Papers of Thomas Jefferson. Volume 24 The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 24: 1 June-31 December 1792 9780691185293, 0691047766, 9780691047768

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THE

PAPERS

OF

THOMAS JEFFERSON

T H E PAPERS OF

Thomas Jefferson Volume 24 l June to 31 December 1792 JOHN C A T A N Z A R I T I , E D I T O R E U G E N E R. S H E R I D A N ,

ASSOCIATE

EDITOR

G E O R G E H. H O E M A N N , R U T H W. L E S T E R , A N D J. J E F F E R S O N LOONEY, ASSISTANT

PRINCETON, PRINCETON

EDITORS

NEW JERSEY

UNIVERSITY

1990

PRESS

Copyright © 1990 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 IN T H E UNITED KINGDOM:

Princeton University Press, Oxford All Rights Reserved L.C. Card 50-7486 ISBN 0-691-04776-6 This book has been composed in Linotron Monticello Clothbound editions of Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and binding materials are chosen for strength and durability

Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey ISBN-13: 978-0-691-04776-8 (cloth)

D E D I C A T E D TO T H E MEMORY A D O L P H

S.

OF

O C H S

P U B L I S H E R OF T H E NEW

YORK

TIMES

1896-1935 WHO

BY T H E E X A M P L E OF A PRESS

E N L A R G E D AND

THE JEFFERSONIAN OF A F R E E

RESPONSIBLE

FORTIFIED CONCEPT

PRESS

A D V I S O R Y

C O M M I T T E E

JOYCE FRANCIS

APPLEBY

L. BERKELEY, JR.

WILLIAM HENRY

G. BOWEN

STEELE

COMMAGER

NOBLE E . CUNNINGHAM, JR. R O B E R T C. DARNTON ROBERT F. GOHEEN DANIEL

P. J O R D A N

STANLEY

N. K A T Z

D R E W R. M c C O Y JOHN M. M U R R I N MERRILL ARTHUR

D. P E T E R S O N

M. S C H L E S I N G E R , J R .

HAROLD T . SHAPIRO DATUS C. SMITH, JR. I P H I G E N E OCHS LUCIUS

SULZBERGER

WILMERDING, JR.

G O R D O N S. W O O D

C O N S U L T A N T S R O B E R T W. H A R T L E and CAROL RIGOLOT, Consultants in French EDMUND L . KING, Consultant in Spanish

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

As INDICATED in the first volume, this edition was made possible by a grant of $200,000 from the New York Times Company to Princeton University. Since this initial subvention, its continuance has been assured by additional contributions from the New York Times Company; by grants of the Ford Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, and the J . Howard Pew Freedom Trust; and by other benefactions from the Charlotte Palmer Phillips Foundation, Time Inc., the Dyson Foundation, the Lucius N. Littauer Foundation, and from such loyal supporters of the enterprise as James Russell Wiggins, David K . E . Bruce, and B. Batmanghelidj. In common with other editions of historical documents, T H E PAPERS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON is a beneficiary of the good offices of the National

Historical Publications and Records Commission, tendered in many useful forms through its officers and dedicated staff. For these and other indispens­ able aids generously given by librarians, archivists, scholars, and collectors of manuscripts, the Editors record their sincere gratitude.

FOREWORD A LMOST half a century has elapsed since the effort to publish the l \ papers of Thomas Jefferson was launched at Princeton Univer­ sity in 1943, the bicentennial of his birth. Publication in 1950 of the first volume of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, edited by Julian P. Boyd, Lyman H . Butterfield, and Mina R. Bryan, set in motion devel­ opments that have made the editing, publication, and preservation of historical documents an important force in American historiography during the latter half of this century. For nearly four decades until his death in 1980, Julian P. Boyd led the editorial enterprise that has become synonymous with his name. His comprehensive approach to the collection, editing, and publication of Jefferson's papers was made possible by the advances in microphotography achieved in the years before and during the Second World War. Within the last decade a technological revolution has given histor­ ical editors computerized editing, indexing, and printing tools to carry on their work. But the promise of the new technology will only be fully realized when important collections of documents become widely available in digital form with powerful search-and-retrieval capabilities. This development is certain to influence the course of historical editing in ways that will be no less far-reaching than the innovations pioneered by Mr. Boyd. As work on this enterprise goes forward under new direction and a regrouped staff, it is appropriate to reaffirm the editorial principles set forth in the inaugural volume of this series. At the same time, the Editors take the opportunity to make two small changes in textual policy and several minor adjustments to the Editorial Apparatus. Slips of the pen and copyists' errors will henceforth be treated uniformly in all documents, whether written by or addressed to Jefferson. Except for minor and transparent occurrences, which will be corrected silent­ ly, they will either be allowed to stand, with a note when required, or corrected in the text with the original reading subjoined in a note. The Editors will continue to place the dateline at the head of text in letters, but when the context warrants they will give its actual location, if dif­ ferent, in the descriptive note. In the Editorial Apparatus, the symbols for manuscripts not in the author's hand have been redefined to reflect usage in recent volumes, and the explanations of abbreviations for the Jefferson Papers and for Jefferson's Summary Journal of Letters and Summary Journal of Public Letters have been expanded and clarified. A major grant from the New York Times Company launched the [ vii]

FOREWORD Jefferson edition in 1943, and the dedication in this and every volume commemorates the vision that helped give birth to this enterprise. The preparation of the present volume would not have been possible without the generosity of the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the J . Howard Pew Freedom Trust, and the National Historical Publications and Records Commission. The Editors record anew their grateful appreciation for these indispensable benefactions. This volume has also benefited from the expertise and assistance graciously provided by the following individuals: Charles C . Gillispie, Robert B . Hollander, J r . , William C . Jordan, William L . Joyce, and Jean Preston of Princeton University; Sara Dunlap Jackson and Donald L . Singer of the archival staff of the National Historical Publications and Records Commission; Celeste A. Walker of The Adams Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society; James H . Hutson and his staff at the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, especially Gerard W. Gawalt, Charles Kelly, and Mary Wolfskill; Lucia C . Stanton and William L . Beiswanger of the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation at Monticello; Whitfield J . Bell, Jr., and Beth Carroll-Horrocks of the American Philosophical Society; Richard W. Fredrickson of St. Joseph's University; Michael Plunkett and Dorothy W. Twohig of the University of Virginia; Noble E . Cunningham, Jr., of the University of Missouri at Columbia; Elaine F . Crane of Fordham University; Iain McLean of University College, Oxford; and Cynthia M . Gessele, Mary-Jo Kline, Merrill D . Peter­ son, and Lucius Wilmerding, J r . To these friends of the Edition, and especially to Elizabeth A. Peters, who helped significantly during the final months of preparation, the Editors tender their thanks. JOHN CATANZARITI

31 May 1989

[ viii ]

GUIDE TO EDITORIAL APPARATUS 1. TEXTUAL

DEVICES

The following devices are employed throughout the work to clarify the presentation of the text. [...],[ ] [.. - ] , [... 1

[ ] [roman]

[italic] {italic)

One or two words missing and not conjecturable. More than two words missing and not conjecturable; subjoined footnote estimates number of words missing. Number or part of a number missing or illegible, Conjectural reading for missing or illegible matter. A question mark follows when the reading is doubtful. Editorial comment inserted in the text. Matter deleted in the M S but restored in our text. 2. DESCRIPTIVE

SYMBOLS

The following symbols are employed throughout the work to describe the various kinds of manuscript originals. When a series of versions is recorded, the first to be recorded is the version used for the printed text. Dft Dupl MS N PoC PrC RC SC Tripl

draft (usually a composition or rough draft; later drafts, when identifiable as such, are designated "2d Dft," &c.) duplicate manuscript (arbitrarily applied to most documents other than letters) note, notes (memoranda, fragments, &c.) polygraph copy press copy recipient's copy stylograph copy triplicate

All manuscripts of the above types are assumed to be in the hand of the author of the document to which the descriptive symbol pertains. If not, that fact is stated. On the other hand, the following types of manuscripts are assumed not to be in the hand of the author, and exceptions will be noted: [ix]

GUIDE FC Lb Tr

TO EDITORIAL

APPARATUS

file

copy (applied to all contemporary copies retained by the author or his agents) letterbook (ordinarily used with F C and T r to denote texts copied into bound volumes) transcript (applied to all contemporary and later copies except file copies; period of transcription, unless clear by implication, will be given when known) 3. LOCATION

SYMBOLS

The locations of documents printed in this edition from originals in private hands and from printed sources are recorded in self-explanatory form in the descriptive note following each document. The locations of documents printed from originals held by public and private insti­ tutions in the United States are recorded by means of the symbols used in the National Union Catalog in the Library of Congress; an explanation of how these symbols are formed is given in Vol. 1: xl. The symbols D L C and M H i by themselves stand for the collections of Jefferson Papers proper in these repositories; when texts are drawn from other collections held by these two institutions, the names of those collections will be added. Location symbols for documents held by institutions outside the United States are given in a subjoined list. The lists of symbols are limited to the institutions represented by doc­ uments printed or referred to in this volume. CSmH CtY DLC DNA

The Huntington Library, San Marino, California Yale University Library Library of Congress The National Archives, with identifications of series (preceded by record group number) as follows: CD Consular Dispatches DCI Diplomatic and Consular Instructions DCLB District of Columbia Letter Book DD Diplomatic Dispatches DL Domestic Letters LGS Letters from the Governors of the States MD Miscellaneous Dispatches MLR Miscellaneous Letters Received MTA Miscellaneous Treasury Accounts NFC Notes from Foreign Consuls NL Notes from Legations PBG Public Buildings and Grounds [x}

GUIDE

TO

EDITORIAL

PC

G-Ar IGK KyU MB MdAN MHi MiU-C MiU-T MoSHi NA NBuEHi NjGbS NjHi NjMoHP NjP NN NNC NNP PBL PHarH PHi

APPARATUS

Proceedings of the Board of Commis­ sioners for the District of Columbia PCC Papers of the Continental Congress SDC State Department Correspondence: Copy books of George Washington's Correspondence with the Secretaries of State SDR State Department Reports: A Record of the Reports of Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State for the United States of America SWT Southwest Territory Papers TR Transcribed Reports Georgia State Department of Archives and History, Atlanta Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois University of Kentucky, Lexington Boston Public Library United States Naval Academy, Annapolis, Mary­ land Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston William L . Clements Library, University of Michi­ gan, Ann Arbor Transportation Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis New York State Library, Albany Buffalo and Erie County Historical Society, Buffalo, New York Glassboro State College, Glassboro, New Jersey New Jersey Historical Society, Newark Morristown National Historical Park, Morristown, New Jersey Princeton University Library New York Public Library Columbia University Library Pierpont Morgan Library, New York City Lehigh University Library, Bethlehem, Pennsyl­ vania Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia

fxi]

GUIDE PPAmP PWacD ScHi Vi ViHi ViU ViW VtMS

TO EDITORIAL

APPARATUS

American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia David Library of the American Revolution, Washington Crossing, Pennsylvania South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston Virginia State Library, Richmond Virginia Historical Society, Richmond University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville College of William and Mary Library, Williamsburg, Virginia Secretary of State, Montpelier, Vermont

The following symbols represent repositories located outside of the United States: AHN AMAE

AN AR PRO

Archivo Histôrico Nacional, Madrid Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris, with identification of series as follows: CPEU Correspondance Politique, États-Unis Archives Nationales, Paris Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague Public Record Office, London, with identification of series as follows: FO Foreign Office

4. OTHER

SYMBOLS

AND

ABBREVIATIONS

The following symbols and abbreviations are commonly employed in the annotation throughout the work. Second Series The topical series to be published as part of this edition, comprising those materials which are best suited to a topical rather than a chronological arrangement (see Vol. 1: xvxvi) TJ Thomas Jefferson T J Editorial Files Photoduplicates and other editorial materials in the office of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Princeton University Library T J Papers Jefferson Papers (applied to a collection of manuscripts when the precise location of an undated, misdated, or otherwise problematic document must be furnished, and always preceded by the symbol for the institutional repository; thus D L C : T J Papers, 4: 628-9" represents a document in the Library of Congress, Jefferson Papers, volume 4, pages 628 and 629. Citations to volumes and folio numbers of the Jefferson Papers at the Library of Congress refer to the collection as it was arranged at the U

[xii]

GUIDE

TO EDITORIAL

APPARATUS

time the first microfilm edition was made in 1944-45. Access to the microfilm edition of the collection as it was rearranged under the Library's Presidential Papers Program is provided by the Index to the Thomas Jefferson Papers [Washington, D . C . , 1976]) RG Record Group (used in designating the location of documents in the National Archives) SJL Jefferson's "Summary Journal of Letters" written and received for the period 11 Nov. 1783 to 25 June 1826 (in D L C : T J Papers). This register, kept in Jefferson's hand, has been checked against the T J Editorial Files. It is to be assumed that all outgoing letters are recorded in S J L unless there is a note to the contrary. When the date of receipt of an incoming letter is recorded in S J L , it is incorporated in the notes. Information and discrepancies revealed in S J L but not found in the letter itself are also noted. Missing letters recorded in S J L are, where possible, accounted for in the notes to documents mentioning them or in related documents. A more detailed discussion of this register and its use in this edition appears in Vol. 6: vii-x SJPL "Summary Journal of Public Letters," an incomplete list of letters and documents written by T J from 16 Apr. 1784 to 31 Dec. 1793, with brief summaries, in an amanuensis's hand. This is supplemented by six pages in T J ' s hand, compiled at a later date, listing private and confidential memorandums and notes as well as official reports and communications by and to him as Secretary of State, 11 Oct. 1789 to 31 Dec. 1793 (in D L C : T J Papers, Epistolary Record, 514-59 and 209-11, respectively; see Vol. 22: ix-x). Since nearly all documents in the amanuensis's list are registered in S J L , while few in T J ' s list are so recorded, it is to be assumed that all references to S J P L are to the list in TJ's hand unless there is a statement to the contrary V Ecu / Florin £ Pound sterling or livre, depending upon context (in doubtful cases, a clarifying note will be given) s Shilling or sou (also expressed as /) d Penny or denier Livre Tournois Per (occasionally used for pro, pre)

5. SHORT

TITLES

The following list includes only those short titles of works cited frequently, and therefore in very abbreviated form, throughout this [ xiii ]

GUIDE

TO EDITORIAL

APPARATUS

edition. Since it is impossible to anticipate all the works to be cited in very abbreviated form, the list is appropriately revised from volume to volume. Adams, Works Charles Francis Adams, ed., The Works of John Adams, Boston, 1850-56, 10 vols. Adams, Diary Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, L . H . Butterfield and others, eds., Cambridge, Mass., 1961, 4 vols. AHA American Historical Association AHR American Historical Review, 1895Ammon, Monroe Harry Ammon, James Monroe: The Quest for National Identity, New York, 1971 Annals Annals of the Congress of the United States: The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States .. . Compiled from Authentic Materials, Washington, D . C . , Gales & Seaton, 1834-56, 42 vols. All editions are undependable and pagination varies from one printing to another. The first two volumes of the set cited here have "Compiled . . . by Joseph Gales, Senior" on the titlepage and bear the caption "Gales & Seatons History" on verso and "of Debates in Congress" on recto pages. The remaining volumes bear the caption "History of Congress" on both recto and verso pages. Those using the first two volumes with the latter caption will need to employ the date of the debate or the indexes of debates and speakers. APS American Philosophical Society Archives Parlementaires Archives Parlementaires de 1787 à 1860: Recueil Complet des Débats Législatifs £sf Politiques des Chambres Françaises, Paris, 1862- , 222 vols. ASP American State Papers: Documents, Legislative and Executive, of the Congress of the United States, Washington, D . C . , Gales & Seaton, 1832-61, 38 vols. Bear, Family Letters Edwin M . Betts and James A. Bear, Jr., eds., Family Letters of Thomas Jefferson, Columbia, Mo., 1966 Bemis, Jay's Treaty Samuel Flagg Bemis, Jay's Treaty: A Study in Commerce and Diplomacy, rev. ed., New Haven, 1962 Bemis, Pinckney's Treaty Samuel Flagg Bemis, Pinckney's Treaty: America's Advantage from Europe's Distress, 1783-1800, rev. ed., New Haven, 1960 Betts, Farm Book Edwin M . Betts, ed., Thomas Jefferson's Farm Book, Princeton, 1953 Betts, Garden Book Edwin M . Betts, ed., Thomas Jefferson's Garden Book, 1766-1824, Philadelphia, 1944 [xiv]

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TO EDITORIAL

APPARATUS

Biog. Dir. Cong. Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-1949, Washington, D . C . , 1950 Brant, Madison Irving Brant, James Madison, Indianapolis, 194161, 6 vols. Bryan, National Capital W. B. Bryan, History of the National Cap­ ital, New York, 1914-16, 2 vols. Burnett, Letters of Members Edmund C . Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, D . C . , 192136, 8 vols. Butterfield, Rush L . H . Butterfield, ed., Letters of Benjamin Rush, Princeton, 1951, 2 vols. Caughey, McGillivray John W. Caughey, McGillivray of the Creeks, Norman, Okla., 1938 CVSP William P. Palmer and others, eds., Calendar of Virginia State Papers . . . Preserved in the Capitol at Richmond, Richmond, 1875-93, 11 vols. DAB Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictionary of Amer­ ican Biography, New York, 1928-36, 20 vols. DeConde, Entangling Alliance Alexander DeConde, Entangling Alliance: Politics &f Diplomacy under George Washington, Durham N.C., 1958 Dexter, Tale Franklin B . Dexter, Biographical Sketches of the Grad­ uates of Tale College with Annals of the College History, New York, 1885-1912, 6 vols. DNB Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee, eds. Dictionary of National Biography, 2d ed., New York, 1908-09, 22 vols. Evans Charles Evans, Clifford K . Shipton, and Roger P. Bristol, comps., American Bibliography: A Chronological Dictionary of all Books, Pamphlets and Periodical Publications Printed in the United States of America from . .. 1639 .. . to . . . 1820, Chicago and Worcester, Mass., 1903-59, 14 vols. Ferguson, Power of the Purse E . James Ferguson, The Power of the Purse: A History of American Public Finance, 1776-1790, Chapel Hill, 1961 Fitzpatrick, Writings John C . Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington, Washington, D . C . , 1931-44, 39 vols. Ford Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Letterpress Edition, New York, 1892-99, 10 vols. Franklin, Papers Leonard W. Labaree, William B . Willcox, and others, eds., The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, New Haven, 1959- , 27 vols. Freeman, Washington Douglas Southall Freeman, George Wash[xv]

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APPARATUS

ington, New York, 1948-57, 7 vols.; 7th volume by J . A. Carroll and M . W. Ashworth Goebel, Recognition Policy Julius Goebel, Jr., The Recognition Pol­ icy of the United States, New York, 1915 HAW Henry A. Washington, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, New York, 1853-54, 9 vols. Hening William Waller Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, Richmond, 1809-23, 13 vols. Henry, Henry William Wirt Henry, Patrick Henry, Life, Corre­ spondence and Speeches, New York, 1891, 3 vols. Humphreys, Humphreys F . L . Humphreys, Life and Times of David Humphreys, New York, 1917, 2 vols. Hunt, Madison Gaillard Hunt, ed., The Writings of James Madison, New York, 1900-10, 9 vols. JCC Worthington C . Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Con­ tinental Congress, 1774-1789, Washington, D . C . , 1904-37, 34 vols. Jefferson Correspondence, Bixby Worthington C . Ford, ed., Thomas Jefferson Correspondence Printed from the Originals in the Collec­ tions of William K. Bixby, Boston, 1916 JEP Journal of the Executive Proceedings of the Senate of the United States ... to the Termination of the Nineteenth Congress, Washing­ ton, D . C . , 1828 JHD Journal of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia (cited by session and date of publication) JHR Journal of the House of Representatives of the United States, Washington, D . C . , Gales & Seaton, 1826, 9 vols. JS Journal of the Senate of the United States, Washington, D . C . , Gales, 1820-21, 5 vols. JSH Journal of Southern History, 1935Kimball, Jefferson, Architect Fiske Kimball, Thomas Jefferson, Ar­ chitect, Boston, 1916 L &B Andrew A. Lipscomb and Albert E . Bergh, eds., The Writ­ ings of Thomas Jefferson, Washington, D . C . , 1903-04, 20 vols. Library Catalogue, 1783 Jefferson's M S list of books owned or wanted in 1783 (original in Massachusetts Historical Society) Library Catalogue, 1815 Catalogue of the Library of the United States, Washington, D . C . , 1815 Library Catalogue, 1829 Catalogue: President Jefferson*s Library, Washington, D . C . , 1829 List of Patents A List of Patents granted, by the United States from [xvi]

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TO EDITORIAL

APPARATUS

April 10, 1792, to December 31, 1836, Washington, D . C . , 1872 McDonald, Hamilton Forrest McDonald, Alexander Hamilton: A Biography, New York, 1979 Madison, Papers William T . Hutchinson, Robert A. Rutland, and others, eds., The Papers of James Madison, Chicago and Char­ lottesville, 1962- , 17 vols. Malone, Jefferson Dumas Malone, Jefferson and his Time, Boston, 1948-81, 6 vols. Marshall, Papers Herbert A. Johnson, Charles T . Cullen, Charles F . Hobson, and others, eds., The Papers of John Marshall, Chapel Hill, 1974- , 5 vols. Mathews, Andrew Ellicott Catharine Van Cortlandt Mathews, Andrew Ellicott, His Life and Letters, New York, 1908 Mayo, British Ministers Bernard Mayo, ed., "Instructions to the British Ministers to the United States 1791-1812," American Historical Association, Annual Report, 1936 MB James A. Bear, J r . , and Lucia C . Stanton, eds., JeffersorHs Memorandum Books: Accounts, with Legal Records and Miscel­ lany, 1767-1826, Princeton, forthcoming as part of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Second Series Miller, Hamilton John C . Miller, Alexander Hamilton, Portrait in Paradox, New York, 1959 Miller, Treaties Hunter Miller, ed., Treaties and other International Acts of the United States of America, Washington, D . C . , 1931-48, 8 vols. Mitchell, Hamilton Broadus Mitchell, Alexander Hamilton, New York, 1957-62, 2 vols. Morris, Diary Beatrix C . Davenport, éd., A Diary of the French Revolution by Gouverneur Morris, 1752-1816, Boston, 1939, 2 vols. MVHR Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 1914National State Papers Eileen D. Carzo, ed., National State Papers of the United States, 1789-1817. Part II: Texts of Documents. Administration of George Washington, 1789-1797, Wilmington, Del., 1985, 35 vols. Notes, ed. Peden Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, ed. William Peden, Chapel Hill, 1955 Nussbaum, Commercial Policy Frederick L . Nussbaum, Commer­ cial Policy in the French Revolution: A Study of the Career of G. J. A. Ducher, Washington, D . C . , 1923 OED Sir James Murray and others, eds., A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles, Oxford, 1888-1933 [ xvii ]

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Peterson, Jefferson Merrill D . Peterson, Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation, New York, 1970 PMHB Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1877Randall, Life Henry S. Randall, The Life of Thomas Jefferson, New York, 1858, 3 vols. Randolph, Domestic Life Sarah N. Randolph, The Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson, Compiledfrom Family Letters and Reminiscences by His Great-Granddaughter, Cambridge, Mass., 1939 Setser, Reciprocity Vernon G . Setser, The Commercial Reciprocity Policy of the United States, Philadelphia, 1937 Shipton-Mooney, Index Clifford K . Shipton and James E . Mooney, comps., National Index of American Imprints through 1800: The Short-Title Evans, [Worcester, Mass.], 1969, 2 vols. Simcoe Papers E . A. Cruikshank, ed., The Correspondence of Lieut. Governor John Graves Simcoe, with Allied Documents relating to His Administration of the Government of Upper Canada, Toronto, 1923-31, 5 vols. Sowerby E . Millicent Sowerby, comp., Catalogue of the Library of Thomas Jefferson, Washington, D . C . , 1952-59, 5 vols. Sparks, Morris Jared Sparks, Life of Gouverneur Morris With Selections from His Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers, Boston, 1832, 3 vols. Stewart, French Revolution John H . Stewart, éd., A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution, New York, 1951 Syrett, Hamilton Harold C . Syrett and others, eds., The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, New York, 1961-87, 27 vols. Taxay, Mint Don Taxay, The U.S. Mint and Coinage: An Illus­ trated History from 1776 to the Present, New York, 1966 Terr. Papers Clarence E . Carter and John Porter Bloom, eds., The Territorial Papers of the United States, Washington, D . C . , 1934- , 28 vols. Thiers, History Louis Adolphe Thiers, The History of the French Revolution, trans. Frederick Shoberl, Philadelphia, 1842, 4 vols, in 2 TJR Thomas Jefferson Randolph, ed., Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, from the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Char­ lottesville, 1829, 4 vols. Tucker, Life George Tucker, The Life of Thomas Jefferson, Philadelphia, 1837, 2 vols. Turner, CFM Frederick Jackson Turner, "Correspondence of French Ministers, 1791-1797," American Historical Association, Annual Report, 1903, n [ xviii}

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U.S. Statutes at Large Richard Peters, ed., The Public Statutes at Large of the United States . .. 1789 to March 3, 1845, Boston, 1855-56, 8 vols. Vermont Records E . P. Walton, ed., Records of the Governor and Council of the State of Vermont, Montpelier, 1873-80, 8 vols. VMHB Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 1893Washington, Diaries Donald Jackson and others, eds., The Diaries of George Washington, Charlottesville, 1976-79, 6 vols. Washington, Journal Dorothy Twohig, ed., The Journal of the Proceedings of the President, 1793-1797, Charlottesville, 1981 Whitaker, Frontier Arthur P. Whitaker, The Spanish-American Frontier: 1783-1795, Boston, 1927 White, Federalists Leonard White, The Federalists: A Study in Administrative History, New York, 1948 WMQ William and Mary Quarterly, 1892Woods, Albemarle Edgar Woods, Albemarle County in Virginia, Charlottesville, 1901

[xix]

[xxi]

CONTENTS To Thomas Leiper, 7 June To Alexander Donald, [8 June] From C. W. F. Dumas, 8 June To Jean Antoine Gautier, 8 June From William Green, 8 June To Thomas Pinckney, 8 June To Martha Jefferson Randolph, 8 June To David Rittenhouse, 8 June To the Commissioners of the Federal District, 9 June From Gouverneur Morris, 9 June To Hore Browse Trist, 9 June To Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 9 June To George Washington, 9 June From George Washington, 9 June To Le Veillard, 10 June To James Madison, 10 June From Gouverneur Morris, 10 June To the Commissioners of the Federal District, 11 June From George Gilmer, 11 June From William Green, 11 June To Thomas Hemming, 11 June To Thomas Pinckney, 11 June To Thomas Pinckney, 11 June From David Rittenhouse, 11 June George Washington to Thomas Barclay, 11 June From Thomas Barclay, 12 June To John Dobson, 12 June From James Madison, 12 June To Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 12 June To Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 12 June From James Yard, 12 June From Jean Baptiste Ternant, 13 June To Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 13 June From William Bingham, 14 June To Thomas Pinckney, 14 June To George Washington, 14 June To Jerman Baker, 15 June From William Barton, 15 June, enclosing John A. De Normandie to Jefferson, 24 May To Nathaniel Burwell, 15 June To John Hylton, 15 June To John Garland Jefferson, 15 June [ xxii ]

40 41 41 42 43 43 43 44 45 46 46 47 48 49 49 50 50 56 57 57 58 59 59 64 66 67 68 69 71 72 72 73 73 74 74 76 76 77 80 81 81

C O N T E N T S

To Samuel Mackay, 15 June To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 15 June To the Speaker of the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, 15 June From George Washington, 15 June To Lafayette, 16 June From James Mease, 16 June To Gouverneur Morris, 16 June From David Rittenhouse, 16 June From David Humphreys, 17 June To James Madison, [17-18 June] From James Monroe, 17 June From Gouverneur Morris, 17 June From George Washington, 17 June Notes on Arthur Young's Letter to George Washington, 18 June To Thomas Paine, 19 June From Charles Gottfried Paleske, 19 June From George Wythe, [before 19 June] To Joel Barlow, 20 June From Alexander Hamilton, 20 June From David Humphreys, 20 June From David Redick, 20 June To George Washington, 20 June To George Washington, 20 June To James Madison, 21 June To Samuel Blodget, Jr., 22 June To Peter Carr, 22 June To Stephen Cathalan, Jr., 22 June To William Duval, 22 June To B. Francis, 22 June To Henry Knox, 22 June To Adam Lindsay, 22 June To John de Neufville, 22 June From Madame Plumard de Bellanger, 22 June To Martha Jefferson Randolph, 22 June To John Cleves Symmes, 22 June To Jean Baptiste Ternant, 22 June From Elnathan Haskell, 23 June To Joseph Hopkinson, 23 June To James Monroe, 23 June From Jean Baptiste Ternant, 23 June From Nathaniel Burwell, 24 June [ xxiii}

82 83 84 84 85 86 88 89 90 90 91 93 95 95 99 99 101 101 102 102 103 104 104 105 107 107 108 108 109 109 110 110 110 111 112 112 112 113 114 115 116

CONTENTS To Joseph Fay, 24 June To Alexander Hamilton, 24 June From James Madison, 24 June To Thomas Pinckney, 24 June From Samuel Blodget, Jr., 25 June From Augustine Davis, 25 June From James Madison, 25 June From Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 25 June From William Short, 25 June From F. P. Van Berckel, 25 June From Alexander Hamilton, 26 June From William Pollard, 26 June From Edmund Randolph, 26 June From Josef Ignacio de Viar and Josef de Jaudenes, 26 June From Thomas Auldjo, 27 June From Alexander Hamilton, 29 June From Joseph Hopkinson, 29 June To Daniel L. Hylton, 29 June To James Madison, 29 June From James Madison, 29 June To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 29 June From William Short, 29 June From George Washington, [29 June] From James Anderson, [before 30 June] From John Carey, 30 June From Tobias Lear, 30 June Memorandum on Americans Captured at Sea during the Revolutionary War, 30 June From Edmund Randolph, 30 June To Josef Ignacio de Viar and Josef de Jaudenes, 30 June To James Brown, 1 July From David Humphreys, 1 July To Daniel L . Hylton, 1 July From Gouverneur Morris, 1 July To Elnathan Haskell, 2 July To Henry Knox, 2 July From Martha Jefferson Randolph, 2 July To Hugh Rose, 2 July From Jean Baptiste Ternant, 2 July To F. P. Van Berckel, 2 July From Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 2 July To John Carey, 3 July [ xxiv }

117 117 118 119 119 121 121 121 122 125 126 126 127 129 131 131 132 132 133 134 136 137 139 139 140 141 141 142 142 143 144 145 145 146 146 147 148 149 -149 150 151

CONTENTS To Andrew Ellicott, 3 July To James Madison, 3 July To Thomas Pinckney, 3 July To Martha Jefferson Randolph, 3 July To David Stuart, 3 July To Edward Telfair, 3 July To Josef Ignacio de Viar and Josef de Jaudenes, 3 July To Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 3 July From Edmund Randolph, 4 July From F. P. Van Berckel, 4 July From Samuel Blodget, Jr., 5 July From the Commissioners of the Federal District, 5 July From George Hammond, 5 July From James Madison, 5 July From Josef Ignacio de Viar and Josef de Jaudenes, 5 July To George Hammond, 6 July From George Hammond, 6 July To Jean Baptiste Ternant, 6 July From George Washington, 6 July Edmund Randolph's Opinion on Recess Appointments, 7 July From George Washington, [7 July] From James Brown, 8 July The Settlement of Jefferson's Accounts as Minister Plenipotentiary in France I. Accounts as Minister Plenipotentiary in France, «9 July II. Explanatory Notes on Accounts, [8 July] III. James Wilson's Certification of Jefferson's Oath on Accounts, 9 July To Thomas Chittenden, 9 July From Nathaniel Cutting, 9 July To George Hammond, 9 July To George Hammond, 9 July To Josef Ignacio de Viar and Josef de Jaudenes, 9 July From George Washington, 9 July To George Washington, 9 July George Washington to David Rittenhouse, [9 July] From Samuel Blodget, Jr., 10 July To Thomas Leiper, 10 July From Gouverneur Morris, 10 July Notes of a Conversation with George Washington, 10 July To the Commissioners of the Federal District, 11 July To Joseph Hopkinson, 11 July [ XXV }

151 151 153 153 154 155 156 157 157 157 158 159 160 162 163 164 164 165 165 165 168 168 169 169, 169 169 200 200 202 202 203 204 204 205 205 207 207 210 212 213

CONTENTS From Josef de Jaudenes and Josef Ignacio de Viar, 11 July To James Madison, 11 July Note of Agenda to Reduce the Government to True Principles, [ca. 11 July] To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 11 July From George Washington, 11 July To Samuel Blodget, Jr., 12 July To Thomas Chittenden, 12 July To Christopher Gore, 12 July To Alexander Hamilton, 12 July From George Hammond, 12 July To George Hammond, 12 July To David Humphreys, 12 July To Thomas Leiper, 12 July To Gouverneur Morris, 12 July To Thomas Pinckney, 12 July To Edmund Randolph, 12 July To F. P. Van Berckel, 12 July To George Wythe, 12 July From Thomas Barclay, 13 July To Alexander Hamilton, 13 July From George Hammond, 13 July To Martha Jefferson Randolph, 13 July From Hans Rodolph Saabye, 13 July From Tench Coxe, 14 July From Alexander Hamilton, 14 July From Madame de Neufville, 15 July From Giuseppe Ceracchi, 16 July From Joseph Fenwick, 16 July From Joseph Moore, 16 July From James Monroe, 17 July From George Washington, 17 July From Charles Wintersmith, 17 July From Stephen Cathalan, Jr., 20 July From William Short, 20 July From Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 20 July To Pierre Guide, 21 July From Delamotte, 22 July From Peyton Short, 22 July From Henry Lee, 23 July From George Washington, 23 July From George Wythe, 24 July [ xxvi ]

213 214 215 217 217 218 218 219 219 220 221 221 222 222 223 223 224 224 224 225 225 226 226 228 229 229 232 233 234 235 238 238 240 240 246 246 247 247 248 248 248

CONTENTS To James Brown, 26 July From William Short, 26 July From James Madison, 27 July From William Short, 27 July From William Short, 27 July From Adrien Petit, 28 July To James Brown, 29 July To the Commissioners of the Federal District, 29 July To Daniel L . Hylton, 29 July To James Lyle, 29 July To George Taylor, Jr., 29 July To John Witherspoon, 29 July From James Brown, 30 July From Malesherbes, 30 July To Francis Walker, 30 July To George Washington, 30 July From Thomas Barclay, 31 July From William Short, 31 July From James Brown, 1 August From Stephen Cathalan, Jr., 1 August From Gouverneur Morris, 1 August From Gouverneur Morris, 1 August From Jean Baptiste Ternant, 2 August From George Hammond, 3 August From George Hammond, 3 August To Bowling Clark, 5 August From William Short, 6 August From William Short, 6 August From Thomas Pinckney, 7 August From Charles Clay, 8 August From Jean Baptiste Ternant, 8 August From Thomas Auldjo, 9 August From Charles Gottfried Paleske, 9 August To Henry Remsen, [10?] August From E . Laughlan, 11 August From James Lyle, 11 August From David Humphreys, 12 August To David Rittenhouse, 12 August To George Washington, 12 August From Joseph G. Chambers, 13 August To Henry Lee, 13 August To Adrien Petit, 13 August [ xxvii ]

249 249 259 260 261 262 263 264 264 265 266 267 267 267 268 269 269 270 272 273 275 277 278 278 279 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 285 285 286 286 287 287 289 290 293 294

CONTENTS To George Taylor, Jr., 13 August From George Taylor, Jr., 13 August To John Vaughan, 13 August From George Washington, 13 August From John Garland Jefferson, 14 August From William Short, 15 August From George Wythe, 15 August To William Carmichael, 16 August To Etienne Clavière, 16 August From Joseph Fenwick, 16 August From Gouverneur Morris, 16 August From George Taylor, Jr., 16 August From Gouverneur Morris, 17 August To William Knox, 19 August To Sampson Mathews, 19 August To Charles Gottfried Paleske, 19 August To George Taylor, Jr., 19 August To George Washington, 19 August To Edmund Winston, 19 August From Edward Telfair, 21 August From Thomas Barclay, 22 August From Gouverneur Morris, 22 August To William Barton, 23 August From George Washington, 23 August From Stephen Cathalan, Jr., 24 August From Alexander Martin, 24 August From William Short, 24 August From Josiah Parker, 26 August From Edmund Randolph, 26 August From George Taylor, Jr., 26 August From James Yard, 26 August To George Taylor, Jr., 27 August To Jean Baptiste Ternant, 27 August To George Washington, 27 August From Thomas Pinckney, 29 August From Gouverneur Morris, 30 August From William Short, 31 August From Joseph Fenwick, 1 September From George Taylor, Jr., 1 September From John Syme, 2 September To Timothy Pickering, 3 September From James Currie, 4 September [ xxviii ]

295 295 296 296 297 298 299 299 300 301 301 306 307 308 309 309 310 310 311 312 312 313 315 315 319 321 322 325 326 326 327 328 328 329 329 331 335 339 339 340 341 341

CONTENTS From Powhatan Boiling, 6 September From Alexander Donald, 6 September From Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 6 September From Thomas Barclay, 8 September From Samuel Blodget, Jr., 8 September From Thomas Pinckney, 8 September From Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 8 September From David Humphreys, 9 September From John Garland Jefferson, 9 September To Needier Robinson, 9 September To Archibald Stuart, 9 September To George Washington, 9 September From Thomas Barclay, 10 September From Blow & Milhado, 10 September From Stephen Cathalan, Jr., 10 September To Daniel L . Hylton, 10 September From Gouverneur Morris, 10 September To George Taylor, Jr., 10 September To George Webb, 10 September To Basil Wood, 10 September To James Brown, 11 September To Charles Clay, 11 September From Ferdinando Fairfax, 11 September From Joseph Fenwick, 11 September To Robert Fleming, 11 September To Henry Middleton, 11 September To Lucy Ludwell Paradise, 11 September To Hugh Rose, 11 September To Edward Rutledge, 11 September To George Wythe, 11 September From Madame Plumard de Bellanger, 14 September From James Brown, 15 September From William Short, 15 September From George Washington, 15 September To James Monroe, 16 September To James Madison, 17 September To Edmund Randolph, 17 September To John Syme, 17 September From George Webb, 17 September From J . P. P. Derieux, [18 September?] From William Knox, 18 September From William Vans Murray, 18 September [ xxix ]

342 343 344 345 346 346 348 348 349 350 351 351 360 360 362 363 364 365 366 366 367 367 368 369 370 371 372 372 373 373 374 374 374 383 385 386 387 387 388 389 389 389

CONTENTS From William Short, 18 September From Fulwar Skipwith, 18 September To George Washington, 18 September From James Maury, 19 September From Gouverneur Morris, 19 September From Thomas Pinckney, 19 September From J . P. P. Derieux, 20 September From C. W. F. Dumas, 20 September To Powhatan Boiling, 21 September To Bowling Clark, enclosing Power of Attorney for Sale of Slaves, 21 September From Stephen Hallet, 21 September Memorandums for Manoah Clarkson, [23 September] To Thomas Bell, 25 September To John Garland Jefferson, 25 September To Randolph Jefferson, 25 September Receipt for Nicholas Lewis, 25 September To Henry Mullins, 25 September To Nathaniel Pope, 25 September From John Syme, 26 September From Gouverneur Morris, 27 September To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., [after 27 September] From James Anderson, 28 September From Joseph Fenwick, 28 September From William Short, 28 September From David Campbell, 29 September Notes of a Conversation with George Mason, 30 September From Thomas Barclay, 1 October From Joel Barlow, 1 October From Daniel L . Hylton, 1 October To James Madison, 1 October To James Madison, 1 October Notes of a Conversation with George Washington, 1 October From Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 1 October From Dugald Stewart, 1 October To James Madison, 2 October From Edward Telfair, 3 October From Alexander Martin, 4 October Paragraph for George Washington to Gouverneur Morris, 4 October From Théophile Cazenove, 5 October From Delamotte, 5 October [ XXX ]

390 403 403 404 404 406 406 406 408 408 410 412 415 415 416 416 417 417 418 419 422 423 424 425 427 428 430 430 431 432 432 433 436 437 437 438 439 440 440 440

CONTENTS From Thomas Pinckney, 5 October To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 5 October From John Carey, 6 October From Mary Gomain Hallet, [ca. 6 October] From Alexander Hamilton, 6 October John Sheppard to the Committee of the American Philosophical Society, [ca. 6 October] From John F. Mercer, 7 October From Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 7 October To Henry Remsen, 7 October From George Washington, 7 October To Stephen Cathalan, Jr., 8 October From Joseph Fay, 8 October To Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 8 October From William Rawle, 8 October To William Rawle, 8 October From George Gilmer, 9 October From Joshua Johnson, 9 October From James Madison, 9 October From William Short, 9 October From Ernst Frederick Walterstorff, 9 October From Wilson Miles Cary, 10 October From Joseph G. Chambers, 10 October To Delamotte, 10 October To Joseph Fenwick, 10 October To Jean François Froullé, 10 October From Henry Remsen, 10 October From Elias Vanderhorst, 10 October To Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 10 October To J . P. P. Derieux, 11 October To Alexander Donald, enclosing Invoice of Books and Articles to be Bought in Dublin and London, 11 October From Alexander Hamilton, 11 October To D. Vassy, 11 October From James Mease, 12 October From Joseph Nourse, 12 October To Thomas Pinckney, 12 October To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 12 October From William Short, 12 October To Blow & Milhado, 13 October To Daniel Carroll, 13 October From Daniel Carroll, 13 October [ xxxi ]

441 443 443 444 445 446 447 448 449 450 450 451 451 452 453 453 453 455 455 458 458 459 461 461 462 463 465 466 467 467 470 470 471 472 472 473 474 476 477 477

CONTENTS From Ernst Frederick Gayer, 13 October To Alexander Hamilton, 13 October To William Carmichael and William Short, 14 October From the Commissioners of the Federal District, 14 October To William Short, 14 October To George Washington, 14 October From William Knox, 15 October To Gouverneur Morris, 15 October Paragraphs for the President's Annual Message to Congress, 15 October From Henry Remsen, 15 October From Samuel Ward & Brothers, 15 October To Joseph Fenwick, 16 October From James Monroe, 16 October To William Short, 16 October To Jean Baptiste Ternant, 16 October To Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 16 October To George Washington, 16 October To James Madison, 17 October To George Washington, enclosing Observations on the French Debt, 17 October Estimate of the Domestic Expenses of the State Department for 1793,18 October From George Washington, 18 October To James Currie, 19 October From Alexander Hamilton, with Jefferson's Comment, 19 October To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 19 October From William Short, 19 October To Samuel Ward & Brothers, 19 October From George Washington, 20 October From John Garland Jefferson, 21 October From J . P. P. Derieux, 22 October From Alexander Hamilton, 22 October To Alexander Hamilton, 22 October To Alexander Hamilton, enclosing Statements of Salaries and Disbursements of the Department of State, 22 October From William Hylton, 22 October To Thomas Pinckney, 22 October From Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 22 October From William Short, 22 October From Jean Antoine Gautier, 23 October [ xxxii ]

478 478 479 481 482 484 484 484 486 487 488 489 489 490 492 493 493 493 494 498 499 500 500 501 502 504 505 506 507 507 508 508 511 511 512 513 522

CONTENTS From James Madison, 23 October From Gouverneur Morris, 23 October To Jean Baptiste Ternant, enclosing Observations on La Forest's Commission, 23 October From Henry Lee, 24 October From Daniel Carroll, 25 October From Thomas Barclay, 26 October To Martha Jefferson Randolph, 26 October From William Short, 27 October From Daniel Smith, 27 October To George Washington, 27 October From John F. Mercer, 28 October To Edmund Randolph, 28 October From John Joseph de Barth, 29 October Report on the Proceedings of the Northwest Territory, 29 October From Josef Ignacio de Viar and Josef de Jaudenes, 29 October, enclosing Extract of Carondelet to Viar and Jaudenes, 24 September From Samuel Ward & Brothers, 29 October From James Currie, 30 October From James Yard, 30 October To Alexander Hamilton, 31 October From David Humphreys, 31 October From Tobias Lear, 31 October Notes of Cabinet Meeting on the Southern Indians and Spain, 31 October From Tobias Lear, 1 November Edmund Randolph's Opinion on the Theft of Slaves from Martinique, 1 November Revised Paragraph for the President's Annual Message to Congress, 1 November To Josef Ignacio de Viar and Josef de Jaudenes, 1 November To George Washington, 1 November From William Cobbett, 2 November To J . P. P. Derieux, 2 November From Alexander Hamilton, 2 November To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 2 November From William Short, 2 November From William Short, 2 November To George Washington, 2 November To George Washington, 2 November [ xxxiii ]

523 524 530 531 * 533 534 534 535 537 538 539 540 540 541

541 544 544 545 545 545 547 547 550 551 552 552 553 554 555 556 556 557 560 562 563

CONTENTS From James Anderson, 3 November To William Carmichael and William Short, 3 November From George Washington, 3 November To George Washington, enclosing Accounts of the Department of State, 3 November To John Boiling, Jr., 4 November To James Brown, 4 November To Wilson Miles Cary, 4 November To Joseph Dickerson and Isaac Winfrey, 4 November To Joseph Fay, 4 November To Richard Hanson, enclosing Power of Attorney to Richard Hanson, 4 November To John Garland Jefferson, 4 November To Adam Lindsay, 4 November To Matthew Maury, 4 November To John F. Mercer, 4 November To George Reveley, 4 November To F. P. Van Berckel, 4 November To Joseph G. Chambers, 5 November To William Cobbett, 5 November From the Commissioners of the Federal District, 5 November From James Currie, 5 November From Alexander Hamilton, 5 November To George Washington, enclosing Estimates of the Foreign Fund and Foreign Establishment, 5 November To Stephen Cathalan, Jr., 6 November To Jacob Hollingsworth, 6 November To David Humphreys, 6 November From John Garland Jefferson, 6 November To the Mayor and Municipality of Marseilles, 6 November To Thomas Pinckney, 6 November From Thomas Pinckney, 6 November To Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 6 November From Alexander Donald, 7 November From James Maury, 7 November To Gouverneur Morris, 7 November To Gouverneur Morris, 7 November To David Humphreys, 8 November To Thomas Pinckney, 8 November From Rodolph Vall-Travers, 8 November George Washington to the Senate, 8 November From James Brown, 9 November [ xxxiv ]

564 565 567 568 573 573 574 575 575 576 577 577 57S 57S 579 579 580 580 581 582 582 583 585 586 587 588 589 590 591 591 592 592 592 594 595 596 597 598 598

C O N T E N T S

To Matthew McAllister, 9 November From Thomas Pinckney, 9 November To Edmund Randolph, 9 November From William Short, 9 November To Jean Baptiste Ternant, 9 November To George Turner, 9 November From John Clarke, 10 November To Arthur St. Clair, 10 November To Alexander Donald, enclosing Directions for Window Sashes, 11 November Notes on Alexander Hamilton, 11 November Notes on the Circulating Medium of Philadelphia and Great Britain, 11 November To Samuel Campbell, 12 November From Tobias Lear, 12 November From Edmund Randolph, 12 November To Martha Jefferson Randolph, 12 November To George Washington, 12 November To George Washington, 12 November To Stephen Willis, 12 November To Jacquelin Ambler, 13 November To the Commissioners of the Federal District, enclosing George Washington to Jacquelin Ambler, 13 November From C. W. F. Dumas, 13 November From Joseph Leacock, 13 November From James Maury, 13 November From Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 13 November To Thomas Pinckney, 13 November To Henry Remsen, 13 November To Christian Baehr, 14 November To William Blount, 14 November Circular to Consuls and Vice-Consuls, 14 November To Thomas FitzSimons, 14 November From John Steele, 14 November To Thomas Barclay, 15 November To James Brown, 15 November To Joseph Donath, 16 November To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 16 November From William Short, 16 November To George Washington, 16 November To George Washington, 16 November From Alexander Hamilton, 17 November [ xxxv ]

599 600 601 601 603 604 604 605 605 607 607 608 609 609 610 610 610 611 612 612 613 614 614 615 615 616 617 617 618 620 621 621 622 622 623 624 626 626 627

CONTENTS From Alexander Hamilton, [17 November] From Tobias Lear, 17 November To the President Pro Tempore of the Senate, 17 November Report of the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, [17 November] From Richard Chandler, 18 November From John Garland Jefferson, 18 November From Adam Lindsay, 18 November Notes on the Legitimacy of the French Government, with Addendum, [18-19] November From Martha Jefferson Randolph, 18 November To George Washington, 18 November From J . P. P. Derieux, 19 November To William Fitzhugh, 19 November From Alexander Hamilton, 19 November To Adam? Hunter, 19 November From Thomas Mifflin, 19 November Notes on Alexander Hamilton, 19 November From John Page, 19 November To Mann Page, 19 November From Henry Remsen, 19 November To George Washington, 19 November From George Washington, with Jefferson's Comment, 19 November From Thomas Barclay, 20 November From Joseph G. Chambers, 20 November To Thomas Mifflin, 20 November To Thomas Pinckney, 20 November From William Short, 20 November From Thomas Shubrick, 20 November To Jean Baptiste Ternant, 20 November To Alexander Hamilton, 21 November From James Monroe, 21 November To J . P. P. Derieux, 22 November To Jacob Hollingsworth, 22 November To Daniel L . Hylton, 22 November To Martha Jefferson Randolph, 22 November From Joseph Leacock, [23] November From Tobias Lear, 23 November To Joseph Leacock, 24 November To George Washington, 24 November To James McHenry, 25 November [ xxxvi ]

627 627 628 629 630 631 632 632 634 634 635 636 636 637 637 638 638 639 640 642 642 643 644 645 646 646 650 652 654 655 655 656 656 657 658 660 661 661 662

C O N T E N T S

To Henry Remsen, 25 November To George Divers, 26 November From Andrew Ellicott, 26 November From James Maury, 26 November Report on the Petition of John de Neufville, 26 November From Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 26 November To Thomas Pinckney, 27 November From David Rittenhouse, 27 November From Richard Harrison, 28 November From David Humphreys, 28 November From Tobias Lear, 28 November From David Rittenhouse, 28 November From Abner Vernon, 28 November To George Washington, 28 November George Washington to the Senate and the House of Representatives, [28 November] From William Fitzhugh, 29 November From Richard Harrison, 29 November From Tobias Lear, 29 November From Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 29 November To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 30 November From William Short, 30 November From William Short, 30 November From James Traquair, [30 November] Petition of Oliver Evans to the Patent Board, [ca. 1 December] To Richard Harrison, 1 December To Samuel Jones, Jr., 1 December From James Maury, 1 December To Nathaniel Tracy, 1 December To George Washington, enclosing Draft Clause on Foreign Intercourse, 1 December To Benjamin Smith Barton, 2 December To Stephen Cathalan, Jr. , 2 December To Joseph Fen wick, 2 December To Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 2 December From Simeon Baldwin, 3 December A Bill to Redeem the Public Debt, [3 December] Clause for Bill on Offenses against the Law of Nations, [3 December] Opinion on Offenses against the Law of Nations, 3 December To Thomas Pinckney, 3 December From Philip Wilson, 3 December [ xxxvii ]

662 663 664 664 664 667 668 668 668 669 671 671 672 673

.

674 674 675 675 676 676 677 679 683 683 684 685 685 686 686 687 688 690 691 691 692 693 693 696 697

CONTENTS From Oliver Ellsworth, 4 December From Robert Gamble, 4 December From the Commissioners of the Federal District, 5 December From William Green, 5 December Memorandum on James Traquair, 5 December Edmund Randolph's Opinion on Offenses against the Law of Nations, 5 December From Thomas Auldjo, 6 December To Daniel L . Hylton, 6 December To Martha Jefferson Randolph, 6 December From Archibald Stuart, 6 December From Francis Eppes, 7 December From William Murray, 7 December From John Waller Johnston, [ca. 8 December] From William Short, 8 December To George Washington, 8 December From Jacob Hollingsworth, [9] December To Thomas Leiper, 9 December From Jacquelin Ambler, 10 December From Joseph Leacock, 10 December To James Madison, [ca. 10 December] Notes for a Conversation with George Hammond, [ca. 10 December] Notes of Cabinet Meeting on Indian Affairs, 10 December From Peyton Short, 10 December Thoughts on the Bankruptcy Bill, [ca. 10 December] From James Brown, 11 December From Tobias Lear, 11 December To Samuel Biddle, 12 December From Alexander Donald, 12 December To Jacob Hollingsworth, 12 December Notes of a Conversation with George Hammond, 12 December To Thomas Pinckney, 12 December To Abner Vernon, 12 December To James Brown, 13 December To the Commissioners of the Federal District, enclosing Drawing of a Mill for Sawing and Polishing Stone, 13 December From Charles Everett, [13 December] From John F. Mercer, 13 December Notes of a Conversation with George Washington, 13 December From Thomas Pinckney, 13 December [ xxxviii ]

698 698 699 700 702 702 703 703 704 704 706 706 707 708 713 713 714 715 715 717 717 721 721 722 723 724 724 726 727 728 730 730 731

731 733 733 734 735

CONTENTS To Martha Jefferson Randolph, 13 December To John Clarke, 14 December From Tench Coxe, 14 December To J . P. P. Derieux, 14 December From Alexander Hamilton, 14 December From Thomas Pinckney, 14 December From Martha Jefferson Carr, 15 December To George Gilmer, 15 December To William Pearce, 15 December To Ambrose Vasse, 15 December To Charles Bellini, 16 December To Thomas Leiper, 16 December To Bishop James Madison, 16 December To St. George Tucker, 16 December From Thomas Barclay, 17 December To the Commissioners of the Federal District, 17 December Notes of a Conversation with George Hammond, 17 December Notes on the Reynolds Affair, 17 December From William Short, 18 December From William Short, 18 December To George Washington, 18 December From Thomas Barclay, 19 December From Benjamin Smith Barton, [19 December] To Francis Eppes, 19 December To John F. Mercer, 19 December To James Brown, 20 December To Stephen Cathalan, Jr., 20 December From Joseph Fen wick, 20 December From Tobias Lear, 20 December From Condorcet, 21 December From Gouverneur Morris, 21 December To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 21 December From Hans Rodolph Saabye, 22 December To the Commissioners of the Federal District, 23 December From David Humphreys, 23 December From John Brown Cutting, 24 December From Jacob Hollingsworth, 24 December From Elias Vanderhorst, 24 December To John Rutherford, 25 December From Gaudenzio Clerici, 26 December To Richard Dobson, 26 December From Alexander Hamilton, 26 December [ xxxix ]

740 741 741 742 742 743 744 744 745 745 746 746 748 748 749 749 750 751 751 752 755 756 756 756 757 758 759 759 760 760 762 774 775 776 776 778 779 780 781 785 788 789

CONTENTS To John Jones, 26 December From Thomas Barclay, 27 December From Thomas Barclay, 27 December From John Nancarrow, 27 December Notes of a Conversation with George Washington on French Affairs, 27 December From Joseph Fenwick, 28 December From Benjamin Hawkins, 28 December From Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 28 December From David Rittenhouse, 29 December From Madame d'Enville, 30 December From Henry Lee, 30 December To Gouverneur Morris, 30 December Notes on the Legitimacy of Government, 30 December To Thomas Pinckney, 30 December From George Washington, 30 December To Daniel L . Hylton, 31 December From William Pearce and Thomas Marshall, 31 December To Martha Jefferson Randolph, 31 December To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 31 December From Elias Vanderhorst, 31 December From George Washington, 31 December From George Washington, [31 December] Jefferson's Account of the Bargain on the Assumption and Residence Bills, [1792?] From John Nancarrow, with Drawing by Jefferson, [1792-1793] Note on the National Debt, [1792-1793?] INDEX

790 791 791 792 793 795 796 797 798 798 799 800 802 802 804 804 805 806 806 807 807 808 808 808 810 811

[xl]

ILLUSTRATIONS Following page 404 JEFFERSON'S N O T E S ON T H E HESSIAN F L Y

Jefferson's notes, written during the first half of June 1792, reflect his use of science in the interests of American agriculture and diplomacy. Jefferson com­ posed these notes in his capacity as chairman of a committee of the American Philosophical Society investigating the Hessianfly,an insect that was ravaging American wheat crops. In addition tofindingways of protecting wheat against this pestilence, Jefferson was also concerned to prove that the Hessian fly did not afflict American grain exports, so as to avoid a repetition of the 1789 British embargo on grain imports from the United States. Despite Jefferson's concern about the deleterious impact of the Hessian fly, however, there is no evidence in the records of the American Philosophical Society that his committee ever submitted a report. (Courtesy of the Library of Congress) JEFFERSON'S ACCOUNTS AS MINISTER P L E N I P O T E N T I A R Y IN F R A N C E

The settlement of the financial accounts pertaining to Jefferson's French ministry was a long and arduous affair that spanned almost four decades. Frus­ trated in his initial effort to have his accounts settled by Thomas Barclay while he was still in France, Jefferson finally submitted them to Auditor Richard Harrison in July 1792, only to wait another twelve years before Harrison completed his audit as well as an additionalfiveyears before one last claim in them wasfinallysettled. In addition to the anxiety that the repeated delays in the settlement of these accounts caused thefinanciallytroubled Jefferson, he also had to suffer the indignity just a few years before his death of a public accusation that he had defrauded the United States government with respect to one item in them. So infuriated was Jefferson by this slur on his honor that he abandoned his customary aversion to personal involvement in public con­ troversy and openly defended his financial probity. The characteristic care and attention to detail that marked the preparation of Jefferson's accounts are evi­ dent in the pages of the third draft and the press copy of the final version of this document illustrated in this volume. (Courtesy of the Library of Congress) JEFFERSON'S N O T E OF AGENDA FOR R E D U C I N G T H E G O V E R N M E N T T O T R U E PRINCIPLES

Jefferson wrote these cryptic shorthand notes on or about 11 July 1792, shortly after a private meeting in which he had tried unsuccessfully to under­ mine President Washington's confidence in Alexander Hamilton and his policies. In consequence of this failure, Jefferson here set forth the legislative remedies he regarded as essential for curbing the excesses of Hamiltonianism. It is not known why he first wrote it using a form of shorthand devised in the seventeenth century by Thomas Shelton, an English stenographer. Nor is there any evidence that he shared it with any of his political allies. Nevertheless, it strikingly reveals his assessment of the gravity of the threat that Hamiltonianfinanceposed to the success of the American experiment in republicanism. (Courtesy of the Library of Congress) [xli]

ILLUSTRATIONS A L E X A N D E R H A M I L T O N (ca. 1755-1804)

Jefferson's long-simmering conflict with his great antagonist in the Depart­ ment of the Treasury burst forth into public view with spectacular effect in the summer of 1792 as Hamilton launched four series of pseudonymous news­ paper essays criticizing Jefferson for unwarranted opposition to Hamiltonian policies and for certain shortcomings as minister to France. Although Jefferson refrained as a matter of principle from publicly replying in kind to these attacks, which were immediately recognized as Hamilton's, he did defend himself pri­ vately in letters to Washington and provide material to James Monroe for a series of newspaper articles in Jefferson's defense that Monroe wrote partly with the help of James Madison. In an ironic turn of events, Hamilton's pub­ lic criticism of Jefferson, which was obviously designed to discredit him and drive him from office, actually induced Jefferson to remain as Secretary of State until the end of 1793 instead of retiring at the start of Washington's second administration as he had originally planned. Portrait by John Trumbull, 1792. (Courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art) WASHINGTON'S E X C I S E P R O C L A M A T I O N

Washington's 15 Sep. 1792 proclamation, reproduced here from the 29 Sep. 1792 issue of the National Gazette, was prompted by widespread oppo­ sition to the federal excise tax in western Pennsylvania—a foretaste of the much greater Whiskey Rebellion of 1794. Although signed by Washington and countersigned by Jefferson, this proclamation was largely the work of Alexander Hamilton and Edmund Randolph. Jefferson signed the proclama­ tion reluctantly because he was sympathetic to western concerns about the excise and doubted that the opposition in western Pennsylvania had exceeded the bounds of constitutionally permissible public protest. (Courtesy of the American Antiquarian Society) MONROE A N D MADISON'S D E F E N S E OF J E F F E R S O N

Alongside Washington's excise proclamation in the National Gazette is a reprint of part of the first in a series of six unsigned and untitled essays that initially appeared in Dunlap*s American Daily Advertiser. Written by James Monroe with some assistance from James Madison, the essays sought to defend Jefferson against Alexander Hamilton's pseudonymous public criticisms of his record. In the first essay, a collaborative effort, the two Virginians refuted the charge that Jefferson had opposed the federal Constitution, one of the main themes of the Secretary of the Treasury's critique. Although it is not known whether Jefferson initially sanctioned this public defense of his record, it is indisputable that he later provided Monroe with material for use in subsequent essays in this series rebutting Hamilton's criticism of Jefferson's handling of the American debt to France during his ministry to that nation. (Courtesy of the American Antiquarian Society) J O S E F D E J A U D E N E S (1763-ca. 1819)

A protégé of Don Diego de Gardoqui, the first Spanish minister to the United States, Jaudenes served as one of two Spanish agents accredited to [xlii]

ILLUSTRATIONS the new American nation from 1790 to 1796, when another regular minister was appointed by the Spanish government. During his tenure as Secretary of State Jefferson had frequent dealings with Jaudenes and Josef Ignacio de Viar, the other Spanish agent, on a variety of issues. Foremost among them, as the present volume reveals, was the question of Spanish interference with the Southern Indians, a problem Jefferson viewed with such gravity that he even thought it might lead to war between the United States and the Spanish Empire. Portrait by Gilbert Stuart, 1794. {Courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art) MARQUIS D E C O N D O R C E T (1743-1794)

The points of contact between Jefferson and Condorcet, the distinguished philosophe, mathematician, humanitarian reformer, and spokesman for French science, reveal the cosmopolitan side of the Virginia statesman. Jefferson became acquainted with Condorcet during his ministry to France and shared his belief in the progress of science as one of the main keys to social improvement. Jefferson manifested his admiration for Condorcet by acquiring virtually all of the Frenchman's major works for his library and by beginning an English translation of a work by Condorcet condemning slavery. After his return to America, Jefferson and Condorcet corresponded about weights and measures as well as the the intellectual achievements of blacks. In December 1792 the Girondist Condorcet wrote a letter to Jefferson introducing Edmond Charles Genet, the new French minister to the United States, and downplaying the significance of the defection of Lafayette from the revolutionary cause. This was the last letter exchanged by these two exponents of the Enlightenment before Condorcet was engulfed in the maelstrom of the French Revolution. In his last will and testament, written shortly before he died in prison in 1794, Condorcet commended his beloved daughter, Eliza, to the care of Jef­ ferson and Benjamin Franklin Bache, Benjamin Franklin's grandson, in certain eventualities. Portrait by an unidentified French artist. {Courtesy of the Musée National du Chateau de Versailles et de Trianon) F I R S T P A G E OF S E N A T E R E P O R T ON W E I G H T S AND M E A S U R E S

In a sense this report was a joint production of Jefferson and the committee on weights and measures that actually submitted it to the Senate. Senator John Rutherford of New Jersey, the committee chairman, solicited Jefferson's com­ ments on an alternate set of resolves on weights and measures in December 1792. Jefferson responded on Christmas Day with a detailed letter to Ruther­ ford suggesting a number of amendments. Virtually all of these amendments were reflected in the committee's January 1793 report to the Senate. Although the Senate ordered that the report be printed for the use of its members, it never passed legislation establishing a uniform system of weights and measures such as Jefferson had advocated in his great report of 1790 on this matter. {Courtesy of the American Antiquarian Society)

[ xliii ]

Volume 24 î June to 31 December 1792

JEFFERSON 1743 1743 1760 1762 1762-1767 1769-1774 1772 1775- 1776 1776 1776- 1779 1779 1779-1781 1782 1783- 1784 1784- 1789 1790-1793 1797-1801 1801-1809 1814-1826 1826

CHRONOLOGY -1826

Born at Shadwell, 13 Apr. (New Style). Entered the College of William and Mary, "quitted college." Self-education and preparation for law. Albemarle delegate to House of Burgesses. Married Martha Wayles Skelton, 1 Jan. In Continental Congress. Drafted Declaration of Independence. In Virginia House of Delegates. Submitted Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom. Governor of Virginia. His wife died, 6 Sep. In Continental Congress. In France as Minister Plenipotentiary to negotiate commercial treaties and as Minister Plenipotentiary resident at Versailles. Secretary of State of the United States. Vice President of the United States. President of the United States. Established the University of Virginia. Died at Monticello, 4 July.

