Pablo Picasso and Dora Maar: A Period of Conflict (1936-1946) 9781789760965, 1789760968

Citation preview

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Pablo Picasso and Dora Maar

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ii

Lefttt

This book is dedicated to my mother

Filomena Mallén Melgar

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Pablo Picasso and Dora Maar A Period of Conflict (1936–1946)

Enrique Mallen

Copyright © Enrique Mallen 2021. Published in the Sussex Academic e-Library, 2021. SUSSEX ACADEMIC PRESS PO Box 139, Eastbourne BN24 9BP, UK Ebook editions distributed worldwide by Independent Publishers Group (IPG) 814 N. Franklin Street Chicago, IL 60610, USA ISBN 9781789760965 (Hardcover) ISBN 9781782847199 (Pdf ) All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. This e-book text has been prepared for electronic viewing. Some features, including tables and figures, might not display as in the print version, due to electronic conversion limitations and/or copyright strictures.

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Contents Prologue Location Map

vii xvi

ONE

1936

Deux femmes enlacées

1

TWO

1937

La femme qui pleure

35

Femme la main sur une clé

66

Tête de femme à deux profils

85

THREE

1938 FOUR

1939 FIVE

1940

Femme se coiffant

111

Le désir attrapé par la queue

140

L’aubade

170

La fenêtre rétrécie (de l’atelier)

196

Femme en bleu

223

Le charnier

243

SIX

1941 SEVEN

1942 EIGHT

1943 NINE

1944 TEN

1945

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Contents

ELEVEN

1946

La joie de vivre

Notes Cited Artworks by Picasso Bibliography Index

255 263 315 340 359

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Prologue By June 1935, Picasso’s personal life was in a shambles. The pregnancy of Marie-Thérèse had become known, which is what probably precipitated his wife Olga Khokhlova’s decision to move out of the fancy apartment they shared at No. 23 bis, rue de La Boétie in Paris.1 She and her son Paulo ended up taking rooms nearby at Hôtel California.2 While Pablo remained in the apartment, he decided not to bring over his mistress, and instead furnished a separate place for her on the same street.3 Depressed by the sudden changes in his family life, he had contacted his old friend Jaume Sabartés, now residing in South America, on July 13, and asked him to come over and work as his secretary. Jaume had arrived just a few months later. He would write afterwards: “[Picasso] awaited me behind the railing of the waiting room of the Gare d’Orsay . . . From that day on the course of my life followed his.”4 Eventually, he moved into the artist’s apartment, and the two carried endless conversations that stretched far into the night. Other than that, much of Picasso’s social life circled around the cafés of St.-Germain-desPrés or Montparnasse. He enjoyed spending whole evenings talking in the noisy, smoky atmosphere after the previous months of solitude and retreat; they allowed him to busy himself with other people’s problems. As a result, this so-called “café period” took Pablo back to his Bohemian days, although by now he never ordered anything other than Évian mineral water. Around midnight, when the group broke up, he and Sabartés would walk home together, and sometimes the indefatigable artist would go out once again with his dog Elft to watch the night trains pulling out at the Gare St.-Lazare.5 In January 1936, he spotted Dora Maar at a café. She had already gotten his attention the previous year.6 As Brassaï recalled, “It was at Les Deux-Magots that, one day in autumn 1935, [he] met Dora . . . On an earlier day, he had already noticed the grave, drawn face of the young woman at a nearby table, the attentive look in her light-colored eyes, sometimes disturbing in its fixity. When Picasso saw her in the same café in the company of Paul Éluard, the poet introduced her to Picasso.”7 Tinged with a seductive mix of violence and dark eroticism, this first formal introduction has attained mythical status in the story of the

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artist’s life. It reads like a surrealist fantasy. As another writer put it: “the young woman’s serious face, lit up by pale blue eyes which looked all the paler because of her thick eyebrows; a sensitive uneasy face, with light and shade passing alternately over it. She kept driving a small penknife between her fingers into the wood of the table. Sometimes she missed and a drop of blood appeared between the roses embroidered on her black gloves.”8 Of a mysterious and feline beauty, which Man Ray had captured in the pictures he took of her, a companion of Georges Bataille, Maar was an accomplished photographer, close to the surrealist doctrine. Picasso addressed her in French, which he assumed to be her language; she replied in Spanish, which she knew to be his. The ravenhaired beauty proved irresistible. Immediately beguiled by her seductive sado-masochistic ritual and her dark intensity, struck by her gaze that was said to be as powerful as his own acclaimed mirada fuerte,9 he felt a sudden and violent attraction to the young and beautiful woman. Another writer recalled, “Dora Maar, radiant, with her ebony hair, her blue-green eyes, her controlled gestures, fascinated him. Behind her haughty and enigmatic attitude, you could see a spontaneity restrained, a fiery temperament ready to be carried away, mad impulses ready to be unleashed. She withstood without batting an eye Picasso’s stare, and he was the one to flee.”10 Dora was then twenty-eight, he would soon be turning fifty-five.11 It has been argued that the encounter was far from fortuitous, and that she deliberately placed herself in his path. She arguably began by frequenting his favorite café Les Deux Magots, setting up a distant siege that included deliberate avoidance. Once even showing off her knowledge of Spanish by laughing out loud at one of his jokes, making her presence felt, if remotely, “like an accomplice.”12 More than any other companion or muse. She would come to symbolize “the woman with a thousand faces,” the one for whom he would track every expression and attitude, every transformation and metamorphosis. A complex character, she was a figure of contradictory facets, alternately expressing sensuality and suffering, sophistication and animality. Through his obsessive concentration on Dora’s persona during these years, Picasso would translate his fascination with the woman that had seduced him on the spot into a wide range of representations. A staunch supporter of liberal policies and perfectly fluent in Spanish, she would reinforce the painter’s commitment to the Republican cause. Their intellectual and emotional complicity would closely follow the tragic events taking place during these troubled years.13 As they walked out of the café together, Pablo asked for her gloves, He would proudly display them in a vitrine in his apartment as a

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memento of their meeting for years to come.14 Her hands would always be a particularly charged motif in their tempestuous and impassioned relationship.15 An expert at creating an impression, Maar was renowned for her chic appearance, painting her nails in different colors according to her changing mood. She also wore dashing hats, elaborate brooches and a bold scarlet lipstick, and adopted the most up-to-date fashions from a host of leading designers. More than her striking looks, however, Picasso’s fascination lay in the fact that she was an independent, thoroughly intelligent modern woman, an artist in her own right, fully engaged in the Parisian avant-garde, who maintained strong beliefs and political convictions and was unafraid to engage in serious debate. He delighted in the fact that she spoke Spanish fluently, later confessing: “I just felt finally, here was somebody I could carry on a conversation with.”16 Against the backdrop of impending war, the two began a tumultuous love affair that would carry them through some of the darkest years of European history. Despite these turbulent and tragic times, she inspired an astounding period of creativity in Picasso, becoming his most important muse and collaborator as the 1930s waned and the 1940s dawned. As Crespelle proclaimed, “. . . this affair, coinciding with the peak of his artistic achievement, was to light up his life with a bright flame of passion.”17 In October 1933, Dora had met the writer Georges Bataille at Masses, a short-lived political group created as a forum for discussion of socialist themes among intellectuals and workers, led by René Lefèvre and managed by Jacques Soustelle. A mutual acquaintance took her to Bataille’s home. Fascinated by his formidable intellect and revolutionary politics (and, perhaps, his willingness to go to extremes), they embarked on a five-month affair. Though passionate and possessive, she mostly craved excitement and risk in love. Her relationship with him was not merely sexual or sentimental, it was a story of conflict and confrontation, sustained by a great intellectual kinship. They both shared a vision of life as governed by strong irrational forces.18 There are even coincidences that demonstrate an affinity between them based on masochism: according to his biographer, Michel Surya, her scene of automutilation would have undoubtedly pleased the writer. Picasso, for his part, would eventually be as fascinated by Dora’s daring games as he was sexually attracted to the idea that Bataille had been her lover.19 As James Lord describes her at this time, something of an anarchist by nature, she had embraced with exuberant piety the surrealist doctrine of behavior freed from conscious restraint and bourgeois convention.20 Born in Paris on November 22, 1907, Henriette Theodora, as she was known before she shortened her name to Dora, had grown up in

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Argentina. Her father, Joseph Markovitch (1874–1969), a Croatian Jew from Sisak, and her mother, Louise Julie Voisin (1877–1942), a French Catholic from Cognac, had married in his home country four years earlier.21 At the age of two, Dora and her parents had moved to the South American country, where Markovitch, an established architect, had been commissioned by Nicolás Mihanovitch, a fellow Croat and powerful ship owner, to design offices on calle Cangallo in Buenos Aires. They lived in a colonial-style villa on a tree-lined street in Belgrano, a prosperous leafy neighborhood in the northern part of the city. The living quarters were crammed, however; only a glass-paned door with net curtains on the outside separated her bedroom from her parents, affording Dora little privacy from their prying eyes. As a result, she was the unfortunate and unwilling witness of the frequent raging squabbles between her parents. The family returned briefly to Paris in 1913, but two years later, they were back in Buenos Aires, where she began her education at the elementary school Casto Munita. Fluent in French and Spanish, the young girl also learned English through a British school friend, acquiring a lifelong habit of reading books and periodicals in that language. When her father won further commissions in the Argentinian capital, the family was able to afford a fancier apartment in the ornate, artificial stone building that Joseph had originally designed for another patron, the rich Italian-born Antonio Devoto. In 1920, the thirteen-year-old returned with Louise to Paris, where she attended the Lycée Molière, while Joseph remained in Buenos Aires until his patron’s death in 1929. A photograph from 1923 shows Dora as distant, somber and secretive, although fully aware of her flourishing powers of seduction. After obtaining her high school certificate on June 27, she decided to concentrate on art studies. In October, she enrolled in the École et Ateliers d’Art Décoratifs pour Jeunes Filles at 6, rue Beethoven, where she took classes through 1926. The school was part of the Union Centrale des Arts Décoratifs that had been created in 1892 by collectors and industrialists with the aim of promoting the applied arts and developing links between industry and culture, design, and production. Another attendee was her friend, Jacqueline Lamba, the future wife of the leader of the Surrealists, André Breton. While there, she also formed part of a group involved in La Revue nouvelle (1924– 1931), an artistic and literary periodical founded by Yotis Manuel-Lelis, Georges Petit, Marcel Zahar, Francisco Amunategui and Guy BernardDelapierre.22 She became especially close to Zahar. By this time, she was feeling more at home in the artistic environment of the French capital than in distant Latin America. During a short visit to Argentina in 1926, Dora sent a letter to her Parisian friend Solange

