice, it is important to maintain a peaceful mind before death. To help the dying achieve this, in 1952 Li organized the Group Assisting Buddha Recitation for Rebirth in the Pure Land (Wangsheng Zhuniantuan) as an outreach program of the Taichung Lotus Society. Since the word nian has two meanings—mindfulness and recitation of Amitābha Buddha’s name, zhunian also has the dual meaning of helping the dying attain a collected mindfulness as they face death as well as helping them call Buddha’s name. Members who volunteered could not accept any money from the grieving family. They should bring their own food but must not eat with the family, and may only accept tea. Like his other activities, this service showed Li to be an innovator and an effective promoter of lay Buddhism. Traditionally, when someone neared death or had just died, monks or nuns were invited to come chant sutras; that laypeople should take up this task was something new. Li’s group members were all lay Buddhists and such works were part of their mission to spread Pure Land teaching. Two documents provide a clear picture of how this activity was carried out. The first is the “Regulations of the Group” (tuanze), and the second is the “Rules” ( fagui); these govern the behavior of both members of the chanting group and the family members of the dying person. Since these guidelines are followed in principle by similar service groups that are quite popular in Taiwan today, it may be helpful to see what they are. The regulations include: 1. The head of the Lotus Society appoints the leader of the [chanting] group to manage all affairs connected with the activity. The head of Family Buddha Recitation [another group whose mission is to lead members of Buddhist households to chant Amitābha’s name] serves as his assistant. No one so appointed should excuse him/herself from the task. 2. Expenses of the group come from voluntary contributions by the faithful. 3. When anyone needs assistance in calling the Buddha’s name, a relative of the dying person should submit an application and be provided with the “Rules” governing the behavior of family members. Permission is given only when he promises that the rules will be faithfully followed. 4. After the group accepts an assignment, the group leader should immediately call the members together and divide them into several subgroups, which take turns visiting the client family. The group leader appoints one person from each subgroup to take responsibility. 5. Each member must show up at the assigned time to take up his duty. If for any reason he cannot go on a certain day, he must find someone to substitute. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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6. When the group goes to the client family, it should carry the images of the Three Holy Ones [Amitābha Buddha, Guanyin, and Dashizhi], wooden fish, cymbals, and other ritual necessities such as candles and incense. 7. Upon arriving at the house, the group leader should explain to family members the benefit of this ritual and tell them what not to do. He should comfort and encourage the sick person. Group members in the meantime arrange the ritual arena. They should place the images of the Buddha and the bodhisattvas facing east and move the sick person to face west. It does not matter whether he is sitting or lying down. 8. After the sick person dies, if there are auspicious signs of his being reborn in the west, group members must carefully note them down and examine the person’s deeds while alive for verification. This information will serve as encouragement for Pure Land practice. 9. The recipient of this service must be a member of the Lotus Society or a member of the Family of Buddha Recitation Class for the time being. 10. When relatives of members face death and need this service, the group leader can investigate their situation. If they have real faith in the Pure Land, permission may be granted. The Rules come in two sets: one for the members of the zhuniantuan and the other for the family members of the dying patient: A. Rules for Members of the Group Assisting Buddha Recitation 1. First set up the images of the Buddha and the bodhisattvas with incense and candles to the west. If there is already an image of Amitābha Buddha in the room, then there is no need to enshrine another one. Incense should not be too strong in case it may obstruct the breathing of the sick person. 2. The image of the Buddha should be placed in such a way that the sick person can see it easily. 3. Those who assist the Buddha recitation first utter the gathas of praise in front of the image of the Buddha. This is followed by the invocation of the Six Characters [Namo Amitofo] while beating the wooden fish and sounding the cymbals. Make sure that the patient hears this. 4. When the patient is near death, change the recitation to the Four Characters [Amitofo] and use only the cymbals. Move closer to him and do this by his side. 5. If upon arriving at the client family, the patient is already near death, EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:41 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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then omit the set-up but immediately approach him while sounding the cymbals and reciting the Four Characters. 6. At the start of reciting the gathas praising the Buddha, it is best to have more people recite together. Later on it is all right for smaller groups to take turns. 7. A small group is constituted of no less than two but no more than four people. The time for the group to carry out the assisted recitation is one hour. 8. If the patient is conscious and aware, the person in charge of assisted recitation may tell him to give up all his entanglements and call on the name of Buddha single-heartedly with others. The recitation can be done mentally or simply by listening. 9. If the patient has attachments or has fears, then the person in charge of assisted recitation should explain to him that if his allotted life span is not exhausted, he will recover quickly, but if it is exhausted, he will be reborn in the Land of Bliss. Help him to give rise to correct thought by giving him this kind of short lecture. 10. The patient’s family should nominate one person to be responsible for assisting with the recitation. This is the person who works with the zhuniantuan in all matters concerning the patient. 11. When the assisted recitation starts, all family members and friends of the patient, no matter who they are, are not permitted to draw near to the patient and talk about irrelevant matters. If there is someone who is a Buddhist among them, then she/he can join the recitation after members of zhuniantuan get permission from the person in charge of the client family. 12. If the patient wishes to take a bath and change clothes, this should be done before the beginning of the assisted recitation. However, this depends on the patient’s condition. If he does not wish to do it, then do not force him, for that will increase his suffering. 13. Once the assisted recitation begins, all such things as bathing, changing clothes, or moving the patient must cease. 14. Do not carry on worldly small talk, offer comfort, ask about the will, or sigh and cry, for these actions will arouse the patient’s emotional attachment, which prevents his being reborn in the west. 15. Let the patient sit or lie down (either lie on the side or on the back) at the time of death. Do not force him in any way. 16. Do not move the dead, bathe him, or change his clothes within eight EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:42 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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hours after death. If someone worries that his joints might become stiff during this length of time, then soak a towel in hot water and wrap it around his elbows and knees. When he is washed with water, the body will soon become soft. 17. Do not touch the body within eight hours to test whether it is warm or cold. By all means do not cry. 18. Continue chanting the Buddha’s name without stop for eight hours after the patient dies. Only then is the duty of assisted recitation considered to have ended. 19. When the Assisting Recitation Group completes its work, it is then all right to wash the body, change the clothes, and move it. Family members can now cry as they wish. B. Rules for Family Members of the Patient 1. Use vegetarian food and not meat in making offerings to the Buddha. 2. To listen to the Buddha’s name silently is a thing of great goodness. If the patient is not destined to die, his lifespan will be extended. On the other hand, if he has exhausted his worldly years, he will be able to be reborn in the Land of Bliss. People in the world are ignorant. They think Buddhadharma is for funerals and mortuary services, and they thus regard it as inauspicious. Such a view is blind and foolish, and it is most mistaken. In the Flower Garland Sūtra, Buddha ascends to heaven and preaches to the gods, who all praise Buddhadharma in one voice. It is therefore most auspicious. To recite the Buddha’s name (nianfo) is to remember the Dharma taught by the Buddha. Therefore when one recites the name of the Buddha with a concentrated One Mind ( yixin nianfo), the merit is inconceivable. 3. Family members should not enter the chamber to talk lovingly with the patient or cry by the bedside. This will disturb the patient’s correct thought and thus make him fall into a lower realm of rebirth. 4. When the patient has just died, do not cry or wash his hands and feet, do not move the body and change his clothes, etc. This is because at this time, the dead has not relinquished his consciousness. Doing so will make him suffer and lose his correct thought. Recitation of the Buddha’s name must be carried on as usual. Wait until the body has no more warmth and the consciousness is gone. When the assisted recitation ceases, it is only then permissible to carry out the tasks mentioned above. 5. When the dead relinquishes warmth and consciousness, his elbows and knees become crooked and it is hard to straighten them. One may wrap EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:42 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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them with hand towels soaked in hot water. They will then naturally return to their original condition. Actually, it is all right to leave them crooked. Do not give credence to the vulgar belief that says that if the hands and feet of the dead are not straight, he will be reborn as someone with crooked arms or a cripple in the next life. Any knowledgeable person will regard this as total nonsense. A person who has spiritual attainment dies lying on his side, which is called “auspicious death” ( jixiang shi). People may also die while sitting in meditation. When one dies either in a sitting position or lying on the side, the hands and feet must by necessity be bent. This is without doubt. Śākyamuni Buddha also lay on his right side with his arm under his head when he entered nirvana. Therefore it does not matter whether the body of the dead is straightened or not. 6. After the dead has gone to the west, family members should replace the wailing by the side of the coffin with reciting the name of the Buddha. In performing the funeral rituals, it is best to save the expenses and use the money to have a Buddhist service or buy captured creatures and set them free. Such actions aid the dead to be reborn in the west. If the family members do not follow items 1 and 3 of the rules, then the assisted recitation should cease. Zhou and Li TEaM uP

Among his other lay activities, Li Bingnan gave lectures on Buddhist scriptures in his spare time away from official duties. Zhou Xuande and Li met for the first time in 1952, when Zhou attended Li’s lecture on the Amitābha Sutra. This was the beginning of a long friendship. Li and Zhou would become a team: While Zhou was active in Taipei, Li confined his activities to Taichung. Their work overlapped and the same students who submitted essays to Zhou’s periodical often also attended Li’s lectures. Even once Buddhist studies societies were active on college campuses, because students were always busy with schoolwork and did not have a regular teacher to guide them, they could only learn about Buddhism through occasional lectures. Because the lecturers specialized in only one aspect of Buddhism, what each taught was of course different. Students became troubled by the lack of consistency and regularity. Li therefore started a lecture series called the “Compassionate Light (ciguang) Lecture Series for College Students”; this series was begun EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:42 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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in March 1962 and was held during the winter and summer vacation for four weeks each session. Li personally taught the students and provided food and lodging for them. After 1971 the name of the lecture series was changed to “Clarification of Human Relationships” (minglun), implying that the lectures were about Buddhism as well as the five human relationships emphasized in Confucianism (Xu 2006, 348). The lecture series held during summer vacation was for beginning students and the one held during winter vacation was for advanced students. The students who attended the beginner’s class in the summer were more numerous, and they were the main focus of Li’s instruction. The summer course consisted of six texts. It began with a text written by Li himself called Fourteen Lectures in Outline. Its fourteen lessons each contain an elaborate diagram providing the essential points of Buddhism in outline. These are then explained in detail together with copious notes. Here is a summary of the lessons: 1. The meaning of Buddha. This is not a biography of the Buddha. Instead, the word “Buddha” means wisdom and enlightenment. This being the case,  2. The purpose of studying Buddhism is to gain wisdom and become enlightened. 3. The necessity of knowing essential principles in studying Buddhism. Because of the enormity of the Buddhist literature, we must know the principle of sequence in our study. This can be further discussed under three headings: (1) all phenomena can be discussed under essence, characteristics, and function; (2) all phenomena arise due to three factors: causes, conditions, and fruit; (3) all things can be viewed from the point of view of principle (li) and the point of view of phenomena (shi). 4. Dispelling commonly held misunderstandings about Buddhism 5. On life as suffering 6. Human life in three ages: past, present, and future 7. The six realms of rebirth 8. Cosmology 9. General outline of Buddhism: This can be further discussed under three headings: (1) morality, meditation, and wisdom constitute the essence; (2) “not to do evil, do good, and purify the mind” constitute the function; and (3) understanding ( jie) and practice (xing) are the two gateways and both should be jointly pursued. For understanding, one should read the scriptures widely and then concentrate on one particular school. For practice, there are four schools: Vinaya, Chan, Pure Land, and Esoteric Buddhism. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:42 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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10. The expedient teaching of the five vehicles: men, devas, voice hearers, pratyeka buddhas, and bodhisattvas. While the first four all pertain to the Small Vehicle, only the last one is the Great Vehicle. 11. Five precepts and ten virtues 12. The Four Noble Truths and the twelve links of dependent origination 13. Six perfections 14. Pure Land: a special shortcut in practice 15. The rarity of being born as human beings. The fourteen lessons cover all major topics in Buddhism. Although Li uses the terminology and concepts of all the Chinese Buddhist schools, he favors the explanation found in the Yogācāra perspective in the essay part of each lesson. This is because, for Li, its analysis of the characteristics of all phenomena is most concise. Reflecting his own faith, he singles out Pure Land as the “shortcut” and recommends it with enthusiasm. Aside from this textbook, the students were taught the Sūtra of Eight Great Realizations of a Great Man, Yogācāra philosophy, the Heart Sūtra, the Amitābha Sūtra, and the chapter “Samantabhadra Fulfills His Vow” of the Flower Garland Sūtra (Xu 2006, 349–350). Zhou and Li knew that an intellectual understanding of Buddhism was only half of the training college students needed; they also needed to receive training in Buddhist practice in a temple setting. A third leader of college youth Buddhist studies movement emerged to take his place alongside Zhou and Li. This was Chanyun, a monk noted for his strict observance of the Vinaya and Pure Land devotions. His contribution to the movement of college students’ study of Buddhism is equally worthy of attention. In the summer of 1967 about thirty students from National Normal University, Zhongxing University, Chinese Culture College, and Taichung Normal College arrived at Chanyun’s temple, the Liaolian Si, in Shuili near Taichung, after they completed the summer lecture series with Li. Under Chanyun’s direction, they underwent one week of practice known as “Quiet Cultivation of Buddha Invocation” ( jingxiu nianfo), which was a first step for college students combining Buddhist study with Buddhist practice. In the following year, this step was formalized: once students finished the four-week-long lecture series with Li, they would come to Chanyun to participate in the Academic Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts. In the first two years, he ran two sessions each for men and women students during the summer vacation and one session for each gender in the winter. Since Chanyun did not believe in having both male and female students practice in the same place, in the third year female EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:42 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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students were sent to Yide Si, an abbey nearby, where he would give separate instruction aided by nun teachers, including Wuyin and Mingjia. As mentioned earlier, many of the Incense Light nuns I interviewed told me that they had attended both Li’s lecture series and Chanyun’s retreat as students. They often visited Incense Light Temple, which was located near the abbey, after the retreat was completed.

The Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts (Zhaijie Xuehui) The retreats Chanyun organized introduced students to consciously living as a Buddhist lay believer. The eight precepts (baguan jie) recommended for a lay Buddhist practitioner are not to kill; not to steal; not to engage in improper sexual activity; not to lie; not to drink liquor; not to indulge in cosmetics, personal adornments, dancing, or music; not to sleep on fine beds, but on a mat on the ground; not to eat outside of regulation hours, that is, after the noon meal. However, the sixth precept is sometimes divided into two: so that not using cosmetics and personal adornment is one and not indulging in dancing and music is the second. In this case, while the first eight are called precepts ( jie), the last one, not to eat after the noon meal, is then called the fast (zai). From the name of the program, it is clear that the latter is what is meant. Lay Buddhists are encouraged to observe these precepts for twenty-four hours on either one of the “six fast days” or the “ten fast days.” The former refers to the eighth, fourteenth, fifteenth, twenty-third, twenty-ninth, and thirtieth day of each lunar month, while the latter refers to the first, eighteenth, twenty-fourth, and twenty-eighth day in addition to the other six. The program for college students, however, lasted much longer. If it was held during the winter break, it was ten to fourteen days. During the summers, it could last sixteen days. Those who enrolled in the program lived the life of monastics: they served as guest preceptor, rector, cook, and so on. They all wore the same clothing, called a lohan robe (lohan kua), a short robe in dark grey or dark brown extending below the knee. Underneath students could wear t-shirts and shorts or comfortable sports clothing. By wearing the same robes, any differences among the members in terms of their social class were erased. They were also provided with black slippers, which they wore when they went out to engage in physical work. But they had to be barefoot when they entered the Buddha hall, lecture hall, dining room, and dormitory. When they went to the bathroom, they changed into different slippers to be used only there. The space of the bathroom was thus clearly demarcated from the rest of the temple. To remove any sense of personal vanity, no mirrors were EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:42 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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found in the entire temple. Female members learned to adjust their hair either by trial and error or with the help of others. They were of course not allowed to wear any jewelry or cosmetics (Zhang 2007, 36–38). The daily schedule was based on the monastic routine, and in some cases it was even more demanding. 03:30 striking of wake-up board 03:30–04:00 washing and dressing 04:00–06:00 morning service 06:00–06:10 formal filing to enter the refectory 06:10–08:00 breakfast and work 08:00–08:30 rest 08:30–10:30 attend class 10:45–10:55 formal filing to enter the refectory 10:55–12:00 noon meal 12:00–12:10 circumambulation of the Buddha 12:10–12:45 wash up and work 12:45–13:45 rest 14:00–14:50 chanting the “Essay of Great Confessions” 15:00–16:45 attend class 17:00–18:00 evening service 18:00–19:45 bathing, taking “medicine,”7 small group discussion 20:00–21:00 offering food to the beings in the three evil realms according to the Mengshan ritual 21:40 striking of board to retire (Zhang 2007, 22–23) This schedule was quite strenuous. For instance, although the chanting of the “Essay of Great Confession” is usually a part of the evening service in most Buddhist temples, because Chanyun emphasized Buddha invocation, he insisted that one must prostrate every time one chanted the name of each Buddha. Of the names of the eighty-eight buddhas, the first fifty-three are past buddhas of the Saha world and come from the Guanyaowang Yaoshang erpusa jing (T 1161). The next thirty-five buddhas refer to those of the ten directions of the present world and come from the Jueding bini jing (T 325). If one makes a vow in front of these buddhas to sincerely confess one’s sins, then he or she will be free from harm and disasters resulting from past transgressions. To prostrate oneself after calling out the names of each of the eighty-eight buddhas in addition to making the transfer of merit takes from 45 to 55 minutes. In fact, one must do 108 prostrations EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:42 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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because one must prostrate when chanting the gathas before the names as well as the prayer after the name chanting. The 108 prostrations symbolically cancel out the 108 vexations sentient beings are burdened with. If this were done during the evening service as was customary, it would cut into the time for sleep. For this reason, this ritual was performed before the afternoon class. Even so, many participants found it physically challenging to do right after the afternoon rest (Zhang 2007, 43). The purpose of the Mengshan ritual is to repay the kindness of sentient beings in the six realms of rebirth. Since all beings have been related from time immemorial, the suffering of those who were once one’s relatives in the three evil realms of animals, hungry ghosts, and hellish beings is unbearable. So the ritual of bestowing food helps ameliorates this suffering. As the ritual is performed participants remind themselves that they must maintain purity in word, thought, and action so that they will not fall into the evil realms and suffer their punishments. This ritual then manifests the great compassion of Mahāyāna Buddhism (Zhang 2007, 45). One student, after participating several times, came to understand the meaning of compassion hidden in the ritual and was much moved by it: I later understood the meaning of Mengshan. It means that you use the power of your mind to visualize that the food being offered to fill the empty space and universally bestow food on the pitiable hungry ghosts. I did not realize this at the time but simply chanted the text with everyone else. It was only later that I understood. After this ritual, it was time to go to sleep. However, some fellow members would perform the ritual on their own beyond the group performance. I was deeply moved because they willingly sacrificed their sleep time for the sake of these sentient beings. (Zhang 2007, 94) Chanyun was a firm believer in the efficacy of keeping the eight precepts and the fast. He told participants: The eight precepts and the fast represent the “Forbidden City” that is the mind of enlightenment. As soon as the thieves of ignorance and afflictions attack the royal palace and carry off the mind, then you fall into the darkness of ignorance. However, due to the protection and empowerment of the eight precepts and the fast, when you are reborn in the Western Paradise, you will at least attain a rebirth above the middle grade. For this reason, we know the effects of the eight precepts and the fast are limitEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:42 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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less. I encourage you to keep the precepts for your parents and offer them the merit so that they can also receive this unexcelled benefit. (Zhang 2007, 18) Chanyun emphasized the observance of Vinaya and maintained an ascetic way of life. He was born in a small town near the border with Korea in northeast China in 1915. In his youth, he studied art in Japan. When his father died, he experienced the impermanence of human life and became interested in Buddhism. He took refuge in Buddhism at the age of twenty-four and received the five precepts. In 1943, at age twenty-eight, he took tonsure in Peking and received the full precepts for a monk at Kuangji Si. He studied for four years at the Chinese Buddhist Seminary in Peking. Ever since he left home and became a monk, he had kept the rule of not eating anything after the noon meal. There was not even a one-day lapse for more than sixty years. When the Communist Revolution succeeded in 1949, like many Buddhist monks, Chanyun came to Taiwan. He lived at first in a thatched hut in Puli in 1956, but when it was washed away during a flood, he went to Shuili with his disciples in 1963 and built a temple at the present site. He started to direct the Academic Gatherings in 1966. By 2006, when Zhang Jingyin did her fieldwork, the program had already run for forty years, and more than ten thousand young male and female college students had participated in it. After they returned to campus, some of them continued to keep the fast, inspired by the training they had received. Some also continued to keep the eight precepts. Under their influence, students in various colleges organized vegetarian clubs and practiced compassion to sentient beings by not eating meat (Zhang 2007, 18–19). As mentioned before, Buddhists divide their training into two parts: the “gate of practice” (xingmen) and the “gate of understanding” ( jiemen). The curriculum for the Academic Gatherings therefore followed the same format. Chanyun compiled a textbook entitled the Combined Collection of Understanding and Practice for the College Students’ Academic Gathering to Keep Fast and Precepts (Dazhuan xuesheng zaijie xuehui jiexing heji). In the preface, he explains, The ancient worthies compared understanding to the eyes and practice to the feet. Neither could be left out. If there is only understanding but no practice, it is like someone who only counts treasures but does not possess them. He will not receive any actual benefit from the Buddhadharma. If there is only practice but no understanding, it is like a blind man help-

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ing another blind man. It might lead both to fall into a deep ravine. Not only does one not receive any benefit from the Buddhadharma, he may harm someone else. For this reason, one should practice in accordance with understanding and place equal emphasis on both understanding and practice. They are like the two wings of a bird and the two wheels of a cart. They complement each other and aid each other. With both, one can then reach the goal of realization. (Chanyun 1986) The contents of the textbook indeed provide rich material in both categories. For instance, under the category of practice, we find morning and evening services, the ritual rules for worshipping Guanyin and the Medicine Buddha, releasing animals captured for food, praying for Great Compassion Water, taking refuge, receiving the five precepts, and keeping the seven-day Buddha-Invocation Retreat (Foqi). Under the category of understanding, there are the Amitābha Sūtra, the Heart Sūtra, the Last Teaching of the Buddha (Foyijiao jing), the Sūtra of the Eight Realizations of a Great Man, and the Treatise on the Gates to All Phenomena (Mahāyāna-sata-dharma-prakasa-mukha-śāstra, Baifa mingmen lun).8 He provided explanations of some of these texts and, like Li’s text, uses diagrams for the clearer illustration of others. Participants in both Li’s lecture series and Chanyun’s monastic retreat went away with a deep appreciation of Buddhism. As one student who attended both wrote after he finished his training in 1967: The purpose of the Zhaijie Xuehui was to realize the goals of the Compassionate Light Buddhist Lecture Series. It enabled us to taste the real flavor of Buddhist cultivation after we studied Buddhism. By progressing along the dual paths of understanding and practice, we hope to avoid the fault of “counting treasures without possessing them.” Buddhist scholars in recent times have only devoted themselves to theory and rarely exert themselves in actual practice. This really goes against the original spirit of Buddhism. When Buddhism is treated as a verbal game, then it is of no benefit to either oneself or to others. The Master [Chanyun] wanted to correct this and give rise to a great mind of compassion. Following last year’s Zhaijie Xuehui, he held it a second time to enable us thirsty Buddhist youths who seek the Buddhadharma to universally receive the rain of Dharma. This is indeed a pivotal event in the history of Chinese Buddhism. (Huichu 1967,  26)

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ThE BuddhisT sTudiEs soCiETy EXPEriEnCE

In 1986, on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the Torch of Wisdom magazine, several students-members of Buddhist studies societies reflected on their experiences and the longevity of this movement. Here is what one wrote: In my life I have received many gifts from my parents, teachers, relatives, friends, society, and the country. But among all these gifts, the greatest was the opportunity to study Buddhism. My parents enriched my physical life, but Buddhism enriched my spiritual life. I came to Buddhism through the Torch of Wisdom. If Mr. Zhou Xuande had not launched the Torch of Wisdom magazine and the press, if he had not encouraged college students to organize societies for the study of Buddhism, if he had not awarded students scholarships and given them Buddhist books and publications free of charge, it is highly unlikely that I would have been able to study Buddhism with such success. . . . I remember it was in the fall of 1963, when I was a freshman at the University of Politics, that I was introduced by a classmate to study Buddhism in the Society of Eastern Culture. One senior member, a student from Malaysia, explained to us the philosophy of Yogācāra. I was greatly excited by what I learned. But after he graduated, no one could continue with the lessons. So I had to rely on the Torch of Wisdom and other Buddhist periodicals sent to me for free to study on my own. . . . At that time the organization Torch of Wisdom had already begun awarding scholarships. To qualify, one had to write an essay each semester describing what one had learned. I applied for the scholarship every year. I began to read widely and carefully about Buddhism and to think about what I learned. In this way I devoted three years of my college life to the study of Buddhism. I then came to the conclusion that Buddhism represented the most excellent philosophical system. I have not changed my view even after these twenty years. . . . There is only one way to maintain the life of Buddhism and that is to encourage young people to study it. For if they become attracted to Buddhism after studying it, then it will exist in the world forever and continue to benefit sentient beings. College students are the future leaders of society. Therefore, if they encounter Buddhism at an age when they are still being formed, it is not only good fortune for them, but by becoming the new life EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:42 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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force of Buddhism, they will contribute to the harmony of society. What then is the most effective way to encourage students to study Buddhism? First, we must give them books that are easy to understand and engaging to read; second, we must establish scholarships in such a way that the ratio of winners is high and the monetary amount is considerable. (Hou 1986, 34–35) Among the Incense Light nuns who belonged to Buddhist studies societies when they attended college, fourteen came from the same society, the Correct Determination (Zhengding) Society at the International Business Technical College in Kaoshiung. Some of them knew each other and were members at the same time; others were not acquainted in college and only found out that they belonged to the same society after they joined Incense Light. Because I have more information about this society, I will use it as an example on the assumption that it was typical of most student Buddhist societies in those days. It published a newsletter, Completion by Smelting (Taocheng), each academic year. The inaugural issue stated its goals and advertised upcoming activities. First, it explained the name of the society. It is interesting that they chose a name from the Great Learning, one of the four books of Confucianism, and emphasized the importance of studying not only Buddhism but also Confucianism and Daoism. This clearly reflects the influence of Li Bingnan: The name Society of Correct Determination might give you a sense of solemnity and when you hear it, you are not interested. It is true that we are an academic group. The name of the society comes from phrases in the Great Learning: “rectifying the mind and making the will sincere” and “determination, calm, repose, and deliberation.” It is devoted to the study of the thought of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism in order to promote Chinese culture and improve individual character. It aims to achieve the goal of cultivating one’s nature so that one’s mind will be “rectified” and one’s goal in life will be “determined.” The author of the article then quickly assures readers that the society does not just study philosophy, but based on the interests and needs of members, there will be weekly small group discussions, role play, and seminars. Periodically, members will undertake outdoor excursions on the weekends, such as viewing sunset on the beach, holding badminton competitions, sightseeing at famous scenic places, and socializing with members of other Buddhist societies. The activities were to EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:42 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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be guided by “practicability” and aimed at promoting the “art of living.” They were therefore many-sided and flexible. Moreover, each semester, one or two large-scale lectures would feature famous scholars with great knowledge as guest speakers. “By receiving nourishment in our souls, we can temporarily forget the many dollar signs [$] clogging our brains. Once we have rested, we can continue our long journey more efficiently.” The article offers another enticement: “Most of our members are well developed and healthy. This is because we pay a great deal of attention to the art of eating. Each time we meet, we prepare many different kinds of food and drinks so [the meeting] is more fun.”9 The article ends with a series of challenges: “Do you want to make friends? Do you like to discuss the philosophy of life? Do you want to know yourself and other people? Do you like to go sightseeing? Do you want to lead a meaningful and spiritual life? Do you like to read, eat snacks, and write essays? The Correct Determination Society welcomes you with open arms at all times.” More important in introducing the members to Buddhism were the group’s temple visits and attendance at short-term workshops. While the former provided them a chance to see how monastics lived, the latter gave them the opportunity to live as monastics for a limited time. In May 1989 members of the society participated in a two-day workshop held in southern Taiwan. Below is the schedule for the event, which clearly shows a dual emphasis on understanding and practice, a lesson learned from Chanyun. Day one: afternoon-evening

2:30–3:30 3:30–4:20 4:30–5:20 5:30–6:50 7:00–8:00 8:10–9:50 10:00

Registration and assignment to a small group Familiarization with the environment, bath, rest Ceremony to begin the training: (1) things students must know; (2) report of people in charge Dinner, bath Training in practice (1) learning the “rules of practice” Training in practice (2) evening devotions Sleep

day Two: Morning-afternoon

Morning 4:30 5:30–6:30 6:40–7:30

Sounding the board (wake-up call) Training in practice (3) morning devotions Breakfast

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8:00–9:40 Training in understanding (1) Sūtra of the Ten Good Deeds10 9:50–11:20 Training in understanding (1) same as above, leaving the last 30 minutes for questions and answers 11:30–12:30 Lunch and transfer of merit Afternoon 12:30–2:00 Nap, meeting of representatives of all colleges, meeting of small group leaders, taking refuge 2:10–3:30 Training in practice (4) study the Essentials of Vinaya in Daily Living 3:40–5:00 Training in understanding (2) study the Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra 5:00 Completion of program. Say good-bye to Buddha and bodhisattvas and go home. The design of the workshop seems to have been modeled upon Chanyun’s Academic Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts. A quick glance at the above schedule makes it plain, however, that the emphasis was on conduct. The text, Essentials of Vinaya in Daily Living (Bini riyong xieyao), is a primer written by the Vinaya master Duti Jianyue (1601–1679) in classical Chinese. It covers all aspects of the behavior of a monastic: what to do upon getting up, how not to harm insects when walking, how to wash hands and face, how to act when going to the bathroom, what to contemplate when drinking water and rinsing the mouth, and so on. Although they studied this text in class, they were guided by a set of rules written in more colloquial language, which was distributed to them when they first checked in. These are divided under the following several headings. General Rules 1. When you arrive at a temple, after you are settled and finished washing your face and hands, you should go to the main hall to pay respect to the Buddha and bodhisattvas by prostrating three times. 2. When you are ready to depart, you should ask leave from the Buddha by prostrating three times. You then go to say good-bye to the abbot. 3. You should stand aside when encountering a monastic and put your palms together to give your greetings. You continue on your way only after s/he passes. 4. Turn off the light, the water, and the fan, and close the door behind you at all times. 5. Cherish and protect living things and never kill them anytime or anywhere. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:42 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Rules for the Buddha Hall 1. As soon as you finish your morning toiletry, you should immediately go to the Buddha hall. Take off your shoes and leave them under the steps and line them up properly. 2. When chanting the sutras and gathas during morning and evening devotions, you should listen to the instrument and follow the lead of the preceptor (weino). You should not chant with a loud voice, thereby disrupting the peaceful atmosphere. 3. Do not walk in front of someone who is worshipping the Buddha. 4. In walking meditation, you should call the name of the Buddha with downcast eyes. Do not lower your head or look around right and left. Rules for the Lecture Hall 1. When attending lectures, sit upright. Do not lean against the table or chair or cross your legs. Do not talk to people sitting next to you. If you have a question, write it on a piece of paper and ask the teacher after class. 2. If there is dust on the scripture, use a clean piece of paper to wipe it off but do not blow it with your mouth. 3. When you read the sutra, you must sit up straight and be fully clothed. You should not be in your underwear. Do not recline or lie in bed face up. Nor should you roll the sutra up. 4. You must not fold the corners of the pages of the sutra. When you are not reading it, close the book carefully. Rules for the Dining Hall 1. Upon hearing the sound of the board, go to the dining hall immediately and sit together with those of the group to which you are assigned. 2. Before eating, first put your palms together and make the five kinds of observation (wuguan).11 You pick up the chopsticks only when you hear the word “Please.” First eat three mouthfuls of rice or drink three mouthfuls of soup while mentally reciting, “I vow to cut off all evil, cultivate all good, and save all sentient beings.” Only then do you begin to eat. 3. Bring food to the mouth instead of leaning into the food. If you drop something on the table, pick it up and eat it. 4. When you finish eating, wash the utensils with water and drink it to show your appreciation. 5. Do not eat to fullness but only 80 percent full.

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Rules for the Dormitory 1. Unless you are ill, do not rest in the dormitory when it is not time to sleep. 2. When asleep, keep your body curled up as a bow. Do not expose yourself in nakedness. Behave as if you were in front of the Buddha. 3. When you hear the board for sleep, do not speak in a loud voice. After you enter the dormitory, do not make noise by bumping into things. Do not speak unless it is absolutely necessary. Rules for the Toilet 1. Before entering the toilet, take the scripture and rosary from your pocket. After you are done, remember to take them with you. 2. Before you go into the toilet, snap your fingers three times to announce yourself to both humans and nonhumans who might be inside. 3. Change your shoes when you go in and change them again when you come out. 4. You must wash your hands after you come out from the toilet and only then are you allowed to greet people, worship the Buddha, or hold a scripture. Although the workshop lasted only two days, the format condensed and combined the lecture series taught by Li and the retreat run by Chanyun. Many Incense Light nuns credited their experiences in these programs for their decision to enter the sangha. Of the many stories I heard, I would like to cite just one nun’s account of her participation in a Buddhist study society to conclude this chapter. “JJ” joined Incense Light in 1990. She had been a member of the Correct Determination Society of the Business College in Kaohsiung, discussed above. At that time, ten society members had already joined the community. JJ was very active in the society, serving as its president. Because the college did not allow monastics to come to campus, their lectures had to be held in temples, and the society would convene in the Purple Bamboo Retreat, a subtemple of Incense Light, for such purposes. Two lectures made an especially deep impression on JJ. One was by a nun who graduated from Furen University as a Spanish major. She talked about the Western Paradise. JJ said that this was the first time that she learned about the Pure Land. The other lecture, “Wisdom and Compassion,” was given by a Buddhist studies society member from another college who later became a monk. She attended Chanyun’s Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts in 1986. JJ was interested in Buddhist music and so, together with likeminded members, she learned to play the instruments used in Buddhist services

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from nuns in the Purple Bamboo Retreat. The students began to read sutras, call Buddha’s name, and worship the Buddha together on their own. This brief survey clearly demonstrates what a crucial role the two lay Buddhists, Zhou and Li, together with the monk Chanyun, played in introducing Buddhism to college students from the 1960s to the 1980s, thus paving the way for the revival of Buddhism in Taiwan. The way Zhou and Li chose to promote Buddhism clearly grew out of their own training and experiences. Both had received a Confucian education before coming to Buddhism, so they were eager to teach Buddhism together with Confucianism. That approach might be why the Nationalist government allowed them to carry out their extensive proselytizing activities freely; in those days the government was eager to present itself as the custodian of Chinese culture in contrast to the Communist government on the mainland, particularly during the ten years of the Cultural Revolution (1966– 1976). Both men were committed to spreading Buddhism among educated people and particularly college students, but they did not set out to encourage them to become monastics. There is actually some evidence that they did not favor the monastic choice, particularly in the case of Li. For them, the engagement of laypersons was equally if not more important for the future of Buddhism in China. Lay Buddhism in the late Qing and Republican period has not been particularly well studied, but it is well known that lay believers were quite active during this time and made great contributions to Chinese Buddhism. Zhou and Li may not have foreseen the consequences of their efforts, but to understand how and why so many young educated Taiwanese entered the sangha in the last quarter of the twentieth century, the role of their Buddhist studies societies cannot be ignored.