VOLUME

24

1 June to 31 December 1792 1 June 1-15 June 3 June 3 June 16 June 10 July ca. 11 July 13 July July-Oct. 9 Sep. 5 Oct. 14 Oct. 15 Oct. 15 Oct.1 Nov. 17 Oct. 7 Nov. Nov.-Dec. 10 Dec. ca. 10 Dec. ca. 15 Dec. 17 Dec. 25 Dec.

Completes instructions for John Paul Jones's Algerine mission. Experiments with Hessian fly. Confers with British minister about infractions of peace treaty. Prepares papers for sale of Elk Hill. Suggests settlement of Saint-Domingue slave revolt. Urges Washington to serve a second term. Makes shorthand note of agenda for reforming the national government. Leaves Philadelphia for annual visit to Monticello. Submits accounts as Minister Plenipotentiary in France. Denounces Hamilton to Washington. Returns to Philadelphia. Opposes Spanish interference with Southern Indians. Orders halt in debt payments to France after learning of suspension of Louis XVI. Drafts paragraphs for Washington's fourth annual message to Congress. Responds to Hamilton's criticisms on French debt and Constitution. Enunciates policy of diplomatic recognition. Makes plans to resume building of Monticello in anticipation of retirement. Rejects proposed British mediation of Indian war. Sets down thoughts on bankruptcy bill. Learns of establishment of French republic. Makes notes on Reynolds affair. Advises Senator John Rutherford on uniform system of weights and measures.

T H E PAPERS OF

T H O M A S JEFFERSON

To John Paul Jones SIR Philadelphia June l . 1792. The President of the United States having thought proper to appoint you Commissioner for treating with the Dey and government of Algiers on the subjects of peace and ransom of our captives, I have the honour to inclose you the Commissions, of which Mr. Thomas Pinkney now on his way to London as our Minister Plenipotentiary there, will be the bearer. Supposing that there exists a disposition to thwart our négociations with the Algerines, and that this would be very practicable, we have thought it adviseable that the knolege of this appointment should rest with the President, Mr. Pinkney and myself: for which reason you will perceive that the commissions are all in my own handwriting. For the same reason, entire secrecy is recom­ mended to you, and that you so cover from the public your departure and destination, as that they may not be conjectured or noticed; and at the same time that you set out after as short delay as your affairs will possibly permit. 1

In order to enable you to enter on this business with full information, it will be necessary to give you a history of what has passed. On the 25th. of July 1785. the schooner Maria, Capt. Stevens, belonging to a Mr. Foster of Boston, was taken off Cape St. Vin­ cent's, by an Algerine cruiser; and five days afterwards, the ship Dauphin, Capt. Obrian, belonging to Messrs. Irvins of Philadelphia was taken by another about 50. leagues Westward of Lisbon. These vessels with their cargoes and crews, 21. persons in number, were carried into Algiers. Mr. John Lamb, appointed Agent for treating of peace between the U.S. and the government of Algiers, was ready to set out from France on that business, when Mr. Adams and myself heard of these two captures. The ransom of prisoners, being a case not existing when our powers were prepared, no provision had been made for it. We thought however we ought to endeavor to ransom our coun­ trymen, without waiting for orders; but at the same time, that, acting [3}

1 JUNE

1792

without authority, we should keep within the lowest price which had been given by any other nation. We therefore gave a supplementory instruction to Mr. Lamb to ransom our captives, if it could be done for 200. Dollars a man, as we knew that 300. French captives had been just ransomed by the Mathurins, at a price very little above this sum. He proceeded to Algiers: but his mission proved fruitless. He wrote us word from thence, that the Dey asked 59,496 Dollars for the 21. captives, and that it was not probable he would abate much from that price. But he never intimated an idea of agreeing to give it. As he has never settled the accounts of his mission, no further informa­ tion has been recieved. It has been said that he entered into a positive stipulation with the Dey to pay for the prisoners the price abovementioned, or something near it; and that he came away with an assurance to return with the money. We cannot believe the fact true; and if it were, we disavow it totally, as far beyond his powers. We have never disavowed it formally, because it has never come to our knowlege with any degree of certainty. In Feb. 1787. I wrote to Congress to ask leave to employ the Mathurins of France in ransoming our captives; and on the 19th. of Sep. I recieved their orders to do so, and to call for the money from our bankers at Amsterdam as soon as it could be furnished. It was long before they could furnish the money, and, as soon as they notified that they could, the business was put into train by the General of the Mathurins, not with the appearance of acting for the U.S. or with their knolege, but merely on the usual ground of charity. This expedient was rendered abortive by the revolution of France, the derangement of Ecclesiastical orders there, and the revocation of church property, before any proposition perhaps had been made in form by the Mathurins to the Dey of Algiers. I have some reason to believe that Mr. Eustace, while in Spain endeavored to engage the court of Spain to employ their Mathurins in this same business, but whether they actually moved in it, or not, I have never learned. We have also been told that a Mr. Simpson of Gibraltar, by the direction of the Messrs. Bulkeleys of Lisbon, contracted for the ran­ som of our prisoners (then reduced by death and ransom to 14.) at 34,792ff- Dollars. By whose orders they did it we could never learn. I have suspected it was some association in London, which finding the prices far above their conception, did not go through with their purpose, which probably had been merely a philanthropic one. Be this as it may, it was without our authority or knowlege. Again, Mr. Cathalan, our Consul at Marseilles, without any instruc2

[4]

1 JUNE

1792

tion from the government, and actuated merely, as we presume, by a willingness to do something agreeable, set on foot another négociation for their redemption; which ended in nothing. These several volunteer interferences, tho' undertaken with good intentions, run directly counter to our plan; which was to avoid the appearance of any purpose on our part ever to ransom our captives, and by that semblance of neglect, to reduce the demands of the Algerines to such a price as might make it hereafter less their interest to pursue our citizens than any others. On the contrary they have supposed all these propositions, directly or indirectly, came from us: they inferred from thence the greatest anxiety on our part, where we had been endeavoring to make them suppose there was none; kept up their demands for our captives at the highest prices ever paid by any nation; and thus these charitable, tho' unauthorised, interpositions, have had the double effect of lengthening the chains they were meant to break, and of making us at last set a much higher rate of ransom, for our citizens present and future, than we probably should have obtained, if we had been left alone to do our own work, in our own way.— Thus stands this business then at present. A formal bargain, as I am informed, being registered in the books of the former Dey, on the part of the Bulkeleys of Lisbon, which they suppose to be obligatory on us, but which is to be utterly disavowed, as having never been authorised by us, nor it's source even known to us. In 1790. this subject was laid before Congress fully, and at the late session monies have been provided, and authority given to proceed to the ransom of our captive citizens at Algiers, provided it shall not exceed a given sum, and provided also a peace shall be previously negociated within certain limits of expence. And in consequence of these proceedings your mission has been decided on by the President. Since then no ransom is to take place without a peace, you will of course take up first the négociation of peace; or if you find it better that peace and ransom should be treated of together, you will take care that no agreement for the latter be concluded, unless the former be established before, or in, the same instant. As to the conditions, it is understood that no peace can be made with that government but for a larger sum of money to be paid at once for the whole time of it's duration, or for a smaller one to be annually paid. The former plan we entirely refuse, and adopt the latter. We have also understood that peace might be bought cheaper with naval stores than with money: but we will not furnish them naval stores, because we think it not right to furnish them means which we know they will employ to do wrong, and because there might be no economy [5]

1 JUNE

1792

in it, as to ourselves in the end, as it would increase the expence of that coercion which we may in future be obliged to practice towards them. The only question then is, What sum of money will we agree to pay them annually for peace? By a letter from Capt. Obrian, a copy of which you recieve herewith, we have his opinion that a peace could be purchased with money for 60,000 £ sterl. or with naval stores for 100,000. Dollars. An annual payment equivalent to the first, would be 3000 £. sterling or 13,500 Dollars, the interest of the sum in gross. If we could obtain it for as small a sum as the second in money, the annual payment equivalent to it would be 5000. Dollars. In another part of the same letter Capt. Obrian says 'if maritime stores and two light cruisers given and a tribute paid in maritime stores every two years, amounting to 12,000 Dollars in America' a peace can be had. The gift of stores and cruisers here supposed, converted into an annual equivalent, may be stated at 9000. Doll, and adding to it half the biennial sum, would make 15,000 Doll, to be annually paid. You will of course use your best endeavors to get it at the lowest sum practicable, whereupon I shall only say, that we should be pleased with 10,000 dollars, contented with 15,000, think 20,000 a very hard bargain, yet go as far as 25,000 if it be impossible to get it for less; but not a copper further, this being fixed by law as the utmost limit. These are meant as annual sums. If you can put off the first annual payment to the end of the first year, you may employ any sum not exceeding that in presents to be paid down: but if the first payment is to be made in hand, that and the presents cannot by law exceed 25,000 Dollars. And here we meet a difficulty, arising from the small degree of information we have respecting the Barbary states. Tunis is said to be tributary to Algiers. But whether the effect of this be that peace being made with Algiers, is of course with the Tunisians without separate treaty, or separate price, is what we know not. If it be possible to have it placed on this footing, so much the better. At any event it will be necessary to stipulate with Algiers that her influence be interposed as strongly as possible with Tunis, whenever we shall proceed to treat with the latter; which cannot be till information of the event of your négociation, and another session of Congress. As to the articles and form of the treaty in general, our treaty with Marocco was so well digested, that I inclose you a copy of that to be the Model with Algiers, as nearly as it can be obtained, only inserting the clause with respect to Tunis. The ransom of the captives is next to be considered. They are now thirteen in number, to wit, Richd. Obrian and Isaac Stephens 3

[6]

1 JUNE

1792

captains, Andrew Montgomery and Alexr. Forsyth mates, Jacob Tessanier a French passenger, William Patterson, Philip Sloan, Peleg Lorin, James Hall, James Cathcart, George Smith, John Gregory, James Hermit, seamen. It has been a fixed principle with Congress to establish the rate of ransom of American captives with the Barbary states at as low a point as possible, that it may not be the interest of those states to go in quest of our citizens in preference to those of other countries. Had it not been for the danger it would have brought on the residue of our seamen, by exciting the cupidity of those rovers against them, our citizens now in Algiers would have been long ago redeemed without regard to price. The mere money for this particular redemption neither has been, nor is an object with any body here. It is from the same regard to the safety of our seamen at large that they have now restrained us from any ransom unaccompanied with peace. This being secured, we are led to consent to terms of ransom, to which otherwise our government would never have consented; that is to say, to the terms stated by Capt. Obrian in the following passage of the same letter. 'By giving the Minister of the marine (the present Dey's favorite) the sum of 1000. Sequins I would stake my life that we would be ransomed for 13,000 sequins, and all expences included.' Extravagant as this sum is, we will, under the security of peace in future, go so far; not doubting at the same time that you will obtain it as much lower as possible, and not indeed without a hope that a lower ransom will be practicable from the assurances given us in other letters from Capt. Obrian, that prices are likely to be abated by the present Dey, and particularly with us, toward whom he has been represented as well disposed. You will consider this sum therefore, say 27,000 dollars, as your ultimate limit, including ransom, duties, and gratifications of every kind. As soon as the ransom is completed, you will be pleased to have the captives well cloathed, and sent home at the expence of the U.S. with as much economy as will consist with their reasonable comfort. It is thought best that Mr. Pinkney, our minister at London should be the confidential channel of communication between us. He is enabled to answer your draughts for money within the limits before expressed: and as this will be by redrawing on Amsterdam, you must settle with him the number of days after sight at which your bills shall be payable in London so as to give him time, in the mean while, to draw the money from Amsterdam. We shall be anxious to know as soon, and as often as possible your prospects in these négociations. You will recieve herewith a cypher which will enable you to make them with safety. London and Lisbon

t7]

1 JUNE

1792

(where Colo. Humphreys will forward my letters) will be the safest and best ports of communication. I also inclose two separate commissions for the objects of peace and ransom. To these is added a commission to you as Consul for the U . S . at Algiers, on the possibility that it might be useful for you to remain there till the ratification of the treaties shall be returned from hence; tho' you are not to delay till their return, the sending the captives home, nor the necessary payments of money within the limits before prescribed. Should you be willing to remain there, even after the completion of the business, as Consul for the U . S . you will be free to do so, giving me notice, that no other nomination may be made. These commissions, being issued during the recess of the Senate, are in force, by the constitution, only till the next session of the Senate. But their renewal then is so much a matter of course, and of necessity, that you may consider that as certain, and proceed without interruption. I have not mentioned this in the commissions, because it is in all cases surplusage, and because it might be difficult of explanation to those to whom you are addressed. The allowance for all your expences and time (exclusive of the ran­ som, price of peace, duties, presents, maintenance and transportation of the captives) is at the rate of 2000. Dollars a year, to commence from the day on which you shall set out for Algiers, from whatever place you may take your departure. The particular objects of peace and ransom once out of the way, the 2000 Dollars annually are to go in satisfaction of time, services, and expences of every kind, whether you act as Consul or Commissioner. As the duration of this peace cannot be counted on with certainty, and we look forward to the necessity of coercion by cruises on their coast, to be kept up during the whole of their cruising season, you will be pleased to inform yourself, as minutely as possible, of every circumstance which may influence or guide us in undertaking and conducting such an operation, making your communications by safe opportunities. I must recommend to your particular notice Capt. Obrian, one of the captives, from whom we have recieved a great deal of useful information. The zeal which he has displayed under the trying circum­ stances of his present situation has been very distinguished. You will find him intimately acquainted with the manner in which and charac­ ters with whom business is to be done there, and perhaps he may be an useful instrument to you, especially in the outset of your undertak­ ing, which will require the utmost caution, and the best information. He will be able to give you the characters of the European Consuls there, tho' you will probably not think it prudent to repose confidence in any of them. [8]

1 JUNE

1792

Should you be able succesfully to accomplish the objects of your mission in time to convey notice of it to us as early as possible during the next session of Congress, which meets in the beginning of Novem­ ber and rises the 4th. of March, it would have a very pleasing effect. I am with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient & most humble servt TH:

RC (MdAN); dateline underneath sig­ nature; at foot of first page: " J . P. Jones"; docketed by David Humphreys. PrC (DLC). PrC of Tr (DLC); in a clerk's hand; at head of text: "Copy." PrC of another Tr (DLC); in a clerk's hand; last two pages only. F C (Lb in DNA: R G 59, DCI). Except in the RC and the first PrC of Tr, the fol­ lowing note appears at the foot of text: "rough estimate not contained in the letter. peace 25,000 Dollars ransom 27,000 clothing & passge. 1,000 negociator 2,000 55,000 sum allowed 50,000." Enclosures: (1) Treaty of Amity and Commerce with Morocco, 1786 (Miller, Treaties, n, 212-19). (2) Richard O'Bryen to Stephen Cathalan, Jr., the American consul at Marseilles, 27 Sep. 1791 (PrC of Tr in D L C ) . (3) Commission to Jones to negotiate ransom of captive Ameri­ can seamen with Dey and government of Algiers, 1 June 1792 (RC in MdAN, in TJ's engrossing hand, signed by Wash­ ington and T J ; Dft in D L C : T J Papers, 76: 13166, with notes at foot of text by T J explaining that the form of Jones's con­ sular commission [Enclosure No. 5] was taken from that issued to Thomas Auldjo as consul for Poole on 24 Feb. 1791 and listing the variations between them). (4) Commission to Jones to negotiate treaty of peace and friendship with Dey and gov­ ernment of Algiers, 1 June 1792 (RC in CSmH; in TJ's engrossing hand, signed by Washington and T J ) . (5) Commission to Jones as consul at Algiers, 1 June 1792 (RC in NjP: Andre deCoppet Collection, in TJ's engrossing hand, signed by Wash­ ington and T J ; Dft in DNA: RG 59, CD, in a clerical hand). Enclosed cipher not found. The letter to Jones, and probably Enclosures Nos. 1 and 2, were enclosed in T J to George Washington, 18 Mch.

JEFFERSON

1793, and T J to David Humphreys, 21 Mch. 1793. The immediate antecedents of Admi­ ral Jones' proposed mission to Algiers, including congressional provision of MONIES and AUTHORITY, are discussed in

note to T J to Pierce Butler, 2 Dec. 1791. In addition to the fact that Jones was conveniently living in Paris without public employment, he was chosen for this mission for two other reasons: he had long been interested in the plight of the American captives in Algiers and he was well equipped by virtue of his naval career to advise the United States govern­ ment on the use of COERCION BY CRUISES

against Algiers. Unfortunately, Jones died in Paris on 18 July 1792, well before TJ's letter could reach him (Lincoln Lorenz, John Paul Jones: Fighter for Freedom and

Glory [Annapolis, Md., 1943], 546-7, 664-5, 740-5; Jones to T J , 20 Mch. 1791). See also Washington to Thomas Barclay, 11 June 1792. John Skey EUSTACE was a Revolution­ ary War officer and political adventurer who later served as a general officer in the French Revolutionary Army (Lee Kennett, "John Skey Eustace and the French Revolution," American Society Legion of

Honor Magazine, XLV [1974], 29-43). His proposal for securing the release of the captive American seamen in Algiers is contained in his letter of 15 July 1789 to the then Secretary for Foreign Affairs John Jay (DNA: R G 59, MLR; filed under 1 Jan. 1791). The English mer­ chant James SIMPSON was Russian con­ sul at Gibraltar. For previous American efforts to ransom the captives held by the Algerines, see H. G. Barnby, The Pris­ oners of Algiers: An Account of the For­ gotten American-Algerian War, 1785-1797

(London, 1966), 66-95. * T J first wrote "May 31." and then altered the date to read as above. In the

[9]

1 JUNE PrC he altered the date in ink and added "June 1. 92." at the head of text. Remainder of sentence interlined. 2

1792 Someone other than T J , possibly David Humphreys, here interlined in pencil "a year." 3

To James Madison M Y DEAR SIR

Philadelphia June 1.

1792.

I sent you last week some of Fenno's papers in which you will have seen it asserted impudently and boldly that the suggestions against members of Congress were mere falshoods. I now inclose his Wednes­ day's paper. I send you also a copy of Hamilton's notes. Finding that the letter would not be ready to be delivered before the Pr's return, I made notes corresponding with his, shewing where I agreed, where I did not, and I put his and mine into the Pr's hands, to be perused at his leisure. The result was that he approved of the letter's remaining as it was, particularly on the article of Debts, which he thought a subject of justification and not merely of extenuation.—He never received my letter of the 23d. till yesterday. He mentioned it to me in a moment when nothing more could be said than that he would take an occasion of conversing with me on the subject. I have letters from France censuring the appointment there in the severest terms. Adieu my dear Sir. Your's affectionately

T H : JEFFERSON

RC (DLC: Madison Papers); at foot of text: "Mr. Madison"; recorded in S J L as "No. 1." PrC (DLC). Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy. Enclosure: Alexander Hamilton's Notes on Jefferson's Letter to George Hammond, with Jefferson's re­ sponse, 20-27 May 1792. The FENNO'S

Congress were speculators who pursued their private interests at the expense of the public good. T J himself had taken up this subject in his LETTER OF T H E 23D. May 1792 to President Washing­ ton. Gouverneur Morris's appointment as minister plenipotentiary to France was the object of adverse comment in various LET­

26 May 1792 issue of John

TERS FROM FRANCE (see Thomas Paine to

Gazette of the United States

T J , 13 Feb. 1792; William Short to T J , 29 Feb. 1792).

contained an unsigned article denounc­ ing allegations that many members of

From Henry Middleton SIR Charleston S. C. June 1st. 1792 When I had the honor of seeing you in Philadelphia about two years since I was happy enough to obtain leave to trouble you with a few Lines. I am just on the eve of embarking for Europe. After a residence of a few months in England I propose visiting those parts [10]

1 JUNE

1792

of the Continent generally thought most worthy attention. If I find it conveniently practicable I intend pushing my excursions as far as Petersburg and Constantinople, cities seldom seen by my Countrymen. From the friend ship of Major Pinckney now appointed Plenipoten­ tiary to the Court of London I have reason to expect Letters to such Gentlemen abroad as are in the diplomatic Line. As your condescen­ sion has permitted me to hope the favour of some few from you, I have requested him to take charge of such as you may think me worthy of. Should this arrive after his departure from the Seat of Government I must be under the necessity of troubling you to inclose them to my friend Mr: Edward Rutledge in So. Carolina. I rely on your goodness for pardoning this liberty and beg leave to Subscribe myself with every sentiment of esteem and respect Sir Your most obt. and hble Servt. HENRY MIDDLETON RC (ViW); penciled note in TJ's hand at foot of text: "Littlepage Short Carmichael Morris"; endorsed by T J as received 25 Aug. 1792 and so recorded in SJL. See T J to Middleton, 11 Sep. 1792, and note.

Notes on the Hessian Fly [1-15 June 1792] June 1. Mr. Williams brought several stalks with the Chrysalis of the Hessian fly in them, most were of the flaxseed colour, one only was pale green. 5. a fly is found hatched in the morning, qu. how long at 9. aclock laid eggs. 14. 3. do. hatched 15. 1. do. 1

Tipula. (Tipu?) L . palpi. 2. Enc Antennae filiform

Bibio. palpi. 2. Antennae moniliformus capil breviores.

Hessian fly palpi, nulli do. corpore longiore

2

Hessian fly. (ab) between the size of a gnat & musketoe l.the Head, distinct attached by a thread

3. the Abdomen, conical

2 antennae ((palpi) long) length of the corcelet, hairy, artic3

[111

8. annuli, torus-like, saffron colored, with one (br) red-

1

JUNE

1792 dish brown spot on the bot­ tom, or belly of each, and a brown patch on the back

ulated (length of the corcelet), moniliform (hairy?), the last article truncated (sucker (haustellum)) no antennulae. proboscis 4

2 eyes. the penis coming out in the line of the axis of the body directly behind, round, with a round gland bigger than the lower part (like a button) hairy 4. the Members. 6. legs

2. the Trunk hairy (conical)

5

two balances like the plectrum of the sticcada. membranaceous, 2. wings (transp?) (veiny naked, Deltoidal) obtuse slate grey, transparent (with one strong nerve pass­ ing thro* it longitudinally about \from the fore edge) divided into three compart­ ments by two strong nerves running longitu­ dinally the ground (specked), strowed with specks & hair like strokes 6

1

8

June 15. perhaps a male. 1. Head

3 the Abdomen sessile clavatum, club-formed with 2 articles at the end. long, hairy. 9

proboscis

[12]

1

JUNE

1792

2. Antennae. 2. ( [ . . .]> approximatae long as the {whole animal, articulated) body. moniliform. (15 articles) 15 oblong conspicuous arti­ cles above the eyes. 10

11

12

Antennulae. none. proboscis soft, short. eyes. 2. The Trunk

4. the Members. 6. legs. 2. balances. 2 wings, membraneous, hairy clavatae, patulae (patent) striated into three compart­ ments by two longitudinal (striae) veins. 13

14

1. Head, distinct attached by a thread.

3. Abdomen

2. antennae, erect. 2

Trunk

4. Members.

MSS (DLC: T J Papers, 69: 11909, 233: 41666); entirely in TJ's hand; par­ tially dated; consisting of two loose sheets of slightly different size; printed literally; endorsed by T J : "Hessian fly." T J wrote these four pages of notes in his capacity of chairman of a committee of the American Philosophical Society inves­ tigating the Hessianfly(Mayetiola destruc­ tor). This gall midge, thought by many contemporaries to have arrived in America in the straw of Hessian soldiers, was caus­ ing serious damage to American wheat crops (see Editorial Note on the northern journey of Jefferson and Madison, in Vol. 20: 445-9, 456-62). The committee had

sought information about the pest in a cir­ cular printed under 17 Apr. 1792, and on the first of June Jonathan WILLIAMS brought specimens for TJ's observation as responses began to trickle in. Two weeks later T J informed his son-in-law that he was hatching severalfliesand that his examination of one specimen led him to suspect the Hessian fly was "aborig­ inal here" ( T J to Thomas Mann Ran­ dolph, Jr., 15 June 1792). The notes and anatomical descriptions printed above doc­ ument TJ's researches. The Editors' ordering of the two sheets is uncertain but plausible. For his anatom­ ical descriptions, T J divided three of the four pages into quadrants devoted respec-

[13]

1 JUNE tively to the fly's head, trunk, abdomen, and members. He may have written these headings all at once, with the intention of entering detailed descriptions as he exam­ ined each specimen, since the description of a third specimen on the verso of the second sheet was never completed. Char­ acteristically, T J reworked his notes in order to achieve greater descriptive pre­ cision, and his cancellations and interlin­ eations have been recorded in the text and notes (see illustration). Although TJ's opinion that the Hessian fly was indige­ nous came to prevail during his lifetime, modern research indicates that it origi­ nated in Asia (James Mease to T J , 12 Oct. 1792; Thomas Say, "Some account of the Insect known by the name of Hes­ sian Fly," Journal of the Academy of Nat­ ural Sciences of Philadelphia, I (1817), 45-8; H. F. Barnes, Gall Midges of Eco­ nomic Importance, Vol. VII: Gall Midges

1792 of Cereal Crops [London, 1956], 95-141, esp. 107). Word interlined. Recto of first sheet ends here. Preceding five words interlined. Line inserted during revision. Word apparently erased. Word interlined and then erased. Word interlined in place of "a." Verso of first sheet ends here. Line inserted during revision. T J first interlined "2. [...]" and then canceled the illegible word and inserted "approximatae" above it. Word interlined. Word interlined. Preceding three words interlined. T J probably interlined "clavatae" first, then inserted "membraneous" and a comma before it, and finally interlined "hairy" between the two words. Recto of second sheet ends here. 1

2

3

4 5

6 7 8

9

1 0

11

12

13

1 4

To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr. D E A R SIR

Philadelphia June 1. 1792

Having failed to write last week on the regular day, my letter carried you three of Freneau's papers. Consequently the present covers but one. Fenno's are sent through Mr. Madison to you.—Maria's mistress is just now on her departure for England. She came home yesterday. Whether she will enter with Mrs. Brodeau immediately or not, I have not determined. My tobacco is all arrived here, but in such miserable condition that I am obliged to give up half a dollar in the hundred of the price, making a loss of 200 dollars in the whole. The chief injury has been from rain between Bedford and Richmond which the badness of the hogsheads could not preserve the tobacco from. The purchaser admitted my Albemarle tobacco of the last year to have been equal to any he ever saw, and that the good and uninjured part of this was as good as that. He has promised me to make some observations in writing on what is necessary to put it in the best condition for market, which I propose to send to Mr. Clarke. Better casks and a separation into qualities will be well worth while, and the first alone should come here. My love to my dear Martha from Dear Sir Your's affectionately 1

T H : JEFFERSON

[14]

2 JUNE

1792

RC (DLC); addressed: "Thomas M. Randolph junr. esq at Monticello near Charlottesville"; franked and postmarked. Tr (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); 19th-century copy.

25 Oct. 1791, and note). Anne BRODEAU, the mother-in-law of the architect William Thornton, also operated a Philadelphia boarding school, but Mary apparently did not attend it (Bear, Family Letters, 99n; Beatrice S. Jenkins, William Thornton:

MARIA'S MISTRESS: Mrs. Robert Edge

Small Star of the American Enlightenment

Pine, whose boarding school in Philadel­ phia Mary Jefferson had been attending since October 1791 (see T J to Randolph,

[San Luis Obispo, Calif., 1982], 33). 1

Preceding three words interlined.

To Isaac Shelby SIR Philadelphia June 1st. 1792: The district of Kentucky having this day become a "New State by the name and Stile of the State of Kentucky" agreeably to an Act passed 4. February 1791, I have now the honor to transmit to your Excellency, herewith, two copies of the acts passed at the 1st. Session of the 2d. Congress, which, together with those of the first Congress with the treaties annexed to each volume, and the Census, sent by Mr. Brown a Member of the House of Representatives from Kentucky, may be relied on as authentic. I have the Honor to be, with sentiments of respect & esteem, Sir, Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); in the hand of George Taylor, Jr., signed by T J ; at foot of text: "His Excellency the Governor of the State of Kentucky." FC (Lb in DNA: RG 360, D L ) . Not recorded in SJL. Isaac Shelby (1750-1826), a Maryland-

born soldier who served with distinction in various southern campaigns during the Revolutionary War, held public offices in Virginia and North Carolina before set­ tling in Kentucky, then part of Virginia, in 1783. He was elected the state's first governor in May 1792 (DAB).

From Cavelier fils Dieppe, 2 June 1792. He encloses a copy of a letter from Barclay of 15 Sep. 1785 giving him powers to act as vice-consul of the United States at Dieppe. These functions he has fulfilled with zeal, reporting the arrivals and departures of tobacco ships and assisting captains as they required. Having learned that the United States has named vice-consuls in two French ports, and as the freedom of the tobacco trade could bring a few ships to Dieppe, where there are two tobacco factories, he wishes to know if he can continue to exercise the functions conferred by Barclay or if he needs other powers. If the latter, he asks that they be sent immediately and extended from Fecamp up to Le Tréport. [15]

2

J U N E

RC (DNA: R G 59, MLR); 3 p.; in French; at foot offirstpage: "M. Jefferson Ministre des Etats unis pour Les affaires Etrangères"; endorsed by T J as received 18 Oct. 1792 and so recorded in S J L . Enclosure: Thomas Barclay to Cavelier fils, 15 Sep. 1785, appointing him Amer-

1792 ican agent at Dieppe and specifying his duties (Tr in same). T J made no response to this letter, which was the last one exchanged between the two men, who had corresponded episodically during TJ's ministry to France.

From the Commissioners of the Federal District SIR George Town 2d June 1792 The State of our Funds is such, that we can with convenience agree to the indulgence Mr. Blodget desires. We have fixed on the eighth of October for a public Sale of Lots agreeable to the inclosed Advertizement. The introduction of Mechanicks and Labourers from Europe, being thought by the friends of the City so advisable a measure; we have again taken up that subject: it may indeed eventually be useful, perhaps almost necessary, and considering this a favorable time to hold out additional motives for Emigration, we shall endeavour to concert a plan, with some of the Scotch merchants, to bring over some Stone Cutters and others from that Country. We request you also to fall on measures to procure about 100 Germans single men and as many of them Stone Cutters, Masons and Bricklayers, as can be readily had, we will make any arrangements you may think proper, to pay the common passage money to Alexandria or George Town—the Tradesmen to work 16 the Labourers 20 months for their passage. This number may not be a sufficient inducement to send a Ship on purpose to this river, but we have no doubt but that any number of passengers may be immediately disposed of here on the common Terms. We hold it essential that the Ship should come here as this may begin to be known, a proper place for the Destination of Emigrants. We are Sir with respect your mo obedt hum Servts T H JOHNSON DD:

STUART

DANL. CARROLL

RC (DLC); in a clerk's hand except for signatures; endorsed by T J as received 7 June 1792 and so recorded in S J L . F C (DNA: R G 42, DCLB). The INCLOSED ADVERTIZEMENT, adopt-

ed at the 2 June 1792 meeting of the Commissioners, stated: "A number of Lots in every situation which may be desired in the City of Washington will be offered for sale by the Commissioners on Monday the 8th day of October next.

[16]

2

JUNE

One fourth part of the purchase money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments with yearly interest on

1792 the whole principal unpaid" (FC in DNA: RG 42, PC).

From George Hammond SIR Philadelphia June 2 1792 I have the honor of acknowledging the receipt of your letter of the 29th ulto., which I shall transmit, without delay, to my court, for the consideration of his Majesty's Ministers. The matter, contained in your letter, being so various and extensive, I fear that much time must elapse, before I can be enabled to commu­ nicate to you my observations upon it. You may however be assured, that I will use every exertion to avoid unnecessary procrastination. To this observation you will permit me, Sir, to add that some of the principles, which you have advanced, do not appear to me, at the present moment to be entirely relevant to the subjects actually under discussion between our respective countries: And the difference between us in our statement of positive facts is so essential as to render it an act of duty to my own character, to vindicate the purity of the sources, from which I have derived my information, by recurring to them for corroborating testimony. If there exist any points, upon which I have been misinformed, I will most readily acknowledge my error; but I trust upon the whole that the additional evidence with which I expect to be furnished will fully substantiate the allegations I have made, and effectually protect me from the imputation of negligence, or the suspicion of intentional deception. Although it is by no means in my power to enter into an immediate examination of the general contents of your letter, my design of sending it to England induces me to request an explanation of one part of it, which refers to a transaction that you state to have taken place in that Country. Towards the conclusion of your letter, you cite two cases, which in your opinion controvert my position that "in the Courts of Law, in Great Britain, the Citizens of the United States have experienced, without exception, the same protection and impartial distribution of justice as the subjects of the Crown." With respect to the former of those Cases (that of the sum of money, the property of the State of Maryland, and detained in England) I have some general notion of the particulars of it. But in regard to the latter case, I have no knowledge of it whatsoever. I therefore intreat you, Sir, to have the goodness to inform me, whether the Judge of the Court of Kings [17}

2 JUNE

1792

Bench, to whom you allude, delivered the opinion of the Court, in the general terms, which you have employed viz. "that a citizen of the United States, who has delivered £ 4 3 . 0 0 0 Sterling worth of East India goods to a British subject at Ostend, receiving only £ 1 8 . 0 0 0 in part payment, is not entitled to maintain an action for the balance in a Court of Great Britain, though his debtor be found there, is in Custody of the Court, and acknowledges the facts." I must own, Sir, that even from your statement I am inclined to infer, that the circumstance of Greene's being a Citizen of the United States had no connection with the decision of the question; and that the same judgment would have been given in an action of a similar nature, depending between two subjects of the Crown of Great Britain. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and consideration, Sir, your most obedient, humble servant

G E O : HAMMOND

RC (DNA: R G 59, NL); in a clerk's hand, signed by Hammond; at foot of first page: "Mr Jefferson"; endorsed by T J as received 2 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL. PrC of Tr (DLC); in the hand of George Taylor, Jr. Tr (Lb in DNA: RG 59, N L ) . Tr (Lb in same, SDR). Tr (DNA: R G 46, Senate Records, 3d Cong., 1st sess.).

The FORMER OF THOSE CASES involved

Maryland's efforts to recover stock in the Bank of England acquired by her leg­ islature before the American Revolution. The LATTER CASE related to

William

Green's suit against the British merchants Buchanan & Charnock. Both cases are described in note to T J to Hammond, 29 May 1792.

From George Hammond Saturday 2d. June 1/2 past 12 oClock. Mr. Hammond presents his most respectful Compliments to Mr. Jefferson. He is this moment returned home, and has been extremely mortified at learning the mistake, which his servant, through igno­ rance, committed, in informing Mr. Jefferson that Mr. H . was then in the house, as at the time, when Mr. J . was so obliging as to call upon him, he had been absent from home more than half an hour. RC (DNA: R G 59, NL). Tr (Lb in same).

To George Hammond June 2. 1792. Mr. Jefferson presents his respectful compliments to Mr. Ham­ mond: after receiving his letter of this morning he had called on Mr. [18]

2

JUNE

1792

Hammond to speak with him on the subject of it, according to the desire he had before expressed to him, that when once each party should have explained fully the ground on which they view the mat­ ters in difference between them, they might shorten by oral commu­ nications, what should afterwards be necessary. Mr. Jefferson would be very happy if Mr. Hammond should happen to be disengaged to­ day and would come and dine with him solus cum solo, in order to consider together the present state of things between the two govern­ ments, and to concert what is to be done. PrC (DNA: RG 59, NL). Not recorded in SJL.

From George Hammond 2d June 1792. Mr. Hammond presents his most respectful Compliments to Mr. Jef­ ferson, and would have been happy to have dined with him today; had he not been engaged for some days past to meet a party of English Gentlemen. Mr. H . will be happy to wait upon Mr. Jefferson at any hour tomorrow that he will be so obliging as to appoint. RC (DNA: RG 59, NL); addressed: "Mr Jefferson Secretary of state for the United States of America." Tr (Lb in same).

To George Hammond Saturday 2. June 92. Mr. Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Hammond and requests for half after three tomorrow his company to a solo dinner, if no engagement shall happen to stand in his way. PrC (DNA: R G 59, NL). Not recorded in SJL.

From George Hammond Saturday 2d June 1792. Mr. Hammond will have the honor of dining with Mr. Jefferson tomorrow, in compliance with his obliging invitation. RC (DNA: R G 59, NL); endorsed by T J with reference to the communications exchanged with Hammond on this day: "Hammond George. June 2. 1792. notes preceding the conference reported to the President." Tr (Lb in same).

[19}

From George Washington [2 June 1792] I wish more favorable explanations than I expect, from your inter­ view with the British Minester. RC (DLC); undated; endorsed by T J as received 2 June 1792.

To C. W. F. Dumas D E A R SIR

Philadelphia June 3. 1792.

My last to you was of Aug. 30. Since that I have received your Nos. 84. 85. 86. 87. and one of Sep. 17. without a No. Congress having closed their session on the 8th. Ult. I now forward you a copy of the laws passed thereat.—Mr. Pinkney is now here on his way to London as our Min. Plenipotentiary there. You will therefore, in cases of need, correspond with him of course. I will ask the favor of you to continue sending me one set of Leyden gazettes by the British packet monthly as at present, one other set by such private vessels as may be coming occasionally from Amsterdam, and to discontinue all others.—The book on the revolution of Holland which you were so kind as to send, has been duly recieved.—It is not yet in my power to give you any answer relative to the Hotel of the U . S . at the Hague. I will endeavor to procure some order on the subject.—Tho' I have not yet recieved from Mr. Short any acknolegement of my letters which conveyed to him information of his appointment as Minister Resident at the Hague, yet I presume he has been there to pay his respects to the government and that he has set out on a subsequent special mission to Madrid. So that his short apparition at the Hague will hardly have interrupted the course of your dispatches to me. I must beg the favor of you, besides making up your own account on the 1st. of July, to procure that of our bankers at Amsterdam with the department of State, to be made up on the same day, in duplicates, one to be sent me by the first British packet, the other by the first private conveyance, that I may be sure of having them in time to make up the accounts of my department at my leisure before the meeting of Congress. The prices of our funds have undergone some variations within the last three months. The Six per cents were pushed by gambling adventurers up to 26/ or 27/ the pound. A bankruptcy having taken place among them, and considerably affected the more respectable part of the paper holders, a greater quantity of paper was thrown suddenly [20]

3 JUNE

1792

on the market than there was demand or money to take up. The prices fell to 19/. This crisis is past, and they are getting up towards their true value, being at 22/6. Tho' the price of public paper is considered as the barometer of the public credit, it is truly so only as to the general average of prices. The real credit of the U.S. depends on the ability and the immutability of their will to pay their debts. These were as evident when their paper fell to 19/. as when it was at 27/. The momentary variation was, like that in the price of corn, or any other commodity, the result of a momentary disproportion between the demand and supply. The unsuccessful issue of our expedition against the Indians the last year, is not unknown to you. More adequate preparations are making for the present year, and in the meantime, some of the hostile tribes have accepted peace and others have expressed a readiness to do the same. Another plentiful year has been added to those which have preceded it; and the present bids fair to be equally so. A prosperity built on the basis of Agriculture is that which is the most desirable to us, because, to the efforts of labour, it adds the efforts of a greater proportion of soil. The checks however which the commercial regulations of Europe have given to the sale of our produce, has produced a very considerable degree of domestic manufacture, which, so far as it is in the household way, will doubtless continue; and so far as it is more public, will depend on the continuance or discontinuance of this policy of Europe. I am with great & sincere esteem Dear Sir Your most obedient & most humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of first page: "M. Dumas." FC (Lb in DNA: RG 59, DCI). The BOOK received from Dumas was

Joseph Mandrillon, Mémoires pour servir a FHistoire de la Révolution des ProvincesUnies, en 1787 (Paris, 1791). See Sowerby, No. 292.

To Daniel L. Hylton DEAR SIR

Philadelphia June 3. 1792.

Your favor of May 25. came to hand last night after the departure of the vessel which had brought my tobacco but I will avail myself of the first other one which shall be going to Richmond to send your looking glasses. To save you all the trouble in my power about the sale of the lands, I have prepared all the necessary papers, as far as could be done, and now inclose them. There is, in the first place my deed for the Byrd lands, needing only the purchaser's name, executed [21]

3 JUNE

1792

before three young gentlemen of Virginia who will be there within the course of two or three months and will attend to prove the deed. 2. a declaration to be signed by the purchaser on the subject of the liferight of the old midwife in 50. acres. 3. a mortgage to secure the two first payments of 1793. and 1794. in which a blank is left for the description of the lands. These should be of 1500£ value, that is to say double the sums they are to secure. 4. a mortgage of the Byrd lands to secure the two payments of 1795. and 1796. I have chosen to secure the longest payments on those lands, because I know they will cover me from any accidents which time might generate. 5. four bonds for the payment of £ 3 7 5 . each, for the years 1793.4.5.6. in which there is only the obligor's name to be inserted. These papers being executed, I will pray you to send the bonds here to me by the first post, because being once in my possession I can propose to Mr. Hanson to meet me, in order to settle them. The only ground of anxiety which will now remain to me will be the proof of the mortgages in the proper court. For this I must still rely on your friendship, and pray you to procure witnesses on whose attendance, at the first court, you can rely. Being once assured that they are actually proved, I shall think nothing can endanger me but an earthquake. These bonds with Ronald's and those already delivered to Mr. Hanson leave a deficiency of only £ 7 7 . sterl. to make up the whole debt. This made me wish for another £ 1 0 0 . currency, because it would have completely discharged the whole. However this may be otherwise provided between this and the year 1797.—Notwithstanding the constant lies of the English newspapers, which have been kept up now for three years, the affairs of France are going on steadily. If they can once make their revenues productive, they will be out of all danger.—The Hessian fly is very mischievous around this city and considerably Southward, even into Maryland as is said. It has certainly made a great stride Southward this year.—Present my respectful compliments to Mrs. Hylton, and be assured of the sincere esteem of Dear Sir your affectionate friend & servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (MHi); at foot of first page: "Mr. Hylton." Enclosures not found, except for No. 4 printed below. Since 1790 T J had been planning to sell his Elk Hill plantation in Goochland County in order to help pay off his share of the Wayles estate debt. To this end he prepared the enclosed mortgage for Henry Banks, who in January 1793 purchased the property with Dr. Thomas Augustus

Taylor. The deed of sale was not executed for another six years, however, at which time Taylor emerged as the sole owner (Advertisement for Sale of Elk Hill, 5 Oct. 1790; Agreement of Sale for Elk Hill, 513 Oct. 1790; T J to Nicholas Lewis, 9 Feb. 1791; Hylton to T J , 25 May 1792; T J to Hylton, 29 June, 29 July 1792, 20 Jan. 1793; Indenture for the Sale of Elk Hill, 5 Aug. 1799; Malone, Jefferson, i, 441-5).

[22]

E N C L O S U R E

Mortgage for E l k

Hill

[ca. 3 June 1792] This indenture made on the day of June one thousand seven hundred and ninety two between on the one part and Thomas Jefferson of Monticello in the county of Albemarle Virginia on the other part witnesseth that the said in consideration of the sum of five shillings current money of Virginia to him in hand paid hath given granted bargained and sold unto the said Thomas Jefferson two tracts or parcels of land on the Byrd creek in Goochland county, whereof the one called Elk hill contains by estimation three hundred and seven acres more or less and is bounded on the one side by the said Byrd creek on one other side by James river and on the other sides by the lands of David Ross, and the other parcel contains three hundred and sixty two acres beginning on the Byrd creek aforesaid and bounded partly by the same lands beforementioned of David Ross, which said parcels of land were conveyed by the said Thomas Jefferson to the said by deed of bargain and sale indented bearing date the fourth day of June one thousand seven hundred and ninety two, with their appurtenances: To have and to hold the said parcels of land with their appurtenances to him the said Thomas Jefferson and his heirs. And the said doth covenant with the said Thomas Jefferson that he the said and his heirs the said parcels of lands to him the said Thomas Jefferson and his heirs will for ever warrant and defend. Provided nevertheless that if the said or his heirs shall on or before thefifteenthday of June one thousand seven hundred and ninety five pay unto the said Thomas Jefferson his heirs executors or administrators the sum of three hundred and seventyfivepounds current money of Virginia with interest at the rate of five per centum per annum thereon from the fifteenth day of June one thousand seven hundred and ninety two; and shall also cause to be paid on or before thefifteenthday of June one thousand seven hundred and ninety six one other sum of three hundred and seventy five pounds of like money with interest thereon at the rate of five per centum per annum from the samefifteenthday of June one thousand seven hundred and ninety two, unto the said Thomas Jefferson his heirs, executors or administrators, then this deed shall become void and of none effect, and the estate in the premises shall become ipso facto devested out of the said Thomas Jefferson and his heirs and revested in the said and his heirs. In witness whereof the said hath hereto set his hand and seal on the day and year [...]. PrC (MHi); undated; entirely in TJ's hand; endorsed on verso: "first draught of mge of Elkhill."

To John Witherspoon DEAR SIR

Philadelphia June 3. 1792.

In consequence of the last letter you were so kind as to write me, I wrote to Mr. Baker for further explanations on the subject of the tutor [23]

3 JUNE

1792

wanted by Mr. Robinson. I have now the honor to inclose you their letters in further explanation of their views: and of repeating to you assurances of the great and sincere esteem with which I am Dear Sir Your most obedt. and most humble servt T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Doctr. Witherspoon." Tr (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); 19th-century copy. Enclosures: (1) Needier Robinson to Jerman

Baker, 29 Oct. 1791 (enclosed in Baker to T J , 15 Jan. 1792). (2) Baker to T J , 20 May 1792 (recorded in S J L as received 26 May 1792, but not found).

From Thomas Bell SIR Richmond 4th. June 1792 The enclosed from our friend Dotr. Gilmer was handed me this day by Mr. Chandler. I have hutherto had no acquintance with him, but from the information of Several Gentlemen, have reason to believe he is a Gentleman of respectability and worthy of a Commission. Am well informed he has (from an anxiety to go into the army) raisd perhaps 20-odd men. He has with him Several letters from other Gentlemen on the Subject. Our Old Neighbour Mr. Marks and family are extreamly pleased with the flattering accounts you were so Obliging as to communicate about Hastings. I had a letter from him the other day. He says he is well pleased with his Situation. You will see by the Docters note to me, that he is in a fair way of recovery, after having lost all hopes of himself. I have the Honer to be with due respect, your most Obedent Sert. THO BELL RC (DLC); endorsed by T J as received 18 June 1792 and so recorded in S J L . Enclosure: George Gilmer to Bell, 27 May 1792, requesting Bell to assist Richard Chandler "in the business he intends to Philadelphia on" and comment­

ing on the state of his own health (RC in DLC). Bell also wrote a letter to T J of 12 June 1792 from Charlottesville, recorded in S J L as received 21 June 1792, but it has not been found.

From Thomas Hemming SIR Alexandria 4 June 1792 Inclosed I beg leave to forward you a letter from my Brother in law Mr. Boyd of Paris, which I should have done myself the honor of presenting you in person, but Mrs. Hemming is very ill and expects hourly to be brought to bed; I hope therefore your Excellency will [24]

4

JUNE

1792

not deem my non attendance a want of respect to you, as I shall hold myself in readiness to attend you on the slightest intimation that there is a prospect [of] my presence being necessary or useful; and if your Excellency [can] spare time from your more important concerns to honor me with a line signifying whether this is likely to be the case or not, and acknowledging the receipt of the inclosed letter I shall esteem it a particular favor. I have the honor to be Your Excellency's Most obedient humble Servant

THOMAS

RC (MHi); two words torn away supplied in brackets; addressed: "His Excellency The Honorable Thomas Jefferson Secretary of State Philadelphia"; endorsed

HEMMING

by T J as received 7 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Walter Boyd to T J , 1 Mch. 1792.

To James Madison D E A R SIR

Philadelphia June 4. 1792.

I wrote you the 1st. inst. which I will call No. 1. and number my letters in future that you may know when any are missing. Mr. Hammond has given me an answer in writing, saying that he must send my letter to his court and wait their instructions. On this I desired a personal interview that we might consider the matter together in a familiar way. He came accordingly yesterday and took a solo dinner with me, during which our conversation was full, unreserved and of a nature to inspire mutual confidence. The result was that he acknoleged explicitly that his court had hitherto heard one side of the question only, and that from prejudiced persons, that it was now for the first time discussed, that it was placed on entire new ground, his court having no idea of a charge of first infraction on them, and a justification on that ground of what had been done by our states, that this made it quite a new case to which no instructions he had could apply. He found from my expressions that I had entertained an idea of his being able to give an order to the governor of Canada to deliver up the posts, and smiled at the idea; and it was evident from his conversation that it had not at all entered into the expectations of his court that they were to deliver us the posts. He did not say so expressly, but he said that they considered the retaining of the posts as a very imperfect compensation for the losses their subjects had sustained: under the cover of the clause of the treaty which admits them to the navigation of the Missisipi and the evident mistake of the negotiators in supposing that a line due West from the lake of the Woods would strike the Missisipi, he supposed an explanatory convention necessary, and shewed a desire [25]

4

JUNE

1792

that such a slice of our Northwestern territory might be cut off for them as would admit them to the navigable part of the Missisipi: &c &c. &c. He expects he can have his final instructions by the meeting of Congress.—I have not yet had the conversation mentioned in my last. Do you remember that you were to leave me a list of names? Pray send them to me. My only view is that, if the P. asks me for a list of particulars, I may enumerate names to him, without naming my authority, and shew him that I have not been speaking merely at random. If we do not have our conversation before I can make a comparative table of the debts and numbers of all modern nations, I will shew him how high we stand indebted by the poll in that table.— I omitted Hammond's admission that the debt from the Patowmac North might be considered as liquidated, that that of Virginia was now the only great object, and cause of anxiety, amounting to two millions sterling.—Adieu. Your's affectionately T H : JEFFERSON RC (DLC: Madison Papers); at head of text: "No. 2." PrC (DLC). George Hammond's ANSWER of 2 June 1792 was in reply to TJ's letter of 29 May. T J undoubtedly wanted a LIST OF NAMES of members of Congress who were either holders of public securities or stock­ holders in the Bank of the United States. He had warned the President in a recent letter that such members were instruments

of legislative corruption in the hands of the Secretary of the Treasury (see T J to Washington, 23 May 1792). Madison sent T J the list with his letter of 12 June 1792, but this list has not been found and T J evidently made no use of it when he and the President subsequently discussed the issue of legislative corruption (Notes of a Conversation with Washington, 10 July 1792).

Notes of a Conversation with George Hammond Notes of a conversation with Mr. Hammond June 3. 1792 Having received Mr. Hammond's letter of June 2. informing me that my letter of May 29. should be sent to his court for their instructions, I immediately went to his house. He was not at home. I wrote him a note inviting him to come and dine with me, alone, that we might confer together in a familiar way on the subject of our letters, and consider what was to be done. He was engaged, but said he would call on me any hour the next day. I invited him to take a solo dinner the next day. He accepted and came. After the cloth was taken off and the servants retired I introduced the conversation by adverting to that part of his letter wherein he disavowed any intentional deception if he had been misinformed and had mistated any facts, assuring him that [26]

4 JUNE

1792

I acquitted him of every suspicion of that kind, that he had been here too short a time to be acquainted with facts himself or to know the best sources for getting at them. That I had found great difficulty myself in the investigation of facts, and with respect to the proceedings of the courts particularly had been indebted to the circumstance of Congress being in session, so that I could apply to the members of the different states for information respecting their states. I told him that each party having now stated the matters between the two nations in the point of view in which they appeared to each, I had hoped that we might by the way of free conversation abridge what remained. That I expected we were to take for our basis that the treaty was to be fully executed; that on our part we had pronounced our demands explicitly to have the Upper posts delivered up, and the Negroes paid for. That they objected infractions on our part, which we denied; that we ought to proceed to investigate the facts on which we differed, that this was the country in which they could alone be investigated, and if it should be found we had unjustifiably broken the treaty, the case was of a nature to admit of a proper compromise.— He said that he believed the question had never been understood by his court, admitted they had as yet heard only one side of it, and that from a party which entertained strong feelings against us (I think he said the Refugees) that the idea would be quite new to his court of their having committed the first infractions and of the proceedings on the subject of their debts here being on the ground of retaliation. That this gave to the case a complexion so entirely new and different from what had been contemplated, that he should not be justified in taking a single step: that he should send my letter to the ministers, that they would be able to consider facts and dates, see if they had really been the first infractors, and say what ground they would take on this new state of the case. That the matter was now for the first time carried into mutual discussion, that the close of my letter contained specific propositions, to which they would of course give specific answers adapted to the new statement of things brought forward.—I replied that as to the fact of their committing the first infraction it could not be questioned, confessed that I believe the ministry which signed the treaty meant to execute it, that L d . Shelburne's plan was to produce a new coalescence by a liberal conduct towards us; that the ministry which succeeded thought the treaty too liberal and wished to curtail it's effect in the course of executing it: but that if every move and counter-move was to cross the Atlantic, it would be a long game indeed.—He said No. That he thought they could take their ultimate ground at once, on having before them a full view of the facts, and 1

[27]

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JUNE

1792

he thought it fortunate that Mr. Bond, from whom he got most of his information, and L d . Dorchester would be on the spot to bring things to rights, and he imagined he could receive his instructions before November.—I told him I apprehended that L d . Dorchester would not feel a disposition to promote conciliation seeing himself marked personally as an infractor, and mentioned to him the opinions entertained here of the unfriendliness of Mr. Bond's mind towards us.—He justified Mr. Bond, believed him candid and disposed to conciliate. Besides Mr. Bond, he had received information from their other Consuls and from the factors of the merchants, who assured him that they could furnish proofs of the facts they communicated to him and which he had advanced on their authority, that he should now write to them to produce their authority. He admitted that the debt to British subjects might be considered as liquidated from the Patowmac Northward; that S. Carolina was making a laudable effort to pay hers, and that the only important object now was that of Virginia, amounting by his list to two millions sterling: that the attention of the British merchants from North to South was turned to the decision of the case of Jones and Walker which he hoped would take place at the present session, and let them see what they had to depend on.— I told him I was sorry to learn that but two judges had arrived at Richmond, and that unless the third arrived they would not take it up. I desired him to observe that the question in that case related only to that description of debts which had been paid into the treasury, that without pretending to know with any accuracy what proportion of the whole debt of Virginia had been paid into the treasury, I believed it was but a small one; that the case of Jones v. Walker would be a precedent for those debts only: that as to the great residuary mass there were precedents enough as it appeared they were in a full course of recovery, and that there was no obstacle, real or apparent.—He did not appear to have adverted to the distinction, and shewed marks of satisfaction on understanding that the question was confined to the other portion of the debts only. He thought that the collection there being once under a hopeful way, would of itself change the ground on which our difference stands. He observed that the Treaty was of itself so vague and inconsistent in many of it's parts as to require an explanatory convention. He instanced the two articles, one of which gave them the navigation of the Missisipi, and the other bounded them by a due West line from the lake of the wood, which being now understood to pass beyond the most Northern sources of the Missisipi intercepted all access to that river: that to reconcile these articles that line should be so run as to give them access to the navigable 2

[28]

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JUNE

1792

waters of the Missisipi, and that it would even be for our interest to introduce a third power between us and the Spaniards. He asked my idea of the line from the lake of the woods, and of now settling it. I told him I knew of no objection to the settlement of it, that my idea of it was that if it was an impossible line as proposed in the treaty it should be rendered possible by as small and unimportant an alteration as might be, which I thought would be to throw in a line running due North from the Northernmost source of the Missisipi till it should strike the Western line from the lake of the woods. That the article giving them a navigation in the Missisipi did not relate at all to this Northern boundary, but to the Southern one, and to the secret article respecting that. That he knew that our Provisional treaty was made seven weeks before that with Spain: that at the date of ours their ministers had still a hope of retaining Florida, in which case they were to come up to the 32d. degree, and in which case also the navigation of the Missisipi would have been important; but that they had not been able in event to retain the country to which the navigation was to be an appendage. [It was evident to me that they have it in view to claim a slice on our Northwestern quarter that they may get into the Missisipi. Indeed I thought it presented as a sort of make-weight with the Posts to compensate the great losses their citizens had sustained by the infractions charged on us.] I had hinted that I had not been without a hope that an early possession of the posts might have been given us, as a commencement of full execution of the treaty.—He asked me if I had conceived that he was authorised to write to the governor of Canada to deliver us the posts?—I said I had.—He smiled at that idea and assured me he had by no means any such authority.—I mentioned what I had understood to have passed between him and Genl. Dickinson, which was related to me by Mr. Hawkins, to wit that the posts might be delivered up on an assurance of the recovery of their debts in Virginia.—He said that if any such thing as that had dropped from him, it must have been merely as a private and unauthorised opinion, for that the opinion of his court was that the retention of the posts was but a short compensation for the losses which their citizens had sustained and would sustain by the delay of their admission into our courts.—[Putting together this expression and his frequent declara­ tions that the face of the controversy was now so totally changed from what it was understood to be at his court, that no instructions of his could be applicable to it, I concluded that his court had entertained no thought of ever giving up the posts, and had framed their instruc­ tions to him on a totally different hypothesis.]—He asked what we understand to be the boundary between us and the Indians?—I told [29]

4

JUNE

1792

him he would see by recurring to my report on the North Western territory, and by tracing the line there described on Hutchins's map.— What did I understand to be our right in the Indian soil?—1. a right of preemption of their lands, that is to say the sole and exclusive right of purchasing from them whenever they should be willing to sell. 2. a right of regulating the commerce between them and the Whites.— Did I suppose that the right of preemption prohibited any individual of another nation from purchasing lands which the Indians should be willing to sell?—Certainly. We consider it as established by the usage of different nations, into a kind of Jus gentium for America, that a White nation setting down and declaring that such and such are their limits, makes an invasion of those limits by any other White nation an act of war, but gives no right of soil against the native possessors.— Did I think the right of regulating the commerce went to prohibit the British traders from coming into the Indian territory? That has been the idea.—He said this would be hard on the Indians.—I observed that whichever way the principle was established, it would work equally on both sides the line; I did not know whether we should gain or lose by mutual admission or exclusion.—He said they apprehended our intention was to exterminate the Indians and take the lands.—I assured him that, on the contrary, our system was to protect them, even against our own citizens; that we wish to get lines established with all of them, and have no views even of purchasing any more lands from them for a long time. We consider them as a Maréchaussée, or police, for scouring the woods on our borders, and preventing their being a cover for rovers and robbers.—He wished the treaty had estab­ lished an indépendant nation between us, to keep us apart. He was under great apprehensions that it would become a matter of bidding as it were between the British and us who should have the greatest army there, who should have the greatest force on the lakes? That we holding posts on this side the water, and they on the other, souldiers looking constantly at one another, would get into broils, and commit the two nations in war.—I told him we might perhaps regulate by agreement the force to be kept on each side.—He asked what was our view in keeping a force there, that he apprehended, if we had these posts, we should be able to hinder vessels from passing.—I answered that I did not know whether the position of the present posts was such as that no vessel could pass but within their gun-shot, but that each party must have a plenty of such positions on the opposite sides, exclusively of the present posts. That our view in possessing these posts was to awe the Indians, to participate in the Fur trade, to protect that trade.—Protect it against whom?—Against the Indians.— 3

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1792

He asked what I imagined to be their motives for keeping the posts?— To influence the Indians, to keep off a rival nation and the appearance of having a rival nation, to monopolize the fur trade.—He said he was not afraid of rivals, if the traders could have fair play. He thought it would be better that neither party should have any military post, but only trading houses.—I told him the idea of having no military post on either side was new to me, that it had never been mentioned among the members of the Executive, that therefore I could only speak for myself and say that, prima facie, it accorded well with two favorite ideas of mine of leaving commerce free, and never keeping an unnecessary souldier. But when he spoke of having no military post on either side there might be difficulty in fixing the distance of the nearest posts.— He said that tho' his opinion on this subject was only a private one, and he understood mine to be so also, yet he was much pleased that we two seemed to think nearly alike, as it might lead to something. He said that their principal object in the fur trade was the consumption of the goods they gave in exchange for the furs.—I answered that whether the trade was carried on by English or Americans, it would be with English goods, and the route would be, not thro' Canada, but by the shorter channels of the Hudson or the Patowmac. It is not pretended that the above is in the exact order, or the exact words of the conversation. This was often desultory, and I can only answer for having given generally the expression, and always the substance of what passed.