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de Bièvres, lamenting how much she missed Paris, “distant and drowned in several days on the Atlantic.” For her, Buenos Aires felt like a small provincial city, hypocritical and pretentious. “In addition, there is an overall lack of artistic spirit which is absolutely devastating,” she wrote. “I am exhausted to discuss with idiots and biased people who do not buy any modern or ancient art or even just art.”23 Upon her return to France, Dora left the Ecole & Ateliers d’Art Décoratifs pour Jeunes Filles and enrolled in Académie Julian, dividing her time between painting and photography until her unique vision in the latter discipline began to draw attention within avant-garde circles.24 The following year, she transferred to L’Acadèmie Lothe, set up by André Lhote at Impasse d’Odessa. One of her classmates was the photographer Henri Cartier-Bresson, who intuitively advised her to focus on photography. He was known for the attention he paid to the intensity of the image, the care he took in choosing the shot and its aura, the relationship between light and shadow, and, most importantly, the overall composition. She would eventually absorb much of his style. Her friend Jacqueline had also transferred to the academy, and would introduce her to Marianne Clouzot, a young illustrator and ceramist, and her sister Marie-Rose, daughters of Henri Clouzot, curator of Palais Galliera.25 Marcel Zahar, who was now working as critic and assistant editor of the journal Formes, advised her to further her studies in photography and register at L’École de Photographie de la Ville de Paris. He also put her in contact with the critic Emmanuel Sougez who had been working as an archeological and military photographer and was the creator and director of L’Illustration. He had gained recognition for his assemblages of everyday objects. He would eventually become her technical advisor and mentor. Through Sougez, she would meet the film set designer Pierre Kéfer who directed, along with Robert Aron, the journal Cinéma (later Revue du cinéma) featuring film criticism and research. While she was making progress in her career, Dora still visited her father on occasion in Argentina. For a spell, she would actually divide her time between Europe and South America. On May 23, 1929, one of her articles entitled “El Ambiente del Hogar” was published in the newspaper La Nación de Buenos Aires under the name “Dora Marcovitch Voisin.”26 Although Maar had been collaborating with Sougez and published joint pictures with him from 1929,27 she also began a seven-year relationship with the screenwriter Louis Chavance.28 Her friend Jacqueline had published two photographs in an article signed by him the previous year. So it was probably through her that the two had met. A gifted critic, Chavance had started off in journalism and politics, but had later turned

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to cinema.29 He would provide a perspicacious description of Dora in a poem: “Crazy nervous at turns shaking / You change your mind like a dog / Annoying furious / With kicks in the gut / That’s how you reward my love / Sobbing and disheveled you cry, crazy nervous / Majestic as the poplars in the rain / Hot as the potatoes under the embers / Trembling like the belly of a sick animal / And suddenly an explosion, suddenly a great silence, / Suddenly the night. / You lie slowly like a lava river in / The vast terrified plain.”30 Laure Albin-Guillot, at this time a recognized photographer of the Société des artistes décorateurs and member of Société française de photographie, made a studio portrait of her which equally displays Dora’s strong personality. She might have considered further modeling. Indeed, supplementing her more experimental work with advertising and editorial commissions, she would start focusing on commercial photography two years later, working part time as an assistant to Harry Ossip Meerson, a fashion photographer for Paris Magazine. In exchange, he lent her a darkroom at No 9, rue Campagne Première, near Man Ray’s studio, sharing the premises with the Hungarian-born Gyula Halász (Brassaï).31 Maar quickly became a prominent presence within the Parisian intelligentsia.32 During this period, her photography relished in the surreal, whether highlighting the disquieting peculiarity of everyday life, or creating strange, otherworldly collages that blended seemingly innocuous elements into mysterious juxtapositions. In the evenings, she hurried to Montparnasse’s cafés and brasseries, Le Select, Le Dôme and La Rotonde, places also frequented by Breton, Aragon and fellow Surrealists. Dora regularly met with Zahar and continued to collaborate with Sougez, who had supplied her with addresses of establishments where she could buy the necessary equipment to set up her own darkroom: an enlarger, tripod lights, and a nice camera. Her preference was the Rolleiflex 9–12, a twin-lens reflex camera.33 She still needed a studio, so this same year she persuaded her friend Pierre Kéfer to form a partnership with her and build one in his parents’ garden at 45, boulevard Richard Wallace in Neuilly-sur-Seine.34 Installation was planned for July. At this point, she abbreviated “Markovich” to “Maar” for professional purposes, although her civil documents continued to carry her full name.35 She started accompanying Chavance to the cafés around SaintGermaine-des-Prés, particularly the Café de Flore. One of the regulars at the café was the poet and screenwriter Jacques Prévert. Under his leadership, the agitprop theater group Octobre had been created on April 25. It performed anti-capitalist propaganda, political satires, poems, songs and chanted choruses. At these meetings, Dora often took pictures

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of members like Jean-Louis Barrault, Max Morise, Fabien Loris, Marcel Duhamel, Lou Tchimoukow and Maurice Baquet. These photographs were considered exceptional for their rarity.36 The Surrealists also frequented the café, so it is very likely that Dora bumped into some them there. While Picasso was not a regular at their gatherings, their leader, Breton, had declared him in 1925 as “one of them” in his article “Le Surréalisme et la peinture,” published in Révolution surréaliste, stating: “Le surréalisme, s’il tient à s’assigner une ligne morale de conduite, n’a qu’à en passer par où Picasso en a passé et en passera encore.” In May, Maar and Kéfer opened a shared studio in Neuilly-sur-Seine, working on common projects for portraits and advertisements.37 Through 1934, their output would be signed “Kéfer-Dora Maar.” Some of them were shown at the “Exposition internationale de la photographie” at Palais des beaux-arts in Brussels July 2–31, which included three photographs by Pierre Kéfer, one by Kéfer-Dora Maar and three by Dora. In November, she was featured also in the journal Cahiers d’art (No. 8–10), but this time in a photograph Man Ray had taken of her to illustrate an article by Christian Zervos on “Dr. Jung’s Study of Picasso” along with another portrait of Pablo also by Ray, the first time Dora and the Malagueño were joined together. In September 1933, the twenty-six-year-old left for Spain alone. She photographed Gaudí’s Sagrada Familia and Park Güell as well as scenes at the Boquería market, the Ramblas, the beach of Somorrostro and other local sites in Barcelona marked by a surrealist influence. She also went to Tossa de Mar and S’Agaró on the Costa Brava. Her urban pictures would be credited “Kéfer-Dora Maar” (Après la pluie et La Zone) in the journal Le Phare de Neuilly started by her friend Lise Deharme.38 Unlike many other photographers, Maar did not attempt to capture “the bliss of the poverty stricken,” but rather tried to reflect the cruelty of their living conditions and the psychological impact such conditions had had on them. In other words, she tried to portray the humanity in these people’s lives. She did not find any contradiction in photographing poor folks, on the one hand; and fashionable high society, on the other. This was, in any case, a characteristic of the Surrealists as a whole, who leaned to the Left in their politics, but found support in aristocratic patrons and the high bourgeoisie.39 These photographs would be published under the title “L’École de Tossa” in the journal Beaux-Arts (Barcelona), where they were once again credited to “Kéfer-Dora Maar.”40 She continued to frequent the politically engaged group Octobre. Through it, she met Paul Éluard, who at once recognized her intelligence and artistic talent. He would be the crucial link between her and Picasso.

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The poet had already put out his first noteworthy volume, Le Devoir el l’Inquiétude in 1917; and two years later, he had met Breton. By 1921, he was fully imbued with the surrealist spirit, publishing his first statements in verse of the movement’s revolutionary theories, Les Nécessités de la Vie et la Conséquence des Rêves. He also participated in the first issue of the review La Révolution surréaliste, which reproduced one of Picasso’s works opposite a text by Pierre Reverdy entitled, “Dreamer among the Walls.” A Man Ray photograph of the Spanish painter was among the twenty-eight portraits of Surrealists surrounding a picture of the anarchist Germaine Berton.41 On March 23, 1933, Breton and Éluard paid a visit to Pablo’s studio, probably to prepare for the publication of the journal Minotaure’s first cover, which the artist would illustrate.42 By May 1935, Maar had herself become closely involved with the Surrealists, joining in the group’s provocative demonstrations, convocations and exhibitions in Tenerife and London. Eccentric and outspoken, she became a prominent figure within the movement, photographing a number of its writers, poets and artists, from Yves Tanguy to Léonor Fini, Georges Hugnet to René Crevel, and posing for portraits by Man Ray and Brassaï. On July 2, she signed an anti-Stalinist pamphlet written by Breton, Du temps que les surréalistes avaient raison, concerning the “International Congress for the Defense of Modern Culture,” known as the Congress of Paris, which had been held in March, and would cause a split between the Surrealists and the Communist Party.43 The following month, Maar traveled with Lamba and Breton, as well as the Éluards, to Montfort-en-Chalosse where they spent the holidays together at Lise Deharme’s place. There they met up with Man Ray who was in the middle of taking photographs for a film project entitled Essai de simulation du délire cinématographique.44 By the end of the year, Yvonne and Christian Zervos would put Picasso back in touch with Éluard, who would end up establishing a close friendship with the poet.45 If Pablo was somewhat aligned with the Surrealists in their ideals, he was even closer to them in his new venture: poetry. He had all of a sudden started writing in April 1935. In the now accepted Picasso mythology, the onset of this fresh endeavor is said to have coincided with a devastating marital crisis, a financially risky divorce to be exact. This brought about a substantial decrease in his pictorial output.46 Nevertheless, for him, the workings of poetry were not limited to acts of unmediated psychic relief; his approach to literature was directly linked to his innovations in the plastic arts. To Louis Parrot he had declared: “Poems? . . . When I began to write them I wanted to prepare myself a palette of words, as if I were dealing with