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5

Incense Light Buddhist Seminary for Nuns

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Wuyin was installed as the abbess of Incense Light Temple on January 5, 1980, and in less than two months, on March 3, the Incense Light Bhikşuņī Sangha Buddhist Seminary admitted its first class. Among the other Buddhist leaders, Baisheng, Shengyan, and Weijue, founder of the Zhongtai Shan, attended the opening ceremony as honored guests. Years later, Wuyin recalled those earliest days: Including both teachers and students, there were only eleven people in the seminary at that time. My ideal was to keep the seminary in operation no matter how many students we had. I wanted to create an environment where everyone could read books, write reports, and engage in discussion together. Some Buddhist elders told me this kind of education would be very costly. Indeed, as it turned out, it was very costly because we kept the classes small. When there were thirty to forty students, they would be divided into five classes representing five levels. This way we had to provide five classrooms and invite teachers to teach different subjects for each level. However, because each level had different goals and foci of study to allow students to grow at their own pace in each stage, I decided not to follow the common model, which put all students in one class and only when they finished three or five years’ study would a new group of students be admitted. (Shi Wuyin 2001a, 8–9) Challenges FaCing the MonastiC order in the republiCan period

Buddhist monasteries played an important role in Chinese history. They served as places for religious cultivation, but also centers for education. Many sons and daughters of poor families learned to read only after they entered the monastery, for education was not easily available for them in traditional China. However, only since the twentieth century have monastics begun to establish specifically Buddhist seminaries. This resulted from a crisis the nation and the Buddhist sangha alike faced at the end of the Qing and into the early decades of the

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Republic. The Qing court suffered from both imperialist oppression and internal upheaval during the nineteenth century. When the Qing was defeated in the two Opium Wars (1839–1842 and 1856–1860), the unequal treaties signed in Nanking and Tianjin allowed the British and French trade privileges and the right to send Christian missionaries to China. Added to the national humiliation, the Taiping Rebellion, which lasted fourteen years (1851–1865), caused no little havoc. Buddhism in many provinces in the Jiangnan region suffered a most serious blow. Many temples were reduced to rubble. The rebels also destroyed Buddhist images and scriptures. Although the Taiping Rebellion was successfully suppressed, it left the Qing significantly weakened. In the meantime, there was the threat of China’s territory being parceled among the European powers. How to make the country strong so it would not be subjugated to Western imperialist powers became the central concern for both the court and China’s social elites. The Self-Strengthening Movement (1874–1894) was an attempt to meet the crisis. Its central theme was aptly expressed by Zhang Zhidong (1837–1909), governor of Hunan and Canton, who made an appeal to Emperor Kuangxu (r. 1875–1908) in his essay “The Encouragement of Learning” (Quanxue pian). He proposed that China should adopt Western learning for operational concerns (function) while keeping Chinese learning as the nation’s moral bedrock (substance) (Ayers 1971). Since the civil examination system could not produce leaders to defeat the guns and fleets of the Western imperialists, it was necessary to adopt universal education that would produce a well-educated citizenry to meet the challenges of the new age. He therefore proposed that seven tenths of each temple be turned into a school and seven tenths of temple lands be used to raise revenue for educational expenses (Shengyan 1993:14). Although this proposal was not implemented, attempts to use the rich resources of temples for secular purposes continued to be put forward in the Republican period. In fact, Japanese monks and scholars would become active in protecting Chinese temples because many abbots at the end of the Qing turned to Japan for help in negotiating with the Qing court to stop similar plans. When the Qing was overthrown and the Republican government established in 1912, the civil examination system was abolished and an education system based on the Western model was adopted. To make education available to as many people as possible, many more schools had to be established. Most government officials and educated elites at that time were critical of religion, including Buddhism. Buddhist temples came to be used as government offices, barracks, and sometimes schools. Monks were forced to pay high taxes. Sometimes tenants on temple lands were encouraged to refuse to pay rent. All this made Buddhist

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monks uneasy. The crisis came to head in the fall of 1915 when the parliament of the Nationalist government adopted a bill known as Regulations for the Control of Monasteries and Temples. It was intended to give the government enormous power over the sangha. The government would control not only ordination, as had been the case in the imperial past, but also “public speaking, reception of guests—and even . . . dismissal of abbots who violated monastic rules. [The measure] gave unscrupulous local officials various means to threaten monks who resisted attempts at confiscation” (Welch 1968, 38). Plans to confiscate temple property and turn temples into schools became plain when the government in 1928 ordered a countrywide census of temple property. In the face of this threat from the state, three main countermeasures were taken. The first involved local groups of laymen who championed the cause of Buddhism; second, the sangha organized themselves into a national Buddhist association; and third, temples moved to establish Buddhist seminaries. While lay Buddhists had always played an important supporting role in premodern China, the scope of their activities and their influence within Buddhism in the Republican period were unprecedented. As for the other two, these were entirely new developments. Political and religious elites became interested in Buddhism and made its study a respectable intellectual endeavor. The most important layman was Yang Wenhui (1837–1911). Traditionally, the voluminous Buddhist canon collections were kept in monasteries, and many had been destroyed during the Taiping Rebellion. Even when they survived, they were not easily accessible for ordinary people. For this reason, Yang decided early in his life to dedicate himself to printing Buddhist sutras and making the wood-block prints available to the general reading public. With his own funds he set up the Jinling Scriptural Press. In 1878 he had a chance to go to England and met Max Müller, who was supervising the translation of the fifty-volume Sacred Books of the East, several of which were on Buddhism. He also became friends with the Japanese Buddhist scholar Nanjō Bunyū (1849–1927), a student of Müller’s. He later helped Yang to reintroduce long-lost Buddhist texts from Japan. The reprinting of these texts contributed to the revival of Yogācāra studies, which had been in decline for many centuries. As mentioned above, Yogācāra enjoyed special favor among intellectuals because its tenets were thought to be rational and scientific. By emphasizing the scholarly and philosophical aspects of Buddhism, prominent politicians such as Zhang Taiyan (1868–1936) and influential thinkers such as Liang Qichao also helped to change the prevailing impression that Buddhism was superstitious and backward. The printing of sutras was followed by the publication of many Buddhist peri-

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odicals initiated by both lay Buddhist groups and monastic organizations. This in turn contributed to the spread of education about Buddhism among both the general public and monastics. Prior to the twentieth century, Chinese Buddhism had no national organization of temples and monks. Neither was there any ecclesiastical structure. Instead, temples and monks had long been linked through lineages. However, faced with the danger of losing temple land and property, Buddhists realized that they needed to unite and organize. From 1912 to 1929 eighteen separate Buddhist associations came and went; factionalism and competition for authority made forming a stable association difficult. Some fell apart right away and some lasted a little longer. Taixu and the reform-minded monks supporting him eventually won out. On April 12, 1929, delegates from seventeen provinces gathered in Shanghai and formed the Chinese Buddhist Association (Welch 1968, 2–50).

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the early history oF Modern seMinaries

The establishment of Buddhist seminaries at first prevented the government from confiscating temples for school use. If the Buddhists already used the temples for educational purposes, as schools, there would then be no reason for the government to do so. The first Buddhist seminary was established in 1903 in Changsha, Hunan, by the Sōtō Zen scholar Mizuno Baigyō (1877–1949) at the request of the abbot of Tianning Si. A more influential seminary, the Jetavana Hermitage, established by Yang Wenhui in 1898 in Nanjing, was located on an estate purchased also to house the Jinling Scriptural Press. Yang’s decision was inspired by the Sri Lanka Buddhisi reformer Dharmapala (1864–1933), whom he met on his return from England. Dharmapala had come to China to appeal to the international Buddhist community for support for his plan to restore Buddhist holy sites in India. He also planned to organize a global mission to restore Buddhism in India. Dharmapala was inspired by Colonel Olcott and Madame Blavatsky and had attended lectures at their Theosophical Society when he was a boy. He worked for the society in his youth. But in 1886 he read articles on Buddhism by Sir Edwin Arnold and was deeply moved. When Dharmapala went to Bodhgaya for the first time in 1891, he was filled with dismay at its sorry state and decided to dedicate his life to the cause of Buddhism. He founded the Maha Bodhi Society that same year for this purpose. Christianity had long dominated the religious landscape in his country, and many of the activities carried out by the Maha Bodhi Society aimed to reverse this situation by promoting Buddhism. Yet the influence of the Christian missionaries can also be seen in some of its goals:

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1. To establish and maintain schools, hospitals, dispensaries, orphanages, libraries, museums, reading rooms, scholarships and other similar institutions. 2. To establish printing presses, publish and arrange for the publication of newspapers, books, periodicals and other literature dealing with the Buddhist religion, Buddhist education and Buddhist culture. 3. To work for and assist in the propagation of the Buddhist religion and the Buddhist culture and to train Dharmadutha bhikkhus and lay workers of both sexes for such purposes. (Kobbekaduwa 1993, 28) Some scholars refer to the form of Buddhism advocated by Dharmapala and his followers as “Protestant” Buddhism, since it represented a double protest against the colonial authorities and against Christian missionaries. Moreover, it also protested against traditional Buddhism by questioning the sharp distinction between monks and laypeople and by making social activism and meditation equally available to and incumbent upon all Buddhists. Finally, members of Maha Bodhi Society put a great deal of emphasis on education and printing Buddhist books and journals (Gombrich 1988; Gombrich and Obeyesekere 1988). For all these reasons, Protestant Buddhism “tended to be fundamentalist in its attitude toward Buddhism, believing—against traditionalists—that nirvana was possible now for all Buddhists, just as in the Buddha’s time” (LeVine and Gellner 2005, 18). The curriculum of the Maha Bodhi schools included both Buddhist and secular subjects such as Sinhala (Ceylanese), arithmetic, and even practical subjects such as weaving (Kobbekaduwa 1993, 98–99). This was also true at the Jetavana Hermitage and other later Buddhist seminaries in China. “The basic threeyear curriculum of full-time studies was designed in Buddhist scripture, history, literature, and foreign language training, with the possibility for further advanced work” (Pittman 2001, 44–45). Although the school Yang established lasted only the 1908–1909 academic year, and had only twenty-four students (twelve monks and twelve laymen), some of these went on to play important roles in Republican Buddhism. Ouyang Jingwu (1871–1943), the famous lay Buddhist educator who led the revival of interest in the Yogācāra studies, was one of them. The monkreformer Taixu was another. He attended the school when he was twenty-one years old (Yinshun 1995, 53). Ouyang would establish the Chinese Metaphysical Institute on the same site nine years later, in 1918, and devoted himself to Buddhist research, publishing, and fund-raising activities. Taixu, on the other hand, was most active in promoting monastic education. The first seminary he established was the Wuchang Buddhist Seminary (Wuchang Foxuyuan) in 1922. Eventually he would lead four more seminaries located in various cities: Xiamen,

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Chongqing, Beijing, and Xi’an. The distinctive features of these seminaries were several. One was the equal emphasis on Buddhist and secular subjects, including foreign languages. Students had to learn Japanese in the Xiamen seminary, Tibetan in Chongqing, English at Nanchang and Beijing, and Pali in Xi’an. Another was Taixu’s modern approach to and methods used in Buddhist education. Students had to take a written entrance exam. Many of the instructors were laymen and just like in secular schools, they used a blackboard during lectures and the students took notes. In the morning and evening, students had to do one hour of homework. They were graded regularly, with 60 as the passing grade. Unlike in most of the conventional seminaries at the time, the students were not in a “oneroom schoolhouse” in which they received the same instruction. Instead, they were taught separately according to each student’s level. When they completed their training, they received a diploma, just like at the secular middle school. One monk who attended the South Fujian Buddhist Seminary in Xiamen described the curriculum as follows:

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Five hours a day on Buddhist texts, three hours a week on the history of Buddhism, and eighteen hours a week on secular subjects: traditional literature (six hours a week), Japanese (five hours), history and geography (five hours), and psychology (two hours). But there was no course in mathematics. (Welch 1968, 111) A third characteristic of the curriculum in the Taixu-led seminaries (with the exception of the Nanchang Seminary, which was established earlier than the others), was the emphasis on Buddhist treatises and commentaries, particularly those dealing with Yogācāra, Buddhist logic, and Abhidharma. More traditional seminaries taught mainly the sutras such as the Lotus, Śūrangama, Diamond, Heart, Vimalakirtī, Avatamsaka, Perfect Enlightenment, and Sūtra in Forty-two Chapters (Welch 1968, 108). According to Holmes Welch, seventy-one seminaries were established during the period 1912–1950. He estimated that about 7,500 monks received training, about 2 percent of the monastic population. The small number, however, did not mean that this was not significant, for most of them either became abbots of temples or played leadership roles in some other capacity. The seminaries usually offered three-year or six-year courses. The enrollment varied widely and the length of their operation was also uneven. Only a minority of the seminaries lasted several decades; the Tianning Seminary, for instance, lasted thirty years, from 1919 to 1949. Most, however, lasted only a few years or even just one year

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(Welch 1968, 285–287). The key obstacle to keeping a seminary running was usually a lack of funding.

Challenges to Success at Seminary Two prominent contemporary monks in Taiwan left eyewitness accounts of the seminaries they attended and described their experiences studying there. These provide us with an insider’s perspective. Shengyan attended Jing’an Si Seminary in Shanghai for five semesters in 1947. That seminary had been established the year before by Taixu’s disciples and followed his approach to curriculum and instruction. According to Shengyan, more than forty seminaries had opened by that time. Like most seminary students, the students at Jing’an ranged greatly in age and educational level. Some already in their thirties had taught elementary school, while Shengyan was seventeen and had only four years of elementary education. The courses offered, however, ranged from elementary school level to college level. For instance, English and mathematics were at upper elementary to lower middle-school levels and Chinese was at the upper middle-school level; courses on Buddhist teachings, such as the Awakening of Faith, the “Bodhisattva Precepts of the Brahma’s Net Sūtra,” “History of Indian Buddhism,” “Outlines of the Eight Schools” (Bazong gangyao),1 and the “Verses on the Structure of the Eight Consciousnesses” (Bashi guiju song),2 were offered at college level and taught by college professors. No one could say quite where the students were, in terms of their level of education. Shengyan had left home at the age of thirteen and spent four years as a novice in a traditional temple. His bewilderment as a seminary student was palpable: Aside from Chinese, English, and math, I did not understand any of the courses on Buddhism. When I was at Langshan, it was easier for me to understand Buddhadharma because it was taught through sutras and liturgies. But now we were taught Buddhist treatises that had been digested, organized, and expanded by great masters and were therefore highly dialectical and theoretical. There were also many technical Buddhist terms transliterated from Sanskrit. It was most difficult for me to comprehend all at once. I thought of quitting every day during the first couple of months. I had come because I wanted to be able to read Buddhist sutras and understand Buddhadharma. But I did not expect that I would get so lost and not know where to begin once I was there. At that time no one told us that Mādhyamika, Yogācāra, and Tathāgatagarbha were three systems in Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism. No one told us the difference between Yogācāra

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thought found in the “Verses on the Structure of the Eight Consciousnesses” and the Tathāgatagarbha thought found in the Awakening of Faith. Similarly, no one taught us the similarities and differences among the eight Chinese Buddhist schools: Vinaya, Faxiang (Dharmalakşaņa or Yogācāra), Sanlun (Three Treatises), Tiantai, Huayan, Pure Land, Chan, and Esoteric Buddhism. Instructors taught each course independent of others. There was no systematic comparison. This caused great confusion in my mind and I asked myself how could Buddhism, which had been taught by Śākyamuni Buddha in India, offer so many different points of view? I naturally believed that they were all correct. But which came before and which later, which was superior and which was inferior? Someone should tell us and explain these. But when I shared my doubts with older classmates who were considered learned, they simply told me, “No need to worry that much. We listen to whatever we are taught and then teach others accordingly. Otherwise our heads will become swollen [confused]!” This is typical of the way Buddhism was taught at the time. Except for a very few great masters, most people practiced the traditional method of transmission they had learned from their teachers and did not engage in any comparative study. (Shengyan 1993, 15–16) Despite his lack of preparation, Shengyan managed to rank among the top five or six of some thirty students each semester. It was during his student days at seminary that he met Nanting, Baisheng, and other eminent monks who were teachers there. These men all later became Buddhist leaders in Taiwan. What Shengyan learned at seminary formed the foundation for his Buddhist knowledge. The experiences Zhenhua (1922–) went through point to a darker side of seminary education. Zhenhua was born in Honan but went to southeastern China, the Jiangnan region, where he traveled for three years (1945–1948) visiting famous monasteries to broaden his knowledge of Buddhism before leaving for Taiwan. He wrote a memoir that describes his travels and what he witnessed and learned during those years. Being a northerner, he was given a nickname, “Old Guy with a Brogue,” by southern monks and often subjected to their ridicule. Written from an outsider’s point of view, his accounts provide a different perspective from those of Shengyan, who was a Jiangsu native. Through the introduction of a lay believer, Zhenhua had a chance to attend the Tianning Buddhist Seminary at Tianning Si in Changzhou, Jiangsu. Established in 1919 and closed in 1949 when the Nationalists went to Taiwan, this was the longest-lasting and also the largest seminary in China. Like the Jing’an Seminary, its curriculum reflected Taixu’s

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modernist methods and approach. It included secular subjects such as English and Chinese taught by lay instructors, paralleling the curriculum at governmentoperated middle schools. Students learned the treatises of the Yogācāra, Tiantai, and Huayan schools instead of Mahāyāna sutras. As in all seminaries inspired by Taixu, the emphasis here shifted from religious practice to Buddhist philosophy (Welch 1968, 114–116). Zhenhua arrived at Tianning on January 16, 1947, and stayed for only one year. The admission requirement was a three-hundred-character essay on the topic, “Why I have come to study at a Buddhist seminary.” With only an elementary education, Zhenhua was stumped and did not know what to write. A student sitting next to him said, “Go ahead and write whatever comes into your head. You needn’t worry about not being admitted.” This remark struck him as strange, but it was only later that he realized what it meant. Zhenhua had been recommended by a powerful lay patron, so he would be admitted even if he had not qualified. Zhenhua’s memoir provides basic information about the seminary. There were no strict rules with regard to age, but the oldest was not over thirty and he was twenty-six at the time. The seminary students were divided into three classes—the preliminary class, the preparatory class, and the main class. Each class had thirty to forty students. Although the qualifications for admission and length of time required at each level were governed by rules, these could be quite flexible. The requirement for admission to the preliminary class was a grade school education or the equivalent; that for the preparatory class was lower middle school or the equivalent; and that for the main class was upper middle school or the equivalent. The period of study at each level was three years. So in theory the program would take nine years to complete. This was not, however, the case. “Those who made excellent grades in the preliminary class could be placed after one year or even one term in the preparatory class. Excellent students in the preparatory class could, in the same way, be elevated to the main class. Excellent students in the main class were exempted from certain curricular requirements so they could delve into subjects of interest to them” (Chen-hua 1992, 96). Zhenhua placed in the preliminary class upon his arrival but was promoted to the preparatory class after one semester. Courses at the seminary were taught by lay and monastic teachers. While Zhenhua had high praise for the former, particularly the teacher of Chinese literature, he could not say the same for the monks. He found their teaching methods and their attitude toward students most troubling. I quote some of his remarks in full.

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They always liked to begin class with a few superfluous opening remarks. Rather than words of exhortation, it would be more fitting to say that they were venting complaints by saying one thing and meaning another. This usually made the students feel as if they had fallen into a two-mile bank of fog: they did not know what the master was driving at. Only after the dharma master had spoken enough nonsense to suit himself would he open the textbook, pick up a piece of chalk, and copy the text word for word onto the blackboard. When the blackboard was covered, he would put down the book and chalk, clap the powder off his hands, and walk back and forth on the podium with his hands behind his back. Occasionally he would stand in front of a student’s desk and watch. When the students had finished copying, there was somewhere around ten minutes left until the end of the period. Thereupon he would explain the text according to his textbook notes, avoiding weighty points and dwelling on minor details, until the bell rang. If the second period were taught by the same dharma master, that was even more fun to watch. I learned not to be fooled by the dharma master’s less-than-perfect lecture technique. His ability to spot an opportunity was startling. During the second period, for instance, he might bring up something from his lecture to ask students. The targets of his questions were always dull students or those who had no idea what he was talking about. The ones he asked were often at a loss. Blushing to the tips of their ears, they could not even stammer out a complete sentence in answer. This provoked the whole class into resounding laughter. Then, eyes gleaming victoriously, the dharma master laughed smugly at the “poor creature.” With the air of a “cat crying in sympathy for a mouse,” he “comforted” the student in a way that was harder to bear than outright abuse. In this way yet another period passed. (Chen-hua 1992, 100) Even worse than the poor teaching was the ill treatment that Zhenhua received from the dean of studies, treatment that forced him to give up his seminary training. The dean of studies had a strong sense of “territorial loyalty” and divided the students into four categories: homeowners, fellow provincials, fellow southerners, and lastly, northerners. Because of his outsider status, the dean disliked Zhenhua from the beginning. What finally made Zhenhua leave the seminary was an insult the dean dealt him in front of the class. Zhenhua had made good progress with his writing, even though he had not been able to think what to write on the entrance exam essay question barely a year earlier. One day he received a grade of 99 from the Chinese teacher for an in-class composition on

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the topic “Filial Son Kuo Searches for His Parent.” After the teacher made the announcement, he handed the paper back to Zhenhua. But unexpectedly the dean of studies had entered the classroom.

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I was reading my handiwork over and over with great relish and self-satisfaction when I looked up and saw the dean of studies standing before me, a thin smile stretched across his hard-set features. I immediately perceived the expression of abhorrence for me on his face, but I made an effort to keep the smile on mine. I lowered my head and continued reading, paying him no attention. But our dean of studies seemed to be satisfied with nothing less than flinging a dipperful of cold water on my head. He edged slowly up to my desk. First he let out a mirthless little chuckle, then asked, “What sort of essay is worth getting so happy over? Let me see it!” I had to hand it to him. While reading it, he pursed his lips like the waist of an oversized pair of pants to show his contempt. When he had finished, he put it down heavily on the desk and clasped his hands behind his back. “If this thing you’ve written can be called an essay, people who can really write essays would die of shame! Let me tell you: don’t let it go to your head. If Wei P’u-chi hadn’t recommended you, would you have been qualified to get into this seminary? Open your eyes. How many northerners are here in this seminary?” (There was one other besides myself.) (Chen-hua 1992, 104) Whether from good experience or bad, it was no accident that Shengyan and Zhenhua both were inspired to devote themselves to Buddhist education by establishing seminaries in Taiwan.

Seminaries in Taiwan The establishment of Buddhist seminaries in Taiwan began only after 1945, when the island was returned to China. Following the exodus of mainland monks to Taiwan after 1949, many new seminaries opened. Mainland monks regarded the reintroduction of ordination and monastic education as tasks of equal importance. Baisheng, for instance, thought that seminary training was essential for monastics. While the laypeople had many opportunities to receive education, monastics could only learn Buddhism at these institutions. If monks were provided an environment where they could study and practice, they could eventually assume the duty to spread the Dharma and utter the “lion’s roar” (Shi Wuyin 2001a, 4). The Taiwan Buddhist Seminary, established by the Taiwanese monk Miaoguo (1884–1963) in

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1948 on the site of Yuanguang Si in Zhongli, near Taipei, was the first seminary founded in Taiwan. Miaoguo invited Cihung (1895–1954) from Singapore to head it. The plan was to form a permanent institute for research after the students attended a six-month training class. The seminary opened on November 2 with sixty students, twenty monks and forty nuns. But unexpected political events cut short its existence. After 1949 when the PRC was founded, many young monks arrived in Taiwan as refugees. Suspecting that Communist spies might be disguised as monks, the government carried out strict surveillance focused on monks with no monastic affiliation. Some were imprisoned and even executed. Because of this threat, young monks who knew Cihung came to the seminary for refuge. The population quickly swelled to more than eighty. Housing and feeding the newcomers became an impossible burden. In addition to the logistical difficulties, it turned out that Miaoguo and Cihung disagreed over educational philosophy. For these reasons the seminary closed after only six months. It was not until 1981 that it was reopened as Perfect Light Seminary (Yuanguang Foxueyuan), now one of the most famous seminaries in Taiwan (Shi Jianzhong 1995, 35). Seminaries continued to be opened over the next several decades. When the project of compiling a gazetteer of Buddhist seminaries was completed under Wuyin’s direction in 1995, it included information about sixty seminaries. To get a better sense of their profusion and frequent changes, the statistical table of all the seminaries established in Taiwan between 1950 and 2003 compiled by Gan Zhengzong is very telling. Of the 118 seminaries opened, only 49 remain in operation. Most lasted only a short time. Even the Tripitaka Seminary founded by Baisheng was a rarity for lasting as long as six years. While seminaries, with only one exception, admitted only monastics, forty-nine were exclusively for nuns and seventeen exclusively for monks, with the remainder admitting both (Gan 2004, I:296–299). The reason many seminaries on Taiwan did not survive was financial, as had been the case with those in mainland China during the Republican period. But other factors play an equal part. Shengyan, who established the ChungHwa Institute of Buddhist Studies in 1985, still in operation, once analyzed the situation thus: Why do Buddhist seminaries in Taiwan fail to last long? Why can they not produce more talented monastics? There are actually several reasons: (1) The problem of aim: While it is true that all seminaries hope to produce talent, the problem lies in not knowing for whom and for what purpose the seminary is established; (2) The problem of teaching material: There was a common saying, “To graduate from one place is to graduate from

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anyplace,” which describes sarcastically the situation of Buddhist education on the mainland twenty years ago. This can equally be applied to Buddhism in Taiwan today: Just like Buddhism on the mainland at that time, it is like a plate of loose sand. No one cares about others and no one wants to be bothered by others. Those who have the ability to develop individual enterprises will do so independently. There is no unified educational plan, no good educational system, and no usable teaching material. (Lin 2000, I:199) the prograM at inCense light buddhist seMinary

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Until 1996, the Incense Light Buddhist Seminary was for the Incense Light nuns only and did not accept students from outside. Since the students were also members of the sangha, they took no formal entrance requirement to be admitted. But when the seminary began to admit nuns from outside, an entrance exam consisting of both an oral interview and a written test was instituted. One can get a sense of the qualifications the seminary expected by examining the format and content of the entrance exam. The exam administered on January 18, 1998, began with an interview by a committee of three nun teachers. Eight groups of questions had been designed to discover the applicant’s background and potential for a successful career as a seminary student. Here is a detailed breakdown of the questions and how much each section counted in the final grade. I. Basic information about the individual and her home temple (15 percent) 1. What made you decide to leave home? 2. What temples have you gone to visit and study in? 3. Have you ever left the temple where you were staying? Why did you leave? 4. How many members are there in your community? Is it a male or female community? How many male and how many female members are there? Is the leader male or female? 5. Who teaches you in daily life? How are you taught? 6. What activities does your community regularly carry out? What is your job? 7. What method of meditation is followed in your community? How about your own method? 8. Please provide a schedule of your daily activities. Do you have time to engage in your own study or cultivation?

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9. How are meals taken in your temple? At mealtimes, do you follow the ritual of communal eating called “filing through the refectory” ( guotang)? 10. How many people share a room? What kind of equipment does the room have? Are there suites? 11. How does the temple support itself ? What kind of benefits does the temple provide for the sangha? 12. What was the most difficult thing in your adjustment to living in your community? 13. What other Buddhist seminaries have you attended? Did you graduate? What did you learn there? What subjects were you good at? II. Intention: Is it correct? (15 percent) 1. In your view, what contributions can monastics make to society? 2. What do you hope to contribute to the educational field and society at large in the future? 3. What do you think “cultivation” is about? What is your idea of an ideal life of cultivation? 4. What is your view concerning a life guided by monastic discipline? For instance, what are your views about not eating after noon, working in the fields, and separate living quarters for nuns and novices? 5. What is your view concerning how a monastic should eat? 6. What is your view concerning job assignment rotation among monastics? 7. What Buddhist books have you read? III. Studying at the seminary: Is there a high level of motivation? (15 percent) 1. Why do you want to study at a seminary? What do you wish to learn? What are your expectations? 2. Why did you choose the Incense Light Nuns’ Buddhist Seminary? What is your impression of this seminary? Why did you not choose the Yuanguan or Lianhua Seminary? 3. How did you learn that we were accepting new students? 4. Do your teachers approve of your coming here to study? Why do they agree and why do they not agree? Why is there no signature and seal of your teacher on your application form? 5. The life at the seminary is different from the life at your temple. While you may have individual free time at your temple, the classes here are tightly scheduled. You will not only attend classes, but also have to engage in other duties. There will not be much free time. Are you willing to lead such a life?

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6. What kinds of adjustment do you expect to make and what difficulties do you expect to encounter while studying at this seminary? If you fall behind, what will you do? 7. Are you committed to study for five years until graduation? IV. Attitude in dealing with affairs: Is it positive and proper? (10 percent) 1. What was the most difficult problem for you in your monastic experience? 2. What setbacks did you experience and how did you deal with them? 3. When you do not agree with the way of doing things at the seminary, what will you do? 4. If you cannot adjust to the daily schedule, methods of study, and assignments in the job assignment rotation, what will you do? 5. If you find discrepancies between the philosophies and ways of doing things at the seminary you attended before and the present one, what will you do? 6. Are there things you think should be improved in your temple or the seminary you attended before (we will keep this confidential)? 7. If you do not pass the exam and cannot be admitted, what do you plan to do? V. Personality characteristics: Does she have a simple and pure character? Is she highly malleable? (15 percent) 1. What do you consider to be your good and bad points? 2. What kind of influence has your family had on you? 3. Do you have problems in living with others? If so, how do you plan to work on them? 4. When others have corrected you about bad habits, what did you feel and how did you react? 5. Which of your habits is most difficult to change? What methods have you used to change it? 6. What are your interests? Your expertise? 7. In coming to the Incense Light Temple or Incense Light Seminary, what features have you noticed? What have you seen? VI. Values (10 percent) 1. To whom do you feel most indebted in your life? Why? 2. Which Buddhist masters do you respect most? Why? 3. Of what do you feel most proud in your life? 4. Up to now, what is your greatest accomplishment in this life? 5. What is the motto that guides your practice?

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VII. Physical and mental health (10 percent) 1. Have you had any serious illness? Do you have any impediment now? 2. How is your sleep? Do you suffer from insomnia? 3. Are you emotionally stable? 4. Have you had any special experience or response during meditation? (Did you ever hear anything or see anything?) VIII. Emotional problems (behavior relating to the fundamental precepts) (10 percent) 1. Did you have an intimate friend of the same or opposite sex? Why did you not get married? 2. What is your view about having sexual relations with a man after one becomes a monastic? 3. Have you had sexual relations with anyone?

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After the interview, the applicant took a written exam of three parts. The first two were passages selected from literary essays written in classical Chinese. The first passage had to be punctuated and broken into paragraphs, while the second had to be translated into modern vernacular Chinese. Each of these counted for 20 percent of the grade. The third part carried the most weight. The applicant was asked to first read a passage and then write an essay of at least 600 characters in response to it. The essay should be based on her own life experience. The passage she was to respond to was this: When we observe this “I” is a causal combination resulting from all the elements of body, mind, and thought, we come to realize that none of them is permanent. The physical body becomes weak, decrepit, and filthy with old age and sickness. The mind is extremely unstable because it must deal with the environment, which is impermanent and forever changing. As for perception and cognition, a true self is never completely and unmistakably presented. Once a student passed the exam and was admitted, she began a lengthy period of study. The exact duration evolved over time. From 1980, when the seminary first started, until 1984, it was three years, two semesters each year. In 1987 it was changed to five years; the first three years were called Tripitaka Department (sanzang bu) and the last two Department of Specialization (zhuanxiu bu). The curricula of the two departments were designed differently. Students in the Tripitaka Department concentrated on gaining Buddhist knowledge and adjusting to monastic life. They

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After one has entered the sangha, it is necessary to increase one’s own knowledge, but it is also necessary to learn how to be a leader. The many activities called “Bodhi Series” that we run are designed to train you to become leaders. You should not only lead lay believers in chanting Buddha’s name but also learn how to give dharma talks and teach them how to conduct themselves when attending Buddhist rituals and ceremonies. At the same time you have to cultivate the virtue of cooperation. Learn to listen to others and work with others. You will then be able to complete an assigned task or an academic course. In terms of cultivating oneself, the first thing is to learn the proper etiquette when dealing with others. When to come forward and when to step back—good manners such as these must not be neglected with the excuse of practicing Buddhism. The Chinese Buddhist sangha does not beg for food, but ancient worthies taught that one must work every day for food. Buddhists do not have to farm today. But there are still many tasks in the temple that need to be attended to: for instance, cooking food, cleaning the temple grounds, striking the bell and drum in the Buddha hall, and preparing food offerings to the Buddha and so on. You must carry out all these daily tasks in turn. You should do it willingly and with a spirit of cooperation. You cannot avoid doing it with the excuse that you want to meditate, recite the Buddha’s name, or chant mantras. (Shi Wuyin 2001a, 6–7)

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learned to carry out the duties of different monastic functions. Through spiritual cultivation, they would deepen their religious commitment. When the students advanced to the Department of Specialization, depending on their own interests, they could engage in administration, education, or propagating the Dharma. A seminary education was to provide both intellectual knowledge about Buddhism and the opportunity to advance the cause of Humanistic Buddhism. The seminary followed the educational model set by Li Bingnan and Chanyun. Courses were grouped under the two categories of Understanding ( jie) and Practice (xing). Two more categories were added, which gave equal emphasis to the practical and hands-on aspects of their training. The first was monastic life and monastic offices, and the second was Dharma propagation. Wuyin liked to invoke the slogan “Learning amid practice,” and the design of this fourfold curriculum reflected her educational philosophy. She explained this principle to the incoming students in the fall semester of 2001:

Seminary education was thus combined with monastic training. This has always been a characteristic of Incense Light. In the early days each member of the sangha .D I 1=IC =NNEIC DA ECD :DA 4I?AINA ECD .JHHPIE =I -P DEN 7PIN EI .JI AH J = :=E =I A E A 2AJ CA :=I= A IEQA NE JB 3= =EE ANN J PAN 0 JJF .AI =G D A JJF?AI =G JLPAN ?JH GE P AII A JJFN A =EG =? EJI . A= A B JH P AII A JJFN JI

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was assigned one job; she would eventually be rotated out and take up a different job. Since 1982 the system has become more streamlined. Instead of individual job rotation, it was changed to group rotation. Members of the sangha were assigned to work in one of the four locations of the temple: the Buddha hall, the lecture hall, the kitchen, and the temple grounds. When the nuns assigned to work in one location have completed their term, they rotate out to work at a different location. The goal was always to train each nun to eventually be able to handle every aspect of temple management. I offer a more detailed description of the courses under the four categories.

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Courses under the Category of Understanding As the name Tripitaka Department indicates, the first three years of seminary education focus on sutras, Vinaya, and treatises. In terms of specific courses, they were furthered divided into Buddhist doctrines, history of Buddhism, Buddhist schools, topical research, and humanities (fig. 5.1). Over the years, the following courses have been offered under these divisions.

Figure 5.1 Students of Incense Light Seminary attending class. Courtesy of the Incense Light archives.

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1. Buddhist Doctrines: “Introduction to Buddhism,” “The Sūtra of the Last Teaching of the Buddha,” “The Sūtra in Forty-two Chapters,” “The Sūtra of the Eight Realizations of a Great Man,” “Topics in Buddhism,” “Guided Reading of Sūtras and Treatises,” “The Extensive Treatise on the Sequential Progress on the Path to Enlightenment (Putidao zidi kuanglun),”3 “The Āgamas” “The Heart Sūtra,” “The Diamond Sūtra,” “The Lotus Sūtra,” “The Śūrangama Sutra,” “The Pure Land Sūtras” 2. Vinaya and Monastic Training: “Rules and Ceremonies for Novices,” “Code of Morality Governing the Daily Life of Monks and Nuns,” “Bhikşuņī Precepts,” “Bodhisattva Precepts,” “Introduction to Vinaya,” “Recorded Sayings of Chan Master Laiguo” (Laiguo Chanshi yulu),4 “Essay Encouraging the Arising of the Mind for Enlightenment (Quanfa putixin wen),”5 History of Buddhism: “History of Indian Buddhism,” “History of Chinese Buddhism,” “Topics on the Sangha Institution” 3. Buddhist Schools: “Introduction to Yogācāra,” “Introduction to the Mādhyamika,” “The ‘Treatise of the Middle Way,’ ” “The Hundred Dharmas,” “Thirty Verses of Consciousness Only,” and “Stanzas on the Eight Consciousnesses” 4. Special topics: “Methodology in the Study of Buddhism,” thesis writing 5. Humanities: “Readings in Buddhist Literature,” “Calligraphy,” “Psychology,” “Sociology,” “Introduction to Philosophy,” “Comparative Religions,” “Counseling,” “Educational Theory,” “Methodology of Teaching,” “Japanese,” “English” The curriculum puts equal emphasis on treatises, particularly the Yogācāra, sutras, and Vinayas. This emphasis reflects the heritage of mainland seminaries founded by Taixu and continued in Li Bingnan’s programs. The spirit of the Tripitaka Seminary founded by Baisheng, which offered courses on sutras and Vinaya, is reflected in the curriculum as well. Wuyin herself liked to offer courses on sutras and monastic precepts. Besides Wuyin, Mingja and other senior nuns also served as instructors. Lay teachers from nearby colleges were invited to teach humanities, social science, and language courses.

Courses under the Category of Practice These include meditation methods of Pure Land and Chan, memorization of the Śūrangama Dhāraņī, Buddhist chanting and music ( fanbei), and recitation of the Bhikşuņī Precepts. The entire community spent the month of December each year practicing one specific method of meditation. Individuals could choose to practice secluded meditation for three to seven days.

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Courses under Daily Living and Dharma Propagation These courses provided seminary students with hands-on experience running the temple and spreading the Dharma. Temple management began with job rotation. Each student was a member of a group. With experience she would be promoted to group leader and then assigned a fixed duty. When she was judged qualified, she would either teach a course or assume a managerial position. To prepare students to be Dharma teachers of lay believers, the seminary offered courses on laws governing temples, temple management, public administration, public communication, public speaking, and management of documents. The goal was to enable them to employ modern technology in spreading Buddhist teaching among the laity. During the fourth and fifth years, students actively participated in Buddhist services. They led the chanting, played the instruments, and even gave Dharma talks (Mingjia 1992, 41–48). The texts listed under the category of understanding were offered regularly, but students could suggest new courses. Since the educational goal of the seminary was to teach Buddhism and train students to cultivate a Buddhist way of life, no punishments used in other temples such as “kneeling incense” ( guixiang [kneeling for the duration of burning down one stick]) or keeping a student behind when she did not do well were employed. Instead, students received additional guidance to help them catch up with the others. Students wrote articles about the lectures they heard, the rewards of their studies, and problems they encountered. These were published in the periodical Young Shoots of Green Pine (Qingsong mengya), which the students themselves edited. Much useful information about teaching methods and course content at the seminary can be found in this periodical. Since the seminary’s beginning in 1980, Wuyin has offered courses regularly. She selected scriptures from both the early Buddhist and Mahāyāna traditions, and among these were several favorite sutras that she taught more frequently. For instance, from 1980 to 1996, she taught the Great Treatise of Perfection of Wisdom (Dazhidu lun) for nine years and the Sūrangama Sūtra for three. She also offered courses on the Diamond Sūtra, the Vimalakirtī Sūtra, the Lotus Sūtra, the Sūtra in Forty-two Chapters, and the Nāgasena Sūtra (Naxian biqui jing).6 This last text is part of the Questions of King Milinda, in which the monk Nāgasena explains the central Buddhist teaching of no-self by using the example of a carriage. Just as “carriage” is a name applied to an assemblage of many parts, “self ” is just a name given to thirty-two parts constituting the person. Carriage and self do not exist as substantial entities, although the constituent components exist interdependently. Wuyin explained why she liked this text.