T H : JEFFERSON

June 4. 1792. MS (DLC); entirely in TJ's hand; were justifiable reactions to prior British brackets in original. PrC (DLC). Tr violations of the terms dealing with the (MHi: Adams Papers); in the hand of return of slaves and the evacuation of the George Taylor, Jr., signed by T J . PrC western posts. In a subsequent report to (DNA: R G 59, MD). FC (Lb in same, Lord Grenville, the British foreign secre­ SDR). Recorded in SJPL under 3 June tary, Hammond charged that TJ's letter 1792: "Conversn with Hammond, on exe­ "lays much too great a stress upon the cution of treaty, on line from the lake of priority of the British infractions, which the woods, navign of the Missisipi. our he considers as a sufficient apology for, if rights in the Indian country." Included in not a justification of, all the subsequent the "Anas." conduct of the individual states." At the same time he gave an account of his dis­ TJ's conversation with George Ham­ cussion with T J that varies so signifi­ mond was his last major effort as Sec­ cantly at key points from the one printed retary of State to persuade the British above, and is so illustrative of the deep to execute the disputed provisions of the differences between them over the enforce­ Treaty of Paris. Despite what T J per­ ment of the treaty, that it is worth quot­ ceived as intimations to the contrary dur­ ing at some length. In compliance with ing his discussion with Hammond, the TJ's request for a meeting on the sub­ British minister rejected TJ's assertion ject of the peace treaty, the British min­ ister reported: "I waited upon him at that American infractions of the articles of the time appointed, and had with him the treaty concerning debts and Loyalists v

[31]

4 JUNE a very long conversation. He began by expressing great concern at the construction which I had appeared to put upon a part of his letter, and assured me that in the passages to which he presumed I alluded, he had nothing more in view than to express his belief that my information upon several points had been inaccurate. He then proceeded to examine the particular differences (as to facts) subsisting in our respective statements. A discussion of this kind turning upon information of opposite tendency, communicated from different quarters, was not calculated to effect conviction on either side. Mr. Jefferson however terminated it by desiring me to inform him in what light I considered the present state of the négociation between us, and whether as this country had already fulfilled the treaty on her part, I was empowered to shorten the discussion by consenting to the execution of it on the part of my sovereign. To this question I answered that with respect to my opinion on the present state of the négociation I conceived that we were completely at issue upon one point, viz. the specific nature of the infractions mutually complained of by our two countries and upon which we had both collected all the information we could obtain—that, though I presumed there might exist some errors in my statement, I still imagined that the general evidence of the infractions imputed to this country was not materially invalidated by his counter representation—that, as this subject had never been thoroughly investigated before, I did not conceive myself authorised to take any other steps at present than to submit his representation to my officiai superiors for their determination on the facts and arguments he had advanced—that with regard to the formal demand of the execution of the treaty on our part, urged towards the conclusion of his letter, and which as he explained in conversation, he confined to the surrender of the posts, a literal compliance in that particular must depend on the proof that the United States had literally and scrupulously complied with the terms of the treaty on their part: But that even admitting for an instant the whole force of his argument, there were other matters to be settled exclusive of an arrangement

1792 on the subject of the posts and the satisfaction of the claims of the Loyalists and the British Creditors. I exemplified this by specifying the necessity of securing the property of the British Subjects residing at those posts, and of ascertaining with precision our respective boundaries, particularly those of the Rivers St. Croix and Mississippi. Mr. Jefferson acknowledged the truth of this observation, but assured me that this government would readily concur in any reasonable settlement of all these subjects. Our conversation finished by an assurance from me that I would transmit his letter to your Lordship and that as soon as I received your instructions, I should be ready to proceed in the négociation" (Hammond to Grenville, 8 June 1792, PRO: FO 4/15). See also T J to Hammond, 29 May 1792, and note. Lord Dorchester, the governor general of Canada, was currently on leave in England, and Phineas Bond, the British consul in Philadelphia, was about to set sail for England with a copy for the British foreign minister of TJ's 29 May 1792 letter to Hammond on the peace treaty. In that letter T J singled out Dorchester as an INFRACTOR of the peace treaty because of his refusal, while British commander in New York in 1783, to return more than 3,000 former slaves to their American masters as required by Article VII. Bond, whose loyalty to the crown had led to his exile from Philadelphia during the American Revolution, demonstrated his continued UNFRIENDLINESS to the American republic while in England by providing Grenville with a harsh critique of TJ's letter that was instrumental in persuading the British government to refuse to acknowledge the validity of the Secretary of State's complaints (Bond to Grenville, 12 Oct. 1792, AHA, Annual Report, [1897], 500-23). The case of Walker v. Jones affected only a small PROPORTION of the British debt in Virginia. Of the approximately £2,000,000 sterling Virginians owed to British merchants, only £273,544 in depreciated paper currency with a sterling value of £12,035 had been paid into the Virginia Loan Office under the terms of a 1778 Sequestration Act. The main issue in the case was whether these

[32]

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JUNE

payments legally discharged the obliga­ tions of Virginia debtors to their British creditors. Moreover, the United States Circuit Court in Richmond, before which the case was being adjudicated, only had jurisdiction over civil suits between foreigners and Americans for sums in excess of $500, and most of the Virginia debts were for less than this amount. In fact, according to Hammond, T J esti­ mated that no more than "a ninth part of the aggregate debt owed to mer­ chants of Great Britain" in Virginia would be affected by a decision in Walker v. Jones (Hammond to Grenville, 8 June 1792, PRO: FO 4/15; Emory G. Evans, "Planter Indebtedness and the Revolution in Virginia, 1776 to 1796," WMQ, 3d ser., xxviii [1971], 349-74). The ambiguity in the Treaty of Paris respecting Britain's right to the NAVIGA­ TION OF T H E MISSISIPI

is discussed in

Memorandum of Consultation on Indian Policy, 9 Mch. 1792, and note. The SECRET ARTICLE in the provisional peace

treaty concerning the boundary of West Florida is described in Report on Negotia­

1792 tions with Spain, 18 Mch. 1792, and note. A record of Hammond's conversation with GENL. DICKINSON is contained in Memo­

randum of Conversation between Dickin­ son and Hammond, 26 Mch. 1792. TJ's REPORT ON T H E NORTH WESTERN TERRI­

TORY was his 8 Nov. 1791 Report on Pub­ lic Lands. Although T J was unaware of it at the time, Hammond's carefully phrased inquiries about the BOUNDARY BETWEEN

us AND T H E INDIANS was a veiled reference to a British plan for the creation of a neu­ tral Indian barrier state in the Northwest Territory, which is discussed in Notes for a Conversation with Hammond, 10 Dec. 1792, and note. For Hammond's report to Grenville on TJ's opposition to this idea, see note to Report on Public Lands, 8 Nov. 1791. Preceding three words interlined in place of "matter." Here T J first wrote "passed beyond the" and then altered the passage to read as above. Word interlined. 1

2

3

From Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr. DEAR SIR

Monticello June 4. 1792.

I am sorry it is not in my power to give you such an estimate of the probable product of your harvest this year as might be satisfactory. The subject must appear of more importance now as you have some thoughts of retiring from public life, and the hope of doing you a 1

trifling service even, will all ways be the most powerfull motive in my mind. However vague the expression, it may perhaps give you some satisfaction to be told that in a journey of 300 miles which I was lately under a necessity of making, I did not see a field of Wheat as promising as the greater part of the crop now growing at Monto. and Shadwell. The quantity is not much less than the double of the last year. There is no Rye or oats growing. The long continuance of the Winter and a drought of 40 days which terminated on the 2d. of this month occasions the crop of Indian Corn to be the least advanced and most unpromising that ever was known in the county at this season. In poor lands a greater part of it has perished. It is every where in that stage of growth in which we generally have it early in April. A n [33]

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abundant rain which fell on Saturday has greatly revived the hopes of the Planters. At Monto. and Shadwell the quantity growing is so great that if the season from this time is tolerably favorable the crop must be very large. I am convinced that the step we have taken for the preservation of our Lands in the abolition of the Culture of Tobacco is of no importance compared with the one we have to make with regard to Indian corn. That crop whatever precautions are taken must all way s be ruinous to lands which lie so unequally as ours in a climate subject to such excessive droughts and where the rain falls for the most part in torrents. By constant tillage the surface is reduced in dry Weather to an impalpable powder which is swept off in the first thunder-shower by the force of the water rushing down the declivities. Besides, the want of dew and fog occasioned by the elevation of the ground, must render it an unproductive crop in dry summers. These are advantages in the culture of wheat; to which moisture is unfriendly, and the more equal exposure to the air from the inclination of the plain on which it grows, beneficial. Some of the worst diseases to which this plant is liable are produced by fogs and heavy dews. The nature of the soil and the elevation of the ground in the S.W. mountains is so peculiarly favorable to the growth of Wheat, that from 2 years observation I have found the most slovenly agriculture to produce here a more abundant crop of a heavier grain than the most laborious cultivation with the best instruments can force from the lowlands of Virginia. From these considerations I have determined to drop immediately the culture of I. corn on my lands, and am convinced that you will find it advisable to do the same. But I forget myself and am consuming your valuable time with my babil when it would be more becoming to confine my letter to an intimation of the health of your daughter and granddaughter. Your most aff. friend & obedt. Servt. T H : M . RANDOLPH 2

RC (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); endorsed by T J as received 14 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

Word interlined in place of "prospect." Word interlined in place of "destroying." 1

2

From Delamotte Havre, 5 June 1792. He has received TJ's letter of March 13 and thanks him for the information on Mr. Delivet. He has sent to Short in Holland the packets for Morris, who, he believes, is still in London, but he has no letters from Short to forward. Political affairs continue much less settled than the general population desires; our war with the King of Bohemia remains scandalously checked as at the beginning. Intrigue seems to be the pivot of [34]

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1792

our current government; the legislature is busy with it and does nothing to advance the happiness of nations. But for France's inconstancy in continually bringing forth another order of things, he would fear for its safety, if only because the present order has lasted too long. The unfavorable rate of exchange continues, apart from a few exports to the United States of luxuries or items of little utility, but perhaps they will lead to a more interesting reciprocal trade in the future. Yesterday the ship Minerva from Nova Scotia entered here under a British flag loaded with tobacco it took on at Philadelphia. He has informed the customs officers so that its tobacco would not be admitted. If customs at Philadelphia consigned it directly to France, it has committed a great error. In such a case, customs here would be equally opposed, in the interests of France, to having the cargo unloaded and would even address remonstrances to T J . Besides, he suspects the Minerva undertook the voyage to some other country, but came here to try to have its cargo admitted. RC (DNA: R G 59, CD); 4 p.; in French; at foot of first page: "Mr. Jefferson Secretaire d'état à Philadelphie"; endorsed by T J as received 12 Aug. 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

To William Blount SIR Philadelphia June 6. 1792. I have the honor to acknolege the receipt of Mr. Smith's letter of Dec. 9. written during your absence, as also your's of Dec. 26. and Apr. 23. With respect to the question on the dividing line between your government and the State of Kentucky, as that state is now coming into the Union as an indépendant member, we have delayed taking any measures for settling the boundary till they can be taken in concert with Kentucky. With respect to the grants of land made by the state of N . Carolina since her deed of cession, South of the French Broad river, I have writ­ ten to the Governor of that state to ask an explanation, whether it has been by error or under any claim of right on their part? As soon as I receive his answer, proper proceedings at law shall be directed against the individual grantees to confirm or vacate their grants according to law: in the mean time I am to desire you to prevent any new settlements being made on those lands in the mildest way which the law author­ izes and which may be effectual. By new settlements, I mean all made since the day of the meeting of the last session of Congress; because the intrusion of those made before that day was stated to Congress, and may be considered as under their consideration. I should think however even as to those previous settlers, it would be proper for you to require every man to give in his name and a description of the spot of his settlement, to prevent new settlers from confounding themselves [35]

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1792

with them. I have the honor to be with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient & most humble servt. T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Governor Blount." FC (Lb in DNA: RG 360, DL). Enclosed in T J to Edmund Randolph, 9 Nov. 1792. The

dispute over the DIVIDING U N E

between Kentucky and the Southwest Territory is discussed in Blount to T J , 26 Dec. 1791, and note. For the letter to the governor of North Carolina, see T J to Alexander Martin, 6 June 1792.

From the Commissioners of the Federal District SIR George Town 6 June 1792 We hand, through Majr. Ellicott, for the Presidents view, a Draft for the Capitol by Wm. Hart of Taney Town, and an imperfect Essay of Mr. Faw. These are all we have yet received. Nothing has happened in the Course of this meeting worth communicating. We are Sir your obedt hble Servts

T H . JOHNSON DD: STUART DANL. CARROLL

RC (DLC); in a clerk's hand except for signatures; at foot of text: "Mr Jefferson"; endorsed by T J as received 12 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL. F C (DNA: R G 42, DC LB). Hart's design for the Capitol is repro­ duced in Glenn Brown, History of the United States Capitol, 2 vols. (Washing­

ton, 1900-02), I, plates 7-9; although the Commissioners refer to him as William, the plan itself gives his name as Philip. The design submitted by Abraham Faw is discussed and reproduced in Kimball, Jefferson, Architect, 156-7, plate 130. See also T J to the Commissioners, 6 Mch. 1792, Enclosure n.

From George Hammond Wednesday 6 June 1792 Mr. Hammond presents his respectful Compliments to Mr. Jefferson. Having this morning received a letter from Richmond, which informs him of the adjournment of the circuit Court of that place, without any decision on the subject of actions brought by British Creditors, he will be much obliged to Mr. Jefferson, if he will have the goodness to acquaint him, whether this circumstance has arisen from the want of a number of Judges sufficient to constitute a quorum, or from any other cause. [36]

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JUNE

RC (DNA: R G 59, NL); addressed: "Mr Jefferson Secretary of state for the United States of America"; endorsed by T J . Tr (Lb in same). Hammond had just received word from John Hamilton, the British consul for Norfolk, who was in Richmond for the trial of Jones v. Walker, that the United States Circuit Court there had failed dur­ ing its May 1792 term to decide the noted British debt case (Hammond to Grenville, 8 June 1792, PRO: FO 4/15; Charles F. Hobson, "The Recovery of British Debts in the Federal Circuit Court of Virginia,

1792 1790-1797," VMHB, XCII [1984], 187-

8). Hammond was especially concerned by this development because, as he had recently pointed out to T J , most of the disputed British debt in America was owed by Virginians (Notes of a Conver­ sation with Hammond, 4 June 1792). The court's failure to resolve this case gave rise to new requests by disgrun­ tled British merchants for compensation from the British government (John Nutt and William Molleson to Grenville, 29 Aug. 1792, and William Cunninghame to Henry Dundas, 15 Sep. 1792, in PRO: FO 4/16).

To George Hammond Philadelphia June 6. 1792. T h : Jefferson presents his respectful compliments to Mr. Ham­ mond: he had not heard of the adjournment of the circuit court at Richmond without deciding the case of Jones v. Walker, and therefore cannot say with certainty why it was not decided. He had been before informed through a private channel that but two of the three judges were arrived in Richmond, and that it would not be decided but with a full court. But he is not certain even of this fact. The question relative to the debts paid into the treasury (which T h : J . understands to be about one ninth of the sum Mr. Hammond mentioned as the whole amount of the debts of that state) being new and important would hardly be decided but by a full court, nor on a first hearing. T h : J . has recieved an answer from S. Carolina, which did not come in time to be put among the documents sent to Mr. Hammond with his letter of May 29. He begs him to receive it now and to arrange it among the documents as No. 55. b. PrC (DLC). Enclosure: Extract of Edward Rutledge to Thomas Pinckney, Charleston, 26 May 1792, declaring that 50 actions brought by British subjects against American citi­ zens for prewar debts have been carried to judgment, as attested by several cases from his own law practice, that there is not a single instance to be produced wherein a British Creditor of any description has lt

met with more impediment in the recov­ ery of his debt than pur own Citizens," and that the question of interest has not yet been litigated (Tr in DNA: R G 59, DD; in Pinckney's hand). Pinckney had trans­ mitted this "answer to my enquiry con­ cerning the recovery of British debts" in South Carolina in a brief note to T J of 5 June 1792 (RC in same; addressed: "The Secretary of State"; docketed by George Taylor, Jr.).

[37]

From John Garland Jefferson D E A R SIR Goochland June 6. 1792. Agreeable to your counsel I attended the District Court at Charlottesville. I flattered myself I shoud have seen you but was dis­ appointed in the pleasing expectation: however, I hope the time is not far distant, as I have been told that you will be at Monticello this summer. In the mean time I shall be devoted to the study you have prescribed; and shall think my time not ill employed, if I can meet with your approbation, and by the most assiduous attention, in time attain the great ends you have so strikeingly exhibitted to my view. The animating prospect gives new life and soul to my plans: and you may rest satisfyed, that nothing which depends on me shall be wanting to effect the desireable objects which in your last letter you painted in such brilliant colours. I await with ardour the period when I am to act on that stage where I must expect to reap the laurels of perseverance, and industry, or to gather the scanty and inglorious fruit of indolence. What ever shall be my success time must determine: but of this I am sure; that if success depends on myself, or if the most unwearied efforts can procure the esteem, and favor of my country, and benefactor, that success will attend my unremitted struggles. However dangerous or doubtful the event of an enterprise may seem, yet it is natural to wish with a degree of impatience for the result. From this inherent princi­ ple, I with anxiety wish, and expect the issue of my future toils. And it affords a secret pleasure, that I have such a friend to stimulate, and aid me in my pursuit. A friend without whom I might now perhaps have been drudging in a store, and the views of a tender father who is now no more, wou'd have been defeated, and one more misfortune perhaps added to the accumulated distresses which he so little expected: but this is a subject which touches me too sensibly. I expect you desire to know something of my progress. I am now reading Burrow, the last common law reporter. I have read all Gilberts works, and Sayers law of costs, and a part of Cuningham's law of bills. My progress in history hass been less considerable: occasioned by the continuance of the aigue and fever all the fall and winter, and almost all the spring. I am better pleased with the other reporters generally, than Burrow. I think Lord Mansfield must have had an undue influence on the minds of the other judges. He must have been the greatest man that ever was, or he had too much influence; for what he laid down, the [38]

7 JUNE

1792

rest concured in without hesitation, or argument. I am dear Sir, with the most sincere esteem Your grateful & very hbl servt. JNO G JEFFERSON

RC (ViU: Carr-Cary Papers); at foot of first page: "Thos. Jefferson Esqr."; endorsed by T J as received 14 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

To Alexander Martin SIR Philadelphia June 6. 1792. I have the honor to inclose you the copy of a letter recieved from Govr. Blount informing me that there have been divers grants of lands made by your state, since the date of the deed of cession, within the lines ceded thereby, South of the French broad river. As I am unable to judge from his letter whether this has been done by error, or under any claim of right, I must ask the favor of your Excellency to inform me on this subject, in order that proceedings may be instituted for trying the validity of those grants according to law, and in such way as shall be least inconvenient to the grantees. In the mean time the duty incumbent on the Executive to keep the lands belonging to the Union clear of intrusions, has rendered it necessary to desire Govr. Blount to remove any of the grantees who may have taken possession and prevent them in future, till the law shall have pronounced on their rights. If your Excellency will be so good as to favor me with an explanation, if the grants have been erroneously issued perhaps the grantees may surrender their grants, if on a claim of right, and it appears well founded, it may prevent prosecution altogether, there being no desire but to do that, with respect to these grants, which is right. I have the honor to be with great respect Your Excellency's most obedient & most humble servt. T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "H.E. the Govr. of N. Carolina." PrC of Tr (DLC); in a clerk's hand. FC (Lb in DNA: R G 360, DL). Enclosure: William Blount to T J , 23 Apr. 1792. Enclosed in T J to Edmund Randolph, 9 Nov. 1792.

To John Dobson SIR Philadelphia June 7. 1792. I received last night your letter of May 30. I consequently wrote to day to the gentleman who had purchased my tobacco to let him know you would not come here personally as we had expected, and [39]

7 JUNE

1792

desiring him to enable me to remit you the fourteen hundred dollars engaged, by post. He was out of the way, and did not get my letter till the afternoon. He has just now been with me and delivered me paper to the amount, but this being a day of discount at the bank, and now passed over, they cannot be presented there till the next day of discount which is on Monday the 11th. nor the money received till Tuesday. Consequently the post of Wednesday is that which can alone be counted on for the conveyance, and that will not arrive at Richmond till Monday the 18th. He told me however he had a payment to make in two days, and if he could prevail on the person to let that lie till Tuesday he would give me the money destined for him. In that case Monday's post may carry it, and it will arrive in Richmond on Saturday the 16th. But as this does not depend on either his will or mine, it is not to be counted on. If I can procure a government bill of exchange on Amsterdam, it shall come in that form; otherwise it can only be a bank post note. I am Sir your humble servt T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Mr. S J L , T J wrote to Dobson again on 12 Dobson." Dobson's letter to T J of 30 May June 1792 and received a 24 June letter 1792, recorded in SJL as received 6 June from him on 30 June, but neither letter 1792, has not been found. According to has been found.

To Thomas Leiper SIR Philadelphia June 7. 1792. I recieved by yesterday's post a letter from the gentleman who was to have come on himself and embarked from hence or New York for England. He writes me that his business not permitting him to come this way he is to embark from Richmond on the 15th. or 16th. As the whole object of my operations with my tobacco has been to pay him the sum of money I am pledged to pay him before his departure, I have now not a moment to lose in making him the remittance by post. I must therefore beg the favor of you to enable me to do it immediately. The sum necessary for him is 1400. Dollars and 300 more (including the 90. and 66.67. you have paid, therefore say 143d. 33c) for other purposes. I will concur in executing the notes as we agreed. I am sorry to be importunate on this occasion. Nothing in the world would have induced me to be so, but the departure of this gentleman and the distress I know him to be in for his money. I shall be glad to hear from you to-day, and am Sir your very humble servt T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Mr. Lieper."

[40]

To Alexander Donald D E A R SIR

Philadelphia June 8,

1792]

I was going to acknolege th[e receipt of yours of Jany. 5th. and Feb.] 15. when I was seised with a yearning of [the heart, which] obliges me to stop till I could write the inclosed. He is a good man to whom it is addressed, and he is himself the bearer of it. I shall make it the subject of a conversation with him. I thought it would not be disagreeable to you to enter with him the claim we have on you. Your letter of Jan. 5. is put into the hands of the Secretary of the Treasury, with whom all money matters rest.—The books from Lackington are arrived. Having occasion to have a sum of about £ 2 6 . or £ 2 7 . sterl. paid to a Mr. Gautier of the house of Grand & co. in Paris, I inclose you a bill of exchange for £ 3 7 - 1 0 sterl. drawn by count Andreani on Messrs. Battier, Zornlin & co. Devonshire square 10. in favor of Mr. William B . Giles, endorsed to me, and now endorsed to you. It will suffice to cover Mr. Gautier's draught and the £ 9 - 3 paid by you for my box of books from Lackington. I say nothing of news because it will be old before it gets to you, as Mr. Pinkney is not yet certain of the time of his departure. I shall only therefore repeat assurances of the esteem with which I am Dear Sir your friend & servt PrC (DLC); upper right portion torn away; part of dateline and first sentence supplied from Tr. Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy; at foot of text: "A. Donald Esqr." Enclosure: T J to Thomas Pinckney, 8 June 1792.

From C. W. F. Dumas The Hague, 8 June 1792. Having deferred sending these packets until now, he forwards them without being able to add his opinions on the affairs of Europe. The French, who ought to do everything, do nothing; the Prussians march and do not arrive; the English and Dutch fortunately remain observers. Providence seems to control events that disturb courts and their diplomacy, such as the war Russia has declared on the Poles and the recent death of the Prince-Bishop of Liège. On the one hand, one would wish an Austrian prince as his successor; on the other, perhaps one would wish to prevent it. If the two German powers finally attacked France in earnest, a prolonged war would ensue with insupportable expenses for the court of Vienna, which would have to subsidize Berlin and Turin. Morning and evening he prays that the United States may forever increase in virtue and prosperity, that at least one people might serve as an example to others in the enjoyment of true civil happiness. He longs to receive TJ's order as to the costly American embassy, which will run down if it is not sold soon. He commends himself to the protection of the United States, their Congress, President, and ministers, especially T J . [41]

8 JUNE FC (AR: Dumas Letterbook; photostats in D L C ) ; 1 p.; in French; in Dumas's hand; at head of text: "No. 89. A S.E. Mr. Thos. Jefferson Minre. d'Et. & des

1792 Aff. Etr. en Congrès-gen. des Et. Un." Recorded in S J L as received 18 Oct. 1792.

To Jean Antoine Gautier DEAR SIR

Philadelphia June 8.

1792.

A Friend of mine having desired me to procure him a watch from Paris, I am led to trouble you with the commission, as well from the circumstance of your having aided me in getting one from Romilly for myself, as because I am glad of an occasion to keep hold on your acquaintance and recollection, which will ever be duly prised by me. Be so good then as to get M . Romilly to make exactly such another watch as he made for me before, only adding a second hand, in the eccentric plan, because this will not require a single additional wheel. Let him previously tell you the price, and draw for it immediately on account of Th: Jefferson on Mr. Alexander Donald of the house of Donald & Burton, London, who is furnished with the means of answering it. When the watch shall be done, be so good as to forward it by any safe hand to Mr. Pinckney, minister plenipotentiary of the U.S. of America at London, if it can be so done as to avoid English duties. He will forward it to me. I say nothing of your political affairs, because I could do it only on the ground of March last, and what I should say thereon, would by the time this reaches you, be like an old almanac. I wish them all possible success, and hope they will issue in a free and a good government. If your first assay is u n [ . . . .p have got what is good, hold it fast as we do. [There are heads] among us itching for crowns, coronets, and mitrfes, but I hope] we shall sooner cut them off than gratify their [itching. Our] constitution is a wise one, and I hope we shall b[e able to adhere] to it. Present me affectionately, most affectionate[ly to Mr. and] Mrs. Grand the elder. Tell them if I had Fortunatu[s's wishing cap] the first use I would make of it should be to seat myself [between] them at dinner at Passy. Remember me also in the most friendly terms to Mr. and Mrs. Grand the younger, and accept yourself assurances of the esteem and attachment with which I am Dear Sir Your friend and servt.

T H : JEFFERSON

Tell M . L e Vieillard I shall ever esteem him. PrC (DLC: T J Papers, 75: 12976, 232: 41485); first and last pages only (see note 1 below); mutilated and torn passages supplied from Tr. Tr (DLC); 19th-

century copy; varies slightly in wording and punctuation,

[42]

1

Estimated one or two pages missing.

From William Green SIR Philadelphia June the 8th. 1792 The two Papers which are inclos'd not having a reference to the main question which was the Subject of my waiting on you on the 6: instant, were I apprehend given to me by mistake. I beg leave therefore to return the same, and have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, Your most Obedient & Most humble Servt. WILLIAM G R E E N RC (DNA: R G 76, British Spoliations); addressed: "Thos. Jefferson Esqr. Secretary of State &ca &ca &ca." Enclosures not found.

To Thomas Pinckney Philadelphia June 8. 1792. Th: Jefferson takes the liberty of presenting Mr. Pinkney the bearer hereof Alexander Donald esq. one of his youthful friends and found a constant one, even unto the end. He long resided in Virginia, is now established in London, and T h : Jefferson will be responsible to Mr. Pinkney that any esteem he may honor him with, will be worthily placed. PrC (MHi). Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy. Enclosed in T J to Alexander Donald, 8 June 1792.

To Martha Jefferson Randolph MY

DEAR DAUGHTER

Philadelphia June 8.

1792.

The last news we have from Monticello is by your letter of May 7. I am in hopes tomorrow's post will bring us something, for some how or other your letters (if you write by post to Richmond) miss a post and are sometimes a week longer coming than they ought to be.—The news from the French West India islands is more and more discouraging. Swarms of the inhabitants are quitting them and coming here daily. I wonder that none of your acquaintances write to you. Perhaps they may be in Martinique where the disturbance is not yet considerable. Perhaps they may be gone to France.—Your friend Mrs. Waters is in a fair way of losing her husband, as he appears to be in a galloping consumption. The family are alarmed at his situation, tho he goes about his business still with activity. Maria's letter will inform [43]

8 JUNE

1792

you she is well. Present me affectionately to Mr. Randolph, kiss dear Anne for me, and be assured of my tender love. Your's &c. T H : JEFFERSON

RC (NNP); at foot of text: "Mrs. Randolph." PrC (MHi). Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy.

To David Rittenhouse June 8. 92. T h : Jefferson incloses to Mr. Rittenhouse the first criticism which has come to his hands on the rod-pendulum as a standard of measure. It is from a clergyman of Scotland. The author's language is so lax, that it is difficult to know with precision what idea he means to express. It is particularly so in the following sentence at the bottom of the 1st. page. 'It is therefore impossible to fix an invariable, or nearly equal measure from the rod of such a cyclindrical pendulum—for, measured from the extremities, a second's pendulum is of all possible lengths from 39 to 58-^- inches.'—In a preceding passage where he says that 'the length of the pendulum has nothing to do with the whole length of the rod] he cannot possibly mean what he says. That they are the same thing, no body ever pretended; but that, in theory, they have a determinate relation of 2 to 3. to one another, nobody can deny.—He says again pa. 2. 'no philosopher who has studied the doctrine of the Pendulum ever measured it from it's extremities.' Why this observation? T h : J . had made the difficulty, in a bob-pendulum of finding the center of oscillation, from which it was to be measured, one reason for rejecting the bob-pendulum, and adopting the rod-pendulum which admits of being measured from the extremities, because in this one extremity may be made the center of motion.—What does he mean by saying that the difference between the cubic foot proposed by T h : J . and the English cubic foot (which T h : J . had stated to be as Mr. Skene does) 'is a monstrous error?'—If Mr. Rittenhouse can find out what Mr. Skene means to object and will favor T h : J . with his thoughts on it, he will thank him. 1

2

3

PrC (DLC). Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy. The enclosure was George Skene Keith's manuscript commentary on TJ's 4 July 1790 Report on Weights and Meas­ ures that Keith had sent in his 14 Jan. 1792 letter to Washington and that he

intimated the President should pass on to T J (DLC: Washington Papers). TJ's cita­ tions to this commentary, which has not been found, indicate that it was distinct from Keith's essay on a uniform system of weights and measures published in his Tracts on Weights, Measures, and Coins

(London, 1791), and from a manuscript

[44]

9 JUNE copy of the same essay that Keith for­ warded to the President in 1790. The Sec­ retary of State had received copies of the Tracts from Keith and James Somerville (see Keith to T J , 1 July 1791; T J to Somerville, 1 Dec. 1791; Sowerby, No. 3766). Keith also sent copies of the pam­ phlet to Washington with letters of 1 July 1791 and 14 Jan. 1792 (DLC: Washing­ ton Papers). The manuscript copy of the essay, written in Keith's hand and enti­ tled "Synopsis of a System of Equaliza­ tion of Weights & Measures Or The The­ ory and Practice of a System of Equaliza­ tion," is dated 12 Jan. 1790 and contains subjoined an unpublished postscript and observation by the author (MS in DLC:

1792 T J Papers, 236: 42278-89; see also Keith to T J , 22 June 1801). The President acknowledged receipt of all these items in a 22 June 1792 letter to the Scottish cler­ gyman, supplementing a more perfunctory note to Keith written by Tobias Lear on 7 May 1792 (Fitzpatrick, Writings, XXXII,

72). Rittenhouse's own objections to TJ's proposed use of the ROD-PENDULUM are

analyzed in Brooke Hindle, David Rittenhouse (Princeton, 1964), 312-16. Preceding two words interlined. Preceding three words interlined in place of "of the." Word interlined. 1

2

3

To the Commissioners of the Federal District GENTLEMEN

Philadelphia June 9.

1792.

I have been duly honoured with your favor of the 2d. inst. and have thought that I could not do better, with respect to the German emigrants, than to address the inclosed letter to the Messieurs Van Staphorsts & Hubbard of Amsterdam, leaving it to yourselves to point out the number and description of persons you want, and the condi­ tions, and to open a correspondence with them yourselves directly on the subject, as it is probable this may not be the only occasion in which you may want similar supplies. If Mr. Damen is living, I think you may count on his executing your wishes; if any accident should have happened to him, the Messrs. Van Staphorsts & Hubard will be able to put your commission into other trusty hands. Mr. Blodget is gone, I believe, to Boston. I shall hope to hear from him in the course of the ensuing week as to the 10,000 Dollars which ought to be paid on the 15th. inst. I have the honor to be Gentlemen Your most obedt & most humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Messrs. Johnson, Stuart & Carrol." Tr (DNA: RG 42, DCLB); incorrectly dated 3 June 1792. Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy. Enclosure: T J to Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 9 June 1792.

[45]

From Gouverneur Morris M Y DEAR SIR

Paris 9 June 1792.

Yours of the twenty ninth of April is just receivd. Previously thereto I had (unluckily) employd the Young Man you mention as my Cook. I did this on Mr. Short's Recommendation of his Integrity and because he had been in your Service. He is very grateful to you for the Offer you make him which he says he will accept of if / turn him away but he hopes I will not and wishes rather to continue in my Service which is natural enough because he receives higher Wages without leaving his Country. This being the case I really cannot find in my Heart to turn him away tho I sincerely wish he could be prevaild on to accept your Offer and to this Effect I order a Display to be made to him of the Advantages he might in future derive from establishing himself in the United States. I had on his declining the Offer desired him to look for a suitable Person but he told me that you had written to Madame François not to send any other if he could not go. I pray you my dear Sir if you wish any Thing from hence to com­ mand me freely and to make no apology for it will give me real Plea­ sure to be in any wise subservient to your Wishes. I am with sincere Esteem your obedt. & humble Servt. Gouv M O R R I S RC (DLC); at head of text: "private"; at foot of text: "Thomas Jefferson Esqr"; endorsed by T J as received 18 Oct. 1792 and so recorded in SJL. F C (Lb in D L C : Gouverneur Morris Papers); in Morris's hand.

To Hore Browse Trist D E A R BROWSE

Philadelphia June 9.

1792.

Having understood that there was a considerable landed estate in England, which according to the events which have happened, would have descended on you intail had it not been barred, I enquired of Mrs. Trist whether you would take proper measures to investigate it's situation. I found that, from motives of delicacy, she had not urged this subject on you. I , who am under no such motives, and who sincerely wish you to obtain all the advantages you are justly entitled to, take upon myself to press this matter on you. There is nothing of morality or natural right to influence proceedings on either side. Your uncle, the last tenant in tail, had a right, from the law only, to hold the estate during his life. He had a right from the law also, to cut off the entail, by fine, recovery, or any other process which the law authorises. But the 1

[46]

9 JUNE

1792

law binds him down to the observance of many niceties in this process, and if, in cutting off the entail, he has neglected any of these niceties, then the same law says the estate is yours. Since neither of you then claim under moral or natural right, there is no immorality in either to avail yourselves of the rights given you equally by the law of the land, nor any reason why you should cede your legal rights, if you have any, to him who claims under your uncle similar legal rights. I would advise you therefore to enquire minutely into all the proceedings by which this entail has been barred. If it was by fine, your father's absence beyond the sea, and your infancy, may have saved your right if you attend to it in time. If it was by common recovery, there may have been irregularities in that also. It would doubtless be prudent for you to make your enquiries so cautiously as not to offend the family till you find there is some certainty of obtaining your object. If you could make a friend in the family who would attach themselves to your interest in preference to any other, you might get at all circumstances at once. I imagine it will be best, when you shall have furnished yourself with all the facts you can, to go to London to obtain the best council. I take the liberty of asking Mr. Pinkney there to advise you to whom to apply and how to conduct yourself, and I am sure you may count on his patronage, and every reasonable attention to aid you. I will take care to sollicit it from him, before he leaves us, as a favor to me, of which I shall be particularly sensible, being with every wish for your success & happiness, dear Browse your affectionate friend & servt 2

3

4

T H : JEFFERSON PrC (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); at foot of first page: "Mr. Trist." Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy.

1 2 3 4

Interlined as one word in manuscript. Word interlined in place of "law." Word interlined. Preceding three words interlined.

To Van Staphorst & Hubbard GENTLEMEN

Philadelphia June 9. 1792.

When I was at Amsterdam you were so good as to make me acquainted with a Mr. Herman Hend Damen, a merchant-broker, connected with you, who, being from the Palatinate, informed me he could at any time procure any number of emigrants from that country to come over on certain conditions then mentioned between us, or oth­ ers equivalent: and that he would undertake to send me any number whenever I should be in readiness, on paying him 10. guineas each at Amsterdam or 11. guineas at the port of delivery, in lieu of all charges [47]

9 JUNE

1792

of procuring and transporting them. Being not yet in a situation to avail myself of this proposal, it is not for myself that I mention it to you, but for the Commissioners of the new city of Washington on the Patowmac, which is to be our future seat of government. These gen­ tlemen having occasion for a number of labouring people, tradesmen and others, I informed them that I thought by addressing themselves to Mr. Damen himself, or to him through you, they could probably be furnished. They therefore propose to do it, and will specify the kind of people they want, the number, and the conditions; and the object being interesting to our government, I take the liberty of adding, to their sollicitations for your attention and aid herein, those of, Gentle­ men, your most obedient humble servt T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Messrs. Van Staphorsts & Hubbard." Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy. Enclosed in T J to the Commissioners of the Federal District, 9 June 1792.

The Commissioners of the Federal Dis­ trict enclosed TJ's letter to Van Staphorst & Hubbard, together with one they wrote to Hermen Hend Damen on 4 July 1792, in their own letter to the Dutch firm of the same date (DNA: RG 42, DC LB).

To George Washington June 9. 92. T h : Jefferson, with his respects to the President, incloses him a letter from Mr. Rittenhouse on the subject of procuring a house for the mint. Mr. Rittenhouse thinks the house in 7th. street can be bought for 1600.£. It is probable that none can be rented under £ 1 5 0 . and this sum would pay the interest and sink the principal of 1600£ in 15 years. The outhouses willl save the necessity of new erections, and there is a horse mill, which will save the building one for the rolling mill: so that on the whole T h : J . concurs in opinion with Mr. Rittenhouse that it will be better to buy this house; and submits the same to the President. A plan of the ground and buildings is inclosed. Mr. Rittenhouse thinks the appointment of a Chief coiner and Engraver (in one office) necessary to prepare the proper machines for coining copper. He thinks Voight perfectly equal to the duties of the coiner. He is no engraver himself, ana* it is therefore proposed that he shall consider the cost of engraving dies as a charge to be deducted from his salary of 1500. Doll. He has not been consulted on this point. He is willing to accept the appointment, and to retire from it of course on the arrival of any successor whom we shall import from abroad. RC (DNA: R G 59, MLR); endorsed by Tobias Lear. PrC (DLC). Tr (Lb in

DNA: R G 59, SDC). Recorded in SJPL.

[48]

10

JUNE

Neither the enclosed letter from David Rittenhouse, almost certainly that of 8 June 1792 recorded in S J L as received the same day, nor the enclosed plan has been found. Henry Voigt, a skilled watch­ maker and mechanic, was appointed chief coiner of the Mint temporarily in July

1792 1792 before being commissioned perma­ nently in January 1793. Efforts to find a suitable replacement for him in Europe were abandoned by the end of that year, and Voigt served until his death in 1814 (Taxay, Mint, 70, 72, 102). See also Wash­ ington to T J , 9 July 1792.

From George Washington DEAR SIR

Saturday June 9th. 92

I am in sentiment with you and the Director of the Mint, respecting the purchase of the Lots and Houses which are offered for sale in preference to Renting—as the latter will certainly exceed the Interest of the former. That all the applications may be brought to view, and considered, for Coining &ca.; Mr. Lear will lay the letters and engravings before you, to be shewn to the Director of the Mint. I have no other object or wish in doing it than to obtain the best. Yrs. &ca. Go: W A S H I N G T O N

RC (Facsimile in Sotheby Parke Bernet Catalogue, 27-28 Feb. 1974, Lot 415).

To Le Veillard D E A R SIR

Philadelphia June 10.

1792.

The bearer hereof, Mr. Pleasants, goes to Paris to improve himself in médecine, surgery, and chemistry. Knowing your strength in the latter science, and your esteem for the lovers of all science, I take the liberty of introducing him to your acquaintance, assured, from the goodness of your character, that you will favor him with all those little services and counsels which you know are of so much value to the young man, the student and the stranger. In procuring him this service it is no small additional gratification to me to be thereby furnished with an occasion of repeating to you the assurances of my sincere and continual esteem, and of the sentiments of affectionate attachment with which I have the honour to be Dear Sir your friend and servant T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "M. Le Vieillard." Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy.

[49]

To James Madison D E A R SIR

Philadelphia June 10.

1792.

The poll of the N . Y . election stood the day before yesterday thus. Clinton Jay General Schuyler says there 481. 228. will be about 16,000 voters Suffolk 532 288 Queen's cty. and offers to bet 3. to 1. 244 92 King's cty. as far as 500. guineas that 739 city & county of N.Y. 603 Jay will still be elected. How­ 551. 80. ever he seems to be alone Orange 751. 945 Dutchess here in that expectation. We 824 347 Westchester dined together at the P's on 4 106 Richmond Thursday, and happening to 654 947 Ulster set next one another, we got, 1303 717 towards the close of the after­ Columbia 404 717 noon, into a little contest Renslaer 758 471 whether hereditary descent or Washington 405 461 election was most likely to Saratoga bring wise and honest men into 7432 6220 public councils. He for the former, Pinkney and my self for the latter. I was not displeased to find the P. attended to the conversation as it will be a corroboration of the design imputed to that party in my letter.— At a dinner of Jay-ites yesterday R.M. mentioned to the company that Clinton was to be vice-president, that the Antis intended to set him up. Bingham joined in attesting the project, which appeared new to the rest of the company. I paid Genl. Irvin 50 D . for Mr. Moore, the receipt he had, vouching it. Adieu. Yours affectionately 1

RC (DLC: Madison Papers); unsigned; at head of text: No. 3"; at foot of text: "Mr. Madison." PrC (DLC). Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy. u

The LETTER T J referred to was that of 23 May 1792 to President Wash­ ington, R.M.: Senator Robert Morris of Pennsylvania. For a discussion of the dis­

puted New York gubernatorial election between George Clinton and John Jay, see Mary-Jo Kline and others, eds., Polit­ ical Correspondence and Public Papers of

Aaron Burr, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1983), I, 106-17. 1

Word interlined in place of "Clinton."

From Gouverneur Morris DEAR SIR

Paris 10 June 1792

I have the Honor to acknowlege your favors of the tenth of March and twenty eighth of April. My last was of the 25th of April. As Mr. [50]

10

JUNE

1792

Short remaind here untill the second Instant and was better acquainted with the current Transactions I relied on him for the Communication of them. He inform'd you that we obtained an Interview with Mr. de Mourier on the fifteenth of May. In this Interview he told me that he thought it was best that I should be presented to the King immediately, but yet my first Audience did not take Place untill the third of this Month. He apologiz'd for this Delay as proceeding from the State of public Affairs which kept him continually occupied and agitated. I shall have occasion presently to say Something about them. In our first conversation as a fair Opportunity presented itself I made Use of it to tell him that during my Residence here in a private Character I had as well from my Attachment to the Cause of Liberty in general as to the Interests of France in particular endeavor'd to effectuate some Changes in the Constitution which appeared to me essential to it's Existence. That being now in a public Character I thought it my Duty to avoid all Interference in their Affairs of which from henceforth I should be a meer Spectator. I will not trouble you with repeating what pass'd at my Reception by the King and Queen. On the next Day I dind with Mr. Demourier and delivered the Letter from the President to the King on his Acceptance of the Con­ stitution, of which Letter I had previously made a Translation to avoid Mistakes of their Agents which are not uncommon. By the bye Several Members of the Corps diplomatique have spoken to me on the Sub­ ject of this Letter which has given them a high Idea of the President's Wisdom. I took occasion according to your Instructions to mention the obnoxious Acts of the late Assembly both to Mr. de Mourier and to Mr. Boncarére his confidential Secretary. The latter told me that he coincided with me in Opinion fully on that Subject but that Nothing could be done till they brought the Assembly into more Consistency. That they could indeed command a Majority but that they could not bring that Majority into a Support of other Measures than those of the Moment. That (however) we might digest the Business and put it in Train. Mr. de Mourier told me that his System of politics was extremely simple. That a Power so great as France stood in no Need of Alliances and therefore he was against all Treaties other than those of Commerce. That he would very readily enter with me into the Con­ sideration of a Treaty of Commerce but wished me to defer it untill he should return from the Frontiers. In Order that you may fully understand the Facts which I shall have Occasion to communicate I think it most advisable to mention the State of Affairs in this Country such as it appears to me. I shall avoid speaking of Characters for evident Reasons. You are already inform'd [51]

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JUNE

1792

I suppose of the Reasons which led to a Declaration of War against the King of Hungary, and you know that the Hope of an Insurrection in the austrian Flanders was among those Reasons. Indeed the Intention to excite it and the Efforts made to that Effect have (for the First Time I beleive in modern Days) been publicly avowed. This Hope has hitherto prov'd fallacious and indeed as far as can be judg'd from the Temper and Character of the Flemish People and from the Information I have been able to collect it seems to be the better Opinion that however they may feel an Aversion to the austrian Government they are still less dispos'd to that of France. There is therefore no Probability of any capital Diversion in that Quarter and the Chance of it is daily decreasing from two natural Causes. First that the French Troops are extremely undisciplined, and secondly that the Force of their Enemies will soon receive very considerable Additions. On the first of these Heads I need say Nothing since you will receive from various Quarters the sufficient Evidences. In Respect to the latter having combind all the Intelligence which can be relied on it results that about the middle of next Month the allied Armies will be one hundred and eighty thousand strong exclusive of the french Emigrants. It is doubtful whether these last will be permitted to act, and for the following Reasons. First it is not to be supposd that twenty thousand Gentlemen Volunteers serving at their own Expence can be well disciplind, consequently it is to be apprehended that they will be more injurious to their Friends than to their Enemies. Secondly it is next to impossible that in such a Number all irritated by Injuries either real or supposed there should not be some who will act more from Motives of private Vengeance than Regard to public Good and it is certain that Acts of Cruelty and Injus­ tice will rather tend to prolong than terminate the Contest at least to give it that Termination which they wish for. Thirdly it is noto­ rious that the great Mass of the french Nation is less solicitous to preserve the present order of Things than to prevent the Return of the antient Oppressions; and of Course would more readily submit to a pure Despotism than to that Kind of Monarchy whose only Lim­ its were found in those noble legal and clerical Corps by which the People were alternately oppressed and insulted. And this Observation leads naturally to the Object of the Combind Powers, which I con­ ceive to be the Establishment of a military Government on the Ruins of that anarchic System which now prevails, and in the Continuance of which no Power but England has any Interest. The others seeing that without a Counterpoise in the marine Scale Britain must possess the Empire of the ocean (which in the present commercial State of the World is a Kind of universal Empire) cannot but wish to reestab[52]

10

JUNE

1792

lish this Kingdom. But a great Question occurs. What Kind of Gov­ ernment shall be established. The Emigrants hope for their Darling Aristocracy: but it can hardly be supposd that Kings will exert them­ selves to raise abroad what they labor incessantly to destroy at Home, and more especially as the french Revolution having been begun by the Nobles, the Example will be so much the more striking if they become the Victims of it. But if the allied Monarchs have an Inter­ est in destroying the Aristocracy, they have a much stronger and a more evident interest in preventing a free and well poiz'd System from being adopted. Such System must inevitably extend itself, and force the Neighbouring Powers to relax from their Tyranny. If the Court of Berlin could have been insensible to this Truth, in which it is so deeply interested, the zealous Reformers here would not have permitted the Prussian Ministers to slumber over their Danger. The Desire to propogate and make Converts to their Opinions has led them so far that the Quarrel which might have been only political has become personal, and I have good Reason to beleive, Notwithstanding the profound Secrecy which is preserv'd respecting the Designs of the grand Alliance, that it is in Contemplation to put all Power into the Hands of the King. Things have been prepard for that Event by the incon­ siderate Partizans of Liberty. In their Eagerness to abolish antient Institutions they forgot that a Monarchy without intermediate Ranks is but another Name for Anarchy or Despotism. The first, unhappily, exists to a Degree scarcely to be parralleld, and such is the Horror and Apprehension which licentious Societies have universally inspired that there is some Reason to beleive the great Mass of french Popu­ lation would consider even Despotism as a Blessing, if accompanied with Security to Person and Property such as is experienced under the worst Governments in Europe. Another great Means of establish­ ing Despotism here is to be found in that national Bankruptcy which seems to be inevitable. The Expence of the last Month exceeded the Income by about ten Millions of Dollars. This Expence continues to increase, and the Revenue to diminish. The Estate of the Clergy is consumed and the Debt is as great as at the Opening of the States General. The current Expence has, by taking away the Property of the Church, been encreasd about a sixth. The Dilapidation in every Department is unexampled. And they have, to crown all, an encreasing Paper Money which already amounts to above three hundred Millions of Dollars. From such Facts it is impossible not to draw the most sin­ ister Presages. The Country People have hitherto been actuated in a great Measure by the Hope of Gain. The Abolition of Tithes, of feudal Rights, and burthensome Taxes, was so pleasant that a cold Exami[53]

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1792

nation of Consequences could not be admitted; still less an Enquiry into the strict Measure of Justice. Next to the Abolition came on those philosophical and mathematical Arrangements of the Fisc which are very beautiful and satisfactory, and to which there lies but one Objec­ tion of any Consequence which is that they are inexécutable. Now I have frequently observed that when Men are brought to abandon the Paths of Justice it is not easy to arrest their Progress at any partic­ ular Point, and therefore as the whole Kingdom (Paris excepted) is interested in the Non Payment of Taxes the Question will be decided without much Difficulty if once the Legislature get out of this City. They are already preparing for a March, and it is intended to take the King with them to which Effect a Decree has already passed to disband his Life Guard, and another to collect 20000 Men to the Northward of this City. An Opposition will be made by the parisian Militia to the latter Decree, because they begin to perceive the Object: and as it seems to be a pretty general Opinion among them that no capital Opposition will be made to the austrian and prussian Troops, they consider the Person of Louis the sixteenth as forming the most solid Reliance they have to protect them from Plunder and Outrage. This Decree may therefore occasion either a Schism between the Mili­ tia and the Assembly, or among the Inhabitants of Paris, or both. Already there exists a serious Breach between the Members of the present Administration, and a Part of them must go out. I have the best Reason to beleive that the whole will be changed before many Weeks, and some of them within a few Days. There exists also a mor­ tal Enmity between different Parties in the Assembly. At the Head of the jacobine Faction is the Deputation of Bourdeaux, and that City is (as you know) particularly indisposed to our commercial Interests. It is this State of universal Hostility or rather Confusion to which Demourier alluded when he apologizd for delaying my Audience. And it was this also which his Confidant had in View when he mention'd the Necessity of waiting for a greater Consistency in the Legislature before any Thing could be done. I mention'd to you above that Mr. Demourier had it in Contempla­ tion to visit the Frontiers. This was in his Quality of principal Minister, and certainly not as Minister of foreign Affairs. One of his principal Advisers tells me that he has dissuaded him from taking that Step. The Object was to bring the Army to Action; for having brought on a State of Hostility for which he is personally responsible, he is deeply concern'd in the Success and he has little Hope unless from a Coup de Main before the Armies of the Enemy are collected. In Consequence, he has given repeated orders to fight both to Monsieur Luckner and [54]

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1792

Monsieur de la fayette. The former has declin'd, and the latter peremp­ torily refus'd; the Situation of their respective Armies not permitting any well grounded Expectations. At present the two Armies are in March to form a Junction, when the whole will be commanded by Monsieur Luckner. It is expected that he will be at the Head of 60.000 pick'd Troops, and the Austrians cannot well oppose above 35.000. It is said that they are to act immediately, but I have pretty good Reason to beleive that the Stroke will be about the twentieth to the twenty fifth. Mr. de Mourier told me that he was perfectly easy in Respect to Prussia whose only Object was to get the House of Austria fairly engaged and then to take Advantage of it's Embarrasments. I told him that he must of Course be well inform'd on that Subject but that since the Departure of the prussian Minister without taking Leave I could not but suppose the Intentions of that Court were more serious than he imagin'd. He gave me many Reasons for his Opinion, which I should have suppos'd to be only an ostensible one, if one of his Intimates had not on another Occasion quoted it to me, and if I did not know the principal Channel thro which he derives his Intelligence. A late Circumstance will tend rather to establish than remove this Opinion, I mean the Attack of Poland by the Empress of Russia to overturn the new Constitution. Whether this Movement be in Concert with the austrian and prussian Cabinets or not is doubtful. I cannot as yet make up any tolerable Judg'ment on the Subject, but I beleive that in either Case those Cabinets will pursue their Object in Regard to this Country. The Details I have entered into and the Informations which you will collect from the public Prints will shew that in the present moment it will be very difficult to excite Attention to other Objects than those by which they are so strongly agitated. The best Picture I can give of the french Nation, in this moment, is that of Cattle before a Thunder Storm. And as to the Government, every Member of it is engagd in the Defence of himself or the Attack of his Neighbor. I shall notwith­ standing pursue the Objects which you recommend. The Obstacles to Success form but Incitements to the Attempt. It must however be made with Caution because any sudden Change of Affairs may bring forward Persons who would oppose a Measure, merely because their Predecessors had approvd of it. You desird me among other Things to send you the Moniteur but the Editor of that Paper does not give so faithful a Report of what passes in the Assembly, as you will find in the Logo graphe. If there be any one of the Gazetteers who is impartial it is the Author or rather [55]

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1792

Transcriber of this. I send you of Course the Gazette of France, which says you know whatever the Ministry order it to say. The Patriote français written by Mr. Brissot will give you the Republican Side of the Question, as the Gazette universelle does that of the Kind of Monar­ chy proposed by the Constitution. The Paper calPd the Indicateur is written by a Party who wish a more vigorous executive, altho (strange to tell) this Party consists of the Persons who in the Beginning of the late Assembly did every Thing to bring the Kingdom into the Situ­ ation now experienced. The Journal of the Jacobines will give you what passes in that Society. The Gazette of Leyden which I transmit according to your Request will convey a Kind of Digest of all these different Sentiments and Opinions. Thus Sir if you have the Patience to look over these several Papers you will have a clear View not only of what is done but of what is intended. For the present I take my Leave with the Assurances of that sincere Respect and Esteem with whch I am yours Gouv M O R R I S RC (DNA: R G 59, DD); at head of text: "No. 1"; at foot of fourth page: "Thomas Jefferson Esqr Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 18 Oct. 1792 and so recorded in S J L . F C (Lb in DLC: Gouverneur Morris Papers); in Morris's hand. Tr (Lb in DNA: R G 59, DD). DE MOURIER: Charles François Dumouriez, the French foreign minister, whose INTERVIEW with Morris is de­ scribed at greater length in Morris, Diary, ii, 429-30. Morris neglected to inform T J that in his zeal to EFFECTUATE SOME

CHANGES in the French Constitution of 1791 he had gone so far as to draw up critical observations in the form of an intended speech by Louis X V I to the National Assembly that was obviously designed to bring about fundamental alter­ ations in that document (Sparks, Morris, ii, 490-512). Despite Morris's reticence on this point, his interference in French internal affairs had already been brought to TJ's attention (see William Short to T J , 6 Oct. 1791). The LETTER FROM T H E PRESIDENT TO THE KING was in fact the

work of T J (see Washington to Louis XVI, 14 Mch. 1792).

To the Commissioners of the Federal District GENTLEMEN

Philadelphia June 11.

1792.

I have the honor to inclose you the President's order on the treasurer of Maryland for 24,000. Dollars according to the desire expressed in your letter of the 6th. instant, and of adding assurances of the esteem and respect with which I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient & most humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "The Commissioners of the Federal territory."

F C (Lb in DNA: R G 360, D L ) . Tr (DNA: R G 42, DC LB); at head of

[56}

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text: "Recivd. 3d July." Enclosure: Wash­ ington to Thomas Harwood, Treasurer of the Western Shore of Maryland, 11 June 1792, ordering him to pay the Commissioners $24,000 "in part of the

1792

sum given by the Assembly of Mary­ land towards defraying the expences of the public buildings within the said District" (PrC in D L C ; in TJ's hand, unsigned; not recorded in SJL).

From George Gilmer D E A R SIR

11 June 1792 Pen Park

The agreeable Company of Mr. Monroe and his pleasant Lady and daugter to dine at the Park to day notwithstanding the torpid state of the Atmosphere and my atonic sistem gave me much reanimation and deglutition was victoriously executed. A change of the Atmosphere from this damp and extreme cold will still befriend me and shall with Joy I hope kiss your hands at Montichello. We every day experience that mankind are puzled to find that perfectly contented station. My friend Mr. Thos. Divers brother of Mr. George Divers after trying the Merchantile line in Charlottesville finds a rage for the Western Country. If a vacuum in the state department from his habit in matters of account he will be well calculated for the pay masters department if connected with a Lieuteny. he wish to engage and quit the merchants business your aid will be obliging. Mr. Mrs. Randolph and family dined at the Park a few days past all well and reanimated me much. I increase in specific gratvity. Lucy perfectly well and busy in projecting a two storry house with a covered way from the Old dwelling. And unites in affectionate compliments with your friend GEO.

GILMER

RC (MHi); addressed: "Thomas Jefferson Secrety of State Philida"; endorsed by T J as received 21 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

From William Green SIR Philadelphia June the 11. 1792 I have the honor to inclose you herewith a Memorial, concerning the predicament in which I stand, and the losses which I have suffered, as a Citizen and Merchant of the United States, in consequence of the measures and Conduct of the Administration of the British Gov­ ernment; and which amount as you will perceive, by that Memorial and the accompanying proofs, to upwards of Two hundred thousand Dollars specie.

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1792

I beg you will please to submit my Memorial to the President of the United States, with an earnest but respectful sollicitation, that Mr. Pinckney (who I understand is appointed in a Public Character to the Court of London) may be instructed at his arrival there, to lay the State thereof before that Court, and to require for me a full and ample compensation in Justice, for that Loss and damage. The body of evidence which I offer, in proof of my various allega­ tions is become legal by the late Consular Act, in all the Courts of these States; and the Certificate of the New act with the grounds of it, attested by Six Gentlemen, all of them certified by the Consul of the United States in London, to be respectable, and one of them, Sir John Peter, actually the Consul General of the British Nation in the Austrian Netherlands, is I humbly apprehend, fully equal in reason and in policy, to any positive record of any British Court of Law, which must necessarily in a certain degree be under the influence of its Judge. With great respect, I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obedient & Most humble Servant RC (DNA: R G 76, British Spolia­ tions); at foot offirstpage: "Thos Jefferson Esqr. Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 11 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

WILLIAM G R E E N Green's MEMORIAL has not been found. The sources of his LOSSES are described in the Editorial Note on the American Con­ sul at London, in Vol. 20: 482-504; and T J to George Hammond, 29 May 1792, and note.

To Thomas Hemming SIR Philadelphia June 11. 1792. I have duly recieved your favor of the 4th. inst. covering one from Mr. Boyd of whose health and success I am always glad to hear. I sincerely wish it were in my power to gratify his and your desire by finding some employment for your talents which might bring advan­ tage to yourself at the same time. I had the honor of explaining to you personally that our government has few offices in it's gift, and myself fewer than any other of it's members. I have had but a single appoint­ ment to make since I have been in office, which was a copying clerk at 500 dollars a year. It would have been delusive therefore had I given you expectations which there would have been so little probability of fulfilling, and it would be so were I to excite such expectations now. While I avoid this, in obedience to the dictates of candor and truth, I can with equal truth and candor assure you that were an occasion of serving you to present itself I should with pleasure embrace it, being [58]

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1792

with every wish to gratify yourself and Mr. Boyd, Sir your most obedt. humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Mr. Thomas Hemmings." Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy.