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colors. All these words were weighed, filtered and appraised.”47 As Gasman mentions, Picasso’s texts recapitulate some fundamental features of cubist paintings such as fragmentation of representations, the analogical link (via various kinds of passages) between the fragments obtained from several distinct images, and the identification of unified figurative segments as implied wholes, despite their openness and incompleteness.48 If words had been integrated in paintings during cubism in order to highlight the linguistic value of pictorial expression, now words gained in physical presence and exerted their magical power over the reader, much like real objects had incorporated into his recent surrealist compositions. Words and phrases were arranged on the page as if they were pictorial signs, entering into relations with other visual elements such as dashes, blotches, brackets, etc. Phrases linked to each other in fluctuant, reversible attachments, intentionally left tentative and ambiguous, open to potential deletions and insertions as the poems underwent multiple revisions, just as pieces of paper had been precariously pinned to the support in the cubist collage and left opened to the possibility of being removed. Furthermore, as was the case with papier collés, lexical items did not lose their physical presence as they entered the realm of signification; they were equally valid as material elements, providing tonality and rhythm to the lines of the poem, as the color and texture of the pasted papers did in the cubist composition.

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Boisgeloup Paris Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre Vézelay

Bern

Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire Geneva

Hauterives

Royan

Montte Carlo Floirac Ménerbes

Nice Ve ence

Cimiez Fréjus

Toullouse Saint-Tropez

Saint-Raphaël

Bilbao Guernica Barcelona

Mad drid Toled do

Valencia

Mougins n Málagaa Vallauris V

Antibe es Juan-les-Pins

Golfe Juan CANNES Main location references for the period 1936–1946

GOLFE JUAN N Cap d'Antibes

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Pablo Picasso and Dora Maar A Period of Conflict (1936–1946)

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CHAPTER ONE

1936 Deux femmes enlacées

Many of Picasso’s early literary compositions had a palpable dark tone. In the poem belleza peregrina, he wrote of dying shadows, the silence of death and the correspondence of the “above” with the “below.” He had already introduced these concepts in 1935 with “the well” acquiring a tangible and easily recognizable identity associated in turn with the “disgusting muzzle of the bull” which sniffs “the waters of the well,” in Gasman’s account.1 The “well” was the phenomenal/spatial reality he needed to situate hell, inhabited or embodied by the “bull” which represents evil, located in the underground “center” of the earth, the site of the struggling conjunction of death and life. In les violettes and silence ivre mort, he dwelled deeper into this domain he saw as inhabited and controlled by destructive numinous powers. Picasso believed in suprapersonal forces that one should fear, threatening spirits that rule the world in an unrecognizable way and plunge it into disaster. Poetry, as art, provided him with the means to fight these hostile powers. They were “his weapons” to counter those “unknown, threatening spirits,” he explained to Malraux.2 Despite the glim tenor of much of his writing, he was from time to time motivated to write poems infused with romantic feelings, like the one entitled más que de la miel from January 5: “if her gaze shoots the perfume of her caress and rides and sings her excursion of delights nothing else recalls the color fanning her temple when the flower presses its lips against the edge of the glass.”3 These lines were still probably inspired by Marie-Thérèse. She was also the subject of la finesse d’ouïe: “the delicacy of hearing our heart she and me is such that at the slightest noise it opens its wings and beating them so frightened as the pigeon in its cage in the dining room fans the sleep stretched out on its feathered horse.”4 On January 7, Picasso attended a “corporative” showing at L’Apollo Théâtre of Jean Renoir’s first film Le Crime de M. Lange, on a script by Jacques Prévert, for which Maar had also worked taking pictures of the set.5 According to Combalia this was the occasion when the painter reconnected with the photographer, as she was also present

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2

1936

at the movie opening.6 Dora asked him if he would like to pose for some portraits.7 He agreed and, shortly after, visited her studio at No. 29 rue d’Astorg.8 Immediately after, Pablo started the long poem alrededor del pozo, where he reverted to his pessimistic view of the world. As Gasman outlines, the mysterious, subatomic “ball of silence” in the text conjures up an immense spherical cosmos impregnated by the enigmatic “silence” of “death” to which he would also refer some time later with “few pieces of silence that fly strung on the threads of the air” in y de la mesa (19 January 1936). The poem hints at an atmospheric efflux from silence’s mighty core. This rendezvous with the mute “infinite center” involved a deeper incursion into reality. His encounter with a cosmic “silence” revitalized the ineffable experience of a silent, hidden god in some sort of “negative theology.”9 The gloomy mood in his writing could be due to the troubling news coming from Spain where the political situation had been deteriorating for years. In September 1930, disappointed by King Alfonso XIII’s acceptance of a coup d’état by General Miguel Primo de Rivera, Niceto Alcalá-Zamora had declared he would no longer collaborate with the regime. The following year, the urban population would also side against the monarchy and vote for Republican parties in the municipal elections. The Second Spanish Republic was proclaimed on April 14, 1931. Marked by a period of economic depression, it quickly led to high unemployment and scarcity of resources, eliciting general dissatisfaction with the new government as well as the traditional centers of power, such as the church, landowners, and the nobility. In the ensuing civil unrest, violence in the form of assassinations, general strikes and mob actions increased dangerously. Political discourse became increasingly polarized with the rise of totalitarian ideas, especially fascism in Germany and Italy, and Stalinism in the Soviet Union. In November 1933, after Alcalá-Zamora dissolved the Cortes and called for elections. The party that ended up with the highest number of votes was the Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (CEDA), but it was not sufficient to govern on its own. Still, the entry of three CEDA ministers into the government led to a general strike and armed uprising by socialists and anarchists in Asturias in 1934. Miners occupied the capital, Oviedo, killing police officers and clergymen, burning theaters and the university. The Army, led by General Francisco Franco crushed the rebellion, destroying large areas of the city in the process. There was a simultaneous autonomist rebellion in Catalonia, which was also repressed through massive political arrests. These events caused a radical turn within the Left parties, especially the PSOE, where

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the moderate Indalecio Prieto was losing support to Francisco Largo Caballero, who advocated for a socialist revolution regardless of cost and consequences, much like in the USSR. Alcalá-Zamora again dissolved the Cortes on January 7, 1936 and called for new elections. The result was a narrow victory for Socialists, Communists and Catalan Republicans, who in spite of their major rivalries and differences, decided to work together under the name Frente Popular. Despite their attempt at unified action, the coalition, dominated by the Center-Left, would be undermined both by revolutionary groups such as the anarchist CNT and FAI and by anti-democratic farRight groups such as the Falange and the Carlistas. Soon gunfights broke out in the streets, landless laborers began to seize property, church officials were murdered, and churches burnt. On the other side, Right-wing militias and gunmen hired by employers systematically eliminate Leftwing activists. As a result, the country slowly slid into civil war. The Right-wing and high-ranking figures in the army began to plan a coup, and when Falangist politician José Calvo Sotelo was shot by Republican police, they used this incident as a signal to act. The uncertain situation in Spain made Picasso, never a warlike man, feel reluctant to attend the exhibition of his work organized by ADLAN (Amics de l’Art Nou) at Sala Esteva, Barcelona. Paul Éluard agreed to go on his behalf and keep an eye on things.10 Already a collector of his work, he and Pablo had known each other since the mid-1920s, and a lasting friendship had developed between them.11 In 1926, Éluard had joined the Communist Party, and would be influential in the painter’s eventual decision to join.12 Another reason not to go to Spain at this time was probably his unwillingness to stay away from Marie-Thérèse and their daughter Maya, who was not yet five months old. As a sign of her insecurity when it came to his affection, she would write frequent messages seeking reassurance: “Just to say that I have loved you for nine years. I love you and give you everything I have.”13 A poem he wrote on January 9, ponerlo virgin, shows a certain awareness on his part that change was imminent: “waiting for the pigeon to see that the coming hour is about to explode . . . the kiss that pricks the chain in the thick of the neck and makes it dance until its colors bleed . . . the dancing and sticky game of life that kicks up a racket and cuts it when the moment falls.”14 The next day, he spoke of sacrifice and self-liberation in y en el tendido de trigo: “open the door of the pen and let the butterflies escape so that they’ll go tell it all furtively in the corner that hides its nose beneath the wing . . . when the arena lifts its shadow and tears it out and fear carries it away and passes its knife through the open neck of the lamb opening its eye.”15