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This is a text that appeared before the various early Buddhist Nikayas and Mahāyāna Buddhism. It provides many basic Buddhist teachings. For instance, it destroys the false concept of “self ” by breaking the body into its thirty-two parts. It explains that the soul does not exist by examining the organization of the body and its respective functions. The scripture uses many analogies to illustrate profound truths. It is a most suitable text for us to study. (Shi Wuyin 1996, 29) Qingsong mengya provides a detailed description of how the course on the Nāgasena Sūtra was taught in 1996. This can serve as an example of the general teaching method used at the seminary. The total hours of instruction were twenty. Students at all five levels took the course and all had to write reports and take quizzes regularly. However, the educational goal, activities, and standards of evaluation differed for different levels. While the overall goal was to train students to be able to read scriptures independently, different goals were set for each level. The students at level one (Zang One) should be able to read the classical Chinese used in the text and get a general idea of the scripture. Students of levels two, three, and four (Zang Two, Three, and Zhuan One) should be able to break the text into paragraphs, punctuate the passages, give a general heading for each paragraph, and write a summary of the entire text. They should be able to make an oral presentation in class. Students at level five (Zhuan Two) must be able to expound and develop the thought of the scripture further based on its content and meaning. Students were expected to master certain skills at each level. Students at level one should know how to look up Buddhist technical terms and difficult Chinese expressions assigned by the teacher and make class presentations after translating them properly. Students at levels two through four should know how to compare the two versions of the sutra, break them into paragraphs and mark the sentences with correct punctuation, and then present a report on this project in class. Students at level five should know how to raise questions and offer suggestions concerning the class presentations made by fellow students. The Nāgasena Sūtra course was divided into six units: 1. Introduction: How to read a scripture; study tools such as dictionaries, reference books, and bibliography about the text; how the class would be conducted 2. The life of Monk Nāgasena (a biography of the monk) 3. Monk Nāgasena’s study and Dharma propagation work 4. King Milinda and Monk Nāgasena

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5. Why does one become a monk: teaching the emptiness of self 6. The basis of rebirth: content of “sincere faith” To help students to prepare their book reports, a bibliography in both Chinese and English was provided. At the beginning of each class, there was a quiz covering the material introduced in the previous class. This encouraged students to study hard and review what they learned frequently. Aside from the teacher’s lectures, the students also broke into small groups for class discussion and presented what they discussed in oral reports. The topics for discussion included:

At the end of the course, students were evaluated to see how many understood certain passages and the degree of their understanding when reading the sutra text independently. They were also encouraged to suggest ways to improve the course and express their reactions to taking the course. One student wrote: In this class, no matter whether the Dean [Wuyin] was explaining the sutra text or discussing current events, what she said often opened another window of my vision. I truly admire her for her deep insight. When we read a passage, no matter how hard we try, we usually only get one meaning. But when the dean discussed it, she found many levels of meaning. Facing one event, we could not get away from a fixed angle, no matter how hard we tried. But she could see it from different angles. What I learned was not just the meaning of the sutra text. More importantly, I learned the dean’s point of view and how to make my own thinking deeper and more comprehensive. (Xiangguang Niseng Foxueyuan 1996, 33)

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1. On what conditions is the false name “carriage” established? Please list them. 2. What is the purpose of Monk Nāgasena’s using “carriage” as an analogy? For what does it serve as an analogy? 3. King Milinda starts the conversation with the monk by asking, “Who is Nāgasena?” Please use a Buddhist explanation to summarize the process from the king’s using a worldly address to “There is no one named Nāgasena.” 4. Why does Buddhism teach “When the five aggregates combine, it is falsely called a person”? Please use some analogies to explain this. (Shi Wuyin 1996, 44)

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knowledge as well as help them in their religious practice. This philosophy was in line with the equal emphasis on understanding and practice in the seminary curriculum. The Diamond Sūtra, a Mahāyāna scripture highlighting the central role of insight into emptiness, has particular relevance to religious practice. In 2001 Wuyin assigned the students to recite the sutra thirty times prior to the beginning of the new school year. She taught them how to experience the profound truths revealed through the ordinary routines of daily life.

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In the beginning of the Diamond Sūtra, we read, “At that time, the WorldHonored One put on his robe and took up his begging bowl to go into the city Śrāvastī to beg for food.” The Buddha presented here is a monk who lives in the world, who holds the begging bowl to beg for food, who washes the bowl after eating, and who sits down to rest. For this reason, in studying the Buddhadharma, we must start by learning all the basic things of this world. With dedication, sincerity, seriousness, and steady effort, we distill and elevate our body and mind amid daily life. This is most precious. (Shi Wuyin 2001a, 6) Using the example of the dignified comportment of Buddha described by the Diamond Sūtra, Wuyin explained to the students at different occasions the proper way of eating. Buddhist training consists of the “three learnings” (sanxue), namely, Precept, Concentration, and Wisdom. In teaching Buddhist scriptures, Wuyin constantly linked the doctrines with their application to meditation and proper conduct. Her discussion of how to eat properly is a good example. Eating constitutes a very important lesson in Buddhism. In all the theories forming Buddhism, none says that we should not eat. When we practice meditation, we must nurture our physical body and cannot rely only on our breath. The nourishment comes from digested food. Therefore it is important that you should be mindful when eating. Do not allow yourself to get tense, but learn to settle yourself through eating. Our mind controls the muscles of the mouth and throat. If you are tense or worried, you will notice it during the process of taking the food into the mouth and chewing it. You may use the time of meditation to discern the condition of the “three minds.” The Diamond Sūtra says, “The past mind cannot be obtained. The present mind cannot be obtained. The future mind cannot be obtained.” Since meditation is to make us come back to the present and stop at the present, we should turn our attention

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away from the outside and focus on inner observation (neiguan). (Shi Wuyin 2004a, 9) We find a more detailed instruction of using eating as the method to practice Chan meditation in a talk Wuyin gave at the noon meal during a seven-day meditation retreat held for seminary students in May 2004:

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When you chew vegetables, just chew vegetables and when you chew rice, just chew rice. Put all your attention on the spot where the chewing takes place, and the sense of tension will then disappear. When you discover that you swallow one mouthful of rice quickly after having chewed it only a few times, this proves that you are not putting your mind in the present moment. You are not settled in the present but are filled with many random thoughts. When you are eating, then just eat. When you focus your attention on the act of eating, you will be able to come back to the present moment and cut off all lines of thought. . . . You can then slowly put down the baggage of the past, present, and future. This kind of mind training cannot be done for you by another person. You must carry this out yourself. (Shi Wuyin 2004a, 7) Using sutra passages as a starting point to instruct students how to meditate is a skillful teaching method that connects intellectual understanding with religious practice. In a similar fashion, students were taught monastic discipline, the third component of the “three learnings,” through rituals governing their daily meal. Unlike most temples, including the Xinglong Si, where nuns ate either individually or in small groups, the seminary followed the ritual of “filing into the refectory” ( guotang). This was a system instituted in Chan monasteries where the entire sangha shared the same meals taken together in a very formal fashion. Holmes Welch described how this was done in the famous Chan monastery Jinshan. In the refectory everyone has his place at the long narrow tables, east and west on opposite sides. The higher their rank, the nearer they sit to the center rear, where the abbot takes his place on a raised dais behind a low Buddha image. The monks have to await the abbot’s arrival and to rise in his honor. But they cannot then begin to eat the food that the waiters have been ladling out into their bowls. They have to watch it cool while they recite a short grace, the Kung-yang chou, after which an acolyte takes seven

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grains of rice from a bowl before the Buddha image and places them on a low pillar in the courtyard. He snaps his fingers to notify the ghosts that they have not been forgotten. Ghosts are among the sentient beings whom the most orthodox follower of Ch’an (Zen) tries to assist—by feeding them, preaching to them, and transferring to their account the merit that is created by his religious exercises, in order that they may secure an earlier rebirth in the human plane or even in the Western Paradise. . . . Only after the ghosts have been fed may the waiting monks start their breakfast. They eat quickly and carefully under the watchful eye of the proctor, who stands by the main door, from which he can see to it that food is fairly distributed. Anyone who wishes a second helping pushes his bowl forward on the table and points with chopsticks to show how full he wants it filled. The first helping can be left partly uneaten, but the second, since it is voluntary, has to be finished to the last grain. The proctor also sees to it that all the rules are strictly kept, particularly the rule of silence. . . . While they eat, the monks are not merely silent, but supposed to be focusing their minds on the “five reflections” (wu-kuan), that is, on the debt they owe to those who provided the food, which they should eat as medicine, not with enjoyment. When they have finished, they recite a closing grace, the Chieh-chai chi. The proctor may make some announcements about the day’s activities, after which they leave the hall in order of precedence and return to their respective quarters. (Welch 1967, 58–62) Wuyin explained the reason she instituted this ritual of collective eating at the seminary. According to the Monastic Rules in Four Divisions (Sifen lü), food provided by lay believers should be shared equally by everyone. In the early years when Taiwan’s economy was weak, temple resources were scarce and it was not easy for a person to get even one piece of bean curd or one section of sugarcane. That was why everything had to be distributed evenly among the sangha. But today there was great material prosperity. If food was divided equally like before, nuns might not eat in the refectory but take it to their dormitory. Some might not eat it right away but keep it for the next day. For this purpose, refrigerators, microwave ovens, and electric cookers would be brought in. One thing leads to another, and pretty soon dormitory rooms would become storage places. This is of course contrary to the Vinaya. Both the nuns of the Incense Light Temple and the seminary students observed the ritual of semimonthly recitation of precepts and a three-month-long summer retreat ( jiexia anju). At the conclusion of the summer retreat they held

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a day of public confession called “self-relaxation” (ziziri). All these were traditional Buddhist rituals called for in the Vinaya but rarely observed in monasteries in recent times. They also held a monthly meditation session each December. Over the years, aside from Pure Land and Chan meditation, which Wuyin directed, other methods such as the fourfold mindfulness and vipaśyanā of the Theravāda tradition as well as the Tantric visualization of the White Tārā were taught by teachers invited from outside. Wuyin learned the meditation methods of both Chan and Pure Land when she was a student at the Tripitaka Seminary. She taught both methods to her students without showing preference for either one. According to her, the foundation for practicing either Buddha invocation or Chan meditation was to be securely settled, which, in turn, was achieved through patience. Both are connected with our states of mind. Wuyin’s instruction on mind cultivation was very much influenced by her study of the Śūrangama Sūtra. She used the example of a commonly shared experience to illustrate how one could carry this out. You all have the experience of becoming angry. When you are angry, you feel as if you are on fire. But have you ever wondered where this fiery anger comes from? Some people say that when they see that person, hear that person’s voice, or even hear that person’s name mentioned, they become angry. If indeed one becomes angry only when the eyes see and the ears hear, then does this mean that anger comes from the eyes or the ears? If this is the case, why do blind and deaf people also become angry? Where does their anger come from? Does their anger come from the mind? Then look into your mind: Is it angry now? If not, why not? That is because there is no external object making you angry, nor is there any thought making you angry. You should think this way: If anger exists in your mind, then at this very moment you should feel anger, for it would be there all the time. But if you cannot find the thing called “anger,” you will realize that the mind and anger are two different things and can be dealt with separately. So try to separate mind and anger. Know that anger arises as a result of a combination of causes and conditions. You will become securely settled through this practice of mind observation. (Shi Wuyin 2004a, 10) Seminary students were given practical training in meditation. These were the “Buddha Seven” ( foqi) and “Chan Seven” (chanqi), names for the practice of either exclusive Buddha invocation or Chan meditation carried out for seven days (fig. 5.2). Wuyin directed these retreats personally. She did not mention awak-

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ening or enlightenment as the goal, but emphasized the more reachable goal of settling the mind and reaching a state of concentration (samādhi). She explained why a practice of seven days duration was necessary:

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According to my own experience, seven days afford a suitable length of time in training the mind. During the first two days, one is busily regulating one’s thoughts and gradually one can focus the galloping mind on the name of the Buddha. On the third day, the mind and thoughts are more regulated and the four characters “A mi tuo fo” replace the scattered and confused random thoughts. This continues until the sixth and seventh days when pure thoughts continue one after another. The name of the Buddha naturally emerges from within the innermost depth of mind without interruption. Finally, when the work reaches perfection, the characters “A mi tuo fo” will perfume your consciousness. This subliminal awareness illuminates continually with each thought, even when you become drowsy or absent minded. You can easily discover the state of your mind in an instant. (Shi Wuyin2004a, 12)

Figure 5.2 Students of Incense Light Seminary meditating. Courtesy of the Incense Light archives.

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Having explained the effectiveness of Buddha invocation as a way to settle the mind, Wuyin provided concrete instruction for this Pure Land method of meditation. During the seven days, everyone should pay attention only to your own thoughts. Invoke the name of the Buddha clearly and without interruption. You will eventually reach the state of “undisturbed singleness of mind” ( yixin buluan). You ask how can one achieve this singleness of mind? It is by focusing on only one thing, calling the name of the Buddha when you enter the Buddha-Invocation Hall. Regard all things happening outside as no concern of yours. Even if the temple burns down or your prayer mat catches fire, you just ignore it and continue calling the Buddha’s name. Suppose one of us dies—you also must ignore this. We will take care of her when the retreat finishes. In the meanwhile we call the Buddha’s name for her sake. Actually, if anyone dies during the retreat, that person has been granted a great blessing. Therefore shut your eyes and restrain your thoughts, for only then can you truly concentrate your mind. In ancient times, people made fire by drilling wood. To produce fire from the wood, one needs the right method, but more important, one must be patient. In calling the Buddha’s name, one must have the same kind of total concentration as a hen when she is hatching a chick. If the hen runs around before the egg is fully hatched, when will the chick be able to come out? For the same reason, one must call out the sentence “Namo Amituofo” whether one is sleeping or awake. When it becomes unbreakable and inseparable, when there is nothing that takes its place, only then does one reach the Buddha invocation samādhi (nianfo sanmei). (Shi Wuyin2004a, 13) In teaching Chan meditation, Wuyin emphasized the methods of counting breaths (shuxi) and observing the breath ( guanxi) used in all Buddhist traditions and found in one of the earliest sutras translated into Chinese by An Shigao in the second century CE.7 Since we must breathe all the time to stay alive, focusing on inhalation and exhalation as the object of meditation does not need to be carried out in a specific location or with any special equipment. “Counting breaths” refers to counting either the inhalation or the exhalation from one to ten and beginning again. While counting, one does not think of anything else. In the method of “observing the breath,” on the other hand, one foregoes the counting and just pays attention to the act of inhaling and exhaling. Observation of breath is more difficult than counting breaths, for it is easier for the mind to wander. In the first

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semester of 2000, Wuyin explained to the students how to prevent their minds from wandering at a seven-day Chan retreat.

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1. Focus on the triangular spot below the nostrils and above the upper lip. Notice the coming in and going out of the breath. 2. While you are observing your breathing, when you discover your mind has wandered off, immediately refocus it on the breathing. Do not [allow your distraction to] give rise to the emotions of regret, blame, despondence, disappointment, anger or frustration. 3. There is a saying, “Patience leads to nirvana.” When practicing meditation, you should imitate the example of a monkey tamer. Do not become anxious and alarmed when your thoughts run away from you. Just come back to the immediate present and begin again with awareness and concentration. (Shi Wuyin 2001a, 7) Wuyin reminded students that certain physiological reactions might occur when their attention was focused on that triangular spot. They might have a sensation of warmth, coldness, itchiness, swelling, or shrinking. They might sweat or feel jumpy. Such sensations happen spontaneously without one’s conscious control. When this happens, one should simply take note of what was happening without becoming either disturbed or delighted. The only thing one must continue to do is observe the breath (Shi Wuyin 2001a, 6). Observing the breath seems to be a favorite method to which Wuyin devoted much of her attention. She elaborated more on this method later in her lecture. 1. When you observe the breath, regard breaths as breaths. They are natural phenomena. Breaths are not “I” or “mine.” 2. Know that exhalation is not inhalation and inhalation is not exhalation. Know that they are impermanent. This exhalation is not the prior exhalation and this inhalation is not the next inhalation. 3. As soon as you realize that your mind is not focused on breathing, immediately come back to the present and begin from the very beginning. Always begin from the beginning. 4. If your mind has wandered and you cannot feel the breathing or any sensation, then breathe heavily or stop breathing momentarily to allow the object of observation—breathing and sensation—to appear clearly once more. 5. Just observe the feelings and sensations with a single mind. Do not have any

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expectation, do not think of rejection or choice. Just pay attention and feel everything as it is without judgment or discrimination. 6. Patiently do just this one thing—pay attention to sensations and feelings so that you will realize that everything is impermanent and without a self. (Shi Wuyin 2001a, 9) Wuyin eschewed lofty talk about enlightenment and instead kept her instruction on a rather mundane level. Although she sometimes told stories about ancient worthies as exemplary models, she seldom mentioned miraculous responses, nor did she use Chan koans ( gong’an, “public cases”) or critical phrases (huatou) to spur the students to a breakthrough. The main purpose of meditation, whether it was the Pure Land Buddha invocation or the Chan observation of the breath, was to enable students to settle their minds. The goal was modest, yet attainable. Courses on the Vinaya formed another important part of the seminary curriculum. This was because Wuyin herself was an enthusiastic student of the Vinaya. In February 1996 she was invited by Western nuns ordained according to the Mūlasarvāstivāvā Vinaya, who followed the Tibetan Buddhist tradition, to give a month-long series of lectures on the precepts for bhikşuņīs at Bodhgaya, India (fig 5.3). Those lectures were based on a series of lectures she gave at the seminary beginning in 1994. Entitled “Essential Conditions for Maintaining the Status of a Monastic,” they were serialized in the periodical Xiangguang zhuangyan. The lectures she gave in India were translated into English and published in 2001 as a book entitled Choosing Simplicity. It is a modern language commentary on the Monastic Rules in Four Divisions (Sifen lü, Taisho 1428, 22:714–778), the discipline for nuns of the Dharmaguptaka school translated into Chinese by Buddhayasas and Zhu Fonian between 410 and 412. As mentioned in the Introduction, the Monastic Rules in Four Divisions became the dominant text for monastics under the advocacy of the Tang Vinaya master Daoxuan (596–667). The modern Vinaya master Hongyi actively promoted the study of this text as well. It lists 348 precepts that a nun must observe. They are divided into seven sections, in descending order of severity: (1) the 8 parajayika (offenses leading to permanent expulsion from the sangha) rules; (2) the 17 samghavasisa (offenses leading to suspension from the sangha) rules; (3) the 30 nihsargika pacittika rules; (4) the 178 suddha pacittika rules; (5) the eight pratidesaniya (offenses requiring confession) rules; (6) the 100 saika rules of good behavior; and lastly (7) the 7 adhikaranasamatha rules for settling disputes. Wuyin summarized the essential meanings of the seven categories:

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The eight parajayika rules are most serious. Committing any of them will end with permanent expulsion from the community. That is why they are called “crimes for which one’s head is cut off.” One loses the nun’s qualification. When one breaks any of the seventeen precepts of the second category, one is still a nun but she is no longer fully qualified. So the sangha carries out the ceremony for her to confess so that she can be restored to the full status of a nun. The thirty precepts of the third category all have to do with robes, begging bowls, bedding, and material things. Some people are greedy and like to hoard clothing or precious things that they do not use. These things are distractions, and if [a nun] does not give them up, she will forfeit her cultivation. The sangha helps keep her from falling away from the path by lessening her attachments to such things. The precepts in the fourth category are rules governing matters of daily life, such as: how to wear the robe, how to beg, live, go out, teach believers, and visit lay households. If one is not restrained and does not conduct oneself appropriately, such behaviors may make one break the serious precepts or invite ridicule and detestation from society. There are together 178 rules of this nature. The eight rules of the fifth category are all about food. If one is not sick but begs for delicacies such as milk, honey, yogurt, fish, or meat, she must confess to a fellow nun. The 100 rules of the sixth category all teach a nun how to maintain a dignified comportment in her movement and conduct. For instance, one should not skip or hop when one goes out to visit a lay believer’s home. She should not put her robes on while walking, nor cover her head with strange things. Again, while eating, she should eat properly and not walk back and forth holding the begging bowl in her hands. These rules are very detailed and easy to break. However, although these are light precepts, breaking them leads to bigger problems and creates obstacles in religious cultivation. That is why they are called rules of good behavior that nuns ought to learn. Rules governing comportment may seem trivial, but if we do not observe them, monastics will no longer be monastics. Therefore everyone must pay attention to the proper way to drink, eat, wear the robe, teach the Dharma, and perform rites and ceremonies. The seventh category has the seven rules for dealing with disputes in the sangha. When opinions differ among members of the community, we use these seven methods to deal with them. (Xiangguang zhuangyan 1994 (September), vol. 39)

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The distinction between serious or heavy rules and lesser or light rules is an important one. The eight parajayika rules are the most fundamental precepts. .D I 1=IC =NNEIC DA ECD :DA 4I?AINA ECD .JHHPIE =I -P DEN 7PIN EI .JI AH J = :=E =I A E A 2AJ CA :=I= A IEQA NE JB 3= =EE ANN J PAN 0 JJF .AI =G D A JJF?AI =G JLPAN ?JH GE P AII A JJFN A =EG =? EJI . A= A B JH P AII A JJFN JI

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Figure 5.3 Wuyin giving lectures on Vinaya at Bodhgaya. Courtesy of the Incense Light archives.

One should not kill, steal, engage in sexual misconduct, or lie, even though the Buddha did not himself create these precepts for monastics to follow. By breaking any of these, one is no longer a nun. These are called precepts of nature (xingjie) or root precepts ( genben jie). Even after one confesses, there is no way she can stay on as a nun. In contrast, the other precepts, though less serious, are also very important, because they protect one from breaking the eight basic precepts. Instead of being expelled for breaking them, the nun may be restored after confession. The interpretation of some of these rules allows flexibility. Wuyin explained the difference between these two types of precepts this way:

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The light rules are instituted to shield one from breaking the heavy rules. But at the same time, they also enable the nun to avoid the criticism and .D I 1=IC =NNEIC DA ECD :DA 4I?AINA ECD .JHHPIE =I -P DEN 7PIN EI .JI AH J = :=E =I A E A 2AJ CA :=I= A IEQA NE JB 3= =EE ANN J PAN 0 JJF .AI =G D A JJF?AI =G JLPAN ?JH GE P AII A JJFN A =EG =? EJI . A= A B JH P AII A JJFN JI

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ridicule of the general public. They are called “precepts of shielding,” which have these two senses: they shield a person from breaking the heavy rules by making her pay attention to small things. They also enable the nun to avoid the public criticism and ridicule that are detrimental to the sangha. Depending on the cultural background, the rules may change over time and in different places. For instance, monks cannot cut trees and grasses in India. But in Chinese temples, it is rare that trees and grasses are not cut, or vegetables and plants are not grown. Thus different ways of observing these precepts are found in different cultures. (Xiangguang zhuangyan 1994 (December), vol. 40) In determining the most basic precepts a nun must follow, Wuyin took Hong yi as a guide and singled out the eight parajayika and seventeen samghavasisa rules. She further divided them into eight parts: 1) sexual acts; 2) stealing; 3) killing; 4) lying; 5) secrecy and deceit; 6) refusing to accept instruction; 7) actions opposing the decisions of the sangha; 8) others such as giving full ordination to thieves (Shi Wuyin 2001b, 136–137). It is instructive to see which precepts she singled out for emphasis. She devoted the most time to the explication of those relating to sexual conduct and stealing, although those lesser precepts dealing with daily life and maintaining a dignified comportment also received her attention. Similar to her instruction on meditation, Wuyin tended to use concrete examples so her audience and readers could understand them easily. She took into consideration the modern lifestyle and gave guidance about how to observe the precepts yet still function in society. The prohibition against touching a man is the fifth parajayika rule: Nuns, of course, should not touch licentious men with impure thoughts. But in view of contemporary life, there are different levels to observing this precept. For instance, when riding the bus, traveling on a plane, going to the supermarket, even at a Dharma gathering, because there are large crowds, there are many occasions when one touches the body of someone else. But as long as one does not have any impure thoughts, one does not break the parajayika precept. However, one must pay attention to one’s behavior. I often see a nun carrying an infant who, not knowing better, touches and caresses her. This goes against the precept of proper comportment. On the other hand, when someone pulls you up when you stumble or saves you from fire, water, robbery, or attack by an animal, touching a man does not constitute an offense because these are extraordinary

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situations. At temples where there are many opportunities for men and women to interact, it is particularly important to pay attention to this rule. When you go to a secluded place to receive special instruction from a male teacher or when you seek someone to teach you a special method of practice, sometimes there are unfortunate consequences. You ought to have the wisdom to distinguish what is religious cultivation and what is not. You also should not go out with a man or ride with him on his motorcycle just because it is convenient. (Xiangguang zhuangyan 1995 ( June), vol. 42)

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Wuyin singled out a few samghavasesa rules that protect nuns from engaging in unchaste behavior. The first is the seventh rule prohibiting a nun from living alone. They should sleep in a room within reach of each other. Wuyin noted, The Buddha instituted that when sleeping, the distance between the nuns should be that within touching when they extend their hands. This way they could take care of each other. But this does not mean that they should sleep on the same bed, or share the same coverlet and pillow. What it means is that when lying on their right side, there should be a distance between them that can be covered when they extend their hands. This precept tells us that while we must have a companion when we sleep, we must pay attention to keeping the distance. Following this precept, a nun should not stay in an apartment, a mountain cave, or a thatched hut by herself. When sleeping, she must lock the door. (Xiangguang zhuangyan 1995 ( June), vol. 42) The warning that nuns should not sleep in the same bed or share the same coverlet was to avoid the development of lesbian relationships. Having sex with a woman, just as with a man, constitutes breaking the precept against sexual activities. Wuyin warned both the students at her own seminary as well as the Western nuns she instructed in India: We need friends in our studies and practices. We should take care of each other, but it is most unwise to become intimate. The relationship between nuns should be one of cooperation and mutual encouragement. However, when they enjoy sexual pleasure together, they become distracted and depart from the right path. Even worse, when two nuns have this kind of attachment, the entire sangha will be affected negatively. Therefore we must find a balance between isolation and excessive intimacy. Nuns must

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have companions in their religious practice, but they should not become too close. Otherwise, they will forget the original reason they wanted to study the Buddhadharma. (Shi Wuyin 2001b, 175) Students at the seminary were told not to spend too much time alone with each other. They should keep the door of their dorm rooms open. When they were assigned to work in one of the subtemples after graduation, they were reassigned to another one after a certain period of time so they would not form attachments with their nun colleagues. They were told not to write to each other when they worked in different subtemples. All these rules were designed to prevent the development of special relationships between nuns. At the same time, nuns were trained to eliminate their feminine mannerisms as soon as they began seminary training. They were told not to speak with a high and lilting voice. They were taught not to walk on tiptoes or with a swaying gait, but to take big steps with an upright carriage. They stopped wearing bras and tight underpants and wore instead a cloth to bind their breasts and loose boxer shorts. Their robes also obscured their women’s figures. Incense Light nuns often referred to themselves as “neutral” (zhongxing), meaning that they have transcended the ordinary gender distinction between male and female. While knowing full well that they were women, they did not want to behave like women in secular society, obsessed with physical charm and beauty. We can look at this situation in two ways. On one hand, they seemed to have internalized Buddhist prejudices against women that see women as vain, weak, and frivolous. So by erasing their feminine characteristics and mannerisms, they wanted to show that they were as strong and serious as men. On the other hand, this continued the tradition started in Chan circles of Song times, when the expression “heroic man” (da zhangfu) was the highest form of praise for a woman practitioner (Levering 1992; Hsieh 1999). Wuyin’s strong disapproval toward the Western nuns who, following the Tibetan tradition, wear robes exposing their right shoulders is understandable in light of what we know about her views concerning female sexuality. She was challenged by the Western nuns, who asked, “Since monks wear their robes this way, why can’t we?” She reminded them that first and foremost the goal of the precepts is to protect nuns. She thought it was very important “that a nun should not reveal her body, particularly her breasts and hips. Although nuns still have the bodies of women, we do not wear clothes to be attractive, but simply to cover ourselves. So if we wear secular clothes or robes that expose our body, this implies that our commitment to the Way is sliding. Men may flirt with us or pursue us.

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Also, if what we wear is not different from what laypeople wear, then we will lose the respect of society” (Shi Wuyin 2001b, 263). A related issue with which Wuyin was very much concerned is the tendency of some nuns in Taiwan to treat their dorm room as their private living quarters. Some parents love their daughter who has left home and provide her dorm room with all kinds of things as if this were her dowry. She eats, sleeps, and goes to the bathroom in her room. If they install a telephone for her, she has no need even to go outside. She has no contact with her fellow nuns. This is not good at all. . . . I once met a nun who was like this. Because it was convenient to stay in her own room, she spent all day there and would not do anything for the community unless there was some urgent matter needing her attention. This increased her stubbornness and egoism. One should eat with the rest of the community. If one needs to use the phone, then use the public phone. I have seen that in many temples each nun has her own room. When she is visited by relatives and friends, instead of meeting them in the temple’s reception room, she takes them to her room. Some rooms have refrigerators and stoves that enable nuns to prepare food to entertain visitors. In the beginning, there might be only two or three visitors. When more visitors come, the kitchen has to be enlarged to prepare enough food for one or two tables. This way each dorm room has its own kitchen with gas stove, kitchen counters, kitchen sink, and other equipment. This makes a temple no longer look like a temple. Although one may say that these are small matters, they have effect on the management as well as the spirit and style of the temple. For this reason, when discussing the safety issue of the precept of not living alone, I have to discuss the question of how to utilize sleeping space. (Xiangguang zhuangyan 1995 (September), vol. 43) Another example of how Wuyin used Vinaya rules to criticize contemporary Buddhist practices in Taiwan is her interpretation of the first of the seventeen samghavasesa rules, the one prohibiting nuns to serve as marriage go-betweens. “If a bhikşunī, as a go-between, carries the words of a man to a woman or carries the words of a woman to a man, with the purpose of realizing a marriage, an extramarital relation, or even a brief meeting, this bhikşunī violates an immediate rule, a samghavasesa, that has to be given up” (Heirman 2002, II:329). Wuyin pointed out that in traditional Chinese society, nuns, like marriage go-betweens, were marginalized and not respected.

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Let us see what is meant by the expression “three aunties and six grannies” [sangu liupo] found in old books. The three aunties are Buddhist nuns, Daoist nuns, and female fortune-tellers. The six grannies are commercial brokers of marriage, marriage go-betweens, witches, brothel owners, women healers, and midwives. These professions were regarded as unsavory and looked down upon by society. Those who engaged in them were suspected of using unethical methods to in effect steal money for personal gain. We can understand the low status nuns to be put in the same category as these women. Their lowly position was because they had no opportunity to receive an education. For this reason, their contributions to society were never recognized. Now that the educational standard of nuns has been elevated, it is important that we establish a new image for ourselves. (Xiangguang zhuangyan 1995 ( June), vol. 42) Wuyin also opposed nuns officiating at weddings because of their traditional association with marriage go-betweens. This attitude is a minority view, however, for in recent decades Buddhist weddings have become quite popular in Taiwan. Under the influence of Humanistic Buddhism, several Buddhist masters, including Shengyan, have actively promoted Buddhist weddings. At such weddings, a Buddhist clergyperson officiates, gives a short lecture about Buddhism, performs the refuge ceremony, and bestows the five precepts on the bride and bridegroom. The ceremony is therefore an opportunity to teach newlyweds and their guests about Buddhism. Commenting on the same rule, Shengyan offered this explanation to justify why a monk or nun can officiate at a wedding: Concerning this rule, we must examine it in modern times. Religion cannot separate itself from the daily life of the people, for otherwise there is the possibility that it will be discarded by society. The most important things in people’s lives are marriage and death. Buddhism has traditionally paid attention to the problem of death and concentrated almost entirely on the rituals of death, to the extent that the modern scholar Luo Jialun called it “the religion of death.” But when we study the basic character of Buddhism, it is surely not all about death. Buddha taught in order to save living beings. Rituals of caring for the dead were originally only a supplementary part, not the main gist, of Buddhist teaching. It was only in China that the branch replaced the root. That is why in recent decades Buddhists have advocated that weddings become Buddhicized. From a practical point of view, I think this is worthy of promotion. Buddhist weddings do not

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go against the spirit of Buddhism. Actually, they conform to the goal of Mahāyāna Buddhism. I think it is right that Buddhist youths should get married with a Buddhist ceremony. A Buddhist wedding is the beginning of a Buddhicized family. Once there is a sound and solid Buddhist family, only then will there be superior Buddhist children. The children will grow up to be Buddhist youths. When there are superior Buddhist youths, Buddhism will then receive respect and admiration from society. Buddhist doctrines and spirit will then be able to broadly spread to every corner of society. This is indeed the goal of Mahāyāna Buddhism. (Shengyan 1999, 292) Wuyin would agree with Shengyan that Buddhism is indeed closely connected with the daily life of the people. The program of adult classes she founded, run by the seminary graduates, is clearly meant to help the students create a Buddhicized family ( fohua jiating). So why her strong disapproval of nuns officiating at weddings? Someone said to her that serving as witness at a wedding is different from acting as go-between because the young couple already know each other and would get married anyway. And officiating at the wedding should be no different from a judge officiating at a civil marriage ceremony in court. Wuyin countered with the argument that unless the nun either officiated at the wedding or served as the witness, the marriage would be invalid, which was tantamount to playing a major role, not unlike matchmakers of old. So if one interpreted the rule literally, nuns should not serve as witnesses at a wedding. If we wish to instruct the newlyweds about how to lead a Buddhist life, the best way would be to invite an experienced and learned lay Buddhist to assume the role of officiant or witness. The added advantage would be that the lay Buddhist, being married him/herself, could offer advice on matters relating to married life. Not participating in weddings did not mean that nuns were not concerned with the life of laypeople. They could teach them how to apply Buddhist teachings in their home life, as nuns have been doing all along (Xiangguang zhuangyan 1995 ( June), vol. 42). After the precepts prohibiting sexual activities, Wuyin paid most attention to those concerning stealing. She told the students that it was harder to keep these precepts than those about sexual matters because these rules were very complicated. For this reason, the Vinaya devoted much more space proportionally to their explication. Buddhism speaks of things owned by the Three Treasures: things that belong to the Buddha, that belong to the Dharma, and that belong to the sangha. It is necessary to make clear distinctions in treating these things. Wuyin listed some examples for each category: Buddha’s property includes halls,

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Buddha images, money and precious things, banners and canopies, flowers and candles, delicacies and food; property belonging to the Dharma includes boxes and cabinets (to store sutras) in addition to the things listed above. Property belonging to the sangha can be divided into four types: temple buildings, trees, fields, kitchens, etc. belonging to the members of the permanent sangha (changzhu changzhu); daily meals offered to monastics belonging to the sangha of the ten directions (shifang changzhu); houses, shelters, clothing, medicine, bedding, etc. belonging to the sangha of this present moment (xianqian xianqian); things left by deceased monastics belonging to the sangha of the ten directions of this present moment (shifang xianqian). According to the Vinaya, it is essential that one know the right way to handle the things of the Three Treasures. A mistake made in this regard constitutes breaking the rule against stealing. Wuyin gave some guidelines and concrete examples of how to act properly. First, one should not confuse money and things donated to the Buddha, Dharma, and sangha, and use them indiscriminately. Second, if it is not clear how to act, then the matter should be discussed by the entire community in order to reach a consensus. Before an image of the Buddha is recast, a place to hold the scripture is built, or the living quarters of the sangha are renovated, a plan must be put forward for collective deliberation and carried out only after a unanimous decision is reached by the entire community. Third, donors’ wishes must be considered and respected. When handling the property donated by lay believers, nuns should know the difference between the right to manage, the right to use, and the right to own. When the community has a clear understanding, then one can freely use the bathrooms, bedrooms, and books in the library, or drink the sodas or cold drinks and water as well as consume the food placed in the common area. This is not stealing. For instance, it is all right for everyone to take food placed on the table. But once it is removed and stored away, one should not go into the storeroom to take it and eat it oneself. Similarly, if one takes what belongs to the sangha as one’s private property, that is stealing, and it will create serious bad karma. It goes without saying that one should not sell things for profit from the storehouse without consulting the sangha. When a nun leaves the community, she should not take anything belonging to the sangha with her. Wuyin cited several examples of how the Incense Light community handles money and things donated by the faithful to illustrate the correct practice of the principles she provided. For instance, when a donor comes to offer food to the community, she should be asked whether this is intended for the residents, the visiting nuns, or everyone. If she does not give any indication, and if the offerings, such as robes, food or money, are made for the Buddha’s birthday or other

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festive days, then these must be evenly distributed before or during the meal, for the noon meal is the formal meal of the day. All nuns who are present before the meal are regarded as the “sangha in attendance” (zaichang sengzhong) and are entitled to receive a portion of the offering, no matter whether they are residents or visitors. According to the Vinaya, the community is not permitted to wait until the visitors leave and then divide the offerings among themselves in the evening. However, when the donor makes clear for whom the offering is intended, her wishes must be respected. To give one example, if the donated item is a computer, it should not be commonly used by both residents and visitors. Sometimes a donor may offer money to the sangha without indicating its use. In this case, Wuyin, being the abbess, will suggest to the donor ways the money might be used on behalf of the community. If the donor approves, then the project will go ahead. There should be a detailed record of the name of the donor, the amount of the money donated, and how the money is spent. In general, money donated to honor the Buddha is used to cast images of the Buddha, build a Chan meditation hall, or decorate and refurbish the Buddha hall. In carrying out these projects, computers, stationery, telephones, and so on are needed for drafting the plan and buying materials. The expenses incurred are taken out of the money donated for the Buddha (Buddha Treasure). The nuns who contribute their time to supervise the construction are listed as donors, but they do not receive any remuneration. The expense of acquiring computers, stationery, telephones, and so on for the regular operation of the temple are drawn from money donated to the temple (Dharma Treasure). There is another example of a flexible way donations may be used in the spirit of the Vinaya. When a donor offers a large amount of money to honor the Buddha but does not know that the most pressing need of the sangha is to pay rent on the subtemples, Wuyin will inform the donor of that need and ask for approval to use the money intended for the Buddha to pay the rent. This is a legitimate way of transferring an offering intended for the Buddha Treasure to the Dharma Treasure. However, the sangha may not use the money to buy food or make robes. In dire situations the sangha can borrow money from the Buddha Treasure to buy things for their daily needs. But as soon as they have enough money, the amount must be paid back to the account of the Buddha Treasure. The faithful in Taiwan today are willing to donate to temples, but they often do not know what they want the money to be used for. The Incense Light community prepares a list of suggestions to show the donor. If the donor agrees to the list, the community will decide to use the money for the item of utmost importance. If there is no urgent need at the moment, the money will be deposited in