To Thomas Pinckney SIR Philadelphia June 11. 1792. The letter I have addressed to Admiral Jones, of which you have had the perusal, has informed you of the mission with which the President has thought proper to charge him at Algiers, and how far your agency is desired for conveying to him the several papers, for receiving and paying his draughts to the amount therein permitted, by redrawing yourself on our bankers in Amsterdam who are instructed to honor your bills, and by acting as a channel of correspondence between us. It is some time however since we have heard of Admiral Jones. Should any accident have happened to his life, or should you be unable to learn where he is, or should distance, refusal to act or any other circumstance deprive us of his services on this occasion, or be likely to produce too great a delay, of which you are to be the judge, you will then be pleased to send all the papers confided to you for him, to Mr. Thomas Barclay our Consul at Marocco, with the letter addressed to him, which is delivered you open, and by which you will perceive that he is, in that event, substituted to every intent and purpose in the place of Admiral Jones. You will be pleased not to pass any of the papers confided to you on this business through any post-office. I have the honor to be with great & sincere esteem, Sir, your most obedt. humble servt T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Thomas Pinckney esquire. 'PrC of Tr (DLC); in a clerk's hand; at head of text: "Copy." FC (Lb in DNA: R G 59, DCI). 1

The letter addressed to John Paul Jones is dated 1 June 1792. For the letter addressed to Thomas Barclay, see George Washington to Barclay, 11 June 1792 (printed below).

To Thomas Pinckney DEAR SIR

Philadelphia. June 11.

1792.

I have already had the honor of delivering to you your commission as Minister Plenipotentiary of the U . S . at the court of London, and [59]

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1792

have now that of inclosing your letter of credence to the king, sealed, and a copy of it open for your own information. Mr. Adams, your predecessor, seemed to understand, on his being presented to that court, that a letter was expected for the queen also. You will be pleased to inform yourself whether the custom of that court requires this from us, and to enable you to comply with it, if it should, I inclose a letter sealed for the Queen, and a copy of it open for your own information. Should it's delivery not be requisite, you will be so good as to return it, as we do not wish to set a precedent which may bind us hereafter to a single unnecessary ceremony. To you, Sir, it will be unnecessary to undertake a general delineation of the duties of the office to which you are appointed. I shall therefore only express a desire that they be constantly exercised in that spirit of sincere friendship which we bear to the English nation, and that in *all transactions with the Minister, his good dispositions be conciliated by whatever in language or attentions may tend to that effect. With respect to their government, or policy, as concerning themselves or other nations, we wish not to intermeddle in word or deed, and that it be not understood that our government permits itself to entertain either a will or an opinion on the subject. I particularly recommend to you, as the most important of your charges, the patronage of our commerce, and it's liberation from embarrasments in all the British dominions; but most especially in the West Indies. Our Consuls in Great Britain and Ireland are under general instructions to correspond with you as you will perceive by the copy of a circular letter lately written to them, and now inclosed. From them you may often receive interesting information. Mr. Joshua Johnson is Consul for us at London, James Maury at Liverpool, Elias Vanderhorst at Bristol, Thomas Auldjo Vice Consul at Pool (resident at Cowes) and William Knox consul at Dublin. The jurisdiction of each is exclusive and indépendant and extends to all places within the same allegiance nearer to him than to the residence of any other consul or vice-consul of the U.S.—The settlement of their accounts from time to time, and the payment of them, is referred to you, and in this the act respecting Consuls and any other laws made or to be made are to be your guide. Charges which these do not authorize, you will be pleased not to allow. These accounts are to be settled up to the first day of July in every year, and to be transmitted to the Secretary of state. An act of Congress of July 1. 1790. has limited the allowance of a Minister plenipotentiary to 9000. dollars a year for all his personal services and other expences, a year's salary for his Outfit and a quar[60]

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JUNE

1792

ter's salary for his return. It is understood that the personal services and other expences here meant, do not extend to the cost of gazettes and pamphlets transmitted to the Secretary of State's office, to the printing of necessary papers, postage, or couriers. These additional charges therefore may be inserted in your accounts; but no other of any description, unless where they are expressly directed to be incurred. By an antient rule of Congress, your salary commenced from the time you left your own home to come on this mission. It will cease on your receiving notice or permission to return, after which the addi­ tional quarter's allowance takes place. You are free to name a pri­ vate secretary whenever you shall find one necessary, and he will be allowed from the public 1350. dollars a year, without any allowance for extras. I have thought it best to state these things to you exactly that you may be relieved from all doubt as to the matter of your accounts: and I must beg leave to add a most earnest request that on the 1st. day of July next, and on the same day annually after­ wards, you make out your own account to that day, and send it by duplicates by the very first safe conveyances. In this I must be very urgent and particular, because at the meeting of the ensuing Congress it will always be expected that the Secretary of state lay before them a statement of the disbursements from this fund from July to June inclusive. I have given orders to Messrs. Willinks, Van Staphorsts & Hubbard our bankers in Amsterdam, to answer your draughts for the allowances herein before mentioned.—The peculiar custom in England of impressing seamen on every appearance of war, will occasionally expose our seamen to peculiar oppressions and vexations. These will require your most active exertions and protection, which we know cannot be effectual without incurring considerable expence: and as no law has yet provided for this, we think it fairer to take the risk of it on the Executive than to leave it on your shoulders. You will therefore with all due economy and on the best vouchers the nature of the case will admit, meet those expences, transmitting an account of them to the Secretary of state to be communicated to the legislature. It will be expedient that you take proper opportunities in the mean time of conferring with the minister on this subject in order to form some arrangement for the protection of our seamen on those occasions. We entirely reject the mode which was the subject of a conversation between Mr. Morris and him, which was that our seamen should always carry about them certificates of their citizenship. This is a condition never yet submitted to by any nation, one with which seamen would never have the precaution to comply, the casualties of their calling would expose them to the constant destruction or loss of 1

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this paper evidence, and thus the British government would be armed with legal authority to impress the whole of our seamen.—The simplest rule will be that the vessel being American, shall be evidence that the seamen on board her are such. If they apprehend that our vessels might thus become asylums for the fugitives of their own nation from impress-gangs, the number of men to be protected by a vessel may be limited by her tonnage, and one or two officers only be permitted to enter the vessel in order to examine the numbers aboard; but no pressgang should be allowed ever to go on board an American vessel till after it shall be found that there are more than their stipulated number on board, nor till after the master shall have refused to deliver the supernumeraries (to be named by himself) to the press-officer who has come on board for that purpose and even then the American Consul should be called in. In order to urge a settlement of this point before a new occasion may arise, it may not be amiss to draw their attention to the peculiar irritation excited on the last occasion, and the difficulty of avoiding our making immediate reprisals on their seamen here. You will be so good as to communicate to me what shall pass on this subject, and it may be made an article of convention to be entered into either there or here. You will receive here a copy of the journals of the antient Congress, and of the laws and journals and reports of the present. Those for the future, with gazettes and other interesting papers, shall be sent you from time to time; and I shall leave you generally to the gazettes for whatever information is in possession of the public, and shall specially undertake to communicate by letter, such only relative to the business of your mission, as the gazetteers cannot give. From you I ask once or twice a month a communication, of interesting occurrences in Eng­ land, of the general affairs of Europe, the court gazette, the best paper in the interest of the ministry, and the best of the opposition party, most particularly that one of each which shall give the best account of the debates of parliament, the parliamentary register annually, and such other political publications as may be important enough to be read by one who can spare little time to read any thing, or which may contain matter proper to be kept and turned to on interesting subjects and occasions. The English packet is the most certain chan­ nel for such epistolary communications as are not very secret, and intermediate occasions by private vessels may be resorted to for secret communications, and for such as would come too expensively burthened with postage by the packets. You are furnished with a cypher for greater secrecy of communication. To the papers beforementioned 2

3

4

5

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1792

I must desire you to add the Leyden gazette, paper by paper as it comes out, by the first vessel sailing after it's receipt. I inclose you the papers in the case of a Mr. Wilson, ruined by the capture of his vessel after the term limited by the Armistice. They will inform you of the circumstances of his case, and where you may find him personally, and I recommend his case to your particular representations to the British court. It is possible that other similar cases may be transmitted to you. You have already recieved some letters of Mr. Adams's explanatory of the principles of the armistice and of what had passed between him and the British minister on the subject. Mr. Greene of Rhode island will deliver you his papers, and I am to desire that you may patronize his claims so far as shall be just and right, leaving to himself and his agent to follow up the minute details of sollicitation and coming forward yourself only when there shall be proper occasion for you to do so in the name of your nation. Mr. Cutting has a claim against the government, vouchers for which he is to procure from England. As you are acquainted with the cir­ cumstances of it I have only to desire that you will satisfy yourself as to any facts relative thereto, the evidence of which cannot be transmit­ ted, and that you will communicate the same to me that justice may be done between the public and the claimant. We shall have occasion to ask your assistance in procuring a work­ man or two for our mint; but this shall be the subject of a separate letter after I shall have received more particular explanations from the Director of the Mint. I have the honor to be with great and sincere esteem Dear Sir your most obedt & most humble servt T H : JEFFERSON

RC (CSmH); at foot of first page: "Mr. Pinkney." PrC (DLC). F C (Lb in DNA: R G 59, DCI); at head of text: "(Instructions)." Enclosures: (1) Circular Letter to Consuls, 31 May 1792. (2) Let­ ter of credence for Pinckney to the King of Great Britain, 6 June 1792 (RC in PRO: FO 4/15, in a clerical hand, signed by Washington and T J ; PrC of Dft in D L C , entirely in TJ's hand with day left blank, recorded in SJPL with Enclosure No. 3; FC in D L C , in William Lambert's hand). (3) Letter of credence for Pinck­ ney to the Queen of Great Britain, 6 June 1792 (PrC of Dft in D L C , entirely in TJ's hand with day left blank, subjoined to

Enclosure No. 2 with the following note at foot of text: "it will be better to leave the address superscription blank to be prop­ erlyfilledby Mr Pinkney on the spot, if he finds it necessary to deliver the letter"; F C in D L C , dated 6 June 1792, in Lambert's hand). For at least some of the enclosures relating to the cases of Philip Wilson and William Green, see Vol. 18: 347-8n, Vol. 20: 504-22. Enclosed cipher not found. During his mission to London in 1790 Gouverneur Morris had suggested to the Duke of Leeds, then British foreign min­ ister, the MODE for protecting American seamen against impressment that T J so

[63]

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roundly rejected (Morris to Washington, 29 May 1790, DLC: Washington Papers; Morris, Diary, i, 518-19, 520). The Nootka Sound crisis between Britain and Spain in 1790

had been the LAST OCCA­

SION when impressment was a major issue in Anglo-American relations (see Editorial Note on the impressment of Hugh Purdie and others, in Vol. 18: 310-24). The case

1792 of John Brown CUTTING is discussed in note to T J to Washington, 7 Feb. 1792.

Preceding five words interlined in place of "their condition." Word interlined. Remainder of sentence interlined. Preceding two words interlined. Preceding two words interlined. 1

2

3

4

5

From David Rittenhouse D R SIR June 11th. 1792 I have read over Mr. Keiths paper carefully, and endeavoured to make out his meaning. He has indeed expressed himself so very loosely that it is not easy to say what he intended. One thing however is clear, that he meant to depreciate the Rod-pendulum; and this he has done in a manner that does no credit to his Candour or Abilities. We have only his assertion, unsupported by any thing that can be called reasoning, "That it is impossible to fix an invariable or nearly equal measure from the Rod of a Cylindrical Pendulum"; and he barely hints at an Objection which you may remember I made to that Pendulum, and which I take to be far the most important, I mean the difficulty of making it precisely of the same thickness throughout. As to the other difficulty, which he likewise slightly mentions, the placing one extremity of the rod exactly in the center of motion, I conceive every workman will pronounce it too trifling to merit attention. Mr. Keith must certainly have wrote down his very first thoughts on the subject, which he never afterwards considered or corrected. For I think I never saw so much no meaning, so ill expressed and in so few lines as his paper contains. He observes that "the length of Mr. J—s Standard is not the length of the seconds pendulum." I believe no one ever said it was, in the sense in which Mr. Keith sometimes uses the word pendulum, and sometimes does not. He adds, "the length of the pendulum has nothing to do with the whole length of the rod." This I conceive is not strictly true in any sense. The length of the rod will not in all cases determine the length of the pendulum, but all other circumstances being given the whole length of the rod does determine the length of the pendulum. He says, "it is the distance between the point of suspension and the center of Oscillation which the Philosopher calls a pendulum." A Philosopher might indeed call that distance the length of his pendulum, but I conceive he would require something [64]

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more than pure space to give the name of pendulum to. All this is, however, perhaps nothing more than cavilling at some expression the Secretary had used. For instance, he may have called his cylindrical Rod simply a pendulum, instead of a Rod-pendulum. Mr. Keith says, "if a Rod-pendulum could be made of equal thick­ ness, and density of matter, and vibrated from the very point of sus­ pension in a Cycloid and in Vacuo, the true length of the pendulum would be exactly two thirds of the distance between the two extrem­ ities of the Rod." This I think compleats Mr. Keiths period, but it is surely very imperfect. For, not to mention the Burlesque Idea of making a rod vibrate in a Cycloid, or the inaccuracy of not stating one extremity of the rod to be at the point of suspension, it is egregiously false unless the thickness of the rod be limited, which he has not done. The next paragraph far exceeds all that this gentlemen has said besides in absurdity; it is as follows. "If this rod were not very fine, and if the center of motion were not at the top of the rod, or point of suspension, the length of the pendulum would be two thirds of the distance between the center of motion and that of Oscillation." That is, the length of the pendulum would be two thirds of what Mr. Keith had, a little before, defined to be the length of the pendulum. But this wonderfull passage may be more easily reconciled to truth and common sense than Mr. Keith himself would perhaps imagine. It is but striking out the little word, not, twice, and writing the lower extremity of the rod instead of the Center of Oscillation; and with these alterations the sentence is unexceptionable. Mr. Keith now seems to think he has demolished the rod-pendulum; having shewn it to be useless for the purpose intended; but before he quits the subject adds, "For, measured from its extremities, a second pendulum is of all possible lengths, from 39 to 58-^ inches." How is it possible for us to guess what kind of pendulum he means in this place? Is it the Ball-pendulum, or is it the cylindrical Rod-pendulum? The assertion however is not true; or at least is very inaccurate, of any kind of pendulum whatever. According to his own definition of the word pendulum, a seconds pendulum can be neither more nor less than 39 inches and a fraction. We must therefore suppose that he uses the word in a sense similar to that for which he blames Mr. J . for using it in. There are I think but three kinds of pendulums which he could have had in view. If he meant any other he ought certainly to have described it. The first is the Ball-pendulum in which the weight of its slender rod is not considered. The limits of its length, measured from one extremity to the other, I find to be 39.1 and 55.9 inches. The next is the Simple cylindrical rod-pendulum; which, its 1

[65]

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1792

thickness not being given, may be of any length whatever under 58.7 inches. But if the thickness does not exceed half an inch its limits will be nearly comprized between 58.7, and 58.7005, the difference being about - 2 Ô 0 Ô °f inch. The third is the pendulum compounded of both Ball and rod, and by varying the proportions between them it may be made of any length whatever. As to what Mr. Keith says of the Monstrous Error in the Cubic foot derived from the Rod-pendulum, he certainly meant nothing more than that the difference between it and the English cubic foot is very considerable, and I believe nobody ever thought otherwise, or asserted the contrary. I am, Dr. Sir, your -

a

n

most obedt.

DAVD. RITTENHOUSE

RC (DLC); with comment inserted by T J (see note 1); at foot of text: "Mr. Jef­ ferson"; endorsed by T J as received 11 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

T J here inserted the following com­ ment within brackets: "not in a sin­ gle instance. The See's Report always calls it the Rod, or Second-rod; never a pendulum" 1

For KEITHS PAPER, see note to T J to Rittenhouse, 8 June 1792.

George Washington to Thomas Barclay SIR Philadelphia June 11. 1792. Congress having furnished me with means for procuring peace, and ransoming our captive citizens from the government of Algiers, I have thought it best, while you are engaged at Marocco, to appoint Admiral Jones to proceed to Algiers, and therefore have sent him a commission for establishing peace, another for the ransom of our captives, and a third to act there as Consul for the U.S. and full instructions are given in a letter from the Secretary of state to him, of all which papers, Mr. Pinkney now proceeding to London as our Minister Plenipotentiary there, is the bearer, as he is also of this letter. It is sometime however since we have heard of Admiral Jones, and as, in the event of any accident to him, it might occasion an injurious delay, were the business to await new commissions from hence, I have thought it best, in such an event, that Mr. Pinkney should forward to you all the papers addressed to Admiral Jones, with this letter, signed by myself, giving you authority on receipt of those papers to consider them as addressed to you, and to proceed under them in every respect as if your name stood in each of them in the place of that of John Paul Jones. You will of course finish the business of your mission to Marocco with all the dispatch practicable, and then proceed to Algiers on that hereby [66]

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confided to you, where this letter with the commissions addressed to Admiral Jones, and an explanation of circumstances, will doubtless procure you credit as acting in the name and on the behalf of the United States, and more especially when you shall efficaciously prove your authority by the fact of making, on the spot, the payments you shall stipulate. With full confidence in the prudence and integrity with which you will fulfill the objects of the present mission, I give to this letter the effect of a commission and full powers, by hereto subscribing my name this eleventh day of June one thousand seven hundred and ninety two.

Go: WASHINGTON

RC (NjP: Andre deCoppet Collection); entirely in TJ's hand except for Wash­ ington's signature; addressed: "Thomas Barclay esq. Consul for the United States of America at Morocco." PrC (DLC); unsigned; entirely in TJ's hand. PrC of Tr (DLC); in a clerk's hand; at head of text: "(Copy)." FC (Lb in DNA: R G 59, DCI). Shortly after his arrival in London in August 1792, Thomas Pinckney learned of the death of John Paul Jones and began to make arrangements to send Barclay

ALL T H E PAPERS ADDRESSED TO ADMIRAL

JONES (see T J to Jones, 1 June 1792). Owing to uncertainty about Barclay's whereabouts and the difficulty of finding a trustworthy courier, however, Pinckney did not forward these papers to Barclay until November 1792. Barclay received the papers and set out for Algiers, but he died in Lisbon in January 1793 before reaching his destination (Pinckney to T J , 13 Dec. 1792; Barclay to T J , 27 Dec. 1792; David Humphreys to T J , 23 Jan. 1793).

From Thomas Barclay Gibraltar, 12 June 1792. Since writing to T J on 19 May he has learned that the report of the capture of a Spanish boat by the Moors was untrue. In Morocco, Muley Ischem is about to march north with a large army commanded by Ben Assar, so that by July or August the civil war will be decided by force of arms or a partition of the Empire. Last month Muley Ischem sent an ambassador to Spain to ask for assistance, but the success of this mission is doubtful because of Spain's decision to recall supplies earmarked for Morocco. Muley Ischem's appointment of his brother Absulem as governor of Sus has failed to quell the opposition to him in that province, especially in the capital city of Santa Cruz. Earlier this month partisans of Muley Ischem attacked a caravan near Rabat, killing or wounding almost 40 persons and making off with much plunder. Suliman awaits his brother's army, having been joined at Fez by Tahar Fenis, whom he appointed governor of Tangier, much to the dissatisfaction of its people, who prevailed upon Ischem to send them Hamet Bensadok in his stead. Before Bensadok's arrival, Suliman sent the foreign consuls in Tangier the enclosed letters of 11 and 13 May and 1 June, the latter in answer to their complaint that the captains of his cruisers were attempting to extort presents from them. The governor has confirmed his master's strict orders to do impartial justice without distinction as to religion and adds that the [67]

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1792

Christians have been recommended to his care. According to reports, Suliman will send an ambassador to Spain to counteract the maneuvers of his brother's emissary at that court. Dupl (DNA: R G 59, CD); 3 p.; at foot of first page: "Mr. Jefferson"; at foot of text: "No. 15 (Duplicate)"; endorsed by T J as received 18 Oct. 1792 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures: (1) Muley Suliman to Consuls at Tangier, 11 May 1792, granting them their customary trading privileges and announcing his intent to remain at peace with Spain. (2) Same to same, 1 June 1792, promising his protec-

tion to the consuls (Trs in same; English translations). The enclosed letter of 13 May 1792 has not been found. Barclay sent this Dupl with a brief note to T J of 10 July 1792 from Gibraltar, in which he explained that he was "a little indisposed, and nothing has happened in Barbary of any Consequence for a Month past" (RC in same; endorsed by T J as received 18 Oct. 1792 and so recorded in SJL).

To John Dobson SIR Philadelphia June 12. 1792. According to the desire expressed in your letter of May 30. to receive négociable paper rather than money, I now inclose you Mr. Pinkney's bill of exchange on Willinks, Van Staphorsts & Hubbard of Amsterdam, bankers of the United States for 2535 gilders on public account for which I paid him one thousand dollars (@ 2 [ £ ? ] per gilder) and my own bill on the Van Staphorsts & Hubbard for 1014. gilders on my own account, equal to four hundred dollars, the payment of both which is certain. I inclose triplicate letters of advice to accompany the bills. I presume I may count this sum to my credit as of the 19th. inst. and desire it may be placed to that of my bond to Jones of Bristol assigned to you. Whatever balance remains due on that bond, can only be paid by me out of the proceeds of the crop now growing, whenever that can be turned into money, and out of that it shall be paid. I am sorry it is not in my power to send you a copy of the paper given me from you by Mr. Eppes whereon were stated the payments made on my bill of exchange transferred to you from Mr. Tabb. This paper was left at my house in Virginia, where I keep all my papers of private account. I find a note of the balance due thereon as calculated by me Sep. 30. 1791. about £ 2 4 7 - 5 - 1 0 currency against which are to be set off Mr. Eppes's payments of £ 2 5 0 . so that there can be little due on that except what may be occasioned by any difference of exchange my calculation having been made at par. All this being a matter of simple calculation will be susceptible of no difficulty and may therefore be settled with Mr. Eppes as you propose. An acknolegement of the receipt of the inclosed bills, by post, will oblige, Sir your humble servt 1

2

T H : JEFFERSON

[68}

12

JUNE

PrC (CSmH). Enclosures: (1) T J to Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 12 June 1792. (2) T J to Willink, Van Staphorst & Hub­ bard, 12 June 1792.

1792

Preceding three words interlined. Editors' conjecture for illegible fraction. T J expressed an exchange rate of 2.535 guilders to the dollar, the guilder being worth about 39 cents. 1

2

From James Madison M Y DEAR SIR

Orange June 12th. 1792

Since I got to the end of my journey I have been without an oppor­ tunity of dropping you a line: and this is written merely to be ready for the first casual conveyance to Fredricksburg. I received yesterday your two favors No. 1 and 2. The gazettes under a preceding cover had come to hand some days before. Your answer to Hammond has on the whole got triumphantly through the ordeal. It is certainly not materially injured, though perhaps a little defaced by some of the crit­ icisms to which you have yielded. The points on which you did not relax appear to me to be fully vindicated; the main ones unanswerably so. The doctrine which would make the States the contracting par­ ties, could have been as little expected from that quarter, as it is irreconcileable with the tenor of their confederation. The expectation of Hammond, if sincere, of final instructions by the meeting of Congress throws light I think on the errand of Bond. He can scarcely calculate on the result of his Court's reconsideration of the subject within the short time allowed, by five months after deducting the double voyage. I have letters from Kentucky down to the 8th. May. Little depre­ dations from the Savages continue to be complained of. The people however are chiefly occupied with the approaching distribution of the new offices. Nothing is said as to their probable Govr. Congress and the Judiciary are thought of more importance to the State. Brown can be what he pleases. Some are disposed to fix him on the Bench. None will object to his going into the Senate if that should be his choice. Campbell and Muter are the other names in conversation for the Senate: and Brackenridge and Greenup for the House of Reps. I have this information from a Mr. Taylor a pretty intelligent man engaged in their public affairs. George Nicholas specifies no names, observing that it is impossible to conjecture those that will succeed in the competitions. Among the contents of the inclosed letter is a printed copy of the Constitution of Kentucky as finally agreed to. You can take out that or any thing else for perusal as you please; after which you will be good eno' to have the letter handed in such way as you may 1

2

3

[69]

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JUNE

1792

judge best. I would not have thrown the trouble on you, if any other channel had occurred. The unpopularity of the excise has evidently increased in this quar­ ter, owing partly to the effect of Sidney who has found his way here, and partly to the unavoidable vexations it carries into the family distilleries. The tax on newspapers is another article of grievance. It is not very well understood, but if it were it would not be satisfactory first because too high, secondly because suspected of being an insidious forerunner of something worse. I am afraid the subscriptions will soon begin to be withdrawn from the Philada. papers, unless some step be speedily taken to prevent it. The best that occurs seems to be to advertise that the papers will not be put into the mail, but sent as heretofore to all who shall not direct them to be put into the mail. Will you hint this to Freneau? His subscribers in this quarter seem pretty well satisfied with the degree of regularity and safety with which they get the papers, and highly pleased with the paper itself. I found this Country labouring under a most severe drought. There had been no rain whatever since the 19 or 20 of April. The flax and oats generally destroyed. The corn dying in the hills. No tobacco planted. And the wheat in weak land suffering; in the strong, not injured materially; in the very strong perhaps benefited. 8 days ago there was a very local shower here. A day or two after a better, but still very local. Neither of them from appearances extended as far South as Albemarle. For several days past it has rained almost constantly and is still raining with the wind from North East; with every appearance of a general rain: so that the only danger now is of too much wet for the wheat, which I am happy to find has effectually supplanted Tobacco in the conversation and anxieties of our crop mongers, and is rapidly doing so in their fields. I met the P. on the road. I had no conversation with him; but he handed me a letter which he had written to me at home. Its contents are very interesting but do not absolutely decide the problem which dictated yours to him. Monroe and his lady left us on Wednesday on their way home. He is to meet the revisors at Richmond about the 15th. I understood Mrs. M . was to be added to the family at Monticello during his absence. Will you be so good as to cover under your next, a copy of Mease's inaugural oration on the Hydrophobia. Rush sent me a copy which had just been printed, the morning I set out for Doer. Jones. I wished to have got one for another friend, but had not time. If the bulk will per­ mit, send two and I will send one for the amusement of Gilmer, who 4

5

6

[70]

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JUNE

1792

I hear, though thro' imperfect channels, is still in a critical situation. Always & affectly Yours Js. M A D I S O N J R The promised list of names is inclosed. When your Tableau of National ^ debts and polls is made out may I ask a copy? RC (DLC: Madison Papers); at head of text: "No. 1"; contains later margina­ lia and docketing by Madison, the former of which is quoted in the notes below; endorsed by T J as received 19 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL. TJ's ANSWER TO HAMMOND Was his 29

May 1792 letter to the British minister. The Secretary of the Treasury advanced the DOCTRINE referred to by Madison in a commentary on the letter (Hamilton's Notes on Jefferson's Letter to George Hammond, 20-27 May 1792).

ties of enforcing the excise (Syrett, Hamil­ ton, xi, 77-106). The TAX ON NEWSPAPERS

was in fact the postal charges imposed on newspapers in the Act to Establish the Post Office, passed by Congress in Febru­ ary 1792 (Annals, in, 1339; see also same, 284-6). Washington's 20 May 1792 letter to Madison did not DECIDE T H E PROBLEM of

PRINTED COPY included therein was A Constitution or Form of Government] for

whether or not he would seek a second term as President (Madison, Papers, xiv, 310-12). This issue had DICTATED T J ' S 23 May 1792 letter to the President, urg­ ing him to stand for reelection. T J had recently received a copy of James Mease's Inaugural Dissertation on rabies, which was dedicated to his tutor at the University of Pennsylvania, Dr. Ben­ jamin Rush. See T J to Mease, 31 Mav 1792, and note.

the State of Kentucky (Lexington, 1792). In a series of four long essays, published

in the postscript has not been found.

For tWO LETTERS FROM KENTUCKY DOWN TO T H E 8TH. MAY, see Madison, Papers, xiv, 296-9, 305-6. The INCLOSED

LETTER has not been identified, but the

The enclosed LIST OF NAMES mentioned

in the National Gazette between 23 Apr.

and 3 May 1792 under the title "On the Secretary's Report on the Excise," SIDNEY argued that the excise on distilled spir­ its threatened American liberty, corrupted the virtue of farmers, and deprived them of an essential source of revenue as well as an invaluable medium of exchange. "Sidney" continued the subject in four essays enti­ tled "On the Injustice of the Excise Law and the Secretary's Report" that appeared in the National Gazette between 10 and 24

May 1792. These essays were prompted by Hamilton's 5 Mch. 1792 report to the House of Representatives on the difficul­

Here at a later date Madison inserted a cross and added the following note in the margin: "in the Cabinet." Madison here canceled "deliberations." Preceding six words interlined in place of "it." Here at a later date Madison inserted a cross and added the following note in the margin: "writer in the Gazette." Here Madison expunged the word "evidently." Here at a later date Madison inserted a cross and added the following note in the margin: "declining a re-election." 1

2

3

4

5

6

To Van Staphorst & Hubbard GENTLEMEN

Philadelphia June 12. 1792.

This serves to advise you that I have this day drawn on you in favor of John Dobson merchant of London for one thousand and fourteen gilders, payable at thirty days sight, which be pleased to honour and [71]

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1792

charge to the private account of Gentlemen Your most obedt. humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Messrs. Nicholas & Jacob Van Staphorst & Hubbard Bankers. Amsterdam." Enclosed in T J to John Dobson, 12 June 1792.

To Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard GENTLEMEN

Philadelphia June 12th. 1792.

In my letter of Jan. 23.1 informed you that Mr. Thomas Pinckney, appointed our Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of London would draw on you from time to time for his allowance, and in that of May 22. I advised you of his draught on you in favor of Francis and John West, for thirteen hundred Florins. The present serves to advise you that he has this day drawn on you in favor of John Dobson of London, merchant for Two thousand five hundred and thirty five Gilders, which be pleased to honor and charge as paid to him on the public account of the Secretary of State. Presuming that these two draughts will have sufficiently acquainted you with his Signature, I shall no more accompany his bills with my own letter of advice. I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble servant: PrC (DLC); in the hand of George Taylor, Jr.; unsigned; at foot of text: "Messrs. Wilhem & Jan Willink Nichs. & Jacob Van Staphorst & Hubbard— Bankers. Amsterdam." FC (Lb in DNA:

RG 59, DCI). Enclosed in T J to John Dobson, 12 June 1792. The second letter cited by T J was actu­ ally dated 23 May 1792.

From James Yard St. Croix, 12 June 1792. General Walterstorff has informed him of instructions received from Copenhagen to the following effect: "The General and Council of St. Croix are to allow Mr. Yard the Title of Consul, and are to receive his Representations. His Rights and Priviledges cannot how­ ever be determined until the Négociation concerning a Treaty of Commerce between Denmark and the United States, which draws near to a Conclusion, isfinished."The health of his family requiring a change of climate, he informs T J of his proposal to spend the next winter in America. RC (DNA: RG 59, CD); 2 p.; at foot of text: "The Honble. Thomas Jefferson Esqr."; endorsed by T J as received 6 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

[72]

From Jean Baptiste Ternant Philadelphia, 13 June 1792. In sending the attached extract of a dispatch he has just received, he is happy to transmit on the King's behalf the expression of sentiments he had anticipated and which he asks T J to convey to the Presi­ dent. He also encloses a copy of one of the French laws of appurtenances, which he has been directed to communicate, and asks T J to inform the President of it. PrC of Tr (DLC); 1 p.; in French; in the hand of George Taylor, Jr.; at head of text "Copy." Enclosure: Lessart to Ter­ nant, Paris, 31 Dec. 1791, reporting that the King has been informed of Lieutenant Roustan's mission to the United States,

that he approves of Ternant's efforts to obtain aid for Saint-Domingue, that he is impressed with the prompt and favorable response by the American ministers, and that he wishes this to be conveyed to them and to the President (same).

To Van Staphorst & Hubbard GENTLEMEN

Philadelphia June 13.

1792.

Your favor has been duly recieved, inclosing my account current of Feb. 28. balance in my favor/3116-18s. since which I have Mr. Short's acknolegement of the receipt of Ruston's bill of Exchange on Paisley for £40. sterling, which he said he would immediately remit to you to receive the money and carry it to my credit. From this is to be deducted my order on you in favour of the Treasury of the U . S . Jan. 29./2511-7. Having occasion to place in London the sum of 1014. gilders I have drawn on you for that amount in favor of Mr. John Dobson merchant of that place. Not being advised by Mr. Short of any other draughts on you on my account, I have presumed myself safe in the one I make on you, and have only to desire that if any payment unknown to me should not have left enough in your hands to cover the draught in favor of Dobson, that you will still be so good as to honour it and I will take care to replace it on notice. I am with great esteem, Gentlemen Your most obedt. humble servt T H : JEFFERSON 1

PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Messrs. Nicholas & Jacob Van Staphorsts & Hubbard."

RENT with the firm of 28 Feb. 1792 (MS in DLC: T J Papers, 71: 12292; in a clerk's hand except for signature).

The FAVOR from Van Staphorst & Hub­ bard was a duplicate of their letter of 6

These numbers and preceding two words interlined.

Jan. 1792 covering TJ's ACCOUNT CUR­

[73]

1

From William Bingham SIR Philada June 14. 1792. I will use every Exertion to procure Copies of the Laws that you are desirous of obtaining in order to compleat your Sett of the Penn­ sylvania Code. Fully concurring in opinion with you on the Necessity of the general Government being possessed of the respective Laws of the Several States and aware of the difficulty of procuring them I introduced into a Bill during the last Session of the Legislature, a Clause that induces a Duty, on the Part of the Secretary of the Commonwealth, to furnish regularly to the Secretary of the State, a Copy of the Laws that may be passed during each Session, So that henceforward your office will be regularly Supplied with the legislative Acts of Pennsylvania. I have the Honor to be with Respect & esteem Sir Your obedt hble sevt W M BINGHAM

RC (DNA: R G 59, MLR); at foot of text: "Honble Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 16 June 1792 and so recorded in S J L . According to S J L , T J wrote a letter to Bingham on 15 June 1792, but it has not been found.

On 9 Aug. 1792 Alexander J . Dallas, secretary of Pennsylvania, transmitted to Alexander Hamilton, Henry Knox, and TJ

COPIES OF T H E LAWS passed by

the

last session of the Pennsylvania General Assembly (FC in PHarH: Mifflin Admin­ istration Papers, addressed to Hamilton; FC in same, Secretary's Letterbooks).

To Thomas Pinckney SIR Philadelphia June 14. 1792. The U . S . being now about to establish a Mint, it becomes necessary to ask your assistance in procuring persons to carry on some parts of it, and to enable you to give it, you must be apprised of some facts. Congress, some time ago, authorised the President to take measures for procuring some artists from any place where they were to be had. It was known that a Mr. Drost, a Swiss, had made an improvement in the method of coining and some specimens of his coinage were exhibited here, which were superior to any thing we had ever seen. Mr. Short was therefore authorised to engage Drost to come over, to erect the proper machinery and instruct persons to go on with the coinage; and as he supposed this would require but about a year, we agreed to give him a thousand Louis a year, and his expences. The agreement was made, two coining mills, or screws, were ordered by [74]

14

JUNE

1792

him; but in the end he declined coming. We have reason to believe he was drawn off by the English East India company, and that he is now at work for them in England.—Mr. Bolton had also made a proposition to coin for us in England, which was declined.—Since this the act has been passed for establishing our mint, which authorises, among other things, the employment of an Assayer at 1500. D . a year, a chief coiner at the same, and an engraver at 1200. D . but it admits of the employment of one person both as Engraver and chief coiner; this we expect may be done, as we presume that any engraver, who has been used to work for a coinage must be well enough acquainted with all the operations of coinage to direct them; and it is an economy worth attention, if we can have the services performed by one officer instead of two; in which case it is proposed to give him the salary of the Chiefcoiner, that is to say 1500. Dollars a year. I am therefore to request that you will endeavor, on your arrival in Europe to engage and send us an Assayer, of approved skill, and of well attested integrity, and a Chief-coiner and Engraver, in one person, if possible, acquainted with all the improvements in coining, and particularly those of Drost and Boulton. Their salaries may commence from the day of their sailing for America. If Drost be in England, I think he will feel himself under some obligation to aid you in procuring persons. How far Boulton will do it seems uncertain. You will doubtless make what use you can of the good dispositions of either of these or of any other person. Should you find it impracticable to procure an Engraver capable of performing the functions of Chief coiner also, we must be content that you engage separate characters. Let these persons bring with them all the implements necessary for the carrying on the business, except such as you shall think too bulky and easily made here. It would be proper therefore that they should consult you as to the necessary implements and their prices that they may act under your controul. The method of your paying for these implements and making reasonable advances to the workmen shall be the subject of another letter, after the President shall have decided thereon. It should be a part of the agreement of these people that they will faithfully instruct all persons in their art, whom we shall put under them for that purpose. Your contract with them may be made for any term not exceeding four years. I have the honour to be with great & sincere esteem Dear Sir your most obedt. & most humble servt T H : JEFFERSON P.S. Should you not be able to procure persons of eminent qualifica­ tions for their business in England, it will be proper to open a corre­ spondence with Mr. Morris on the subject and see whether he cannot [75]

14

JUNE

1792

get such from France. Next to the obtaining the ablest artists, a very important circumstance is to send them to us as soon as possible. RC (NjGbS); addressed: "Mr. Pinckney." PrC (DLC). F C (Lb in DNA: R G 59, DCI). Congress authorized the President to take these MEASURES for the Mint under the terms of a 3 Mch. 1791 resolution (JHR, i, 402; JS, i, 309). For a discus­

sion of TJ's relationships with Jean Pierre Droz and Matthew Boulton, see Editorial Note on report on copper coinage, in Vol. 16: 335-42. T J undoubtedly wrote the postscript on 15 June in response to a sug­ gestion by the President (Washington to T J , 15 June 1792).

To George Washington June 14. 1792. Th: Jefferson with his respects incloses to the President two letters recieved yesterday from Mr. Morris.—He had sent the Observations of Mr. Keith to Mr. Rittenhouse, with a note for his consideration. Th: J . incloses the Note with Mr. Rittenhouse's answer for the perusal of the President if he thinks them worth the time. P.S. The Proces-verbal accompanying Mr. Morris's letter has appeared in our newspapers, exactly translated. RC (DNA: R G 59, MLR); addressed: "The President of the U.S."; endorsed by Tobias Lear; not recorded in S J L . Tr (Lb in same, SDC). Enclosures: (1) Gouverneur Morris to T J , 6 and 10 Apr. 1792. (2) T J to David Rittenhouse, 8 June 1792. (3) Rittenhouse to T J , 11 June 1792. The enclosed PROCES-VERBAL was an

account of the assassination of King Gus-

tavus III of Sweden (National Gazette, 14 June 1792). This event had led T J to predict at a party in the President's home a few days before that a revolu­ tion would probably soon break out in Sweden (Edward Thornton to James B. Burges, 11 June 1792, S. W. Jackman, ed., "A Young Englishman Reports on the New Nation: Edward Thornton to James Bland Burges, 1791-1793," WMQ, 3d ser., xvm [1961], 110).

To Jerman Baker DEAR SIR

Philadelphia June 15.

1792.

I forward the inclosed letter from Doctr. Witherspoon the moment it comes to my hand, in hopes that I may receive Mr. Robinson's ultimate determination before I leave this place; as, should it come afterwards his or your letter might remain here unopened and the opportunity be lost. I am with great esteem Dear Sir Your friend & servt

T H : JEFFERSON

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PrC (MHi); at foot of text: Merman Baker esq." Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy. Enclosure: John Witherspoon to T J , 14 June 1792 (recorded in S J L as received 15 June 1792, but not found).

From William Barton SIR Philada. June 15. 1792 The inclosed Observations on the Hessian Fly, in answer to the Queries published by the Committee of the Philosophical Society, and addressed, to You, were transmitted (under Cover) to me, since the last stated Meeting of the Society. In the Letter, to me, which covered these Observations, the inge­ nious Writer—Dr. De Normandie of Burlington—makes mention, that the Magnifier he used on the Occasion, took in the whole Compass of the Fly, and enlarged it to the size of the Yellow wasp. He brought into his Chamber, in their Chrysalis state, some of the Flies, which he had procured from a parcel of damaged Wheat; and provided for them young, growing Wheat, either for them to feed on, or upon which they might deposit their Eggs, neither of which they did. He also placed some of them on the green Wheat: but they instantly deserted it, and flew to the Windows, which by that time he had darkened with the Shutters. This discouraging the Doctor from any further Attempt, and inducing him to decline the investigation in that way, he confined his Attention to their progress in their natural State. From the result, he is inclined to think, they do not couple very soon after they enter their Fly-state; and he supposes, that last Operation of their life—the prop­ agation of their species—is reserved for the Fall of the Year, when the young Grain affords a safe Lodgment for the Egg, and provision for their Worm-state. I have the Honor to be, With great Respect, Sir, Yr. mo. obedt. hble. Servt. W. B A R T O N RC (DLC); at foot of text: "The Hon. T. Jefferson, Esqr."; endorsed by T J : "Normandie Dr. de."

E N C L O S U R E

John A. De Normandie to Thomas Jefferson SIR Burlington May 24th. 1792 The following Observations on the Hessian Fly were made during the Years 1788 and 1789 with a view of investigating their Natural History. The paper from the Committee of the Philosophic Society induced me to furnish such observations as I then made. I fear I have been prolix, but as it perhaps will be [77}

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impossible positively to prove they are Indigenous, I have added such reasons as induced me to believe they are so which I submit to the Committee, and am with the greatest respect Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant JOHN ABM: D E NORMANDIE

1. Theflyas I have been informed made its first appearance on Long or Staten Island during the time the British were in possession of those Islands: never­ theless the probality is, they are Indigenous in America for reasons hereafter to be assigned. 2. I never could discover theire eggs. In their worm state they are extreamly tender bursting with the slightest handling, about one sixth of an Inch long, and perfectly white; and the probability is they soon pass thro' that state, as with the most diligent attention I found but few in it. As in their several stages they observe the same laws with those of the Moth, is it not probable that like them they propogate but once. To obtain their perfect history, I apprehend will be difficult, as after coming out of their Chrysaline state I never could get them to couple, tho every provision was made for their accomodation. After leaving their shell, they immediately flew to the window endeavoring to make their escape, and in aboutfivedays died. In this part of the Country, the brood that does the injury is laid in the fall of the year on Wheat, Rye, and Timothy grass, the only vegetables on which I ever discovered them, and that, after the plants had acquired three or four leaves; during the fall of the year the eggs hatch and the worm passes into its Chrysaline state, in which it continues during the Winter, which when remarkable severe, destroy great numbers; such as survive enter their fly state sometime in April. 3. All sorts of Wheat are subject to their impression except that kind of bearded Wheat whose stalks are almost solid, which they have not injured, but numbers of Farmers have suffered from sowing other sorts. In this part of New jersey spelts are not raised. I never observed the roots to be injured, neither do they affect the Farina or leaves. The part of the stalk to which they confine themselves in the fall, is the joint just above the root, but in the spring, I have found them in the joint above, but these have appeared a month or Six weeks later than the general crop; in no other part of the stalk have I ever seen them, neither have I ever found them amongst the grain, or heard of their attaching themselves to it. The injury I suspect is intirely done by pressure in the tender state of the plant, whilst the insect is in its Chrysaline state. In its worm state, it has no organs that ever I could discover even with a large magnifier, capable of piercing the straw, neither with the same magnifier could I ever discover the stem had ever been punctured. In the last period of their worm state, they collect themselves just above the first joint close to the root, which they compleatly embrace and so close together as to prevent the sap from rising to nourish the plant, and appears to have the same effect as a Ligature drawn tight round them would have; what appears a further confirmation that from this cause the injury proceeds is, that in all my observations, I found the stem opposite the part in which they had lodged themselves reduced to the size of a small needle, when the parts above it were considerably enlarged. My reasons for supposing them indigenous are, they from every appearance continue but a short time in their egg state. In that of a worm they do not continue long, as the eggs are laid, hatched, and pass thro the worm into the Chrysaline state, after the Wheat has come up in the Autumn, and acquired some growth. In their worm State they appear to receive their nourishment by sucsion, as their [78]

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mouths are well adapted to that operation. Should they have been imported, it must have been in their Chrysaline state; as the Fly ever deposits its eggs on green vegetables, where as soon as they are hatched, the young brood may have a ready supply of food; the only way in which there is a possibility of theire being brought from Europe is during their Chrysaline state, but in that it must appear evident they could not be imported. On full grown healthy Straw I never have discovered Eggs, Worm, Chrysalis, or Fly, and could it be presumed they were taken on board the Transports in such Straw; the warmth of the Soldiers bodies, as well as the Season of the year in which such people are generally embarked, would bring on the fly state, when for want of green plants on which to lay their eggs, and to afford food for the worm, they must unavoidably perish. 4. I have not seen or heard of their injuring any kind of Spring-grain, or other grass than Timothy, other persons whose researches have been more extensive, may have a better opertunity of answering this question. About four Years past great numbers were observed in my Garden in their fly state; they did no damage, but resorted under some Italien Mulberry trees, and settled on the ground where numbers of the ripe Mulberry had fallen; and under One Tree situate in a moist spot, the greatest numbers collected. I have never discovered them in any other parts of a plant than those already mentioned, and am of opinion they do no injury either in the worm or Fly State. 5. The Fly has been found to commit its depredations equally in every kind of soil, wether Sandy, Gravelly, or Loam. A method persued by some Farmers who have plenty of Stable dung has succeeded equal to their wishes. They prepare theire fallows in the usual manner; Manuring highly before the last ploughing, but defer sowing until some time in October, when the fly has done laying their Eggs, when tho' late in the Season for Sowing, the warmth and fertility communicated to the Soil by the quantity of Manure put on it, brings on so rapid a vegetation that the Crop ripens at the usual time of Harvest. It is probable the sole benefit arising from this mode is to be attributed to the late sowing, after the flies have laid their eggs, and not to any peculiarity in the dung, either from its smell or any other cause that may have rendered it disagreeable to them. 6. From information, for I have had no opertunity of inspecting Fields sown with the different kinds of bearded Wheat I am told that all the kinds of that grain, except the One whose stalks are almost solid, are as susceptible of the injury from the fly as Common wheat. 7. Persons living near the extreme parts where the fly has committed its depredations can only ascertain the extent of their ravages, but as far as my observations have extended, they appear not to have pursued any specific rout. Taking Long or Staten Island as a Center, from whence they migrated; the Sea would limit them to the South. To the Northward and Westward their progress has been nearly equal, what progress they have made to the Eastward the Friends to this enquiry will no doubt give the necessary information. Their Yearly progress appears not to have been regulated to any particular distance. Near the time of laying theire eggs, they fly in innumerable quantities to a considerable distance to obtain their favorite Wheat, in which to deposit theire eggs, which if found in the vicinity of the place where they assume the fly state, theire progress was more slow. 8. [79]

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9. Exclusive of the method of escaping the ravages of the Fly mentioned in § 5 I know of no experiment that has succeeded in preventing the fatal effects of this insect. In the Egg state I have never seen them, in their Chrysaline state they are extremely hard and incapable of being injured from any pressure that could be applyed to them. In theire worm state they are as remarkably tender, and could the precise time be discovered in which they enter that state the probability is the Roller would destroy the whole brood: this precise time must be discovered by constant inspection as it is not to be discovered by the appearance of the wheat, till the mischief is done, and they have been for some time in their Chrysaline state. RC (DLC); at head of text: "To Thomas Jefferson Esqr. Secretary of State to the United States." John Abram De Normandie (17211803), a Swiss-born physician and for­ mer justice of the peace in Bristol, Penn­ sylvania, was elected the first president of the Burlington Society for the Promo­ tion of Agriculture and Domestic Man­

ufactures in 1790. De Normandie was also a member of the American Philo­ sophical Society and had obviously seen a copy of the Society's circular letter on the Hessian fly printed under 17 Apr. 1792 (Franklin, Papers, xix, 332n; George DeCou, Burlington: A Provincial Capi­ tal: Historical Sketches of Burlington, New Jersey, and Neighborhood [Philadelphia,

1945], 173).

To Nathaniel Burwell DEAR SIR

Philadelphia June 15. 1792.

I herein inclose a letter to you from Mrs. Paradise, lately come to my hands, as also one addressed to me, wherein she asks from you the favour of an inventory, or roll of certain articles of their estate in Virginia. In my letter of Aug. 26.1 took the liberty of proposing a sub­ scription of their public paper to the loan of the General government which was then near closing. Not knowing whether that was done, I take the liberty of adding that the same loan is now re-opened so that, if not subscribed then, it may be now. The check on the market price of public paper, which followed the late bankruptcies, renders this not the moment for selling: but the price is rising, and as soon as it is up to it's true value, I should think it eligible for Mr. Paradise that his paper should be sold and the proceeds remitted to his trustees in England as it will make a great impression on the principal of his debt, and proportionably lessen the annual call of interest. Proposing to write to him soon, I will thank you for any information on his affairs, which may enable me to state the present prospect. It was on a statement from me that his creditors were induced to liberate his body, and I am anxious therefore to let them see the progress of the business. I am with great esteem, Sir, your most obedt. humble servt. 1

T H : JEFFERSON

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According to SJL, Lucy Ludwell Para­ RC (ViU); addressed: "Colo. Nathaniel dise's letter to T J was dated 27 Feb. 1792 Burwell at the Grove near Williamsburg"; and received 26 May 1792; neither this franked and postmarked; torn at seal; missing words supplied from PrC. PrC letter nor that to Burwell has been found. (DLC). Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy. Preceding three words interlined. 1

To John Hylton SIR Philadelphia June 15. 1792. I have duly recieved your favor of Apr. 13. and am as much con­ cerned at the want of success in your affairs which renders you desirous of engaging in other business, as that it is not in my power at present to propose any to you. I am at this time furnished with a very good manager in Bedford, and another in Albemarle. The last is now in the first year of my employment, but having been all his life in the neighborhood, leaves no doubt of his qualifications. I hope however that with your industry and integrity you will have no difficulty to find the kind of employment you wish to engage in and am with sincere wishes for your prosperity, Sir Your most obedt. humble servt T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Mr. John Hylton." Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy.

To John Garland Jefferson DEAR SIR

Philadelphia June 15. 1792.

I snatch a moment from business to acknolege the receipt of your favor of June 6. and to express the satisfaction with which I learn that you have advanced in your reading as far as Burrows. I imagine I advised you, from the time you began Coke's reports, to abridge and commonplace all your subsequent law reading, and that this has been done. You will soon commence the Chancery reading which you will find more agreeable. I doubt whether Kaim's Principles of Equity will admit of being commonplaced, or of being abridged. I am sure Blackstone cannot be; so that I mean to except these two authors from the recommendation of commonplacing every thing. You will find it useful to have your commonplace-book at the District courts with you, that you may put the arguments and decisions you hear to the test of what you have read. I shall be glad to see you at the September district court of Charlottesville, as I shall then be in Virginia. I hope [81]

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you have been furnished with a credit on the merchant who bought my wheat for the sum I directed, so as that you may have been under no difficulties on that account.—I am not afraid to warrant to you any degree of success and consideration you may desire, if you qualify yourself by a perseverance in study, and by an invariable determination to do, under all circumstances what reason and rigorous right shall dictate, keeping under absolute subjection all the passions which might lay your mind under any bias. The practicability of doing it is not generally enough known, nor it's importance sufficiently estimated. I am sure that in estimating every man's value either in private or public life, a pure integrity is the quality we take first into calculation, and that learning and talents are only the second. After these come benevolence, good temper &c. But the first is always that sort of integrity which makes a man act in the dark as if it was in the open blaze of day. Adieu, my dear Sir, and believe me to be ever Your affectionate friend & servt T H : JEFFERSON 1

PrC (DLC); first page only; at foot of text: "Mr. J . G. Jefferson." PrC (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); second page only. Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy.

First page ends in the middle of this word. 1

To Samuel Mackay SIR Philadelphia June 15. 1792. Tho the matters which perpetually harrass my mind, and oblige me to give my first attentions to the calls of rigorous duty, may with truth be offered as an apology for a part of the delay of this acknolegement of your letter of Apr. 17. yet a greater part has proceeded from a desire to try in one place what could not be done in another on the subject of the letter. I made my first enquiries here, and found from gentlemen in the line of public education, that the number of teachers of the French language both in the colleges and private circles, exceeded the demand for them, insomuch that there would be little prospect of your obtaining a tolerable support here, especially considering how much dearer every necessary is here than any where else. I then wished to extend my enquiries to Baltimore and Richmond: and the fact is that the former is a place where commerce alone is pursued, and instruction in the French language little attended to. In Richmond there are some persons of fortune with whom education is an object, but they are too few to give employment and subsistence, were you to go there. I sincerely wish I could have collected more agreeable information for [82]

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you: but it will be some consolation if it should be so far useful as to prevent your embarrassing yourself by any unsuccesful measure. Being with every wish for the happiness of yourself & Mrs. Mackay, to whom I pray you to present my respects, Sir Your most obedt. & most humble servt. T H : JEFFERSON RC (KyU); addressed: "Mr. Samuel Mackay at Colo. Fay's Bennington"; franked and postmarked. PrC (ViU); first page only. PrC (DLC); second page only. Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy.

To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr. D E A R SIR

Philadelphia June 15.

1792.

I recieved yesterday your favor of the 4th. inst. and am happy to hear our prospects of wheat are so good. I the more wonder at it when I recollect we were very late in our sowing last fall. As to Indian corn I think there is yet time for it to come to. I concur with you in opinion that it is a very hurtful culture to such lands as ours. I have been hesitating between it's total abolition, and the tolerating just as much as would feed my negroes. Two motives occasion this hesitation. 1. their attachment to it as a food, an attachment which, under existing circumstances, must have weight. 2. the multiplying the chances of a crop, because years are often such that your small grain fails, while the Indian corn flourishes. I believe in general it may be adviseable to cultivate several species of food, as wheat, rye, Indian corn, potatoes, peas &c in order that if the season occasions some of them to fail entirely, we may find a resource in the others. Mr. Lewis thinks as much of wheat can be made from a feild as of rye, and therefore better to cultivate wheat. This may be true, and yet it may be doubted whether the cultivating some rye is not advantageous, as that may succeed when our wheat fails. I confess myself undecided on this question.—The Hessian fly has made an alarming progress to the Southward this year. They talk of them at Baltimore. This neighborhood abounds with them. A particularly vigorous species of bearded wheat and good husbandry seem to be a perfect preservative against them. We have an opportunity now of examining this insect well. I have several of them now hatching. The examination of a single one which hatched a week ago, gives me reason to suspect they are non-descript, and consequently aboriginal here.—My love to my dear Martha. I am Dear Sir Yours affectionately T H : JEFFERSON RC (DLC); addressed: "Thomas Mann Randolph junr. esq at Monticello near Char­ lottesville"; franked and postmarked. Not recorded in SJL.

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To the Speaker of the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania SIR Philadelphia June 15. 1792. It being essentially requisite that the General government should possess as complete a collection as possible of the laws of the different states, I have been for some time past engaged in making such a collection. My endeavors hitherto have not been succesful entirely, as to those of this state. I find it particularly impracticable to procure those below stated, and therefore take the liberty of asking whether through any means in your power it would be possible for my office to be furnished with them? And to express my hope that if there be, you will be so good as to avail the public of them. I have the honor to be with perfect esteem & respect Sir your most obedt. & most humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

Laws of the 1st. session of the 1st. do. of the 3d. do. of 1st. do. of the

6th. General assembly 7th. do. 8th.

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "The Speaker of the H. of Representatives of Pennsyl­ vania." FC (Lb in DNA: R G 360, DL). Not recorded in SJL.

From George Washington D E A R SIR

Friday 15. June 1792

When Artizans are imported, and criticism is at Work, the induce­ ment is greater to obtain those who are really skilful: for this reason, if Mr. Pinckney should not readily meet with those who are unequiv­ ocally such; or, if there is a chance of getting better in France than in England, I think it would be well to instruct him to correspond with Mr. Morris on this subject with a view to obtain the best. I should be mortified to import men not more understanding in the business of Assaying, Engraving and Coining than those who are already among us. Yours &ca.

Go: W A S H I N G T O N

RC (DLC). Recorded in SJPL.

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To Lafayette Philadelphia June 16. 1792. Behold you then, my dear friend, at the head of a great army, estab­ lishing the liberties of your country against a foreign enemy. May heaven favor your cause, and make you the channel thro' which it may pour it's favors. While you are exterminating the monster aristoc­ racy, and pulling out the teeth and fangs of it's associate monarchy, a contrary tendency is discovered in some here. A sect has shewn itself among us, who declare they espoused our new constitution, not as a good and sufficient thing itself, but only as a step to an English con­ stitution, the only thing good and sufficient in itself, in their eye. It is happy for us that these are preachers without followers, and that our people are firm and constant in their republican purity. You will wonder to be told that it is from the Eastward chiefly that these cham­ pions for a king, lords and commons come. They get some important associates from New York, and are puffed off by a tribe of Agioteurs which have been hatched in a bed of corruption made up after the model of their beloved England. Too many of these stock jobbers and King-jobbers have come into our legislature, or rather too many of our legislature have become stock jobbers and king-jobbers. However the voice of the people is beginning to make itself heard, and will probably cleanse their seats at the ensuing election.—The machina­ tions of our old enemies are such as to keep us still at bay with our Indian neighbors.—What are you doing for your colonies? They will be lost if not more effectually succoured. Indeed no future efforts you can make will ever be able to reduce the blacks. All that can be done in my opinion will be to compound with them as has been done for­ merly in Jamaica. We have been less zealous in aiding them, lest your government should feel any jealousy on our account. But in truth we as sincerely wish their restoration, and their connection with you, as you do yourselves. We are satisfied that neither your justice nor their distresses will ever again permit their being forced to seek at dear and distant markets those first necessaries of life which they may have at cheaper markets placed by nature at their door, and formed by her for their support:—What is become of Mde. de Tessy and Mde. de Tott? I have not heard of them since they went to Switzerland. I think they would have done better to have come and reposed under the Poplars of Virginia. Pour into their bosoms the warmest effusions of my friend­ ship and tell them they will be warm and constant unto death. Accept of them also for Mde. de la Fayette and your dear children—but I am [85]

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forgetting that you are in the feilds of war and they I hope in those of peace. Adieu my dear friend! God bless you all. Your's affectionately T H : JEFFERSON

RC (Facsimile in Sotheby's Catalogue, 16 Apr. 1988, Lot 83); at foot of first page: "M. de la Fayette." PrC (DLC). Lafayette did not receive this letter until after he had been released from captivity in 1797 (Lafayette to T J , 10 Feb. 1800 [i.e. 1801]). TJ's suggestion that the French COM­ POUND with the rebellious slaves on Saint-Domingue recalled the example of British officials who in 1739 set aside a remote part of the island of Jamaica as an autonomous region for rebelling slaves they had been unable to subdue.

In return, the former bondsmen agreed to help the British to suppress future insur­ rections and to return fugitive slaves to their owners. TJ's proposal, ventured in this private communication, did not rep­ resent and had no impact on the Wash­ ington administration's established policy of financing efforts by the French planters on Saint-Domingue to suppress the his­ toric slave revolt on that island. For a discussion of that policy, see Timothy M. Matthewson, "George Washington's Policy Toward the Haitian Revolution," Diplomatic History, m [1979], 325-33.

From James Mease DEAR SIR

Philadelphia June 16th.

1792.

On my return from New York last evening, to which place I went, the day after I did myself the honor of presenting you with a Copy of my dissertation, your polite and obliging favour was delivered to me. Be pleased, Sir, to accept of my most grateful thanks for it. The fact communicated of the success of mercury, is of great importance, but its authenticity not being sufficiently ascertained, as you observe, must certainly detract from the Utility which it otherwise would be attended with. I have not the least doubt, that mercury would succeed, if its use was properly conducted, and a quantity thrown into the system, sufficient to counteract the effects of the virus, by its forcible, and powerful stimulus on the nervous System. As I have observed, this médecine has been given in the most partial and feeble manner. Timid minds, and such there are to be found among the profession, would rather suffer their patients to die by a disease, rather than boldly push a médecine of an active nature. To those, the old maxim of the excellent Celsus is very justly applicable, and which like an honest man he gives us in his elegant treatise de re medicina," as the uniform rule of his conduct "Anceps remedium, potius quam nullum" u

I perfectly agree with you Sir, in respect to the propriety of various modes of treatment being tried, on a number of different animals [86]

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properly secured, and as to the reward, that would be due to the discoverer of a certain method of cure. Our ignorance of the ceconomy of brute animals, renders the difficulty of curing their diseases, duobly great, with that which we find to our shame, takes place in the human race. I do not dispair however of a remedy being found out. Dr. James has indeed informed us in the Phil. Trans, that mercury in a very active form; that of turpeth mineral, was always successful with him, in the cure of the disease, among dogs, and gives us several communications, from gentlemen; sportsmen, to corroborate his experience. I have never had an opportunity of experimentally trying its efficacy, which I mean to do, whenever a case should occur. The length to which it would have extended my dissertation besides adding very considerably to the expence, already too great, prevented me from entering in a disscussion of the mode of cure among dogs, which I originally intended to do, and likewise induced me to omit above one half of the manuscript, which I had actually given into the hands of the printer. In many parts I have but slightly touched the subject, and others I have been under the necessity of not mentioning in the least. I expect however, to be able once, to bring the whole of what I had prepared for the press, in a second edition, together with what I shall hereafter add, as soon as the present impression is disposed of, which I have the pleasing reflexion to find, is selling beyond my expectation. All that has been as yet written on the subject is, but, as it were entering the threshold of it, and on account of my thus deeming the subject, so far from being exhausted, I shall continue to pursue the plan I have laid down in the further investigation of it. I hope to live to see the day, when the disease will be as easily mastered, as the once terrific tetanus, or the formerly fatal intermittent. With every sentiment of respect I am dear Sir, your obliged friend JAMES M E A S E

RC (ViW); addressed: "Honble. Thomas Jefferson Esquire High Street"; endorsed by T J as received 16 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL. For the ELEGANT TREATISE of Celsus owned by T J , see Sowerby, No. 878. ANCEPS . . . NULLUM: "An uncertain cure

is better than nothing." The work by Dr. Robert JAMES cited by Mease is "A Letter from Dr. Robert James, of Lichfield, to Sir Hans Sloane, Bart. Pr. R. S. contain­ ing some Experiments made upon Mad Dogs with Mercury" in Royal Society of London, Philosophical Transactions, xxxix (1735-36), 244-50.