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Marie-Thérèse could not provide the solace he sought from harsh reality. On January 17, he would decry “the sun’s ray that blows out the crack on the inner left side of the refuge and decomposes its bounds . . . in the left edge the arena opens its belly wide and sees in the horn the key that splits it and sets it dry . . . in the bull’s eye the cinnamon lifts onto the tip of the blue.”16 His sense that both his personal life and the political situation in Spain could explode at any point was translated into a scene of confrontation at the bullring in the form of “a corrida you’ll lick your fingers if you care to listen to me until the end.” In the cosmic bullfight he organized, the bull obeys the edicts issued by his concealed celestial master, the heavenly “toro [with] wings outspread,” as he would write in au rideau détaché. The invariant hierarchy of the “above” controlling the “below” derived from the epistemological principle that visible reality was a projection of a higher “real of reality,” so that the animal in the bullring merely gave perceptible form to a deeper, mythical and mystical “winged bull.”17 References to the city of his boyhood in por la cuchara indicate how badly he wished he had been able to go to Spain instead of sending Éluard in his place: “this Sunday here in Paris raining . . . but what can you do that’s how it is and you have to let each one drag the old rag we inherit a little higher so worn out from so much rubbing along the clouds . . . not even its rage chews anymore . . . affectionately licks the crystal of the wound . . . the silence blowing in the trumpet and suffocating the musician with its deleterious perfume . . . castanets . . . banderillas . . . the pocket where he keeps his summer in Barcelona the beautiful and the list where I left so many things hanging on the altar of joy that now I mix with a bit of the color of the neck of the pigeon of melancholy.18 This very same day, Éluard delivered his prepared lecture at the opening of the Picasso retrospective.19 He wrote to René Char that in Barcelona “the exhibition was an enormous succès de scandale.”20 Meanwhile in Paris, Pablo continued to dedicate most of his time to literature, and on January 16 he wrote the poem escribe en la quijada in which we detect premonitions of the fate of many French citizens in the coming years. Given his many contacts with Germany—mostly through Kahnweiler—he had probably heard about the continued harassment of the Jewish population in that country. In September 1935, the Nazi government had passed the Nüremberg Race Laws pertaining to new conditions for citizenship and relations between Aryans and Jews. In his poem, Picasso mentioned “the strange event that took place suddenly in the Jewish quarter in Avignon”. . . He also described “the sneaky sneak of the street informers the flood of pennants and the panting of the color of the flags with the sole intention of harvesting organ pipes that play

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such a bullfighting march.”21 He might have sensed the same sort of mounting anti-Semitism on French soil. January 24 saw the public release at the Aubert Palace of Jean Renoir’s first film, Le Crime de M. Lange, on a script by Jacques Prévert.22 When it premiered, Renoir and Prévert were riding the wave of enthusiasm surrounding the advent of the Front Populaire, which had just swept Léon Blum into power as the first socialist Prime Minister in France within a government made up of a coalition of Leftists. The new regime was suffused with hope and promise of political change and social justice. Picasso attentively followed these political events. Among his closest friends, both Éluard and Aragon were wholly committed to the Left and tirelessly worked for the cause of the Republic. Éluard wrote: “The time has come when all poets have the right and the duty to declare that they are profoundly involved in the lives of other men and in the communal life.”23 For a moment, it seemed as though the declaration of Socialist militants that “tout est possible” was perfectly reasonable. However, the Front Populaire would collapse a mere year after its establishment, crushed under the weight of its inefficiency in addressing the economic situation, its moral indifference to the growing tension in Spain, and its willingness to turn a blind eye toward German aggression. It is probably due to these foreboding circumstances that Picasso wrote in 225.818 cero: “all the rest that’s added and does the account that complicates each time more the mess of messes of this life which neither one nor the other nor the one beyond nor the most distant memory that hammers around the cage . . . spoils the tale . . . the swarm of bees haloing the bull head and carries it away enamored of the washed-out blue in his eyes.”24 Even sentimental relationships proved problematic at this juncture. “Love is a nettle we have to mow down each instant if we want to have a snooze stretched out in its shadow,” he wrote in l’amour est une ortie.25 In otra vez el pico, he concretized his ability to share the bodily plight of the disemboweled horse, the bull’s paradigmatic victim, verbalizing the decomposition of the animal’s entrails, blindly sinking along with them into the deep polluted waters of hell: when “once again the beak of the bull opens the skin of aged wine in the horse’s belly . . . the sound of the swan song of the clarion that dies of sorrow swimming blind diver through the green guts of the lake where Ophelia goes searching at the bottom.”26 Picasso’s empathy’s with all victims is reflected in that same poem with allusions to the “blood” of eviscerated, innocent animal, the “entrails tangling in the threads of the curtain of its theater the illusion of the drama that stakes its life on the

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last card and builds its house of cards on the razor’s edge of the sound of the swan song.”27 On February 16, the Frente Popular in Spain, a broad Left-wing coalition headed by Manuel Azaña, won a majority in the general elections, a reaction to the conservative, monarchist, and fascist control of the previous years.28 As already mentioned, Communists were also gaining in influence in France under the Front Populaire. The country had signed a mutual assistance pact with Russia on May 2, 1935. (“Animated by a desire to strengthen the peace of Europe and to guarantee the benefits to their respective countries by assuring more completely the exact application of the dispositions of the Covenant of the League of Nations looking to the maintenance of national security, territorial integrity, and the political independence of states”). A German communiqué from February 21 insisted that such a Franco-Soviet pact was incompatible with the Locarno treaties and the Covenant of the League of Nations, and was exclusively directed against the Reich. Under this pretext Hitler sent troops—19 infantry battalions and 13 artillery units, totaling 22,000 regulars, supported by 54 fighter planes—to occupy the Rhineland on March 5.29 Picasso reacted to the growing political tension by waging war against what he perceived to be all-encompassing evil. “String the thread through the needle with your bamboo sword and prick it from the right side through the fat nape of a glance concealed behind a glass of limpid water,” he advised in ensarta el hilo from March 3.30 In another poem a few days later, à coups de cloche, he described “the face of the secret rolled into a stinking ball thrown into the darkest recess of forgetting flower fife smelling of the final period.”31 His “cosmo-phobic” vision of the world was in agreement with similar positions concurrently endorsed by friends and associates like Max Jacob, Blaise Cendrars, André Breton and Jean-Paul Sartre—a stand that was in turn related to a gnostic appraisal of the “world as a whole” in the works of Georges Bataille.32 On March 12, Belgium, Britain, France, and Italy unanimously affirmed that the reoccupation of the demilitarized zone was illegal, as it constituted a clear violation of Article 42 and Article 43 of the Treaty of Versailles and of the Treaty of Locarno. In this context of increasing strain between Germany and countries in the League Council, Bataille authored a shocking tract to be countersigned by members of ContraAtaque stating that he preferred “Hitler’s anti-diplomatic brutality” to “the drooling banter of diplomats and politicians.” Éluard refused to sign it.33 Pablo had a similar response, as it was to be expected, given his negative reaction to German aggression. In la râpe la tenaille, he

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complained of “the grater the tongs the fist that drives in the knife the mouth of chains that burns the finger of her hand pressed against her temple the cold that tears the lightning bolt into shreds . . . the swing suspended from the gallows.”34 Despite his dark mood and a clear decrease in artistic production at the time, Picasso’s significant output from previous years still maintained his image as a successful painter. Through March 31, he was featured in the exhibition “Exposition de 28 œuvres récentes de Picasso” at Galerie Paul Rosenberg, Paris, showing twenty-nine paintings and drawings from 1925 through 1935, more than half of them depicting Marie-Thérèse.35 From the first day the crowds were huge. Sabartés described how “Rosenberg, exuberant, danced about from group to group, shaking hands, listening to questions, taking care of everybody and giving constant orders to his assistants. There were so many people that at first one could not locate even a known face, But before long I recognized Braque, Kahnweiler, Colle, Pierre Loeb and many others.”36 Maar had also continued her professional activities as a photographer immediately following their encounter in January. This month she participated in the “Exposition internationale de la photographie contemporaine” at the Musée des arts décoratifs de Paris, in the Pavillon de Marsan, along with Laure Albin-Guillot and Eli Lotar, among others.37 Late in the month, Picasso organized an outing to Boisgeloup with her, Nusch and Paul Éluard, and Roland Penrose. In one of the pictures they took there she glances up, her eyes seemingly filled with tears. In contrast to the acquiescent Marie-Thérèse, Dora was extremely sensitive and tended to fly into sudden rages that ended in tears and sobs.38 In other photographs they both appear with the decor of the great hall as backdrop.39 These changeable pictures might be an attempt at portraying her fluctuating character and would serve as the basis for many portraits to come in the winter months. He used the cliché-verre process, in which a drawing on a glass plate is used as a negative to print a photographic positive.40 Examined together, these works constitute an “identificatory” puzzle of Maar’s and Picasso’s image.41 While still there he also wrote the love poem miette de pain: “breadcrumb so gently deposited by her fingers on the rim of the sky as blue suitor . . . the chained shell playing the flute . . . flowers in spring at the rent in her dress . . . carrying her away her long hair on the wind.”42 And yet, the painter did not detach himself completely from his former lover, writing to her the next day: “This evening I love you more than yesterday, less than I will love you tomorrow . . . I love you I love you I love you I love you Marie-Thérèse.”43 On March 25, he took a secret trip by train to Antibes with her and baby Maya.44 On the train,