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the bank to be used in the future. However, if the donor clearly knows how she wishes her donation to be used, her decision must be respected and the money used accordingly. Suppose a donor wants to offer a gold necklace to the Buddha; this wish should be respected. But if she consults the sangha before she makes the donation, then she may be told that building the temple, casting Buddha images, or supporting monastic education are all good ways to honor the Buddha. If the donor agrees to have the money used for temple construction, then the blueprint of the building should be shown her. When the donor sees the blueprint of the building, she can envision what the temple will look like in the future (Shi Wuyin 2001b, 195–198). According to the Vinaya, monks and nuns should not own private property, nor should they handle money. The monastery is supposed to provide everything they need. But this rule was not always observed. As we read in chapter 2, except for food and lodging, nuns in the Xinglong Si had to take care of their daily needs, including robes, medicine, and even stamps and soap. Wuyin describes how this rule prohibiting private property is creatively interpreted in her temple. The seminary students and resident nuns of Incense Light are provided with what they need in everyday life. The sangha also provides them with the funds for medicine, transportation, and education. In addition, they receive a monthly stipend for when they travel about or study elsewhere. Those nuns who have jobs managing the temple receive an extra stipend as compensation for their work. The money is deposited into individual accounts that are in the care of a designated person. When a nun wishes to travel on a pilgrimage or attend an academic conference or a lecture by an eminent monk, she can either apply to the sangha for permission or be recommended by her work unit. Her request is usually granted and the expenses will be borne by the sangha. On the eve of Chinese New Year, each member of the community receives a red envelope (containing money) according to Chinese tradition. This is a token of appreciation from the sangha. When a nun receives an offering from a lay believer, she can either deposit it into her account or donate it for some other use. In this fashion, the nuns have money to meet special needs, yet can at the same time keep the precept of not owning private property (Shi Wuyin 2001b, 236–237). Although Wuyin sometimes reinterprets the Vinaya rules to suit the living conditions in modern society, she is ultimately a conservative. In her class lectures on the Vinaya, she does not mention the monastic codes known as Pure Rules (qingguei), which have guided Chinese monastics for centuries. For the fact is that although the Monastic Rules in Four Divisions has enjoyed exalted prestige as the norm of monastic life, it became and remains primarily an object of study

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and scholarly commentary. The Pure Rules, codified in China by Chinese Buddhists, have in fact had more influence on the operation of monasteries and the conduct of the daily life of monastics. The earliest code is attributed to Baizhang (749–814), who is famous for his maxim, “One day without work, one day without food.” He is credited with having established the independence of the Chan school from other schools, particularly the Vinaya (Lü) school. Japanese scholars have doubted whether a code written by Baizhang ever existed, for none of his contemporaries mentioned such a document. The 1335 Monastic Code of Baizhang Compiled Under Imperial Order (Chixiu Baizhang qinggui) is a late document, appearing more than five hundred years after Baizhang’s time. Chinese Buddhists, on the other hand, have upheld the view that Baizhang was the originator of the tradition, claiming that the absence of references to such a document does not necessarily prove its nonexistence. Yifa summarizes the various views and offers this measured conclusion: In summary, the reputation of Baizhang as a pioneer of Chan monastic independence and advocate of the labor ethic has been seriously challenged by modern scholarship. There remains a great deal of disagreement and speculation regarding Baizhang’s alleged monastic code: some believe it did exist but was later lost; some argue it was never codified as a written document; and still others assert that the codification of Baizhang’s regulations never occurred in any form. I maintain that Baizhang could have had a monastic text written for his order as did many monks before him; however, this text could not have been given the title Baizhang qinggui. (Yifa 2002, 34) The earliest uncontested use of the term “Pure Rules” as the title of a Chan monastic code is the Pure Rules of the Chan Monastery (Chanyuan qinggui) compiled by the Chan monk Changlu Zongze (?–1107?). Yifa, who translated the text, points out that although these rules have their origins in the Vinaya, they contain many elements of Chinese culture not found in the Vinaya: It is central to note that Chanyuan qinggui and the Chan regulations that followed it also included elements foreign to the original Vinaya texts, elements incorporated from Chinese governmental policies and traditional Chinese etiquette. . . . Popular Chinese customs also made their mark on Chanyuan qinggui: protocol associated with the Chan tea ceremony, for example, is by and large a direct imitation of the model presented in the

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Confucian Book of Rites. The physical layout of the abbot’s quarters and the Dharma hall, as well as the ritual associated with the abbot’s sermon in the Dharma hall are plainly appropriated from the customs and practices of China’s imperial courts. In short, after a thorough investigation of Chan monastic rules, we gain a clear sense of both their Vinaya origins and their adaptation of Chinese cultural and social practices. (Yifa 2002, 98) It is perhaps for this reason that Wuyin felt that she should teach the students the Monastic Rules in Four Divisions instead of the Chinese Pure Rules. There have been many changes to Baizhang’s Pure Rules over time. If I were to teach it, which version should we take as the standard? Moreover, many regulations and rules [of the Vinaya] have been altered totally. We find that there are prayers for the longevity of the emperors. These were religious rituals performed for the sake of the imperial ruler. It is best that we return to the regulations laid down by the Buddha, who was the originator of Buddhism. These rules are the same in all Buddhist traditions of the world. All nuns without exception must know them. (Xuangguang zhuangyan 2004 ( June), vol. 78)

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Despite her questioning of the Pure Rules, Wuyin gives Baizhang’s maxim high praise, yet at the same time she provides a characteristic new interpretation: The saying “One day without work, one day without food” is still applicable. It can still serve as the motto for monastics today. The key, however, is what we “do.” Is it teaching? Working in the field? Spreading the Dharma? Writing books? Publishing magazines? Or managing a temple? As long as we do not forget the duty to respond to the needs of the time, we should live for the sake of the Three Treasures, for the sake of Buddhism, and for the sake of giving rise to the mind of enlightenment. But we should not live just for the sake of living. (Xiangguang zhuangyan 2005 (December), vol. 84) The Incense Light Seminary is a small institution. From its first graduating class in 1982 to the most recent graduating class of 2009, the numbers are consistently in single digits (fig. 5.4). There are altogether only 143 alumnae. The graduates of the seminary, with the exception of those who come from other temples, remain members of the Incense Light community. Although their number is not

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Figure 5.4 Students of Incense Light Buddhist Seminary. From Xiangguang Nisengtuan shier zhounian tekan, 1992.

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large, they are engaged in many activities. Some stay at the head temple and others are assigned to head the five subtemples. Alumni are responsible for several enterprises. First, they edit four publications: the magazine Xiangguang zhuangyan, which is a general journal of articles on Buddhist themes; the Qingsong menya, which publishes writings by current seminary students and lectures by Wuyin; Fanwang ji, a periodical recording important speeches by the leaders of the community; and Nei xun, a pamphlet recounting important events that have happened to the community. While the first publication is mailed to the lay believers and the general population interested in Buddhism, the other three are for internal circulation. Second, they manage a press, the Xiangguan Shuxiang, which publishes books on Buddhist history and doctrines, in particular, Vinaya topics translated from English and Japanese. Third, they are planning a weekly radio program. Fourth, they manage a modern library and an extensive digital information service on Buddhist publications. Fifth, they design and supervise new construction projects. Depending on their individual talents, alumni can specialize in any of these tasks. All alumni, without exception, must teach Buddhist adult classes ( foxue yanduban) for at least two years. These are free classes for which the Incense Light nuns wrote textbooks and planned the curriculum. This is the most important work of the whole community, with every member engaged in it. We turn to a detailed account of this work in the next chapter.

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6

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The Incense Light nuns, like their leader Wuyin, identify themselves as religious teachers. Although they publish the magazine Xiangguan zhuangyan, manage a publishing outfit, offer a Buddhist information service, and do other socially engaged activities, their main mission is running a program of Buddhist adult classes, which constitutes the economic base of the community. These programs were offered in the five subtemples in the order of the temples’ establishment: Classes opened earliest at the Anhui Academy located in downtown Chiayi and the Purple Bamboo Retreat in Kaohsiung, both established in 1985; then followed the Dinghui Academy in Miaoli, established in 1995; the Yanghui Academy in Taichung, established in 1998; and the Yinyi Academy in Taipei, also established in 1998. Wuyin’s decision to establish the program came from her experience in Hawai‘i, where she took English classes for free at a community center. The opportunity to institute the classes came about by chance. As part of the celebration of the birthday of Amitābha Buddha on December 8, she was asked in 1981 to give a week-long series of lectures on the “Universal Gateway” chapter of the Lotus Sūtra at the Fojiao Huiguan in Chiayi. This was a Japanese Jōdo temple back when Taiwan was under Japanese rule. After the Nationalist government took it over following World War II, it was used as office space for a labor union and the bureau of food inspection, leaving only the main hall for worshippers. The temple courtyard was also taken over by merchants as a place for trading. After much concerted effort by the local lay Buddhists, who pleaded with the government, the temple was restored to its original status and housed the Chiayi Buddhist Association. Centrally located in the city and easily accessible, it is an excellent place for teaching Buddhism. Wuyin’s lectures there were well received. The temple was under the direction of the board of directors, all laymen, while two old nuns served as caretakers. Faced with reelection in April 1982, which required the formal installation of a monastic as the abbot or abbess, the board asked Wuyin to assume this position, which she did on September 24 of the same year. The tasks of managing the temple property and dealing with the outside world lay with the directors. Wuyin would come only to take charge of important Buddhist services, staying at the Incense Light Temple the rest of

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the time. She saw her main duty as abbess of the Chiayi Huiguan to be teaching Buddhism to laypeople. As we saw in the case of Tianyi, it was quite common for one monastic to head more than one temple in Taiwan. Although Tianyi was the abbess of four temples, there was no sharing of property or personnel among them. Wuyin followed this example, keeping matters and property separate at Chiayi and the Incense Light Temple. But because there was no existing sangha in the former, personnel were shared between the two temples. The reason several temples might be headed by the same abbess is mainly due to temple economics. After the government carried out land reform from 1949 to 1953, temples lost much of the land they had owned previously.1 Even the much reduced acreage left to the temple, unless the sangha members were to farm it, had to be sold. These policies are called either “thirty-seven-and-a-half rent reduction” (sanqiwu jianzu) or “land to the tiller.” While they contributed to the productivity of the land and the industrialization of Taiwan, they dealt a serious blow to the economy of Taiwanese temples, which had traditionally been supported by income from land rental. Temples now must rely on donations by the faithful, and lay believers usually support temples headed by famous Buddhist masters. To attract economic support, therefore, temples were eager to recruit well-known Buddhist teachers. After Wuyin had become the abbess at Fojiao Huiguan, she attracted a large number of believers, many of whom took refuge with her and became her lay disciples. In 1984 some of them said to her, “Master, you established the Buddhist seminary to benefit those who have joined the sangha. But we also need your care! After we have taken refuge with you, we want to study with you. At present, all we know is to offer incense and pray. Is there any difference between our offering incense and praying to Mazu and Guanyin Bodhisattva? Remaining in such ignorance shames us and also causes embarrassment to you” (Shi Wuyin 1995b, 95). In response to their request, Wuyin at first told them she would ask nuns from the community to come to tell them “Buddhist stories” each week. This was the beginning of the adult classes. However, after one semester, the teachers reported to Wuyin that such informal storytelling could not teach people about Buddhism in any meaningful way. For the audience, this was like listening to the morality tales traditionally told in the temple courtyard. After they listened, they soon forgot. Wuyin then realized that the only way to help the faithful to understand Buddhism and practice Buddhist teachings in daily life was to create an adult education program that would introduce Buddhism systematically. It would work the same as a secular school. Calling on her experience attending

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the adult English classes in Honolulu seven years earlier, she decided to design a Buddhism curriculum for adults. This way of teaching Buddhism was quite innovative at that time, and the very setup of the classes was unusual in Taiwan. Teaching Buddhism (“spreading the Dharma”) to laypeople had always been a goal of all Buddhist masters. Traditionally this had been carried out in temples in the form of Dharma lectures, but today so many new means of reaching the public are available. Buddhist organizations operate a number of daily radio and television programs. People can get hold of numerous cassette tapes made by Buddhist masters or attend mass public lectures where famous Buddhist teachers attract hundreds and even thousands of people. Such proselytizing activities have of course fueled general interest in Buddhism in Taiwan over the last several decades. But the main drawback with these formats, according to Wuyin, is that there is no feedback from the audience. The audience can only listen passively because all are one-way communications, which in the end may not be very effective. There is no way of knowing whether the listener or viewer has really understood. If someone has questions, it is impossible to ask the lecturers then and there. But the class format is the exact opposite. Instruction is a two-way communication (fig. 6.1). Wuyin once compared the teaching of Buddhism in the adult classes to the other methods described above: The idea behind teaching adult classes is to offer Buddhism in a small group setting and not in a large lecture hall as is commonly done. In the latter case, the lecture is given by one Dharma teacher, and three to five thousand people may attend. After it is over, everyone goes home and that is that. But in contrast, everyone has his/her own class and classmates. Sometimes the teacher gives lectures and other times class will be small group discussions or making presentations. After finishing the lesson, exams, homework, reports, etc., serve as aids to teaching and stimulate learning. Students may feel pressure in meeting these requirements, but these activities make the teaching method a many-sided one. (Shi Wuyin 1995b, 97) The structure of the classes is indeed an important characteristic. Even when a class has over forty students, part of each meeting is always devoted to small group discussion, during which the students are divided into groups of no more than ten people. They are asked to talk over some portion of the lesson they have just studied. This is usually put in the form of a question and at the end of the

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group discussion, one student from each group will make a report to the whole class. The instructor will go from group to group to monitor the discussion. She is helped in this by an assistant instructor. The same group discussion format is used broadly in the seminary, so the instructors have already been well trained in this way of teaching. As we shall read in a later section, many of the teaching methods used in the seminary are applied also in the Buddhist adult classes. The adult program has been modeled on public middle school. There are two semesters, each eighteen weeks in length, which begin in December and end in May. Students meet for two hours each week. They have to do homework and take a final exam. There are three levels: elementary, intermediate, and advanced. Like middle school in Taiwan, each class has a leader and several cadres ( ganbu) who assist the teachers with their fellow students’ study and help organize extracurricular activities, such as field trips, athletic competitions, song and drama performances, and cooking competitions. Such activities cement the feeling of fellowship, and they also reinforce the values learned in class. For instance, the cooking competition always consists of the preparation and tasting of vegetarian dishes by

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which students learn the advantages of a vegetarian diet. The songs and skits they perform are on Buddhist themes, and even athletic competitions underscore the Buddhist values of patience, compassion, and energy through cooperation among individual members. Such activities also provide occasions for former students to return and renew their contact with the Incense Light nuns. Graduates often became followers and patrons of the community. They work as volunteers at activities organized by the sangha. They donate money to support the order’s development. The adult classes therefore not only provide the economic base of the Incense Light community but also raise its profile in society. The first adult class was run in Chiayi in late 1984; those in Kaohsiung and Miaoli started in 1985. Soon after that, those in Taipei and Taichung went into operation. Technically, the venues where the classes are held cannot be said to be subtemples of Incense Light, for they have independent legal status. While a temple falls under the supervision of the Ministry of the Interior, the five schools are supported by the Mount Gaya Cultural and Educational Foundation of Incense Light (Xiangguang Jeye Wenjiao Jijinhui) and thus come under the supervision of the Ministry of Education. Despite their legal and structural separation, they share the same resources and personnel, and Incense Light Temple is in fact their main home temple. The classes began with modest enrollments at both Chiayi and Kaohsiung. Only an elementary-level class was offered, with an enrollment of 122 and 105, respectively. Middle-level classes were added in the next year, and advanced-level classes started in 1987. In subsequent years, the classes were divided into Mandarin and Taiwanese sections to meet the needs of students from different backgrounds. Classes meet for two hours one evening each week of the eighteen-week semester. Statistics are available from some of the classes offered at Chiayi, Kaohsiung, and Taipei for age and gender. While the ratio of men to women is similar, 25 percent to 75 percent, there are age differences between those who attend the Mandarin classes and those who attend the Taiwanese classes. The students in the Taiwanese classes tend to be much older, mainly because they are housewives who no longer have to care for small children. Anhui Academy at Chiayi

1. Mandarin Classes: Male 25 percent, female 75 percent. The age breakdown of students: 30–39 years old, 30 percent; 40–49 years old, 40 percent; 50–59 years old, 20 percent. 2. Taiwanese Classes: Male 20 percent, female 80 percent. The age breakdown of students: 30–39 years old, 10 percent; 40–49 years old, 35 percent; 50–59 years old, 30 percent.

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Purple Bamboo Retreat at Kaohsiung

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1. Mandarin Classes: Male 25 percent, female 75 percent. The age breakdown among students: 30–39 years old, 30 percent; 40–49 years old, 40 percent; 50–59 years old, 25 percent. 2. Taiwanese Classes: Male 15 percent, female 85 percent. The age breakdown of students: 30–39 years old, 5 percent; 40–49 years old, 35 percent; 50–59 years old, 45 percent. A clearer picture is provided in two other cases. For the academic year 1997–1998, Yinyi Academy in Taipei had 488 students, of which only forty, or 10 percent, were men. The largest number of students were forty to forty-nine years old (162), followed by those who were fifty to fifty-nine years old (114) and sixty to sixty-nine years old (84). In terms of profession, 208 were housewives, seventy worked in manufacturing, sixty-seven in business, and fifty in government service. Dinghui Academy in Miaoli was the last of the five to be established, in 1995. Located in a small city in central Taiwan, it serves as a nice contrast to Taipei. There were only 747 students in the years 1995–1998. Of these students, 627 were female and 120 male. The great majority were forty years and older: 248 were forty to forty-nine years old, 215 were fifty to fifty-nine years old, and 143 were sixty to sixty-nine years old. Their professions covered a wider range: 310 were housewives, 129 were in government service, ninety were in service professions, seventy-two were in business, seventy worked in manufacturing, and forty-two were teachers. For this group, we have information about their educational backgrounds: elementary school graduates numbered 260, high school graduates 203, middle school graduates 85, and 126 graduated from college. Even this rough sketch of a small portion of the entire student population gives a general impression of its composition. There are more women than men, most are in their forties and older, and most have a high school education. While most of the women are housewives, some women and all the men have various jobs, ranging from government service to business and manufacturing. Incense Light does not charge tuition for the classes, and a nominal fee covers textbooks, notebooks, a book bag, and pencils. This generosity has been met with reciprocal good will, for present and past students almost all make donations regularly. More importantly, they become a pool of supporters from whom the community can always seek aid. By 2009, a total of 48,328 students had graduated from the classes, with the Purple Bamboo Retreat in Kaohsiung and the Anhui Academy taking the lead, graduating 26,400 and 12,681 each. Yinyi Academy in Taipei and Yanghui Academy in Taichung come next, with 4,503 and 3,464

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graduates. The Dinghui Academy in Miaoli has produced only 1,674 graduates because of its comparative isolation. The students at the Incense Light programs publish a newsletter, Internal News, which provides information about the classes. Additionally, I will analyze the contents of the textbooks, homework assignments, and student essays. These will give us a good sense of the kind of Buddhism the Incense Light nuns want to impart to the lay community.

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The InCense LIghT PRogRAm

Although Wuyin founded and continues to serve as director for the adult classes program, the entire community of the Incense Light nuns constitutes the real workforce. Each class is taught by one graduate from the seminary, who is assisted by another nun in her fourth or fifth year of study who works as an intern. A teacher has to serve for at least two years before she rotates out. The textbooks used were written by a committee of nuns experienced in teaching the content, under the direction of Wuyin (Xiangguang Nisengtuan Jiayeshan Wenjiao Jijinhui 1997a, 1997b, 1997c). Aside from the teaching staff, other nuns handle business and public relations. The design of the class materials and assignments reflects Wuyin’s attitude concerning adult education in Buddhism; the content of the textbooks was determined by what aspects of Buddhism the students should know. Wuyin listed three guiding principles. The first is to introduce the Buddhist worldview and view of life that are in accord with modernity. For this reason, it is unnecessary for students to learn arcane details such as the ancient Indian ideas of Mount Sumeru, the triple worlds, the four great continents, and the four periods making up an eon that are found in Buddhism and so on. Instead, students should be taught how to view life in the world according to Buddhist perspectives. For instance, the student should be taught, “ ‘The place you are standing is a world. This world is constantly changing amid [the four periods of ] creation, stabilization, destruction, and annihilation.’ What we have to teach them is that everything changes and is impermanent. This is more important to know than Mount Sumeru” (Shi Wuyin 1999, 4). The second principle is to emphasize human relationships. If students are taught to fulfill their duties in the family, they will contribute to the peace and security of society. Since all the students who attend these classes are laypeople and either have jobs or work at home, to guide them to have faith in the Three Treasures, to use the basic Buddhist teachings of the Four Noble Truths, the Eightfold Noble Path, and the Twelve Links of Causation as the compass for

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their life can make everyone content with her family, her duty, her work. . . . In this way Buddhadharma acts as the moving force of humanistic concerns (Shi Wuyin 1999, 5). Finally, the third principle is not advocating self-mutilation, or glorifying miraculous responses by casting divinity blocks, believing in predictions, or seeing auras. The lessons in the textbooks discuss basic Buddhist teachings and stories of the Buddha, bodhisattvas, and eminent monks. There is no mention of the Medicine King’s self-immolation as an offering to the Buddha in the Lotus Sūtra, nor are there stories of monks and nuns who performed such acts through the ages. This is because Wuyin does not approve of harming one’s own body. Such rational, positive, this-worldly, and socially engaged attitudes are shared by all Humanistic Buddhists in Taiwan. These ideals are further clarified in a brochure written to advertise the classes. It lists three goals: to extend and broaden Buddhist education, to actualize a Buddhist life of correct faith, and to beautify life with Buddhadharma (Mingjia 1992, 42). Like the educational goals of the seminary, classes emphasize both understanding and practice with the purpose of integrating Buddhist teaching with daily life. To provide an educational experience that leads to the student’s formation of a healthy character, the lessons include four parts dealing with knowledge, living, religion, and service. With this background, let us now turn to a content analysis of the textbooks used in the adult Buddhist education classes. The text for each level contains ten lessons. There is a supplementary textbook that also consists of ten lessons and provides additional information for each lesson in the main textbook. Lessons on knowledge can be further divided into two categories: Buddhist doctrines and Buddhist history. Under Buddhist doctrines, the lessons focus on “Taking Refuge in the Three Treasures,” “Five Precepts,” “The Four Noble Truths,” “The Six Pāramitās (Perfections),” “The Eightfold Noble Path,” and “Everyone Can Become a Buddha” in the beginner’s textbook. Lessons on “Buddhism of Correct Faith,” “Rebirth,” “The Twelve Links of Causation,” “The Five Vehicles,” “The Four Abodes of Mindfulness,” “Filial Piety—The Beginning of Harmonious Relations,” and “A Positive Life” make up this section for the intermediate class. The advanced class includes the lessons on “The Five Aggregates,” “Karma,” “Paying Respect to the Six Directions,” “Four All-Embracing Virtues,” and “Return Home—Brief Introduction to Pure Land.” Under Buddhist history, we find lessons on “Our Original Teacher Buddha Śākyamuni,” “Medicine Buddha,” “The Introduction of Buddhist Scriptures Into China,” and “The Collective Compilation of Buddhist Sutras” in the beginner’s textbook; “Buddha—The Great Educator,” “Old Monk Xuyun,” and “Chinese Buddhism in the Period of Matching Concepts” in the intermediate textbook;

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and “The Treasure House of Chinese Buddhism—Dunhuang Buddhist Caves,” “Great Master Yinguang,” and “Buddha in the World” in the advanced class text. I will first describe the table of contents to each book, then select a few lessons for a more detailed discussion. The ten lessons of the elementary text are: (1) Taking Refuge in the Three Treasures; (2) Śākyamuni Buddha, Our Original Teacher; (3) Primitive Buddhism in India and Its Development; (4) Everyone Can Become a Buddha; (5) Seven Types of Buddhist Disciples; (6) Selected Reading of Buddhist Scriptures: Entering the Path by Listening to the Dharma; (7) Preserving Goodness; (8) The Four Noble Truths; (9) The Eightfold Noble Path; (10) The Six Perfections of the Bodhisattva. Three additional lessons (“extracurricular reading”) are attached to Lessons 3, 6, and 9. The first tells the legend of how Buddhism was introduced into China during the reign of Emperor Ming of the Han dynasty (p. 19). Although this legend has been proven apocryphal, since it is still widely believed by the Buddhist faithful in China, the compilers of the textbook chose to include it. The added reading for Lesson 9 is on donation and relates the story of King Bimbisāra’s gift of the Bamboo Grove to the Buddha (p. 48). By contrast, the additional reading for Lesson 6 is a selection from the Samyuktāgama (Za’ahan jing) (p. 33). The first thing one notices about the lessons is the compilers’ attempt to use nontraditional language to present Buddhist teachings. The second is that they are equally attentive to both the mainstream and Mahāyāna Buddhist tenets. The third distinctive feature is that there is not a noticeable progression from easy to more difficult materials. For instance, Lesson 8, which is on the Four Noble Truths, comes after Lesson 6, which contains three selections from Buddhist scriptures, the Madhyamāgama, Ekottarāgama, and Sūtra on the Buddha’s Last Instruction as well as the selection from the Samyuktāgama as an additional reading. Lesson 6 is therefore much more difficult and demanding than Lesson 8. Lessons 8, 9, and 10, which I translate below, are good examples of how the compilers strove to use nontraditional language. One readily notices that the explanation of the Four Noble Truths, the Eightfold Noble Path, and the Six Perfections of the Bodhisattvas does not always follow those found in the more traditional primers on Buddhism. Moreover, including the lessons that everyone can achieve buddhahood and the Six Perfections, two fundamental Mahāyāna Buddhist doctrines, right after the lessons on the Four Noble Truths and Eightfold Noble Path, core teachings of mainstream Buddhism, testify to the editors’ inclusive and nonsectarian approach. I translate here the text of Lesson 8:

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The Four Noble Truths are the basic teachings of Buddhism. First taught by the Buddha after he became enlightened, they are the most complete outline of the Buddhadharma. The Four Noble Truths are on suffering, on accumulation, on extinction, and on the path. The truth of suffering tells us about the true nature of the world. Everything in this world is impermanent from birth to death. Because it is impermanent, one cannot exercise any control over it. Because we have no control, there is suffering. Generally speaking, there are eight kinds of suffering in our life. All these kinds of suffering are the fruits of our karma in this world. The truth of accumulation explains the causes of suffering, which are ignorance and karma. Due to the delusions and vexations, sentient beings create all kinds of karma. This is the cause of worldly suffering. The truth of extinction tells us that when greed, hatred, and ignorance are eliminated, one can realize the fruit of nirvana. The truth of the path tells us about the method of eliminating suffering. It refers mainly to the Eightfold Noble Path. The truth of suffering and the truth of accumulation explain the cause for transmigration in the world. The truth of extinction and the truth of the path teach us about the cause of deliverance from the world and attaining nirvana. When one understands the Four Noble Truths, one recognizes the true nature of the world. When one practices the Eightfold Noble Path, one can reach the other shore of deliverance from this shore of life and death. (pp. 37–39) The following is Lesson 9, “Eightfold Noble Path”: The Buddha often lectures on the eight kinds of right path to the assembly. These are the right ways to realize the Four Noble Truths. The Buddha taught this right path for humankind to follow. 1. Right view: We should have the correct view in regard to worldly and otherworldly things. 2. Right thought: We should think deeply about the right view. 3. Right speech: We should tell the truth, not tell lies, not repeat what we heard from others, not speak harshly or vainly. 4. Right action: We should keep our bodily deeds pure. Do not kill living creatures, do not steal, do not fornicate. 5. Right profession: We should take up a profession that accords with the law of the country and the Buddhadharma. 6. Right effort: Be diligent in cultivating goodness.

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7. Right mindfulness: Integrate the mind and the body. Be clearly aware of each thought. Think of the Buddha’s teaching every moment. 8. Right concentration: Practice meditation. Hold fast equally to samādhi and wisdom. There are two kinds of Eightfold Noble Path: one pertains to this world and it can lead people toward goodness, while the other kind pertains to the other world and it can lead people directly to liberation. The Eightfold Noble Path is guided by the right view. By practicing the path, one cultivates the threefold learning in morality, samādhi, and wisdom. This is the middle way illuminated by wisdom. (pp. 42–45) The goal of making Buddhism more accessible to the general population by using easily understandable language and concepts emerges even more clearly in Lesson 10, which is on the Six Perfections of the Bodhisattva:

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Pusa is short for bodhisattva. It comes from the Indian language. It means someone who has a mind for the Great Truth (dadaoxin). There are many ways to practice the way of the bodhisattva, but the most important ones are the Six Perfections—giving, keeping precepts, patience, energy, meditation, and wisdom. Giving—giving of wealth, giving of Dharma, giving of fearlessness. Keeping precepts—observing morality. Patience—keeping one’s will steady and not being influenced by either good or bad environment. Energy—having a fearless spirit and vigorously cultivating goodness. Meditation—being focused and having the one mind of nondisturbance. Wisdom—believing that as long as one cultivates oneself in accordance with what one hears and deliberates about, one will surely attain great wisdom. (pp. 46–51)

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A bodhisattva brings blessings to humankind by the Six Perfections. The central Mahāyāna teaching of emptiness, or the lack of inherent nature in everything, constitutes the “wisdom” of the bodhisattva. However, because ordinary people have difficulty understanding this concept, the textbook leaves it out. As a way to sustain student interest, the textbooks at all three levels contain

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a number of illustrations. Some of them are woodblock prints and others are traditional Chinese paintings. In addition to the pictures, the beginner’s textbook also provides the stroke order for some of the more complicated characters for students to follow. Some students, particularly those in the Taiwanese classes, are illiterate or barely literate, so aside from teaching them about Buddhism, the textbook helps them to recognize and write Chinese characters. Let us now look at the content of the textbook for the intermediate class. The ten lessons run as follows: (1) Buddhism of Correct Faith; (2) Old Monk Xuyun; (3) Chinese Buddhism During the Period of “Matching of Concepts”; (4) Rebirth and the Deliverance from Rebirth; (5) The Twelve Links of Causation; (6) Monastics—The Keepers of the Buddhadharma; (7) Lay Buddhists Are the Protectors of Buddhism; (8) Filial Piety—The Beginning of Harmonious Human Relationships; (9) The Four Abodes of Mindfulness; (10) A Positive Life. Four additional readings are appended to Lessons 2, 4, 6, and 8. The first two are in classical Chinese—a gāthā composed by the eminent Chan master Xuyun (1840–1950) and a selection from the Samyuktāgama—and the latter two are in colloquial Chinese, a modern translation from the Āgamas and a retelling of Mulian’s effort to save his sinful mother from hell, the founding myth for the Ghost Festival. While three lessons are on Buddhist doctrine (Lessons 4, 5, 9), and two consider the history of Chinese Buddhism (Lessons 2, 3), half of the ten are on the proper attitudes for a lay Buddhist believer (Lessons 1, 6, 7, 8, 10). The intermediate textbook reflects the spirit of Humanistic Buddhism more clearly than the textbooks for the other two levels, but it continues in the nonsectarian vein of the other two. Although the monk Xuyun was the most famous and respected Chan cleric in modern China, the Four Abodes of Mindfulness is a basic meditation method in the Theravāda tradition that was revived by Southeast Asian Buddhist teachers of “insight meditation” in the twentieth century. Proselytizing Buddhism is one of the major the goals of this enterprise.2 The kind of Buddhism the community hopes to disseminate can be seen in Lessons 1 and 10, the first and last lessons of the textbook. Lesson 1 reads as follows: The word “Buddha” is Sanskrit. It means enlightenment or awareness. Therefore Buddhism is the religion of enlightenment—a religion seeking enlightenment of oneself and enlightenment of others. Śākyamuni Buddha was the founder of Buddhism and our original teacher. He was an enlightened person. He realized the Way under the tree of enlightenment. He attained the truth about “causality of birth and

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death” and thereby understood the origin of the continuing births and deaths of sentient beings. Due to the ignorance of sentient beings and their creation of karma, they call into being the limitless consequences of suffering. The Buddha felt pity for sentient beings and pointed out a way to enlightenment for them. He told us that if we wanted to extinguish disasters and pray for blessings so that we can obtain the joy of eternal life, we must understand the law of cause and effect. “Not to do any evil, do all good, and purify one’s own mind. This is Buddhism.” Buddhists of correct faith thus take refuge in the Three Treasures. They firmly believe in the law of causality. By cutting off evil and cultivating goodness, through self-respect and self-awareness, you can surely extinguish disasters and leave suffering behind and attain ultimate peace and joy. (pp. 7–8) Lesson 10, entitled “A Positive Life,” reinforces the message of this-worldly asceticism:

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People who study Buddhism live a life of steady progression. For lay Buddhists, aside from your own livelihood and career, you must actively cultivate yourself in four aspects: faith, precepts, giving, and wisdom. 1. To be fully equipped with faith—take refuge in the Three Treasures, protect the Three Treasures, study and cultivate yourself on the model of the Three Treasures, and build a firm faith. 2. To be fully equipped with precepts—keep the five precepts and practice the ten good deeds. Devote yourself to establishing a Buddhist style of life by fulfilling one’s duties and thus improving the family relationships. 3. To be fully equipped with giving—give up greed and miserliness, and create blessing by taking delight in giving: with the mind of respect, make offerings to the Three Treasures, parents, and teachers; with the mind of compassion, give donations to the orphaned, the poor, and those who are in difficulty. 4. To be fully equipped with wisdom—study extensively and attend Dharma teachings often, take delight in thinking about the essentials of Buddhist teaching, increase your wisdom, and do not be tainted by worldly pleasures.

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To study Buddhism, one must have a correct direction and lead a noble and moral life guided by wisdom. Only such a person can be called a true student of Buddhism. (pp. 49–50)

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Finally, let us take a look at the advanced textbook. Like the two others, it consists of ten lessons. They are (1) Buddhist Studies and Learning to Be a Buddhist; (2) Emperor Aśoka; (3) The Treasure House of Chinese Buddhism— The Stone Caves of Dunhuang; (4) The Five Skandhas; (5) On Karma; (6) The Buddhist Canon; (7) Worshipping the Six Directions; (8) Selections from Buddhist Scripture—On Renunciation; (9) Four Methods for Winning People Over (sishefa);3 and (10) Returning Home. Accompanying Lessons 2, 4, 5, and 8 are four supplementary readings. They are three edicts of Emperor Aśoka, a selection from the Samyuktagama, a gāthā from the Sūtra on the Mindfulness of the Correct Dharma (Zhengfa nianchu jing), and a section from the Sūrangama Sūtra, respectively. Three lessons (2, 3, 6) cover the history of Buddhism, five (4, 5, 7, 8, 9) concern Buddhist teachings, and the remaining two (1, 10) address the proper attitudes and methods for studying Buddhism. By cleverly juxtaposing the two characters, Lesson 1 contrasts the academic study of Buddhism with personal embodiment of Buddhism in one’s life: The Buddha appeared in the world and realized the truth of the universe and human life. He then turned the great wheel of the Dharma and taught sentient beings to turn away from ignorance toward enlightenment and depart suffering to obtain happiness. What the Buddha taught and what his disciples practiced and propagated are all included in the sphere of Buddhist studies ( foxue) and learning to become a buddha (xuefo). The study of Buddhism includes teaching, principle, action, and fruit. While the first two explain the phenomena and principles of the universe and human life, the latter explain the goal, method, and process of realization. To learn to become a buddha refers to the four levels of faith, understanding, action, and realization. We take the Buddha as the model for our cultivation. After taking refuge in the Three Treasures, we follow Buddhist teachers and actively practice the threefold learning (morality, meditation, and wisdom), the four illimitable minds, and the four great vows, and broadly carry out the six perfections and myriad deeds. When we personally experience what we learn in Buddhism, then

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we can receive real benefits from the Buddhadharma. In the process of learning to become a buddha, when we have superior understanding of Buddhism, we can raise the level of our cultivation. Therefore, the study of Buddhism and the realization of buddhahood mutually aid each other. As a disciple of the Buddha, one should emphasize both understanding and realization by cultivating both wisdom and blessing. (pp. 7–9)

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I have noted the nonsectarian editorial approach of the previous two textbooks. The same is demonstrated in this textbook as well, for it contains selections from both the Āgamas and the Mahāyāna scripture, the Sūrangama Sūtra. It is interesting to note that the final lesson recommends the path of the Pure Land. By leaving advanced students with the message that the way to achieve rebirth in the Pure Land lies in purifying one’s mind and building a pure land here on earth, the Incense Light nuns reaffirm their creed of Humanistic Buddhism. The Pure Land is a place of purity. It is the land of the Buddha and the place to which all Buddhist disciples return. Among the pure lands in the ten directions, the best is the Pure Land of the Amitābha Buddha. This is because when Amitābha Buddha was still a bodhisattva, he made forty-eight vows. After he practiced bodhisattva deeds for many kalpas, he achieved the goal of creating the Land of Bliss. Amitābha wants all sentient beings to attain knowledge of the Tathāgatha and advance toward enlightenment by being born in the Pure Land. “Faith, vow, deed” are the three endowments [one needs] to be reborn in the Pure Land. No matter whether a person is very gifted or very stupid, as long as he has firm faith, cultivates the mind of enlightenment, has the desire to be reborn there, and is fully equipped with primary and secondary practices, he will definitely go to Amitābha Buddha. The primary practice is remembrance of the Buddha—remember the Buddha’s merit, sublimity, and wisdom; the secondary practice refers to the worldly accomplishments, accomplishments from following the precepts and accumulating the blessings from one’s good deeds. Followers of the Buddha should broadly plant the good roots that are the causes of blessings by purifying their bodies and minds, and purifying the world. These are the main causes by which one will be born in the Land of Bliss. There is no difference between sentient beings and the Buddha. It is only due to one thought of ignorance that sentient beings tumble in birth and death. Because of the Buddha’s compassion, all people who remember

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the Buddha will be enabled to return to the Pure Land. As long as we have deep faith, a sincere wish, energetic action, and remember the Buddha and call his name (nianfo), then right away we will surely see the Buddha. (pp. 50–53) I suggest that there are two reasons the advanced textbook closes with a call to follow the Pure Land path. First, as I discussed in chapter 3, many Incense Light nuns were introduced to Buddhism as college students and attended the course based on Li Bingnan’s survey, Fourteen Lectures in Outline. Li’s course covers basic concepts, gives an extensive discussion of Yogācāra philosophy, and ends with exhortation to follow the Pure Land path. Given the influence of his textbook among the monastics who went through this initial training, it is understandable that the compilers of the adult class textbooks chose to follow a similar format. The second reason has to do with the spiritual training of the nuns themselves. Every year for one month in December the entire community does a retreat by practicing one specific kind of meditation. In the early years, they practiced Buddha invocation or Chan meditation. In recent years they have also tried the Tibetan visualization of White Tārā, the Theravāda fourfold mindfulness, and a method taught by the Indian meditation teacher Goenka, but the favoritism shown to the Pure Land path may reflect the method of meditation pursued by the majority of the community. The length of the lessons at all levels is quite short. Some students were disappointed because they could read the entire textbook in two hours. Only when they began to attend class did they realize that the purpose was not to master Buddhist technical terminology, but to gain a basic understanding of Buddhist teachings. Wuyin explained why the lessons were written in such a fashion. At present there are many masters who are dedicated to spreading the Dharma. There are many places one can go to listen to Dharma lectures. One can also find many books on Buddhism that one can study by oneself. All these are blessings for us. However, there is a saying that Buddhadharma is like the ocean, deep and without limit. If a person does not have a foundation, once she encounters Buddhism, she will feel as lost as if she had been thrown into the ocean. People go to one lecture after another, but they often become discouraged because they cannot get the whole picture. This is due to the fact that they lack basic knowledge about Buddhism. However, after the students finish attending the Buddhist classes and then go to attend lectures in society, they can understand because they can fol-

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low the gist based on their knowledge of the fundamentals. That is why acquiring the basic ideas of Buddhism is essential. That is why our students are willing to accept the training in the basics. (Shi Wuyin 1995b, 99) Lessons about Buddhist knowledge ( jiemen) thus are the greatest portion of the program. However, as mentioned before, lessons on the subjects of religion, life, and service are also important. Lessons relating to religion fall under the category of conduct (xingmen) and teach the students Buddhist rituals and etiquette as well as methods of cultivation so they can experience religion personally. There is a simple ritual at the beginning of each class: under the direction of the teacher, everyone invokes “Adoration of the Original Teacher Śākyamuni Buddha” with palms pressed together. They then recite the “Gāthā for Opening the Sūtra” (Kaijing jie). This gāthā printed on the first page of all the textbooks:

After chanting this gāthā, the students bow to the Buddha and then bow to each other, saying “Amituofo.” The class starts only after this ceremony, which instills respect toward and praises the Three Treasures. At the end of each class, the teacher leads the students in reciting the “Gāthā of Merit Transfer” (Huixiang jie), which is printed on the last page of all the textbooks. I wish to use this merit To adorn Buddha’s Pure Land To repay the gracious fourfold favors above [Buddha, teacher, father, and mother] To render succor to the sufferings of the three realms [animals, hungry ghosts, hell beings] Let all those who hear the Dharma Give rise to the mind of enlightenment When our bodies of karmic reward are exhausted Together we are reborn in the Land of Supreme Bliss.