[87}

To Gouverneur Morris D E A R SIR Philadelphia June 16. 1792. My last to you was of Mar. 28. Yours of Apr. 6. and 10. came to hand three days ago. With respect to the particular objects of commerce susceptible of being placed on a better footing, on which you ask my ideas, they will shew themselves by the inclosed Table of the situation of our commerce with France and England. That with France is stated as it stood at the time I left that country, when the only objects whereon change was still desireable, were those of salted provisions, tobacco, and tar, pitch and turpentine. The first was in négociation when I came away, and was pursued by Mr. Short with prospects of success till their general tariff so unexpectedly deranged our commerce with them as to other articles. Our commerce with their West Indies had never admitted amelioration during my stay in France. The temper of that period did not allow even the essay, and it was as much as we could do to hold the ground given us by the Marshal de Castrie's Arret admitting us to their colonies with salted provisions &c. As to both these branches of commerce, to wit, with France and her colonies, we have hoped they would pursue their own proposition of arranging them by treaty, and that we could draw that treaty to this place. There is no other where the dépendance of their colonies on our states for their prosperity is so obvious as here, nor where their negociator would feel it so much. But it would be imprudent to leave to the uncertain issue of such a treaty the reestablishment of our commerce with France on the footing on which it was at the beginning of their revolution. That treaty may be long on the anvil; in the mean time we cannot submit to the late innovations without taking measures to do justice to our own navigation. This object therefore is particularly recommended to you, while you will also be availing yourself of every opportunity which may arise of benefiting our com­ merce in any other part. I am in hopes you will have found the moment favorable on your arrival in France when M . Claviere was in the min­ istry and the dispositions of the National assembly favorable to the ministers.—Your cypher has not been sent hitherto because it required a most confidential channel of conveyance. It is now committed to Mr. Pinckney; who also carries the gazettes, laws and other public papers for you. We have been long without any vessel going to Havre. Some of the Indian tribes have acceded to terms of peace. The greater part however still hold off, and oblige us to pursue more vigorous measures of war.—I inclose you an extract from a circular letter to our Consuls, 1

[88}

16

JUNE

1792

by which you will perceive that those in countries where we have no diplomatic representative, are desired to settle their accounts annually with the minister of the U.S. at Paris. This business I must desire you to undertake. The act concerning Consuls will be your guide, and I shall be glad that the 1st. of July be the day to which their accounts shall be annually settled, and paid, and that they may be forwarded as soon after that as possible to the office of the Secretary of state, to enter into the general account of his department which it is necessary he should make up always before the meeting of Congress.—I am with great & sincere esteem Dear Sir your most obedient and most humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

P.S. I have said nothing of our whale oil, because I believe it is on a better footing since the Tariff than before. I inclose you a letter from a person in Lyons to Mr. Short, desiring enquiries might be made after a M . de St. Pry, with the result of the enquiries. I am unable to say how you will find the letter writer, as I have no information but what is in the letter itself. RC (NNC); at foot of first page: "Mr. Morris"; endorsed by Morris. PrC (DLC). F C (Lb in DNA: R G 59, DCI). The INCLOSED TABLE of American com­

merce with France, England, and the French and English colonies in America is printed as the enclosure to T J to Wash­

ington, 23 Dec.

1791.

The EXTRACT,

not found, was from TJ's 31 May 1792 CIRCULAR LETTER TO OUR CONSULS. The

enclosed LETTER to William Short men­ tioned in the postscript has not been identified. 1

Word interlined in place of "admit."

From David Rittenhouse D R . SIR June 16th. 1792 I have bargained with the owner for the House and Lot on Sev­ enth Street, between Arch and Market Streets, of which you saw the Draught for the Use of the Mint. The price £ 1 6 0 0 . in Cash, Pennsyl­ vania Currency, Subject to a Ground-rent of 21 Dollars An. payable to the Friends Aims-House. If his Excellency the President approves of this purchase the Conveyance shall be made in such manner as he shall direct. D r Sir, your humble Servt. P.S. My Engagements for this day are such as will make it inconve­ nient for me to Dine with the President, You will please to make my Apology to his Excellency. RC (Elizabeth Sergeant Abbot, Philadelphia, 1954); signature clipped; at foot of text: "Mr. Jefferson." Recorded in SJL as received 16 June 1792.

[89]

From David Humphreys Lisbon, 17 June 1792. Since his letter to T J of 21 May he has received TJ's dispatch of 9 Apr. and forwarded those for Barclay and Carmichael. The country's political placidity has been upset by some recent disturbances. Sev­ eral hundred ship carpenters at the royal dock and the "rabble" in this city marched to Queluz to seek redress of grievances from the government. After the army prevented them from reaching the palace, the Prince received two of their deputies and promised to investigate their complaints. The carpenters returned to their work peacefully, but since then several of them have been confined, after which there was an outbreak of vandalism in the vicinity of the dock yard. In the midst of this agitation the Prince came to Lisbon to take part in an annual procession, but the discovery of people with lanterns in the sewers shortly before gave rise to fears of a plot to blow up part of the city and the procession, and the Prince returned in great consternation to Queluz as soon as he was informed. It seems more likely, however, that the people in the sewers were robbers with no designs on the Prince. The priests have increased their ascendancy over the Prince, many prisoners are now held by the Inquisition, and several families who have fled from Madeira should arrive in America before this letter. The Duke of Lafôes, having resigned as commander in chief several days ago because of a dispute with the Minister of War, resumed his office at the behest of the Prince. The government has required visiting strangers to give security that they will not spread republi­ can principles. It has forbidden monks from frequenting certain public places because of popular dissatisfaction with monkish immorality. The Queen's con­ dition remains unchanged. A fleet commanded by Admiral de Britto left the Tagus two days ago to cruise against the "Pirates of Africa." He encloses the latest Portuguese and Spanish gazettes. RC (DNA: R G 59, DD); 5 p.; at head of text: "(No. 55.)"; at foot of text: "The Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 12 Aug. 1792 and so recorded in SJL. Tr (Lb in same).

To James Madison [17-18 June 1792] Nothing new. TH: J .

P.S. Opening Freneau's p[aper] this moment I see a peice against the [new?] impost duties and it mentions the insufficiency of the revenue cutters for their object. This suggests a Quere. How comes an armed force to be in existence, and under the revenue department, and not the department of war? Would it not be well to call for a separate statement of the expence of these cutters and either put them down, or turn them over to the war-office? [90]

17

JUNE

RC (DLC: Madison Papers); undat­ ed; consists of one leaf with address and text on opposite sides; TJ's frank clipped, mutilating two words in postscript; addressed: "James Madison junr. esq. in Orange to the care of Mr Maury Fred­ ericksburg"; postmarked: "18 JU." Not recorded in S J L , but acknowledged by

1792

Madison as a letter of 17 June (see Mad­ ison to T J , 24 June 1792). The

PEICE referred to

by T J

was

an unsigned essay entitled "On the Additional Duties on Imports" (National Gazette, 18 June 1792).

From James Monroe DEAR SIR

Richmond June 17.

1792.

I came here a few days past to attend the ct. of appeals, it being an irregular term and formed of Judges of the general court and some of those of the proper ct. of appeals, to take cognizance of those causes in which any of the judges of the latter ct. may be interested. T i s likewise expected a meeting of the gentlemen appointed for the revision of the laws will be obtained and that business finally concluded as the 15. was appointed for it, and little remains to be done. I left Mrs. M . in Albemarle not perfectly recovered from the fatigue of the journey, but in other respects in tolerable health. Our child was well. We saw Mr. and Mrs. Randolph on our return who were likewise well. Mrs. M . will be with them, part of the time that I shall be absent. The length of the last session has done me irreparable injury in my profession, as it has made an impression on the general opinion, that the two occupations are incompatible, and altho' I am satisfied that no future session need be protracted to such length, yet in respect to that opinion, and especially to avoid the possibility of neglecting the inter­ est of those who might be disposed to confide in me, have determined to withdraw from those courts where an interference might take place, and in general to make such an arrangement in my business, as will in other respects leave me more at liberty to discharge the duties of the other station. This will in a great measure, if not altogether, exclude from it the idea of professional emolument; it connects with it however that of a perpetual presence with my family (if the expression is appli­ cable to any thing here) and the almost uninterrupted application of my mind to objects so far as of a political nature equally necessary, and when diversified certainly more gratifying. I shall however endeavor to attend the districts near me, and to conduct business regularly in them; my attendance on other courts will be only occasional. In pur­ suit of this plan I am sorry that my plantation in Alb: is not such as I could wish it. Its position and improvements were suited to the other object, and for that they were well calculated. But for this less so, as [91]

17

JUNE

1792

my dépendance will be more on it. I sincerely wish I could purchase a valuable plantation near there, or indeed if I could retain a seat there and procure a productive one elsewhere I should be contented, and this perhaps may be done. I find the general sentiment of the people of this state against the fashionable doctrines of some personts] in and about the government; founded too and supported in such manner as to forbid the prospect of any change. I have seen nor have I heard of any display of passion, but in the sober exercise of their reason they disapprove of them. I mean those doctrines which may be deemed anti-republican or which inculcate or furnish the means for the support of a government by corrupt influence, or indeed by any other than the pure interest of those who formed it. They want information of facts and seem not even to suspect the measures that have been practiced under them, but ascribe the whole to a mere difference of opinion on political questions, siding here with the republican party. The appointment of G r . Morris and Wayne is so generally reprobated that no one appears to vindicate it in either instance. It is said that it would have been difficult to have found more unfit persons for those stations, even if some industry had been used to select them out. The excise is generally disliked but whether any tax more acceptable could be substituted to raise the same sum I have not been able to collect. The additional impost is likewise complained of. In truth most articles of foreign growth or manufacture are raised in this state, to the prices they held in the course of the late war. How these burdens shall be lessened and the publick engagements as now modified fulfilled, will require much thought and information. Whether it should be attempted at the next session or postponed for further experiment and the increased representation should likewise be early examined. I expect to stay here about a fortnight, have not heard from you but been told a letter has passed for Alb:—I found Gilmer much better— capable of taking sustenance and an appetite for it—but his voice and countenance somewhat altered. I think he will recover. I have disposed of my carriage to Chs. Carter perhaps for his mother. The death of the old gentleman made it impossible, as Executors were not qualified &ce, to take that at German town; but as I wished to part with mine and calculate on their engagements to furnish the money to replace it in the fall I let him have it. Our plan is to keep one in Phila. and avail ourselves of some other vehicle for travelling backward and forward between home and Phila. A chariot is rather too heavy and too valuable for that purpose. At present we have a Phaeton somewhat like yours but less valuable. I have taken the liberty 1

2

3

[92]

17

JUNE

1792

to inclose a note to Mr. Kerr instructing him to make me a chariot by the time of our arrival there. Will you likewise be so obliging as advise him occasionally upon its parts &c. We wish it a post chariot, light, strong and neat and modified as you think fit. Divers has sent forward the money to pay for his. I informed him you were so obliging as to superintend its completion. With great respect & esteem I am Dear Sir very affectionately your friend & servant JAS. MONROE RC (DLC); endorsed by T J as received 27 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

raise money for frontier defense and other purposes (Annals, m, 1366).

In May 1792 Congress imposed an ADDITIONAL IMPOST of 2\ percent ad val-

1

Editors' conjecture for clipped word

ending.

orem on certain imports as part of an act to

2 3

Passage thus in manuscript. Monroe here canceled "find."

From Gouverneur Morris M Y DEAR SIR

Paris 17 June 1792

I had the Honor to write to you (No. 1) on the tenth Instant. The Ministry is chang'd rather sooner than I expected that is to say as to the Totality. Messieurs Servan, Roland, and Claviere were dismissed by Mr. de Mouriez. He filld the Places of the two former with his particular Friends and as this Step was decisive and would certainly bring on very serious Quarrels it was suppos'd that he had prepard himself before Hand for all Consequences. It would seem however that he was less firmly fix'd than he had imagin'd for as the Reason for sending away the other Ministers was that they insisted on the royal Sanction to the two obnoxious and unconstitutional Decrees it was in the natural order of Things that they should be immediately sent back to the Assembly. Instead of that it is said that Mr. de Mouriez insisted on passing both and in Case of Refusal threatned Resignation. To his Surprize the King accepted the Resignation, and in Consequence his Friends newly appointed go out with him. As the present Sett have not all taken the oaths I will defer giving you the List for the present but put at the Foot of my Letter the Names and Places of such as may finally be fixed on. The Jacobines were busy all last Night to excite a Tumult in the City but the Precautions taken to prevent it have as yet prov'd successful. I am told that Mr. Lukner and Mr. de la fayette still persist in their Determination not to risque an Action. If so the present State of Uncertainty may continue some Time. If they fight and gain a victory it is not improbable that we may witness some Outrages of the most flagitious Kind. If on the contrary there is any capital Defeat [93]

17

JUNE

1792

the jacobine Faction will be a little moderated. On the whole Sir we stand on a vast Volcano. We feel it tremble and we hear it roar but how and when and where it will burst and who may be destroy'd by it's Eruptions it is beyond the Ken of mortal Foresight to discover. While I am writing I learn the following to be the Arrangement for the new Ministry. Of the old Sett two remain Mr. Duranthon and Mr. l'acoste. The former is said to be a pretty honest Man but rather too much attach'd to the Faction bordeloise. The latter is considerd as an honest Man well acquainted with the Business of his Department, the Marine. Mr. Lajar is appointed to the Department of War. He is a Creature of Monsieur de la fayette. His Ability doubtful but his Principles sound. Mr. Chambonas is appointed to the Office of foreign Affairs. He is un homme desprit, but une mauvaise tête, un mauvais Sujet, and ignorant of the Business. At least so says my Informant and he is well inform'd. Mr. de Monciel a very worthy Man is nam'd to the Departmt. of the interior but his Acceptance is very doubtful. The Minister of Impositions is not yet fix'd on. He will I beleive be a Cypher for two or three such have been applied to. This new Ministry will be purg'd (at any Rate) of some of it's members but one great Doubt exists whether it will not be driven off by the Jacobine Faction. It is in Contemplation to make a serious Effort against that Faction in favor of the Constitution and Mr. de la fayette will begin the Attack. I own to you that I am not sanguine as to the Success. Very much is to be done and there is very little Time to do it for the foreign Enemy will soon be greatly superior in Number, and it seems now to be ascertaind that Alsace and Lorraine are dispos'd to join the Invaders. Thus while a great Part of the Nation is desirous of overturning the present Government in order to restore the antient Form and while another Part still more dangerous from Position and Numbers are desirous of introducing the Form of a federal Republic, the moderate Men attack'd on all Sides have to contend alone against an immense Force. I cannot go on with the Picture for my Heart bleeds when I reflect that the finest Opportunity which ever presented itself for establishing the Rights of Mankind throughout the civilized World is perhaps lost and forever. I write on as Events arise and shall continue to do so untill the opportunity to send my Letters shall present itself. I am very truly my dear Sir yours Gouv M O R R I S RC (DNA: R G 59, DD); at head of text: "No. 2"; at foot of first page: "Thomas Jefferson Esqr. Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 18

Oct. 1792 and so recorded in S J L . F C (Lb in D L C : Gouverneur Morris Papers); in Morris's hand. Tr (Lb in DNA: R G 59, DD).

[94]

18

JUNE

The OBNOXIOUS AND UNCONSTITU­ TIONAL DECREES of the Legislative Assem­

bly that Louis X V I refused to approve subjected nonjuring priests to the penalty of deportation from France and called for

1792

the creation of an army of 20,000 National Guardsmen to defend Paris against foreign and domestic enemies (Leo Gershoy, The French Revolution and Napoleon [Engle-

wood Cliffs, N.J., 1964], 209).

From George Washington DEAR SIR

June 17th.

1792.

The Attorney General will, I presume, draw the Deed for the Lot for the Mint. The purchase of it, I approve of. If you can aid me in answering the queries of Mr. Young, contained in his letter enclosed, I would thank you—I wish to write to him by Mr. Pinckney. Is not fish Oil one of the things that will claim the particular atten­ tion of Mr. Morris? Yours &ca. Go: WASHINGTON RC (DLC); addressed: "Mr. Jefferson"; endorsed by T J as received 17 June 1792. Recorded in SJPL. Enclosure: Arthur Young to Washington, 18 Jan. 1792 (see note to following document).

Notes on Arthur Young's Letter to George Washington Notes on Mr. Young's letter, pa. 3. Is the labour (of negroes @ £ 9 . sterl.) to be commanded in any amount?—If taken by the year it may be commanded in any amount: but not if wanted on particular occasions only, as for harvest, for particular dressings of the land &c. pa. 4. The labour of a negro Mr. Young reckons cent per cent dearer than the labour of England.—To the hirer of a negro man his hire will cost £ 9 . and his subsistence, cloathing and tools £ 6 . making £ 1 5 . sterl. or at the most it may sometimes be £18.—To the owner of a negro his labour costs as follows. Suppose a negro man of 25. years of age costs £ 7 5 . sterling: he has an equal chance to live 30. years according to Buffon's tables; so that you lose your principal in 30 years. Then say 1

£

Int. of £ 7 5 . annually one thirtieth annually of the principal subsistence, clothes &c. annually [95}

3-15 2—10 6 12- 5

18

JUNE

1792

There must be some addition to this to make the labour equal to that of a white man, as I believe the negro does not perform quite as much work, nor with as much intelligence.—But Mr. Young reckons a laboring man in England £ 8 . and his board £ 1 6 . making £ 2 4 . pa. 5. 'in the instances of Mountain land, the expressions seem to indicate waste land, unbuilt and uninclosed.' If Mr. Young has reference here to the notes which T h : J . gave to the President on the subject of Mountain land, the following explanation is necessary. The lands therein contemplated are generally about one half cleared of the timber which grew on them, say all the land of the first quality and half that of the middling quality. This half is for the most part inclosed with rail fences which do not last long (except where they are of chesnut) but are easily repaired or renewed. The houses on them for the use of the farm are so slight and of so little worth that they are thrown into the bargain without a separate estimate. The same may be said of the farmer's house, unless it be better than common. When it is of considerable value, it adds to the price of the land, but by no means it's whole value. With respect to the soil I saw no uplands in England comparable to it. My travels there were from Dover to London, and on to Birmingham, making excursions of 20. or 30. miles each way. At Edgehill in Warwickshire my road led me over a red soil something like this, as well as I recollect. But it is too long ago to speak with certainty. pa. 7. T h a t in America farmers look to labour much more than to land, is new to me.'—But it is a most important circumstance. Where land is cheap, and rich, and labour dear, the same labour, spread in a slighter culture over 100. acres, will produce more profit than if concentrated by the highest degree of cultivation on a small portion of the lands. When the virgin fertility of the soil becomes exhausted, it becomes better to cultivate less and well. The only difficulty is to know at what point of deterioration in the land, the culture should be increased, and in what degree. pa. 10. 'can you sell your beef and mutton readily?' The market for them, fresh and in quantity, is not certain in Virginia. Beef well salted will generally find a market, but salted mutton is perhaps unknown. pa. 11. 'mutton dearer than beef.'—Sheep are subject to many dis­ eases which carry them off in great numbers. In the middle and upper parts of Virginia they are subject to the wolf, and in all parts of it to dogs. These are great obstacles to their multiplication. In the mid­ dle and upper parts of the country the carcase of the beef is raised on the spontaneous food of the forests, and is delivered to the farmer [96]

18

JUNE

1792

in good plight in the fall, often fat enough for slaughter. Hence it's cheapness. Probably however sheep, properly attended to, would be more profitable than cattle as Mr. Young says. They have not been attended to as they merited. pa. 13. Mr. Young calculates the employment of £ 5 0 4 0 . worth of land and 1200£ farmer's capital, making an aggregate capital of £ 6 2 4 0 . in England, which he makes yeild 5. pr. cent extra, or 10 pr. cent on the whole. I will calculate, in the Virginia way, the employment of the same capital, on a supposition of good management in the manner of the country 1. supposing negro laborers to be hired. 2. supposing them to be bought. 1. Suppose labourers to be hired, one half men @ £ 1 8 . the other half women @ £ 1 4 for labor, subsistence, clothg. (I always mean sterlg. money) Int. of £ 4 1 6 0 . for 3310. as. of land @ 25/ pr. acre. of 2080. for farmer's capital of stock, tools &c. 6240. taxes @ 7d. the acre (I do not know what they are) hire of 33. labourers @ £ 1 6 .

£20810496528936-

Produce to be sold annually.

£ Wheat 6600. bushels @ 3/. 990 meat & other articles @ £ 5 . for each laborer 165 1155Net profit over & above the 5. pr. cent above charged 219Add annual rise in the value of lands 165real profit over & above the 5. pr. cent above charged 385which is 6j- per cent extra, or 11-J- pr. cent on the whole capital. 2. Suppose labourers to be bought, one half men, & one half women (< sterl. on an average.

£ Int. of £ 3 1 2 5 . for 2500. as. of land @ 25/ of 1562-10 farmer's capital of stock, utensils &c. £ °f 1500for purchase of 25. laborers. 75 6187-10 subsistence, clothing &c. 150. I allow nothing for losses by death, but on the contrary shall" presently take credit 4. pr. cent pr. annum for their increase _over & above keepg. up their own numbers. Taxes @ 7d. the acre [97}

15678225-

72532-

18

JUNE

1792

Produce to be sold annually £ Wheat 5000. bush. @ 3/ 750 meat & other articles @ £ 5 . for each labourer 125 875- 0 Net profit over & above the 5. pr. cent above charged 342-15 add 5. pr. cent annual rise in the value of lands 156-5 4. pr. cent increase of negroes more than keepg. up original number 60- 0 real profit over & above the 5. pr. cent above charged. 5 5 9 - 0 which is 9. pr. cent extra, or 14. pr. cent on the whole capital. In the preceding estimate I have supposed that 200. bushels of wheat may be sold for every labourer employed, which may be thought too high. I know it is too high for common land, and common management. But I know also that on good land and with good man­ agement it has been done thro' a considerable neighborhood and for many years. On the other hand I have overrated the cost of labouring negroes, and I presume the taxes also are overrated. I have observed that our families of negroes double in about 25. years, which is an increase of the capital, invested in them, of 4. per cent over and above keeping up the original number. I am unable to answer the queries page as to the expence necessary to make an acre of forest land maintain one, two, or three sheep. I began an experiment of that kind in the year 1783. clearing out the under-growth, cutting up the fallen wood but leaving all the good trees. I got through about 20. or 30. acres and sowed it with white clover and greenswerd, and intended to have gone on through a forest of 4. or 500. acres. The land was excessively rich, but too steep to be cultivated. In spite of total neglect during my absence from that time to this, most of it has done well. I did not note how much labour it took to prepare it; but I am sure it was repaid by the fuel it yielded for the family. The richness of the pasture to be thus obtained, will allways be proportioned to that of the land. Most of our forest is either midling, or poor. It's enclosure with a wood fence costs little, as the wood is on the spot.

T H : JEFFERSON

June 18. 1792. MS (DLC: Washington Papers); entirely in TJ's hand; brackets in original; endorsed by Washington as "Enclousure No. 1." PrC (DLC). Tr (Lb in D L C : Washington Papers). Tr (ViU); abstract of TJ's notes and Young's letter in the hand of Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr.

TJ's notes consisted of responses to some of the questions about American agricultural practices raised in Arthur Young's 18 Jan. 1792 letter to President Washington (RC in D L C : Washington Papers; Tr in DLC; PrC in D L C ; Tr in DLC). Washington sent a text of TJ's

[98]

19

JUNE

notes with his own reply to Young of 18-21 June 1792 (Fitzpatrick, Writings, XXXII, 64-72). At the same time, Washing­ ton also forwarded to the noted English agricultural reformer five other letters on various aspects of American farming by substantial landowners in Maryland and Pennsylvania, all but one of them addressed to the Secretary of the Treas­ ury (Richard Peters to Hamilton, 27 Aug. 1791, Henry Wynkoop to same, 29 Aug. 1791, John Neville to same, 27 Oct. 1791, John Beale Bordley to same, 11 Nov. 1791, all in Syrett, Hamilton, ix, 114-18, 123-7, 419-20, 490-3; Peters to Washington, 20 June 1792, D L C : Wash­ ington Papers).

1792

sure to T J to Washington, 3 Aug. 1791. Those notes and the ones printed above were published after the President's death in Arthur Young, Letters from His Excellenq/ General Washington, to Arthur

Young, Esq. F. R. S. (London, 1801), 6972, 86-92. Apparently in the course of preparing the document printed above, T J made some notes, taken from Young's 18 Jan. 1792 letter to Washington, on compara­ tive agricultural productivity in England and the United States that he entitled "Mr. Young's calculation on the produce of 300. acres of land in Engld. and Ameri­ ca" (MS in D L C : T J Papers, 232: 415234; undated; entirely in TJ's hand).

TJ'S NOTES . . . ON T H E SUBJECT OF MOUNTAIN LAND are printed as an enclo­

1

Remainder of sentence interlined.

To Thomas Paine [Ed. Note: TJ's letter to Paine of 19 June 1792 was printed in Vol. 20: 31213 as part of a group of documents on Paine's Rights of Man.]

From Charles Gottfried Paleske SIR Phila. the 19th. June 1792 It is with great satisfaction that I find expressed in the instructions, which I have received from his Majesty, the King of Prussia, a desire to cultivate a commercial intercourse with the United States of Amer­ ica, upon liberal and extensive principles; and I shall deem myself peculiarly fortunate, if, in prosecuting the duties which are assigned to me, I become the instrument to accomplish an object, that cannot fail to promote, reciprocally, the interests, and permanently, to cement the friendship, of the contracting Nations. As an inducement, Sir, to consider this Subject with attention I request you will communicate to the President that I am authorised to declare to his Excellency, that the King of Prussia, from a pure regard for the United States, as well as from the prospect of a mutual benefit, is disposed to facilitate and encourage the importation of the various articles of American produce into his Majesty's dominions, not only by giving those articles a General preference, but by an Actual [99]

19

JUNE

1792

diminution of the duties of import, to which they, in common with other foreign commodities, are now liable. The important advantages, which the United states will derive from an arrangement of this kind, must naturally occur to his Excellency, when he reflects upon the great demand of the Prussian markets for Rice, Indigo and Tobacco, the staple of the Southern states; and for oil and fish the staple of the Eastern States. But it is not on articles of Domestic growth alone, that the advantages will arise: the supplies of Sugar, coffee, cotton, and other productions of the West Indies, must necessarily be obtained by his Majesty's subjects in a circuitous course, and, therefore, if a pref­ erence in the regulations of trade is added to the natural advantages of Situation, the Americans must inevitably, as to those supplies, become the carriers of Prussia. The commodities, with which that Kingdom could in return supply the United States, upon advantageous terms, are of the Woolen, Linen, and Cotton fabrics; besides a variety of inferior articles of trade; and I believe, that in the quality of the goods, as well as the moderation of the price, no country will be found superior. Permit me, Sir, to remark, that the regulation which the wisdom of the Federal Legislature may establish, to promote the interest, and cherish the friendship, of her commercial allies, whether by exacting a higher tonnage from the vessels, or imposing a higher duty on the exports, of other nations, will excite a spirit of emulation and rivalship among the European Powers, and become an efficient instrument to exalt and enrich the trade of America. In order to facilitate any commercial arrangements, in which his Excellency the President shall be disposed to concur with his Majesty the King of Prussia, it may be proper, at this time, in pursuance of the 25 Article of the existing Treaty, to regulate, by particular agreement, the functions of the Consuls and Vice-Consuls of the respective Pow­ ers; and for that purpose, I beg leave to suggest, that the principles of the Convention between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States of America, will readily be adopted, on the part of the King of Prussia, as the basis of the negotiation. I shall be happy to receive an early intimation of the President's pleasure on the present occasion; and, in the meantime, I remain, with Sentiments of great respect and consideration Sir Your most obedt. & most Humble Servt.

CHARLES GOTTFRIED PALESKE

RC (DNA: R G 59, NFC); at foot of text: "To Thomas Jefferson Esqre. Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 19 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

Paleske, a Philadelphia merchant, had announced his appointment as Prussian consul general in the United States in a brief note written to T J on 2 Jan. 1792

[100]

20

JUNE

(RC in DNA: R G 59, NFC; addressed: "Thomas Jefferson Esqre Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 2 Jan. 1792 and so recorded in SJL). Two days later he sent T J a brief note attesting an annexed copy of his 14 Aug. 1791 com­ mission from the Prussian monarch, which

1792

had arrived in Philadelphia in November of that year, on the back of which T J pen­ ciled: "Exequatur to be made out" (RC, addressed "Thomas Jefferson Esqre Sec­ retary of State," with Tr of enclosure in French, in same).

From George Wythe G.W. TO T . J . [before 19 June 1792] I thank you for the 'rights of man', which you sent to me. When you have leisure, I beg the favour of you to employ Mr. Scott, or some other good hand, to make a seal for our court of chancery. The diameter of it I would not have more than that of a dollar. I send the design by Mr. West. Put any part of it, or any thing else of which you more approve, on the seal. The assembly have given twenty five pounds for the work, which shall be paid on sight of the performer's order. I am your grateful friend, and cordial well-wisher. RC (DLC); undated; endorsed by T J as received 19 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

To Joel Barlow D E A R SIR

Philadelphia June 20.

1792.

Tho' I am in hopes you are now on the Ocean, home-bound, yet I cannot omit the chance of my thanks reaching you for your Conspiracy of kings and advice to the privileged orders, the second part of which I am in hopes is out by this time. Be assured that your endeavors to bring the Transatlantic world into the road of reason, are not without their effect here. Some here are disposed to move retrograde and take their stand in the rear of Europe now advancing to the high ground of natural right. But of all this your friend Mr. Baldwin gives you information, and doubtless paints to you the indignation with which the heresies of some people here fill us.—This will be conveyed by Mr. Pinckney, an honest sensible man and good republican. He goes our Min. Plen. to London. He will arrive at an interesting moment in Europe. God send that all the nations who join in attacking the liberties of France may end in the attainment of their own. I still hope this will not find you in Europe and therefore add nothing more than [101]

20

JUNE

1792

assurances of affectionate esteem from Dr. Sir your sincere friend & servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Mr. Barlow."

From Alexander Hamilton SIR Treasury Department, June 20th: 1792. I enclose you an extract of a letter, lately received from the Collector of Bermuda hundred, concerning a certain practice, which if persisted in, would interfere with the due execution of the laws; and would oblige to a line of conduct, that would involve in difficulties the French bottoms, which arrive in the United States. To avoid both the one and the other, this communication is made, in order that a representation to the Minister of France, may put a Stop to the procedure. I have the honor to be very respectfully Sir, your obedt. Servt A: H A M I L T O N PrC of Tr (DLC); in William Lam­ bert's hand; at head of text: "(Copy)"; at foot of text: "The Honorable Thomas Jef­ ferson Esq; Secretary of State." Tr (Lb in DNA: R G 360, D L ) . Recorded in S J L as received 22 June 1792. Enclosure: Extract of William Heth to Hamilton, 9 June 1792: "The French Consul at Nor­ folk has lately adopted a practice of taking

the registers of vessels from such Masters belonging to his nation, as called there to report, on their passage to this district. If he has a right so to do, I shall not be sur­ prized if some Masters should depart from hence without paying tonnage" (PrC of Tr in D L C ; in Lambert's hand). Enclosed in T J to Jean Baptiste Ternant, 22 June 1792.

From David Humphreys Lisbon, 20 June 1792. According to an account from a gentleman at Gibraltar, Barclay remains there and the civil war in Morocco continues. Muley Ischem and Muley Suliman both claim the title of Emperor. The former stays in the capital and is recognized everywhere south of the Morbeya, the latter resides at Mequinez and is acknowledged north of that river. Unless the brothers agree to divide the Empire between them, the issue will soon be decided by battle. It was expected that the Algerine navy would be reinforced this month "by an auxiliaryfleetfrom Constantinople." He offered to pay the Comte d'Expilly, who arrived here in great need of money, the 800 dollars the Comte had advanced for the American captives in Algiers, but there is some perplexity in the matter because d'Expilly assigned this debt to one of his creditors in Madrid. This may explain why the accounts have not been received from Carmichael, to whom he has written about them and the arrangements that have been made to subsist the prisoners. T J will learn more about the [102]

20

JUNE

1792

plight of the captives from the memorials they recently sent to the United States government. RC (DNA: R G 59, DD); 3 p.; at head of text: "(No. 56.)"; at foot of text: "The Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 12 Aug. 1792 and so recorded in S J L . Tr (Lb in same).

From David Redick SIR Washington June 2Qth 1792 I find by a late news paper that the Philosophical Society wishes to learn among many other things respecting the Hessian Fly wheather their progress have been Stoped by mountains as also the course they Steer. I can Now inform the committee that the fly appears this Season about Six or Seven Miles South of this Town. Several fields of wheat are much injured. I have enquired wheather they are to be found either east or west of the Neighbourhood and not learning that they are to be found else where, I Suppose they must have been brought to the Spot by transportation. The Settlement where they appear is composed of people chiefly from the Jersey State. A considerable Number yearly Arrive in Waggons. I have been therefore led to Suppose that the insect has probably come in Straw with which the people frequently Over lays the bottom of the Waggon bed. The fields infected will be a few miles more North than Philadelphia and about three hundred Miles West. If the Fly continues in this country and which I greatly fear, I purpose paying some attention to the wishes of the committee: but the Season is rather far advanced for immediate purposes as the insect has left the Stalk: but have left Nits as I am informed. Am Sir your most obt Sevt

DAVID REDICK

RC (DLC); at foot of text: "Thomas Jefferson Eqr Chairman of the Committee &c"; endorsed by T J as received 3 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL. David Redick (1750-1805), a lawyer and surveyor in Washington County, Pennsylvania, had been a member of the state's Supreme Executive Council, 178688, became prothonotary of his county

in 1791, and was one of the more mod­ erate supporters of the Whiskey Rebel­ lion in 1794 (William H. Egle, ed., Notes and Queries: Historical, Biographical and Genealogical: Relating Chiefly to Interior

Pennsylvania, 4th ser., n [1894], 623; Russell J . Ferguson, Early Western Pennsylvania Politics [Pittsburgh, 1938], 47-8).

[103]

To George Washington June 20. 1792. T h : Jefferson has the honor to inform the President that the Director of the Mint has occasion for a sum of money for the following purposes. D for the house purchased 1600.£ Pensva. or 4266.66 for about 15. tons of copper to be procured, abt. 5000. on account for workmen &c 733.34 10,000. making in the whole ten thousand Dollars. RC (DNA: R G 59, MLR); addressed: "The President of the U.S."; endorsed by Washington. PrC (DLC). Tr (Lb in DNA: RG 59, SDC). Recorded in SJPL.

To George Washington June 20. 92. T h : Jefferson, with his respects to the President, incloses him a publication by Mr. Knox an Under-secretary of state in England, who seems to have been the true parent of the British system with respect to our commerce. He asks the favour of the President to read the paper No. 18. page 60. as it shews the expectation of what would be done on our part, and an acknolegement of the injury it would do them, could we enforce it. Papers 12. and 13. are also interesting: but not so pointedly so. RC (DNA: RG 59, MLR); endorsed by Washington. Tr (Lb in same, SDC). Not recorded in SJL. William Knox (1732-1810), who served as British undersecretary of state for American affairs from 1770 to 1782, had been instrumental in the postwar decision to impose restrictions on American trade with the empire (Leland J . Bellot, William Knox: The Life &f Thought of an Eighteenth-Century Imperialist [Austin,

Tex., 1977], 185-94). The enclosed PUBLICATION was Knox's Extra Official State Papers . . . By a Late Under Secretary of

State, 2 vols. (London, 1789). In PAPER NO. 18, an account of his examination by a committee of the Privy Council in March 1784, Knox defended restrictions

on American trade with the British West Indies, but admitted that if the United States chose to retaliate by forbidding the entry of British ships or by laying prohibitive tonnage dûtes on them, it "certainly would be very prejudicial to the commerce of this country" (same, II, 6077). In the other two PAPERS, which appear to have been written about 1784 as well, he respectively suggested various strategies for relegating the United States to the role of a supplier of raw materials for the British economy and argued that trade between the new republic and the British West Indies should only be permitted until Britain and British North America were able to supply the islands' needs (same, 37-47).

[ 104]

To James Madison D E A R SIR Philadelphia June 21. 1792. Your No. 1. came to hand two days ago. When I inclosed you the papers of the last week I was too much hurried to write. I now therefore write earlier, and inclose only one of Fenno's papers. The residue of the New York election was as follows Clinton Jay The Otsego votes were rejected, about 444. 1 178 Albany 1000. in number, of which Jay had 424 306. Montgomy. 401 about 850. say a majority of 700. so 247. Herkimer. 28. 92 that he was really governor by a majority Ontario. 8,457. 8,315 of 500. votes, according to his friends. Total. 142 difference The Clintonians again tell strange tales about these votes of Otsego. I inclose you two New York papers which will put you fully in pos­ session of the whole affair (take care of them if you please, as they make part of a collection). It does not seem possible to defend Clin­ ton as a just or disinterested man if he does not decline the office, of which there is no symptom; and I really apprehend that the cause of republicanism will suffer, and it's votaries be thrown into schism by embarking it in support of this man, and for what? to draw over the Antifederalists, who are not numerous enough to be worth drawing over. I have lately seen a letter from to on receiving his appointment. He pleads guilty to the charge of indiscretion hitherto, and promises for the future the most measured circumspection, and in terms which mark him properly and gratefully impressed with the counsel which had been given him pretty strongly as you know.—I have made out my table; but instead of settling the proportion of the debt of each country to it's population, I have done it to it's revenue. It is as follows. 1

[105]

21

Date

Country

JUNE

Public debt

1792 Annual revenue

Proportion of debt to revenue Authority

U.S. of Amer. £ sterl. 1786. Gr. Britain 239,154,879 livres 3,400,000,000 1785. France silver dollrs. 1772. Sweden 60,000,000 florins 200,000,000 Austria. rubles 1765. Russia. 40,000,000 £. sterl. 1774. Portugal 3,675,381 piastres 1785. Spain 152,000,000 dollars 1769 Denmark 1,400,000 Prussia.

£ sterl. 15,000,000 livres 430,000,000 11,089,122 florins 95,000,000 rubles 20,000,000 £ sterl. 1,800,000 piastres 100,000,000 dollars 6,272,000 dollars 21,000,000

16:1

Zimmerm. 224.

8:1

265.

5.4:1

59.

2.1:1

157

2:1

40

2:1

336

1.5:1

317

0.22:1

75. 143.

I have not yet examined into the debt of the U . S . but I suppose it to be about 20. years revenue, and consequently that tho the youngest nation in the world we are the most indebted nation also. I did not go into the debts and revenues of the United Netherlands, because they are so jumbled between general and provincial, and because a great deal of their debt, is made by borrowing at low interest and lending it at high, and consequently not only this part is to be struck off from the amount of their debt, but so much of the residue of it also as has it's interest paid by this means.—Brandt, the famous Indian is arrived here; he dined with the P. yesterday, will dine with Knox to-day, Hammond on Sunday, the Presidt. on Monday &c. Adieu my dear Sir. Your's affectionately

T H : JEFFERSON

RC (DLC: Madison Papers); at head of text: "No. 4."; at foot of first page: Mr. Madison." PrC (DLC). Tr (DLC); 19thcentury copy. u

6 Apr. 1792 was one in which Morris promised to display the MOST MEASURED

The letter T J had LATELY SEEN from

CIRCUMSPECTION in his dealings with the French government (DLC: Washington Papers), ZIMMERM.: Eberhard August Wilhelm von Zimmermann, A Political

Gouverneur Morris to the President of

Survey of the Present State of Europe (Lon-

{106]

22

JUNE

don, 1787). See Sowerby, No. 2405. Joseph Brant, the noted Mohawk chief, had come to Philadelphia at the express invitation of the Washington administra­ tion, which wanted him to bring Ameri­ can peace proposals to the Western Indi­ ans with whom the United States was in

1792

conflict. Brant's reluctant assumption of this mission is described in Isabel T . Kelsay, Joseph Brant, 1743-1807:

Man of

Two Worlds (Syracuse, 1984), 458-82. 1

Remainder of sentence interlined.

To Samuel Blodget, Jr. SIR Philadelphia June 22. 1792. The 15th. inst. being past when a deposit of 10,000 dollars was expected by the Commissioners of the Federal seat, and not having heard from you, I take the liberty of asking a line from you, on account of the Commissioners who wish to know what they may be permitted to count on. I am Sir Your most obedt. humble servt T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Mr. Blodget." FC (Lb in DNA: R G 360, DL).

To Peter Carr DEAR SIR

Philadelphia June 22.

1792.

I received in due time your favor of May 28. with the notes it con­ tained on the subject of Waste. Your view of the subject as far as it goes is perfectly proper. Perhaps in such a question in this country, where the husbandry is so different, it might be necessary to go further and enquire whether any difference of this kind should produce a difference in the law. The main objects of the law of waste in England are 1. to prevent any disguise of the lands which might lessen the reversioner's evidences of title, such as the change of pasture into arable &c. 2. to prevent any deterioration of it, as the cutting down forest, which in England is an injury. So careful is the law there against permitting a deterioration of the land, that tho' it will permit such improvements in the same line, as manuring arable lands, leading water into pasture lands, &c yet it will not permit improvements in a different line, such as erecting buildings, converting pasture into arable, &c lest these should lead to a deterioration. Hence we might argue in Virginia that tho' the cutting down forest is, in our husbandry, rather an improvement generally, yet it is not so always, and that therefore it is safer never to admit it. Consequently there is no reason for adopting different rules of [107]

22

JUNE

1792

waste here from those established in England.—Your objection to L d . Kaims that he is too metaphysical is just, and it is the chief objection to which his writings are liable. It is to be observed also that tho' he has given us what should be the system of equity, yet it is not the one actually established, at least not in all it's parts. The English Chancel­ lors have gone on from one thing to another without any comprehen­ sive or systematic view of the whole field of equity, and therefore they have sometimes run into inconsistencies and contradictions.—Never fear the want of business. A man who qualifies himself well for his calling never fails of employment in it. The foundation you will have laid in legal reading will enable you to take a higher ground than most of your competitors, and even ignorant men can see who it is that is not one of themselves. Go on then with courage, and you will be sure of success; for which be assured no one wishes more ardently, nor has more sincere sentiments of friendship towards you than Dear Sir your affectionate

friend

T H : JEFFERSON

RC (ViU: Carr-Cary Papers); at foot of text: "Mr. P. Carr." PrC (DLC).

To Stephen Cathalan, Jr. SIR Philadelphia June 22. 1792. Having lately written you a public letter, this is merely to acknolege the receipt of your private one of Mar. 11. 1792. as also of the box of confectionary by the Louisa Capt. Brickland, the Brugnols by Captn. Moore and the olive and caper plants, in good condition; for all which attentions be pleased to accept my thanks, and with my best respects to all the members of your family, be assured of the esteem of Dear Sir your most obedt. humble servt T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi); foot of text: "M. Cathalan." Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy.

To William Duval SIR Philadelphia June 22. 1792. Tho' your favor of April 12. came to hand in due time yet such is the press of business during a session of Congress and for some time after that it has been impossible for me sooner to take up mat­ ters not of public concern. I am of opinion the best person you could engage in Bordeaux to dispose of your lands would be Messrs. Fen[108]

22

JUNE

1792

wick & Mason, whose fidelity you may rely on with confidence. As Mr. Mason is now in Virginia and perhaps may be at Richmond it will be convenient for you to arrange with him what may be necessary to be done. His letter to Mr. Fenwic will secure the attentions of that gentleman to your commission. I am Sir Your most obedt. humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Mr. William Duval."

To B. Francis SIR Philadelphia June 22. 1792. The President of the U.S. having [referred to me] your letter of May 25. I have the honor t[o acknowledge the] receipt of it and, at the same time, the importance of the ob]jects therein pointed out, and a confidence that [your expectation is well founded that the subterranean riches of this country not yet explored are very great. But the exploring the mineral kingdom, as that of the vegetable and animal, is left by our laws to individual enterprize, the government not being authorised by them to interfere at all: consequently it is not in the power of the President to avail the public of the services you are pleased to tender in this line. I am Sir your very humble servt T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Mr. B. Francis of Boston"; upper right portion torn away, mutilating part of six lines; missing passages supplied from Tr. Tr (MHi); 19th-century copy; varies slightly in punctuation. In his LETTER OF MAY 25 to the Presi­

dent, which was written in Boston, Fran­ cis, who described himself as "a per­ son who has been sometime in America," sought Washington's support for a study of geological strata in America so as to facilitate the extraction of metals from the earth (DNA: R G 59, MLR).

To Henry Knox June. 22. 1792. T h : Jefferson presents his respectful compliments to the Secretary at War, and to the testimonies inclosed, can add his own that Thomas Divers therein is a man of worth, activity, and skill in accounts, and likely to be of service in the staff if there be any occasion for services in that department, more than already engaged. RC (MHi: Knox Papers); addressed: "The Secretary at war." Not recorded in SJL, but possibly the missing letter registered under 25 June 1792. Enclosures not found.

[109]

To Adam Lindsay SIR Philadelphia June 22. 1792. This being the first moment since the rising of Congress, that it has been in my power to take up my private letters wanting answers, I make it my first duty to acknolege the receipt of yours of Apr. 12. and the two casks of cyder by Capt. Tatem, and to inclose a bill of 6 f dollars which with the 2 4 £ dollars in my letter of Apr. 9. make up the amount. I pray you to accept my thanks for your attention. We have nothing new here but what the public papers have given you, except the arrival here of the famous Mohawk chief Capt. Brandt. I am with much esteem Sir your most obedient humble servt T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Mr. Adam Lindsay."

To John de Neufville SIR Philadelphia June 22. 1792. The House of Representatives of the U.S. have been pleased to refer to me your Memorial praying to be reimbursed sundry advances in money and supplies in support of the American cause during the late war, and losses sustained by exertions to produce a commercial treaty between Holland and the U.S. with instructions to examine the same, and report my opinion thereon to the house at their next session. I must therefore ask the favor of you to furnish me with an account of those advances, supplies, and losses, with the proofs thereof as soon as you can conveniently, that the matter may be got ready for the house of representatives at their next meeting. I am Sir Your very humble servt.

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Mr. John de Neufville. Boston." Tr (DNA: R G 360, DL).

For further information about this case, see Report on the Petition of John de Neufville, 26 Nov. 1792.

From Madame Plumard de Bellanger Paris, 22 June 1792. She has already thanked T J for the certificate he gave Derieux concerning a bequest of 15,000 francs from his uncle and now asks him to use his good offices with Robert Morris to facilitate the prompt and advantageous sale for Derieux of a cargo of merchandise worth the 10,000 [110]

22

JUNE

1792

francs due on the bequest, which Derieux will receive in this form rather than cash because of the unfavorable exchange rate. She complains that T J does not write frequently and makes her jealous by treating Derieux so well. Impressed by thefinelaws of the United States, she regrets that there is no counterpart in France to the veto power the President has recently exercised. M. Darcel, who made up the cargo for Derieux and whose bill is enclosed in summary form, was in Philadelphia during the American war and is known to T J . She has not yet been able to meet Gouverneur Morris, but he has graciously agreed to forward her letters. Despite political differences with Short, she regrets his departure and has told him that in the country he is going to, or in any other country, he would see laws destructive of every principle, whether religious orfinancial,that have been given by his friends "les Economistes," whom he still admires. They agree that Gouverneur Morris does not admire the laws of France or their consequences. RC (MHi); 4 p.; in French; endorsed by T J as received 18 Oct. 1792 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found.

To Martha Jefferson Randolph M Y DEAR MARTHA

Philadelphia June 22.

1792.

Yours of May 27. came to hand on the very day of my last to you, but after it was gone off. That of June 11. was received yesterday. Both made us happy in informing us you were all well. The rebuke to Maria produced the inclosed letter. The time of my departure for Monticello is not yet known. I shall within a week from this time send off my stores as usual that they may arrive before me. So that should any waggons be going down from the neighborhood it would be well to desire them to call on Mr. Brown in order to take up the stores should they be arrived.—I suspect by the account you give me of your garden, that you mean a surprise, as good singers always preface their performance by complaints of cold, hoarseness &c.—Maria is still with me. I am endeavoring to find a good lady to put her with if possible. If not, I shall send her to Mrs. Brodeaux as the last shift. Old Mrs. Hopkinson is living in town but does not keep house.—I am in hopes you have visited young Mrs. Lewis, and borne with the old one so as to keep on visiting terms. Sacrifices and suppressions of feeling in this way cost much less pain than open separation. The former are soon over: the latter haunt the peace of every day of one's life, be that ever so long. Adieu my dear, with my best affections to Mr. Randolph. Anne enjoys them without valuing them. T H : JEFFERSON RC (NNP); at foot of text: "Mrs. Randolph." Neither Martha Randolph's letter of 11 June, recorded in S J L as received 21 June 1792, nor Mary Jefferson's enclosed letter has been found.

tun

To John Cleves Symmes SIR Philadelphia June 22. 1792. The several articles of your letter of Jan. 25. which were proper for legislative provision, were put into a proper channel for their notice and have been provided for, as far as they judged expedient by the 19th. 30th. and 42d. chapters of the laws of the late session. Your letter of Jan. 27. was laid before the President and he permit­ ted me to inform you that explicit orders are given to the Military in the North Western territory to consider themselves as subordinate to the civil power on every occasion where the civil has legal authority to interfere, and this I believe may be counted on for observance. We are proceeding in the printing the laws of the North Western territory, and seals for the same territory shall be provided whenever it shall be known what seals are wanting. I am Sir your most obedt. humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Judge Symms." Tr (Lb in DNA: RG 360, D L ) . The lettersfromSymmes have not been found (see note to T J to Washington, 28 Mch. 1792). The territorial laws were

eventually printed under the title of Laws passed in the Territory of the United States North-west of the River Ohio, from the Commencement of the Government to the

31st. of December, 1791 (Philadelphia, 1792). See Evans, No. 24633.

To Jean Baptiste Ternant SIR Philadelphia June 22d: 1792. I have the honor to inclose you a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, covering the extract of one frcm a custom house officer, complaining of a practice of the Consul of France at Norfolk, which tends to defeat the Execution of the revenue laws, to which I take the liberty of asking your attention, and am, with entire respect and esteem, Sir, Your most obedient, and most humble servant, PrC (DLC); in William Lambert's hand; unsigned; at foot of text: "The Minister of France." Tr (DNA: R G 360, D L ) . For the enclosures, see Hamilton to T J , 20 June 1792, and note.

From Elnathan Haskell SIR New York June 23rd. 1792 When I was in France I made sale of 30,000. Dollars American Funds bearing interest from the 1st. day of January 1790. to Mr. [112]

23

JUNE

1792

Robert Pigott. From some arrangements made afterwards in the Treas­ ury department, I have never been enabled to transmit the exact sum. At the time of Contract I deposited with Messrs. Boyd Kerr & Co. Bankers at Paris, for its fulfilment on my part, a certificate for 50,000 Dollars signed by Joseph Nourse Register, in favor of Richard Piatt which he by a notarial act annex'd to it, had transferred to me. I have written to Mr. Pigott acquainting him of the difficulty at the Treasury and that I will pay what 30,000 Dollars will yeild agreeably to the Funding Cystem—But that it will be requisite for him to name his Agent in Philadelphia, to whom I am to pay it, and at the same time transmit you the deposit, before mentioned, to hold until his demand be satisfied. I know of no person who so fully posses the confidence of Mr. Pigott as yourself and to whom he would be so likely to transmit the deposit; and on this ground I have taken a liberty which I hope you will excuse as it involves much of my property, and it being the most probable way to complete a business I exceedingly wish to have settled. Whenever the Certificate shall come into your hands I beg you will acquaint me of it, and that you will not part with it to any person whatever without my express order. I am Sir with much respect & esteem Your most obd Sert E . HASKELL RC (DLC); at foot of text: "The Hon­ orable Mr. Jefferson Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 27 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL. For a discussion of the ramifications of the sale of $30,000 in AMERICAN FUNDS

to Robert Pigott of Paris by Elnathan Haskell, a resident of Boston and veteran of the Massachusetts Line who transacted the sale in his capacity as agent of Richard Piatt, a New York merchant then serv­ ing as treasurer of the Ohio Company, see Syrett, Hamilton, xvi, 546-7n.

To Joseph Hopkinson June 23. 1792. T h : Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Hopkinson. He pos­ sesses a very beautiful figure of Diana the huntress made by Houdon in plaister of Paris, with which his friend the late Mr. Hopkinson was so extremely taken, that it was the full intention of T h : J . to have insisted on his accepting it. He begs young Mr. Hopkinson's permission to fulfill his intention by asking his acceptance of it, and to be so good as to indicate to what place it shall be sent. The tenderness of the figure requires careful handling, and it's nudity may be an objection to some to recieve the deposit. PrC (MHi). Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy.

Joseph Hopkinson (1770-1842), son of the noted author, musician, and signer

[113]

23

JUNE

of the Declaration of Independence, Fran­ cis Hopkinson, graduated from the Uni­ versity of Pennsylvania in 1786 and sub­ sequently became a Federalist congress­

1792

man and a federal district judge in Penn­ sylvania, though he is best known as the author of the patriotic anthem, "Hail Columbia" (DAB).

To James Monroe D E A R SIR

Philadelphia. June 23.

1792.

Supposing the particulars of the New York election interesting to you, I will give you a statement of the votes, as follows. Clinton Jay On the result of these votes,

481. 228 Clinton was declared elected. Suffolk 532 288 The Canvassers set aside the Queen's county 244 92 votes of the county of Otsego, King's county 739 where Jay had about 850. City & County of N.Y. 603 551 80 and Clinton 150. which would Orange 751 945 have given a majority to Jay. Dutchess 824 The reason of setting them 347 West-Chester 106. 4 aside was that the election Richmond 654 was held by the sheriff of 947 Ulster 1303 717 the last year, the new one Columbia 404 717 not being yet qualified. The Renslaer 758 471 Jayites say he was sheriff de Washington 405 461 facto, and therefore his pro­ Saratoga 444 1178 ceedings, being in favor of Albany 424 public right, are valid: and 306 Montgomery 401 that it was Clinton's fault that 247 Herkimer 92 there was not a new sheriff. 28 Ontario 8457 8315 The Clintonians answer that a new commission had been in good time delivered to Judge Cooper, the Bashaw of Otsego, and furious partisan of Jay, who finding the ex-sheriff strongly in favor of Jay, and the new one neutral, kept the commission in his pocket: they say that had all the good votes set aside for irregularity in all the counties, been admit­ ted, Clinton has a majority, that in Otsego particularly far the greater part were the votes of persons unqualified. For instance, in the town of Otsego where were only 18. qualified voters, upwards of 500. votes were recieved for Mr. Jay.—Among the attacks on Clinton has been an endeavor to prove him concerned in Mc.Comb's great purchase. They therefore took Mc.Comb's deposition. He swore that Clinton was not, as far as he knew or believed, concerned in that purchase: 1

[114]

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but that in a purchase he made of ten townships of 10. miles square each on the St. Lawrence, he had partners, to wit, Genl. Schuyler, Renslaer his son in Law, Colo. Hamilton, Genl. Knox, Ogden, and two or three others whose names I forget.—Upon the whole it seems probable that Mr. Jay had a majority of the qualified voters, and I think not only that Clinton would have honored himself by declining to accept, and agreeing to take another fair start, but that probably such a conduct would have ensured him a majority on a new election. To retain the office when it is probable the majority was against him is dishonorable. However there is no symptom of his refusing the office on this election and from the tumultuous proceedings of Mr. Jay's partizans, it seems as if the state would be thrown into convulsions. It has silenced all clamour about their bankruptcies.—Brandt is arrived here.—Nothing else new or interesting but what the papers will give you. My best affections to Mrs. Monroe, and believe me to be Dear Sir your sincere friend & servt. T H : JEFFERSON RC (NN); addressed: "Colo. James Monroe Charlottesville"; franked and postmarked. PrC (DLC). T r (DLC); 19th-century copy. 1

Word interlined.

From Jean Baptiste Ternant MONSIEUR

Philadelphie 23 de Juin 1792.

J'ai reçu la lettre que vous m'avez fait l'honneur de m'écrire hier avec les papiers qui l'accompagnoient, concernant un usage du Consul de France à Norfolk qui entrave l'exécution des loix fiscales des EtatsUnis. Nos loix prescrivent aux capitaines françois de faire leur rapport dès leur arrivée dans un port étranger chez le Consul de leur Nation, et de lui représenter leur Congé (Register) et autres papiers de mer, qu'il est d'usage de garder avec ce role d'équipage dans la Chancellerie du Consulat jusqu'au départ des batimens. Cette disposition de nos loix qui au premier coup d'oeil paroit se croiser avec celle du Congrès, par laquelle il est ordonné aux Collecteurs de demander et de garder le Congé de chaque bâtiment jusqu'à ce que le tonnage soit payé, est probablement ce qui a donné lieu à la difficulté dont se plaint Monsieur le Secretaire de las Trésorerie. L e Consul de Norfolk est sans doute obligé de maintenir les loix de France, aussi bien que le Collecteur de Bermuda-hundred doit faire observer celles des Etats-Unis, mais les devoirs prescrits par les loix des deux pays peuvent se concilier. Tout Capitaine françois doit à son arrivée se présenter d'abord chez [115]

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le Consul de sa Nation, de qui il reçoit les reseignemens nécessaires pour se conformer aux Loix commerciales du pays. Son rapport étant fait, et le Congé (Register) y étant repris par date et numéro, il n'y a aucun inconvenient à lui remettre cette pièce (Register) qu'il peut alors porter aussitôt à la Douane, et l'y laisser jusqu'après l'acquittement du droit de tonnage. Je trouve, d'après les eclaircissemens que je me suis fait donner sur cet objet par le Vice Consul de france ici, que les difficultés de la même espèce ont été terminées de cette manière à New York et à Philadelphie. Je lui ai prescrit en conséquence de mander aussitôt à notre Consul resident à Norfolk qu'il ait à suivre en tous points l'usage adopté à New York et à Philadelphie, et j'espère que ce moyen de conciliation en obviant à tout embarras ultérieur, remplira convenablement les vues du Gouvernement des Etats Unis. J'ai l'honneur d'être, avec estime et respect, Monsieur, Votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur (signé) Ternant PrC of Tr (DLC); in the hand of George Taylor, Jr.; at foot offirstpage: "Monsieur le Secretaire d'Etat des Etats Unis." Recorded in S J L as received 23 June 1792. Enclosed in T J to Hamilton, 24 June 1792.

From Nathaniel Burwell D SIR Carter's Grove 24th. June 1792 Yours of the 15th. Instant I have recieved, and in answer thereto, do with pleasure inform you, that Mr. Paradise's Papers were funded last fall, and that on the receipt of a letter from his Trustees last March, the Stock was immediately sold @ 18/6 in the pound and produced in the whole about £ 9 2 0 Currency; but as the transfer could not be made, without a particular Power of Attorney for that purpose, the purchaser agreed to wait till such a power could be got from England: the letter from the Trustees directing the Sale of the Stock was dated the 9th. August 1791, but did not get to my hands till March, owing to its having been directed to Nathl. Burwell King William County; all these circumstances I have informed the Trustees of, and mentioned that I expected to remit them this summer, (including the Money arising from the sale of the Stock) about sixteen or seventeen hundred pounds currency, and about thirty hogsheads of Tobacco, but I fear, as We shall not get so much per Barrel for the Corn as I expected, that We shall fall somewhat short of that Sum, however the remittance will be very considerable: I shall be happy to hear from you at any time on [116]

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1792

Mr. Paradise's business, or on any other subject. I am D Sir yr hule Serv.

NATHL. BURWELL

RC (MHi); endorsed by T J as received 3 July 1792 and so recorded in S J L .

To Joseph Fay SIR Philadelphia June 24. 1792. I received yesterday your favor of the 12th. and shall be very thank­ ful if you can have the Quebec papers brought to me regularly, to which I would wish to have added those of Montreal, now that they are to be in separate governments. Newspapers shew the temper of a country, and it will always be proper for us to have an eye on that of Canada. I am in hopes the printer or postmaster at Bennington can be made the channel for recieving the newspapers and forwarding them without troubling you.—You know of the war between France and her neighbors which probably will end in the freedom of the latter. 1

Capt. Brandt is arrived here. We are in hopes he can be made useful to the peace of the U.S. with our neighbors. I lately wrote a letter to Mr. Mackay which I hope he received. It was in answer to one wishing to know if he could find occupation here in giving instructions in his own language. I was unable to go into enquiries till Congress rose. I soon found there was little certainty here, and that it would be expedient to extend my enquiries to Baltimore and Richmond. But I was not enabled to encourage him to go to either of those places. The emigrants from France and the West Indies into every state of our union seem to have fully occupied the ground of instruction in their language. With my respects to him and Mrs. Mc:Kay, I have the honor to be with sentiments of perfect esteem, Sir, your most obedt. humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Colo. Joseph Fay." Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy. Fay's letter of 12 June, recorded in

S J L as received 23 June 1792, has not been found, 1

Preceding two words interlined.