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he wrote the poem pense angelus du soir: “think evening angelus to see you broken in the mirror smashed by sarbacane shots to see you nailed on the pond shivering . . . unhooks the hanged body of the naked loved one from the festoon of mouths.”45 The angelus is a Catholic devotion commemorating the Incarnation that reads: “Be it done unto me according to thy word. Hail Mary, full of grace; the Lord is with thee: blessed art thou amongst women, and blessed is the Fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. And the Word was made flesh.” Was he thinking of Dora? If so, would she grant him his much desired “reincarnation”? Once settled in Juan-les-Pins at Villa Sainte-Geneviève,46 registered under the name Ruiz,47 he resumed work. This sojourn in the Côte d’Azur, however, turned out to be a bitter disappointment for him. From inspiring “goddess,” Marie-Thérèse had metamorphosed into a prosaic woman,48 which might explain some of the references in the poem written on the way to Juan-les-Pins. Indeed, according to Jean-Charles Gateau, the reason for the sudden departure might have been his growing passion for Dora: “The agitating effect the young woman had on the painter was considerable. To grasp this, one need only look at a photograph taken on the occasion of a stroll at Boisgeloup in March 1936 of the Éluards, Picasso and Paulo, and Roland Penrose, and study the glance—at once rapacious and fascinated—which Picasso fixes on the photographer.”49 Maar had gone to Alpe d’Huez with the October group, and the artist terribly missed having her close by. Conversely, he refused to even acknowledge Marie-Thérèse’s existence in public. As his banker friend Monsieur Pellequer saw the young woman nursing Maya in the garden on one of his visits, he led him to believe that she was the “wife of the gardener.”50 Baldassari notes how much the artist enjoyed himself collecting pebbles on the beach, and sculpting them in Dora’s image. Time and time again, these renderings of her depicted her “as a female Minotaur, a horned Sphinx, a woman from antiquity in profile or in one of her many mythical constellations.”51 The poem l’effilé séjour seemed to suggest a certain amount of resentment and a desire to move away from the past: “the slender sojourn of the secret price of pain simmers on the low fire of memory . . . if the hand detaches itself from its lines having read and reread the past . . . at the crack of the riding-whip caught straight in the eyes.”52 Three days later, he wrote personnages salariés du drame, in which he talks about “the drama” of those characters as “topsy-turvy they tumble over each other infesting the stage with their rejoinders imposed by a stinking slave logic.” Unable to truly express their feelings, “turning language into goo whenever a true scream gets it to flower . . . the words not immediately

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spoken petrify on the branch of liquid coral.” His companion was now showing “the tears of a little shellfish girl”; and as for his own emotions, “boredom boredom boredom terrible boredom . . . all of it ground, crushed, powdered dust.”53 While still in Juan-les-Pins, he made several drawings in which realistic renditions of Marie-Thérèse were juxtaposed with a linear torso of a woman wearing a straw hat. The latter became more and more surreal, until it seemed to be composed of coiled wicker or wire, a stylistic form Picasso would utilize later in different contexts, many of which suggest tension. They would derive into the oil Portrait de jeune fille[2] from April 3. Resurrecting the monstrous beach-side giantesses of the late 1920s, Picasso desiccated her body in the form of an open, linear sculpture. From what appear to be coils of wicker, a basketwork skeleton is built through which we see the sea in the background. The voluptuousness of her breast and torso, like the mysteries of her twinned physiognomies, have now become fleshless armatures, bleached in the sun, a shell of memory, no longer inhabited by a living person.54 A poem he penned at this point, anda y que cante el mirlo, can only refer to Dora, not Marie-Thérèse: “go ahead and let the blackbird sing into the soup . . . to bring forth breakwaters and wheat from crash of tambourine against the shard of memory tied to the wire floating swallow-like through veins.”55 Blackbirds represent knowledge in mythology. They are bearers of intelligence and quick wit. They are also magical. Their symbolic meaning is linked to the “dark vs. light” phases of the moon. The bird represents life in the heavens (higher ideals, higher path of knowing) and the color black is symbolic of pure potential. A strong desire for change in his life was encoded in another poem, l’étoile du berger, where he talked of bisecting “the blue red spiral of the crystal marble” carrying the fixed stars on the outer edge of the material universe.56 In yet another, oro del grifo, fate was presented as a tempting “spider’s thread,” a “wheel of fortune.” A different poem, sapajou couleur lilas, might refer to himself. It is well known how often he identified with monkeys in his artworks. Here the sapajou appears “extremely ceremonious faced with the circumstances . . . and laughs wrapped in exotic shawls at the marble that derides the grimaces the schoolchildren’s screams make . . . and glues its eye on the almond green envelope of the flowering tree . . . and speaks its mind to the poster inured to the play of all the truths learned and forgotten according to the chance of encounters.”57 The oil Personnage au coquillage[3] from April 5 closed the series of “coiled wire portraits.” He also painted Minotaure à la carriole[4], in which the mythological character drags a cart with a disemboweled

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mare, a symbolic victim of the bullfight.58 According to Chipp, this could be a signal that the previously comforting Marie-Thérèse had now become an emotional burden as what it reveals is a tiny foal, rather than its entrails.59 Indeed, although the horse appears to be on its last breath, the artist reacted indignantly when Duncan suggested such an interpretation, insisting that it was not dying; it was merely having a baby. The Minotaur turns to stare at her with detached curiosity, but takes no steps to make her more secure or comfortable. Gedo argued that Walter’s indiscretion in having a baby had finally landed her on the discard heap; and he seemed to hope that fate would rid him of his cumbersome baggage.60 In other drawings like Homme au masque, femme et enfant dans son berceau[5], a classical, bearded, young or middle-aged man is depicted with a mother and child. Walter’s formerly sensuous body is now rather heavy-breasted, with full waist and buttocks. The artist is no longer depicted as a lover, but as a pater familias. Utterly depleted of his former strong sexuality, the Minotaur’s spiritual presence is equally gone; the bullhead which used to stand for his libido has been downgraded to a mere mask. With an expression that reveals apathy, estrangement and melancholy, he stares away from the blond woman, the distance which separates them in the drawing indicative of a physical and psychical disconnectedness.61 A poem from April 9, c’est le ton vert amande, includes references to Marie-Thérèse—“gillyflower seashell . . . laughter seashell . . . green seashell”—end in the darkness of “the green negro silence” or in the dull color of a “[green] almond window pane.”62 This same day, he painted the oil Femme au buffet[6], part of a series denoting a certain unwanted domesticity in the figure of his young mistress. A dull atmosphere is also present in the bucolic drawing Minotaure et femme[7]. Lying on the ground in an open-air scene, watching a young girl playing with a ball, the beast has features that are again more human than mythical.63 Another one of the canvases on the “dresser” motif was painted on April 11, Femme devant une coiffeuse[8], which was accompanied by a related pencil drawing Coiffeuse[9]. The poem written on that occasion, anda y que la mate el tato, might be a rejection of that very domesticity the dresser signified. He wished “her little brother would kill her if he wants to muck his hands with all that honey and that treacle and the French toast looks so happy on its plate and waiting for the moths to sop it up and for its crud to smell like flowers.”64 However, he mixes these positive implications with negative concerns, like “hunger to turn escargots into Miura bulls” or “death defying somersaults atop the clouds so furious that with so many soleares the guitar would crack in two and

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leave its lightning flashes in arrears with dirty hands stuck to the silken curtains in an air that breezes by at dawn.”65 The poem salle à ne manger also makes reference to indolence: “dining only-on-shit room the sideboard turned eagle opens its wings and breaks them against the soft-boiled blue of the wisterias’ sweetest memories and dragged by the feet all along the moldings of the chairs.”66 But again, there is a sense of impending danger: “sleeping one eye open on the alert for the almond green’s jump the sleight of hand . . . tank with wheels of women’s teats running in circles around the edge of the tablecloth spread for lunch on the table.”67 On April 13, he executed two portraits of Marie-Thérèse: Buste de femme[10] and Tête de femme à la fenêtre[11]. Created amidst the spiraling emotional chaos of his personal life, these canvases comprise what is largely considered to be the painter’s creative peak and have come to epitomize surrealist portraits at its most impassioned and dramatic. Strength and vibrancy characterize the picture, with its sharp color palette, angularity and boldness. However, Marie-Thérèse who once was the embodiment of sensuality is now cast in a role evocative of courtly ladies from the Renaissance. We can also see iconographic traits of his new lover Dora in the rendering of her hands. Indeed, it is Maar’s famously manicured fingernails that we see here. Her presence also makes its way into the portrait through the hat. In the spring of 1935, she had been the author of two reports on women wearing hats for the fashion magazines Le Figaro illustrated and Votre beauté. It was also she whom he would immortalize as the wearer of stylish headgear. Therefore, the picture can be read as an merger of both women, evincing a Madonna–Magdalene dichotomy, one dissolving, the other emerging.68 As Rubin explains, “we sense a dissolution of [MarieThérèse’s] earlier persona . . . her crossed hands, once soft and pliant, have become a spiky and brittle as artichokes; and her blue eyes, one frontal, one in profile, register private stress rather than eternal feminine magic.”69 The poem minuscule barque he wrote this same day may also refer to a withdrawal from her. The “miniscule boat” might point to the story of Theseus and Ariadne in relation to the myth of the Minotaur. Ariadne, a daughter of King Minos of Crete, assisted Theseus in his quest to slay the beast. She then fled with the hero aboard his ship. When they landed on the island of Naxos, Theseus abandoned her as she slept. It was then that Dionysus discovered her and made her his wife. Many of the colors often associated with MarieThérèse are included in the poem: “made with nails cloves sprinkled with roses and greens fixed pastel shines and glitters aromatized and the color enchants.” Of her he writes: “her scarf the small leaf of the