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Wondrous and subtle Dharma of utmost profundity, Is difficult to encounter in a hundred, a thousand, and ten thousand kalpa. I now have received and kept it after hearing. My wish is to understand the true meaning of the Tathāgata.

Students have a chance to experience Buddhism through these gestures, mutual greetings, worshipping the Buddha, and transferring merit at each class meet.D I 1=IC =NNEIC DA ECD :DA 4I?AINA ECD .JHHPIE =I -P DEN 7PIN EI .JI AH J = :=E =I A E A 2AJ CA :=I= A IEQA NE JB 3= =EE ANN J PAN 0 JJF .AI =G D A JJF?AI =G JLPAN ?JH GE P AII A JJFN A =EG =? EJI . A= A B JH P AII A JJFN JI

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ing. Aside from learning Buddhist rituals and etiquette in class, each semester includes regular refuge-taking and precept-giving ceremonies as well as pilgrimages, a three-day Buddha invocation ( fosan), and confessional rites for collective religious practice. Students are also taught how to harmonize their body, speech, and mind in their daily lives so that they will have a chance to face the Buddha and themselves with calmness and serenity. Lessons concerning life are designed to help students to integrate Buddhist teachings into their daily lives. Students are trained to “learn while practicing,” the same goal pursued in the seminary. Wuyin reminded students that they should come to class with a proper mental attitude, which is characterized by four qualities—having a childlike mind, a respectful mind, a mind of service, and a mind of generosity. Wuyin explains: The childlike mind is filled with curiosity and interest in new things. Because of curiosity, one is motivated to take the initiative to learn and because of the interest in new things, one wants to study without becoming bored and is happy to accept new knowledge. When a new semester begins, students should carry their book bag and wear their name badge and come to the “Kindergarten of Buddhism” with the mind of a child. Before leaving for class, be sure to say to family members or co-workers, “Amituofo! I am going to class at the Purple Bamboo Retreat.” The second is the respectful mind. Before you go to the classroom and after the class is ended, you ought to go to the Buddha hall to pay respect to the Buddha as well as address the nun at the reception area with the greeting, “Amituofo!” Regard your fellow classmates as you would regard the Buddha. Respect others and respect the commonly agreed upon rules—do not come late, do not leave early, ask for permission if you are going to be absent. You must do the homework yourself. If you do not know what to write, then discuss the problem with your teacher, classmates, or family members in order to write it. The third is the mind of service, which requires special cultivation. We normally only think about “What I want to learn,” but seldom “What I can contribute.” As a result, we constantly seek and demand things from outside, but do not know how to make demands of ourselves. It is important that you should often ask yourself: What can I do, what can I offer? Look around yourself, everything you see in the building resulted from others’ efforts and contributions: Someone contributed money while others contributed labor. From drawing the blueprint for the building to digging the foundation, laying the steel frame, pouring the cement, outfitting

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the building with plumbing, electricity, and sound system—all these came from the contributions of others. Why did they contribute their money and labor so selflessly? It is because they wish to provide a place where Buddhadharma can be taught to everyone. In return, students should take care of the classrooms, clean the bathrooms, dump the garbage, and preserve the good order of the school. When there are Buddhist services, act as volunteers to direct traffic, take care of visitors, and prepare food, etc. These are also good ways to show your mind of service. The fourth is the mind of generosity or the mind of sharing. The Buddhist adult classes do not offer a one-sided education. When your classmates make reports, you should encourage and praise them, just as they would do for you. For the same reason, when there is a material need on the part of the school, you should try to donate what you can with joy. In our study, we seek the Way of the Buddha above and transform all sentient beings below. (Shi Wuyin 2007, 118–119) Although the curriculum includes lessons covering the four areas of Buddhist doctrine, history, religion, life, and service, Wuyin tended to emphasize the latter two, as in the speech she gave above. This was to prevent the tendency to separate intellectual knowledge from personal cultivation. Like seminary training, the adult classes are supposed to provide a well-rounded Buddhist education. This is a truly lofty ideal. On the other hand, the planners were realists and adjusted their teaching to the needs of different types of students. The Buddhist adult classes hope to attract people from all walks of life, not just intellectuals or people who have received a high level of education. For this reason, classes conducted in Taiwanese were quickly added to those conducted in Mandarin. Many of the attendees at the Taiwanese classes are grandmothers with no formal schooling, yet they are equally interested in learning about Buddhism. By providing a section with instruction for writing the characters that appear in the lesson, the textbooks help the grandmothers attain basic literacy along with the basic tenets of Buddhism. When they were asked why they enrolled in the class, the answer was often because they had seen the effects of attending the Buddhism program on their daughters or daughtersin-law, who had become more considerate and gentle. Buddhist education had the effect of changing one’s personality ( Jian 1995, 129). Indeed, even more important than instruction in Buddhist doctrines and history, the greatest contribution of these classes was to help students find inner peace and form a positive view about life as a result of spiritual and moral transformation. This is a point to which Wuyin kept coming back when she gave

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speeches at the school opening and graduation ceremonies. In those speeches, she often cited examples. Here is one of the stories she liked to tell: Once Wuyin was asked by a lay believer to comfort his mother, who found her life had no meaning, though her children were all successful in their careers and her economic situation was quite comfortable. She told Wuyin that she was sorely lonely because her children did not live with her and she had no one to talk to. She had many material things, but they could not fill the emptiness in her life. She did not know why she was living and said she was just waiting to die. Wuyin advised her to come to the Buddhist class and start to live for herself and think about what was most important in her own life. The grandmother indeed enrolled in the class. She started with learning how to write her name and studied together with her classmates, who helped her when she had difficulty understanding. After one semester, the woman was transformed. She looked much younger and more lively because she was no longer locked within herself by self-pity and resentment. The Buddhist classes thus offer the opportunity “to cultivate oneself by oneself.” The Buddhist adult classes began in 1984 and over the years many adults have come to study with us. Some never went to school when they were young and are illiterate. Others are college and graduate school graduates. They all come here with their school bags and happily become students again. They study not in order to find a job to earn money, but to renew knowledge of themselves by enriching their spiritual life. This is then the main purpose of adult education. Its most unique characteristic is to awaken the student through learning. You must cultivate yourself and not wait for another person to do it for you. In so doing, life becomes more vivid and colorful. Life is a beautiful book. Shouldn’t we read it again and again? (Shi Wuyin 2007, 10)

How the Classes Are Conducted While the content analysis of the textbooks provides some idea of the kinds of Buddhist teachings imparted to the students, it does not fully reveal the characteristics of the classes. Examining how the classes are conducted will give a sense of their innovative approach to Buddhist adult education. Unlike the large-scale Dharma talks favored by Buddhist masters, the instruction offered by the Incense Light Buddhist classes is a two-way communication. Just as in seminary, group discussion is the favorite teaching method. Another similarity between the method of teaching emphasized in the seminary and that used in these adult classes is the extensive use of visual materials as aids for instruction. As we discussed before,

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this is part of the so-called imaginative pedagogy designed by an American organization called ICA and introduced into the community during the early 1980s. The idea is that a student can learn more by being engaged actively through a two-way communication than being passively lectured to. To facilitate active communication between teacher and students as well as among the students, various props such as paintings, sculptures, puppets, foods, and other artifacts would be brought to the class to spark discussion. This teaching method also provides guidelines for raising various questions effectively so that the students can learn by answering well-phrased questions. For instance, in teaching the lesson about the fourfold mindfulness (Lesson 9 of the Intermediate Class), the students are told to bring an apple to class. To get at the mindfulness of the body, the students are told to bite into the apple and pay full attention to the sensation of eating it. The visceral experience is further deepened by a series of questions from the teacher. She will start by asking a simple question, “What are you doing?” to which the student will answer, “I am biting into an apple.” The teacher then asks, “What does it taste like?” To which the student answers, “It is sour [or sweet, depending on the apple].” The teacher follows with, “Tell me, how long does this taste last?” and waits for several minutes. When the student finally answers and gives the time the taste has lasted, she/he will come to the realization that the taste, like everything in the world, is impermanent. By practicing mindfulness of the taste of an apple, the student comes to personally experiencing its arising, duration, and disappearance—the traditional Buddhist way of analyzing all phenomena. Here is another example. In Lesson 10, “The Six Perfections,” in the beginners’ class, the teacher employed another creative way to put across the idea of the importance of vigilance, the fourth perfection. In advance of this lesson, the teacher brought a small potted plant to class each time the class met. In the course of several weeks, the students saw that the plant had been growing. Then, as the teacher explained the importance of vigilance, she suddenly and dramatically took the potted plant and cut the branches off with a pair of scissors. The students were all shocked speechless. They were then told that unless we practice vigilance every moment, we will end up shriveled and dead just like the plant. Some students began to sob as they looked at the scattered leaves on the table. Several students wrote about this incident in their homework and final exam essays, saying they would remember this lesson for the rest of their lives.

What Did Students Take Away from Their Classes? How do we evaluate the effectiveness of the Incense Light adult education classes? The weekly homework assignments and a final exam were required of everyone.

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Even the students who were illiterate had to do homework by copying characters a set number of times. Those with an elementary level of education were asked to copy the lessons and improve their handwriting. But the most common assignment students had was to write a weekly essay on an assigned topic. At the end of the semester, the final exam consisted of a number of essay questions. As far as I know, no student has ever failed. But this does not mean that they can go on to the next level. Any applicant to the intermediate and advanced class had to go through a screening process and was admitted only once that screening was passed. Those who excelled in their essay writing might have their essays posted outside the classroom for others to appreciate. A formal opening and closing ceremony are held at the beginning and the end of each semester. Wuyin and other invited guests attended such ceremonies. This was another occasion when superior student essays were displayed for public viewing. The best essays were published in the periodical Cultivating the Mind (Gengxin), a publication reserved exclusively for this purpose. Essays provided one of the most important sources for our evaluation of the Buddhist classes. Additionally, the answers to exam questions and the speeches given by student representatives at their graduation ceremonies also convey important information about the effectiveness of the classes. The essay topics assigned to students from 1984 to 1999 did not differ from one school to another over the years. “Students are required to write twelve to sixteen essays during the five months of each semester. They are excused from writing the week when the semester begins, the week the semester ends, and the week when extracurricular activities take place” (Qiu 1999, 19). Teachers wrote their comments at the end of each essay and assigned a grade of A+, A, or other letter grades. The topics of the essays can be divided into three categories: those that ask for self-analysis and reflection, those that require knowledge, and those that emphasize both knowledge and practice (Qiu 1999, 39). The first type of essay question does not contain any Buddhist technical terms but asks students to confront and analyze themselves. Fully one third of the assigned essay topics belong to this category because Buddhism emphasizes the importance of self-awareness. It is only when one knows oneself that one can enlighten others. When one begins to study Buddhism, one should know how to observe oneself and become aware of one’s own thoughts and feelings. The specific topics are My reflections My good habits My family treasure My plan for life

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My good teachers and helpful friends My interpersonal relationships The one filial act that I would like to perform Why am I poor? The method that makes me rich A turning point in my life The one thing that impresses me most What is the one thing that I cannot give up? Why? What are the pressures in my life? What physiological reactions have they caused? How do I go about resolving them? My experience of escaping from difficulties What is the one thing in my life of which I am most proud? What is the bitterest thing in my life? What do I feel most dependent upon in life? What good and bad things did I do last week? What do I want to leave behind in the world when I die? How do I respect myself and others in daily life? Where is my real home? The “I” thirty years from now My last will and testament Endless gratitude Endless seeking and limited life Not one of these topics uses any Buddhist technical terms, yet they ask students to examine their daily life and state of mind from a Buddhist perspective. This is exactly the aim of the Buddhist classes: to help the students assume a healthy lifestyle, to establish a good family, and to create harmonious human relationships. Here is an essay by a forty-six-year-old middle school teacher in the advanced Mandarin class, a college graduate. Her essay is on “Poverty and Wealth.” It begins by describing her feelings from the moment that her husband told her that he planned to retire. She started to think about how to save on the family expenses in anticipation of their coming poverty. However, she also remembered what her mother used to tell her: “Look at So and So. He makes his living by selling bean cakes, yet he has managed to take care of his family!” Reflecting on this, she wrote, “My mother is right. What am I afraid of ? For the majority of people, their needs are not that many, but their desires are limitless. But I do not need nor do I desire much. So of what am I afraid? Are poverty and wealth defined by money?” She continued the essay with what she

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remembered from the lesson “From Poverty to Wealth—The Path of the Bodhisattva” and came to a great realization. I quote from her essay: Poverty is a lack and a discontent. It is like a piece of swallowed dry sponge that longs to be moistened from outside. It is without a sense of security. It begs. Wealth is contentment. It is full and abundant. It is extroverted, selfconfident, and giving. It is like a small star that nevertheless can illuminate many people. These are the things that make me feel poor: 1. I cannot go abroad on sightseeing trips. 2. I cannot volunteer too much time for community service. 3. I am not interested in social life. I often feel out of place. 4. I worry about my children’s health, studies, even their future careers. 5. While others can “be proud of their children and husbands,” I am poor on both accounts. 6. I am awkward at taking the initiative to contact friends and relatives and creating an atmosphere of warm hospitality. 7. I do not have the quick wit of other people.

1. My life is like a bright lamp because I have religious faith in my heart. 2. I like to study and find my life full of interests. 3. My children have all grown and I can talk to them as friends. I now hope to have grandchildren. 4. I like to exercise and therefore I still have a good physique. 5. I am hardworking. I enjoy cooking and cleaning. 6. I have a soft heart and am easily moved. 7. I think everyone is a good person. I do not harbor any negativity against people. 8. I am willing to help others as much as I can. 9. I appreciate the vitality of young people, but also the maturity of those who are in their middle age and old age.

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These are the things that make me feel rich:

In summary, my “poverty” lies primarily outside of me. Since external causes and conditions are numerous and beyond my control, I will accept .D I 1=IC =NNEIC DA ECD :DA 4I?AINA ECD .JHHPIE =I -P DEN 7PIN EI .JI AH J = :=E =I A E A 2AJ CA :=I= A IEQA NE JB 3= =EE ANN J PAN 0 JJF .AI =G D A JJF?AI =G JLPAN ?JH GE P AII A JJFN A =EG =? EJI . A= A B JH P AII A JJFN JI

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whatever comes my way. But since my “wealth” comes from my original nature, I am really not that “poor” despite the lack of money.

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This essay clearly shows how she uses Buddhist teaching to analyze her thought and feelings. She comes to realize that depending on the point of view, one feels either rich or poor. Wealth and poverty are states of mind. She received this comment from the teacher, “The wealth of a Mahāyāna bodhisattva is like a bright lamp that can shine light upon all those within its reach.” Reflecting the equal emphasis on intellectual understanding and religious practice, essay topics cover both areas. The following are mainly on Buddhist teachings: My views on keeping a vegetarian diet My views on taking the five precepts My view on nonviolence My views on karma and my doubts about it What I think about seeking help from gods and divination My views about home-leaving before and after I studied Buddhism What I know about Guanyin Bodhisattva What I know about Chan Buddhism My reflections on the twelve links of the law of dependent origination My thoughts on the six perfections The vista of Pure Land in my mind Why are monks and nuns the engineers who develop mankind? What have I learned from Emperor Aśoka? Master Xuyun? The relationship between giving and society The bodhisattva I admire most and why What have I learned from the lesson on rebirth? Which part of the lesson on the Buddha leaves the deepest impression on me? Do I believe that “Everyone Can Become a Buddha”? Why? How should Buddhism face the real problems in society? The relationship between donation and society Using an example to explain the importance of Buddhist education If I have one thousand dollars, I will use it for Buddhist education or philanthropy. Why? Another group of essay topics focuses on both knowledge and practice. They can be further subdivided into three types: (1) those on Buddhist practice .D I 1=IC =NNEIC DA ECD :DA 4I?AINA ECD .JHHPIE =I -P DEN 7PIN EI .JI AH J = :=E =I A E A 2AJ CA :=I= A IEQA NE JB 3= =EE ANN J PAN 0 JJF .AI =G D A JJF?AI =G JLPAN ?JH GE P AII A JJFN A =EG =? EJI . A= A B JH P AII A JJFN JI

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and realization in daily life; (2) those on religious rituals; and (3) those on activities relating specifically to the Buddhist classes. I will cite a few examples from each type.

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(1) What difficulties do I encounter in carrying out the five precepts? The six realms of rebirth that I experience in one day How can I practice the Eightfold Noble Path in my life? How can I practice compassion and wisdom in my daily life? How can I resolve the vexations in my life by using Buddhadharma? (2) My daily practice, the method, and my difficulties The Buddhist scripture I recite every day My goal in studying Buddhism Why did I take refuge? (3) What do I know about the Incense Light Bhikşuņī Sangha? Why have I decided to attend the Buddhism class? What have I learned from the small group discussions? My suggestions? Certain topics are favored by students. Two students attending Dinghui Academy in Miaoli, for instance, both wrote on the topic “Experiencing the Six Realms of Rebirth in One Day.” The first, a thirty-eight-year-old woman in the intermediate class who worked as a bank teller, had graduated from a commercial technical college (three-year high school combined with two years of junior college). She wrote that she had been very anxious for the last three weeks at having discovered white spots on her face. At first she thought they might be a reaction to something and did not pay much attention. However, when they did not go away, she went to see a doctor who could not give her a diagnosis and told her just to wait and see. She described this waiting period as the realm of the asura. After some time had passed she went to see a different doctor, who told her there was no medicine to cure the spots. Hearing that made her feel as if she had been given a life sentence and would only become more and more ugly. She compared her fear to those living in hell. She then thought, “It won’t do me any good to waste time speculating. It is better that I read sutras and transfer the merit. So from then on, aside from performing my daily ritual, I started reciting the Sūtra of Dizang’s Past Vow, which brings me back to the realm of human beings. I discovered that when I concentrated on reciting the sutra, I temporarily forgot my worries, and after I finished chanting the sutra, I felt great happiness. This would be the realm of heaven. I now know the truth of impermanence and I must learn how to ‘put it down’ ( fangxia). Only then can I truly liberate myself and find peace of mind.” The other student who chose the same topic for his essay was a fifty-four-

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year-old man, who had graduated from an agricultural technical college and was working as a clerk in the Miaoli city hall. He described how on August 14, 2000, he came home late after playing majong with friends. His wife, a student in the Dinghui advanced class, was very angry with him and started to cry. He did not want to fight and went out again. He knew this was not right, for he should have apologized to her.

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But I was very stubborn and continued playing majong. When I won, I wanted to be always number one. This is like those in the realm of asura. The playing usually went on a long time and when I got hungry, I would wolf down some food. When I lost, I often had only a couple of bills in my pocket. This made me feel like a hungry ghost. Even after losing, I continued to play. The more I lost, the angrier I became. This was like pacing back and forth in hell. Sooner or later, I had to go home. Reflecting on what I did, I felt very foolish yet I could not control myself. This is like living in the animal realm. His wife’s anger turned out to be a blessing in disguise, because it forced him to review his life. He wrote how he left the four realms described above and turned toward the realms of the human and heaven. “I decided that I want to work vigorously to seek new knowledge about how to live as a human being by getting rid of my bad habit and reducing the evil karma of body, speech, and mind. I vow to practice the superior acts of a bodhisattva. I wish for all beings to be delivered from the ocean of suffering and the world to become a pure land. I wish for everyone to achieve enlightenment. This is then the realm of heaven for me.” Another popular topic was “How Did I Use the Eightfold Noble Path to Solve My Problems?” Several students chose this subject. A female student in the Taiwanese elementary class, a high school music teacher, used music to explain the Vinaya, samādhi, and wisdom, which constitute the Eightfold Noble Path. Born in 1967, she had graduated from the College of Chinese Culture, the same university Wuyin had attended in Taipei. She compares Vinaya or monastic discipline to the three characteristics of music: pitch, tempo, and color. Training oneself in these is similar to subjecting oneself to the Vinaya rules. Samādhi is to write a beautiful song in accordance with the three characteristics. Composing music is like psychological training. Finally, when the music is performed perfectly and one’s inner feelings are spontaneously expressed, that is wisdom. She compares playing music to religious cultivation. With this understanding, she plays with ease, balance, correctness, and joy.

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A fifty-three-year-old female student in the Mandarin advanced class had worked as a head nurse for thirty years after she graduated from nursing college. She was unhappy because she had few friends and poor interpersonal skills. She knew this was due to her bad temper. Often she did not even know when she had offended somebody. After she began attending Buddhist adult classes, she learned how to apply right view and right thought, two parts of the Eightfold Noble Path, to improve her dealings with people.

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When something happens, I use right thought to face it. Strangely, instead of getting angry like before, I can now handle it rationally. When I interact with people and encounter situations in which I am not satisfied, I do not behave as before. On the contrary, I will take the other person’s position and see the situation from his viewpoint. I am thankful that he gave me an opportunity to cultivate myself. I now use right thought and right view to understand the other person and find reasons to forgive the other person. . . . My mind is no longer controlled by environment but the environment is now controlled by my mind. Gradually, conflicts with colleagues are becoming fewer and fewer and the working relationship becomes better and better. Every day I go to work with a good feeling. From the Mandarin elementary class a forty-two-year-old housewife, who graduated from a technical college, applied her understanding of the path to deal with marital problems. My husband has many social engagements connected with his work. In the beginning, I could not go to sleep because I was worried. I would sit in the parlor and wait for the sound of his car. After he came in the door, we would usually start to quarrel. But instead of decreasing his social engagements, he stayed out late even more often. After we talked about it, he repented many times, but nothing really changed. For many years we went through the cycle of his staying out late—our quarrel—his repentance and effort to improve—our making up. I suffered much pain throughout that time. Gradually I told myself that I must “put it down” ( fangxia). To worry about his having an accident was no help but merely increased my own vexation. Therefore, after this, when he had social engagements, I could sleep soundly. When he returned home, although I was very sleepy, I would calmly prepare some night snack for him. In recent years, since I began to study Buddhism, I often listen to the

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tapes made by Master Huilü. I received much benefit from one sentence on the tape that says, “It is better to change oneself first if you want to change another person.” I realized that I myself was also at fault. I had one-sidedly hoped that he would live his life according to my wishes, but failed to empathize with his situation. He must do what was required by his work even if he did not like that kind of life. So I began to treat him with sympathy, understanding, and tolerance instead of blame, control, and resistance. Because of this change in my attitude, my husband after a while was moved to change himself also. Unless he absolutely had to attend, he tried to say no to the social engagements. Examining what I went through concerning this one matter: from rejection, sadness, anger, vexation, hatred, and ignorant thinking, to gradually accepting the facts, facing the problem, and finally by using the mind of understanding and tolerance, soft language, and gentle attitude, I changed our common karma and transformed our bad relationship. The nun teacher’s comments are “Excellent! You have successfully used right view, right action, and right speech to transform evil thought and evil action.” One sixty-four-year-old housewife in the intermediate Mandarin class wrote an essay about her family life since she began attending the Buddhism classes. She had only an elementary education, and like some of the students, she became interested in attending because her daughter had enrolled. Then, as a result of her attending, her husband also became a student. Eventually, even her son, who had been totally indifferent to Buddhism, also began to show interest. This had indeed become a Buddhist family. Since we began to attend the Buddhist class, our family life has become more lively and happy. This is because we now have more to talk about than before. We often get together to discuss the lessons we learned and share our thoughts about them. My husband also often reads to us from his diary or some essays he wrote of which he is particularly proud. He will then ask us questions to test us. If we do not know, he will explain to us. For instance, when I was doing the homework on the twelve links of dependent origination, he first drew a diagram about the links and then explained them one by one. We sometimes sing songs together. The one my husband likes best is the song about Master Hongyi. Since we began studying Buddhism, our family life has changed a great deal. Prior to this, when my husband was drinking tea, he liked to carry on a monologue and

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we often became bored by his lectures. But now we are riding on the same boat and our goal is the same. Therefore my husband encourages us in our endeavors. When I finish my homework, I always read it to him. He will praise me and urge me to write whatever is on my mind. So I now have much more self-confidence than before and I am no longer afraid to do my homework. My son has also changed because of our attending the Buddhist class. One time when his sister asked him if he would like to register for a Buddhist summer camp for college students, he answered in the affirmative. But when he was in high school, he would not listen to anything about the summer camp, saying that it was boring. What amazed me even more was after he went to camp he called me to say how happy he was and that he wanted to go back again. All the while I was thinking that he might want to quit! While all essay writers testify to the great impact of Buddhism on their lives, some are particularly poignant. A forty-nine-year-old woman with a high school education attended the intermediate Mandarin class. She and her husband owned a factory in China that employed more than a hundred workers. They often flew back and forth between Taiwan and China and were always busy. But the business failed because of bad management, and as a result of his excessive drinking, her husband died one year after being diagnosed with pancreatic cancer. She wrote, “I fell from heaven down to hell in one instant. Everything changed overnight. For about six months I refused to stay at home but went out wandering aimlessly every day. I did not cry. When the Chinese New Year was approaching, I busied myself with housecleaning. When I saw the photos of my husband and the documents relating to our business on the mainland, I finally cried with abandon. I cried myself to sleep and upon waking, cried some more. I did not go out for three days. It was when I heard firecrackers lit by the neighbors’ children that I finally realized that New Year was here.” She looked back at her life and wondered how she had ended up here. She had been dearly loved by her parents and was a model student at school. Her parents died when she was twenty years old. She got married and had a son and a daughter. Then came the business failure and the death of the husband. She asked, “Is this what life is all about? Things and events change in life as a result of the appearances and disappearances of causes and conditions.” She began to read books about Buddhism and came to the realization that she had chased after the wrong things in the past and decided to change her life. With her son, she rented a storefront from which to sell breakfast food. Rising

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early and going to bed early, she followed a set routine in her Buddhist practice of reading sutras, copying sutras, and performing repentance by prostrations. She concludes the essay by saying, “I have now found myself. I have more confidence about myself. There is hope as long as there is the Buddhadharma. I wish all people in the world who think they are suffering to use the Buddhadharma to stop their suffering. I hope they will live according to the Buddhadharma and come to enjoy great happiness.” Another type of material that provides information about what the students learned is the final exam. That for the elementary class of 2000 had six questions. Students were asked to choose one from questions 1 to 3 and another from questions 4 to 6. Here are the questions: 1. Using a picture, show what you were like before studying Buddhism and what you are like after studying Buddhism. 2. Explain the changes that have happened to you since you began studying Buddhism, using an event as an example. 3. Explain your state of mind after you began studying Buddhism by using a fruit or a color. 4. Among the lessons we studied this semester, which concept or which story made you begin to try to change your behavior? How did you change? Please explain. 5. Describe how you have tried to keep one of the five precepts. What do you feel about it? 6. Suppose your friend said to you: “It is good as long as your mind is good. There is no need to study Buddhism. One can recite the scriptures and worship the Buddha by oneself and there is no need to take refuge.” How would you answer? A fifty-nine-year-old woman in the Taiwanese elementary class answered Question 3 this way: “Studying Buddhism is like eating watermelon. It is sweet and cooling.” Another thirty-six-year-old woman in the same class answered Question 5 on the five precepts thus: I came to understand the power of the Buddhadharma through my experience of pregnancy and giving birth. The precept of nonviolence changed my life. It made me understand that through doing good and stopping evil, I can purify myself and experience clarity and serenity as well as improve my relationships with my family members. When I was pregnant with my

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third child, I was originally planning to abort it and thus go against the precept of nonviolence. Fortunately I received teaching from Buddhist lay believers and suddenly changed my mind and decided to keep the baby. From that moment on, I came to understand the value of human life. I subsequently had a smooth delivery. Now my baby girl is almost two years old. She has turned out to be a healthy, happy, and delightful child.

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At the graduation ceremony each year, one or two student representatives give speeches. What they say about their experiences is yet another resource for finding out what students gained from their study. I have collected twenty-eight speeches of students from the Purple Bamboo Retreat in Kaohsiung, from 1985 to 2000. The speakers tended to concentrate on three areas: personal transformation, improved relationships between husband and wife, and improved relationships between daughter-in-law and mother-in-law. So the foci were personal and family lives. Under the first category, is a speech made by a female student in 1985, describing the effect the Buddhist class had on her life. For the last three years I have been attending Buddhism classes as if I were a student in middle school again. I have happily worn my name tag and carried my book bag. As soon as I enter the front door of the Buddhist classes venue, I leave my social status, my role, and even my age, financial situation, and worries outside. In every extracurricular activity, all my classmates cooperated with dedication. For instance, when we cook, there is no distinction between rich bosses and lowly clerks. Both male and female classmates get down to work washing, cutting, and cooking the vegetables. Each person does his/her best and respects the others. When we sing Buddhist songs, we learn how to harmonize our voices. When there is a sports event, we cheer those classmates who are competing. Thanks to this kind of mutual cooperation, we can make beautiful music and form lasting friendships. A male student in the advanced class also described how the classes had changed his personality, and as a result, improved his relationship with his wife. In the speech he gave in 1997, he began with a frank confession that originally he did not have high expectations about learning anything. He had attended Dharma talks in other places before and had tried to read Buddhist scriptures on his own. So when he saw the lessons for the elementary class, he was a little disappointed because they seemed so easy to understand. However, he became

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more interested when he discovered that the teacher could skillfully explain those rather easy texts and apply them to various concrete situations. He now realized that the reason he had not benefited much from his earlier study of Buddhism was because he had treated Buddhism as scholarship and never thought of applying it to his own life. Soon after this realization, he made a surprising discovery. His wife loved to shop at department stores and he loved to visit bookstores. Which they should go to had always been a bone of contention in their marriage. After he began attending the class, he told himself, “Buddhism teaches that everything is a creation of the mind. It also says that one can practice Buddhadharma everywhere. Since I have no choice but must accompany my wife when she shops, I might as well use this opportunity to practice what I have learned.” This reflection led to a wonderful discovery. One day, while he was in the department store with his wife, he was being more observant than usual and was suddenly struck by the manner of the saleswoman. No matter how demanding the customer, she was always patient and pleasant. He asked himself, “Isn’t she practicing the perfection of patience?” When the customer ended up not buying anything after she had tried on several outfits, the saleswoman still smiled and thanked her. Observing this, he asked, “Isn’t she practicing the perfection of giving?” From then on, he started to pay attention to everything going on around him and was no longer bored when shopping with his wife. This made her happy, and she began to offer to accompany him to visit bookstores without his asking. Traditionally, parents lived with married sons in China. Although this has become increasingly rare, some families continue this tradition in Taiwan. Several students, both male and female, referred to conflicts between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law and how they use Buddhist teachings to resolve them. One man in the advanced class gave a speech at graduation in 2000 that related his experience of trying to mediate between his parents and his wife. I was married four and half years ago. Both my wife and I were full of hope for a happy future life together. But this was soon dashed. Her relationship with my mother became very difficult because of mutual misunderstanding. For instance, one time my wife said that from then on she (my wife) would be happy to shop for food. But my mother took this to mean that she wanted to take over management of the household. This led to the gradual worsening of their relationship. I am the only son and both my parents and my wife complained to me. Whenever my wife had unpleasant dealings with my mother, she would declare that she wanted to move out and divorce me. I would become angry and shout at her, saying that she

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did not treat my parents as her own and kept only her own parents in her heart. I was caught in the middle and life became very painful. I went to this temple and that temple to pray to different gods hoping to get some help. But nothing happened, and my situation worsened. Three years ago, my aunt told me about these Buddhist adult classes and I registered out of desperation. After I began studying Buddhism, things at home started to take a better turn. I started to think about what the teacher told us in class: “Anger and pain are caused by pride. True peace of mind can be achieved only after you give up desire, ignorance, and attachment.” So when my wife complained to me again about my mother, instead of getting angry, I would ask her to try to understand my parents and forgive them. I told her that she was a dear member of my family and that I would help her in every way I could in the future. She became calmer and I also felt more at peace. Everything indeed changed in one moment of thought. It is thought that can make me live in heaven. It is also thought that can make me live in hell. Finally, there is this testimony from a female student in the advanced class at the 1999 graduation ceremony. Before attending the Buddhism classes, her relationships with her mother-in-law and her husband were not happy. According to her own analysis, this was due to her reluctance to say what was on her mind. Because they did not know what she wanted, she always felt betrayed and resentful. As a result of attending the adult classes where she was forced to make presentations and participate in activities, she became more outgoing and expressive. Her communication skills also improved at home. This student was a schoolteacher and often came home late because of unexpected work at school. But she still had to prepare food for everyone. In the past, she felt resentful and silently seethed within herself, but now she would say to her mother-in-law half-jokingly, “Mom, I am so tired because I had to work after school today. Can we order take-out just for tonight? I know you do not like to eat that food. But if we do not take care of the poor shop owners, won’t they starve to death?” Because she had learned how to moderate her mood and temper, she could treat cooking dinner, this hitherto most problematic matter, with lightness and humor. Her relationship with her husband also improved. In the past, whenever her husband offered to take her out for dinner and asked her where she wanted to go, she always said, “It does not matter.” But after they had driven around and around and he finally settled on a place, she would be unhappy with his choice, thinking

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to herself, “We have been married more than ten years, yet you still do not know what I like! This restaurant has no atmosphere at all. You clearly do not care about me.” These thoughts would play in her mind and spoil the meal. She ended her speech by promising that she would tell her husband where she wanted to go the next day, which was their eighteenth anniversary. The clear message students received and took away was that it is more important to reflect on and apply Buddhist concepts they learned to situations they encounter in their daily lives than it is to acquire intellectual knowledge about Buddhism. To “Buddhicize” one’s life ( fohua rensheng) and family ( fohua jiating) is the goal. Buddhist teachings become real when students can apply them to their own lives. At the same time, by reflecting on experiences in everyday life, students can come to truly understand Buddhism. This dialectical relationship between learning about Buddhism and living a Buddhist life becomes clear when we read what the students wrote and listen to what they said. All the writers of the weekly essays and final exams as well as the speakers at graduation ceremonies learned to use their own experiences to validate basic Buddhist concepts. If the goal of Humanistic Buddhism is to build a pure land on earth by purifying the minds of people, then the adult classes serve an important function in substantiating it in Taiwanese families. “To do good, not to do evil, and to purify the mind” are the central teachings of the Vinaya, but they are also tenets upheld by all Buddhist traditions and even by the Confucian tradition. The textbooks and the class instructions put the most emphasis on ethics and personal cultivation. This is not surprising since the nuns who wrote the textbooks and teach the classes received the same training. As we have seen, both the college summer sessions taught by Li Bingnan and Chanyun and the curriculum of the Incense Light Buddhist Seminary put ethics and religious practice on a par with knowledge about Buddhism. One may ask, however, whether the study of Buddhism is primarily for the purpose of functioning better in one’s family and work. Throughout its long history, Buddhism has attracted laypeople because of its profound philosophy and meditation regimen. Lay Buddhists have become famous commentators in the Tiantai, Huayan, and Vinaya schools. Some lay believers became accomplished Chan practitioners or fervent Pure Land devotees. I wonder if the Buddhist adult classes could produce such lay Buddhists, or even whether this is a goal. As I remarked when examining the textbooks, a distinctive feature of the editorial philosophy reflected in them is the nonsectarian and ecumenical approach to Buddhism. Tenets of mainstream and Mahāyāna Buddhist traditions are introduced together. Although Yogacārā, Chan, and Pure Land receive some attention, none of the other Chinese schools such as Tiantai, Huayan, Mi, or the

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Esoteric school, or even the Vinaya school itself are mentioned. There seems to be a deliberate decision not to concentrate on Chinese Buddhist traditions. This may be seen in Wuyin’s decision not to teach the Chan “Pure Rules” but focus on the Monastic Rules in Four Divisions as well as the avoidance of any mention of enlightenment in her lectures and the textbooks edited under her direction. Nonsectarianism is presented as returning to the source. The kind of Buddhism taught in the Incense Light classes can be therefore regarded as Buddhist fundamentalism in two senses: First, it is an attempt to introduce students to “original Buddhism” and, at the same time, to certain basic Buddhist concepts. Second, since the classes hope to reach people from all walks of life, the audience is broadbased and generally representative of Taiwan’s society. This is “fundamental” Buddhism for everyone, and the goal of achieving that breadth is perhaps why the editors decided to present Buddhism in a nontechnical and easily accessible fashion.