To Alexander Hamilton SIR Philadelphia June 24. 1792. I have the honor to inclose you the answer of the Minister of France to the letter I wrote him on the subject of the complaint of the Collector [117]

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of Bermuda hundred against the French Consul at Norfolk, whereby you will see that he undertakes to have the latter set right. I have not thought it necessary to reply to his observation that 'Le Consul de Norfolk est sans doute obligé de maintenir les loix de France, aussi bien que le Collecteur de Bermuda hundred doit faire observer celles des etats-unis'; presuming he can only mean when the former do not interfere with the latter. The supremacy of the laws of every country within itself is too well known to be drawn into question. I shall take care however to note to him in conversation that the latitude of his expression, if taken in all it's extent, would render it erroneous. I have the honour to be with every sentiment of respect Sir Your most obedt & most humble servt T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "The Secretary of the Treasury." FC (Lb in DNA: R G 360, D L ) . Enclosure: Ternant to T J , 23 June 1792.

From James Madison DEAR SIR

Orange June 24. 92.

Since my last I have had the pleasure of your two letters of the 10. and 17. inst: the latter has but just come to hand, and I can not say any thing as to the legal arrangement of the Cutters. We have had very seasonable weather of late in this quarter. I understand it has been less so farther South. How Albemarle and Bedford have fared I can not tell. Notwithstanding the good weather the very latter wheat is injured, in some instances very much, by the rust. Below, the injury is much complained of. In general in our region the harvest will be great. Shilby is Govr. of Kentucky. The Senate does credit to the mode of choice. The elite of the Country compose it. A partial list of the House of Delegates also looks pretty well. The appointments to Congs. had not taken place, nor is any further aid given to conjecture. The error in the sum left for Irwin proceeded either from my self or the young gentleman at Carlisle, I can not say which. I thank you for correcting it. If Leiper should lodge money in your hands as I left word, you will replace the 10 dollars advanced. I write in a hurry to catch a very safe conveyance to Fredg. Yrs. always & affly. Js. M A D I S O N J R RC (DLC: Madison Papers); endorsed by T J as received 30 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

[118]

To Thomas Pinckney June 24. 1792. T h : Jefferson begs leave to trouble Mr. Pinckney with the following commissions. Faden, map maker in London is engraving a map of S. America from one which T h : J . furnished him. He is to return the original and half a dozen copies. Colo. Smith employed him. Will Mr. Pinckney be so good as to jog him from time to time? Will he also be so good as to procure a model of those parts of the threshing machine (spoken of in Young's annals of 1791.) in which the principle of the machine consists, and a written description of the rest, mentioning particularly the diameter of wheels, no. of cogs, rounds &c. without which a number of bungling essays may be made unsuccesfully, merely from not hitting the convenient proportions of the parts. The expence shall be immediately and thankfully replaced. Perhaps Mr. Pinkney may have occasional employments of money here, and T h : J . will gladly interchange offices of this kind. To send T h : J . Chalmers's pamphlet 'Opinions on interesting sub­ jects,' also the 2. publications by Knox, for the use of his office. R C ( C t Y ) . P r C ( D L C ) ; partially mutilated. T r ( D L C ) ; 19th-century copy. YOUNG'S ANNALS: Arthur Young, éd., Annals of Agriculture, and other Useful Arts, 46 vols. (London, 17841815). CHALMERS'S PAMPHLET: George

Chalmers, Opinions on Interesting Subjects of Public Law and Commercial Policy; arising from American independence (London, 1784); a "new edition, corrected," appeared in 1785. See also T J to Washington, 20 June 1792, and note.

From Samuel Blodget, Jr. SIR Boston June 25th. 1792 Mr. H . Otis, the Bearer of this will deliver you four first Impressions of the City of Washington, from the plate executed by your order, for Mr. Hill, who wishes to make some slight additions before he sends it forward to you. I hope by return of Post to receive your permission to take off a few for my friends provided you may deem that the circulating them as presents may be conducive to the general good of the object I have so much at heart. I have found every one much disposed to favour the Plan of the City, and believe we shall obtain many good Citizens from this Place, where I have disposed of as many of my lots as I thought were sufficient to 1

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make it of general notoriety; but this I have done at a low price. How­ ever I doubt not, by the next season, that the laying the foundation for the principle Buildings will give due encouragement to settlers, many of whom are only waiting to see the principle objects rising at their aproach to the seat of our future greatness:—merely owing to a want of Cash of all the persons who promised to assist in the Loan not one have paid in their first Instalment except myself, and this I have done at some disadvantage. However, the circulating money will encrease by means of the late establishment of a new Bank in which this state are concernd one third, under the title of the Union Bank. This has been effected on a plan of mine with the assistance of Mr. S. Adams, Dr. Jarvis, Mr. Austin, and the "Old Whigs" in order some say to coun­ teract in part the too great Influence of the U . S . Bank and its Branches in tending fast toward the Consolidation of the State Governments &c. &c. I must beg pardon for diviating in part from my orders by paying one half of the money only to Vizt. 5000 dollars into the Branch Bank which remains subject to the order of the Commissioners, by any Bill at Sight that may be signd by them for the amount. The other 5000. dollars rests with the agents for the Union Bank and an draft Order for that amount on me or on Benja. Green their treasurer, will be as duly honored as the former. Mr. Bulfinch, through modesty, has declined presenting his Plan and this has frightned me out of my Intention. However I doubt not but that there will be enough to make a choice from. The Plate I will keep till I hear from you and am till then and ever after with much respect your devoted Servant 2

3

4

5

6

7

S BLODGET JUNR

RC (DLC); addressed: "T. Jefferson Esqr Secy of State & for foreign affairs Philadelphia hond by Mr Otis"; notation on address cover: "forwarded by Sir yr most obedt Serv H. G. Otis"; endorsed by T J as received 11 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

engraved by James Thackara and John Vallance and published in Philadelphia later in 1792 (see illustration in Vol. 23). For a discussion of this plan, which was based on the work of Pierre Charles L'En­ fant as modified by T J and Andrew Ellicott, and for a description of TJ's dissatis­ faction with Hill's engraving, see Vol. 20: 63-9.

The enclosed IMPRESSIONS were copies of the plan of the Federal District engraved by Samuel Hill of Boston and Blodget here canceled "answer and entitled Plan of the City of Washington wish to obtain." in the Territory of Columbia, ceded by the Word interlined. States of Virginia and Maryland to the Preceding seven words interlined. United States of America, and by them Preceding eight words interlined. established as the Seat of their Government, Closing quotation marks supplied by after the Year MDCCC (Boston, 1792). the Editors. A larger and somewhat revised version of Preceding three words interlined. this plan, but with the same title, was Preceding three words interlined. 1

2 3

4

5

6 7

[120]

From Augustine Davis Richmond, June 25th. 1792 A. Davis, with respectful Compliments to his T h . Jefferson, has the honor to inform his Excellency that he received his favor of the 18th. instant, agreeably to which he has forwarded one of the 1st. Volume of the Debates of the Virginia Convention. RC (DLC); addressed: "His Excellency Thos Jefferson Esqr Secretary of State, Philadelphia"; endorsed by T J as received 30 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL. TJ's letter to Davis OF THE 18TH.

INSTANT has not been found and is not recorded in S J L . DEBATES: Debates and other proceedings of the Convention of Virginia, 3 vols. (Petersburg, 1788-89). See Sowerby, No. 3011.

From James Madison June 25. [1792] I wrote last evening by a conveyance that hastly occurred to Fredg. This, an idea occurred which I have executed in the inclosed; and shall carry with me to Orange Ct. today whence I expect to find another to the post office. Yrs. affy. J . M. RC (DLC: Madison Papers); partially dated; at head of text: "No. 3."; addressed: "private Mr. Jefferson"; endorsed by T J as received 30 June 1792 and so recorded

in S J L . According to Madison's list of letters to T J , this letter concerned "Mr. J's answer to Hammond" (see Madison, Papers, xiv, 328n). Enclosure not found.

From Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr. DEAR SIR

Monticello June 25.

1792.

In your last letter you mention nothing of your trip to Virginia, which makes us fear that it will take place later than you expected some time ago. Be good enough to inform us in your next if we may still expect the pleasure of seeing you in July. By Freneau's paper of the 14: we learn that the National Assembly has authorized hostilities against the King of Hungary: we will thank you to give us any information you may have on the subject in your next as we feel ourselves much interested. Mme. Bellanger in her last letter assures M . De Rieux that M . de la Fayette has totally lost his popularity: we are very willing to suspect that prejudice has induced [121]

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her to misrepresent and her political principles may authorize the suspicion; perhaps it is in your power to satisfy us. The papers which you are so good as to inclose are particularly acceptable at this time. From some misunderstanding between the postmaster in Richmond and his agent in Charlottesville (the latter refusing to become answerable for the postage of the papers) they have been stoped in Richmond for several posts. Those which you send are asked with eagerness and communicated with pleasure to the neighbourhood. The Weather for the last fortnight has been very seasonable and our prospects of Indian Corn are now great. Your harvest commenced three days ago: the grain is as fair and the crop as heavy as the land ever bore. We are all in tolerable health. I am Dear Sir, your most faithfull friend & hble Servt.

THOS. M A N N RANDOLPH

RC (MHi); endorsed by T J as received 5 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

From William Short DEAR SIR

The Hague June 25. 1792

My two last letters to you from Paris, May 15. and 17. will have informed you of my reciept by Mr. Morris, the 7th: of the same month, of your letter of Jan. 23. terminating my mission in France and informing me of my appointment here. You will have observed at the same time my sollicitude that you should be acquainted with the cause of my being so long in Paris after the date of your letter. By I know not what fatality it did not get to my hands till near three months after your precedent letter dated only thirteen days earlier— and by another fatality equally distressing I was never able until the reciept of your letter to form any conjecture what route I was to take on leaving Paris whether North or South—and never knew till a short time before that the Senate had really confirmed my nomination—and when I did learn of it, there seemed such an indisputable right to count daily on the reciept of your orders that I could not avoid waiting from day to day for them before commencing the preparations of a journey, the direction of which was unknown to me. From that moment I lost not an instant in hastening my depar­ ture from a scene which was disagreeable from such a variety of considerations. I informed you that I counted on being able to set out on the 25th. or 26th. and that my route for the Hague would be I 122}

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1792

decided by the circumstances of the moment. These circumstances in fact changed almost every twenty-four hours on account of the situa­ tion of the frontiers, until the moment of my setting out, which was unavoidably and much to my mortification postponed by the inexacti­ tude of French workmen seven days longer than I had expected—viz. until the 2d. inst. I then set out with the intention of passing through Valenciennes, some more favorable accounts from that quarter added to what I suffer from the sea, determining me to prefer that route. Unfortunately for me at the first post the springs of a perfectly new carriage which I had purchased gave way in such a manner as disabled me from proceeding with it. I was forced to return with it to Paris— and leave it there. It then appeared to me that the sooner I set out the sooner I should arrive—and not venturing in the uncertain state of affairs on the frontiers to wait to repair my carriage and re-commence the journey with it, I thought it safest to hire a carriage as might be done in the instant for Calais and pass through England. It would have taken time to have got a carriage otherwise. I accordingly adopted that mode and set out the same day a few hours after my return to Paris. I was detained five days in London on account of the Packet's sailing only twice a week from Harwich—and because I determined whilst there to take that opportunity of procuring a proper carriage for my journey to Madrid, supposing it would be advisable, that no time might be lost on that account if I should find as I had reason to expect your instructions here—and also because I found myself so incommoded by a fifteen hours sick passage from Boulogne to Dover as to stand in need of repose to prepare for that from Harwich. 1

These circumstances occasioned it to be the 15th. inst. before I arrived here which was much longer than I had any idea of on leaving Paris. I have thought it proper to enter into these details in order that you may see that nothing has been left undone by me to fulfill your wishes of hastening to present myself at this place; and that notwithstanding the immense lapse of time since the date of your letter, it has not been lengthened voluntarily a moment by me. The two days which followed my arrival were days of vacation so that it was not until the 18th. that I delivered my letter of credence for the States General into the hands of the President of the week, in the accustomed manner. I then went also conformably to usage to wait on the Grand Pensionner and the Greffier. I was recieved in an agreeable manner by both but particularly by the former, who among other things related he had been much pleased to learn my appointment here, from the accounts he had recieved of me and particularly from Paris. Whether this be really so or not I cannot say, but it gave me [123]

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1792

pleasure that he should express himself in that manner, as words being less prodigally used here than in some other places, it shewed at least a favorable disposition in the Grand Pensionner, who is at present the most influential member of the government, being the first mover in the late retrogression in favor of the Prince of Orange and the chief of that party. The general usage is for the States general to come to a resolution on the letter of credence, the day of its being delivered—to resume it the next day and communicate it by their agent to the foreign minister. I was surprized therefore to find that the next day elapsed without my recieving this communication, when I learned from the Grand Pen­ sionner and Greffier, that there was a difficulty as to the form of the letter, the usual title not being given to their High Mightinesses—that there had been a similar difficulty with respect to Mr. Adams's letter of credence (as believed, although by some accident it had been mis­ laid and could not be found) which had been afterwards corrected— that their High Mightinesses had the matter under consideration and would no doubt pass the resolution in the usual form for my admis­ sion immediately, counting that the government of the U . S . would find no difficulty in conforming to the constant usage by correcting what they considered as an omission. They accordingly passed and communicated to me by their agent, the resolution of which I have the honor to inclose you a copy. The resolution communicated officially was agreeably to usage in the Dutch Language. The Greffier delivered me a translation for my personal satisfaction. Being persuaded that it was not your intention to withold a title given by the other powers, I found no difficulty in accepting the resolution communicated and promising to ask for a letter which should contain the title they insist on; though this was not until after the passing of the resolution and of course by no means the condition of it. The Prince of Orange was absent from the Hague the day of deliver­ ing my letter for the States general. As the usage of a foreign minister being charged with a letter for him is confined to a very few nations, there was some doubt as to the propriety of delivering him the letter of the President before I should be admitted by their High Mightinesses. As he returned the next day I thought it safest to ask the opinion of the Grand Pensionner from the relation in which he stood both to the States General and the Prince. It was that I should wait for their admission, which I accordingly did and then immediately waited on the Prince, by whom I was recieved in the accustomed affable manner. I delivered him the letter with the expressions usual in such cases— and was afterwards presented to the Princess and the rest of the family. [124]

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1792

Thus passed the substance and form of my admission here as Minister Resident of the U . S . Nothing has since passed worthy of your notice. In compliance with your letter I forward inclosed to go by the English packet, the Leyden gazettes. As Mr. Dumas told me he could not discontinue sending them also without your express orders, I should have thought it unnecessary to have sent a second set; but learning from him that you had hitherto expressed your satisfaction at recieving several sets of these gazettes, I have determined for greater certainty to comply literally with your letter. I beg leave for the present to refer you to them for the general affairs of Europe. Mr. Morris will of course inform you of the late unexpected and multiplied revolutions in the French Ministry and the state of affairs there. I have only to ask to be allowed the honor of assuring you of the respect & attachment with which I remain, Dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant 2

W

PrC (DLC: Short Papers); at head of text: "No. 102."; at foot of first page: "Thomas Jefferson Secretary of State Philadelphia." Recorded in S J L as re-

SHORT

ceived 23 Sep. 1792. For the enclosure, see note to Short to T J , 29 June 1792. 1 2

Remainder of sentence interlined. Remainder of text written in margin.

From F. P. Van Berckel MONSIEUR

à Philadelphie Ce 25e. Juin 1792.

Un Huissier de la justice, muni d'un ordre donné par un des Magistrats de Cette Ville pour arrêter un de mes Domestiques pour une dette peu Considerable, qui Ce dernier pretend n'être pas dû, S'est présenté dans ma Maison pour exécuter Son ordre, et y a arrêté mon Domestique, non obstant qu'il fut parfaitement informé de l'illégalité de Cet Acte. Ne me trouvant pas Chés moi lorsque le Huissier S'y est présenté, mon Domestique ne Sachant trop Comment Se conduire, et intimidé par les menaces, qui Lui ont été faites, d'etre mené en prison, a payé la Somme qu'on exigeoit de Lui, Comme il paroit par la Quittance du Huissier, que j'ai l'honneur d'inclure, de même que l'ordre du Magistrat qui prouvent les faits que je viens de poser. Il est de mon devoir, Monsieur, de Vous porter mes plaintes au Sujet de Cette affaire, qui est de la dernière irrégularité, Comme je m'assure que Vous n'hésiterez pas à en Convenir, après quoi j'ose me flatter d'obtenir telle Satisfaction que les Circonstances permettront, mais qui rendra toujours nul l'Acte d'Autorité qui a été exercé dans ma Maison en infraction de l'inviolabilité qui L u i est due. J'ai l'honneur [125}

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1792

d'etre avec les Sentimens de la plus parfaite Consideration Monsieur Votre très humble & très Obéissant Serviteur F: P: V A N BERCKEL

RC (DNA: RG 360, PCC); endorsed by T J as received 26 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures not found.

From Alexander Hamilton June 26. 1792 Mr. Hamilton presents his respectful Compliments to Mr. Jefferson and requests to be favoured with a copy of his Report concerning the distillation of Fresh from Salt-Water. RC (MH); endorsed by T J as received 26 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL. Hamilton requested a copy of TJ's 21 Nov. 1791 Report on the Desalination of Sea Water so that he could comply with a joint resolution of Congress of 8 May 1792 directing the Secretary of the

Treasury to provide United States collectors with printed clearance forms containing a description of methods used to extractfreshwaterfromsea water in order to encourage their testing and use. The results were to be published in newspapers or communicated to the Secretary of State (JHR, i , 604-5; JS, I, 443-4).

From William Pollard SIR Front above Callowhill Street No. 263 June 26th. 1792. Having brought the Machine for spinning Cotton to perfection, which your board was pleased to grant me a Patent for; and having erected a small Mill which will shew in some measure to what extent it may be carried, and its usefullness in such a Country as ours, I shall be very hapy if you, Sir, Mr. Randolph and General Knox will honor me with a visit, I think it will please you because it promises to be very usefull, if you can spare any hour this Week and be pleased to let me know I will write to or call on the other Gentlemen, any other Gentlemen I shall be glad to see; I think it probable that our worthy President wou'd be pleased to see it if you, Sir, wou'd be pleased to mention it to him, I am very respectfully Sir your most obedt. Servant W M . POLLARD

RC (DNA: R G 59, MLR); at foot of text: "Honble. Thos. Jefferson Esqr."; endorsed by T J as received 26 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL. Pollard, a Philadelphia merchant, had

been issued a patent for a cotton spinning machine on 30 Dec. 1791 (List of Patents, 6; James Hardie, The Philadelphia Directory and Register [Philadelphia, 1793], 114; Francis Hopkinson to T J , 29 June 1790).

[126]

From Edmund Randolph SIR Philadelphia June 26th 1792. This morning I had the honor of receiving the letter of Mr. Van Berckel, with its inclosures addressed to you, complaining of the arrest of one of his servants. The law of nations, tho' not specially adapted by the constitution, or any municipal act, is essentially a part of the law of the land. Its obligation commences and runs with the existence of a nation, subject to modifications on some points of indifference. Indeed a people may regulate it so as to be binding upon the departments of their own government in any form whatsoever; But with regard to foreigners, every change is at the peril of the nation, which makes it. Impliedly however, the law of nations is considered by the act affix­ ing penalties to certain crimes, as being in force; and some of its sub­ jects are thrown under particular provisions. We are then to determine whether the facts, upon which Mr. Van Berckel remonstrates fall within these provisions; what would be the consequence of finding this to be the case; and what ought to be done to avenge an infraction of the law of nations, which may not be punishable under any merely municipal law. The arrest of the domestic servant of a public minister is declared illegal by the act concerning crimes; all process for that purpose are annulled; and the persons concerned in the process are liable to impris­ onment not exceeding three years, and to a fine at the direction of the court. If however the domestic be a citizen or inhabitant of the United States and shall have contracted prior to his entering into the service of the minister, debts still unpaid, he shall not take the benefit of the act: nor shall any person be proceeded against under the act for such arrest, unless the name of the domestic be registered in the secretary of state's office, and transmitted to the marshal of the district, in which Congress shall reside. The going into Mr. Van BerckePs mansion and serving an execution is not animadverted upon by the fcederal law. These two Examples of Offence must, I think be examined by different rules. In that of arresting a domestic, congress appear to have excluded every resort to the law of nations. This must be the effect of their regulations, or else the offender would be punishable both under that act and the law of nations, or at least under either, at the will of the prosecutor. But this cannot be conceived as the sense of the legislature. It is presumable, that they meant to settle this subject in all points appertaining to it. Mr. Van Berckel then can appeal upon 1

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26

JUNE

1792

the arrest to the federal act alone; According to which the Officer arresting may protect himself, if he can with truth use the proviso contained in 26th. section. The other branch of the officer's conduct to wit the entering into the house to serve an execution, will either be absorbed in the arrest, as being necessarily associated with it, if that should be found criminal; or if the arrest be admissible, must be punished, if at all, under the law of nations, as being left untouched by the municipal act. It then becomes a question, whether it be an Offence and in What degree against the law of nations, to go into the house of a Minister peaceably, to arrest a man, who might be elsewhere lawfully arrested? I shall not ask what might be done, if a Minister was to afford an asylum to a man not intitled to protection, against the civil process of the country; because here it cannot possibly be insinuated. Nor will I say that such a regard is not due to his residence, as to forbid an intrusion for the purpose of arresting by ordinary procès even an unprotected man. But if it should be proved, that the domestic could not claim the benefit of the act of congress, the mere going into the house and executing a precept will probably sustain a prosecution but at best it would be esteemed summum jus. On the other hand if the Officer could be mulcted for the Arrest on the principle of the Arrest the federal courts are open to all cases cognizable under the authority of the United States. I ought not to omit for your consideration a remark, arising from a comparison of the 25th. and 26th. sections of the act of congress. The former renders the process void to all intents: the latter denounces a penalty against the persons concerned in it, and furnishes the excuse in certain circumstances. Now should Mr. Van Berckels servant not be a citizen or inhabitant of the United States who may have contracted the debt prior to his entering into the Ministers service, the execution may be void although the Officer may be exempt from punishment. But I should doubt upon the whole, Whether if the servant has not been registered, it might not be as well to apprize the Minister, of the law. And to pursue with vigor any like aggression, which shall be made, after the servants shall have been enrolled in your office, Perhaps it might be expedient to publish in the newspapers the 25th., 26th., and 27th. sections of the law. I have the honor, Sir, to be yr. 2

3

mo. obt. serv.

E D M : RANDOLPH

RC (DNA: R G 60, Letters from and Opinions of the Attorneys General, 17911811); in a clerk's hand except for complimentary close, signature, address at foot of text, and interlineations noted below; at foot of text: "The Secretary of State";

endorsed by T J as received 1 July 1792 and so recorded in S J L . PrC of Tr (DLC); in the hand of George Taylor, Jr. Enclosed in T J to Van Berckel, 2 July 1792.

[128]

26 The

ACT CONCERNING

CRIMES

JUNE was

passed by Congress in April 1790 (Annals, n, 2273-81). In order to pre­ vent a recurrence of the sort of problem caused by the arrest of a servant of the Dutch minister VAN BERCKEL, T J evi­ dently asked each of the foreign ministers and agents in Philadelphia to provide him with a list of servants in their households, so that they could be registered in com­ pliance with the terms of this legislation. The diplomatic representatives of Britain, France, and Spain were the first to reply (Hammond to T J , 27 June 1792, RC in DNA: R G 59, NL, with enclosed list of servants of same date signed by Ham­ mond, endorsed as received that day and so recorded in S J L with date of letter incorrectly entered as 22 June; Jaudenes and Viar to T J , 27 June 1792, RC in same, in Viar's hand, with enclosed list in a clerk's hand, endorsed by T J as received

1792

that day and so recorded in S J L with date of letter incorrectly entered as 22 June; Ternant to T J , 1 July 1792, RC in same, in French in a clerk's hand except for Ternant's signature, with enclosed list signed by Ternant, endorsed by T J as received 3 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL). In consequence, T J signed a document on 3 July 1792 listing their household servants and certifying that they were registered as required by the 1790 act (PrC of Tr in DNA: R G 59, MLR; in Taylor's hand; mutilated). T J also received a similar list, not found, in a letter of 4 July 1792 from the Dutch minister and entered the names in a certifying document on the following day (PrC in same; unsigned; in Taylor's hand; mutilated). 1 2 3

Preceding two words interlined. Preceding three words interlined. Word interlined in place of "such."

From Josef Ignacio de Viar and Josef de Jaudenes Mui SENOR N U E S T R O Philadelphia 26. de Junio de 1792. Por las copias del Memorial presentadas al Governador de San Agustin de la Florida, Carta que este escriviô al del Estado de Geor­ gia, y su Respuesta, que tuvimos la honrra de pasar à manos de V . S . con la présente se hallarà V . S . enterado del Robo de Cinco Esclavos pertenecientes à Juan Blackwood (Vasallo Espanol en aquella provincia) que cometieron Thomas Harrison, David Rees y Guillermo Erwin vezinos del Estado de Georgia, y las diligencias practicadas por el Govierno de San Agustin. L a demora que se esta experimentando en la restitucion de los precitados Esclavos, y el haverse pasado mas de Seis meses sin recivirse aviso alguno en aquel Govierno de San Agustin, a pesar de lo que prometio el Governador de Georgia, juntamente con la suma falta, que hacen los Esclavos al Memorialista Dueno de ellos, nos induce a participarlo a V.S. para que con su acostumbrada actividad, y notoria buena disposicion, se sirba tomar aquellos pasos que V . S . juzgase conducentes, y produzcan la deseada Restitucion, Reparacion prudente de los perjuicios causados y el Castigo, que prescriven las Leyes à los Delinquentes. [129]

26

JUNE

1792

No dudamos que se efectarà todo asi como que ès el medio, no solo de precaver semejantes atentados en lo venidero, sino de consolidar la mexor harmonia, buena correspondencia, à cuia conservacion se hallan tan bien dispuestas dos Naciones. Dios guarde à V . S . los muchos anos que deseamos. BIMo. de V . S . Sus mas atentos, y obedientes Servidores J O S E F IGNACIO D E V I A R

E D I T O R

S'

JOSEF DE JAUDENES

T R A N S L A T I O N

OUR VERY DEAR SIR

Philadelphia 2 6 June 1792

By the copies of the petition presented to the Governor of San Agustin de la Florida, a letter which he wrote to the Governor of the State of Georgia, and its answer, which we had the honour of sending to you, you will with this communication, be informed of the robbery of five slaves belonging to John Blackwood (a Spanish subject in that Province) committed by Thomas Harrison, David Rees, and William Erwin, inhabitants of the State of Georgia, and also of the measures taken by the Government of San Agustin. The delay being experienced in the restitution of the aforesaid slaves and the passage of more than six months without any information being received by the Government of San Agustin, notwithstanding what the Governor of Georgia had promised, together with the great need for the slaves felt by the petitioner, their owner, obliges us to communicate these things to you so that with your customary dispatch and well known good intentions those measures may be taken which you shall judge appropriate, and that achieve the desired restitution, a reasonable compensation for the damages caused, and the punishment the laws prescribe for offenders. We have no doubt that all this will be done, since it is the means not only of preventing in the future similar attempts, but likewise of consolidating the harmony and good relations, to the preservation of which our two nations are so much disposed. May God preserve you for the many years we desire for you. Your most attentive and obedient servants who kiss your hand. JOSEF IGNACIO DE VIAR RC (DNA: R G 59, NL); in Viar's hand, signed by Viar and Jaudenes; at foot of text: "Sor. Dn. Thomas Jefferson Secretario de Estado, y de los Negocios Extranjeros"; endorsed by T J as received 27 June 1792 and so recorded in S J L . Tr (AHN: Papeles de Estado, legajo 3894 bis); in Jaudenes's hand, attested by Jaudenes and Viar. Tr (DNA: R G 59, NL); English translation in a clerk's hand with corrections by T J . Enclosed in T J to Washington, 3 July 1792 (see note to T J to Viar and Jaudenes of the same date). Only two of the three documents men-

JOSEF DE JAUDENES

tioned by Viar and Jaudenes have been found. The first was a 30 Dec. 1791 letter from Governor Juan Nepomuceno de Quesada to Governor Edward Telfair demanding the return of five slaves stolen from John Blackwood of East Florida in October 1791 by Thomas Harrison and two other Georgians to satisfy a debt Blackwood owed to Harrison. The second was a 24 Jan. 1792 reply from Telfair to Quesada stating that he had taken steps to have Harrison and his accomplices tried in Georgia for the theft of Blackwood's slaves and that the results of the trial would be communicated to Quesada (Trs

[130]

29

JUNE

in DNA: R G 59, NL; in Spanish and English, the former attested by Jaudenes and Viar). Blackwood's petition to Quesada has not been found, nor is it known precisely when Viar and Jaudenes trans­

1792 mitted the three documents to T J . For TJ's considered response to the problem of law enforcement raised by this case, see Opinion on Offenses against the Law of Nations, 3 Dec. 1792.

From Thomas Auldjo Cowes, 27 June 1792. He sends the latest newspapers by the Amelia bound direct for Philadelphia. Nothing is new and everything is tranquil in this country. About six or seven of the guard ships are outfitting, but only to exercise their peacetime complement of men in the Channel and to attend the King at Weymouth in July or August. RC (DNA: RG 59, CD); 1 p.; at foot of text: "Thomas Jefferson Esqr"; endorsed by T J as received 18 Oct. 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

From Alexander Hamilton SIR Treasury Department June 29th 1792 In consequence of the letter, which you sent me from Mr. Short, I find it will be convenient to draw on the Commissioners in Holland for the sum which is required pursuant to the third Section of the Act intitled "An Act making certain appropriations therein specified." I therefore propose the following arrangement that the Treasurer draw bills, in your favour, for a sum in guilders equal to fifty thousand dollars; that you give him an acknowlegement for these bills, as a purchase for the use of your department; promising to pay the amount when you shall be furnished with money for that purpose from the Treasury, pursuant to the abovementioned Act. This will, consistently with the course of the Treasury, put you in possession of the requisite sum, for the next packet and will avoid the necessity of a loan 'till the occasion for an application of the amount of the bills here shall occur, according to the destination of that fund. This arrangement being merely with a view to Treasuryconvenience and ceconomy will not I presume appear liable to any objection. Should it not, it shall be immediately carried into effect. I have the honor to be, very respectfully Sir Your most Obedient Servt ALEXANDER HAMILTON

RC (DLC: James Madison Papers); at foot of text: "The Secretary of State";

endorsed by T J as received 29 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

[131]

29

JUNE

William Short's 22 Apr. 1792 LET­ TER to Hamilton notified the Secretary of the Treasury that it was safe to make drafts on the American bankers in Am­ sterdam against a recent Dutch loan to the United States (Syrett, Hamilton, xi, 326-8). Hamilton's reply to Short the fol­ lowing day suggests that the Secretary of State had accepted the ARRANGEMENT proposed above (same, 609). The ACT cited by Hamilton, passed by Congress on 8 May 1792, was designed to finance

1792

John Paul Jones's projected mission to Algiers (see T J to Washington, 30 May 1792, and note). The presence of Hamil­ ton's letter in Madison's papers may sug­ gest that T J regarded it as an example of the Treasury Secretary's unaccountable currency manipulations and that he sup­ plied the Virginia congressman with it to bolster the 1793 Republican effort in the House of Representatives to prove that Hamilton had mishandled public funds (Malone, Jefferson, m, 14-36, esp. 17).

From Joseph Hopkinson SIR Easton June 29th. 1792 I accept the offer, you have been good enough to make me, of the elegant figure of Diana, not only with the pleasure which the possession of so valuable a present would of itself afford, but also with a far superior gratification arising from the unmerited notice you thus bestow upon me, and the Testimony it bears that my Father yet lives in your Memory. Altho' I was too young to partake of the Intimacy that subsisted between you and him, it afforded me infinite satisfaction that he should possess a friend in so good and so great a Man. I can never hope to deserve such Friendships, and shall probably never be blessed with them, but it shall nevertheless be my endeavour to follow such examples and imitate those virtues that will always lead to them. If you will not consider it an intrusion that presumes too much upon your Goodness, I will do myself the honor to wait upon you when I next visit Philadelphia. Would it not be possible to have the Diana so carefully packed up, that I might with safety remove it to Easton, and have it under my own eye and protection. Nothing but the fear of injuring the figure (which it shall always be my Pride to preserve) would induce me to ask the favor of you to give such Directions for putting it up, as you suppose will secure it. When this is done, (if it can be done) if deposited with my Grandmother, who lives at a Mr. Thompson's nearly opposite to the German Lutheran Church in fourth street, I will take measures to have it conveyed to me by Water. With the greatest respect I have the Honor to be Your most Obt. & hbl Servt Jos. HOPKINSON RC (MHi); addressed: "Honorable Thomas Jefferson Esqr. No. 274. High St. Philadelphia"; endorsed by T J as received 3 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

U32]

To Daniel L. Hylton D E A R SIR

Philadelphia June 29. 1792.

Your glasses are this day sent off by the Schooner Relief Capt. Welsh bound for Richmond, in a box marked DH. They have waited because I thought they would go safer with a number of packages of my own, than if sent alone. I am impatient to learn that all papers are duly executed with respect to the E l k hill lands. I am with great esteem Dear Sir your friend & servt. T H : JEFFERSON P.S. The captain delivers my things to Mr. Brown and perhaps your box also. PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Mr. Hylton."

To James Madison DEAR SIR

Philadelphia June 29. 1792.

I wrote you last on the 21st. The present will cover Fenno of the 23d. and 27th. In the last you will discover Hamilton's pen in defence of the bank, and daring to call the republican party a faction.—I learn that he has expressed the strongest desire that Marshall should come into Congress from Richmond, declaring there is no man in Virginia whom he wishes so much to see there, and I am told that Marshall has expressed half a mind to come. Hence I conclude that Hamilton has plyed him well with flattery and sollicitation, and I think nothing better could be done than to make him a judge.—I have reason to believe that a regular attack, in phalanx, is to be made on the Residence act at the next session, with a determination to repeal it if the further assumption is not agreed to. I think this also comes from Hamilton tho' it is thro' two hands, if not more, before it comes to me.— Brandt went off yesterday, apparently in the best dispositions, and with some hopes of effecting peace.—A letter received yesterday from Mr. Short gives the most flattering result of conversations he had had with Claviere and Dumourier with respect to us. Claviere declared he had nothing so much at heart as to encourage our navigation, and the freest system of commerce with us. Agreed they ought immediately to repeal their late proceedings with respect to tobacco and ships, and recieve our salted provisions favorably, and to proceed to treat with us on broad ground. Dumourier expressed the same sentiments. Mr. Short had then recieved notice that G . M . would be there in a few [133]

29

JUNE

1792

days, and therefore told the ministers that this was only a preliminary conversation on what Mr. Morris would undertake regularly. This ministry, which is of the Jacobin party, cannot but be favorable to us, as that whole party must be. Indeed notwithstanding the very general abuse of the Jacobins, I begin to consider them as representing the true revolution-spirit of the whole nation, and as carrying the nation with them. The only things wanting with them is more experience in business, and a little more conformity to the established style of communication with foreign powers. The latter want will I fear bring enemies into the feild, who would have remained at home; the former leads them to domineer over their executive so as render it unequal to it's proper objects. I sincerely wish our new minister may not spoil our chance of extracting good from the present situation of things.—The President leaves this about the middle of July. I shall set out some days later, and have the pleasure of seeing you in Orange. Adieu my dear Sir. Your's affectionately T H : JEFFERSON RC (DLC: Madison Papers); at head of text: "No. 5"; at foot of first page: "Mr. Madison." PrC (DLC: T J Papers, 232: 41484, 41494); mutilated. Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy.

TJ's attribution to Hamilton of the DEFENCE OF THE BANK in the Gazette of the United States of 27 June 1792—the only known contemporary ascription—has been rejected by the editors of his papers (Syrett, Hamilton, xi, 581-2).

From James Madison D E A R SIR

Orange June 29.

1792

Your favor of June 21. No. 4. came to hand yesterday. I shall take due care of the N. Y. gazettes and return them by some safe conveyance to the post office. I have given a hasty perusal to the controversial papers on the election. The spirit of party sufficiently appears in all of them. Whether Clinton ought to wave the advantage of forms may depend I think on the question of substance involved in the conduct of the Otsego election. If it be clear that a majority of legal honest votes was given against him, he ought certainly not to force himself on the people. On a contrary supposition, he cannot be under such an obliga­ tion, and would be restrained by respect for his party if not by a love of power. It is curious eno' to see Schuyler who is supposed to have made millions by jobbing in paper, under his own measures, accusing and abusing Clinton in the face of the world for jobbing in land under the same aggravation. Should Clinton's character suffer in any way by the Transaction, the consequence you have always apprehended, will 1

2

[134]

29

JUNE

1792

be made certain and worse; but from the attachment of a number of respectable and weighty individuals, a reconsideration is not much to be looked for; unless the aspect of the man should be greatly varied in their eyes by this or some other occurrence. Our harvest goes on well. The weather has been hot, but otherwise favorable. The crop will be great in this neighbourhood. A little farther South the rust is said to have been hurtful. The Thermometer for several days has been remarkably high. Yesterday at 2 oC. it was at 92. During the early part of the month, distinguished by such extremes of cold and heat, I find by Philada. papers, that the heat there was two degrees greater than here, and the cold here two degrees less than there, a fact much in favor of our climate. In Crantz's History of Greenland I find a curious phenomenon of Looming, which, to supply the want of the Book if not at hand or the trouble of searching it, if at hand, and not of the same edition, I will transcribe. "Vol. 1. p. 49—But nothing more surprized me, or entertained my fancy more, than when on a fine, warm, serene summer's day, the Kookoernen, or the islands that lie four leagues west of Good-Hope, presented a quite different form than what they have naturally. We not only saw them far greater, as thro' a magnifying perspective glass, and plainly descried all the Stones, and the furrows filled with ice, as if we stood close by, but when that had lasted a while they all looked as if they were but one contiguous land, and represented a wood or tall cut hedge. Then the Scene shifts, and shews the appearance of all sorts of curious figures as ships with sails, streamers and flags, antique elevated castles, with decayed turrets, stork's nests, and a hundred such things, which at length retire aloft or distant and then vanish. At such times the air is quite serene and clear, but yet compressed with subtle vapours, as it is in very hot weather, and according to my opinion, when these vapours are ranged at a proper distance between the eye and the islands, the object appears much larger, as it would thro' a convex glass; and commonly a couple of hours afterwards a gentle west wind and a visible mist follows, which puts an end to this lusus naturae." To this paragraph the following note is subjoined from Gmelin's journey P. I l l vol. 129. "I have observed something like this at Bern and Neufchatel, of the Glaetshers, lying towards the South. When these mountains appear nearer, plainer and larger than usual, the countryman looks for rain to follow, which commonly makes good his expectation the next day. And the Tartars at the mouth of the river Jenisei in Siberia, look upon a magnified appearance of the Islands as the presage of a storm." Adieu. Yrs. affy. Js. MADISON J R 3

[135]

29

JUNE

RC (DLC: Madison Papers); at head of text: "No. 4"; endorsed by T J as received 7 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

1792

Gmelin, Reise durch Sibirien, von dem

Jahr 1733 bis 1743, 4 vols. (Gôttingen, 1751-52).

CRANTZ'S HISTORY: David Cranz, The History of Greenland, ed. and trans,

1 2

by John Gambold, 2 vols. (London,

3

Word written in margin. Preceding six words interlined. Preceding six words interlined.

1767). GMEUN'S JOURNEY: Johann Georg

To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr. D E A R SIR

Philadelphia. June 29.

1792.

Your favor of the 18th. came to hand yesterday, and I observe mine of the 8th. was received at Monticello on the 18th. On recurring to the dates and reciept of those from Monticello, I find they have come to hand very regularly on the 10th. day.—I find that the President will leave this about the middle of July. Consequently I shall set out earlier than I had expected, as I foresee nothing which can detain me many days after his departure. My stores for Monticello go off in the Schooner Relief which sails from hence to-day, for Richmond directly. They make their voyages from 6. to 10. days. Consequently she will be in Richmond by the time you recieve this. I address them to the care of Mr. James Brown as usual. Will you be so good as to desire Mr. Claxton to seek out for the first waggons going to Richmond, and to get them taken in as a backload. The waggons of the neighborhood would be most to be trusted, because the waggoner will be in the way of being called on if he acts amiss. I think there will be two waggon loads. I desire Mr. Brown to drop you a line in the moment of their coming to hand, so that the waggons may be under no incertainty, it being possible that contrary winds may make the passage of the vessel longer than expected.—My love to Martha and believe me to be Dear Sir your's very affectionately T H : JEFFERSON RC (DLC); at foot of text: "T.M. Randolph esq." PrC (CSmH). Tr (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); 19th-century copy. Neither Randolph's FAVOR OF THE 18TH nor his earlier letters to T J of 8 and

11 June 1792 have been found. Accord­ ing to S J L , the 11 June letter was received on 21 June while the 8 June letter was received at Monticello on 29 July 1792, undoubtedly following Jeffer­ sonfromPhiladelphia.

[136]

From William Short D E A R SIR The Hague June 29. 1792 I had the honor of writing to you from hence for the first time on the 25th. inst.—my letter was forwarded to London to go by the packet. This is intended as a duplicate of the part of my last relative to the objection made by their High Mightinesses to the style of my letter of credence. I accordingly inclose you a second copy of the resolution they came to on that subject the 20th. inst—which will explain the circumstance. I repeat here what I then did myself the honor to mention to you, for greater security, having already experienced the uncertainty arising from the want of repetition in letters which are to cross the sea. I informed you that your letter of Jany. 23. did not get to my hands until the 7th. of May—brought from London by M . Morris— that until then I did not know whether I was first to go to Madrid or come here and accordingly was not able until then to begin the preparations for my journey. These circumstances were more fully communicated to you also in my letters from Paris No. 100 and 101. In my last I added by what means my departure from Paris had been retarded seven days longer than I had expected, viz. until the 2d. inst. and by what accident I had been forced after setting out with the intention of passing through Valenciennes to change my route and pass through England—which prevented my arrival here until the 15th. I mentioned also that the two following days being days of vacation I did not deliver my letter of credence until the 18th. and added the agréable manner in which I had been recieved, particularly by the Grand Pensionary at present the most influential person in the Republic. I explained also the difficulty on account of the letter of credence not giving the usual title to their High Mightinesses, and the manner in which it was passed over for the present, as appears by their resolution of the 20th. of which I then inclosed you also a copy. Being fully convinced that the President would have no objection to adding the title which is used by other nations, I found no difficulty in accepting the resolution communicated to me in the accustomed manner by the Agent of their H.M. and promising the Greffier that I would ask for a new letter with the addition desired. After an interruption in the post of France, which together with the partial intelligence recieved from that country by express, had caused much anxiety to all its well wishers, information that may be relied on has been at length recieved of the late disgraceful and alarming crisis [137]

29

JUNE

1792

which has existed at Paris—the supplement to the Leyden gazette of this date containing a very clear and full account of all that is as yet known here, I cannot do better than inclose it, referring you to it, and informing you that you may fully rely on it. This is by way of precaution only, not doubting that you will be more early, and much more satisfactorily informed of whatever passes in France by the American Minister there. A private letter which I have just recieved from Paris, which has been forwarded by an indirect way, contains an account perfectly similar to that which you willl find in the supplement abovementioned. It incloses also a copy of M . de la fayette's letter therein alluded to, which is uniform throughout the whole, and informs me that the honest part of Paris, really friends to the Monarchy and constitutional liberty, have had their desponding hopes much revived by M . de la fayette's thus declaring himself and holding out a prospect of support to those who are fatigued by the insupportable tyranny of the present domineering faction. Should M . de la fayette persevere in this line, and in future keep a posture which should exclude all idea of indecision— and present a conduct as vigorous and as firm as his intentions are pure and patriotic, he will recover much of the opinion which he has lost with some of his countrymen. It is much to be feared however that in this stage of the business no effort of his can suffice to counteract the consequences to be at present apprehended from foreign war and internal disorganisation. The State of Poland is equally precarious, although the inhabitants are almost unanimous in favor of their new constitution. Abandoned by the court of Berlin and nothing to hope from that of Vienna, that country must necessarily submit in the end to the oppressive arm of Russia. Notwithstanding the government keeps up a shew of resistance; there is an opinion here, which I believe well founded, that to avoid the public misfortunes and private sufferings by which they would be led to that result in the case of an useless resistance, that they will endeavour first to modify the proposals of Russia by negotiation, and should that fail, submit unconditionally. Haying not yet had the honor of recieving any letter from you since that of Jan. 23. I begin to be uneasy as to the fate of that which you then announced there. I am waiting for it with some degree of anxiety lest it may have miscarried altogether in the way, the present length of the delay giving grounds for such an apprehension. I have the honor to remain most respectfully Dear Sir, your obedient & humble servant 1

W

[138]

SHORT

30

JUNE

PrC (DLC: Short Papers); at head of text: "No. 103"; at foot of first page: "Thomas Jefferson Secretary of State Philadelphia." Tr (Lb in DNA: RG 59, DD). Recorded in S J L as received 18 Oct. 1792. Enclosure: "Extract du Reg­ istre des Resolutions de leurs Hautes Puis­ sances les Seigneurs Etats Généraux des provinces Unies des pays bas," 20 June 1792 (Tr in Lb in same; in French).

1792 Lafayette's 16 June 1792 LETTER to the Legislative Assembly, denouncing the rise of Jacobin influence in that body, is in

Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette Published by his Fam­

ily, 3 vols. (London, 1837), in, 312-17. For a description of the political contro­ versy caused by this letter, see Thiers, History, I, 258-61. 1

Preceding six words interlined.

From George Washington [29 June 1792] I am grieved to find that Mr. Short was, on the 22d. of April, without his Commission and Instructions—and that Mr. Morris was not then in Paris. RC (DLC); undated; addressed: "Secretary of State"; note by T J at foot of text: "It proved afterwards that the ship carrying the instructions was wrecked"; endorsed by T J as received 29 June 1792 and so recorded in SJL. Recorded in SJPL.

From James Anderson SIR [before 30 June 1792] I was honoured with your obliging letter of the fifteenth of Septr. last accompanied with your valuable paper on uniformity of weights and measures which I have perused with much pleasure and instruction. It is the more valuable to me at this time, as my son is just now composing a book on weights, measures, monies coins and exchanges, in every part of the world, and he wishes to have the most authentic information of all that can be procured. I beg you will do me the honour to accept a copy of the first Six volumes of the Bee, which will accompany this. It is merely as a testimony of respect I offer it—for altho' I have the best intention possible to make it a work not undeserving the attention of every patriotic minister, yet I have not had it in my power to come near to that point I aim at. The 7th. volume is just printed, and I regret I could not get one copy done up in time to go by this opportunity— but should the vessel be detained a day or two it shall be sent. I am just beginning only to tread that ground I wish more fully to occupy. [139]

30

JUNE

1792

Should your other avocations permit you to favour me with an occasional communication as circumstances occur, I shall deem my self highly honoured by it. No man wishes more sincerely to promote the welfare and prosperity of your country than I do. You are not to be told that the destruction of every country originates in abuses of government. Europe affords at present a striking proof of the evil tendency of these abuses. Long may it be before America begins to feel them. I have the honour to be with great respect Sir your most obedt. H u Servt.

J A S ANDERSON

RC (DLC); undated; endorsed by T J The Bee, or Literary Weekly Intellias received 30 June 1792 and so recorded gencer, edited by Anderson, was published in S J L with the notation "no date, from at Edinburgh in 18 volumes between Edinburgh." According to S J L , Samuel 1791 and 1793. See Sowerby, No. 4927. Campbell's missing covering letter of 27 June 1792 was also received from New York on 30 June 1792.

From John Carey SIR Pear Street June 30: 92 Encouraged by a Resolution of Congress, of May 25, 1784, allowing Mr. Gordon a free access to certain papers, now in your Office, I beg leave to request a similar indulgence, if you see no impropriety in granting it. If permitted to copy out such of those papers as no longer require Secresy, I would wish to incorporate them, in their proper places, in an abridgment of the Journals of the old Congress, which I mean to publish as soon as I shall have procured a Sufficient number of subscribers. I have the honor to be, with perfect respect, Sir, your most humble Servt.

JOHN CAREY

NALS of that body was never published (see Evans, No. 46708). Carey's access to State Department records, however, provided material for his edition of the Official Letters to the Honorable American John Carey (1756-1826), brother of Congress, Written, during the War between Mathew Carey, was a native of Ire­ the United Colonies and Great Britain, by land who lived in the United States ca. his Excellency, George Washington, Com­ 1789-93 before taking up residence in mander in Chief of the Continental Forces, London as a writer, teacher, and classi­ now President of the United States. Copied, cal scholar (DNB). Although in 1793 he by Special Permission, from the Original advertised a subscription for The American Papers preserved in the Office of the Secre­ Remembrancer, or Proceedings of the Oldtary of State, Philadelphia, 2 vols. (Lon­ Congress, this ABRIDGMENT OF T H E JOUR­ don, 1795). See Sowerby, No. 492. RC (DNA: R G 59, MLR); at foot of text: "The Honble. The Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 1 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

[ 140]

From Tobias Lear Saturday June 30th. 1792 The President of the U . S. wishes the opinion of the Secry. of State whether the present chief Coiner of the Mint is properly authorized by the resolution of Congress passed on the 3d day of March 1791. Dft (DNA: RG 59, MLR). FC (Lb in same, SDC). The congressional RESOLUTION in ques­ tion authorized the President to engage such "principal artists" as were necessary for the service of the Mint (JHR, I , 402; JS, I , 309). Washington wished to know if this resolution constituted sufficient au­ thorization for Henry Voigt to act as chief coiner of the Mint, but the broader impli­ cations of the question became apparent when the Attorney General was sounded as to whether, under the terms of the 2

Apr. 1792 act of Congress establishing the Mint, Voigt could be temporarily com­ missioned while the Senate was in recess. After Randolph rendered an opinion in the negative, Washington approved Rittenhouse's employment of Voigt as chief coiner, but waited until the Senate had confirmed his nomination in January 1793 before issuing a commission (Randolph to T J , 7 July 1792; Washington to T J , T J to Washington, and Washington to Rit­ tenhouse, all 9 July 1792; JEP, I, 127; Taxay, Mint, 102).

Memorandum on Americans Captured at Sea during the Revolutionary War Memorandum of Americans taken on sea during the war and obliged to do duty on board British men of war under the act of parliament. James Caskey an Irishman taken on board the ship Oliver Cromwell, Capt. Coulter from Philada. in 1777 by the Beaver, an English sloop of war, put on board the Weldon, Capt. Landle to be carried to Cork, but taken out on the 27th. July and put on board the Exeter man of war, and forced to do duty till the 5th. of Dec. 1778. when he escaped alone. While on board (being a house carpenter) he was employed in the Carpenter's crew. He was in the action between Admiral Keppel and Ct. D'Orvilliers, and obliged to stand in the line and fight. He came and settled in Philadelphia in 1771. These facts taken from himself by T h : J . June 30. 1792. 1

2

MS (DLC); entirely in TJ's hand; recorded in SJPL: "Note from James Caskey an impressed seaman."

vessels subject to capture as prizes and all American crewmen subject to service in the Royal Navy.

ACT OF PARLIAMENT: the Prohibitory

1

Act of 1775, which made all American

2

[141]

Preceding two words interlined. Preceding two words interlined.

From Edmund Randolph SIR Philadelphia, June 30. 1792. Judge Wilson, to whom application was made for a citation in the writ of error, desired in Pagan's case, has taken the subject into consideration again, at my instance. Not more than one half of the record was laid before him; and the portion, which he did not see, was the most important; as alone containing the matter, upon which a writ of error could be pressed. I cannot say, what may be the consequence of having drawn an opinion from a judge, even upon mutilated documents, and afterwards soliciting him to revise it. But Mr. Wilson confessed, that the business wore a different aspect since his inspection of the record at large, from what it assumed on its first mention to him; and requested, that it should remain, as it now is, until the body of judges shall assemble on the first monday in August in this city. I shall not urge him to an earlier decision, unless you insist upon it. I have the honor, sir, to be yr. mo. ob. serv. 1

E D M : RANDOLPH

RC (Jacques de Bon, Geneva, Switzer­ land, 1952); at foot of text: "The Secre­ tary of State." PrC of Tr (DLC); in the hand of George Taylor, Jr. Recorded in S J L as received 29 June 1792.

Hammond to T J , 26 Nov. 1791. T J wrote a brief note to Hammond on 2 July 1792 enclosing a copy of Randolph's let­ ter, "on the subject of which Th:J. will take the first opportunity of saying a few words to Mr. Hammond" (PrC in DLC).

For a discussion of Attorney General Randolph's efforts to involve the Supreme Court in PAGAN'S CASE, see note to George

1

Preceding eight words interlined.

To Josef Ignacio de Viar and Josef de Jaudenes GENTLEMEN Philadelphia, June. 30th. 1792. I have laid before the president of the United States the letter of May 10th. of Captain Henry Burbeck, commandant of the Fort of St: Tammany, to his Excellency the Governor of East Florida, with the other letters relating thereto, which you were pleased to put into my hands, and I have the honor to inform you that, the president having entirely disapproved of the expressions which Capt. Burbeck has permitted himself to use in the said letter to Governor Queseda, the Secretary at War, has by his instructions written to Capt: Burbeck the letter whereof I inclose you a copy: and Capt: Burbeck being no [142]

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JULY

1792

longer in the same command, a copy will be sent to his Successor, as an admonition that no conduct of this kind will be countenanced by the government of the United States. I hope that you will see, Gentlemen, in these proceedings, a proof of the respect entertained for the person and character of his Excellency Governor Queseda, and of the desire that the most friendly understanding should be kept up between the United States, and the neighboring Governments of Spain. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of perfect esteem and respect, Gentlemen, Your most Obedient, and most humble Servant, PrC (DLC); in William Lambert's hand; unsigned; at foot of text: "Don Joseph de Viar Don Joseph de Jaudenes Commissioners of his Catholic Majesty." FC (Lb in DNA: R G 360, D L ) . Tr (AHN: Papeles de Estado, legajo 3894 bis); in Viar's hand, attested by Jau­ denes and Viar. Tr (same); in Viar's hand, attested by Jaudenes and Viar; in Spanish. Enclosure: Henry Knox to Henry Burbeck, 28 June 1792, rep­ rimanding Burbeck, in the President's name, for his "highly indecorous and improper" letter to Governor Juan Nepomuceno de Quesada of East Florida and reminding him that the law of nations did not require the return of military desert­ ers in the absence of an express agreement for that purpose (PrC of Tr in D L C , in a clerk's hand; Tr in Lb in DNA: RG 360, DL). Knox had transmitted a copy of the letter in a brief note to T J of 29 June 1792 (PrC of Tr in D L C , in a clerk's hand, at foot of text: "The honorable Mr. Jefferson Secretary of State"; Tr in Lb in DNA:

RG 360, D L ; Trs in AHN: Papeles de Estado, legajo 3894 bis, in Viar's hand, attested by Jaudenes and Viar, in English and Spanish). On 10 May 1792 Captain Henry Bur­ beck, the commander of Fort St. Tamma­ ny on the St. Mary's River in Georgia, wrote a letter to Governor Quesada of East Florida alleging that the governor pro­ tected American deserters. In his 25 May reply, Quesada promised that Burbeck's offensive language would be brought to the President's attention by Viar and Jau­ denes and stated that though American deserters were not welcome in Spanish territory, they could not be surrendered without a convention for that purpose. Viar and Jaudenes evidently submitted extracts of these letters to T J (PrCs of Trs in D L C , in TJ's hand; PrCs of Trs in D L C , in a clerk's hand; Trs in Lb in DNA: R G 360, D L ) . The OTHER L E T ­

TERS RELATING to this incident have not been found.

To James Brown SIR Philadelphia July 1. 1792. I have taken the liberty of addressing to you 17. packages of stores which go by the Relief Capt. Welsh, and 4. do. by the Sally Capt. Chesroe, both of which vessels sail from this port this morning, bound for Richmond, the freight of the former paid here, the latter not so, because shipped unknown to me on board the vessel. It will probably be about a dollar. I must beg the favor of you to receive and store them in a cool place, and to be so good, the moment they arrive, as to address a line to Mr. Randolph at Monticello, by the post, giving him [143]

1

JULY

1792

longer in the same command, a copy will be sent to his Successor, as an admonition that no conduct of this kind will be countenanced by the government of the United States. I hope that you will see, Gentlemen, in these proceedings, a proof of the respect entertained for the person and character of his Excellency Governor Queseda, and of the desire that the most friendly understanding should be kept up between the United States, and the neighboring Governments of Spain. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of perfect esteem and respect, Gentlemen, Your most Obedient, and most humble Servant, PrC (DLC); in William Lambert's hand; unsigned; at foot of text: "Don Joseph de Viar Don Joseph de Jaudenes Commissioners of his Catholic Majesty." FC (Lb in DNA: R G 360, D L ) . Tr (AHN: Papeles de Estado, legajo 3894 bis); in Viar's hand, attested by Jau­ denes and Viar. Tr (same); in Viar's hand, attested by Jaudenes and Viar; in Spanish. Enclosure: Henry Knox to Henry Burbeck, 28 June 1792, rep­ rimanding Burbeck, in the President's name, for his "highly indecorous and improper" letter to Governor Juan Nepomuceno de Quesada of East Florida and reminding him that the law of nations did not require the return of military desert­ ers in the absence of an express agreement for that purpose (PrC of Tr in D L C , in a clerk's hand; Tr in Lb in DNA: RG 360, DL). Knox had transmitted a copy of the letter in a brief note to T J of 29 June 1792 (PrC of Tr in D L C , in a clerk's hand, at foot of text: "The honorable Mr. Jefferson Secretary of State"; Tr in Lb in DNA:

RG 360, D L ; Trs in AHN: Papeles de Estado, legajo 3894 bis, in Viar's hand, attested by Jaudenes and Viar, in English and Spanish). On 10 May 1792 Captain Henry Bur­ beck, the commander of Fort St. Tamma­ ny on the St. Mary's River in Georgia, wrote a letter to Governor Quesada of East Florida alleging that the governor pro­ tected American deserters. In his 25 May reply, Quesada promised that Burbeck's offensive language would be brought to the President's attention by Viar and Jau­ denes and stated that though American deserters were not welcome in Spanish territory, they could not be surrendered without a convention for that purpose. Viar and Jaudenes evidently submitted extracts of these letters to T J (PrCs of Trs in D L C , in TJ's hand; PrCs of Trs in D L C , in a clerk's hand; Trs in Lb in DNA: R G 360, D L ) . The OTHER L E T ­

TERS RELATING to this incident have not been found.

To James Brown SIR Philadelphia July 1. 1792. I have taken the liberty of addressing to you 17. packages of stores which go by the Relief Capt. Welsh, and 4. do. by the Sally Capt. Chesroe, both of which vessels sail from this port this morning, bound for Richmond, the freight of the former paid here, the latter not so, because shipped unknown to me on board the vessel. It will probably be about a dollar. I must beg the favor of you to receive and store them in a cool place, and to be so good, the moment they arrive, as to address a line to Mr. Randolph at Monticello, by the post, giving him [143]

1 JULY

1792

notice of their arrival, and he will send for them. But were there to be any waggons of the neighborhood of Charlottesville at Richmond, they might go by them. I mention of the neighborhood, because being always in the way to be called to account, they are less likely to embezzle or neglect. I inclose you the receipt of Capt. Welsh, and bill of lading of Capt. Chesroe, the box marked DH. is for Mr. Danl. Hylton. I am with great esteem Dear Sir Your most obedt. humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Mr. James Brown."

From David Humphreys Lisbon, 1 July 1792. In compliance with TJ's instructions of 15 Mch. 1791, he encloses a statement of his accounts with the United States to this date. Because he lacks vouchers, minor expenditures for the relief of American seamen here and postal charges paid for him in England by Johnson are not included in it. The statement also omits the 32,175 Dutch guilders he drew on the American bankers in Holland for Barclay's negotiations in Morocco because this matter is separate and T J has acknowledged receiving Barclay's receipts. He has repeatedly explained his efforts to examine the accounts of previous expenditures for maintaining American prisoners in Algiers, as well as to make arrangements for their subsistence. As yet he has been unable to draw on the Dutch bankers for these purposes, but he hopes to hear soon from Carmichael on this matter. P.S. 22 July 1792. The delay occasioned by the wait for a good conveyance enables him to enclose copies of letters from Carmichael and Montgomery of Alicante. The Comte d'Expilly has been arrested by the police and expelled from Portugal, ending the troubles given by his importunities. Since "some measures may be taken in consequence of representations respecting our Prisoners at Algiers which will require farther pecuniary arrangements," he recommends that they be handled instead by someone on or closer to the scene, as he is distant and lacks acquaintances in a place "easy of communication with Africa." He has recently learned through letters from Barclay and a conversation with a gentleman just back from Tangier that parties and other things in Morocco remain much the same as before represented. English newspapers exaggerate the Queen of Portugal's recovery. She is better in body, thanks to the ministrations of Dr. Willis, and much improved in mind, but has not recovered fully because Willis's plans have been thwarted by those around her. With the hope of a rapid recovery gone, Willis has communicated a mode of treatment for her to a physician from Coïmbra and is planning to return to England. The Queen regrets his departure and the Prince is satisfied with his conduct, as are "most others except the Queen's Confessor, Prime Minister, and a few great ones, whom he excluded absolutely from her presence." It is very doubtful that the Queen will ever head the government again. The kingdom remains quiet despite the "little circumstances" mentioned in letter No. 55. It is no surprise that the French Revolution has few supporters in Portugal [ 144}

1 JULY

1792

"when the public Characters of that Nation established here are enemies to it," but the Madrid and Lisbon gazettes seem to be more favorably disposed to it than in the past. The restoration of his health makes it unnecessary to take the water excursion requested in letter No. 51. RC (DNA: R G 59, DD); 7 p.; at head of text: "(No. 57.)"; at foot of let­ ter: "The Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 6 Oct. 1792 and so recorded in SJL. Tr (Lb in same). Enclo­ sures: (1) Extracts from Robert Mont­ gomery to William Carmichael, Alican­ te, 24 Apr. 1792, offering to arrange for the payment of subsistence money for the American captives in Algiers, suggesting that he be appointed a peace commissioner to Algiers, and claiming compensation

for past expenditures on the captives. (2) Carmichael to Humphreys, Madrid, 26 June 1792, stating that the Comte d'Ex­ pilly "has no well founded claim against the United States" (Trs in same; Trs in Lb in same). Enclosed statement of accounts not found. The claims of the Comte d'Expilly on the United States are discussed in note to T J to Viar, 13 Dec. 1791.