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cherry tree’s flower fallen to the ground under the tree all her under linens tucked up.”70 Once the charms of the sea, sand, and mistress had faded, Picasso proved incapable of tolerating a prolonged, undiluted dose of MarieThérèse’s company, and the limits of his patience and her intellect soon combined to set him on edge. His portraits of her grew less flattering; unpleasant quips at her pregnancy recurred, notably in the picture which portrays a microcephalic pregnant creature who sniffs at a flower with a vacuous expression. The evolution of his Juan-les-Pins drawings is clear evidence of his subsiding feelings. An early sketch had shown a classical male figure holding a Minotaur or Faun mask but whose own face is that of a mature, yet still virile male. By April 10, he had been transformed into an enraged beast, who “paws the ground in fury as he watches a blowsy blonde throw a beach ball in the air. Since Walter was a physical-fitness fanatic, the ball player undoubtedly represents her.”71 The vase that had accompanied the female figure in Femme au bouquet[13] is replaced by a beach cabana in Baigneuse à la cabine[14] from April 19, reverting to a theme that had preoccupied Picasso in the late 1920s and early 1930s. The drawing also shows a boat, a possible allusion again to Ariadne’s (Marie-Thérèse’s) cruel destiny. In the poem songe d’une nuit d’été from that same date, we see other references to the Minotaur in “a midsummer night’s dream stung by the diamond point of the glazier’s scream on the bull’s neck” and to Ariadne’s abandonment in “the little hope of bringing the boat back to the harbor.”72 A description of her youth may be found in “the sweet peas germinated in the softness of her corsage and blooming in the perfumed nest,”73 which brings to mind the abstract portrait Buste de femme[12] of April 15. A more representational depiction is Portrait de femme[15], in which he returned to the theme explored in Buste de femme[10]. Marie-Thérèse again rests on a red table, in this case reading a book. The richly-textured surface, in which saturated colors and boldness of form become once more predominant, shows the sculptural young woman as she daydreams about her reading. And yet, the angular mirror in the background presents a clear contrast to the round shapes that define the model, its dark interior possibly suggesting the presence of his new companion, Dora. That same day he wrote aux sauts de carpe which hints at her future disappearance from his work: “vanishing at top speed through the drain of the bubble of hope’s sigh thrown to the wind by the window’s shoulder heave breastfeeding her little ones.”74 The conflictive situation he found himself in was reflected in the poem poudre de paradychlorobenzène: “camellia

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in the ropes entwined carries away in its hands the mutilated head of the marble statue . . . nails bitten by the inhuman form of the imperative body fixed in stone by the capricious desire of the dream a flute player marked with a red hot iron by the siren gnaws at him and drags him . . . hitting the forehead of the untamable beast’s monster dressed in Sunday best.”75 The ink wash Homme au masque, femme et enfant dans ses bras (Marie-Thérèse et Maya)[16] from April 23 shows that Picasso was eager to regain his freedom. A young woman raises a baby toward a bearded man, who leans away from the couple and loosely grasps the mask instead of extending his arm to return the child’s embrace.76 Crowned with “ivy,” bearded and contemplative, this Minotaur turned Dionysian figure looks like an intruder fallen from Mount Olympus on a mundane terrace next to an Ariadne turned housewife. Picasso thus shifted his frame of reference from the legend of Theseus, the Minotaur and Ariadne to the latter’s marriage to Dionysus, fused however with the mythological episode of Ariadne being abandoned by Theseus on the island of Naxos—“displaced” and relocated, in turn, to the Villa SainteGeneviève.77 In the poem sonnerie militaire, Pablo described his feeling of being at an impasse: “the harp stuck in the mud in the middle of the road no exit octopus fastened to the core of the warm ball source of the river of feathers earth welded head lowered.”78 He wrote again to Sabartés: “I write to you at once to announce that from this evening, I am giving up painting, sculpture, engraving and poetry so as to consecrate myself entirely to singing.”79 On April 24, he expressed in jambes en l’air his reaction to feeling stuck, as a dying Minotaur, “legs in the air . . . round of nails hammered into the fire at the prism’s throat . . . the mud-stuck wheel in the pond biting with rage the eye of the expiring bull.” The malicious “center of night” is where the “rainbow” of hope turns upside down, a central “marsh,” bristling with eyes, nails, teeth, and spitting fire.80 He projects his indecisiveness when it came to his future role as an artist onto his representations of Marie-Thérèse. In Tête de femme[17], as Palau describes, “the face consists of two profiles: one on the left, which appears feminine, in cold colors, and the other on the right, frankly masculine, which seems to introduce itself into the face in the form of a quarter moon, regarding the female half with a certain compassion. It sets up a dialogue between the two profiles, that of the complaining or protesting woman and that of the man trying to take charge of the situation, lamenting it . . . The neck and cleavage together form the shape of a heart.”81 These portraits are the earliest instances

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of the “split profile faces” which would become a regular stipend of his war output. It is interesting to note that Bataille wrote the seminal essay Le labyrinthe at Tossa de Mar in Spain on April 29, only four days after Picasso’s oil.82 It revolved around one of his grounding philosophical principles: “The Insufficiency of Beings.” For the French writer, human existence was “suspended on the edge of the abyss,” hanging at the border between life and death, but never actually falling, except, of course, in terminal death. Life, in fact, was defined as “existence striving to reach its limits,” but never surpassing them, i.e. the being of the subject could not be found beyond its limits as that would imply his/her complete dissolution.83 Picasso’s portrait might relate to this notion of the liminal individual. His indecision also applies to his paternal role. Two ink drawings from April 27, Famille mythologique[18] and Composition[19], depict two grotesque old men who cackle maliciously, graphically conveying Picasso’s bitter mood of self-ridicule.84 The first one is a follow-up of Homme au masque, femme et enfant dans ses bras[16], but here the bearded man finally directs his attention to the baby. The Minotaur is no longer present nor even alluded to, since not only his horns, but also his removed mask has vanished.85 The ex-Minotaur, metamorphosed into a now kinder Dionysus-like personage, finally takes the infant and holds him on his lap. However, his efforts to behave fatherly are belied by contradictory feelings. His head leans towards the baby, and his open mouth suggests that he talks to or perhaps sings for his child, but his shoulders are bent under the pressure of some heavy burden. Nothing in his expression or posture indicates that he feels any attraction for, or desire to communicate with, the blond woman that sits by his side. The second work depicts in a rapid, swirling line two old, lascivious Sileni, the retinue of Dionysus, shaking with Homeric laughter. These characters represent Picasso cynically laughing at himself, at his effort at domesticity and fatherly love.86 He wrote again to Sabartés: “I continue to work in spite of singing and all. Your faithful servant who kisses your hands. Your friend—Picasso.”87 In the drawing Nu couché et profil[20] from April 28, Marie-Thérèse is rendered twice, once in a profile portrait and a second time lying prostate. It is as if she were witnessing her own downfall. In the poem Vénus sortie, written that same day, he ridicules “a kind of Venus leaving her flat by chance in the morning in her little everyday dress feet naked in her slippers unkempt grease stains on the sleeves buys sardines in oil from the grocers . . . becomes seen under the magnifying glass a kind of shell . . . locked into the mathematically illusory perfume stolen from the

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blind sunbeam holding out its hands to catch the smoking platter of potatoes on the table . . . wax figures their faces covered with gobs of spit.”88 The equally negative pastel Deux femmes enlacées[21] shows the heavy bodies of two females. They seek to communicate not their youth, but their decrepitude. They do not incite desire is us, but remain intractable. Neither the nipples, twisted, nor the sex, contracted, has the slightest sensual appeal. What we have here is an elegy for the loss of youth.89 The poem toutes lignes enlevées describes “the image of a young girl’s head . . . floating around white aroma of blows hitting the sky’s shoulder.”90 The words are separated by meandering lines, giving the impression of waves, while an enumeration of colors (white, yellow, mauve) is repeated in “columns” following the undulations of the horizontal marks in a downward movement. As Picasso lists the colors, placing them as in certain pictorial compositions, it is important to remember the tonal symbolism used for Marie-Thérèse in the early 1930s. He had often represented her body in mauve tones as a source of vegetal growth. Two other colors often used to depict her were yellow and white. Blue was less dominant. We observe in the poem, however, how this latter color gains predominance as we proceed. It appears halfway into the poem, and grows in importance and aggressiveness—“mauve yellow dove at worst decapitated,” “blue bites mauve hand yellow,” “blue detachable collar rat devouring the mauve ear of corn yellow”—and becomes the only color at the end—“blue blue blue blue line wrapping its spiral.”91 This could be understood as a replacement of Walter’s hegemony for a lover whose symbolic coloration would be blue, namely Dora Maar. Having determined this, we might be better positioned to explain the rare pastel Portrait de Marie-Thérèse Walter[1] also dated to April. In it, the fair mistress appears surrounded by blue and she seems to be vanishing in it. In the month of May, he painted several still lifes like Nature morte[25] and Nature morte aux citrons[26]. The latter, although filled with a sense of playfulness, dates from a period of introspection and turmoil both in Picasso’s personal life. “I paint the way some people write their autobiography,” he once declared. “The paintings, finished or not, are the pages of my journal, and as such they are valid.”92 For him, ordinary, inanimate objects were charged with a human, and in this case, sexual presence. Here the ripe fruit and the curvature of the fruit bowl are suggestive of the sensual, undulating curves of Marie-Thérèse. The voluptuous blonde contrasts with Dora’s features which might be represented by the blue pitcher. Her ruggedness is also suggested in the jagged tabletop and ridged lines in the tablecloth design. The painting clearly