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Copyright © 2013. University of Hawaii Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

7

Profiles of Individual Nuns

The Incense Light community is distinguished by its members’ high level of education. The rapid rise and success of the community was due in large part to the sudden influx of fifty-three young nuns in the 1980s, many of whom had graduated from either a four-year liberal arts college or a two-year technical college, which is similar to junior college in the United States. In my interviews with Xinzhi, Wuyin, and Mingjia as well as the cohorts of nuns who joined Incense Light in this period, I was constantly told that four nuns in particular contributed to its formation and development as a distinctive female monastic community. Younger nuns often mention the four together as a group. I was naturally eager to interview these women. Unfortunately, at that time only one of them was readily available. Two were studying abroad, one in Japan and the other in the States, while the third had taken a long leave and was living at a temple in a remote part of Taiwan. Luckily, the nun studying in the States returned for a short time in April and June of 1998 and I was able to interview her at length. I also had a chance to meet the third nun and spoke with her for two hours. In June 2010, during my most recent return visit to the Incense Light community, I had a chance to interview the second nun, who had been in Japan in 1998, and the third nun, who has since rejoined the community and is living in the Great Incense Light Mountain in Daxi, the newest addition to the temple complex, about two hours’ drive from Taipei. Thus I am able to give an account of these nuns who played a key role in the early Incense Light story. All nuns have two names. One is her Dharma name ( faming) and the other is her style name (zihao). The Dharma names of all Incense Light nuns begin with the character zi, while their style names begin with the character jian. Some nuns prefer to go by their Dharma name while others use the style name. Of the four nuns, I will call the one who studied in the States Z1, and the one who took a long leave J1. I will refer to the nun who studied in Japan as J2, and the one I met in Jiayi several times as J3. By reviewing their family background, motives for becoming a nun, reasons for choosing Incense Light, experiences living as a nun, and hopes and disappointments, along with a few other accounts from the forty nuns I interviewed, I hope to provide a profile of the community as a whole. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

Copyright © 2013. University of Hawaii Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

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Z11 was born in 1961 and joined the community in 1983. She is the third of four children in her family. Her sister is five years older and her older brother is two years older, while her younger brother is two years younger. She regarded her father as the biggest influence in her life. The father was a lieutenant-colonel but retired early due to diabetes when she was five years old. He trained the children in a military fashion. They had to get up at six every morning. In addition to doing their homework, everyone had to practice calligraphy every day. He assigned each child specific jobs to do, be it cleaning around the house or helping their mother, who ran a grocery store. The children had to take turns doing these tasks. At dinnertime, they were to thank their mother for the food. If something needed to be decided, their father would call a family meeting to discuss it. When the children did something well, he would shake their hands and say, “You are Father’s good comrade.” He often challenged them to think by asking, “Father is already halfway in the coffin. What will you do after I die?” Or, “What would you do if a typhoon came and I was not around?” Such questions created in the children a sense of crisis. Her father also instilled in her the concepts of fairness, rationality, critical thinking, and gender equality. Her mother, a devotee of Guanyin, kept a Buddha shrine at home. The mother knew a disciple of Nanting, the abbot of the Huayan Lianshe in Taipei. When she was nine, she and her mother took refuge with Nanting, and she began to recite regularly the Great Compassion Dhāraņī in the fourth grade. She was a good student all through school. When she attended the First Girls’ Middle School in Taipei, the most prestigious and competitive school on the island, she had a chance to develop herself further by participating in sports and speech contests. The style of instruction at the school encouraged free expression. The students were required to write weekly reports that they shared with their fifty classmates so they got to know one another better. The students were encouraged to discuss what they were studying in class. If someone gave a wrong answer, other students would step forward to correct her and offer the correct answer. Growing up in this environment, she never felt she was inferior to boys. Upon graduation, she successfully passed the college examination and entered Furen University, a Catholic school. Because she was artistic and creative, she majored in fashion design. The professors in her department were young, in their twenties, and recently graduated from college themselves. They were not authoritarian; on the contrary, they treated the students as equals and liked to challenge them to do better. When the students did well, the instructor would treat them to a movie. Although she had taken refuge when she was only nine, her formal introduction to Buddhism came in college. She joined five different student associaEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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tions, one of them a Buddhist studies society. One lecture, “The Law of Causation and Perspective on Living One’s Life,” left a deep impression. Just prior to this, she had become a member of the Nationalist Party. The training for cadres included one talk entitled, “For Whom Do We Live and Die and for Whom Do We Constantly Labor?” Both lectures forced her to think about life seriously. She realized that it was only through the clear observation of all phenomena that one could arrive at the correct understanding of principle. After she became a member of the Buddhist studies society, she moved in with fellow members. This was because the four classmates she had roomed with before were constantly having problems with their boyfriends. She thought they were very stupid, and it was at that time that she decided not to get married. She also decided not to keep her hair long and try to look like a “cute girl.” The Buddhist studies society was led by students who had studied with Li Bingnan. Members listened to the tapes of Li’s lectures and studied the Fourteen Lectures in Outline. They also meditated morning and evening. She threw herself wholeheartedly into the activities of the society. She attended the Academic Society to Keep the Fast and the Precepts three times. She was not much attracted by Li’s lectures, which leaned heavily toward Pure Land, although he used Yogācāra philosophy and terminology, which she liked. In contrast, she was deeply impressed by Chanyun, who was humorous and had a high artistic sensibility. The Buddha hall of Chanyun’s temple was beautifully adorned with paintings of the Pure Land done by the master himself. She always enjoyed staying at the temple. While there, she met two college students who had joined the Incense Light community two years before, and they took her to visit Incense Light Temple, which was the only other temple that she had visited up to that time. Her primary attraction to Buddhism was on account of its philosophy, psychology, and method of meditation. She was greatly impressed by Buddhist teaching on causality, and she became interested in taking psychology courses at her college. She recalled her introduction to meditation by a Buddhist teacher who told her how to use the invocation of the Buddha’s name as a way to practice. The name of the Buddha can be regarded as a thought. She was taught to pay attention to the brief instant between one invocation (one thought) and the next (another thought). Through this practice she had some wonderful experiences. Each time she finished the Academic Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts and returned to Taipei, she felt as if her transparent body was slowly being infiltrated by tiny specks of dust. She sensed strongly the difference between the mundane and the transcendent. She had already thought of leaving home as a college sophomore. Although EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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her parents did not raise any objections, her older brother asked her to reconsider, saying that one could study Buddhism as a layperson and thus there was no need to become a nun. She began to think more seriously about it after she started coming to Incense Light Temple and met with Wuyin and Xinzhi. They were not sure about her sincerity at first. This is probably because she was argumentative and appeared to be rather proud. The decisive event that triggered her determination happened during the Buddha Seven Retreat, which was held for the first time in 1982 at the Fojiao Huiguan in Chiayi. Xinzhi had asked her to attend. When the participants ran in circles outside the Buddha hall to perform the running meditation, she happened to look outside the temple and saw crowds of people and long lines of cars. In that instant, she had a sudden realization: Buddhism could be maintained only through the collective effort of many people. What she saw was symbolic of this truth. At that moment, she could not help crying and decided that it was time for her to leave home. When she told Wuyin and Xinzhi, they also agreed that she was ready. When she joined Incense Light in 1983, the community had about forty nuns. She described the atmosphere at that time as open and free. Everyone could say whatever was on her mind. Everyone could laugh if she wanted to laugh. There was a general atmosphere of ease (zizai). On the other hand, meetings called “Livelihood Examination” (shenhuo jiantao) were held frequently, at which Wuyin and Xinzhi would criticize the nuns who exhibited an incorrect state of mind. They would strike the table and shout in a style favored by Chan masters. These meetings were also the time to carry out selfcriticism. Xinzhi was spontaneous and uninhibited in her treatment of the nuns in daily life. She was usually warmhearted and kind, but she would scold harshly and even strike a nun when provoked. In one instance, Z1 had to figure out how many electric light bulbs she had to get prior to an event. Because they used different ways to do the calculation, her number differed from that of Xinzhi who became very angry and shouted, “You are not qualified to work with me!” Z1 was so hurt that she spent several hours thinking about whether she should leave the community. She did not leave because she told herself that Xinzhi was like her older sister. When she was young, her sister, who loved her very much, made several paper dolls to amuse her. But when she did not do her homework in the second grade, her sister destroyed all the dolls except for one. She concluded that Xinzhi, like her sister, loved her but was emotionally volatile. Thinking it through this way, she could deal with Xinzhi calmly, as she did with her sister. She had a much more harmonious relationship with Wuyin. After she joined Incense Light, she took an activist role and made several important suggestions that Wuyin should consider creating an image of the community as a new EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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and modern Buddhist sangha. First, she thought the sangha should have a set of rules and regulations. With the increasing number of nuns, it was inevitable that some would leave because they could not adjust to the monastic life.2 Clearly promulgated regulations, like the Chan Pure Rules of the past, would forestall such problems. Second, she suggested changing the system of periodic job rotation to assigning a job to one person for a fixed time. As I described in chapter 2, Wuyin was inspired by Tianyi and followed her example in instituting job rotation in the early days of the community. Each nun took turns working at each of the jobs for a month at a time so that she would become capable of managing all aspects of the temple. Some nuns were not good at certain jobs and failed to perform their duties. They would then be subjected to severe scoldings at the monthly meetings. Z1 felt this way of doing things was both inefficient and humiliating to the nuns so criticized. As college graduates, the nuns expected to be treated with courtesy and respect and were not used to being scolded in the traditional manner. She believed that the Incense Light nuns had a historical mission to transform Buddhism and make it conform to the needs of the modern society. To convince Wuyin to adopt her suggestion, she wrote a detailed memo in 1985 in which she used concepts from psychology, business management, and biology to explain that a sangha was like a cell. In order for it to survive, it must form connections with the larger environment to obtain nutrients. In return, it must also contribute to the larger environment. In the same memo, she used the term “Incense Light Bhikşuņī Sangha.” Wuyin did not understand the intent of the memo and felt she was being challenged by this young nun. Actually this was indeed Z1’s intention. She said to Wuyin, “The nuns here are all very capable. They want to accomplish things. They do not want to fail to contribute to society.” In her thinking, rituals and sutra chanting would not do society any good. Religious fervor was insufficient without a clearly defined ideal. The ideal must be based on a rational and carefully thought-out plan. Once there was such an ideal, concrete actions could be carried out to make Buddhism take root in the human realm. After much discussion among key members of the community, including Wuyin, Xinzhi, and Mingjia, a logo representing the ideal of Incense Light was created. It depicts three sticks of incense surrounded by a circle of light. The three sticks of incense symbolized the three guiding principles of the community: a vow to practice compassion (beiyuan), harmonious collaboration (hehe), and active striving (lixing). Her third and perhaps the most far-reaching suggestion was to invite outside experts to help train the nuns. She introduced her professor from Furen University, Chen Yi’an, to conduct workshops at Incense Light Temple for the first time in 1985. Chen was a professor of business administration who EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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had studied the teaching methods of ICA. Thus through him, teachers of ICA were later invited to teach short intensive courses at Incense Light Temple. All the nuns were required to attend the workshops and the courses. Chen repeated the workshop several times over the following years. The introduction of these new external resources had a lasting impact on the community. The teaching methods of ICA became the model used both in the seminary and in the Buddhist adult classes. At the same time, these innovations also created a permanent rupture among the leadership. After several years’ disturbances caused by the often violent arguments between Xinzhi and Wuyin, the former finally resigned and left the community in 1990. Xinzhi accused Wuyin of having turned away from religious cultivation by allowing the nuns to be exposed to secular ways of doing things. Because of this disagreement between the two leaders, nuns who joined the community from 1985 to 1989 did not receive as much guidance as those who came before. In 1991 Z1 decided to go abroad to study. At that time, several Incense Light nuns were doing graduate work, some in Taiwan, others in Japan, the United States, and England. She first went to Kamazawa University in Tokyo, but she was not happy with the approach there because the emphasis was strictly philological and doctrinal. The professors told her that they had nothing to teach her about religious cultivation. She then went to the University of Wisconsin in Madison to study with Geshe Sopa. However, when she learned she must first spend three years studying Sanskrit, she was again disappointed. She finally enrolled at the California Institute of Integral Studies and found that program, which combined academic study with experiential training, satisfactory. When I met her in 1998, she was writing her dissertation, in which she hoped to integrate psychology with Abhidharma. Z1 had joined Incense Light when she was twenty-two and had been a nun for fifteen years. At that time, there were about thirty nuns who, like her, were in their late thirties and early forties. In my interviews with them, I often detected a vague sense of anxiety and frustration. The anxiety was caused by the dispute with the villagers, which made the nuns worry about the future of their community. The frustration, on the other hand, was related to the felt conflict between cultivating oneself (neixiu) and spreading the Dharma in society (waihong). This conflict was more acute for those nuns who taught the Buddhist adult classes. However, although I was aware of this hidden unease, I was taken by surprise when Z1 sought me out to spell out what she saw as the crisis the community was facing. She pointed out that first of all the sangha suffered trauma at Xinzhi’s EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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departure from which it had not recovered. But the nuns were unable to face it, preferring to remain in denial. Unless this was dealt with, it would be difficult for them to go forward. She then remarked on Wuyin’s leadership style. Some years ago, Professor Chen commented that Incense Light was like a dragon without a head because Wuyin refused to tell the nuns what to do. This lack of agenda and refusal to institute a policy could be very frustrating. Actually, Wuyin’s refusing to institute a policy was itself a policy, and Z1 now understood what Chen meant by those comments. Z1’s frank analysis of her teacher and her community might have been connected with Wuyin’s rejection of a proposal she and three other senior nuns had drafted and presented to her a day earlier. It had been drafted by Z1, J1, J2, and J3 and proposed the creation of a center of educational resources for the nuns’ lifelong cultivation and study. It began by stating that Chinese Buddhism in recent times had put most emphasis on temple management and ritualism and had neglected caring for the members of the sangha, and monastics’ spiritual cultivation as well as the reinterpretation of Buddhist teachings and meditation. As a result, modern Buddhism was drained of its lifeblood. In the same way, Incense Light sangha had devoted itself to organizational, administrative, and teaching activities since 1981. In this regard, it had made important contributions to Buddhism in Taiwan, but there was still an urgent need to work on deepening and actualizing Buddhist teachings and methods of meditation. Recently the number of nuns who had belonged to the sangha for more than twelve years and were reaching middle age had become quite sizable. They all wanted to have an opportunity to improve themselves both in understanding and practice, including the four undersigned. However, this wish was almost impossible to fulfill because the present system made maintaining the temple and its subsidiaries and running the Buddhist adult classes, the primary goal. This left little time for the nuns to cultivate their spiritual practice or deepen their knowledge of Buddhism. To meet the needs of the senior nuns, the proposal put forth a two-stage plan. During the first stage, which would cover the first to the fifth year, a “Forest for Meditative Observation” would be established, and during the second stage, from the fifth to the tenth year, a “Center for Guiding the Bhikşuņī’s Lifelong Cultivation” would be established. Z1 has been interested in meditation for a long time and has tried various methods: Chan, Pure Land Buddha recitation, the fourfold mindfulness, and more recently, vipaśyanā taught by Sri Satya Naraya Goenka (b. 1924). Goenka is a lay Buddhist born in India and a student of U Ba Khin, the Burmese monk who revived the vipaśyanā meditation tradition and made it a world-famous movement EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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in the 1970s. An Incense Light nun participated in a vipaśyanā workshop in the States and found it very helpful. Through her recommendation, teachers trained by Goenka were invited to Incense Light to conduct a ten-day retreat. Goenka’s method teaches the practitioner to observe the constantly changing nature of the mind and body. Starting with the observation of the breath, one scans the surface of the body from head to toe and observes the sensations. For this reason, this method is called neiguan (internal observation) in Chinese. The proposed Forest for Meditative Observation was supposed to be a center for learning and practicing vipaśyanā meditation, although practice there would not be limited to this method. The second part of the proposal, about establishing a center of education resources for lifelong learning, was inspired by some nuns’ interest in adult education, which became very popular in Taiwan in the 1990s. Adult classes for painting, calligraphy, dancing, and other intellectual and artistic pursuits were widely offered by local governments and organizations. Some Incense Light nuns became interested in this field as a result of teaching Buddhist adult classes. They went to graduate school and studied adult education pedagogy. They began to ask: if it was a good idea to continue one’s education in order to grow intellectually throughout one’s life, would it not be equally desirable to provide the monastics the same opportunity to improve their religious knowledge and deepen their spiritual practice beyond their seminary training? Wuyin was sympathetic to the proposal but could not approve it. She explained to me that the main focus at that time was to find and establish new headquarters for the Incense Light community. After the incident with the villagers, there was a general consensus that unless the home temple was relocated to another place, there would always be a potential danger that the same problem might recur. From 1998 until 2009, when the new home temple, Great Incense Light Mountain, was established in Daxi, the community concentrated its resources on this project. It is understandable that another major project outlined in the proposal would have been considered a diversion from the main task at hand. Although Z1 was disappointed, she has made her peace and is now the president of the Incense Light Buddhist Seminary, a position formerly occupied by Wuyin. Another of the four signers of the proposal was J1.3 She is the one who took a long leave from the community in 1996. She was mentioned most often by the nuns I interviewed, and her name also appeared most frequently in the records the community kept about its early history. She was born in 1956 and joined Incense Light in 1981. She was one of seven girls. Her three older sisters were EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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much older, and they married young, so she did not live with them for long. The three younger sisters were born two or three years apart. Her father was a mailman who was educated back when Taiwan was ruled by Japan. Her mother had no formal education. Her father’s health was poor, and what he earned was mostly spent on medicine. Because their hometown, Danshui, was hilly, she helped her father deliver the mail so he did not have to climb up and down. Her father enjoyed reading and liked to chant poetry. He had novels such as the Water Margin and Tales of Heroes and Heroines (Ernü yingxiung zhuan) at home. But because J1 was afraid of him, she did not dare to ask him when she came across a word she did not recognize, but would instead consult the dictionary. Her father died in 1964, when she was eight years old. Even before he died, the family relied on the mother, who made handicrafts at home to generate income. Her father’s death was sad, but it actually reduced the financial burden because there were no more medical expenditures. The greatest influence on J1 was her mother. She was capable and worked very hard. It was her mother who made J1 believe that “a woman can survive without a man.” She joined the Buddhist studies society Light of Dawn as a sophomore at National Taiwan University. Members of the society made a pilgrimage to Buddha Light Mountain and there met Xingyun. This was the first time that she had a face-to-face encounter with a Buddhist master. But she had no “karmic connection” with him because she fell asleep during his Dharma talk. When she was a junior in college, beginning in 1977, she participated in three sessions of the Academic Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts. She served as a cadre in these sessions and assumed leadership roles. She was deeply moved by Chanyun’s compassion and wisdom. Being a history major, she liked to read biographies of eminent monks and nuns, and made a vow to live up to their model. She also began to consider leaving home. She met Mingjia at the Academic Gathering, and the latter took the initiative to befriend her and introduced her to Wuyin and Xinzhi. Chanyun was another person who influenced her in her choice of Incense Light, for he always said that women should join a community constituted exclusively of nuns. At that time, there were only six or seven nuns at the Incense Light Temple. When J1 first told Wuyin and Xinzhi of her desire to leave home, the former told her to wait until she had completed her studies, while the latter urged her to do so right away. She found their different views on this, as she would discover their views on other matters later, quite revealing. She became a novice six months before she received her M.A. degree. She did not tell her mother about it at first, because there was a common superstition that if you told people you were leaving home, then it would not be successful. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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J1 majored in history, and after she graduated from college in 1978, she entered graduate school at National Normal University, from which she received a master’s degree with a thesis entitled “The Relationship between Buddhism and Politics and Economy in the Tang.” When she joined Incense Light in 1982, she held the highest academic degree in the community. It was natural that she immediately became the close associate and assistant of Wuyin, and with her help, Wuyin became more confident that the seminary program would succeed. J1 was by nature and training interested in keeping records. When she served as a cadre at the Academic Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts, she had already begun to write down procedures and schedules based on her own and other cadres’ experiences so that future leaders could use them as a reference. After joining Incense Light, she became the community’s chronicler, maintaining the “Record of Major Events,” a detailed monthly record for each year. She also recorded in writing Wuyin’s instructions to the nuns and Dharma talks to the faithful. Her specialty was the study of Vinaya, and she was naturally interested in monastic organization. Soon after arriving at Incense Light, she started to compile the order’s “Detailed Rules of Job Rotation” (zhishi xice). In the early days when there were few nuns, they all took turns working at cooking, receiving guests, tending the Buddha hall, keeping accounts, and so on. But even then, J1 saw problems that needed to be dealt with. For instance, when the nun responsible for one job did not pass on her experience to her successor, the latter often could not manage the same job smoothly. In the case of the kitchen rotation, the successor might not even know where everything was kept. The second problem arose from the need to be learning different new things all the time. This created much psychological disturbance, particularly when the assigned job was something one of them could not do well. Following Z1’s lead, the nuns worked out that instead of each person taking turns doing all jobs in a particular area, she should be assigned to do one thing for a fixed time. While she was responsible for this job, she should follow the rules laid down in the “Detailed Rules of Job Rotation,” but also was free to amend them based on her experience. The document would serve as the guide for other nuns who worked at the same job into the future. As many more nuns joined the community, J1 saw a need for another organizational change. From 1989 onward, all the monastic jobs were assigned to four groups, which in turn were subsumed under four divisions: (1) Hall of Dharma Propagation: Dharma affairs, secretary, and guest prefect; (2) Hall of Temple Affairs: treasury and building projects; (3) Hall of Educational Affairs: Buddhist seminary, graduate institute, and library; (4) Hall of Dharma Treasure: compilaEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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tion and translation. Each hall was led by one nun who supervised the leaders of the four groups under her and also reported to Wuyin. The leadership would then be organized in the form of a pyramid. This was of course an ideal, and the actual organization changed as time went on. But J1’s scheme contributed greatly to the emphasis that Incense Light placed on rules instead of personality, a striking difference from the stress placed on Dharma lineages by most traditional Buddhist temples. J1 worked closely with Z1, J2, and J3 because they shared a common goal. They were all interested in modernizing Buddhism. In her own words, while Z1 and J3 were creative and passionate about putting forward new ideas, it was usually she and J2 who figured out how to implement them.4 Like Z1, she believed modern technology and business models could transform temple administration. Also like Z1, she became a nun to try and correct the historical defects of Buddhism; she was also very serious about spiritual cultivation. She regularly chanted the Cundī Dhāraņī for ten years. When she had a problem, she would ask herself, “How would Guanyin deal with this?” She also practiced Pure Land Buddha invocation and did prostrations daily to worship the Buddha. When vipaśyanā was introduced to the sangha, she found it very useful because it offered a clearly defined sequence in its method of practice. She liked its rationality, unlike Chan, which placed too much emphasis on the authority of the teacher. Pure Land Buddha invocation could help settle one’s mind and allow one to reach samādhi, but after she had practiced this method for more than five years, she still could not answer the question “Who am I?” Despite the trust placed in her by Wuyin and Xinzhi, and the respect shown to her by fellow nuns, J1 was very harsh in her assessment of herself. She kept saying that she was too passive and lacked the confidence to communicate well with others. She realized that she was thought to be too proud, although the true situation was the opposite. She blamed herself for becoming easily disappointed and sinking into depression. She vaguely referred to a “psychological obstacle” that she hoped to overcome by relying on the power of the Buddha. Of all the nuns I interviewed, she was clearly the most complicated and showed a great deal of internal struggle. She set extremely high standards and was always dissatisfied with herself and the community. She constantly analyzed herself and the community and had raised several crucial questions: While Incense Light was recognized by society at large, had it found its unique characteristics? How had it implemented the Buddhadharma? More personally, how could the community help its members deal with spiritual problems and find a way to be securely grounded in Buddhism? She never clearly explained to me why she had taken a long leave, nor did EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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others who were close to her. But from what I gathered talking with various nuns, it appears she became involved with a young woman who, having been raised by a nun, lived in another temple. They had met when some of the Incense Light nuns visited that temple in 1996. The young woman was not educated but nonetheless very capable at managing the temple and taking care of visitors. She was said to be able to cook for and feed two dozen people within a couple of hours. She was outgoing and energetic, in sharp contrast to J1, who is reserved and introspective. The young woman took an interest in J1, who felt compassionate and wanted to teach her how to read and learn about Buddhism. Their relationship was at first platonic but gradually turned physical. Knowing well the Vinaya rules prohibiting sexual activities of any kind, J1 withdrew from the community and went to live with the young woman in her temple. Although she was not residing at Incense Light, she never cut off contact. When she broke off the relationship a few years ago and asked to rejoin the community, Wuyin allowed her to come back on a probationary basis. She appeared to be lonely and disheartened when I met her at the Great Incense Mountain in June 2010. She seemed to have lost faith in herself and even to some extent in the mission of the community. She has not kept in contact with her three comrades, who have themselves gone their separate ways. This development reflects the changes in the organization. As Incense Light has grown and spread out both geographically and in terms of work demands, it has become harder for members to meet regularly. The only time everybody gets together is the annual meditation retreat or some other event requiring the participation of the entire community, such as the ceremony to celebrate the founding of the Great Incense Light Mounatin in 2009. Even more, I suspect, J1’s isolation is due to her own reluctance to keep in touch with former friends because of what happened in her life. This incident and the departure of Xinzhi are two topics bordering on the taboo. The third signer of the proposal was J2, who was studying in Japan in 1998; thus I did not meet her until 2010. She was born in 1959 and joined Incense Light in 1981. She loved to read from the time she was little and became interested in philosophy in college. She was active in Buddhist studies societies and served in leadership roles. She participated in both the Buddhist classes taught by Li Bingnan and the Academic Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts several times. She did not initially plan to leave home and become a nun. The first time she visited Incense Light Temple was to accompany a friend who wanted to become a nun. Ironically, the friend did not go through with it, but got married, while J2 joined the community as soon as she graduated from college. If she had not become a EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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nun, she would have had to get married, since that was what society expected of women in those days. But she had no interest in marriage. She went to Japan to study in 1991 and returned ten years later with a Ph.D. in Mādhyamika philosophy. She is one of the first Incense Light nuns who went abroad to study with the support of the sangha. Instead of returning to the community, she has assumed charge of academic affairs and teaching duties at the Dharma Drum Buddhist College, a graduate school established in 2007 on Dharma Drum Mountain. In fact, of the ten nuns who received advanced degrees either in Taiwan or abroad, only Z1 has returned to work at Incense Light permanently. Of the others, some teach at universities and some carry out research or religious practice on their own. Why this is the case is something I will discuss in the next chapter. The fourth signer of the proposal was J3. She was born in 1957 and joined the community in 1982. I had more contact with her than with any of the other senior nuns; in fact, I met her even before I knew anything about Incense Light. She attended an intensive one-week course I gave at the Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies in 1994 and introduced herself and her community. It was she who introduced me to Wuyin, who then invited me to give another course at the Incense Light Buddhist Seminary the following year. I had therefore had the chance to talk with her on many occasions before I began this study. I interviewed her on April 10, 1998, at the Yinyi Adacemy in Taipei because she was teaching in a college in the capital. She received a Ph.D. in history from Zhongzheng University. The following is based on that interview as well as conversations I had had with her earlier. J3 was famous among her fellow nuns for her stubbornness and bad temper. This might be connected with her family situation and childhood experiences. She was the oldest of four children. Her immediate family’s fortune had flagged while her grandfather was still alive; her granduncle, however, was rich. When her grandmother died, her father was forced to sell their last remaining plot of land to the granduncle at a price of 10,000 NT dollars. Neither of her parents had gone to school, and they wanted the children to receive an education so they would have a better life. In 1963, when she was in third grade, she had to walk one hour in bare feet to get to school. Her parents relied on her to deal with the outside world. She went to the bank and post office when they needed things done there. She went to the local government to apply for a copy of the household registry on their behalf when she was only twelve. The parents may have relied on her, but they often scolded and beat her because they both had bad tempers. As a result, all the children also had bad tempers, and she grew up with low self-esteem and little EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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self-confidence. Her parents quarreled constantly, and her father was very rough with her mother. He liked to drink. Once when he was drunk, he had threatened her mother with a knife and demanded that she kneel on the ground to ask his forgiveness; he said he would kill her if she refused. Her mother escaped from home twice, the first time when J3 was twelve and the second time when she was eighteen. Both times, however, her mother returned when her father asked her to come back. J3’s mother came from a good family and was very good looking. She was also capable and handled the family finances. It was a pity that she never went to school. She blamed her own mother for this. Her father had been killed in a bombing raid just before World War II ended, so J3’s mother and aunt had to work to make a living while their brothers studied. But the two uncles were not as capable as her mother and aunt. From this observation, J3 decided that women were not inferior to men. Her bitter experience of living in an unhappy family also led her to decide at a young age not to get married. She joined the Buddhist studies society when she was in college and started to read books on Buddhism. In her freshman year, she studied the popular book The Way to Buddhahood (Chengfo zhi dao) by Yinshun and Buddhism Explained for the Modern Age (Foxue jinquan) by Zhang Zhengji. She also attended the lecture series on the Fourteen Lectures in Outline taught every two weeks by students who had attended Li Bingnan’s class in Taichung. As she understood more about Buddhism, she gradually forgave her parents’ harsh treatment when she was growing up. It was also during her freshman year that she attended Chanyun’s Academic Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts. She found the regimen too demanding and left on the seventh day, just before the eight-day session ended. She disliked getting up at 3:30 a.m., sitting meditation, and bowing to the Buddha a thousand times. She was interested in Buddhist doctrines but did not like rituals. J2 was a college classmate, and as we read above, she became a nun as soon as she graduated. It was she who encouraged J3 to do the same. Although J3 did think seriously about leaving home and even burned a mark on her arm to register her vow ( yuanba), she waited more than three years, until she was twenty-six, before she took this step. She had a hard time once she decided to become a monastic She got dragged home by her father, who beat her face bloody. But she escaped the next morning and hid out for a week while she pleaded with her father to allow her to return to Incense Light Temple. He eventually agreed, but her mother was so angry that she refused to have anything to do with her for more than a year. J3 joined the community the same year as J1. But unlike J1, she was not inspired by EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Chanyun. The main reasons she became a nun was her dislike of secular life, and she found Wuyin’s lectures attractive. She had a hard time adjusting to monastic life in the first five years and was often the object of criticism from Xinzhi and Wuyin because she liked to argue and refused to acknowledge her mistakes. Unlike the other nuns, she did not like to do certain jobs, and this attitude was taken as a sign of rebellion. Sometimes the behavior review meetings lasted until midnight, and the criticism often made her cry. She struggled to change the way she expressed herself and her stubborn character. Although she did not like to meditate, she found vipaśyanā helpful. She found it much more effective than Pure Land, Chan, and Esoteric Buddhist meditation methods. Indeed, only after she learned this method did she experience for the first time the joy of meditation. Although she did not reach the realization of no-self, she achieved the realization of equanimity quickly. It enabled her to treat the good and the bad things she encountered equally. As for her temper, she thought she had made some progress, although she still could not refrain from making the occasional critical remark about the community. For instance, she did not approve of the way the sangha was managed. Because everyone had a job to do whether she was good at it or not, efficiency was a problem. Furthermore, with no system of reward or punishment as was the case in a secular organization, a number of nuns did not work hard to fulfill their duties. She estimated that only 20 percent were doing their jobs conscientiously. She thought many things needed improvement. The Incense Light community had a strongly positive image in society, and students attending the Buddhist adult classes respected the teacher nuns. But this could have negative repercussions. Because the nuns enjoyed a good reputation, some of them got “spoiled.” J3 expressed a high estimation of Wuyin. She called her an unsung hero, a feminist, a true revolutionary, and a reformer. In her eyes, Wuyin was the only real leader of the community, although she mentioned Xinzhi and Mingjia as well. Unlike other Buddhist leaders, Wuyin did not attract attention to herself. She could tolerate those who disagreed with her, and as a consequence, there was no hierarchy and the community functioned on an egalitarian basis. J3 particularly admired Wuyin’s teaching that nuns should transform themselves and abandon the stereotypical feminine mannerisms. J3 was concerned about the future of the community. In the early years, the nuns had made active efforts to recruit new members; she herself had been recruited by a classmate who had joined Incense Light three years before. In more recent years, few new nuns had joined the community. Six had joined in 1996, for instance, but only two in 1997. She worried that the community would become EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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stagnant without the infusion of new blood. Like J2, she has led an independent life, teaching at a college in southern Taiwan. While these four nuns played leading roles in the institutional history of the community, other nuns contributed in different ways to the growth and development of Incense Light. I will mention a few others to round out the picture. I interviewed a fifth nun, Z2, twice, on March 31 and April 2, 1998. She had been Wuyin’s most trusted associate for quite a long time after Mingjia went to the U.S. to study in 1987, just as the tension between Wuyin and Xinzhi intensified. By the time Mingjia returned in 1991, the community had gone through a lot without her, and both she and the sangha experienced a sense of estrangement. Mingjia was named the abbess of Incense Light Temple when Wuyin assumed the position of president of the seminary, but Mingjia told me that her main responsibility was to represent the temple in a public relations capacity without any real power or authority. Z2 thus functioned as the second in command in fact, if not in name. Z2 was born in 1955 and joined Incense Light in 1979. She was the youngest of eight children. When she was fourteen years old, her father died and one year later, her mother died also. They were only fifty-two years old. After her father died, she helped her mother sell fish in the market after school. When her mother died, she went to live with her older brother and considered herself an orphan. Aside from going to a temple with her mother once to fulfill a vow, she had no knowledge of Buddhism while growing up. But with the passing of her parents, she felt deeply the impermanence of life. While a student at Tainan Normal College, she joined three student societies: martial arts, Chinese painting, and Boy and Girl Scouts. She later withdrew from the third and joined a Buddhist studies society. She then started to visit various Buddhist temples. She twice participated in the summer camp for college students run by Buddha Light Mountain and lived at the temple for a month. She also spent a few days at Zhengyan’s Hall of Still Thoughts. She attended Chanyun’s Academic Gathering three times, where she met Wuyin when the latter gave lectures there. She was moved to tears by Wuyin’s lectures and decided to leave home. At that time she was twenty-five and had taught elementary school for three and half years since her graduation. Her home-leaving was considered a noteworthy event in her hometown, and it was even announced in the local newspaper. She confessed that she did not really know much about either Buddhism or Incense Light, but when Wuyin told her that she planned to establish a seminary, Z2 thought she could help because she was a schoolteacher. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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As one of the earliest college-educated nuns to join the community, she interacted extensively with Wuyin but much less so with Xinzhi. Once Xinzhi struck her on the ear for some infraction, and she needed an operation because her eardrum had been damaged. She avoided talking with Xinzhi for a month after that episode. But when Wuyin became aware of the situation, she called Z2 in for a long talk. This was the only time she received a reprimand from Wuyin. The abbess had a special way of teaching the nuns. She often asked, “Why do you think this way?” or “What are you saying? What do you mean?” Her intention was to force them to think and express themselves more clearly. But many nuns did not understand her approach and thought they were being scolded. Although Wuyin did not give Dharma talks regularly, anyone could ask to see her and talk with her one-on-one if they had problems. Z2 clearly approved of the way Wuyin guided the nuns. Z2 undertook compiling the textbooks for the Buddhist adult classes, with editorial guidance from Wuyin. Their relationship was more like that of colleagues than master and disciple. Z2 related some of the guiding principles for this project. First, they aimed to introduce basic Buddhist concepts though nothing from Mādhyamika and Yogācāra thought, which developed later in Buddhism. Second, the textbooks should provide a sequential progression along the path to achieve buddhahood. The goal of the elementary class was to help the reader form correct faith and gain a general knowledge of Buddhism; the goal of the intermediate class was to urge the reader to protect the Three Treasures and develop religious sentiment; and the goal of the advanced class was to inspire the reader to give rise to the mind of Mahāyāna and practice bodhisattva deeds. Third, the language of the textbooks was to be simple and easy to understand. Because the doctrines were abstract, they should be taught through concrete examples found in the history and institution of Buddhism. For this reason, the textbook for each level included the biography of a great Buddhist figure who exemplified Buddhist teaching. Z2 provided useful information about the religious practices of the community. In 1995 vipaśyanā meditation replaced Buddha invocation as the method used in the yearly ten-day retreat attended by the entire community, although individual nuns could continue using invocation in their own practice. Two years earlier, in response to a request for opportunities to learn more about Buddhism, a system was created to allow the nuns to apply to study up to six months outside the temple while keeping their place. One had to request a leave if the study period was going to be longer than that. This policy came about because some nuns voiced a need to learn more once they started teaching the Buddhist adult EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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classes. The institution of the ten-day retreat also responded to the nuns’ need for sustained spiritual cultivation. Representatives of Goenka conducted the 1995 retreat and the participants listened to Goenka’s tapes. This continued in the following years. Z2 had used the fourfold mindfulness method previously but liked this method of meditation much better. Of all the senior nuns I interviewed, I found Z2 to be the most settled and happy. She was very positive about the present condition and the future development of the sangha. After she obtained a bachelor’s degree by distance learning, she started to think about designing a course like the Buddhist adult classes, to be taught on TV or radio. Z35 was born in 1956 and joined the community in 1982. She was one of six children. Her father worked for the China Petroleum Company, and her mother was a housewife. To supplement their income, her father took an additional part-time job and worked at that in the evenings. Being the eldest in his family, he had to take care of his parents in addition to his own family. Z3 went to a technical college, majoring in business, because she wanted to work and help her family. After graduation she was hired by a company and worked there for six years, but as time went on, she found her life monotonous and lacking in meaning. A colleague with whom she had worked for three years became a nun at Incense Light Temple and took her to visit Xinzhi in 1981 at the old Purple Bamboo Retreat in Kaohsiung. She was delighted to find a number of young nuns studying with Xinzhi and wished she could do the same. She was invited to go every week to practice with them, and soon began to think of leaving home. When she turned twenty-six, she felt time was running out. In most conventional nunneries the nuns were eighteen or nineteen years old; thus it was rare for a woman of her age to join. In the meantime, her parents arranged to have her meet several suitors and were eager for her to get married. She did not wish to hurt her parents’ feelings, but she had no desire to marry. When she informed them of her decision, her mother could not understand why she wanted to become a nun because she was very pretty and always liked to dress up. Her mother asked, “You are so pretty. How can you think of becoming a nun?” But since her mother had often gone to Buddhist temples to worship in her youth, she did not raise a strong opposition, though it made her sad. Her father, on the other hand, took it very hard. After she joined Incense Light, he would go to visit her, but every time he came home, he would cry. This went on for over a month; her mother told her that he cried every day. He had not done this even after his mother had passed away. When she joined the community, the number of nuns was still small. She felt EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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it was like a big family, and the nuns were like sisters. All of them could sit around one round table at mealtime. In those days, besides their activities at the Incense Light Temple, the nuns had to perform Buddhist services at the Fojiao Huiguan in Chiayi and the Purple Bamboo Retreat in Kaohsiung. Every year for the seventh month of the lunar calendar (the Ghost Festival), the fourth month (the Buddha’s birthday), and the lunar New Year, the nuns had to go to those three places to perform Buddhist services. The seventh month was the busiest. After they finished performing one service at the Incense Light Temple, they gathered the pots, oil lamps, canvas coverings, leftover vegetables, and other ritual equipment in boxes to go to the Retreat. When they finished the service at the Retreat, they had to rush back to the temple. Every time they traveled back and forth between Chiayi and Kaohsiung by train or bus, people would know that they were from Incense Light because each nun was carrying several boxes and bundles. It was only after 1986 as the economic situation of Incense Light improved that the three temples did not have to share implements and equipment. As she recalled it, the identity of the community developed gradually. In the early days, there was just the Incense Light Temple. Only from 1985 was there talk of an Incense Light Bhikşuņī Sangha. In September of that year, the nuns met for ten days in preparation for Chen Yi’an’s visit and discussed their order’s goals and mission. In the next few years, with the introduction of outside resources, the community began to think about ways to highlight its identity. Two developments played a role in this. The first was the building of a Purple Bamboo Retreat at a new site in Kaohsiung. Xinzhi had been teaching college students in Kaohsiung at the old Retreat even before she came to Incense Light Temple. When she left the community permanently in 1990, she returned to the old location, which was by then an apartment building. But in 1985 when the adult classes began, the space was insufficient to accommodate the number of students. A new site was located in 1987 and the building project lasted five years. The completion of the new Retreat in 1992 marked a new chapter in the history of Incense Light. The second development was the creation of the order’s logo—three incense sticks encircled by light with the motto “Vow of Compassion, Harmonious Cooperation, Active Striving”—to represent the community. This came into use in 1991. Z3 was assigned the job of supervising the construction of the new Retreat in 1986, and she stayed at the site and retained this same responsibility until 1994. The project took five years because the architects hired to do the work had a hard time translating the themes of the Lotus Sūtra into the concrete design of a building. Both Xinzhi and Wuyin were devoted to the sutra, and that was why it was decided that the Retreat should be a visual representation of its ideas. Z1 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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became involved in the project with suggestions to consider the building styles of both Catholic churches and the Japanese new religion, Risshō Kōsseikai. She also introduced the architects who undertook the work. However, the day-to-day task of supervising the construction was the responsibility of Z3. She found it challenging because she knew nothing about construction. Once the building project had been completed, her next assignment was to teach Buddhist adult classes, which she did for three years. This was another challenge. Teaching classes was a big change from keeping accounts and dealing with construction workers. She was quite nervous about standing in front of fifty students and found preparing and explaining lessons clearly to her classes difficult. For the first half of the semester, she was constantly sick and found it hard to be at peace psychologically. She also suffered from the loss of her grandfather in 1994, and then both her parents became ill in 1995. Her mother recovered, but her father’s illness was more serious. He started kidney dialysis in 1996 and had to be operated on in 1997. She knew there was not much she could do to help, but she still worried about him. Both parents became Buddhists after she became a nun, and this sustained them spiritually. She finished teaching and was reassigned to be the guest prefect of Incense Light Temple in 1997. By then she had been living away from the temple for over ten years and returned to find the relationship with the villagers changed a great deal. In the early years the villagers had treated the nuns well. They taught them how to plant vegetables and trim the trees. When they came to the temple to offer incense, they would sit with the nuns to chat. Xinzhi was friendly with the villagers and often went to their homes with a few nuns to visit. But now the situation was completely different. Z3 came back during the 2.18 Incident, when the villagers attempted to take back the temple. Since her job as the guest prefect was to repair the relationship with the villagers, this presented her another big challenge. In her conversations with them, she heard many complaints against the community. The villagers felt that unlike Xinzhi, who made an effort to engage with them, the nuns now kept aloof and offered little contact. They accused the nuns of being proud because they were college graduates and looking down on them because they were not educated. In an effort to remedy the situation, Z3 organized a summer camp for the elementary school children of the villages. Of the ninety who registered, only forty to fifty came because their parents did not trust the nuns. She realized that much work had to be done to mend relations. Of all the nuns I interviewed, Z3 was assigned the most varied of jobs. This can be taken as a sign of her personal capabilities, but her story also illustrates why some nuns felt the pressure of work increased their sense of spiritual unease. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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I interviewed J4,6 who can be regarded as belonging to the next cohort of nuns. She was born in 1960 and joined the community in 1985. She grew up in the countryside in central Taiwan. Both her grandfather and father were farmers. Eventually her parents moved to the north and sold fruit. J4 was the eldest of five children. When she graduated from elementary school, her teacher asked whether she wanted to continue schooling or go to work. She said that she would go to work. But the teacher convinced her father to allow her to continue in school because she was a good student and could get financial assistance. After she graduated middle school, she went to work at a computer company. She was fifteen years old. She earned 3,000 NT dollars a month and lived in the company dormitory. But the work was very hard and she switched jobs, going to work as an accountant in a trading company. While there, with the encouragement of her female boss, she enrolled in the night division of a college, majoring in business. Like children in most Taiwanese families, J4 did not have any specific religious upbringing and did not know the difference between popular religion and Buddhism. Her introduction to Buddhism came from a classmate in middle school who was a vegetarian and invited J4 to visit Buddhist temples with her. This classmate also gave her a copy of the biography of Hongyi, the Vinaya master. J4 was very moved by Hongyi’s life. After she was admitted to college, she joined a Buddhist studies society in her freshman year and began to study Buddhism. She was attracted by the writings of the Pure Land master Yinguang. Although she was already thinking of leaving home in her junior year, because Yinguang said that women did not have to become monastics, she hesitated. But when she was about to graduate, she decided to join the monastic order. She did not know which temple to go to and asked the president of her Buddhist studies society, who told her to go to Incense Light Temple because she was from Chiayi. When she visited the temple, she was very pleased to see a large group of educated young nuns (at that time about fifty) who all seemed very happy. Therefore, even before she met Xinzhi and Wuyin she had already decided to join Incense Light. When she told her parents about her decision, they were at first upset. Taiwanese people considered monks and nuns people who “ate bitter vegetables.” They suspected it must be due to some unhappiness in her life that she chose this path. They told her that she could worship the Buddha and keep a vegetarian diet at home. Her answer was that she wanted to learn about and practice Buddhism together with a group who shared the same ideals, and Incense Light was an organization where she could do so. Her parents eventually agreed. Looking back on the changes the community had undergone since 1985, J4 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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felt the introduction of the ICA teaching method was probably the most important. This was because it was used in both the seminary and the Buddhist adult classes. She explained that the method was like a pyramid. It was called in shorthand, “objectivity, subjectivity, meaning, existence” (ke zhu yi cun). It divided the process of learning into four stages. The first stage was object recognition, which was the easiest part. For instance, when one was shown a pen and asked what color it was, one could answer that the pen was blue or white. At this stage, everyone in the class could participate. The second stage was subject perception, which asked the student what this color made him/her think. It asked what associations the color white might call forth. This would expose one’s hidden feeling and inspire ideas to emerge. The third stage was hermeneutics. One would say that a pen could record history, but what was the function of history? This was the most difficult part, because only those who had thought deeply could answer this question. Finally, the fourth stage was existence, which was none other than revelation. What kind of inspiration could a person get from a pen? This was the deepest level, and very few people could understand and respond. One could apply this method to an article or even a few characters. Thus in a Buddhist studies class of fifty, for example, every student could participate according to his/her own level of understanding. While everyone could participate in the first stage, very few could do so at the fourth stage. It was like a pyramid. There were no right or wrong answers, and it encouraged everyone to express his/her own views. Another characteristic of “conscious conversation,” the teaching method introduced by ICA, was the use of props, as mentioned previously. This was because images could be more easily remembered than words. J4 often used props to teach central Buddhist ideas. For instance, in teaching patience, one of the six perfections of the bodhisattva, she wanted to impress on the students its crucial importance. She would tell the students that to do meditation every day, even for ten minutes, was better than sitting for one hour if they did not do it for a long time on other days. To make a deep impression on them, she showed them a rosary and told them about the importance of the thread that strings the rosary together. Meditation is like the thread of patience. Just as the rosary would not be a rosary if there were no thread, one could not become a Buddha without constant and persistent patience in practicing meditation. She found this teaching method very effective. She applied it in other ways as well. She would ask students to write an obituary for themselves. Or she would ask the students to write an autobiography describing their life from childhood to their study, marriage, and work in society. By sharing these, the students were helped to reflect on their lives. Her main concern for the future of the community was the static and even EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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dwindling enrollment in the Buddhist adult classes. In recent years, adult education had become widely offered across society. People had more choices and the Buddhist adult classes had therefore encountered competition and enrollments had declined. Attracting students became an urgent task. There had been talk of making the teaching available through other media, for instance, radio or TV. There was also a suggestion that the community should take a more activist role in educating the public about orthodox Buddhism. In the 1980s and 1990s a number of religious cults tried to recruit believers in Taiwan. Although it was fine to tell students in the Buddhist adult classes that they should keep away from them, it was another matter to proclaim them to be heterodox on TV. Taiwan being a democratic society, one must respect the freedom of speech and religion. And one must always be wary of being charged with libel. Since she took over outreach in Kaohsiung, she had also thought of new ways to reach a broader audience. In March 1998 the CEO of a life insurance company in Chiayi died in an accident. One of the employees of the company had been a student in the Buddhist adult classes and was someone she had taught before. He asked the community to send nuns to lead employees in chanting the Dizang Sūtra. Although this came at a very busy time, she complied. To her amazement, twenty to thirty employees of the company attended; they knew nothing about Buddhism, but still wanted their boss to have a Buddhist funeral. This made her think it might be good to reach out by actively cultivating social elites instead of waiting passively for people to come take the classes. Society was constantly changing, and the Incense Light community must adapt by changing as well.