To Daniel L. Hylton D E A R SIR

Philadelphia July 1. 1792.

Your box containing 4. glasses, marked DH. goes by the Relief Capt. Welsh which has sailed this morning. It will be delivered to Mr. Brown, with my packages, and you had better be on the lookout lest it should be sent on with mine to Albemarle. Will you be so good, the moment they arrive, to drop a line by post to Mr. Randolph at Monticello, informing him of their arrival that he may send for them, if Mr. Brown should not have an opportunity at the moment. If you should know any thing of my servants Martin or Bob, and could give them notice to be at Monticello by the 20th. I should be obliged to you. Should the papers for the Elkhill lands not be sent off in time to reach this by the 14th. I would wish them addressed to me at Monticello. I am anxious to recieve them in order to propose in time a meeting with Mr. Hanson. Adieu my dear sir Your friend & servt. TH:

JEFFERSON

PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Mr. Hylton."

From Gouverneur Morris D E A R SIR

Paris 1 July 1792

According to your orders I sit down to render this Day a State of my Account which will be but short because I shall charge at present no Contingencies. There are some such which will come in my next [145]

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1792

Account and which would be stated this Day, but as I have not yet got into the House which I hired immediately after my Arrival and which I have daily been in the Hope of entring, my Papers and Books remain in the State in which they were. Add to this that the Amount is not great and that I am very much occupied and frequently interrupted. I left London on the last Day of April wherefore my Salary to the last Day of June being for two Months was fifteen hundred Dollars. My outfitt is nine thousand making together ten thousand five hundred Dollars which I have drawn for on the Bankers of the United States at Amsterdam. I have boxed up the several Newspapers to this Day and shall send them to Havre. My Secretary's Salary will now commence. I am respectfully Dear Sir Your obedient & humble Servt Gouv M O R R I S Dupl (DNA: R G 59, DD); at head of text: "No. 3 Duplicate"; at foot of text: "Thomas Jefferson Esqr. Secretary of State"; endorsed by T J as received 18

Oct. 1792 and so recorded in S J L . FC (Lb in D L C : Gouverneur Morris Papers); in Morris's hand. Tr (Lb in DNA: R G 59, DD).

To Elnathan Haskell SIR Philadelphia July 2. 1792. I have duly recieved your favor of June 23. and shall with pleasure do thereon whatever may serve yourself and Mr. Pigott, provided it may not lead me to implicate myself in any legal difficulties. It will be necessary for me to see beforehand, that whenever any danger of this kind may appear, I may clear my hands of it by transferring the deposit into other hands, as the Treasury office, the bank, or some other. I am with great esteem Sir Your most obedt. humble servt. T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi); at foot of text: E Haskell." Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy. u

To Henry Knox July 2. 1792. T h : Jefferson presents his respectful compliments to Genl. Knox, and begs leave to submit to him the following paragraph of a letter from Mr. Hugh Rose a very respectable gentleman of Amherst county Virginia. 'I must request you to make interest with General Knox to [ 146]

2 JULY

1792

transfer John Newman from the Georgia to the Virginia pension list. He lost his arm at the siege of Savannah, and is allowed £ 1 5 . sterl: a year but the trouble and expence of going after it is almost equal to the pension.' Can this transfer be made without further ceremony? If not, and Genl. Knox will be so good as to prescribe what formalities are necessary, T h : J . will apprise Mr. Rose of it. PrC (DLC). Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy.

From Martha Jefferson Randolph D E A R PAPA

Monticello July 2 1792

I have just recieved yours of June 22. The sudden departure of the post who entered Charlottesville the morning and left it before dinner prevented my writing Last week tho Mr. Randolph did and sent his letter after him as far as fluvana courthouse before they could overtake him. To his iregularity is owing that which you complain of in the receipt of my letters. I am very sorry you cannot fix the time of your departure. As it aproches my anxiety augments. All other thoughts give way to that of shortly seeing two people so infinitely dear to me. What I told you of my garden is really true. Indeed if you see it at a distance it looks very green but it does not bear close examination the weeds having taken possession of much the greater part of it. Old George is so slow that by the time he has got to the end of his labour he has it all to do over again. 2 of the acasia's are come up and are flourishing. I have visited the two Mrs. Lewis's. The young lady appears to be a good little woman tho most intolerable weak. However she will be a near neighbor and of course worth cultivating. Dear little Anna has been in very bad health her illness having been occasioned by worms. Dr. Gilmer advised the tincture of sacre the effects of which were allmost imediate. She still looks badly but I imagine that may be partly owing to her cutting teeth. I must now trouble you with some little commissions of mine. The glass of one of those handsome engravings I brought in with me has by some accident got broke and not being able to suply the place of it in Richmond I should be extremely obliged to you to bring me one according to the measure and also a small frame with a glass to it for a picture of the size of the enclosed oval paper. Adieu my dear papa. The heat is incredible here. The thermometer has been at 96 in Richmond and even at this place we have not been able to sleep comfortably with every door and window open. I dont recolect ever to have suffered as much from heat [147]

2

JULY

1792

as we have done this summer. Adieu my Dearest Father. Believe me with tender affection yours M. RANDOLPH RC (MHi); endorsed by T J as received 12 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

To Hugh Rose D E A R SIR

Philadelphia July 2.

1792.

I duly received your favor of May 15. by Mr. Chandler, and meant to have returned the answer by him but that he took his route by the way of New York.—I should with great pleasure now send you in writing my opinion on the question you stated to me, but that I have really entirely forgotten it. The business eternally passing thro' my mind and occupying it exclusively, wipes out at once the recollection of things which have been presented to it but once, and on which it has had no occasion to recur. But I am shortly to be at home, say by the last of this month, and shall then be very willing to resume the consideration if you will be so good as to state the case to me, and to join with me some lawyer, who being in the practice of the profession, can supply that want of familiarity with law subjects of which 17 years absence from them makes me very sensible. If my opinion too is to be an award, I shall chuse to bestow more full attention to it.—Should any opportunity occur of finding a purchaser for your lands, among the foreigners who come here, I shall serve you in it with sincere pleasure.—With the same sincerity do I congratulate you on the good health of Mrs. Rose, on that of 11. children, on the disposal of one of them to my old friend Mr. Fleming, on the recovery of my good friend Charles, and in general on that happiness which you all enjoy in the tranquil cultivation of your farms, and to which I mean to return in a few months, never more to quit it, and which I never would have quitted had fortune left to me, as she has to you, a Mrs. Rose to partake of it. Still however I shall await the experience of others how far a loss of this kind admits of being replaced. I will see how the experiment of my friends T M R . P C . and W F . ends, and by that time perhaps nature will have made it with me a mere speculative question.—The next year I shall be at home and able to help you to the Melon-apricot. I am now endeavoring to procure as many as I can of the Sugar maple trees, to commence large plantations of these.—I used my interest for the service of Mr. Chandler, and I have made the proper application to have Newman transferred from the Georgia to the Virginia pension list. As yet I have no answer.—I will take care to carry with me to [ 148}

2 JULY

1792

Virginia the deed you inclosed, and with my best respects to Mrs. Rose, am with constant and sincere esteem Dear Sir Your friend & servt

T H : JEFFERSON

P.S. Mr. Madison is in Virginia. PrC (MHi); at foot of first page: "Rose. Hugh." Tr (DLC); 19th-century copy. TMR, PC, and WF: Thomas Mann Ran-

dolph, Sr., Paul Carrington, and William Fleming recently had remarried, or were engaged to, women much younger than themselves (Rose to T J , 15 May 1792).

From Jean Baptiste Ternant Philadelphia, 2 July 1792. In conformity with orders just received, he sends copies of the new clearance form for French merchant vessels. He requests T J to show it to the President and to ask him to issue the neces­ sary orders to American ports so that these vessels can receive clearance in accordance with the law and sail without impediment. Tr (AMAE: C P E U , xxxvi); 1 p.; in French; at head of text: "Duplicata." Tr (same); in French; date erroneously changed to 4 July 1792; at head of text:

"Triplicata." Recorded in S J L as received 3 July 1792. For publication of the enclosure, see note to TJ's reply of 6 July 1792.

To F. P. Van Berckel SIR Philadelphia July 2nd. 1792. It was with extreme concern that I learnt from your letter of June 25th. that a violation of the protection due to you as the representative of your nation had been committed by an officer of this State entering your house and serving therein a process on one of your Servants. There could be no question but that this was a breach of privilege; the only one was how it was to be punished. To ascertain this, I referred your letter to the Attorney General, whose answer I have the honor to enclose you. By this you will perceive that from the circumstance of your Servant's not being registered in the Secretary of State's office, we cannot avail ourselves of the more certain and effectual proceeding which had been provided by an act of Congress for punishing infractions of the law of nations, that act having thought proper to confine the benefit of its provisions to such domestics only as should have been registered. We are to proceed therefore as if that act had never been made, and the Attorney General's letter indicates two modes of proceeding. 1. By a warrant before a single magistrate to [149]

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recover the money paid by the Servant under a process declared void by law. Herein the Servant must be the actor, and the government not intermeddle at all. The smallness of the sum to be redemanded will place this cause in the class of those in which no appeal to a higher tribunal is permitted even in the case of manifest error, so that if the magistrate should err, the government has no means of correcting the error. 2nd. The second mode of proceeding would be to indict the officer in the Supreme Court of the United States, with whom it would rest to punish him at their discretion in proportion to the injury done and the malice from which it proceeded, and it would end in punishment alone, and not in a restitution of the money. In this mode of proceeding, the Government of the United States is actor, taking the management of the cause into its own hands, and giving you no other trouble than that of bearing witness to such material facts as may not be otherwise supported. If you will be so good as to decide in which of these two ways you would chuse the proceeding should be; if the latter, I will immediately take measures for having the offender prosecuted according to law. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of respect Sir, Your most obedient, and most humble servant PrC (DLC); in the hand of George Taylor, Jr.; at foot of first page in TJ's hand: "Van Berckel." FC (Lb in DNA: RG 360, DL). Enclosure: Edmund Ran­ dolph to T J , 26 June 1792.

On 3 July T J wrote a brief note to Washington transmitting a text of this let­ ter to the Dutch minister "on the subject of the infraction of the privileges of his house by a constable" (RC in DNA: R G 59, MLR; Tr in Lb in same, SDC).

From Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard SIR Amsterdam 2d. July 1792 Craving reference to what we had the honour of addressing you the 30 May, We have now principally to wait on you with an abstract of the Account Current of the Department of State up to the 30 June by which it appears that We retain in our hands a Balance of/69889.3 to face the further disposals of the American Ministers in Europe, which We have no doubt but you will find correct. We have the honour to subscribe ourselves with much respect Sir Your mo: obedt. & hble Servts.

WILHEM & JAN WILLINK N.

& J . V A N STAPHORST & H U B B A R D

Dupl (DLC); at head of text: "(Copy)"; addressed: "To His Excellency Thomas Jefferson Esqr Secretary of State Philadel-

phia V Capt. Hoyt"; endorsed by T J as received 6 Oct. 1792 and so recorded in S J L ; penciled beneath endorsement by

[ 150 J

3

JULY

T J : "Duplicate to be kept by myself." Enclosure: Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard, Account of "The Secretary of State to the United States of America," Amsterdam, 30 June 1792, containing

1792 entries for 25 July 1791-30 June 1792 ( P r C of T r in D L C : T J Papers, 76: 13148-50, in a clerk's hand; P r C of T r in same, 80: 13893-5, undated, in a clerk's hand).

To John Carey July 3. 1792. T h : Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Carey and will with pleasure give him access to any papers of his office which no longer require secrecy. The difficulty will be how to separate these from those still requiring secrecy, without giving Mr. Carey access to the whole, which T h : J . would not think himself free to do. Perhaps Mr. Carey can from the Journals of Congress, or other sources, designate the particular papers he would wish to publish. He shall be ready to confer with Mr. Carey on this subject when he pleases. RC (MB). P r C (DLC). Carey's reply to T J , dated 13 July 1792 and recorded in S J L as received the same

date, has not been found, but he and T J apparently agreed on some arrangement for access to the State Department archives. See Carey to T J , 6 Oct. 1792.

To Andrew Ellicott DEAR SIR Philadelphia July 3. 1792. I inclose a letter for Dr. Stewart, open to you, because I think, besides taking care that he receives it, you will have the goodness to make the same inquiries which I press on him, and that this will double my chance of finding out a level road which I am pretty sure exists, and would be an immense convenience to me. Be so kind as to stick a wafer in the Dr.'s letter. I am with great esteem Dr. Sir Your most obedt. humble servt T H : JEFFERSON P r C ( D L C ) ; at foot of text: "Mr. Andrew Ellicot." Enclosure: T J to David Stuart, 3 July 1792.

To James Madison DEAR SIR Philadelphia July 3. 1792. Since my last of June 29. I have received your Nos. 2. and 3. of June 24. and 25.—The following particulars occur. Vining has [151]

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declined offering at the next election. It is said we are to have in his room a Mr. Roach, formerly of the army, an anti-cincinnatus, and good agricultural man.—Smith of S.C. declines also. He has bought a fine house in Charleston for 5000. £ and had determined not even to come to the next session. But his friends it is said have made him promise to come. One gentleman from S. Carolina says he could not be re-elected. Another says there could be no doubt of his re­ election. Commodore Gillon is talked of as his successor. Izard gives out that it is all false that Mr. Smith is so rich as has been pretended, that he is in fact poor, cannot afford to live here, and therefore has retired to Charleston. Some add that he has entered again at the bar. The truth seems to be that they are alarmed, and he driven out of the feild, by the story of the modern Colchis. His furniture is gone off from hence.—So is Mr. Adams's. Some say he declines offering at the next election. This is probably a mere conjecture founded on the removal of his furniture. The most likely account is that Mrs. Adams does not intend to come again, and that he will take private lodgings.—It seems nearly settled with the Tresorio-bankites that a branch shall be established at Richmond. Could not a counter-bank be set up to befriend the Agricultural man by letting him have money on a deposit of tobacco notes, or even wheat, for a short time, and would not such a bank enlist the legislature in it's favor, and against the Treasury bank?—The President has fixed on Thursday the 12th. for his departure, and I on Saturday the 14th. for mine. According to the stages I have marked out I shall lodge at Strode's on Friday the 20th. and come the next morning, if my horses face Adams's mill hills boldly, to breakfast at Orange C . H . and after breakfast will join you. I have written to Mr. Randolph to have horses sent for me on that day to John Jones's about 12 miles from your house, which will enable me to breakfast the next day (Sunday) at Monticello. All this however may be disjointed by unexpected delays here, or on the road. I have written to Dr. Stewart and Ellicot to procure me renseignements on the direct road from Georgetown to Elkrun church which ought to save me 20. or 30. miles. Adieu my dear Sir. Your's affectionately TH:

JEFFERSON

P.S. I shall write you again a day or two before I leave this. RC (DLC: Madison Papers); at head of text: "No. 6"; addressed: "James Madison junr. esq. Orange to the care of Mr Maury Fredericksburg";franked;note on address cover in TJ's hand: "opened by Th:J." PrC (DLC).

COLCHIS: the land in Greek legend to which Jason and the Argonauts sailed in search of the Golden Fleece, and hence an allusion to South Carolina Congress­ man William L. Smith's various spec­ ulative ventures. Unlike John Vining

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of Delaware, who was chosen for the Senate, Smith subsequently changed his mind and served in the House of Rep­ resentatives until 1797. See George C.

1792 Rogers, Jr., Evolution of a Federalist: William Loughton Smith of Charleston (1758-1812) (Columbia, S.C., 1962), 235-41.

To Thomas Pinckney DEAR SIR

Philadelphia July 3.

1792.

Inclosed is a letter to our bankers in Amsterdam covering a bill of exchange drawn on them by the treasurer for one hundred and twenty three thousand seven hundred and fifty current guilders which I have endorsed thus 'Philadelphia July 3. 1792. Enter this to the credits of the Secretary of state for the United states of America. T h : Jefferson.' to prevent the danger of interception. My letter to them makes the whole subject to your order. About 3. aclock P.M. of the day after you left this I received the inclosed letters for you. I had been notified by Mr. Vaughan that 8. aclock of that morning would be the last chance of sending letters after you, and it was not till several days after that I learned that your Capt. staid in town till the next morning. Nothing interesting has occurred since your departure, and as the President leaves this on the 12th. and myself on the 14th. inst. for Virginia it is probable I shall not write to you again till October. I have the honor to be with compliments to Mrs. Pinckney and perfect esteem for yourself Dear Sir your most obedt. and most humble servt 1

TH:

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Mr. Pinckney." PrC of Tr (MHi); incomplete (see note below); in a clerk's hand. FC (Lb in DNA: R G 59, DCI). Enclosure:

JEFFERSON

T J to Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 3 July 1792. Previous two sentences omitted from MHi text. 1

To Martha Jefferson Randolph M Y DEAR M A R T H A

Philadelphia July 3.

1792.

I now inclose you Petit's statement of the stores sent round to Richmond to the care of Mr. Brown. They sailed from hence yesterday morning, and the winds have been and are so favorable that I dare say they will be in Chesapeak bay tomorrow, ready for the first Southernly breeze to carry them up the river. So that they will probably be at Richmond some days before you receive this. I wrote to Mr. Randolph last week desiring he would speak to Mr. Claxton to get the stores

C153]

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brought up immediately, which I hope he is doing, as I shall otherwise arrive before them. The President has fixed his departure on Thursday the 12th. inst. and I consequently fix mine to Saturday the 14th. According to the stages I have marked out, I shall be at Mr. Madison's on Saturday the 21st. and if on that day you can send a pair of the plough or waggon horses to John Jones's, 17. miles from Monticello and about 12. miles from Mr. Madison's, I can be at Monticello the next morning by 10. or 11. aclock. I do not know whether Jones's is a tavern, but he surely will give them cover the Saturday night, if they carry their own provision, and even a day or two longer, should any accident retard me in my departure or on the road. The road from Jones's to Monticello is so excessively hilly that it will injure my horses more than all the rest of the journey, as they will by that time be jaded with the heat. If I have rightly estimated the course of the post, you will recieve this on Saturday the 14th. the very day I leave Philadelphia. I shall write you again the day before I leave Philadelphia, which I presume you will receive on Saturday the 21st. in the morning of which day I expect to arrive at Mr. Madison's, unless any thing should arise to retard me, in which case that letter will probably give you notice of it. A Mr. Williams handed me yesterday a letter from Mr. Randolph. He was much gratified with the sight of my paintings. Mr. Randolph's desire shall be complied with. Petit's note will enable you to open any of the stores you may have occasion for, which I beg you not to hesitate to do, as they are intended more for you than myself. My best esteem to Mr. Randolph, and beleive me to be, my dear Martha, with the most tender affection Your's T H : JEFFERSON 1

2

RC (NNP); at foot of text: "Mrs. Randolph." PrC (MHi). Tr (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); 19th-century copy. Enclosure not found.

May 1792, recorded in S J L as received 2 July, but not found. Written over "21st." Here T J first wrote and then canceled "28th." 1

2

The letter received from Thomas Mann RANDOLPH, Jr., was probably that of 8

To David Stuart D E A R SIR

Philadelphia July 3.

1792.

The President, I suppose, informs you that he will be at George town on the 15th. to consult with you in the choice of plans for the public buildings. I expect to pass there on the morning of Wednesday the 18th. on my way to Virginia, and the purport of the present is to remind you that you were so kind as to promise to enquire for the road [154]

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1792

which would lead me from George town directly into the Frog-eaten country and through that to Elkrun church. I was pretty well informed that there is such a road leading from Elkrun church by Champ's old race ground, Slatyrun church, and Summer's tavern to George town, entirely level, except the 5 miles next to George town, and 10. miles nearer than by Newgate. From Elkrun church to Slateyrun church was said to be 12. miles. The other distances I could not learn, but should not amount to above 17. miles more, say 29. miles from Elkrun Ch. to George town. Instead of this the Colchester road makes it 62. miles from Georgetown to Elkrun church, and mostly very hilly. The Newgate road is so hilly that I shall never attempt it again. It misses the Frogeaten country almost entirely, coasting along a little above it's edge. If you will have the goodness to leave directions for me with Mr. Shuter in George town you will much oblige me.—I wrote lately to Mr. Blodget but have no answer from him.—I have the honor to be with great esteem Dear Sir Your most obedt. humble 1

servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Dr. David Stewart." Enclosed in T J to Andrew Elli­ cott, 3 July 1792. Washington did not inform Stuart of his travel schedule until 9 July. The Presi­ dent met with the Commissioners on 1617 July to examine plans for the pub­ lic buildings in the Federal District (Fitzpatrick, Writings, xxxn, 85-6; DNA: R G 42, PC). An undated fragment in TJ's hand, headed "Dr. Stewart' directions from

George T . to Elkrun church," gives detailed directions and distances between points on that route. On the verso is a table, also in TJ's hand, headed "meas­ ures by my odometer Sep. 1792," which appear to be the distances covered on TJ's return journey to Philadelphia in Septem­ ber and October 1792 (MS in MHi). Remainder of sentence interlined. T J wrote the next sentence at the foot of the letter, keying it by an asterisk to the end of the interlineated passage. 1

To Edward Telfair SIR Philadelphia July 3. 1792. I have the honor to inclose to your Excellency the copy of a letter I have received from His Catholic Majesty's representatives here in con­ sequence of a complaint from the Governor of Florida that three inhab­ itants of the state of Georgia, to wit, Thomas Harrison, David Rees, and William Ervin, had entered the Spanish territory and brought from thence five negro slaves the property of John Blackwood a Span­ ish subject without his consent, in violation of the rights of that state and the peace of the two countries. I had formerly had the honor of sending you a copy of the convention entered into between the said [155]

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1792

Governor and Mr. Seagrove on the part of the U.S. for the mutual restitution of fugitive slaves. I now take the liberty of requesting your Excellency to inform me what is done or likely to be done with you for the satisfaction of the Spanish government in this instance. Nobody knows better than your Excellency the importance of restraining indi­ viduals from committing the peace and honor of the two nations, and I am persuaded that nothing will be wanting on your part to satisfy the just expectations of the government of Florida on the present occasion. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your Excellency's most obedt. and most humble servt T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "H. E . the Governor of Georgia." F C (Lb in DNA: RG 360, DL). The enclosed LETTER from Viar and Jaudenes to T J was dated 26 June 1792. The CONVENTION is printed as enclosures

to T J to the Governors of Georgia and South Carolina, 15 Dec. 1791. T J trans­ mitted a text of the present letter to Gov­ ernor Telfair in a brief note of this date to Washington (see note to T J to Viar and Jaudenes, 3 July 1792).

To Josef Ignacio de Viar and Josef de Jaudenes GENTLEMEN

Philadelphia July 3.

1792.

I have laid before the President your letter of June 26. with the papers accompanying it on the subject of the robbery supposed to have been committed within the territory of Florida by three citizens of the state of Georgia: and I have it in charge to assure you that due enquiry shall be immediately made into the transaction, and that every thing shall be done on the part of this government which right shall require, and the laws authorise. I have written to the Governor of Georgia on this subject, and shall not fail to communicate to you the result of our enquiries and proceedings on this business. I regret the delay which the circumstance of distance may occasion: but this is unavoidable. I have the honor to be with great respect & esteem, Gentlemen your most obedient & most humble servt T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Messrs. de Viar & de Jaudenes." F C (Lb in DNA: RG 360, D L ) . Tr (AHN: Papeles de Estado, legajo 3894 bis); in Viar's hand, attested by Jaudenes and Viar. Tr (same); in Viar's hand, attested by Jaudenes and Viar; in Spanish. In a brief note to Washington of 3 July

1792, T J submitted translations of the let­ terfromthe Spanish agents and its accom­ panying papers, a text of the present reply described by T J as the draught of an answer he proposes to them," and a text of his letter to Governor Telfair of 3 July 1792 (RC in DNA: RG 59, MLR; Tr in Lb in same, SDC).

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4t

To Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard GENTLEMEN

Philadelphia July 3. 1792.

I inclose you the first of a bill of exchange drawn on you by the Treasurer of the U . S . for one hundred and twenty three thousand seven hundred and fifty current Gilders, which please to enter to the credit of the Secretary of state for the U . S . Mr. Pinkney our minister at London is authorised to draw on you at times to this whole amount for particular purposes indépendant of the general ones of his mission heretofore explained to you. You will therefore be pleased to honour the bills he shall so draw on you. I am in hopes your account with the Secretary of state settled to the 1st. day of this month is on it's way to me. I have the honour to be with great esteem, gentlemen Your most obedient humble servt T H : JEFFERSON 1

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Messrs. W. & J . Willink Nichs. & Jacb. Van Staphorst & Hubbard of Amsterdam." PrC of Dupl (DLC); in a clerk's hand,

unsigned. FC (Lb in DNA: RG 59, DCI). 1

PrC of Dupl: "second."

From Edmund Randolph E . R . to M R . J . July 4. 1792. Does not Marius on bills of exchange (p. 29) give satisfaction as to your bill; which I understand to have been drawn, payable to you or order, and similarly indorsed by you? Until my papers arrive from New-York, I cannot be more decisive in Leigh vs. West, than I have been. However, if Mr. John Brown, the clerk of the general court, will look into the order books during May's and Pendleton's clerkships, he will be able to say, whether judgment has been obtained, as I conceive, in the days of paper money? RC (DLC); endorsed by T J as received 5 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL. MARIUS: John Marius, Advice concerning Bils of Exchange . . ., 2d ed. (London,

1654; reprinted in Philadelphia, 1790). See Sowerby, No. 2108. For more on the case of LEIGH vs. WEST, see T J to Robert Fleming, 11 Sep. 1792.

From F. P. Van Berckel MONSIEUR

à Philadelphie Ce 4 Juillet 1792.

J'ai eu hier l'honneur de recevoir Votre Lettre du 2e. de Ce mois, et je m'empresse à Vous y faire parvenir ma réponse, en Vous témoignant [157]

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1792

dabord ma Sensibilité pour Pattention que Vous avez faite a ce que j'eus l'honneur de Vous représenter dans ma Lettre du 25e. dernier. Mon intention ayant Simplement été de demander telle reparation, que les Circonstances permettroient, j'ai voulu m'en rapporter à Votre avis Sur la manière dont je pourrois l'obtenir, et Comme, dans le Choix que Vous m'offrez, l'intervention immediate du Gouvernement me paroit la voye la plus Convenable, je m'en remets encore aux mesures, que Vous jugerez à propos de prendre, et dont j'ai lieu d'attendre les meilleurs effets. E n Consequence de la requisition que Vous m'en avez faite, j'ai l'honneur de Vous envoyer C i joint la liste de mes Domestiques, et d'etre avec les Sentimens de la plus haute Consideration Monsieur Votre très humble & très Obéissant Serviteur F : P: V A N B E R C K E L

RC (DNA: R G 360, PCC); at foot of text: "à Monsieur Jefferson, Secretaire d'Etat"; endorsed by T J as received 4 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

The enclosed LISTE of servants has not been found, but see note to Edmund Randolph to T J , 26 June 1792.

From Samuel Blodget, Jr. SIR Boston July 5th 1792 I Informed you per Post and per Mr. Henry Otis of my having paid 5000 Dollars into the Branch Bank U.S. (of Boston). The other 5000 remains part in my hands, and part in the Union Bank lately established here. As this diviation was intended to favour a plan of mine and cannot operate to the Injury of the Commissioners for the City I hope for theirs and your pardon. Some unforseen circumstances have prevented my obtaining any aid to the Loan except for my own private account notivitstand every exertion to circulate the warrants, yet I hope for a favourable turn as soon as the Public Buildings are begun. The Plate from which Mr. Otis carried you 4 Impressions will go by water per first Vessell. The Commissioners may draw on the two Banks as soon as they Please and their money will be paid at sight; yet I shall be much Indebted if they will give me a letter of advice whenever they draw on the Union Bank of which I am one of the trustees and stand Bound for the sum not having taken the receipt of the treasurer lest such trust might be disaproved where I had not authority sufficient from the Commissioners or from you for what might then be thought a meterial 1

2

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diviation if not a breach of trust in me which I conceive nothing at present could justify. I am respectfully your Obliged & humble Sert S BLODGET JUNR

RC (DNA: R G 42, PBG); addressed: "Thos Jefferson Esqr Secy of State Philadelphia"; postmarked; endorsed by T J as received 12 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

2

i Here "partly" is canceled. Preceding three words interlined.

From the Commissioners of the Federal District SIR Washington. July 5th. 1792 We have received several plans for the public Buildings, which we had prepared to send forward; and expect several more will be presented; but as we have just heard, from the Presidents Steward, that he may be expected here, by the 15th Instant; we shall, to save the Trouble of carrying and returning, retain them for his inspection and choice here. Mr. Hoben, applies himself closely, to a Draft for the President's house; he has made very favorable impressions on us. Our affairs in general are in rather a pleasing Train; and we hope that as soon as plans are approved, we shall be able to proceed with vigour. We are Sir, your mo. Obedt & mo hble Servts

T H JOHNSON DD:

STUART

D A N L CARROLL

RC (DLC); in a clerk's hand except for signatures; at foot of text: "Thomas Jef­ ferson Esqr"; endorsed by T J as received 10 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL. FC (DNA: RG 42, DC LB). MR. HOBEN: James Hoban (ca. 17621831), an Irish-born architect and resi­ dent of Charleston, was the designer of the South Carolina state house (DAB). His design for the President's House, which was elicited by an advertisement for a pub­ lic competition drafted by T J , is described and reproduced in Kimball, Jefferson, Architect, 176-9, plate 179. On 17 July

1792 the Commissioners, with Washing­ ton present, awarded Hoban first prize in the contest for the best design of the pres­ idential residence, and on the following day they decided to employ him him to supervise the execution of his design at an annual salary of 300 guineas (DNA: RG 42, PC; see also T J to Commission­ ers of the Federal District, 6 Mch. 1792, Enclosure Hi; and Fitzpatrick, Writings, xxxn, 52). T J had anonymously submit­ ted a design of his own for the President's House (see Kimball, Jefferson, Architect, 156, plates 127-9).

[159}

From George Hammond SIR

Philadelphia 5th July 1792.

I have the honor of submitting to your consideration copies of certain papers, which I have received from Canada. They contain information that some persons, acting under the authority of the State of Ver­ mont, have attempted to exercise legal jurisdiction within districts now occupied by the King's troops, and have committed acts of violence on the persons and property of British Subjects residing under the protection of his Majesty's garrisons. At this period, when the grounds of the subsisting differences between our respective countries are become the subjects of seri­ ous and temperate discussion, I cannot but entertain the strongest confidence that the general government of the United States will entirely disapprove of the violent conduct observed by the State of Vermont upon this occasion, and will in consequence thereof adopt such measures as may be best calculated to prevent a repetition of it in future. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect consideration, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, G E O . HAMMOND

RC (DNA: R G 59, NL); endorsed by T J as received 5 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL. F C (Lb in PRO: FO, 116/1). Tr (same, 4/16). Tr (VtMS); in the hand of George Taylor, Jr. PrC (DLC). Tr (Lb in DNA: R G 59, NL). Enclosures: (1) Order by Justices of the Peace Samuel Mott and Benjamin Mar­ vin, Alburgh, 16 May 1792, in the name of the governor of Vermont, directing all qualified inhabitants of Alburgh to gather in town meeting on 7 June 1792 and organize a town government according to state law. (2) Judge Elijah Paine of the Vermont Supreme Court to the Sheriff or deputies of Chittenden County, Burling­ ton, 15 May 1792, directing them to notify Patrick Conroy to appear before the court on 28 Aug. 1792 to answer a complaint by Vermont Attorney General Samuel Hitchcock that he was acting as justice of the peace at Alburgh without legal authority from the state. (3) Extract from Declaration of Minard Yeomans, St. Johns, 9 June 1792, stating that on the morning of 8 June 1792 Vermont Deputy Sheriff and Constable Eneus Wood with three assistants came to Patrick Conroy's

house in Caldwell's Manor, found him absent, and seized his cattle; that Yeo­ mans informed Captain Savage of these actions and was instructed to notify Cap­ tain Deschambault at Pointe-au-Fer; and that in the meantime Captain Savage with a party of British soldiers captured Wood and his associates and retrieved most of Conroy's cattle (Trs in VtMS, in Taylor's hand; PrCs in D L C ; Trs in DNA, R G 59, NL). T J enclosed Hammond's letter in a brief note to Washington of the same date commenting that it "will be difficult to answer properly" (RC in DNA: RG 59, MLR; Tr in Lb in same, SDC). Hammond's complaints about the or­ ganization of town government in Al­ burgh, Vermont, and the legal proceed­ ings brought against Patrick Conroy, a British official who occasionally acted as justice of the peace there, stemmed in the first instance from his government's deci­ sion to retain possession of eight posts on American soil in contravention of the Treaty of Paris ending the Revolutionary War. Situated on Lake Champlain in the extreme northwestern corner of Vermont,

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Alburgh was located within several miles of the disputed post of Pointe-au-Fer and just a few miles south of the 45° bound­ ary line between Canada and the United States. Because of its close proximity to Pointe-au-Fer, the British laid claim to a right of jurisdiction over Alburgh, oppos­ ing efforts by federal and state officials to exercise authority over any British sub­ jects in the area and seeking to discour­ age further American settlement there. Lord Dorchester, the governor-general of Canada, instructed British civil and mil­ itary officials that such American efforts were to be regarded as hostile acts and repelled by force. These British jurisdic­ tional pretensions were extremely unpop­ ular in Vermont, as T J had learned dur­ ing a tour of the state in the course of his northern journey in 1791 {Report on Canadian Archives, [1890], 281-2, 285-6, 288; Mayo, British Ministers, 15-16; T J to Washington, 5 June 1791, Document vu in group of documents on Jefferson's northern journey in Vol. 20: 466-7; James B. Wilbur, Ira Allen: Founder of Vermont,

1751-1814, 2 vols. [Boston, 1928], n, 45; W. A. Mackintosh, "Canada and Ver­ mont: A Study in Historical Geography," Canadian Historical Review, vm [1927],

9-30; Edward Brynn, "Vermont and the British Emporium, 1765-1865," Vermont History, XLV [1977], 5-26). Alburgh's population of 500 consisted mainly of Canadians and Americans hold­ ing conflicting land titles and professing different national loyalties. For almost a decade a dispute had subsisted between Ira Allen, a political ally of Governor Thomas Chittenden, and Henry Caldwell, a^prominent Canadian political and military^leader, over conflicting claims to the township, ^llen asserted the priority of his grant from the. Vermont legislature while Caldwell grounded his claim on a prior French grant that had been accepted as valid by the British government (hence the frequent designation of Alburgh as Caldwell's Manor in correspondence at this time). The conflict between Allen and Caldwell had prevented the formation of civil government in Alburgh and encour­ aged the Americans and Canadians who had settled the town under their respec­ tive auspices to withhold rents from the opposing claimants (Wilbur, Ira Allen, I,

1792

180, 437, 492-3, n, 26-9, 343; Report on Canadian Archives, [1889], 53, 56; Abby Maria Hemenway, The Vermont Histori­ cal Gazetteer, 5 vols. [Burlington, Montpelier, and Brandon, 1868-91], n, 487-9; Guy O. Coolidge, "The French Occupa­ tion of the Champlain Valley from 1609 to 1759," Vermont Historical Society, Pro­ ceedings, vi [1938], 229-31; Dictionary of Canadian Biography, 11 vols. [Toronto, 1966- ], v, 130-3). Governor Chittenden's decision in May 1792 to organize a town government in Alburgh initially provoked a sharp British reaction. Early in June 1792 British sol­ diersfromPointe-au-Fer arrested and tem­ porarily detained a Vermont deputy sheriff and some of his assistants for attempting to serve a writ of attachment on Patrick Conroy (Enclosure No. 3 above). Soon there­ after Conroy and another party of British troops from this post sought to prevent two Vermont justices of the peace from carrying out their duties in Alburgh. In justification of this action, the command­ er of Pointe-au-Fer cited "orders direct­ ing him to oppose & take into Custody any Officer Acting under any other Power than that of Great Briton within those Limits which are now known & distinguised by the Name of Alburgh." Chit­ tenden thereupon complained to Lieu­ tenant Governor Alured Clarke of Lower Canada about these efforts to frustrate the extension of Vermont's authority over Alburgh, and referred what he deemed to be "so flagrant a breach of the Laws of Nations, and the late treaty with great Britain" to the President, who immedi­ ately brought his complaint to the atten­ tion of the Secretary of State (Deposi­ tion of Benjamin Marvin, 15 June 1792, Chittenden to Washington, 16 June 1792, Vermont Records, iv, 459-60, 468).

Fearful that unilateral action by Ver­ mont might imperil his diplomatic efforts to secure British evacuation of the posts, the Secretary of State, after con­ ferring with Washington, asserted the paramountcy of the federal government in the conduct of foreign affairs. He urged Chittenden to respect the status quo in those parts of the state over which the British claimed jurisdiction so as to avoid giving Britain any pretext for suspend­ ing negotiations on this issue, while at

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the same time asking the governor to comment on the substance of Hammond's complaints so that he could deal more effectively with them ( T J to Chittenden, 9, 12 July 1792). In keeping with this policy, the Secretary of State refrained from taking any action on Chittenden's charges pending the governor's response to his request for information, and he informed the British minister of the steps he had taken to prevent a recurrence of the conflict ( T J to Washington, 30 July, 19 Aug. 1792; T J to Hammond, 6, 9, 12 July 1792). Hammond soon after notified his government that in addition to these welcome measures, "Mr. Hamilton and General Knox have expressed to me the most pointed, unequivocal disapprobation of the violent conduct of the State of Ver­ mont, and their conviction, that it is the duty and interest of the United States to use every effort to prevent a repetition of it" (Hammond to Grenville, 17 July 1792, in PRO: FO 4/16). T J satisfied the British minister at the cost of offending the governor and legisla­ ture of Vermont. Chittenden ignored TJ's requests for an explanation of his actions

1792 in the Alburgh affair, and in October 1792 submitted the letters he had received from T J and a host of other pertinent documents to the Vermont Assembly. Resentful at TJ's failure to support Ver­ mont's claims in this dispute, the assembly praised Chittenden's actions throughout the Alburgh controversy and charged that "the letters written by Mr. Jefferson, to his Excellency the Governor of this State, must have been founded on a mistaking of facts, which must have been received from Canada." In consequence, the legis­ lators advised the governor to submit a statement of the case to the President in order to show that "Alburgh is not occu­ pied by the British troops, nor under their protection." Chittenden evidently saw no need to prepare such a statement because by this time the British had abandoned their efforts to prevent the institution of town government in Alburgh, thereby tac­ itly recognizing the legitimacy of Ver­ mont's jurisdiction (Report of Commit­ tee of Vermont Assembly, 20 Oct. 1792, and Depositions of Reuben Garlick, 31 July 1792, and Benjamin Marvin, 18 Oct. 1792, Vermont Records, iv, 469-71).

From James Madison D E A R SIR

Orange July the 5th. 1792

My last acknowledged the last of yours that has come to hand. From the date of that I shall probably have the pleasure of another as soon as an opportunity from Fredericksbg. happens. I write at present merely for the sake of one thither which has just fallen in my way. The most remarkable occurrence of late date here, was the excessive heat on Sunday the first instant. At two OClock the Thermometer in its ordinary position was at 99°. At four it had got up to 103°. On being taken into the passage the coolest part of the House it stood at the former hour at 97°, and at the latter at 98°. On applying the heat of the body it fell to 96°. The wind blew very briskly from West from morning till about 5 O C . and during the hottest part of the time was so sensibly above the annual heat, that it was more disagreeable to be in its current than out of it. The day following the heat about 2 O C approached very near, but not equal that of the first. Our harvest is now closing and will all be got in well in this quarter. T h e wheat [162]

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is fine and the quantity equal to every reasonable calculation. There have been several fine showers during the harvest which have aided the Corn, without injuring the Wheat. Yrs. always & affy. Js. M A D I S O N J R .

The Thermometer this morning as low as 58°. RC (DLC: Madison Papers); at head of text: "No. 5"; endorsed by T J as received 29 July 1792 and so recorded in S J L .

From Josef Ignacio de Viar and Josef de Jaudenes Mui SENOR NUESTRO

Philadelphia 5. de Julio de 1792

Hemos Recivido con el mayor aprecio las dos de V . S. de 30 de Junio ultimo, y 3 del corriente. Por el contenido de la primera, y el de las copias, que se sirbe V . S. incluirnos quedamos mui persuadidos de la justicia, y amistosa disposicion, que Manifiesta la Resolucion que ha tornado el Présidente de los Estados Unidos, en vista de los Papeles, que suplicamos a V . S. le presentase, y a consecuencia pedimos a V . S. tenga a bien ofrecerle nuestro mas Respetuoso Reconocimiento. Agradecemos a V . S. infinito el aviso que contiene la y a citada segunda carta, y estamos mui convencidos de que V . S. habrà tornado y continuarà tomando todos aquellos pasos, que fuesen consistentes y Juzgase pueden contribuir a concluir el objeto propuesto en los terminos mas breves, y satisfactorios. Tenemos la honrra de subscrivirnos con las mayores veras de Respeto y estimacion Los mas obedientes, y humildes Servidores, Q. B . L . M . de V . S. J O S E F IGNACIO D E V I A R

E D I T O R

S'

JOSEF DE JAUDENES

T R A N S L A T I O N

Philadelphia 5 July 1792 We have received with the greatest appreciation your two letters of 30 June last and the 3rd of this month. From the content of the first one and of the copies you have been kind enough to enclose for us, we are quite persuaded of the justice and the friendly attitude manifested in the decision taken by the President of the United States in view of the documents which we requested you to transmit to him. In consequence, we beg you kindly to offer him our most respectful gratitude. We are infinitely grateful to you, Sir, for the warning contained in the second O U R VERY DEAR SIR

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letter we have referred to, and we are altogether convinced that you will have taken, and will continue to take, all those steps that might be appropriate and that you might deem capable of contributing to the attainment of the proposed objective as soon and as satisfactorily as possible. We have the honor of subscribing ourselves, with the most sincere expressions of respect and esteem, your most humble obedient servants, who kiss your hand J O S E F IGNACIO D E V I A R

RC (DNA: R G 59, NL); in Viar's hand, signed by Viar and Jaudenes; at foot of text: "Sor. Dn Thomas Jefferson Secretario de Estado." Tr (AHN: Papeles

JOSEF D E JAUDENES

de Estado, legajo 3894 bis); in Jaudenes's hand, attested by Jaudenes and Viar. Recorded in S J L as received 5 July 1792.

To George Hammond SIR Philadelphia July 6. 1792. I have the honor to acknolege the receipt of your letter of yesterday with the papers accompanying it, and will immediately lay them before the President of the U . S . But not being acquainted with the situation of Caldwell's manor, at which it is said that an officer of Vermont has distrained some cattle and that Capt. Savage rescued a part of them, I shall be glad to be enabled to inform the President whether this Manor is on the North or South side of the 45th. degree. If your information ascertain's this point I will thank you for a communication of it. I have the honor to be with great esteem, Sir Your most obedient & most humble servt

T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Mr. Hammond." T J submitted this letter in a brief note to Washington of this date (RC in DNA: R G 59, MLR; Tr in Lb in same, SDC).

From George Hammond SIR Philadelphia 6th. July 1792. In answer to your letter of this day, I have the honor of stating to you, that I have no information as to the precise situation of Caldwell manor; but from a variety of circumstances I am inclined to believe that Caldwell manor either is situated near to, or forms part of, the town of Alburgh, which town, though on the south side of the 45th degree of latitude, is under the protection and jurisdiction of the district of Point au fer, now occupied by his Majesty's garrison. I shall esteem it a favor, if you will acquaint me with the determi­ nation of the government of the United States on this subject as early [ 164]

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1792

as may be convenient. I have the honor to be with sentiments of the most perfect consideration, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, G E O . HAMMOND

RC (DNA: RG 59, NL); at foot of text: "Mr. Jefferson"; endorsed by T J as received 6 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL. Tr (Lb in same).

To Jean Baptiste Ternant SIR Philadelphia July 6. 1792. I have the honor to acknolege the receipt of your letter of the 1st. instant covering the form of the Permit for the vessels of your nation, and will take care to lay it before the President and to have it duly notified to all whom it may concern. I have the honour to be with great esteem & respect, Sir Your most obedt. and most humble servt T H : JEFFERSON

PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "M de Ternant." F C (Lb in DNA: R G 360, D L ) . Trs (AMAE: C P E U , xxxvi); in French. Ternant's L E T T E R OF T H E 1ST. INSTANT

is printed under the date of 2 July 1792. T J arranged for the publication of a trans­ lation Of the PERMIT FOR THE VESSELS OF

YOUR NATION with the following explana­

tion by him, dated 7 July 1792: "The preceding is a translation of the form of the passport now given by the government of France to the vessels of their nation, as officially communicated by their min­ ister plenipotentiary, of which all whom it may concern are desired to take notice" {National Gazette, 14 July 1792).

From George Washington 6th. July [1792] The enclosed will, I think, throw the labouring Oar upon Mr. H and is approved of accordingly. G W RC (DLC); partially dated; addressed: "Secrety. of State"; endorsed by T J as "reed. July 6. 92. on T.J's Ire of July 6. 92 to Mr Hammond." Recorded in SJPL.

Edmund Randolph's Opinion on Recess Appointments The answer of the attorney general of the United States to the question propounded to him by the Secretary of State on the following case. By the constitution, the President shall nominate and by and with [165]

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the advice and consent of the Senate shall appoint Ambassadors, &c, and all other officers of the United States whose appointments are not therein otherwise provided, and which shall be established by law. He has also power to fill up vacancies, that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of their next session. The act establishing a mint directs, that for the well conducting of the business there shall be among other officers a chief Coiner. This act passed on the 2nd. of april 1792 and the Senate which con­ curred was sitting daily from thence until the 8th. of May following. But the chief Coiner was not nominated during their then sitting, tho' a Director was appointed. The question is, whether the President can, constitutionally, during the now recess of the Senate grant to a chief Coiner a Commission which shall expire at the end of their next session? Is there a vacancy in the office of chief Coiner? An office is vacant when no officer is in the exercise of it. So that it is no less vacant when it has never been filled up, than it is upon the death or resignation of an Incumbent. The office of Chief Coiner is therefore vacant. But is it a vacancy which has happened during the recess of the Senate? It is now the same and no other vacancy, than that, which existed on the 2nd. of April 1792. It commenced therefore on that day or may be said to have happened on that day. The Spirit of the Constitution favors the participation of the Senate in all appointments. But as it may be necessary oftentimes to fill up vacancies, when it may be inconvenient to summon the senate a temporary commission may be granted by the President. This power then is to be considered as an exception to the general participation of the Senate. It ought too to be interpreted strictly. For altho' I am well aware, that a chief Coiner for satisfactory reasons could not have been nominated during the last Session of the Senate; Yet every possible delicacy ought to be observed in transferring power from one order in government to another. It is true that the Senate may finally disapprove. But they are not left to a Judgment absolutely free, when they are to condemn the appointment of a Man actually in Office. In some instances indeed this must be the case; but it is in them a case of necessity only; as where the Officer has died, or resigned during the recess, or a person appointed during the Session shall not notify his refusal to accept, until the recess. It may well be asked in what the power of now for the first time granting a temporary commission for this new office is distinguishable in principle from granting a commission to one person in consequence 1

2

3

4

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of another who has been approved by the Senate, refusing to accept the first appointment to a new office? Is not the Vacancy under these circumstances one which has never been filled up and therefore in the same predicament, as the Office of Coiner? However a refined con­ struction may make the cases approach each other, they are different in their relation to the constitution. In the one, the Senate have had a full opportunity to shew their sense. In the other not. In the one the vacancy was filled up, as far as the President and Senate could go; and the Vacancy may be said to have happened during the Recess in consequence of the Refusal. In the other, not. An analogy has been suggested to me between a Minister to a foreign court and the appointment now under consideration. With much strength it has been contended that a Minister may be appointed who, or whose mission was never mentioned to the Senate. But mark the peculiar condition of a Minister. The President is allowed by law to spend a limited sum on diplomatic appointments, no particular courts are designated; But they are consigned by the Constitution to his pleasure. The truth then is that independently of congress, or either house the President may at any time during the Recess declare the court and the grade. But this power would be nugatory during the recess if he could not also name the Person. How unlike is this example to that of the Coiner, in which the office can be created by congress alone; And in the appointment to which the Senate might have an opportunity, of concurring at the Session when the law was passed creating it? My opinion upon the whole is, that the President cannot now grant a temporary commission to a Chief Coiner. E D M : RANDOLPH July 7. 1792. 5

6

RC (DLC); in a clerk's hand with sig­ nature and revisions by Randolph, the most important of which are noted below; endorsed by T J . For the provenance of this document, see note to Tobias Lear to T J , 30 June 1792.

Word interlined by Randolph. Word interlined by Randolph in place of "considered." At this point Randolph first interlined and then deleted: "to which no appoint­ ment has ever before been made." Preceding seven words interlined by Randolph. Word written by Randolph. 2

3

4

5

6

Preceding two words interlined by Randolph. 1

[167]

From George Washington Saturday [7 July 1792] Pray send me Mr. Hammond's communications to you on Thursday and your letter to him in answer;—and let me See you at Eight 'O clock this Morning. Yrs. GW RC (DLC); partially dated; addressed: "Mr. Jefferson"; endorsed by T J as received 7 July 1792. Recorded in SJPL.

The President wished to see the British minister's 5 July letter to T J and TJ's 6 July response, both of which dealt with the Alburgh affair.

From James Brown SIR Richmond 8th. July 1792 I have your favor of the 1st. Cunt, covering Receipt of Captain Welsh and Bill Loading Capn. Chesoe for Sundry articles shipped by you to my care which will be attended to and forwarded as pointed Out. I have a letter from Mr. Randolph Yesterday by which it appears all is well at Montichello. Pray what effect will the War in Europe have On the produce, Carrying Trade and Stocks of this Country, Will it not encrease the imigration from the continent of Europe? With much Respect and a tender of my best services at all times I am D r Sir Your obt: Hbl: St JAMES BROWN

RC (MHi); at foot of text: "Honble. Thomas Jefferson Philada:"; endorsed by T J as received 29 July 1792 and so recorded in SJL.

[168}

The Settlement of Jefferson's Accounts as Minister Plenipotentiary in France I. ACCOUNTS AS MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY IN FRANCE, 8 J U L Y 1792 II. EXPLANATORY NOTES ON ACCOUNTS, [8 J U L Y 1792] III. JAMES WILSON'S CERTIFICATION OF JEFFERSON'S OATH ON ACCOUNTS, 9 J U L Y 1792

E D I T O R I A L

N O T E

The submission of Jefferson's accounts with the United States and support­ ing documentation to Auditor Richard Harrison was a key step in the pro­ tracted settlement of hisfinancialtransactions as Minister Plenipotentiary in France. Destruction of the original accounts and related records in the Regis­ ter's Office at the Treasury Department in the fire that engulfed Washington during the British invasion in 1814 and successive rearrangements of Jeffer­ son's papers after his death have made the composition of the accounts an intricate textual puzzle—one that is here pieced together for the first time. The history of Jefferson's accounts can be divided into four stages: their initial preparation in France; theirfinalformulation and submission during his tenure as Secretary of State; their auditing by Harrison between 1792 and 1809; and their final settlement during the closing days of Jefferson's presidency. How­ ever, not until a public dispute about the settlement emerged a few years before Jefferson's death was an epilogue written to a story that spanned more than three decades. Jefferson began to prepare his French accounts for settlement while he was still serving as Minister Plenipotentiary. He initially expected to transact this business with Thomas Barclay, the American consul in France, whom the Confederation Congress in 1782 had appointed commissioner "to liquidate and finally to settle the accounts of all servants of the United States, who have been entrusted with the expenditure of public money in Europe, and all other accounts of the United States in Europe." By 1785 Barclay had evidently already made preliminary settlements of the accounts of Ferdinand Grand & Company, Benjamin Franklin, and John Adams, and after Barclay came to Paris in May of that year Jefferson proposed that he take up the settlement of his accounts with the United States. To this Barclay apparently agreed, but he gave precedence to the controversial accounts of Silas Deane and Caron de Beaumarchais and was unable to attend to Jefferson's before embarking on a diplomatic mission to Morocco in January 1786. This delay, the first of many, must have underscored Jefferson's growing concern over the issue of his diplomatic outfit—that is, the cost of his clothing, carriage and horses, and household furniture as minister plenipotentiary—which the Confederation Congress had not specifically authorized him to charge to the public. As early as November 1784, Jefferson asserted that he had spent almost [169]

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FRENCH

ACCOUNTS

1,000 guineas on his outfit. A month later, writing partly in cipher, he asked James Monroe, a Virginia delegate, to bring the matter before Congress at an opportune time, but cautioned that "I would not have the article of the outfit mentioned if it should be like to excite an indelicate thought as to me. It appears to me not subject to the imputation of avarice to desire to have my expenses paid or I would have suppressed the first thought of it." Although nothing came of this suggestion, it is not surprising that the earliest surviving record of Jefferson's effort to prepare his French accounts for settlement, compiled from his memorandum books and other papers, is an untotaled statement of expenditures for his outfit down to 27 Feb. 1786, about five weeks after Barclay departed on his Moroccan mission (see MS described in note to Document i below). Jefferson probably prepared this statement before Barclay returned to Bordeaux in May 1787. Owing to a dispute with his creditors in that port, however, Barclay fled to the United States to escape imprisonment, leaving Jefferson to lament having "lost this opportunity of having my account settled" (JCC, xxin, 727-30, 773-82; E . James Ferguson, John Catanzariti, and others, eds., The Papers of Robert Morris, 1781-1784, 7 vols. [Pittsburgh, 1973- ], vn, 168-75; Ferguson, Power of the Purse, 195, 197-8; note to T J to John Jay, 21 June 1787; T J to Monroe, 11 Nov., 10 Dec. 1784; T J to Abigail Adams, 21 June 1785; T J to the Comissioners of the Treasury, 5 Aug. 1787; T J to Jay, 15 May 1788; for other early expressions of TJ's concern over the issue of outfit, see T J to Monroe, 17 June 1785, to Abigail Adams, 25 Sep. 1785, and to Samuel Osgood, 5 Oct. 1785). By May 1788 Jefferson was planning to submit his accounts to the new federal government. He had by this time decided to charge his outfit to the United States in his accounts at one year's ministerial salary of $9,000, despite the absence of specific authorization, on the grounds that it was a legitimate public expense, and in a private letter he anxiously asked Secretary for Foreign Affairs John Jay to seek a congressional ruling on the validity of this charge so that it could be included in the account he planned to submit to the new government. After Jay declined to report on the matter himself lest his service as minister to Spain make him appear to be an interested party, Congress appointed a committee to consider the issue in October 1788. Although the committee never submitted a report, Jay privately informed Jefferson of the committee's opinion that he was entitled to reimbursement for the cost of outfit, though the amount mentioned by the committee was somewhat less than Jefferson's yearly salary as minister to France (TJ to Jay, 15 May 1788; T J to James Madison, 25 May 1788; Jay to T J , 25 Nov. 1788; Statement on Accounts as Minister Plenipotentiary in France, 8 Mch. 1796; JCC, xxxiv, 447-8, 494, 596n). Jefferson regarded this opinion as tantamount to sanctioning his position on outfit, and after receiving it in February 1789 he began in earnest to put his accounts in order. The result was two drafts—with the debits organized topically in one and chronologically in the other—representing the earliest comprehensive statements of Jefferson's French accounts (see Dft and 2d Dft described in the note to Document i below). Internal evidence suggests that Jefferson began both versions around March 1789, although in the case of the first draft he used two sheets listing credits from 28 May 1784 to 1 Sep. 1788 that may have been part of an earlier statement. Late in May 1789 he updated both sets of accounts. Whatever his reasons for maintaining parallel [170]

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statements, Jefferson abandoned the topical arrangement early in September 1789, having previously ceased work on the first draft, when he updated the second draft again shortly after receiving word that President Washington had approved his request for a leave of absence in America. Jefferson followed the chronological principle of organization in subsequent versions, though he continued to present debits and credits in two consecutive listings instead of double-entry form. At some point in his work on these two statements, Jefferson preparedfiveexplanatory notes that he obviously intended to submit with his accounts during what he assumed would be a temporary return to America in 1789-90. These notes formed the basis of explanations that he later submitted to Harrison with his accounts (see note to Document n below). Jefferson's reluctant acceptance of the office of Secretary of State during his leave in the spring of 1790 delayed the submission of his accounts for another two years. Toward the end of his life, when his memory began to fail, Jefferson asserted that he had submitted a statement of his accounts soon after taking office, but there is no contemporary evidence to substantiate this recollection (TJ to Ritchie & Gooch, 13 May 1822). More likely it was not until after Richard Harrison's appointment as Auditor in the Treasury Department on 29 Nov. 1791 that Jefferson resumed work on his accounts (JS, i, 90-1). Late in January 1792 Harrison asked Jefferson to review the accounts of Ferdinand Grand & Company and Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard with the United States. Drawing on his memorandum books and other records, Jefferson complied the following month with detailed observations on the Paris and Amsterdam bankers' accounts with the American government (Harrison to T J , 26 Jan. 1792; T J to Harrison, 6, 21 Feb. 1792; Explanations of the Accounts of Ferdinand Grand & Company, and Explanations of the Accounts of Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard, both 21 Feb. 1792; Statement on Accounts as Minister Plenipotentiary in France, 8 Mch. 1796). It was probably Harrison's request that spurred Jefferson to update the second draft of his own accounts one more time. Between 26 and 29 Jan. 1792 he brought the debit entries on the eighth page of that statement down to 22 Mch. 1790, the day he began his duties as Secretary of State, inserted subtotals on each page, added a fourteenth page with an account summary, and made other modest revisions. He then made a fair copy of this draft incorporating these changes (see 3d Dft described in note to Document i below). Next, evidently on or before 29 Jan. 1792, he wrote a page of instructions to himself detailing "Alterations and Additions" to be made to this draft. The changes called for deletion of the post1789 debit entries from the eighth page and their transfer to the fourteenth page as part of "a new account for subsequent articles, in Dollars," carried down to the end of 1790. He then revised the third draft as called for on the page of "Alterations and Additions" and similarly adjusted the eighth and fourteenth pages of the second draft at the same time. During this work on the accounts Jefferson for the first time computed a balance, which indicated that he owed the United States $1004.54. He immediately arranged for payment of that amount by means of a loan from his Amsterdam bankers and subsequently emended the page of "Alterations and Additions" to register this transaction (TJ to William Short, 28 Jan. 1792; T J to Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 29 Jan. 1792). Having thus seemingly brought his French accounts into balance, Jefferson apparently deferred further work on them until he had completed his laborious [171]

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report to President Washington on Spanish negotiations and his exhaustive letter to George Hammond on British infractions of the peace treaty (Report on Negotiations with Spain, 18 Mch. 1792; T J to Hammond, 29 May 1792). Then, as the time for his annual summer visit to Monticello drew near, Jef­ ferson resumed work on the accounts with the goal of submitting them to Harrison prior to his departure from Philadelphia, no doubt to facilitate their settlement before his intended retirement as Secretary of State at the end of Washington's first term. The following reconstruction of these final stages of Jefferson's work on the accounts is speculative, but a comparison of the second and third drafts with thé press copy of the text intended for Harrison (printed as Document i below) suggests the ensuing sequence of steps on 8 and 9 July. Working from the third draft, Jefferson began by making a fair copy of the accounts, from which he produced a press copy, and then drafted a certification of the oath he intended to make on 8 July 1792 in the presence of Supreme Court Justice James Wilson before delivering them to Harrison (see note to Document in below). Later that day, however, perhaps as he was revising and copying the explanations he was preparing to submit with the accounts (see note to Document n below), Jefferson discovered an error in the date of his appointment as minister plenipotentiary and, consequently, in his initial salary payment—afindingthat left him in debt to the United States for an additional $880.97. Around the same time, perhaps as a final check, Jefferson went through the debit section of the third draft interlining notations that keyed entries in the accounts to accompanying documents supporting certain claims, notably those for outfit, salary, travel, and postage (see notes to Document i). It was probably during this process of organizing and cross-referencing his documentation that Jefferson discovered errors on pages 6, 8, and 13 of the accounts. He corrected an entry on page 6 in ink on the press copy, and presumably on the fair copy, as well as on the third draft (see note 65 to Document I below). When he found that three entries and the value for a fourth were missing from page 8 of the accounts, he corrected the third draft and, to judge from the appearance of the press copy, interlined the three entries, including two accompanying notations, and inserted the missing value on the fair copy (see notes 84-87 to Document i below). Jefferson also discovered and corrected an error in the rate of exchange for the last credit entry in the account on page 13 (see notes 97-99 to Document i below). The presence of four references to supporting documentation on pages 8 and 14 of the press copy, in contrast to their absence elsewhere in that text, points to two hypotheses about these interlined notations. Either Jefferson transferred most or all of the interlined notations on the third draft to the fair copy of the accounts intended for Harrison and simply did not update the press copy completely; or, alternatively, he only transferred the four that now appear on the press copy and reserved those on the third draft for his personal use. Since the referenced accounts, receipts, and vouchers do not exist in Jefferson's papers, it is probable that Jefferson transferred most of the interlined notations to the fair copy for the purpose of cataloguing the materials he submitted to Harrison with the account. Jefferson's designation of the third draft as an "exact copy" of what he submitted to Harrison, and the indications on the press copy that pages 8 and 14 were probably the last to be put into final form, also lend support to the first hypothesis (see note to Document i below). Nevertheless, the absence of most of the interlined notations from the [172]

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press copy and the highly abbreviated character of many of them rule out a conclusive determination. In any event, the adjustments to pages 6, 8, and 13 increased Jefferson's indebtedness to the United States slightly, to $888.67. After completing work on the final page of the account, Jefferson signed and dated it 8 July 1792, made a press copy of it, and altered thefinalpage of the third draft to conform to the fair copy submitted to Harrison. With the accounts complete at last, on 9 July Jefferson redrafted the certification of the oath he planned to make before Justice Wilson (see Document in below). In all probability he submitted this unbalanced statement of his accounts and supporting documentation to Harrison on 9 July or sometime during the next few days before his departure for Monticello on 13 July. It was not until five days after his return to Philadelphia in October, how­ ever, that Jefferson instructed Van Staphorst & Hubbard to pay the United States the remaining balance of $888.67 and that he recorded an entry for this transaction on the draft certification he had penned on 8 July (TJ to Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 10 Oct. 1792; note to Document in below). Two days later, on 12 Oct., evidently after retrieving his original statement from Har­ rison, Jefferson subjoined an entry of that date "on the last page of the original account given in to the Auditor" crediting himself for the payment of $888.67 to the United States (see note 120 to Document i below). The delay between the submission of the original statement of accounts to Harrison in July and the addition of thefinalentry in October may have resulted, on the one hand, from Jefferson's wish to have the auditing of his accounts begin as soon as possible in view of his anticipated retirementfromoffice in March 1793 and, on the other hand, from his wish to consider over the summer all alternatives for paying the remaining balance due to the United States. In any event, the explanation he sent to Harrison several years later consistently referred to his accounts as a document of 12 Oct. 1792, no doubt to reflect the date of the final entry (Statement on Accounts as Minister Plenipotentiary in France, 8 Mch. 1796). Jefferson's hopes for an expeditious settlement were not realized. He had justified his claims "up to the strict line of right," as he later observed, but despite Harrison's belief that he could settle them "in a manner that will be satisfactory to yourself, and at the same time conformable to law," the Auditor still had notfinishedthe task when Jefferson retired as Secretary of State at the end of 1793 (Statement on Accounts as Minister Plenipotentiary in France, 8 Mch. 1796; Harrison to T J , 25 Mch. 1793). Nearly two years passed before Harrison, having reviewed the accounts and checked them against those of Grand & Company with the United States, notified Jefferson that his accounts had been settled except for house rent, outfit, the terminal date of his ministry to France, and certain charges on Jefferson's private account with Grand (Harrison to T J , 28 Sep. 1795). Although in February 1796 Jefferson contemplated a joint appeal to Congress with Vice-President Adams, whose European accounts were experiencing similar delays in settlement, he drafted a comprehensive explanation of all four points, incorporating some of the notes he had submitted with the accounts in 1792, and sent it to Harrison the following month. The circumstances surrounding his acceptance of the office of Secretary of State and the termination of his French commission, Jefferson maintained, had increased his expenses and "left me loser, on the [173]

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FRENCH

ACCOUNTS

whole mission," to the amount of $1,893.21—the value of his unpaid loans of 29 Jan. and 10 Oct. 1792 from Van Staphorst and Hubbard. Jefferson's financial affairs were so taut that he concluded his appeal to Harrison with the confession that "every defalcation now is to cut off exactly so much of a farm" (TJ to Harrison, 13 Nov. 1795, 8, 9, 17 Mch. 1796; Statement on Accounts as Minister Plenipotentiary in France, 8 Mch. 1796; T J to J . A. Gautier, 17 Mch. 1796; T J to Adams, 28 Feb. 1796; Adams to T J , 6 Apr. 1796; Malone, Jefferson, in, 176-9, 300). But Jefferson's hopes that this new explanation would lead to a speedy settlement were frustrated once again. Harrison's chief difficulty now was with the bankers' accounts, and he was unable to reconcile them without financial records in the hands of William Short, which did not become available until Short's return to America from Europe in 1802. Another two years elapsed before the Auditor was able to inform Jefferson that he had "adjusted, closed, and reported" the accounts to the Comptroller of the Treasury, having approved every item in them but one. This was a a bill of exchange for 2,800 florins banco Jefferson had drawn on Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard on 21 Oct. 1789 in favor of Grand & Company. Although Jefferson had listed this bill on the credit side of his account, it had miscarried and had never been presented for payment. As a result, Harrison informed the President that it now "stands at your debit only as a provisional charge" (Harrison to T J , 24 Oct. 1804). Shortly before Jefferson's retirement as President in 1809, the transaction not having been included in the Amsterdam bankers' accounts with the United States and no evidence having appeared that Grand & Company had ever negotiated the bill, Harrison ruled that Jefferson was entitled to reimbursement for it. As a result, on 10 Mch. 1809, six days after Jefferson's retirement as President, Harrison advised him that a Treasury warrant for $1,148, an amount equal to the value of the bill without interest, would be issued later that day. This payment, which Jefferson deposited in the Bank of the United States on 11 Mch. before leaving the capital for Monticello for the last time, brought to a close the protracted settlement of his French accounts, though it did little to relieve the former President's straitened finances (MB, 21 Oct. 1789, 11 Mch. 1809; T J to Grand & Cie., 21 Oct. 1789; T J to Harrison, and to J . A. Gautier, both 17 Mch. 1796; Harrison to T J , 24 Jan., 10 Mch. 1809; T J to Harrison, 22 May 1822; Harrison to T J , 3 June 1822, enclosing Harrison to Henry Williams Dwight, 10 Apr. 1822, and to Joseph Anderson, 29 May 1822; Malone, Jefferson, v, 665-6, vi, 3-4, 34-42). Near the end of Jefferson's life, when his affairs, according to Dumas Malone, were "on the brink offinancialdisaster," the settlement of his French accounts became a matter of public controversy. In 1821-22 a writer calling himself "A Native Virginian" published a series of essays in the Federal Republi­ can of Baltimore on the subject of presidential corruption. One of these arti­ cles, exhibiting an obvious though inadequate familiarity with the Treasury's settlement of Jefferson's accounts, charged the retired President with pecula­ tion for allegedly having accepted payment twice for the October 1789 bill of exchange—first from Grand & Company in 1789 and then from the United States in 1809. This accusation prompted the chairman of the Committee on Public Expenditures in the House of Representatives to obtain an explanation of the matter from Harrison in April 1822. Although he was unaware of the chairman's request, Jefferson was so outraged by the slur cast on his honor by [174]

8 JULY

1792

the newspaper attacks that he went to the unusual length of publishing two letters in the Richmond Enquirer in rebuttal of this charge, pointing out that Grand & Company had never negotiated the bill and that he had refrained from demanding payment of the interest on it in 1809 even though he would have been perfectly justified in doing so (Malone, Jefferson, vi, 314; T J to Ritchie & Gooch, 13 May, 10 June 1822, printed in the Richmond Enquirer, 17 May, 13 June 1822; T J to Harrison, 31 May 1822; Harrison to T J , 3 June 1822, enclosing Harrison to Henry Williams Dwight, 10 Apr. 1822, and to Joseph Anderson, 29 May 1822). The publication of these letters marked the final chapter in the history of Jefferson's French accounts.