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reflects his black mood about the imminent Civil War in his native Spain. Still lifes have traditionally been used as memento mori, or reminder of death. In this case, although he has brought the lemons to life by means of their saturated color, the aforementioned jagged forms evoke the harshness of the conflict and his mounting anxiety about it.93 Maar made her first direct appearance in the oils Le chapeau de paille au feuillage bleu[23] and Tête[24] on May 1. As is customary in him, however, this inaugural rendition does not make immediately obvious that she is, in fact, his newest lover. Baldassari suggests that decomposed and recomposed, these heads also articulate a poetic phrasing, pronouncing the passion of love, of carnal obsessions, bestowing upon the characters and their affections a certain virulence. Like hybrid figures, they begin to show an encoded configuration whereby the attributes and qualities of Marie-Thérèse and Dora cross over and intermingle. This conjuring up of the loved one in successive layers into an “exquisite corpse” is what engenders the hitherto unknown.94 In his portraits of her, Picasso expanded on her remarkable physiognomy, treating body and face as objects that could be disassembled and reassembled at will, according to his own pictorial logic, pushing the disarticulation of the human likeness to the extreme.95 Bernadac calls attention to the eyes haphazardly placed at the edges of a fleshy form (probably the nose) with well-defined nostrils seen from below, and a gaping mouth. The face seems to float in front of a purplish neck—looking very much like a vase—on top of which rests a straw hat in the shape of a figure-eight decorated with blue leaves. Dora’s bust emerges from a gray and yellow plinth, which may be read as the edge of a table, with very crudely delineated breasts below.96 Yet, others identify the painting as a portrait of a barely identifiable Marie-Thérèse. Her colors still cling to her in the faint lilac flesh and the yellow stripes of the pedestal, but panic and disorder now reign. The head appears to be toppling, its nostrils and mouth frozen in warped curves of anxiety. When read as a frontal view, its hideous eyes, sliced at the pupils, stare at us in fixed terror or, when seen as a profile, gaze helplessly to the left and right. A nightmare of paralysis and disintegration, she becomes, almost literally, a fallen idol. In this last interpretation, it is, of course, tempting to see this painting as “a decapitating finale to Marie-Thérèse’s reign.”97 On May 6, he made the important gouache Minotaure et jument morte devant une grotte face à une fille au voile[27] in which the horse now appears dead. At this point when the Minotaur’s love for his partner has evaporated and when, despite his attempts at settling down, he cannot overcome his estrangement, the most natural reaction of the woman, her grief, her despair and her useless efforts to keep him

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suddenly emerge. Here Picasso combined the narrative of Ariadne’s tragic abandonment by Theseus on the island of Naxos with a deterministic parable separately conveyed by the motif of disembodied imploring hands. Dominating the composition is the central group in the foreground of the Theseus/Minotaur with a dark metallic human face and white horns, carrying a livid-and-white collapsing mare. The past episode causing the mare’s death is shown in the middle ground where upon a miniature island of Naxos there rises the crowned blond “woman child” clad in a white garb, and almost entirely covered by a vaporous transparent veil, like a distant dream. A startling powerful severed hand of fate is posted in front as if gripping the forsaken lover, keeping her prisoner in the realm of spatial and temporal distance. While holding with his right arm the expiring white mare, the Minotaur stretches his enlarged left arm in an attempt to cover the sight of his victim, the deserted Ariadne rising like a reproaching memory on the remote island. Two disembodied feminine hands emerging from the dark interior of the Labyrinth, stretched out imploringly towards Theseus/Minotaur, are also the hands of Ariadne pleading with him to spare her alter egos, the white dying mare and the veiled Ariadne. But, facing the opposite direction, the monster ignores her pleading hands.98 In another gouache, Minotaure blessé, cavalier et personnages[28], the monster receives punishment for his past cruelty. A female figure mounted on a rearing horse and wielding a lance is trying to thrust it into the back of the monster, who struggles to rise from the ground so as to beg the compassion of three figures that are watching him from a boat. Thus the scene evolves somewhere halfway between the arena of a bullring and the waters of the sea where the boat floats. In the background, an arched wall evokes a Roman circus.99 Baldassari sees in the female figure putting to death the Minotaur a personification of MarieThérèse as Theseus. The beast’s human visage is now “depicted as a tangle of different faces, and the ship carrying the young maidens to be sacrificed reveals yet another Marie-Thérèse strapped to the ship’s mast, evoking the suffering of Ulysses trying to resist the songs of the Sirens.”100 The theme in this case is one of temptation and sacrifice. The poem corps enroulé includes multiple references to these characters: “rolled up body of the bronze dress with pearls of laughter . . . appears in the middle of the square the pink dirtied with sperm,” “crowned with flowers of a young girl with a bull head,” and “clad in a white feather dress standing on her boat made of marble slabs drifting in the liquid air.”101 The fate of Ariadne-and-Marie-Thérèse is suggested in “in the nests of seahorses harvests the ribbons of impossible colors sunk straight like swords in her hearts.”102

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The scene illustrated in Composition au Minotaure[29] provides a dramatic narrative that can be similarly applied to Picasso’s current state of affairs. On the left appears the unmistakable image of Marie-Thérèse, shrouded by the sail, while the impaled Minotaur, understood to be the alter-ego of the artist who has fallen on his own sword, lies in agony at her feet.103 The bucking horse could be construed as a stand-in for Dora, while the black shadow over the dying beast is perhaps an allusion to the menace of fate. Rich with interpretive possibility, this picture is one of the most visually engaging from a fascinating series executed that spring. The fierce character of the Minotaur appears to be at the mercy of the women surrounding him. Picasso has intentionally conflated several stories of Greek mythology in this intricate composition. The raft on which the Minotaur lies dying alludes to the raft of Odysseus, while the laurel-crowned Marie-Thérèse could be a reference again to the virtuous Calypso, the nymph whom Odysseus eventually abandoned to return to his wife. A female version of Theseus, who in Plutarch’s telling sails to Crete to slay the Minotaur, waves her lance astride a horse.104 On May 10, he continued with the same myth in the gouache Scène de la Minotauromachie: Minotaure blessé, cheval et personnages[30], which represents the Minotaur lying defeated on the ground, his body mercilessly pierced from side to side by the lance. Looking on from the sidelines are the faint outlines of Calypso and Theseus. The executioner is no longer a woman but a horse with blazing wings, a clear allusion to the mythical Pegasus symbolizing immortality, which stamps upon the dying Minotaur with its hoof.105 Poetry presented a temporary safe haven from the threat Picasso/Minotaur was under. The poem où les grappes des groseilles talks about how “gooseberry clusters flood the walls of words . . . the periwinkle-blue body of remembrance hanging from the nail planted plumb in the middle of the pink toad’s leap . . . torero wetting the edge of his cape in the hollow of the hand detached from the arm of the begging mummy at the closed door of hope . . . the mauve young girl dissolved in the azure . . . the rimes of the sonnet of the palm tree a kind of beach with fine sand of death heads filling the boat stranded and bitten in the belly.”106 There is thus a pleasurable side to his writing, which juxtaposes the dramatic and tragic elements peculiar to some genres of Spanish literature (Góngora, Cervantes or Rojas) with the humor of Alfred Jarry. “Words—I often imagine—are small houses, with cellar and attic,” Bachelard had written.107 However, on May 11 he returned to the theme of sacrifice in the poem mais si la robe, shifting it from the Minotaur to his companion: “if the dress loosened at the shoulders falls like a stone to the bottom of the

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pool and shatters the drawing’s pane the watch’s spring catches her eye and blinds her and abandons her in the hands of the hangman dead leaf lighten up the advance of the medusa’s skull between the pages of the book . . . liquid overflowing from the bowl of rice à la Valencienne from the corner of the cornice at the sound of dead drunk numbers falling drop by drop on the flagstones of the fire sponges.”108 The same is true of the poem la plume bleue he wrote the following day: “the girl’s naked body dissolving the mauve reflection in the lack of attention of the blue enveloping her and pissing the stain of her rose on the fading blue in the hollow of the almond green surrounded by the crown of orange blossom leaves to the regret of the raised saddle-stitch of her dress sitting next to the poet writing at his table on which rests the old shoe brought back by his muse’s grief.”109 The previous day, Premier Azaña had been elected President in Spain after President Niceto Alcalá-Zamora had been deposed by the Cortes, removing the leader more capable of bringing together all the different factions in the Spanish Republican Left. As a result, violence between extremists spread like wild fire in the following months. La Falange, the Nationalist party led by José Antonio Primo de Rivera (son of the former dictator) and inspired by fascism rose sharply in public opinion. From having only 0.7 per cent of votes in the election, by July it had 40,000 members. Through May 31, Aragon and Cassou invited artists who were close to the Front Populaire to the Maison de la Culture to discuss possible revolutionary actions against the rise of authoritarian movements in Spain and elsewhere.110 They also approached Picasso about his possible involvement in the central cultural event of the July 14 celebrations, Romain Rolland’s play Le 14 juillet. He accepted.111 Back in Paris,112 Pablo had immediately started work on a commission from Ambroise Vollard for illustrations to Buffon’s Histoire Naturelle at Roger Lacourière’s workshop, “an oriental relic” left over from the Exposition Universelle that stood at the top of the Sacré-Coeur steps.113 Vollard had been one of the most influential gallerists during this momentous period in art history. A champion of new and overlooked artists, he had rescued Cézanne from obscurity, was responsible for the first van Gogh retrospective and the first to show Gauguin’s Tahitian paintings. His greatest claim to fame, however, may be the decision to give the nineteen-year-old Picasso his first show in 1901, beginning a relationship that lasted until the dealer’s death decades later. It was probably Vollard who conceived the idea of the Spaniard illustrating the monumental eighteenth-century scientific treatise by France’s revered Georges-Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon (1707–1788). Selecting thirty-two common species from the massive zoological repertory,