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Conclusion

Incense Light, like Taiwanese Buddhism in general, is undergoing constant changes. The rise of this community was intimately connected with the social and economic conditions of Taiwan in the 1980s. Similarly, its present situation and its future prospects cannot be separated from what is happening in society at large. Economic prosperity led to both the flourishing of new Buddhist organizations and the mushrooming of new colleges and universities. As more women had the opportunity to receive higher education, some of them chose to remain single and pursue a professional career. As the stigma associated with remaining single faded, becoming a nun gained increased social acceptance. But if the “nuns’ miracle” resulted from the “economic miracle” in Taiwan three decades ago, what will happen when the economic base of Taiwan’s institutional Buddhism changes with the global economic downturn? As more and more couples in Taiwan choose to have fewer children or even just one child, will this make it harder for a daughter, not to mention a son, to become a monastic? In this concluding chapter, I will report on the current condition of the Incense Light community and offer some thoughts about its future direction. Twelve years after I first studied this community, many of the nuns I interviewed have branched out to either start their own centers or teach at Buddhist seminaries and secular universities. Mingjia left the community when in 2002 she was asked to head a temple in Tainan; there she has been teaching Goenka meditation exclusively. Xinzhi, having lived in the old Purple Bamboo Retreat for a number of years after leaving Incense Light Temple, finally had a new temple built in Kaohsiung. Many Incense Light nuns attended the opening ceremony in 2009. It was the first time that Xinzhi and Wuyin had met since the former left the community in 1990. Thus, of the three nuns who led Incense Light in the 1980s, two now have their own centers. Only Wuyin has remained to lead the Incense Light nuns. Although the official number of nuns is 143, only 102 are actively involved in the activities of the community.1 However, those who do not live or work in the organization have not formally left the community. Like J2 and J3 in the last chapter, they usually either teach or do research at different institutions or universities, but come back to attend important meetings, help out with Dharma gatherings, and participate in annual meditation retreats. I asked Wuyin several times why they were allowed to work elsewhere. Since they received financial supEBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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port for their graduate studies, should they not be obliged to return to Incense Light and work for the community? Wuyin’s answer is that as long as they make a contribution to Buddhism, it does not matter whether they do it at Incense Light or somewhere else. But when I asked those nuns who have returned from studying abroad, some of them told me that they were not asked to work at Incense Light and if they had been asked, they would have come back to the community. Wuyin’s leadership style eschews authority and she does not like to give orders. I wonder if this has resulted in some degree of miscommunication. The rapid growth of the community in the 1980s and early 1990s has slowed considerably in recent decades, averaging two new entrants each year. Many more activities and clubs now compete for the attention of today’s college students. Buddhist studies societies, which played such an important role in introducing college students to Buddhism, are having a much harder time attracting members. With the passing of Zhou Xuande, Li Bingnan, and Chanyun, no other dedicated laymen and charismatic Buddhist teachers have stepped forward to focus on teaching college students Buddhism. Buddhist classes for adults have continued, but enrollments have declined over the years. Even at the Purple Bamboo Retreat in Kaohsiung, the most important of the five subtemples, this holds true. According to the prior, elementary classes used to enroll 1,200 students chosen from 2,000 applicants. But for the first semester of the 2010 academic year, only 590 were admitted, half as many as before. This is due to the increased offerings by other Buddhist organizations. Although Incense Light was the first to establish a systematic program of Buddhist instruction for the general population, it is no longer the only one doing so. How to continue its mission of education and attract students to its Buddhist adult classes is therefore a present and future challenge. The nun teachers, in the meantime, face their own daunting challenges. Take the program at the Purple Bamboo Retreat, for example. There are six elementary classes, and each class has 100 students. Two nuns teach each class, with one serving as the instructor and the other as assistant instructor. They do not just teach, correct papers and exams, and answer questions in and outside the classroom. They also serve as counselors and even truant officers. If a student does not show up for class, the teacher has to call her at home to find out why she is absent and ask the student to attend classes regularly. No matter how shorthanded the program is, all the classes must be taught by the nuns themselves; no laypeople can substitute for them. The reason, it was explained to me, is that the purpose of the Buddhist adult classes is not simply to impart knowledge about Buddhism but also to teach the students how to live a Buddhist life for which the nun teacher’s personal example is key. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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In terms of its financial situation, however, Incense Light is clearly in good shape. During the last few years, the community has undertaken much new construction. A beautiful modern building of eight floors was completed in 2006 in Taipei to house the Yinyi Academy, which was previously located on one floor rented from a commercial building. The Great Incense Light Mountain Temple, which was converted from a local gentry estate, was completed in 2009. The new building in front of the old Incense Light Temple in Chiayi was also finally finished in 2008. In its Buddha hall, the large stupa that originally stood in front of the image of Śākyamuni Buddha has been removed in response to pressure from the faithful, who considered it inauspicious because it was connected with death. Śākyamuni Buddha is now flanked by two other buddhas, and the Buddha hall is no different from those in most other temples. The relationship with the villagers has become less tense. Both the elder and the younger Zeng, the ringleaders against the nuns during the 2.18 Incident, have died. The influx of agricultural products from China has depressed local farming, and most young people now leave the village to seek work elsewhere. As a result, the local power dynamic has changed. The nuns run summer camps for village children to teach them arts and crafts. When the parents drop off and pick up their children, they often stop to talk with the nuns. This has proved another way to build a bridge. Throughout the long history of Buddhism in China, monks and nuns have had to counter accusations that they are interested only in their own salvation and that they contribute little to the betterment of society. Due to the patriarchal nature of traditional society, nuns were even more marginalized than monks. Only in the last quarter of the twentieth century in Taiwan did the situation change dramatically. The message of Humanistic Buddhism has focused consistently on social reconstruction based on the purification of humanity and the betterment of the community. Highly educated nuns are the foot soldiers of this crusade. Yet paradoxically, these independent nuns, with rare exceptions such as Zhaohui, do not consider themselves feminists, nor do they identify with feminism in Taiwan (DeVido 2010, 26–27). Fully confident that women can do things that men do, and nuns should be led by nuns not by monks, Wuyin and the nuns I interviewed aspire to become da zhangfu (heroic man). But although they deny their femininity, they still essentialize that femininity. When asked why there are more nuns than monks in Taiwan, Wuyin explained that because women are by nature more patient, gentle, kind, and capable of endurance and sacrifice, they are more attracted to Buddhism because these characteristics correspond closely to Buddhist ideals. For the same reason, nuns can live together more harmoniously EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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in the temple, and they tend not to return to lay life as often as monks. This contradiction—negating their femininity while simultaneously essentializing it—is not unique to Incense Light, but has also been expressed by nuns of other communities (DeVido 2010, 76, 113). Taiwan has been greatly influenced by globalization. Large Buddhist organizations such as Compassion Relief (Ciji), Buddha Light (Foguang), and Dharma Drum (Fagu) all have branches in different parts of the world and strive to reach a global audience. Compared to these organizations, the small Incense Light community has not been able to establish branches abroad, although it is equally influenced by this trend. Responding to the forces of globalization, the emphasis of the Incense Light curriculum, both in the seminary and in its adult classes, is more activist than theoretical; in this it is similar to the lectures and television programs sponsored by other Buddhist groups. Humanistic Buddhism, a local product that addresses specific problems faced by Buddhism in Taiwan, is paradoxically universal in its outlook. Under Wuyin’s leadership, the Incense Light nuns have not particularly focused on either the history or the unique characteristics of Chinese Buddhism. As their textbooks make clear, they are far more interested in the “original teachings” of the Buddha and the common tenets of all Buddhist traditions. Another clear indication of the Incense Light nuns’ willingness to learn from other Buddhist traditions is their current fascination with non-Chinese forms of meditation. Although Wuyin learned Chan meditation from Baisheng and had actually taught Chan and Pure Land meditation during the annual retreats in the 1980s and 1990s, the community has since embraced the methods of the southern or Theravādin Buddhist tradition. In the late 1990s they practiced Goenka’s vipaśyanā meditation, but since 2002 the community has been using the method taught by the Burmese monk Pa-Auk Sayādaw or U Archin (1934-) at their annual winter meditation retreats. Pa-Auk was invited to Taiwan to teach meditation twice, first from April 17 to June 16, 1998, and again from April 6 to May 20, 1999. A nun from the Incense Light community participated in the first session and found it effective. Through her introduction, other nuns participated in the second session, and soon some of them went to Burma to study at Pa-Auk’s Forest Monastery; when they returned they recommended that the community adopt this method. PaAuk bases his teaching on Pali sutras, commentaries, and in particular, the text Visudhimagga (Path of purification) written by Buddhaghoşa in the fifth century. He believes that a person can achieve nirvana in this very life and meditation is the only way to reach this goal. While he teaches both insight (vipaśyanā) and EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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concentration ( jhāna) meditation, he recommends that one should start with jhāna and only later practice vipaśyanā (Pa-Auk Sayādaw 2000, 36). This teaching provides the students with a detailed and systemic map of meditative states. The nuns find it clear because it explains the definite signs and physical sensations one experiences on reaching a certain level of concentration. The meditation objects used most often are the breath, kasina (colored disks), white bones, and the impurity of the body. Unlike Chan, which discourages conscious expectations, this method requires one to work hard to obtain these signs and sensations as verification of success. Individual nuns are allowed to use traditional meditation methods such as Chan and Pure Land for their own practice. The community as a whole, however, is committed to Pa-Auk’s method. Since Theravāda is the only surviving tradition of early Buddhism, the promotion of its meditation method taught by its contemporary teachers, like the stress put on the study and observance of Vinaya, provides another example of the community’s interest in going back to “original Buddhism.” This is of course not limited to Incense Light, for one can find similar interests among other Buddhist groups in Taiwan. One can refer to this phenomenon as “Buddhist fundamentalism” in a loose sense. It refers to the urge to return to the original teachings of the Buddha preserved in the Āgamas and Vinayas. It holds the belief that enlightenment can be achieved by a systematic methodology open to both monastics and laypeople. Perhaps even more strongly, Buddhist fundamentalists advocate both monastic and lay education, as we have seen in the case of Dharmapala’s Maha Bodhi Society discussed earlier. By assuming the public position of religious teachers to laypeople, the Incense Light nuns have broken new ground. The renewed energy of Buddhism in Taiwan derives in no small measure from the participation of large numbers of laypeople. Traditionally, lay Buddhists followed masters of particular Buddhist schools and practiced Pure Land, or Chan, or some other tradition. But when the Incense Light community emphasizes neither Chinese Buddhist history nor Chinese Buddhist meditation traditions, can it be said to represent Chinese or Taiwanese Buddhism? One of the reasons the community took hold in the 1980s was the lack of any preexisting Buddhist tradition at the Incense Light Temple. This allowed Wuyin and her nuns to experiment and create their own tradition over the years. Might this freedom become a liability? Can a community establish a distinctive identity if it keeps changing its meditative practices? Meditation, after all, has always been the very core of Buddhism and what defines someone as a Buddhist. Will the laypeople be able to devote themselves to the rigorous training involved in attaining the jhānic states? What about EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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the nuns who cannot achieve the desired result? Will they feel inadequate and disheartened? With a history of some thirty years, the Incense Light community is still a young organization. But Wuyin is now seventy-two, and the first cohorts of nuns are in their fifties. No one has emerged to succeed her. Still, compared with other Buddhist organizations such as Ciji, Foguang, and Dharma Drum, the crisis of succession is not so pressing. From Incense Light’s early days, all major decisions have been made collectively through discussions at meetings attended by all nuns. If a proposal made by Wuyin did not meet with approval, it would be shelved. Incense Light nuns belong to the oldest lineage of nuns in the world; they are the inheritors of the light of Buddhadharma. Whether they will be able to pass along that light is something only history can tell.

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Notes

Chapter 1: Introduction 1. Two more sequels were compiled in the Ming, the Biographies of Eminent Monks of the Great Ming (Da Ming gaoseng zhuan) by Ruxing and the Supplementary Continuation of Biographies of Eminent Monks (Buxu gaseng zhuan) by Minghe. There is finally the New Continuation of Biographies of Eminent Monks by Yuqian, written in the Republican period. By comparison, these later collections are not as famous. 2. This is attributed to Harivarman (c. 250–350, said to be a disciple of Kumāralāta), and translated into Chinese by Kumārajīva. It is a scholarly text that categorizes all factors of cognitive experience into eighty-four types. It gives extensive treatment to the concept of emptiness, asserting that all existence is nominal in a way that is close to that of Mahāyāna. The doctrine of this work is to be regarded as the pinnacle of philosophical development attained by the Hīnayāna schools, and thus constitutes a transitional stage between Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna. It teaches the attainment of nirvana through the destruction of attachment to names, elements, and emptiness, yet its understanding of emptiness is still analytical emptiness, rather than the “essential emptiness” of the later Mahāyāna schools. The Sanskrit source text is not extant (see the Digital Dictionary of Buddhism [hereafter DDB]). 3. Jushe lun, known by its popular title, Abidamo jushe lun, was written by Vasubandhu (Ch. Shiqin) between the fourth and fifth centuries, and exists in two Chinese translations. One of these was by Xuanzang (602–664) and was translated between 651 and 654 (thirty fascicles; see Taishō shinshū daizōkyō [hereafter Taishō] 1558, vol. 29), the other was by Paramārtha (Ch. Zhendi, 499–569), translated sometime between 563 and 567 (twenty-two fascicles; Taisho 1559, vol. 29). The contents of these translations are divided into nine sections: (1) the realm of reality, (2) root, (3) the world of sentient beings, (4) action, (5) afflictions, (6) bodhisattva path, (7) wisdom, (8) meditative concentration practices, and (9) no-self. 4. Dasabhūmikabhāśya (twelve fascicles; Taisho 1522.26.123b–203b). Written by Vasubandhu, translated into Chinese by Bodhiruci and others in the sixth century; also called the Shidi lun and Dilun. An extensive explanation of the gist of the “Ten Stages” chapter of the Huayan jing that covers many topics, such as the eight consciousnesses, the three bodies of the Buddha, the three cumulative rules of discipline, the cause and effect aspects of buddhahood, etc. The Chinese Dilun school was established based on this treatise, and the Huayan school used it to explain many of its teachings (Skt. daśa-bhūmi-vyākhyāna); see DDB. 5. The poem is found in Qingshi ze compiled by Zhang Yingchang (1790–1869). The translation appears in Grant 2009, 2. 6. These rules vary slightly according to different schools. However, they generally include the following: a nun shall honor every monk as her senior, even if she has been ordained for a hundred years, and he one day; during the rainy season retreat, she shall not reside in EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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a district where there are no monks; the nuns shall schedule their Observance Day in line with the monks; a nun shall invite criticism at the end of the rainy season retreat from both the nuns’ and the monks’ assemblies; she shall undergo penance (temporary probation) for a serious offense before both assemblies; a female postulant must undergo a two-year novitiate and then seek ordination from both assemblies; a nun shall not verbally abuse a monk; and whereas monks are allowed formally to reprove nuns, nuns may not reprove monks (Robinson and Johnson 1997, 74–75).

Chapter 2: The Beginning of the Incense Light Community 1. Lagerwey uses a different character, xue 穴, to refer to such a place: “It is a kind of ‘magnet pole’ or ‘focal point’ for the energies of the earth, called ‘dragons.’ Every space had such a vital point, and successful investment of space therefore, whether in the form of houses for the living or the dead or of temples or open-air tan for the gods, depended on identification of that point and capture of its energies. The sites of greatest vitality were usually left to the gods, for it was felt the energy concentrated at such points was too much for humans—especially living humans—to bear” (Lagerwey 2010, 161–162).

Chapter 3: Wuyin, the Guiding Light of the Community 1. The seven were (1) you must renounce the householder’s life and the secular world and behave like a monk. Only then can you receive the precepts for a bhikşu. (2) You must not wear ordinary clothing but a robe if you want to receive the bhikşu precepts. Unless you can have a robe made within three days, you can only receive the five precepts for a lay Buddhist. (3) No matter whether you are a lay believer or a monk, you must have a monk serve as your teacher. If you have a layperson as your teacher, you must immediately change this. Otherwise you cannot receive the precepts. (4) After you receive the precepts for a lay believer, you cannot accept anyone as your disciple. (5) You cannot ask somebody else to receive the precepts for you. (6) If you follow a heterodox path, you must make a vow to change to the orthodox way. (7) You must never smoke, drink, or eat meat from the day you receive the precepts (Baisheng 1992, 36). 2. I interviewed Wuyin eleven times between January and May of 1998, each session lasting two hours. All the information here is based on the transcripts of the interviews unless indicated otherwise. 3.

See Shinsan dainihon zoku zōkyō (“Continued Tripitaka”) I.84:4.

4. From the transcript of a talk she gave on September 10, 1995, which was published as “Zishu” in Fanwang ji, vol. 48, 13. 5. Although the Tripitaka Buddhist Seminary was one of the earliest seminaries in Taiwan, the problems it faced continue to plague other seminaries. Because there were no uniform entrance requirements, students’ educational backgrounds varied greatly, making it difficult for the teachers. Some seminary students found it hard to adjust to living in their home EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Notes to Pages 60–77

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temples upon graduation and often went elsewhere. This in turn alarmed the temples where potential students could be recruited, and they did not continue to send students. 6. This refers to the Tiandai sijiaoyi (Korean: Cheontae sagyo ui) by Chegwan (d. 970) (Taishō 1931.46.773–780), which discusses the essential teachings of the Tiantai school. 7. Written by Zhixu (1599–1655), a Tiantai master, on the essential doctrines ( jiao) and meditation methods ( guan) of the Tiantai school. He titled the work this way (Ch. Jiaoguan gangzong) because these two, doctrinal understanding and meditational practice, are equally emphasized in the Tiantai tradition. 8. There are three sutras on Dizang: the Da fangkuang shilun jing (Taishō 13.410.681a–720a); the Dasheng daji Dizang shilun jing, translated by Xuanzang (602–664) (Taishō 13.411.721a–777c); and the Dizang pusa benyuan jing (Sūtra on the past vows of Dizang Bodhisattva), attributed to Śikşananda (652–710) (Taishō 13.412.777c–790a). The last one is most popular and best known in China today. This is most likely the one referred to here.

Chapter 4: College Buddhist Studies Societies 1. Zhengdao ge (Taishō 2014), being the abbreviated title of Yongjia zhengdao ge, was composed by Yongjia Xuanjue (665–713), a Tiantai master of the early Tang dynasty. The text is a collection of 247 poems. It is one of the early Chan texts describing the actualization of the Tathāgata Chan. 2. Miaohui tongnü jing is sometimes redacted as the Miaohui tongnü hui, a section of the Mahāratnakūta Sūtra (Taishō 310) translated into Chinese by Bodhiruci during the Tang dynasty. It is also known as the Xumoti jing (Taishō 334). In answer to the eight-year-old girl Miaohui, the Buddha describes the four kinds of action and moral qualities of a bodhisattva. It turns to an exchange between Miaohui and Manjusrī in which she says that the characteristics of a female cannot be found and thereby denies the possibility that a woman can achieve enlightenment. She then transforms her body into that of a thirty-year-old male and receives Buddha’s prediction that she will become a fully enlightened buddha in the future. 3. Shishan yedao jing (Taishō 600), attributed to Śikşānanda, who arrived in China during the early Tang dynasty, is a sutra with a short annotation; it appears in the “Shide liudu pin” section in the Hai Longwang jing (Taishō 598) and consists of one volume. This sutra relates the Buddha’s sermon that explains the ten kinds of good behavior for a dragon king. It also relates the idea that by ceasing to have any connection with the ten kinds of evil deeds, people can obtain benefits through the ten kinds of good conduct. 4. Torch of Wisdom, nos. 302 and 303 (September 1989) were devoted to articles about Zhou. Among them, the most important were written by his son, the committee in charge of his funeral, and the monk Renjun; there is also a short memoir written by Zhou himself. I use these as the basis for this section. 5. Ba daren jue jing (Taishō 779) is attributed to An Shigao, one of the earliest translators of Buddhist texts in the late Han dynasty. It consists of one volume. This sutra lists EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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the eight kinds of awareness possessed by a “great person” and lays out the ways disciples of Buddha can lead all sentient beings to attain buddhahood. The types of awareness listed are as follows: (1) awareness of the impermanence of this world; (2) awareness of being satisfied with afflictions; (3) awareness of lack of mind; (4) awareness of indolence; (5) awareness of foolishness; (6) awareness of suffering; (7) awareness of being blamed and satisfied with misfortune; and (8) awareness of birth and death. 6. The following is based on articles written in his memory collected in Torch of Wisdom 264 ( June 1986) after Li’s death at the age of ninety-seven. 7. “Medicine” is a euphemism for the evening meal. Since one is not supposed to eat anything after the noon meal according to the Vinaya, eating in the evening is to prevent one from becoming ill. That is why it is called “medicine.” One takes the food as medicine and does not savor it. 8. This is an abbreviated title for Dasheng baifa mingmen lun (Taishō 1614). It is attributed to Vasubandhu, and Xuanzang is the translator. It is a commentary on the one hundred dharmas of the Yogācāra school. All phenomena are subsumed under five categories of dharma: mind, mental factors, form, factors not associated with mind, and absolute dharmas. 9.

Taocheng (first issue) (1986): 52.

10. Taishō 66. This is attributed to Śikşānanda, who was active during the early Tang dynasty. It is a short sutra contained in the “Ten virtues and six perfections” chapter of the Sūtra of the Dragon Kings of the Ocean (Hai Longwang jing; Taishō 598). It relates the Buddha’s sermon to the dragon kings, teaching them the ten kinds of good behavior and the benefits accrued from refraining from committing ten kinds of evil deeds. 11. Wuguan is a shortened version of wu ting xin guan or the five objects of meditation. These settle the mind and rid it of the five errors of desire, hate, ignorance, the self, and a wayward or confused mind. The five meditations are meditation on impurity, compassion, causality, right discrimination, and breathing. Some substitute meditation on the Buddha in place of the fourth; another listing puts breathing first, and there are other differences (see DDB).

Chapter 5: Incense Light Buddhist Seminary for Nuns 1. The Hasshū kōyō, by Gyōnen, in two fascicles, was completed in 1286. A broad introductory sketch gives the history, doctrine, and major teachers of the eight schools that were transmitted to Nara Buddhism in Japan, and is popular as an introduction to Buddhism for serious students in Japan to the present day. This work, while valuable as a source of facts, contains a strong bias in that it completely omits any discussion of Korea in the transmission of Buddhism from China to Japan. It has been translated into English by Leo Pruden in the Numata project under the title Essentials of the Eight Traditions (see DDB). 2. By Xuanzang. This text is not found in the Taishō, though a commentary on it by Putai that reiterates the root text is found at Taishō 1865.45.467–476, entitled Bashi guiju buzhu. It covers similar topics to the Cheng weishi lun but is organized somewhat differently. An EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Notes to Pages 123–151

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English translation of Xuanzang’s root text by Ronald Epstein can be found on his Web site: http://userwwwsfsu.edu/~melville/Welcome.html. See DDB. 3. This is a famous text written by Tson-kha-pa (1357–1419), the founder of the Gelugpa (Yellow Hat) sect of Tibetan Buddhism. It is a treatise on the path of the bodhisattva that emphasizes the importance of moral discipline. 4. Laiguo (1881–1953) was a famous Chan master active in the twentieth century. He is often mentioned together with Xuyun (1840?–1959). 5. Taishō 1862. A text written by Huizhao (648–714), a disciple of the Faxiang master Xuanzang. It encourages readers to give rise to the thought for enlightenment (bodhicitta) by observing the Vinaya. It consists of three parts: awakening the thought for enlightenment, keeping precepts, and bodhisattva practices. 6. Taishō 1670. A text written in the first century before the Common Era; the translator is unknown. There are two themes found in the sutra: rebirth and no-self. 7. This is the Da anban shouyi jing, in two fascicles, Taishō 602. Translation by An Shigao in the Later Han dynasty (CE 148–170). Also known as Anban jing and Anban shouyi jing, it refers to the meditative practice of observing the breathing, as listed, for example, as shuxiguan among the wuting xin’guan. This is the practice of observing exhalation (āna) and inhalation (āpanna) as a way of stilling the mind. The technique is explained in detail in the six contexts of counting of breaths, according, cessation, observation, return, and purification. Much of the structure of the discourse in the first fascicle is carried out through an explanation of the words composing the title; i.e., the words an, ban, and shouyi are each explained as having several connotations relevant to the practice. See DDB.

Chapter 6: Buddhist Adult Classes 1. Taiwan’s land reform took place in three phases. The first, starting in 1949, saw rents reduced to 37.5 percent and landlords required to give six-year leases. The farmers now had an improved income and at least some security of tenure. This also had the immediate effect of lowering land prices since the returns were now lower, which later facilitated the process of land redistribution. Further, during times of crop failure, tenants could apply for a reduction in their rent. The tenant also acquired the right of first refusal if the landowner attempted to sell the land. In the second phase (1951), public lands were sold to the farmers at a fixed rate of 2.5 times the average yield. These were lands that had been abandoned by the Japanese and taken over by the government; they represented 20 percent of the arable land. Each farmer could buy .5-2.5 hectares of paddy land and 1-4 mu dry fields. The farmer was loaned the money and could repay in kind over ten years. Some 266,000 families received land in this phase. The third phase (1953) was “land to the tiller” proper. The landowners were forced to sell all their land over a small amount on the same terms the government had sold its own land, a price of 2.5 times the yield, and 166,000 families received land under this phase. So in total, about 432,000 families came into possession of their own land. The tenancy rate dropped from 64 percent to 17 percent, and the farmers were now paying 25 percent for ten EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Notes to Pages 161–209

years rather than 50 percent forever. The results were dramatic. Farm production increased as farmers used more fertilizer, went to multiple cropping, with as many as four crops per year, and diversified production to higher-value but more labor-intensive crops. Production increased at an annual rate of 5.6 percent from 1953 through 1970 (Griffin 2002, 304). 2. The Buddhist classes for adults are open to everybody. As far as I know, there is no requirement that the students who enroll must become believers. 3. The four methods that bodhisattvas employ to approach and save people: (1) “charitable offerings” (dāna), these can be either material or nonmaterial, such as preaching the dharma or giving what others like in order to lead them to listen and receive the truth; (2) “loving words” ( priyavacana), using kind words to guide people; (3) “beneficial conduct” (arthakrtya), benefiting sentient beings through one’s acts of body, speech, and mind; (4) working together (samānârthatā), putting oneself on the same level as others and participating alongside them in activities; for a bodhisattva, therefore, it can mean assuming the same form as the sentient beings to be saved. See Mohe zhiguan (Taishō 1911, vol. 46:3b11), and Śrīmālā Sūtra (Taishō 353, vol. 12:217c5).

Chapter 7: Profiles of Individual Nuns 1.

Interviewed on April 4, June 27 and 30, 1998, for six hours all together.

2. By 1998, when I conducted this research, twenty nuns had left the community since 1981. They had different reasons. The most common one was that they could not adjust to monastic life (seven), followed by the desire to pursue academic study (five). Three were forced to return home by their family soon after they became tonsured. Two returned to Singapore after they graduated from the seminary. One left for health reasons, one was told to leave because she disturbed others, and one was told to leave for stealing. 3. Interviewed on March 21, 1998, when she returned to Incense Light Temple for a visit. She later sent me a two-page chronology of her study, duties, and work in her days at Incense Light. It is in this document that she listed her setbacks and disappointments. I interviewed her again on June 7, 2010, at Great Incense Light Mountain. 4. This was what she said to me on June 7, 2010, when I visited Great Incense Light Mountain at Daxi near Taipei. 5.