I. Accounts as Minister Plenipotentiary in France 1784. The United States of America to T h : Jefferson Dr. July

1.

To pd. Capt. Grey for my passage from tt s d Portsmouth to Havre. 8. guineas 200- 0-0 To salary from Apr. 11. to this day inclusive @ 11,111 Vg Dollars per ann. 3439.87 D . = 18,575- 6-0 To pd. for copying press for my office, 5. reams paper, ink &c. £ 1 7 - 3 - 6 . sterl. 412- 4-0 Stationary 3.*—21. do. 42.*—23. do. 13s. 45-13-0 postage 2*-16—24. stationary 20.*— Oct. 22. postage 16— 27. do. 20*-15 4 5 - 7-0 a quarter's salary @ 9000.D. per ann. 2250 D . = 12,150- 0-0 postage 15s.—10. do. 2*-14—24. do. 5*_7_Dec. 1. do. 6*-15—16. do. 2*-12—20 do. 6*-19—28 do. 2*-6 2 7 - 8-0 two months salary 1500 D = 8,100- 0-0 1

31.

2

Aug.

16.

3

20. Sep.

22.

Oct.

31.

4

Nov.

2.

Dec.

31.

1785. Jan.

4.

Feb.

1.

postage 2.*—15. stationary 1*-10—18. postage 5*-10—26. do. 6.* postage 2*-17—8. do. 1 Is.—10. sta­ tionary 25.*—15. postage 1*-11—22. do. l*-3.—28. staty. 19-16 [175]

15- 0-0

50-18-0

JEFFERSON'S

Mar.

1.

31. Apr.

5.

May

2. 3. 20.

FRENCH

ACCOUNTS

postage 1.*—8. do. 4*-9.—22. staty. 15.*—29. postage. l*-3 21-12-0 a quarter's salary 2250.D = 12,150- 0-0 postage 17s.—12. do. l*-3—15. staty. 8.*—20. postage 1*-10.—28. do. l * - 2 12-12-0 Outfit as Minister Plenipotentiary resi­ dent. a year's salary. 9000.D = 48,600- 0-0 postage 8*-9—13. do. 1*-19—15. staty. 24.*—25. do. 48.*—28. post­ age. 3*-15. 8 6 - 3-0 portage & charges of Copying press from London. [17-12-6] cash to Alexr. Learmouth a poor Ameri­ can to carry him to Lorient 3 6 - 0-0 postage 3*-12—staty. 1*-16—9. post­ age 20*-6—15. do. 13*-3—21. do. 2*-l 40-18-0 a quarter's salary 2250.D = 12,150- 0-0 staty. 16*-19s-6d—postage l l * - 3 — 12. do. 7*-3—staty. 2*-10—17. post­ age 1.*—22. do. 4*-17 i 98-11-6 staty. 50.*—29. postage 4*-19 112,835- 5-0 5

6

7

23. June

1.

30. July.

1. 24.

[Page 2:]

1785. Aug.

1.

Sep.

7. 30.

Oct.

3. 5. 15.

staty. 18.*—postage 3*-9s—8. do. 5*8s— 15.do.24*-15s—22. do. 99*« s d 12s—25. do. 12.*—31. do. 6*-6s 169-10-0 postage 7*-14s—18. do. 246*-5s.—21. do. 9*-19s—28. 46*-9s 310- 7-0 a quarter's salary. 2250 D. = 12,150- 0-0 pd. Count Langeac, on takg. lease of his house. 3,750- 0-0 postage 10.*—7. stationary 8.*—11. postage 9*-2s 2 7 - 2-0 pd. rent of Gueraut's house from May 2. (when I reed, my appointmt.) to Oct. 15. 5^2 months. 2,750- 0-0 9

10

[176]

8

8 JULY

22. Nov.

9.

1792

postage. 41 —2—25. stationary. 1 — 4s—28. postage. 118*-5s. 160-11-0 postage 4 -13s—10. staty. 9.*—17. postage 7 -10s.—23. do. l*-10s.— 29. do. 9*-18s 32-11-0 staty. 34.*—7. postge. 4 -10s—8. staty. ' 29. —14. postge. 13 —15. staty. 43*—21. postge. 1^-6^—29. do. } 159-13-0 10*-ls staty. l*-12s—31. do. 23*4s a quarter's salary @ 5 -8s. the doll, for Oct. & 5*-12s for Nov. & Dec. 2250.D. = 12,450- 0-0 gazettes of Leyden & France for this year sent to M r . Jay 36* + 15* 5 1 - 0-0 tt

H

tt

tt

Dec.

1.

H

tt

tt

11

31.

tt

12

13

1786. Jan.

1. & 10. Court fees at Versailles. 312- 0-0 3. paid Ct. Langeac a quarter's rent 1,875- 0-0 5. postage 12 -19s—17. do. 12 -10s 2 5 - 9-0 17. pd. taxes on Gueraut's house 5Vs months @ 50.* per month 275- 0-0 18. postage 261*-9s—22. staty. 19.*—24. do. 15*-19s. 296- 8-0 2. postge. 9*-19s—11. do. 20.*-5s.—16. staty. 14 —14s. —19. postage. 6— 2s.—27. do. 12*-18s. 63-18-0 1. postge. 19*-10s.—4. do. 126 -18s.— do. l l * - 4 s 157-12-0 31. a quarter's salary @ 5 -12s the Dollar. 2250 D. = 12,600- 0-0 30. Expences from Mar. 4. to, at, & from London, viz. tt s pd. in French money. 922-15 pd.inEng. } 3,896-13-0 money £ 1 2 3 - 1 8 s - 3 d = 2973-18 Carriage to & from Calais 288- 0-0 [51,800-14-0] 14

15

tt

tt

16

17

Feb.

tt

tt

18

Mar.

tt

tt

Apr.

19

20

[177]

21

JEFFERSON'S

FRENCH

ACCOUNTS

[Page 3:]

1786. May.

1. 2. 18.

June

1.

cash to James Barclay a shipwreckt « s d American sailor 48- 0-0 postage 49 -5—3. do. 6. —10. do. 12*_16s—24. do. 10*-2 78- 3-0 transportation of my baggage from Calais by the Diligence 104-18-0 postage 24 -7s.—7. do. l l - 6 s — 1 3 . do. 9*-2s—23. do. 294 -ls 338-16-0 a quarter's salary 2250.D. = 12,600- 0-0 postage 31*-12s—5. do. 23*-18s—10. do. 16*-5s—19. do. 18*-18s. 90-13-0 postage 120*-7s—2. do. 25*-5s.—20. do. 64 -14s 210- 6-0 postage. 45*-l.—22. do. l O ô ^ - H s . 151-18-0 a quarter's salary. 2250.D. = 12,600- 0-0 postage 97."—5. stationary 43.*—14. postage 16 -14s. 156-14-0 postage 139*-10s-6d. 139-10-6 cash to Daniel Lemasney a poor Ameri­ can. 24- 0-0 postage 18.*-10s—15. do. 17 -12s.— 22. do. 23 -14s. 59-16-0 cash to an American sailor. 12- 0-0 postage 24 -9s.—9. do. 15. -ls.—14. do. 4 6 - l s . 85-11-0 cash to Alexr. Mcintosh a shipwreckt sailor from New York 24- 0-0 postage 20*-17s.—28. do. 26 -3s 4 7 - 0-0 a quarter's salary 2250.D. = 12,600- 0-0 pd. Genl. la Vallette for Colo. Fleury (one of the foreign officers) certif. for interest. 507- 0-0 Gazettes of France & Leyden for this year sent to the office of foreign affairs 5 1 - 0-0 39,929- 5-6 tt

tt

tt

tt

tt

July

30. 1.

Aug.

1.

tt

Sep. Oct.

4. 30. 2.

22

tt

Nov.

4. 7. 9.

23

tt

tt

Dec.

22. 1.

tt

tt

tt

14. 24. 31.

tt

24

25

[178]

8 JULY

1792

[Page 4:]

1787. Jan.

1. & 2. Court-fees at Versailles. 10. postage 51 -Is Feb. 9. postage 140 -13s.—17. staty. 116*8s.—18. postge. 32*-15s.—26. do. 74*-12s—27. do. 15.* Mar. 26. postage. 38 -16s.—28. do. 2*-10s. 2250.D = 31. a quarter's salary Apr. 6. postage 4 - l 5s May. 3. postage 45 .* 27. cash to Mr. Barclay at Bordeaux on acct. of his Marocco mission. 31. postage. 7 -7s.—June 6. do. 3 -18s. June. 12. cash to an American sailor. 2250.D = 30. a quarter's salary. postage 134 -18s.—July 1. do. 5 1 3s.—2. do. 66«-16s. July 2. Deaugustini for translating 7. postage 26 -8s.—13. do. 30 -6s. 13. cash to an American shipwreckt sailor from New London. 26. postage 20 -ls.—28. do. 17 -19s.— Aug. 6. do. 7*-10s.—6 & 27. cou­ rier to Havre. 84." Aug. 8. pd. Mr. Barclay's bill on acct. of Ma­ rocco mission to enable him to return to America. 13. postage 47 -9s.—19. do. 9.*—26. do. 6*-10s.—31. do. 8* Sep. 1. postage gi^-lSs.—5. do. 19 -14s.—8. do. gtt-lOs.—16. do. 5*-10s.—23. do. 10 -10s—30. do. l l * - 1 0 s 30. a quarter's salary 2250.D. = Oct. 1. Deaugustini for translating postage 56*-l8s—7. do. 7*-ls. + 12*10s. —15. do. 68«-14s. + 9.*™ tt

n s d 336- 0-0 5 1 - 1-0

ft

26

tt

t t

tt

tt

tt

1,00011612,600-

0-0 5-0 0-0 0-0

t t

27

tt

29

379- 8-0 4 1 - 6-0 12,600- 0-0 4-15-0 4 5 - 0-0

tt

H

28

252-17-0 12- 0-0 56-14-0 2 4 - 0-0

tt

30

31

32

129-10-0 1,200- 0-0

tt

ss

70-19-0

ft

tt

34

35

[179]

148-12-0 12,600- 0-0 4 8 - 0-0 154_ 3_0 41,771-10-0

JEFFERSON'S

FRENCH

ACCOUNTS

[Page 5:]

1787.

s d 1,875- 0-0 H

Nov.

paid a quarter's rent to Ct. Langeac postage 24.*—3. do. 23 -10s—4. do. 14*-13s. + 9«—14. do. 10*-8s postage 32 -2 + 38*-10s.—31. Cou­ rier to Havre 96. a quarter's salary 2250.D. Gazettes of France & Leyden to Office of foreign affairs for this year. 37

tt

38

Dec.

1.

tt39

31.

81-11-0

tt

40

166-12-0 12,600- 0-0 5 1 - 0-0

1788. Jan.

2. & 15. Court fees at Versailles 3. postage 97*-7s + 38*-9s 17. pd. a quarter's rent to Count Langeac 22. postage 100 -19s—26. do. from Dec. 30. to this day 171*-7s 29. postage from Jan. 27. to Feb. 23. 149 8s pd. E. McCarthy's bill for prize money of Bonhomme Richard 4. pd. fitting carriage for journey to Am­ sterdam, workmen working H S day & night 181-17 10. my expences from Paris to Am­ sterdam 752- 3 do. in Amsterdam, including a part of M r . Adams's 484-13 31 a quarter's salary 23 half my expences from Amster­ dam to Paris (allowg. half for detour to Strasbg.) 901- 3 hire of carriage for the journey 480- 0 28. postage from Feb. 24. to Apr. 26. portage of Schweighauser's papers from Nantes portage of papers of the Consular office from Lorient paid M r . Short in part of his salary 41

42

312- 0-0 135-16-0 1,875- 0-0

tt

43

Feb.

44

Mar.

45

Apr.

272-

6-0

149-

8-0

731-

3-0

H

12,600- 0-0

46

47

48

49

[180]

2,799-16-0 150-15-0 6-13-0 79-10-0 169-19-6 34,056- 9-6

8

JULY

1792

[Page 6:]

1788. May

2.

repd. M r . Grand a quarter's rent he had »t s d paid to Ct. Langeac 1,875- 0-0 3. paid M r . Short in part of his salary 600- 0-0 19. cash to Walter Henry, a shipwreckt sailor from New York 2 4 - 0-0 June 3. postage from Apr. 26. to May 3 1 . 116-13-0 25. a ream copying paper from London 2 2 - 4-0 28. postage from June 1. to June 28. 67-10-0 30. a quarter's salary 2250.D. = 12,600- 0-0 July 10. postage from New York 98-16-0 Aug. 1. postage from June 29. to July 26. 76- 2-0 2. pd. Cabaret Stationary from 1787. May 24. to 1788. June 29. 186- 6-0 31. postage from July 27. to Aug. 30. 141 -3s + 9*-6s." 150- 9-0 Sep. 5. postage from New York. 39-10-0 20. printing 18 -16s. 18-16-0 30. a quarter's salary. 2250.D. = 12,600- 0-0 Oct. 3. postage from Aug. 31. to Sep. 27. 1 4 1 - 4-0 packing & portage of Consular papers to Havre by Diligence 170- 1-0 Nov. 1. postage from Sep. 28. to Oct. 25. 9 3 - 0-0 3. repd. M r . Grand two quarter's rent he had pd. Ct. Langeac. 3,750- 0-0 26. paid Clousier for printing Consular conventn. & Observas, on Whale fishery 183- 0-0 Dec. 1. postage from Oct. 26. to Nov. 29. 113- 1-0 four reams copying paper from London. £ 3 - 1 4 sterl. 52-16-0 31. postage from Nov. 30. to Dec. 27. 73-13-0 Gazettes of France & Leyden this year to office of Foreign affairs 5 1 - 0-0 a quarter's salary 2250.D. = 12,600- 0-0 45,703- 1-0 50

51

52

53

54

55

56

tt

58

tt

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

[181}

JEFFERSON'S

FRENCH

ACCOUNTS

[Page 7:]

1789 Jan. Feb.

it s d 1. & 13. Court fees at Versailles 336- 0-0 18. cash to an American sailor 9 - 0-0 24. postage 10- 0-0 2. postage from Dec. 28. to Jan. 24. 55_i4_o 19. repd. Burrell Carnes's disbursemts. at Nantes for the U.S. 75- 9-0 1. postage. 10- 2-0 2. repd. M r . Grand my order in favor of Foulloy for Deane's letter & acct. books 600- 0-0 postage from Jan. 25. to Feb. 2 1 . 134- 7-0 pd. Cabaret for Stationary from 1788. Aug. 9. to 1789. Feb. 23. 155-14-0 17. postage. 2*-8s—19. Clousier printing 14 * 16- 8-0 31. a quarter's salary 2250.D. = 12,600- 0-0 1. paid Deaugustini for translating several articles. 144- 0-0 postage from Feb. 22. to Mar. 28. 8 2 - 9-0 pd. M r . Limozin's postages 10^-78—his disbursemts. for Consulr. papers 6 8s-9d 16-15-9 pd. Upton in part for Medal boxes 96. —12. pd. do. for do. on acct. 102.* 198- 0-0 14 pd. Ct. Langeac for the first & last half years rent of his house on the new lease 6,000- 0-0 1. postage from Mar. 29. to Apr. 25. 128-19-0 30. postge. from Apr. 26. to May 30. 100*10s.—June 27. do. from May 31. to June 27. 126*-6s 226-16-0 30 a quarter's salary. 2250.D. = 12,600- 0-0 4, pd. for a silver medal of Genl. Greene 26*-4s-9d—do. of Genl. Gates 3 1 * 16s 5 8 - 0-9 28. postage from New York 115 -0.—post­ age from Jun. 28. to July 25. 123 9s. 238- 9-0 69

70

Mar.

71

72

73

74

Apr.

75

76

H

tt

77

78

May.

79

80

June July.

81

tt

tt

82

[182]

8

31. Aug. Sep.

21. 4. 5.

J U L Y

1792

paid Upton for a medal case for 11. med­ als. gave David Barnett a poor American pd. Clousier for printing for U.S. pd. Blanc for 6. officers fusils, models for war office 83

2 4 - 0-0 6 - 0-0 2 0 - 0-0 304^10-0 34,050-13-6

[Page 8:]

1789. Sep.

Oct.

s d 12- 0-0 ' 178-10-0* 12- 2-0 ft

15. 19. 22. 23. 31. 4.

To pd. Cabaret for stationary To postage from July 26. to Sep. 19. To pd. for a box &c. packing fusils. To cash to Thomas Walter a poor American To a quarter's salary 2250.D. To pd. acct. for velvet for lining a medal case To postage 24 -3s—Oct. 5. to do. 4*-17s tt

8

6 - 0-0 12,600- 0-0

81

15- 6-0 2 9 - 0-0

acct.

Dec.

5. 31.

To postage 4 -17s—15. do. l«-10s To a quarter's salary. 2250.D. tt

6 - 7-0 12,600- 0-0 25,459- 5-0

[Page 9:]

1784. The United States in account with T h Jefferson Cr. May

28.

June July

20. 1. 3.

Aug. Sep. Oct.

20. 26. 20. 15.

By cash from Rob. Morris esq. Doll. in Philadelphia. 400 By do. from M r . Lovell in Boston 170. By do. from do. 130. By do. from do. 250. By do. from Thos. Russell for my draught on Rob. Morris 700. 1650. By do. from M r . Grand By do. By do. By do. [183}

tt

8,9105,0003,0005,0004,000-

s d 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0

8

8:

JEFFERSON'S

Nov. Dec.

FRENCH

22. 20.

By do. from Le Coulteux on Mr. Adams's bill of /6000. on Holld. Nov. 12. Dec. 8. Dec. 16. Dec. 20. By cash from M r . Grand By do.

11. 1. 1. 1.

By By By By

ACCOUNTS

n 6000. 4400. 2000. 300. 240-7-6

12,940- 7-6 4,000- 0-0 4,000- 0-0

1785. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr.

do. do. do. do.

4,0004,0004,0005,00063,850-

0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 7-6

« 4,0004,0004,0004,0004,0006,0004,0004,0004,0004,000-

s d 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0

5,0004,0005,0002,000-

0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0

[Page 10:]

1785. May June July. Aug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec.

13. 1. 1. 1. 1. 3. 22. 8. 2. 31.

By cash from M r . Grand. By do. By do. By do. By do. By do. By do. By do. By do. By do.

16. 2. 27. 5. 18.

By do. By do. By do. By do. By my bill on M r . Grand in favor of Teissier of London. By do. By do.

1786. Jan. Feb. Mar.

Apr.

1. 17.

[ 184]

2,400- 0-0 2,606-18-0 2,606-18-0

8 JULY

May June

25. 1. 1. 13.

By By By By

1792

do. cash of Mr. Grand. do. do.

3,9104,0004,0003,00080,524-

7-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 3-0

it 4,0007,0001,0005,000-

0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0

[Page 11:]

1786. July Aug. Sep.

1. 1. 16. 1. 7. 19.

Oct. Nov. Dec.

2. 2. 1. 29.

By cash from Mr. Grand. By do. By do. By do. By Mr. Grand's letter of credit in favr. Colo. Smith on my acct. By le Fevre, Roussac & co's bill on me paid by Mr. Grand. By cash of Mr. Grand. By do. By do. By do.

2,986- 7-3 4505,0005,0005,0006,000-

0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0

2,0004,0001,0009,0001,4501,500600600-

0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0

1787. Jan. Feb.

Mar. Apr.

12. 1. 8. 16. 28. 15. 31. 16. 17. 30.

May

12. 21.

By do. By do. By do. to Mrs. Barclay on my order. By cash of Mr. Grand. By do. to Petit on my order By do. of Finguerlin & Scherer at Lyons By do. to Petit on my order of Feb. 28. By do. of Brethous at Marseilles. By pd. by Finguerlin & Scherer my bill in favr. of Parent By cash of Mr. Grand to Petit on my or­ der of Feb. 28. By do. of Brethous at Marseilles By do. of Baron Le Clerc at Nice

[185]

335- 0-0 600- 0-0 1,500- 0-0 1,622- 9 - 0 65,643-16-3

8!

JEFFERSON'S

FRENCH

ACCOUNTS

[Page 12:]

1787. May

23. 24.

June

4.

July

18. 2.

Aug. Oct.

21. 1.

Nov. Dec.

1. 1. 31.

By Col. Smith's bill of £46. on me pd. by Mr. Grand. By my order in favor of Philip Mazzei pd. by Mr. Grand By cash of Feger, Gramont & co. at Bor­ deaux By pd. to do. by Mr. Grand for me for wine. By cash to Petit by order of Mr. Short for my use. By cash of Mr. Grand. By do. By Feger, Gramont & co. By cash of Mr. Grand. By cash for bill on Willincks flor. Bo. & Van Staphorst for 3201- 1 By do. on do. 2291-13 By do. on do. 2731- 5 By do. on do. 2750- 0 90

« s d 1,122-14-3 600-

0-0

2,700- 0-0 747-11-0 400- 0-0 3,000- 0-0 4,000- 0-0 16-17-6 4,000- 0-0 7,0005,0006,0006,000-

0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0

1788. Feb. Mar.

1. 1. 29.

Apr.

18.

May

2.

June July

2. 2.

By do. on do. 3201- 1 7,000- 0-0 By do. on do. 3201- 1 7,000- 0-0 By cash in Amsterdam from / . Court. tt s Willinks 324= 697- 5 By do. at different times from V. Staphorsts 2400* + 1314-17V* = 5229-15 5,927- 0-0 By cash at Strasburgh on my draught on V . Staphorsts for 426900- 0-0 By cash for bill on Willinks / . Bo. & V. Staphorsts 2270-17 5,000- 0-0 By do. on do. 1816-13 4,000- 0-0 By do. on do. 2291-13-8 5,000- 0-0 75,414- 2-9 91

[186]

8

JULY

1792

[Page 13:]

1788 July

12.

Aug.

1.

Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec.

1. 1. 3. 1. 31.

By pd. by Van Staphorsts to Peuchen of Cologne for me. By cash for bill on Willinks & V . Staphorsts By do. on do. By do. on do. By do. on do. By do. on do. By do. on do. 92

s 143--14 / Bo. 2296--17-8 2312--10-0 1833-- 7-0 2312--10-0 2317--14-0 2775-- 0

tt s d 309- 7-0

/

5,0005,0004,0005,0005,0006,000-

0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0 0-0

1789. Feb. Mar. Apr. May. June July

2. 1. 1. 14. 1. 17. 1. 1. 4.

2285- 5 By do. on do. 5,000- 0-0 2725- 0 6,000- 0-0 By do. on do. 3179- 3 7,000- 0-0 By do. on do. 2731- 5 6,000- 0-0 By do. on do. By do. on do. 2731- 5 6,000- 0-0 By do. on do. 237- 6 509-10-7 2700- 0 By do. on do. 6,000- 0-0 2693-15 By do. on do. 6,000- 0-0 By cash overpd. by Grand & refunded to me by Gateau for medals. 76- 0-0 By cash for b i l l on Willinks 2687-10 6,000- 0-0 & Van Staphorsts 2687-10 By do. on do. 6,000- 0-0 4031- 8 By do. on do. 9,000- 0-0 By my bill on do. in favor 2800- 0 Grand & co (atsameexch.) 6,250-18-0 By do. on do. in favr. Thos. Auldjo for £210. sterl. @ 25.* the pound sterl. _5 250 _0 0 105,395-15-7" 93

Aug.

1.

Sep.

1. 24. 21.

Oct.

94

95

96

97

9 8

a

[187]

=

=

JEFFERSON'S

FRENCH

ACCOUNTS

[Page 14:]

Amount of Dr.

Amount of Cr. tt s d 112,835- 5 - 0 51,800-14-0 39,929- 5-6 41,771-10-0 34,056- 9-6 45,703- 1-0 34,050-13-6 25,459- 5 - 0

page 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

385,606- 3 - 6 5,222- 1-7 390,828- 5 - 1

100

« s d 63,850- 7-6 80,524- 3-0 65,643-16-3 75,414- 2-9 105,395-15-7

page 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

101

102

103

104

10S

390,828- 5 - 1

1 0 6

1 0 7

The U.S. of America in acct. with Th:Jefferson Dol. 1790. Mar. 22. [resoln. Aug. 6.1779.]

108

[his note.] 1792. Jan. 29.

To salary from Dec. 31. to this day when I enter on office of Secy, of state, 81. days. To allowance for return settled by Congress at a quarter's sal­ ary. To public articles paid by Wm. Short & charged by him to m e / 2466*-13 To credit to U.S. with Will. V. Stap.&Hub. by V. Stap. & Hub. on my order Balance due from Th:J.

1997.26 2250. 459.87

109

Cr. Balance due from Th:J. to the U.S. as by precedg. acct. 5222*-ls-7d @5 -12s

1789. Dec. 3 1 .

113

it

1004.54 7.7 5719.37

110

m

112

932.51

114

* converted by Mr. Short at 5 -7s-2d. This accidental price of hard money is surely the tempo­ rary effect of it's scarcity, & of the inundation of assignats. H

115

[188]

8

1790. Aug. 4.

JULY

1792

By my bill from N . York on Will. V. Staph. & / Hub. 4036- 0 Court. By Mr. Short's two bills of this day for me on do. f 2200- 0. banco (2203- 1 By do. 1328-17 By do. 2199- 5 11,967- 3 @ 2 y 4786.86 5719.37

21.

Sep. 22. Dec. 30.

116

2

The U.S. of America in account with Th: Jefferson Cr.

118

By balance as above By error in dating my appointmt. from Apr. 11. instd. of May 9. 1784. never discovered till this 8th. July 1792 TH:

117

Dol. 7.7 880.97

JEFFERSON

July 8. 1792.

119

[On separate sheet:]

120

The U.S. of America in acct. with Th:Jefferson 1792. Oct. 12.

To credit to the U.S. with Will. & Staph. & Hub. by V. Staph. & Hub. on Dol. my order /2221-14s = 888.67 Cr. By balance due from Th: J. as before 888.67 TH:

JEFFERSON

Oct. 12. 1792. PrC (DLC: T J Papers, 76: 1321622, 13228, 13223-7, 13229, 77: 13294); entirely in TJ's hand; brackets in original except where noted; consists of 14 numbered pages and supplemental page, filed with 3d Dft, containing final entry of 12 Oct. 1792 and later notation in ink by T J at head of page: "press copy from the entry subjoined on the last page of the

original account given in to the Auditor"; incorporates all revisions to 3d Dft except annotations on pages 1-7, but wording of some entries varies (see notes below); with amount for second entry of 1 Dec. 1788 on page 6 subsequently altered in ink by T J (see note 65 below) and three entries interlined and a value for a fourth entered on page 8 (see notes 84-87 below). 3d

[189]

JEFFERSON'S

FRENCH

Dft (same, 77: 13286-93); dated 8 July 1792 but begun ca. 26 Jan. 1792; entirely in TJ's hand and signed by him; con­ sists of 14 numbered pages in same for­ mat as PrC, but lacks entry for 12 Oct. 1792; incorporates revisions and additions to 2d Dft; also includes subsequent addi­ tions and revisions not in 2d Dft: three additional debit entries interlined on page 8, revisions to debit and credit entries on pages 6, 8 and 13 and to the account summary on page 14, and additional debit and credit entries from 31 Dec. 1789 to 29 Jan. 1792 and debit entries for "omissions & errors" on page 14; debit entries on pages 1-8 and additional debit and credit entries on page 14 annotated with interlined notations referring to sup­ porting documents probably submitted with original of PrC (see notes below); filed with slip bearing endorsements by T J : "Account with the U.S. of America as their Minister Plenipotentiary in Europe" and "exact copy as given in to the Auditor July 1792." 2d Dft (same, 96: 16491-8); undated; entirely in TJ's hand, but not signed; consists of 12 num­ bered and 2 unnumbered pages, proba­ bly written in stages ca. March, May, and September 1789 and late January 1792, containing thefirstchronological arrange­ ment of the accounts, in same format as 3d Dft except for last page, which con­ sists of summary at top and penciled cal­ culations at foot; salary entries from 31 Dec. 1785 to 31 Mch. 1789 altered to reflect change in rate of exchange; con­ tains additions and revisions not in follow­ ing text; filed with a supplementary page headed "Alterations and Additions," writ­ ten ca. 26 Jan. 1792, containing notes of revisions to be made to pages 8 and 14 of 2d and 3d Dfts and notes for draw­ ing up "a new account for subsequent articles" from 31 Dec. 1789 to 29 Jan. 1792 later added to 3d Dft. PrC (same, 12: 2051-63); consists of 12 unnumbered pages; lacks page 8 listing debit entries from 15 Sep. to 31 Dec. 1789, summary page, and page of alterations and addi­ tions; also lacks subtotals, credit entries from 24 Sep. to 21 Oct. 1789, and other changes made to 2d Dft; salary entries from 31 Dec. 1785 to 31 Mch. 1789 altered in ink and pencil; filed with slip bearing endorsement by T J : "My account

ACCOUNTS

with the U.S. Chronologically stated." Dft (same, 53: 9007-8, 8994-6, 90001, 8999); undated but probably written in stages ca. September 1788 and March and May 1789; entirely in TJ's hand, but not signed; earliest known compre­ hensive statement of accounts consisting of 13 unnumbered pages as follows: 8 pages recording debit entries from 1 July 1784 to 1 May 1789 organized topically under the headings "Outfit" (charged as one year's salary), "House-rent" (with last entry subsequently added), "Stationary," "Postage & Couriers," "Salary" (with amounts for quarterly entries for March, June, and September 1785 altered to reflect change in rate of exchange and foot­ note subjoined), and "Extra articles," and 5 pages recording credit entries chrono­ logically from 28 May 1784 to 17 May 1789, the first four pages of which, con­ taining entries down to 1 Sep. 1788, are written on a different paper and may, pos­ sibly with MS of outfit listed below, have been part of an earlier version. Pr C (same, 12: 2042-50); consists of first 8 pages only; with amounts for quarterly salary entries for March, June, and September 1785 altered and footnote subjoined in ink; filed with slip bearing endorsement by T J : "My Account with the U.S. Stated (according to the) each General head by itself." MS (DLC, T J Papers, 53: 89978); undated but probably written between February 1786 and May 1787; entirely in TJ's hand; earliest known document relating to preparation of accounts consist­ ing of 2 pages listing expenditures for the cost of his outfit from 6 Aug. 1784 to 27 Feb. 1786 arranged topically under "Car­ riage & horses," "Clothes," and "Housefurniture"; untotaled. Only the significant differences between the PrC printed above and the 3d Dft have been noted below. In the earliest organization of TJ's papers that can be recovered, the MS on outfit and the Dft of the accounts, as well as the Dfts and one page of the PrC of his Explanatory Notes (see Document n below) and several related miscellaneous documents (DLC: T J Papers, 53: 90026, 9012-13), arefiledin proximity to two docketing slips on which T J wrote respec­ tively: "papers which may be necessary to recur to in support of my Account with the US." and "papers respecting my

[190]

8 JULY account with the US. Useless" (same, 9014, 9009). Although during TJ's life­ time these slips must have identified the documents he placed in each category, subsequent reorganizations of the papers have made it impossible to recover his designations. Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "by resoln. Congr. May 11. 1784." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "by resoln. of Congress of Oct. 4. 1779.—see Note on value of Dollar—and credit for error." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "Woodmason's receipt." Here in 3d Dft T J wrote "and at 5*8s. the dollar." Underneath the entry in the same text T J wrote "resoln. May 7. 1774." The resolution, in fact, was passed in 1778. Here in 3d Dft T J wrote "at Versailles." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "See note explaining this." Word written over "England," erased. Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "See acct." PrC illegible;figuresuppliedfrom3d Dft. Here in 3d Dft T J wrote "the last 6. months rent in advance." Underneath the entry in the same text T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath each of the first three expenditures for stationery in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "See note explaining this." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "see note." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect. with that of Oct. 15. 85." Underneath the expenditure for sta­ tionery in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath the expenditure for sta­ tionery in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "see Note." 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

1792 "Hire of Carriage" in 3d Dft. Subotal, illegible in PrC, supplied from account summary on page 14. Underneath the second expenditure in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath the expenditure for sta­ tionery in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "vouchers." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath the expenditure for sta­ tionery in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath the third expenditure in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath each.expenditure in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this word in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this number in 3d Dft T J wrote " + ." Underneath these numbers in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "bill & rect." Underneath each of the last three expenditures in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote " + ." In 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." under­ neath the first expenditure in this entry, "acct." under the second, and " + " under all the rest. Underneath this expenditure in 3d Dft T J wrote " + ." Underneath the final expenditure in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." T J wrote "acct." underneath the first two expenditures and again under the last two expenditures in this entry in 3d Dft. Underneath the expenditures for postage in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." In 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." under­ neath the first expenditure for postage in this entry and "acct." underneath the second.

[191]

2 0

21

2 2

2 3

2 4

25

2 6

2 7

2 8

2 9

3 0

31

3 2

3 3

3 4

35

3 6

3 7

3 8

3 9

4 0

4 1

4 2

4 3

JEFFERSON'S

FRENCH

Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "bill & rect." 3d Dft: "Expences of return." Parenthetical passage not in 3d Dft. Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." This entry in 3d Dft is datedI 2 June 1788. Underneath it in the same text T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect. taken in." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." T J wrote "52" in ink above "88," which he canceled. In 3d Dft he erased "88" and wrote in "52"; underneath the text of the entry in the same text he wrote "rect. for £2-2." The change to "52" corrected the discrepancy between the amount of the receipt and the £3-14 given in the text of the entry in PrC and 3d Dft and also applied the reduced rate of exchange for livres after 31 Oct. 1785 that T J explained in Document II below. The entry in its original form is in Dft and is interlined in 2d Dft. 4 4

4 5

4 6

4 7

4 8

4 9

5 0

51

5 2

53

5 4

55

56

57

5 8

5 9

6 0

61

6 2

6 3

6 4

65

ACCOUNTS

Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." T J reworked this subtotal in ink to reflect the change described in note 65. He made the same change in 3d Dft. Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "order & rect. taken in." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." In 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." under this name. Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "Grand's note." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath each of the expenditures in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "vouchers." Underneath the second expenditure in this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "acct." Underneath this entry in 3d Dft T J wrote "rect." T J added this figure in PrC and 3d Dft. It is lacking in 2d Dft. This entry interlined in PrC and 3d Dft and lacking in 2d Dft. T J wrote "acct." underneath the entry in 3d Dft. This entry interlined in PrC and 3d Dft and lacking in 2d Dft. This entry interlined in PrC and 3d Dft and lacking in 2d Dft. Total reworked from "25,256-8-0" in PrC and 3d Dft to reflect the addition of sums for the first entry and the three interlined entries on this page (see notes 84-87 above). Beneath this subtotal in 3d Dft T J heavily canceled four lines: a line with "1790" on it; two lines containing the first two debit entries under 22 Mch. 1790 given on page 14; and a subtotal

[192]

6 6

67

6 8

6 9

7 0

71

72

7 3

7 4

75

76

77

7 8

7 9

8 0

81

82

8 3

8 4

85

86

87

88

8

J U L Y

for these two entries. These lines are also canceled in 2d Dft. PrC: "1622-0-0." Slip of pen cor­ rected from 3d Dft. "By do. for do." in 3d Dft for this and the next four entries. "By do. for do." in 3d Dft for this and the next entry. "By do. for do." in 3d Dft for this and the next twelve entries. 3d Dft: "By cash overpaid by Grand to Gateau for medals, and refunded to me." 3d Dft: "my bill." "By do. for do." in 3d Dft for this and the next entry. 3d Dft: "(at exch. /40.31.8 for 9000*)." 2d Dft: "@ 24* the pound si." See following note. Figure in PrC and 3d Dft reworked from "5040-0," the figure given in 2d Dft, to reflect the reduction in the rate of exchange for livres T J described in Doc­ ument ii below. See preceding note. "Subtotal reworked from "105,18515-7" to reflect the changes described in the preceding two notes. PrC: "112,835-0-0." Slip of pen correctedfromsubtotal at foot of page 1. Subtotal in PrC and 3d Dft reworked to reflect alteration on page 13 (see note 99 above). Subtotal in 3d Dft reworked to reflect alterations on page 6 (see notes 65 and 68 above) Subtotal in 3d Dft reworked to reflect alterations on page 8 (see notes 8488 above). 104 Figure in 3d Dft substituted for can­ celed figure. los Figure in 3d Dft reworked and pre­ ceded by "Balance." 106 Figure in 3d Dft reworked from "390,618-5-1." Total reworked from "390,618-51." In 3d Dft T J canceled the original total and wrote the new one underneath. In 3d Dft this and the next bracketed note are written underneath the entries. Here in 3d Dft T J canceled "entered." In 3d Dft T J inserted a dagger 89

9 0

91

9 2

9 3

9 4

95

9 6

9 7

9 8

1 0 0

101

1 0 2

1 0 3

107

108

109

1792 before this figure in order to key it to a footnote located a few lines below. He subsequently erased the mark and can­ celed the footnote, which appears to read: "1004.54 D = /2511.35 = 5384*-[6]s[8]d [@ 5*-7.2] the dollar." See note 115 below. Entry interlined. Figure in 3d Dft reworked to reflect sum for interlined entry. See preceding note. 113 Figure in 3d Dft reworked from "5178*-18s-7d." Figure in 3d Dft reworked from "924.81." Here in 3d Dft T J wrote and revised this footnote as follows: "these are converted (by Mr. Short on acct. of (depreciation of Assignats) high price of hard money occasioned by inundation of assignats) at 5*-7s.-2 the dollar. See statement among vouchers." Under this in 3d Dft T J drew a dagger and wrote the footnote described in note 110 above. At the foot of the page in 3d Dft, opposite his signature, T J wrote a text of thefirstfoot­ note that is identical to the one in PrC. Below this entry in 3d Dft T J can­ celed an interlined entry consisting of "By balance due to Th:J" and "29.[ ]. Figure in 3d Dft reworked to reflect cancellation of entry described in preced­ ing note. In 3d Dft T J entitled this sec­ tion "The U.S. of America in acct. with Th: Jefferson for omissions & errors in precedg. acct." He divided the section into two parts: on the left he wrote debit entries corresponding to those printed above for 15,19,23 Sep. and 5 Oct. 1789; on the right, to correct an error he had made on page 6 (see note 65 above), he wrote the entry "1788 Dec. 1. by over­ charge of paper" followed by an illegible amount. Subsequently he canceled all the entries and wrote in the two credit entries that appear in PrC. Remainder of text not in 3d Dft. On 10 Oct. 1792 T J recorded a vari­ ant of thisfinalentry at the foot of the Dft certification printed in note to Document m below.

1 1 0

[193]

111

1 1 2

114

115

116

117

118

1 1 9 120

II. Explanatory Notes on Accounts [8 July 1792] Explanatory Notes In order to explain the principles on which some articles of this account are founded, it will be necessary to enter into a developement of the proceedings of Congress from the beginning, with respect to their ministers. When they made their first appointments, having themselves no experience or knolege of the allowance usually made by other nations, and confiding in the discretion of their ministers, they left it to them­ selves to find what should be their expences, engaging to pay those expences, and a handsome allowance besides for their services. [See resolution Sep. 28. 1776. and May 7. 1778.] The Ministers, on their arrival in Europe, had therefore to do as they saw others of their grade do. In Aug. 1779. Congress settle the allowance which they had promised for their services, at £ 5 0 0 . sterl. a year 'besides their expences' and in Oct. 1779. they establish a fixed salary of £ 2 5 0 0 . sterl. for both the services and expences of their Ministers. But what particular expences were to be considered as those of the Minister, and to be covered by this salary, were not specified, from the same want of information in Congress which had obliged them from the begin­ ning to go step by step only, in fixing the allowances. The ministers therefore, now as before, enquired into the usage established by other nations, in order to know what expences were considered as those of the Minister, and what of the sovereign; and they found the rule to be [see papers of June 11. 1781. and Oct. 4. 1781.] 'where a salary was given for service and expences, the expences understood were merely those necessary to the man, such as housekeeping, cloathing, coach &c. that clerks, couriers, postage, stationary, illuminations, courtage [or court-fees] were expences of the prince or state, who also furnished an hotel, by rent, or purchase, to be considered as the hotel of the prince or state.' On these principles then their accounts were kept. At Paris, the U.S. rented an hotel: at the Hague they resolved to buy one, which was done. See resolution Dec. 27. 1782. On the 7th. of May 1784. they reduced the salary from £ 2 5 0 0 . sterl. to 9000. Dollars: and on the 9th. of May they appointed T h : J . one of their ministers for negotiating treaties. It is to be observed that they had never had occasion to consider at all the article of Outfit to a Minister separately, because no appointment had taken place since Octob. 1779. when the salary was first fixed: and all the Ministers then [194]

8

JULY

1792

resident in Europe, having at the time of their outfit, been allowed their expences, these necessarily included the Outfit. The appointment of T h : J . being only for a special purpose, and not to reside in Europe, consequently not obliging him to take or furnish a house, he did not on that appointment claim an Outfit. When he was afterwards appointed to reside at Paris, as Minister there, he applied to his predecessor Dr. Franklin, to know how he was to keep his accounts: who told him that the U.S. furnished the hotel, paid clerks, couriers, postage, stationary and court fees. He applied also to Mr. Barclay, who was authorised to settle all accounts of the U.S. in Europe; who gave him a copy of Dr. Franklin's account to be his guide. This contained an Outfit in fact, as has been before mentioned. T h : J . accordingly began an account of the cost of his furniture, carriage, horses, clothes, &c. but finding that the details were numerous, minute, and incapable from their nature of being vouched, that a year's salary was allowed by most nations and consid­ erably more by some for this article, and that even this would be less than the actual amount of the particulars of his Outfit, he thought it better to charge it at once at a year's salary, presuming that Congress would rather at length fix a sum for that article also, as they had done for the salary. He wrote a private letter to Mr. Jay, then Sec­ retary of foreign affairs, on this subject, who laid it before Congress. They referred it to a Committee, who concluded that a certain sum should be given equal to what T h : J . had expended. But, for want of a representation of 9. states necessary in money matters, they never could report, during the old government, and so it laid over for the new. July 1. 1790 the Congress of the present government passed a general law, fixing the Outfit at a year's salary. This was not retrospective, and is only mentioned as shewing their sense that a year's salary was a reasonable allowance for Outfit. From hence it appears, that previous to the law last mentioned, there was no complete and legal ascertainment of the principles on which the accounts of Ministers were to be settled. They were governed in some articles by fixed allowance, in others by the usage of other nations, by precedents or practice of their predecessors, and by the reason of the thing. Thus, in the present account, the article of salary till the 1st. of Aug. 1784. stands on the ground of the resolution of Congress of Oct. 4. 1779. and after that on that of May 7. 1784. That of hotelrent, couriers, postage, stationary, court fees, on usage and precedent; that of outfit on the same, and on the proceedings of the Committee of the old, and Congress of the new government. The rent of the 1

2

3

[195]

JEFFERSON'S

FRENCH

ACCOUNTS

hotel was paid by Mr. Grand for the most part when he had money, and at other times by T h : J . Note on the value of the Dollar, in French money. The intrinsic worth of a Dollar in French money results from the following facts. The Piastre of Spain contains 499.94 As of pure silver. [The As is a Dutch weight whereof 10,240 make a pound, poid de M a r c ] The value of the piastre is 2 £ florins of Holland. Encycl. Meth. Commerce. Monnoie. Espagne. 21 l.b. Again ib. Amsterdam 181. 'la piastre neuve d'Espagne 2. flor. 10. sols argent courant.' ib. France 214.b. Tecu de change qui contient 276.08 As d'argent fin vaut au pair 27-f- sols argent de Hollande.' We have this ratio then. 50 sous court. : 1. Doll. : : 2 7 f sous court. : 0.5525 Doll. Then 1* = -Uf - = 0.1841f Dollar And 1. Dol. = 5*43 = 5*-8*-7i- d. However the common estimate being of 5^-88 for the dollar, and the late Minister of finance having fixed on that in his public accounts, as the just value, I have adopted it. 4

5

Note on Expences of travelling. When a Minister has been sent from his residence into another country on special business, his expences have been allowed. 1 have charged such only as were doubled on account of my journey, that is to say, such as were continuing at Paris, notwithstanding my absence. These were 1. subsistence; my table being kept up for Colo. Humphreys, Mr. Short &c. 2. servants. 3. Lodging. 4. post hire, packages, portage. 5

6

Note on the value of the Dollar in French money after Oct. 31. 1789. [i.e., 1785] The reduction in the value of the livre in France took place on the 1st. of Nov. 1785. by reducing the quantity of gold in the Louis. Till then the Louis was worth intrinsically 242^- pence sterling. On the recoinage which took place, 15-$- pence sterling of gold was withdrawn from it, so that it remained intrinsically worth but 227f pence sterling. Had there been nothing but gold in circulation, the livre would have been reduced exactly ^ t h s of a penny sterling. But there being also silver money in circulation, and that being untouched, the reduction had but half it's effect, to wit the livre became worth only ^ t h s of a penny sterl. less. This multiplied by 5 - 8 s - 7 - £ d the former value of the dollar, raises it to 5 -12s. Exchange with foreign countries was immediately affected, and began to fall. After some little vibrations it settled down to 4. per cent below what it had 7

8

tt

tt

10

[196]

9

8

JULY

1792

usually been. The pound sterling, which before this operation of M . de Calonne had been ordinarily settled @ 24.* rose, after it, to 25 3s among the bankers, and with those less minute, it was generally settled @ 2 5 . which is about 4. per cent.—The same sum of money drawn from Holland paid 5 -12s to T h : J . after this operation, which had paid him but 5^-88 before. P.S. July 8. 1792. T h e old French Louis was estimated in Philadelphia at 34/6 the new one is estimated at 32/6. Hence we have this proportion. As 32/6 new Louis : 34/6 old Louis : : 5 - 8 s : 5 * 1 4 ^ s and halving the difference would give the dollar = 5^-11-^s a fraction less than the European estimate, because our estimate at 5 — 6s is a little below the truth. 11

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PrC (DLC: T J Papers, 70: 12253-4, 53: 9015, 70: 12255); undated except for postscript to final note; entirely in TJ's hand; brackets in original; consists of four slightly torn sheets as follows: "Ex­ planatory Notes" written on the first two sheets, "Note on the value of the Dollar, in French money" and "Note on Expences of travelling" on the third, and "Note on the value of the Dollar in French money after Oct. 31. 1789 [i.e. 1785]" on the fourth; with TJ's penciled additions of later date (see notes 2-3 below). These notes were based on five earlier notes that T J had apparently written in 1789 while he was Minister to France in preparation for the submission of his accounts during what he presumed would be a temporary leave of absence in America in 1789-90: (1) "Note on the article of Outfit 1785. May 2. Congress, at the time of appoint­ ing me to reside at the court of Versailles, were silent as to the article of Outfit. I charge it however, because 1. it is nec­ essary indispensably. The expences, in the beginning, of Clothes, Carriage and horses, and Furniture, are so great that, if to be deducted from the Salary, the minister would be a year or two without salary, and living on what? 2. The uni­ versal consent and practice of all nations at this day is to allow the Outfit. They know it is expected that their Repre­ sentative shall establish a house from the first moment. 3. Congress have allowed the Outfit in another form in every pre­ ceding instance. Their Resident ministers

before me were appointed during the exis­ tence of a regulation which allowed them all their expences, and a sum over and above (I believe it was 500. guineas) for their time. Afterwards they repealed this regulation, and gave them a fixed salary of about 2500 guineas. The ministers of that moment having been already outfit­ ted, it was unnecessary at that time to decide how the article of Outfit should be regulated, whether by actual expences, or, like the salary, at a fixed sum. Mine was the first appointment which occurred afterwards. They then reduced this salary about 500 guineas, but were still silent as to the article of Outfit. I began an account of my actual expences for Clothes, Carriage, horses, and Furniture and pur­ sued it till I saw it would exceed a year's salary. Finding that the details were numerous, minute, and incapable, from their nature, of being vouched, and sup­ posing that Congress would make a prece­ dent of my case, as it was the first, and would prefer a sum certain for the Outfit, as they had done for the article of Salary, I have ventured to extend the Outfit at a year's salary, being authorized to con­ sider that sum as reasonable by my own actual expenditures, and by the practice of other nations, who I believe never give less, but generally more. My letters to Mr. Jay May 15. 1788. and to Mr. Madison July 31. [i.e. 25 May] 1788." (2) "Note on the article of House rent. The Ministers resident have had a house found for them in addition to their salary.

[197]

JEFFERSON'S

FRENCH

At the Hague, the United-states bought a house for their minister. At London I pre­ sume Mr. Adams charged houserent. At Paris the U.S. always paid Dr. Franklin's houserent without it's entering into his account at all. Mr. Grand, in like manner, generally paid the rent of mine. But some­ times it happened that I paid it myself. In those cases therefore I charge it to the U.S." (3) "Note on the value of the Dollar, in French money." (4) "Expences of Journey to England." (5) "Note on the value of the Dollar in French money after Oct. 31. 1789. [i.e., 1785]" (Dfts in D L C , T J Papers, 53: 9011, 9010, 52: 8902, consisting of four undated pages entirely in TJ's hand, with No. 5 emended, lacking postscript, and later altered by T J so as to constitute the first part of the otherwise incomplete 2d Dft of this section as described in note 9 below; PrCs in same, 12: 2064-7, with No. 5 lacking later alteration; 2d Dft in same, 77: 13296, undated except for postscript of "July 1792," entirely in TJ's hand, consisting only of revision to latter part of No. 5, varying from cor­ responding section of document printed above as indicated in note 9 below). T J incorporated the substance of Nos. 1 and 2 into the first four paragraphs printed above, he used No. 3 verbatim in the corresponding section of the text above, he employed an expanded version of No. 4 in the section on travel expenses in order to justify all of his European trav­ els, and he made use of a revised version of No. 5 in thefinalsection printed above. T J probably submitted accounts, receipts, and other supporting documents to Audi­ tor Richard Harrison in July 1792, and although it is no longer possible to iden­ tify them because of thefirethat destroyed the Treasury records pertaining to the accounts in 1814, some indication of their contents can be adducedfromTJ's inter­ lined notations on the 3d Dft and PrC (see notes to Document i above). T J later incorporated an expanded version of the first four paragraphs of these notes into a comprehensive explanation of the dis­ puted portions of his French accounts that he submitted to Harrison in 1796 ( T J to Harrison, 8 Mch. 1796; Statement on

ACCOUNTS

Accounts as Minister Plenipotentiary in France, 8 Mch. 1796). It was undoubt­ edly then that he made the penciled addi­ tions described below in notes 2-3, for the first of them appears almost verbatim in the 1796 explanation. T J could not have completed these explanatory notes in the form printed here prior to 8 July 1792. This conclusion is supported by the error T J made in his accounts in giving 9 May 1784 as the date the Confederation Congress elected him ONE OF THEIR MINISTERS FOR NEGO­ TIATING TREATIES. T J made this mistake

after discovering on 8 July 1792 that in his accounts he had erroneously given the date of his election as 11 Apr. 1784—an error that left him in debt to the United States. Unwittingly, T J then entered a correction in the accounts to indicate that the appointment was made on 9 May 1784 and similarly revised the 8 July 1792 draft certification of the oath he planned to swear before Supreme Court Justice James Wilson (see Document i and note to Document m). In fact, T J was elected minister plenipotentiary on 7 May 1784 (JCC, xxvi, 356). The

PAPERS OF JUNE 11. 1781 AND

OCT. 4. 1781 were, respectively, letters of those dates from Benjamin Franklin to John Adams andfromAdams to Franklin in which they discussed the ministerial expenses they could justifiably charge to the United States (Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspond­ ence of the United States, 6 vols. [Wash­

ington, D.C., 1889], iv, 491-2, 767). The ensuing quotation is takenfromFranklin's letter. TJ's ACCOUNT OF T H E COST OF HIS FURNITURE, CARRIAGE, HORSES, CLOTHES,

&c. is described in note to Document I. TJ'S PRIVATE LETTER TO MR. JAY on

the legitimacy of charging the cost of his diplomatic outfit to the public was written on 15 May 1788. Jay reported the opinion of the committee appointed by the Conti­ nental CONGRESS to consider this issue in his reply of 25 Nov. 1788. The GENERAL

LAW making provision for the cost of OUT­ FIT is in Annals, n, 2292. Word interlined in ink, probably prior to submission of the original to Harrison.

[198]

1

8 JULY At this point T J later interlined in pencil "that it was difficult to say when and where they should end." At this point T J later interlined in pencil "See a minute of Nov [...]." This probably refers to a minute of John Jay's 25 Nov. 1788 letter to T J about the Con­ federation Congress's opinion on the pro­ priety of charging the cost of outfit to the United States. Such a minute, undated and in a clerk's hand, is in DLC: T J Papers, 53: 9004. PrC torn; preceding letter supplied from Dft. Preceding sentence not in Dft. Working from the Dft, T J at this point originally wrote "3. chariot horses." He subsequently canceled this item and renumbered the remaining two. In Dft T J herefirstwrote the opera­ tions of commerce." He then expanded the first word to there" and canceled the next three words. Here in Dft T J canceled "and the [...] Dollar would." At this point T J wrote as the last sentence in Dft: "Exchange with for­ eign countries has been correspondently affected. The pound sterling was ordinar­ ily settled at a Louis before the operation. It is now generally 25 -3s which is a rise 2

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1792 of 4-f- per cent.—In a loose way the pound sterling is settled at 25 .* which is about 4. per cent." Later, in July 1792, he can­ celed all but thefirstfour words, inserted a caret at the beginning of the first can­ celed line, andfinishedthe thought with thefirstsix words of the 2d Dft, producing a sentence identical to the next one printed above. With this alteration T J in effect transformed the Dft into the first part of the 2d Dft. 2d Dft begins with this word. In 2d Dft T J canceled a variant version of the next sentence as well as an incomplete sentence consisting of "The new French Louis." He wrote the postscript immediately after them. Preceding four words not in 2d Dft. Here in 2d Dft T J initially wrote, then expunged, "attentive." Here in 2d Dft T J wrote "afterwards." Remainder of sentence interlined. Preceding sentence not in 2d Dft. Here in 2d Dft T J canceled "new French." "Phila." interlined in place of "Amer­ ica" in 2d Dft. Remainder of 2d Dft reads: "