Interviewed on July 13, 1998.

6. Interviewed on June 2, 1998, at the Purple Bamboo Retreat in Kaohsiung, where she was serving as the head of the social education group, an outreach arm of the Retreat directed at society at large.

Conclusion 1. I learned this from Jianxiang, who manages affairs relating to the nuns. She gave me this information on June 5, 2010. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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Glossary

andan 安單 Anhui Xueyuan 安慧學苑 Ba daren jue jing 八大人覺經 Baifa mingmen lun 百法明門論 baguan jie 八關戒 Baisheng 白聖 bajingfa 八敬法 Banshan Yan 半山岩 baojuan 寶卷 Baosheng Dadi 保生大帝 Bashi guiju song 八識規矩頌 Bazong gangyao 八宗綱要 beiyuan 悲願 bianfu ku 蝙蝠窟 Bini riyong xieyao 毘尼日用切耍 Budai Heshang 布袋和尚 bujiaosuo 佈教所 busa 布薩 caigu 菜姑 Changlu Zongze 長蘆宗頤 changzhu changzhu 常住常住 chanqi 禪七 Chanyuan qinggui 禪苑清規 Chanyun 懺雲 Chengfo zhi dao 成佛之道 Chengshi 成實 Chixiu Baizhang qinggui 敕修百丈清規 chushi 出世 Cibei xuepanchan 慈悲血盆懺 Cihung 慈航 Ciji Gongde Hui 慈濟功德会 Dabeichan Fahui 大悲懺法會 dabei shui 大悲水 Dabeizhou 大悲咒 dadaoxin 大道心 Dagang Shan 大崗山 Dahui 大慧 Dahui Foxueshe 大慧佛學社 daogu 道姑

Daoxuan 道宣 Daxiangguan Shan 大香光山 Daxian Si 大仙寺 da zhangfu 大丈夫 Dazhidu lun 大智度論 Dazhuan xuesheng zaijie xuehui jiexing heji 大專學生齋戒學會解行合集 Dinghui Xueyuan 定慧學苑 dingkou qian 丁口錢 Dizang benyuan jing 地藏本願經 Dongchu 東初 Dongshan Si 東山寺 Duti Jianyue 讀体見月 er yiba shijian 二一八事件 Ernü yingxiung zhuan 兒女英雄傳 fagui 法規 Fagu Shan 法鼓山 fahui 法會 faming 法名 fanbei 梵唄 fangxia 放下 Fanwang ji 梵網集 Fazang si 法藏寺 Fengshenbang 封神榜 Feng Zikai 豐子愷 Foguang Shan 佛光山 fohua jiading 佛化家庭 fohua rensheng 佛化人生 Fojiao Huiguan 佛教會館 Fojiao Lianshe 佛教蓮社 foqi 佛七 fosan 佛三 foxueban 佛學班 Foxue jinquan 佛學今詮 foxueshe 佛學社 foxue yanduban 佛學研讀班 foxue yu xuefo 佛學與學佛 Foyijiao jing 佛遺教經 Fo zai renjian 佛在人間

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Glossary

ganbu 幹部 Gaofeng Yuanmiao 高峰原妙 genben jie 根本戒 Gengxin 耕心 gong’an 公案 gongde tang 功德堂 guagu 卦姑 guanxi 觀息 Guanyaowang Yaoshang erpusa jing 觀藥 王藥上二菩薩經 Guanyin Fozu 觀音佛祖 Guanyin Ma 觀音媽 guhui ta 骨灰塔 guixiang 跪香 Guo Moruo 郭沫若 guotang 過堂 Haichao yin 海潮音 hedan rulai jiaye 荷擔如來家業 hehe 和合 Hongyi 弘一 huachan 花禪 Huangshi nü baojuan 黃氏女寶卷 huatou 話頭 Huijiao 慧皎 Huiju 慧炬 Huineng 慧能 Huixiang jie 回向偈 Husheng huace 護生畫冊 Hu Ye 虎爺 jiandu simiao tiaoli 監督寺廟條例 jianwang 荐亡 jianyuan 監院 Jiaoguan gongzong 教觀綱宗 jiemen 解門 jie shanyuan 結善緣 jiexia anju 結夏安居 jiku 吉窟 jingchan 經懺 jinghua renxin 淨化人心 Jinglu nianfo hui 淨廬念佛會 jingxiu nianfo 靜修念佛 jin jiaoyi 金交椅 jinlu 金爐 jinzhong 金幢 Jisha Yansheng Yuan 磧沙延聖院

jixiang shi 吉祥逝 Jueding bini jing 決定毘尼經 Juesheng 覺生 Jushe lun 俱舍論 Kaijing jie 開經偈 ke zhu yi cun 客主義存 kunqu 昆曲 Laiguo Chanshi yulu 來果禪師語錄 li 理 Liang Qichao 梁啟超 Liaolian Si 了蓮寺 Li Bingnan 李炳南 Lingyin Si 靈隱寺 Li Shutong 李叔同 Liu Meisheng 劉梅生 lixing 力行 lohan kua 羅漢掛 longhua 龍華 Luo jiao 羅教 Luo Qing 羅清 luzhu 爐主 manhua 漫畫 Mazu 媽祖 Mei Guangxi 梅光羲 meipo 媒婆 Miaoguo 妙果 Miaohui dongnü jing 妙慧童女經 Mingjia 明迦 Minglun 明倫 Mingzong 明宗 Mituo Yuan 彌陀院 Miyun Yuanwu 密雲圓悟 Nanting 南亭 Naxian biqui jing 那先比丘經 neiguan 內觀 neixiu 內修 nianfo hui 念佛會 nianfo sanmei 念佛三昧 nigu 尼姑 nigu wang 尼姑王 Pai’an jingqi 拍案驚奇 Putidao zidi kuanglun 菩提道次第廣論 Puti shu 菩提樹 qingguei 清規 Qinghui Yan 清水巖

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Glossary

qingzhi 請執 Qiu Hanbing 丘漢平 Quanfa putixin wen 勸發菩提心文 Quanxue pian 勸學篇 raojing pingan 繞境平安 renjian fojiao 人間佛教 rensheng 人生 rensheng fojiao 人生佛教 rushi 入世 sancong side 三從 四德 sangu liupo 三姑六婆 sanqiwu jianzu 三七五減租 sanxue 三學 sanzang bu 三藏部 shanshu 善書 shanyu 善諭 shaoshen 燒身 Shengyan 聖嚴 shengyu 聖諭 shenhuo jiantao 生活檢討 Shidi jinglun 十地經論 shifang changzhu 十方常住 shifang xianqian 十方現前 shipo 師婆 Shipu Si 十普寺 Shishanye dao jing 十善業道經 Shisi jiangbiao 十四講表 Shisong lü 十誦律 Shuihu 水滸 shuji 書記 shuxi 數息 Si fan 思凡 Sifen lü 四分律 sijiaoyi 四教儀 sishefa 四攝法 Taixu 太虚 Tanmoxieduo 曇磨羯多 Taocheng 陶成 Tianyi 天乙 tuanze 團則 waihong 外弘 Wangsheng Zhuniantuan 往生助念團 Weijue 惟覺 wenpo 穩婆 wuting xinguan 五停心觀

223

Wubu liuce 五部六冊 wuguan 五觀 Wuyin 悟因 wucun shisan zhuang 五村十三莊 Xiangguang Biqiuni Foxueyuan 香光比 丘尼佛學院 Xiangguang Biqiuni Sengtuan 香光比丘 尼僧團 Xiangguang Jeye Wenjiao Jijinhui 香光伽 耶文教基金會 Xiangguang Nizhong Foxueyuan 香光尼 眾佛學院 xianqian xianqian 現前現前 xiantian 先天 xingmen 行門 xingjie 性戒 Xinglong Si 興隆寺 Xingyun 星雲 xintu dahui 信徒大會 Xinzhi 心志 Xuepen jing 血盆經 xueshini shijian 學士尼事件 Xuyun 虛雲 yapo 牙婆 yan 岩 Yang Wenhui 楊文會 Yanghui Xueyuan 養慧學苑 yankou 焰口 yaopo 藥婆 Yide Si 義德寺 Yinguang 印光 Yinshun 印順 Yinyi Xueyuan 印儀學苑 yishi huitan 意識會談 yixiang jiaoxue 意象教學 yixin buluan 一心不亂 yixin nianfo 一心念佛 yiyi 義邑 Yongjia Xuanjue 永嘉玄覚 yuanba 願疤 Yuanguang Foxueyuan 圓光佛學院 Yuanrong 圓融 Yuantong Xueyuan 圓通學苑 yuanzhu 缘主 Yufo Si 浴佛寺

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Glossary

Yunqi Zhuhong 雲棲袾宏 Yushan Yan 玉山岩 Yushan Yan Guanli Weiyuanhui 玉山岩 管理委員會 zaichang sengzhong 在場僧眾 Zanning 贊寧 zhaigu 齋姑 zhaijiao 齋教 zhaitang 齋堂 Zhaohui 昭慧 Zhaijie Xuehui 齋戒學會 Zhang Chengji 張澄基 Zhang Taiyan 章太炎 Zhang Zhidong 張之洞 Zhengdao ge 証道歌 Zhengfa nianchu jing 正法念處經 Zhengyan 証嚴 Zhenhua 震華 Zhenhua 真華 Zhiguang 智光 Zhina neixue yuan 支那內學院 Zhishi xice 執事細則

Zhixu 智旭 Zhongfeng Mingben 中峰明本 Zhongguo Fojiao Sanzang Xueyuan 中國 佛教三藏學院 Zhonghua Fojiao Wenhuaguan 中華佛教 文化館 Zhonghua Foxue Yanjiuso 中華佛學研 究所 Zhongtai shijian 中台事件 zhongxing 中性 Zhou Xuande 周宣德 Zhu Yizun 朱彝尊 Zhuangyan 莊嚴 zhuanxiu bu 專修部 zifeng 自焚 zihao 字號 zizai 自在 Zizhulin Jingshe 紫竹林精舍 ziziri 自恣日 zongjiao faren 宗教法人 zongjiao shi 宗教師

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Index

Abhidharma, 110, 191 Abhidharmakośa-bhāśya (Jushe lun), 10, 215n3 Academic Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts (Zhaijie Xuehui), 44, 69, 92, 101, 103, 188, 194, 195, 197, 199, 201; description of the program, 93–96 Adult education, 193, 208 Āgamas, 123, 161, 164, 213 Amitābha Buddha, 12, 17, 33, 40, 87, 150, 164; calling the name of, 86; Sūtra, 76, 90, 92, 97 Amitāyus, 8 Amplified Instruction on the Sacred Edict, 51 An Lingshou, 7 An Shigo, 132, 217n5, 219n7 Analects, 60 Ananda, 2 Anhui Academy, 150, 154 Arnold, Sir Edward, 108 Ashes Tower, 62, 65 Association for Defending Buddhism, 18 Avatamsaka (Flower Garland) Sūtra, 9, 10, 12, 89, 92, 110 Awakening Faith in Mahāyāna, 60, 111, 112 B.A. Nun Incident (xueshini shijian), 19 Baisheng, 43, 44, 50, 59, 65, 66, 105, 112, 115, 116, 123 Baizhang, 146, 147 Banshan Yan, 41 Baochang, 3–4, 8 Baosheng Dadi, 34, 43 Believers’s Assembly, 32, 37, 66 Bhikşuņī precepts, 123 Biographies of Eminent Monks, 2, 8 Biqiuni chuan. See Lives of Nuns, The Blood Pond Hell, 52, 54, 57; Sūtra, 52, 53 Bodhagaya, 25, 108, 134 Bodhi Tree (Puti shu), 77 Bodhiruci, 215n4, 217n2

Bodhisattva precepts, 123 Bodhisattva Precepts of the Brahma Net’s Sūtra, 111 Book of Rites, 147 Buddha Light Mountain (Foguang Shan), 1, 25, 42, 71, 194, 201, 211, 212, 214 Buddha Seven Retreat (Foqi), 189 Buddhaghoşa, 212 Buddha-invocation, 82, 85, 94, 132, 165, 167, 188, 196, 202; Assembly (nianfo hui), 43; meetings, 36; Retreat (Foqi), 97 Buddhism for Human Life (rensheng fojiao), 23 Buddhist adult classes (foxueban), 70, 81, 149, 191, 192; content of text book, 157–166; enrollment, 154–156; structure, 152–153; student essays, 171–180; student exams, 180–181; student testimonial speeches about, 181–184; teaching method of, 170 Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BAROC), 72, 108 Buddhist periodicals, publication of, 108 Buddhist rituals, 61, 62, 67, 130, 166 Buddhist services, 66, 67 Buddhist studies societies (foxueshe), 28, 72, 73, 74, 80, 188, 197, 201, 210; reflection of participants on, 98, 103–104; workshop schedule of, 99–103 Buddhist weddings, 141–142 California Institute of Integral Studies, 191 Catholic nuns, 65; churches, 205 Celestial Master Zhang, 35 Chan, Wing-tsit, 16 Chan Buddhism, 11, 12, 60, 67, 83, 85, 91, 112, 145, 174, 184; meditation, 47, 82, 123, 165, 200, 212, 213 Chan koans, 134 Chan Pure Rules, 145–147, 185, 190 Chan Seven (Chanqi), 130 Changlu Zongze, 146

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238

Index

Chanyun, 44, 69, 92, 100, 121, 184, 188, 194, 199, 210; life of, 96; views on teaching college students, 96–97 Chen Ruoxi, 19, 60 Chen Yi’an, 190, 204 Chikusa Massaki, 5, 8 Chinese Buddhism, 3, 23, 108, 192, 212 Chinese Buddhist nuns: lineage, 2, 214; low status, 141; negative images about, 14–16, 22–23; obstacle to study, 14; prejudice against, 14, 59 Chinese Buddhist Tripitaka Seminary, 43, 68 Chinese Metaphysical Institute (Zhinan Neixue Yuan), 109 Christianity, 6, 71, 108; missionaries, 106, 108, 109 Chung-hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies (Zhong Hua Foxue Yanjiuso), 116, 198 Cihung, 116 Civil examination system, 106 Code of Morality Governing the Daily Life of Monks and Nuns, 123 College of Chinese Culture, 65, 67, 81, 176 Colonel Olcott, 108 Commercial Press, 75 Compassion Light (Ciguang) Buddhist Lecture Series, 90, 97 Compassion Relief (Ciji), 1, 71, 212, 214 Completion of Ideation Only, 83 Confucian classics, 5, 85; education, 104; family values, 5; morality, 51; obligations, 56; virtues, 52 Confucianism, 4, 6, 84, 91, 99; and Buddhism, 83, 85, 104 Conscious conversation (yishi huitan), 45–46, 207 Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks, 2 Continued Lives of Nuns, 2, 11; religious practices of, 11–13 Crane, Hillary, 70 Cultivating the Mind (Gengxin), 171 Cultural Revolution, 20, 104 Cuntī Dhāranī, 67, 196 Da Ma, 33, 34 da zhangfu (heroic man), 13, 42, 70, 139, 211 Dagang Shan, 42 Dahui, 11, 13 Daoism, 4, 5, 6, 49, 99 Daoist metaphysics, 5

Daoxuan, 2, 4, 7, 137 Dark Learning (xuanxue), 4 Dashizhi, 33, 87 Daxian Si, 26, 41, 50, 134 Detailed rules of Job Rotation (Zhishi xice), 195 Dharma Drum Mountain (Fagu Shan), 5, 71, 198, 212, 214; Buddhist College, 198 Dharma lineage, 196 Dharma name, 186 Dharmadutha bhikkhus, 109 Dharmaguptaka, 7, 8 Dharmapala, 108, 213 Diamond Sūtra, 12, 55, 56, 60, 61, 110, 123, 124, 127 Dihui Academy, 150, 154, 175, 176 Dilun school, 215n4 Dizang, 62; paired with Guanyin, 12 Dizang Sūtra, 208. See also Kştigarbha Sūtra; Sūtra of Dizang’s Past Vow Doctrine of the Four Teachings (Sijiaoyi), 60, 217n6 Dongchu, 59, 67, 78 Dongshan Si, 41 Dragon Flower (longhua), 49, 51 Dragon King, 56, 57 Drawing to Protect Life (Husheng huace), 84 Dream of the Red Chamber (Hongloumeng), 15, 16 Dual ordination, 3, 6, 7 Earth god, 34 Eight precepts (baguanjie), 91, 95 Eight Rules of Respect, 3, 24, 215n6 Eightfold Noble Path, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 175, 176, 177 Ekottarāgama, 23, 158 Emperor Aśoka, 163, 174 Emperor Jiaqing, 32 Emperor Kuangxu, 106 Emperor Liang’s Confession, 61 Emperor Wu of Liang, 3, 4 Engaged Buddhism, 24 “er yiba shijian” (2.18 Incident), 36, 38, 205 Erh Ma, 33, 34 Esoteric Buddhism, 67, 85, 91, 112, 185; meditation, 200 Essay Encouraging the Arising of the Mind for Enlightenment, 123 Essay of Great Confessions, 94

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Index

Essentials of Vinaya in Daily Living, 101 Extensive Treatise on the Sequential Progress on the Path to Enlightenment, 123 Fahua Si, 86 Fanwang ji (Collection of Brahma’s Net), 27, 149 Farewell My Concubine, 17 Fast (zhai), 93, 95 Female anatomy, 53–54 Female pollution, 52–57, 70; of childbirth, 56; Taiwanese views of, 67–70 Feng Zikai, 84 Five precepts, 96, 141, 174 Foguang Shan. See Buddha Light Mountain Fojiao Huihuan, 150, 151, 189, 204 Fotuteng, 7 Four Noble Truths, 156, 157, 158, 159 Fourteen Lectures in Outline (Shisi jiangbiao), 69, 188; contents of, 91–92, 165, 199 Fu Bao (Welfare news), 71 Furen University, 187 Gan Zhengzong, 116 Gaofeng Yuanmiao, 11 Gormancy (fenshui), 32, 37 Geshe Sopa, 191 Ghost Festival, 62, 67 God of the Hearth, 56 Goenka, 165, 192, 193, 203, 212 Golden Banner (jinzhong), 49 Golden Orchid Temple, 32 Golden Vase Plum (Jingpingmei), 15 Grant, Beata, 13, 54 Great Compassion Water, 62, 97; Confession, 62; Dhāranī, 67, 187 Great Incense Light Mountain (Daxiangguang Shan), 186, 193, 197, 211, 220nn3–4 (chap. 7) Great Learning (Daxue), 99 Great Treatise of Perfection of Wisdom, 124 Group Assisting Buddha Recitation for Rebirth in the Pure Land (Wangsheng zuniantuan), rules of, 86–90 Guangyaowang Yaoshang erpusa jing, 94 Guanyin, 1, 12, 56, 58, 62, 67, 87, 97, 151, 174, 187, 196; cult of, 30; paired with Dizang, 12 Guanyin Fozu, 30, 32, 36, 51

239

Guanyin Ma (Mother Guanyin), 33, 34, 38; three images of, 34, 35, 36 Guo Moruo, 51 Gushan Si, 49 Hall of Still Thoughts, 201 Hall of Zhonghua Buddhist Culture (Zhonghwa Fojiao Wenhuaguan), 67 Heart Sūtra, 92, 97, 110, 123 Hong Qisong, 71 Hongyi, 33, 84, 134, 137, 178, 206 Hsieh, Ding-hua, 13 Hu Ye (Grandfather Tiger), 34 Huangxin, 11 Huayan, 83, 112, 113, 184 Huayan Lianshe, 187 Huijiao, 3 Huineng, 11, 54 Huiyuang’s Lotus Society, 85 Humanistic Buddhism, 20, 21, 23, 38, 121, 141, 157, 161, 164, 184, 211, 212 Imaginative pedagogy (yixiang jiaoxue), 46–47, 170; method of, 207 Incense Light Bhikşunī Sangha (Xiangguang Nisengtuan), 1, 28, 36, 42, 175, 214; logo of, 190 Incense Light Bhikşunī Sangha Buddhist Seminary (Xiangguang Biqiuni Foxueyuan). See Incense Light Buddhist Seminary Incense Light Buddhist Seminary, 28, 30, 45, 68, 105, 147, 184, 193, 198; curriculum, 121–124; entrance exam, 120; entrance interview, 117–120; training in meditation, 130 Incense Light Temple, 27, 42, 63, 68, 70, 93, 105, 119, 150, 188, 189, 194, 197, 199, 201, 203, 204, 205, 211, 213; architecture of old temple, 34–35; architecture of the new temple, 38–40; history of, 30–34 Indian Buddhism, 39 Institute of Cultural Affairs (ICA), 45, 48, 191, 207 Internal News, 156. See also Neixun International Scholarship Foundation for Culture and Education, 78, 81 Investiture of the Gods (Fenshengbang), 52 Jade Buddha Monastery, 2 Jade Mountain Grotto (Yushan Yan), 1, 30

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240

Index

Jetavana Hermitage, 108, 109 Jiang Zanteng, 20 Jianwang (comforting the dead), 61 Jing’an Si Seminary, 111, 112 Jingchan (chanting sutras and performing penances), 61 Jinling Scriptural Press, 107, 108 Jisha Yansheng Monastery, 12 Job assignment rotation, 41, 60, 118, 119, 124, 190 Journey to the West (Xiyouji), 52 Jueding bini jing, 94 Juesheng, 33, 43 Juridical person of religious association (zong jiao faren), 66, 68 Kangxi emperor, 51 Kamazawa University, 191 Kieschnick, John, 6 King Bimbisāra, 158 Kştigarbha Sūtra, 67. See also Dizang Sūtra; Sūtra of Dizang’s Past Vow Kumārajīva, 216n2 Laiguo, 218n4 Lamp records, 11 Land of Bliss, 88, 164. See also Pure Land; Sukhāvatī; Western Paradise Land reform, 219n1 Laozi, 9 Larger Amitābha Sūtra, 12 Last Teaching of the Buddha, 97 Lay Buddhism, 79, 86, 104; societies, 74 Levering, Miriam, 13 Li Bingnan, 28, 33, 44, 69, 73, 74, 81, 99, 121, 123, 165, 197, 199, 210; and Chanyun, 92, 97; life of, 82–85; and Zhou Xuande, 82, 90 Li Shutong. See Hongyi Li Yuzhen, 72 Liang Qicho, 77, 107 Lianhua Seminary, 118 Liaolian Si, 92 Lie nü zhuan, 3 Life (Renshen), 77 Life of Famous Monks, 8 Lin Yutang, 17 Ling Menchu, 15 Liu Meisheng. See Juesheng Lives of Nuns, The, 2, 3, 4, 28; ascetic prac-

tices, 8, 9; family background, 4–5; ideal types, 6; prowess in sutra chanting, 10; refusal to marriage, 6; scriptural study, 10; Vinaya study, 6–8 Longing for the Secular Life (Sifan), 17–18 Lord Guan, 71 Lord of the She, 35 Lotus Sūtra, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 40, 43, 60, 67, 110, 123, 124 Luo Jialun, 141 Luo Qing, 49, 54 Luo Teaching, 49, 54 Madame Blavatsky, 108 Madhyamāgama, 158 Mādhyamika, 60, 111, 123, 198, 202 Maha Bodhi Society, 108 Mahāprajāpatī, 2 Mahāyāna Buddhism, 9, 95, 111, 125, 142, 158, 164 Mair, Victor, 51 Maitreya, 33, 84; as Cloth Bag Monk (Budai Heshang), 39 Manjusrī, 217n2 Mann, Susan, 15 May Fourth Movement, 75 Mazu, 1, 35, 43, 51 Medicine King Bodhisattva, 8; Buddha, 21, 33, 40, 97, 157 Meditation Sūtra, 12 Mei Guangxi, 83, 85 Mengshan ritual, 95 Merit Association of Compassionate Relief (Ciji Gonde Hui), 25 Miaoguo, 115 Mingjia, 33, 40, 43–44, 58, 123, 186, 200, 201, 209 Mingzong, 60, 68 Miyun Yuanwu, 11 Mizuno Baigyō, 108 Mohe zhiguan, 220n3 (chap. 6) Monastic Code of Baizhang Compiled under Imperial Order, 146 Monastic Rules in Four Divisions (Sifen lü), 129, 134, 145, 147, 185 Monastic Rules in Ten Divisions (Shisong lü), 10 Morality books, 51, 52 Mount Sumeru, 156 Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, 134

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Index

Mulian, 57, 161 Müller, Max, 107 My Country and My People, 17 Nāgasena Sūtra, 124, 125 Nanjō Bunyū, 107 Nanting, 76, 78, 112, 187 National Normal University, 81, 82, 92, 195 National Party, 188 National security law, 23, 73 National Taiwan University, 195 Nationalist government, 37, 40, 65, 73, 75, 76, 82, 83, 107 Neixun, 27, 149. See also Internal News Neo-Confucianism, 75 New History of the Tang, 4 Nirvanā Sūtra, 4, 9 Nuoza, 1, 43, 51 Odes, 75 Old History of the Tang, 4 Opium Wars, 106 Ordination platform, 7 Outline of the Eight Schools, 111 Outlines of Teaching and Meditation (Jiaoguan gangzong), 60, 217n7 Ouyang Jingwu, 109 Ouyang Xiu, 4 Overmyer, Daniel, 35 Pa-Auk, Sayādaw, 212 Paramārtha, 215n3 Perfect Light Seminary (Yuanguang foxueyuan), 116 Perfection of Wisdom, 12; scriptures, 4; Sūtra, 101 Platform Sūtra, 60 Precepts for Novices and Monks, 60 Precepts for nuns, 134–136; observances of, 6, 137–140 Precious scrolls (baojuan), 54, 58 Precious Scrolls of Woman Huang, 54–57 Princess Miaoshan, 56 Prior Heaven (xiantian), 49 Protestant Buddhism, 109 “pure conversation” (qingtan), 9 Pure Land, 8, 12, 53, 164, 174, 188; meditation, 123, 132, 200, 212, 213; practice, 82, 86, 87, 165; as “short cut,” 92; sutras, 12, 123

241

Pure Land Buddhism, 12, 67, 69, 83, 84, 85, 91, 184 Pure Rules, 145, 146; Chan, 185, 190 Pure Rules of the Chan Monastery, 146 Purple Bamboo Retreat (Zizhulin Jingshe), 40, 103, 146, 150, 154, 167, 204, 210, 220n6 Qian Siliang, 80 Qingshui Yan, 51 Qingsong mengya, 149. See also Young Shoots of Green Pine Qiu Hanbing, 78 Questions of King Milinda, 124 Recitation of precepts (poşadha), ritual of, 63–64, 123, 129 Recorded Sayings of Chan Master (Laiguo Laiguo Chanshi yulu), 218n4 Regulations for the Control of Monasteries and Temples, 107 Religious Trend in Modern China, 16 Risshō Kōseikai, 40, 205 Sacred Books of the East, 107 Sacred edicts (shengyu), 51, 52 Śākyamuni Buddha, 33, 39, 76, 90, 157, 158, 161, 166, 211 Samuels, Jeffrey, 43 Samyuktāgama, 158, 161, 163 San Ma, 33, 34 Sarvāstivāda school, 10 Satyasiddhi (Chengshi), 4; Satyasiddhi-śāstra (Chengshi lun), 10 Seaman, Gary, 53 Sectarian religions, 49 Self-immolation, 8–9, 11, 18 Self-mutilation, 12, 157 Self-strengthening Movement, 106 She (community altar), 35 Shengyan, 23, 24, 25, 68, 73, 80, 105, 111, 112; experience of studying at seminary, 115; interest in education, 116; views on Buddhist wedding, 141–142 Shipu Si, 43, 59, 65, 66 Sifen lü, 7. See also Monastic Rules in Four Divisions Śikşsananda, 217n8, 218n10 Sisong lü, 7, 10. See also Monastic Rules in Ten Divisions

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242

Index

Six perfections of the bodhisattvas, 158, 160, 163, 170, 174, 207 Six realms of rebirth, 175 Small Knife Society, 75 Smaller Amitābha Sūtra, 12 Smaller Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra, 9 Song Biographies of Eminent Monks, 3 Song of Enlightenment, 76, 217n1 Sōshō, 8 Sōtō Zen, 108 Soul tablet, 59, 63 Sound of Tidal Waves (Haichao yin), 85 South Fujian Buddhist Seminary, 110 Spirit money, 35 Śrīmāla Sūtra, 220n3 (chap. 6) Statues regulating temples and shrines (jiandu simiao tiaoli), 37 Striking the Table in Amazement (Pai’an jingqi), 15 Stupa, 39, 211 Sukhāvatī, 8 Summer retreat, 129 Sun Yat-sen, 76 Śurangama Sūtra, 9, 10, 33, 60, 110, 123, 124, 130, 163, 164; Dhāraņī, 123 Sūtra in Forty-two Chapters, 110, 123 Sūtra of Dizang’s Past Vow, 61, 175. See also Dizang Sūtra; Kştigarbha Sūtra Sūtra of Eight Great Realizations of a Great Man, 77, 92, 97, 123, 217n5 Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment, 110 Sūtra of the Dragon Kings of the Ocean, 217n3, 218n10 Sūtra of the Ten Good Deeds, 77, 101 Sūtra of the Young Maiden Miaohui, 77, 217n2 Sūtra on the Last Teaching of the Buddha, 123 Sūtra on the Merits of the Fundamental Vows of the Seven Buddhas of Lapis Lazuli Radiance, the Masters of Healing, 20 Sūtra on the Mindfulness of the Correct Dharma, 163

1, 26, 71; and feminism, 211–212; novels about, 20–22; ratio to monks, 26, 72 Taixu, 2, 23, 24, 76, 79, 83, 85; role in monastic education, 108, 109, 112, 113, 123 Taking a Break from Farming in Southern Village (Nanun zhuigeng lu), 14 Tales of Heroes and Heroines (Ernü yingxiong zhuan), 194 Tao Zungyi, 14 Tathāgatagarbha, 111, 112 Theosophical Society, 108 Theravāda Buddhism, 3, 67, 69, 130, 161, 213; fourfold mindfulness, 165 Thirty Verses of Consciousness Only, 83, 123 Three Holy Ones, 12, 87 Three Obediences and Four Virtues (sancong side), 14 Three Treastises (Sunlun), 4 Three Treasure, 147, 156, 202; offerings to, 9; praise of, 166; property owned by, 142; taking refuge in, 158, 163 Three-altar ordination, 50 Tianning Buddhist Seminary, 110, 112 Tianning Si, 108, 110, 112 Tiantai, 60, 83, 112, 113 Tianyi, 40–42, 50, 60, 67, 70, 112, 151, 190 Torch of Wisdom (Huiju), 74, 77, 98, 217n4 Treatise of the Middle Way, 123 Treatise of the Ten Stages, 10 Treatise on the Gates to All Phenomena, 83 Tripitaka Buddhist Seminary, 59, 65, 123, 130, 216n5 Tsai, Kathryn, 5 Tson-kha-pa, 219n3 Twelve links of causation, 156, 157, 161, 178 Twenty Verses of Consciousness Only, 83

Taichung Lotus Society, 85, 86 Tainan Normal College, 201 Taiping Rebellion, 106, 107 Taiwanese Buddhism, 1, 72, 77, 209, 213; and land reform, 151, 219n1 Taiwanese Buddhist Seminary, 115 Taiwanese nuns, 27, 70; age and education,

Vasubandhu, 215n3 Vegetarian diet, 50, 52, 55, 57, 59, 84, 154, 174, 177, 206; halls, 43, 49; religions (zhaijiao), 49; vegetarian auntie (caigu), 3, 49, 50; vegetarian hall auntie (zhaigu), 49 Verses on the Structure of the Eight Consciousnesses, 111, 112

U Archin, 212 U Bakhin, 192 Unity Sect (Yiguan Dao), 71 University of Hawai‘i, 68 University of Wisconsin, 191

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Index

Vimalakirtī Sūtra, 9, 12, 60, 110, 124 Vinaya, 91, 112, 122, 123, 142, 184; courses on, 134; observance of, 12, 42, 92, 96, 129, 197, 219n5; precepts, 3; regulations of, 143–146, 149, 176; study of, 6, 9, 41, 195; Vipaśyanā meditation, 130, 161, 192, 193, 196, 200, 202, 212 Visuddhimgga, 212 Wang Ye, 35 Water Margin (Shuihu), 52, 194 Weijue, 105 Weituo, 40 Welch, Holmes, 110, 128 Western Paradise, 95, 103, 129. See also Pure Land; Sukhāvatī White Tārā, 130, 165 Wubu liuce (Five books in six scrolls), 54 Wuchan Buddhist Seminary, 109 Wuyin, 25, 40, 47; and Buddhist adult classes, 150–151, 167–169; courses offered at Incense Light Buddhist Seminary, 124–126; and feminism, 69–70; at Hawai‘i, 67–68, 150, 190; leadership style, 192, 202, 210; life, 50–51, 58–61; teaching Chan meditation, 127–128; Teaching Pure Land meditation, 130–132; teaching Vinaya, 134–145; way of interacting with students, 48, 202; at Xinglong Si, 63–65; at Yuantong Academy, 66–67 Xiangguang Biqiuni Foxueyuan. See Incense Light Buddhist Seminary Xiangguang Si. See Incense Light Temple Xinglong Si, 41, 44, 60, 145; daily schedule of, 62; sources of income, 61, 63 Xingtian Gong (Enacting Heaven Temple), 71 Xingyun, 23, 25, 26, 42, 161, 194 Xinzhi, 40; as abbess of Incense Light Temple, 32, 40, 68; early life, 42–43, 58, 186; illness and retirement, 191; as teacher, 48, 189, 200, 202, 203, 205, 209 Xuanzang, 215n3, 217n8, 218n8 Xuyun, 79, 157, 174, 219n4 Yama, 55, 57 Yan, 1, 36 Yang Wenhui, 108 Yanhui Academy, 150, 154

243

Yide Si, 93 Yifa, 146 Yijing, 9 Yinguang, 79, 84, 158, 206 Yinshun, 23, 24, 78, 83, 199 Yinyi Academy, 150, 154, 198, 211 Yōgācāra, 60, 85, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 123, 218n8; philosophy, 69, 83, 98, 165, 188, 202; studies of, 107, 109 Yongjia Xuanjue, 217n1 Yongzheng emperor, 51 Young Shoots of Green Pine, 27, 124, 125 Yuanguang Foxueyuan, 118; Perfect Light Buddhist Seminary, 116 Yuangugang Si, 116 Yuanrong, 40, 50 Yuantong Academy, 65, 67; daily schedule, 67 Yunqi Zhuhong, 11 Yushan Yan, 30 Zanning, 2 Zhaijiao, 54. See also Vegetarian diet: religions Zhaijie Xuehui, 97. See also Academic Gathering to Keep the Fast and the Precepts Zhang Chengji, 67, 199 Zhang Taiyan, 107 Zhang Zhitong, 106 Zhaohui, 18, 24, 211 Zhengdao ge. See Song of Enlightenment Zhengyan, 23, 25, 201 Zhenhua (1908–1947), 2, 11 Zhenhua (1922–), 112; experiences of studying at seminary, 112–115 Zhiguang, 76, 77 Zhixu, 217n7 Zhongfeng Mingben, 11 Zhongtai Incident (Zhongtai shijian), 19 Zhongtai Shan, 19, 26, 105 Zhongzheng University, 198 Zhou Xuande, 28, 33, 73, 210; and Buddhist studies societies, 80–82; early life, 4–76; and promotion of Buddhist studies, 76–80 Zhu Jingjian, 2, 7 Zhu Yizun, 16 Zhuanzi, 9 Zhuniantuan, 88. See also Group Assisting Buddha Recitation for Rebirth in the Pure Land Zikai manhua, 84

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About the Author

Chün-fang Yü is Sheng Yen Professor of Chinese Buddhist Studies in the Departments of Religion and East Asian Languages and Cultures at Columbia University. Born in China and educated in Taiwan and the United States, Professor Yü earned her doctorate from Columbia University. Prior to joining the faculty at Columbia, she taught Chinese Buddhism and religions at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey, and was chair of the Religion Department. She is the author of The Renewal of Buddhism: Chu-hung and the Late Ming Synthesis and Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteśvara as well as many articles on Chinese Buddhism.

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Copyright © 2013. University of Hawaii Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Production Notes for Yu / Passing the Light Cover design by Julie Matsuo-Chun Series interior designed by Elsa Carl, Clarence Lee Design with text in Garamond Premier Pro and display in Palatino Linotype Composition by Wanda China Printing and binding by Sheridan Books, Inc. Printed on 60 lb. House White, 444 ppi. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Comprehensive Academic Collection Trial - printed on 4/14/2020 2:44 AM via UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARIES AN: 750888 ; Yu, Chun-fang.; Passing the Light : The Incense Light Community and Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan Account: s5591646

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CHINESE RELIGION/BUDDHISM

The term “revival” has been used to describe the resurgent vitality of Buddhism in Taiwan. Particularly impressive is the quality and size of the nuns’ order. Passing the Light is the first in-depth case study of the Incense Light community, a small but influential order of highly educated nuns who dedicate themselves to teaching Buddhism to lay adults. The work begins with a historical survey of Buddhist nuns in China, followed by discussions on the early history of the Incense Light community; the life of one of its most prominent leaders; and the crucial role played by Buddhist studies societies on college campuses, where many nuns were first introduced to Incense Light. Later chapters look at the curriculum and innovative teaching methods at the Incense Light seminary and the nuns’ efforts to teach Buddhism to adults. The work ends with portraits of individual nuns, providing details on their backgrounds, motivations for becoming nuns, and the problems or setbacks they have encountered both within and without the Incense Light community. This engaging study enriches the literature on the history of Buddhist nuns, seminaries, and education, and will find an appreciative audience among scholars and students of Chinese religion, especially Buddhism, as well as those interested in questions of religion and modernity and women and religion.

CHÜN-FANG YÜ is Shen Yen Professor of Chinese Buddhist Studies in the Department of Religion and the Department of East Asian Languages and Culture at Columbia University. Cover illustration: Wuyin handing outer robes to newly ordained nuns. Courtesy of the Incense Light archives.

University of Hawai‘i Press Honolulu, Hawai‘i 96822-1888

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