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Picasso clearly enjoyed the opportunity to produce his own version of a modern bestiary.114 Having just been introduced to the technique of liftground aquatint, he was eager to test out this new printing method, which enabled him to work in a much wider range of grays between the etchings’s black and white.115 Sabartés noticed that the artist now began to adopt the habits of a sybaritic old bachelor. Éluard ran into him at a Wolfgang Paalen exhibition opening at Galerie Pierre around this time. All the Surrealists were also there: Breton, Max Ernst, Miró, Man Ray, and others.116 This would be the beginning of the so-called “Saint-Germain-des-Prés Period.”117 It was thanks to the intimacy which had grown between him and Éluard that the poet was able to persuade him to allow nine of his works to be shown, including some of the large canvases which had appeared at Galerie Rosenberg earlier in the year. Other acquaintances who frequented the same cafés were the Braques, Man Ray, Henri Laurens, Pierre Loeb, Michel and Louis Leiris, and the faithful Sabartés. Going from one locale to another until well after midnight he would not infrequently walk home alone. It was in this environment of the SaintGermain-des-Prés cafés that Éluard had introduced Pablo to Dora, a friend of his and Bataille’s.118 Tired out by his nocturnal outings, he stayed in bed after breakfast. Reading the mail and the papers provided a pretext for long chats with Sabartés. The morning went by, and at midday, he got up, shaved and dressed. Before going out to lunch at a restaurant, he took Elft for a walk. In the afternoon he went to Lacourier’s. Once his working session was over he would take Sabartés along the narrow streets of the Butte, in an aimless pilgrimage through the scenes of his youth.119 He probably attended the “Exposition Surréaliste d’Objets” organized by Breton from May 22 to 29 at Galerie Charles Ratton on 14 rue de Marignan.120 It brought together for the first time natural and found or constructed objects. According to an undated hand-written checklist, Breton had at first thought of including just one of Picasso’s sculptures, but as he later explained, a visit to the artist’s studio had resulted in the addition of five more.121 Maar showed Portrait of Ubu and the photograph of a souvenir object of Raymond Roussel, a star accompanied by a handwritten note.122 In conjunction with the exhibition, Cahiers d’art published a special number “L’Objet” (no. 1–2).123 While the exhibition was running, he wrote the poem fauna que tira, which brings to mind the previous Minotaure à la carriole[4]. In this case it is a “Faun that pulls the chariot of oblivion”; however, “its garland [is] threaded on the bull head.”124 Faun, bull and Minotaur are merged into the same character. Additionally he wrote the poem disque rose du

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parfum full of references to a loss of interest in Marie-Thérèse’s charm— “pink disk of the perfume of geometric forms void mathematical object of the rope tight abandoned”—and to a fragmented image of one once adored—“her cheek on the mirror shaped over this afternoon breaks into several pieces,” “the bouquet resting on the edge of the window detached from the house lost on the last card in the game.” There is a feeling of remorse associated with accepting this reality: “dead birds falling into the lake detached from their wings that remain stuck to the clouds’ temples,” “the naked body of love spread over red-hot coals and singing Ma Paloma,” “the letters M. T. floating at the mercy of the waves and the bird’s cage opening like flower.” And again, we become aware of the cause of this deteriorating relationship: “mirror caressing blue of evaporated corsage” “if the boat that’s waiting for day on its misery doesn’t immediately punish its sail with the harp of assassinated weeping.”125 As if to salvage a liaison that he was already putting in doubt, he jotted a note to Marie-Thérèse: “This 23rd day of May 1936, I love you still more than yesterday and less than tomorrow. I will always love you as they say, I love you, I love you, I love you, I love you, . . .”126 On May 26, a general strike was called in Le Havre, accompanied by factory occupations to prevent lockouts, and it quickly spread to all of France. More than a million workers would leave the workplace as an act of protest. By this time, Picasso had already started thinking about the drop-curtain for Romain Rolland’s play Le 14 juillet.127 The spectacle’s controversial point was to equate the victory of the Front Populaire with the first wave of the revolution of 1789. Two days after the strike had been declared, he completed the gouache La dépouille du Minotaure en costume d’arlequin[31] that he would later enlarge for the play. It shows a man with an eagle’s head (death) brandishing the cadaver of a Minotaur dressed as Harlequin (Picasso). Approaching him, a man wearing a horse’s hide carries on his back another young man with outstretched arms and crowned with flowers.128 The man cloaked in the hide raises his right fist in defiance in the communist salute, which had also become the greeting of the Spanish Republicans. The image of the youth on the shoulders of the older man might be taken directly from the ending of Rolland’s play, where the child Julie, “our little Liberty,” is carried in triumph on the shoulders of the character Hoche, her arms stretched out to the people of Paris. The vulture-like monster, on the other hand, relates directly to the final words of Rolland’s companion play Danton, in which the character Saint-Just proclaims, “The Republic will never be pure until the vultures are no more.”129 As Nash points out, Picasso’s sensitivity to the deteriorating political situation in Europe was more acute than it had been in similar

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circumstances in the past. The gouache might indeed have translated his political sentiment into a mythological scene, so that the fearsome griffin-headed predator holding a dying Minotaur could be read as “the threat of fascism.”130 Curiously, as Baldassari notes, the first distinctly recognizable incarnation of Dora in his oeuvre had been as a female Minotaur. On his return to Paris, Pablo had renewed contact with the beautiful photographer.131 Staring at the sun, carrying death like a Medusa, Dora appears as half-animal, half-human—a monster of sorts who shares with the painter the power that attends upon all freaks of nature.132 This occurred on June 3–4, as Picasso prepared an etching as an accompaniment to Éluard’s Les yeux fertiles.133 It consists of an illustration using Kodatrace paper of his poem Grand Air. The poet wrote the text on the plate, and the following day Picasso embellished it. We see Dora reflecting back rays of light from her open hand, battling with the sun that she succeeds in blinding and putting out.134 She had continued to publish her photographs, like that one of Jacqueline Lamba, titled Aube which appeared in the journal Minotaure, no 8. A photograph of Nusch was also featured in Photo moderne, no 37. Additionally, she had been taking pictures of actors in the Groupe Octobre during their rehearsal for Tableau des merveilles, the last part of which had been inspired by the work of Miguel de Cervantes.135 On June 6, Picasso wrote the poem dans la coupe that included some of the surrealist motifs already explored in many of the Minotaur works “in a goblet knotted around its stem made with the sleeves of the harlequin costume . . . the head of the [evil] bull expires mired in the scent of verbena.” The same applies to the poem au rideau détaché of the following day: “the goblet shaped like an eagle’s head snows music harlequin arrows.” His own blood blended with the spilled blood of martyrs, he claimed for revenge against the threatening evil from high. The words also continued to refer to his fragile relationship with MarieThérèse: “flower weapon thrust into heart breathes out its indifference,” “anemic green curled up in a ball of memories tossed into the ashes at the very moment when the wheel balances chance.” The association between her fall and Dora’s presence is again suggested in the use of the color blue: “skinny-dipping in the scent of blue wrapped round the neck.”136 Earlier in the month, after purchasing the majority of the plates from the Suite Vollard dating from March 1933 to December 1934, Vollard had decided to make an important edition of the prints, entrusting them to the printer Lacourière. Picasso had concluded the suite on June 12 with Faune dévoilant une dormeuse[32], based on Rembrandt’s Jupiter

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and Antiope, (1659).137 Unlike the Dutchman’s Jupiter, who leers lecherously at the nubile Antiope, this Faun gazes upon her, transfixed by her beauty and reaches out to caress her. Considering that the print was made as his relationship with Marie-Thérèse was petering out, it could be interpreted as Pablo’s last tender contact with his former love.138 Although the image remained fundamentally the same through the six states, an intriguing change occurred in the minor detail of the plant in a pot in front of the balcony: at first a strawberry plant, it eventually turned into basil that, according to Mediterranean folklore, had the magical powers of transmutation. The print has been described as “‘a work that looks back on a passion that had now changed.”139 On June 13, Picasso returned to a political motif in Fête de la Bastille[33]. His conscious use of communist symbols is more intelligible in this large drawing, which depicts a youthful crowd. The mood is part celebratory and part combative: people dance, fists are raised, and banners carry the hammer and sickle motif. By joining the hammer and sickle at either end of one handle, as he had explained to Breton, he endowed the communist emblem with far greater iconic force than it possesses in its traditional form.140 With the drawing, Pablo celebrated the beginning of a new era. People fraternize, shake hands, fall into each other’s arms and sing while the detested state prison burns in the background. These are obvious, but poetically exaggerated statements about the liberating beginning of the French Revolution. But this is not the only thing the sheet unveils. On a raised sign you can read libérez (clearly visible on the original), underneath (blurred) and no longer decipherable) probably a proper name: his own?141 By the late 1930s, the extreme Right was clearly gaining momentum in France. Several groups in Paris, known as ligues, targeted university students, with elections often turning the Latin Quarter into a battleground.142 Jacques Doriot and a number of former members of the French Communist Party (including Henri Barbé and Paul Marion)— who had moved towards nationalism in opposition to the Communists—created the Parti Populaire Français (PPF). The group would adopt many aspects of social-nationalist politics, its imagery and ideology, and quickly become popular among other nationalists, attracting to its ranks affiliates of such groups as Action Française, Jeunesses Patriotes, Croix de Feu and Solidarité Française. Tensions in other countries were also increasing with fascism gaining predominance. Austria and Germany signed on July 11 an agreement whereby, while keeping full sovereignty, the former recognized itself as a German State. Danzig ordered all civil servants and government employees to join the National-Socialist party. In Spain, one day later, Lieutenant José

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Castillo, an important member of the anti-fascist military organization Unión Militar Republicana Antifascista (UMRA), was murdered by Falangist gunmen; and as a reprisal, several of Castillo’s comrades shot dead José Calvo Sotelo, then leader of the Right-wing opposition. He had fought against what he viewed as Bolshevist expropriations and hasty agricultural reforms. His murder arose suspicions among those on the Right of possible involvement of the Republican government in the act, and is sometimes seen as the catalyst for further political polarization. Following the electoral victory of the Front Populaire, Matisse and Picasso participated in an exhibition organized under the auspices of the Maison de la Culture—of which Aragon was secretary general—at the Théâtre du Peuple. The Russian painter Boris Taslitzky recalled years later: “We had set up a big exhibition in the foyer of the theater, with canvases by Matisse, Léger, Picasso, Lurçat, Lipchitz, Goerg, Gromaire and Lhote. Pignon, Amblard and I did the hanging. We found ourselves in a real quandary; should we mix the work of the older painters with that of the younger men? We were continually putting things up and taking them down when Matisse and Picasso arrived. Matisse hesitated about what to do. Picasso declared that he liked ‘charcuterie’ and we ought to mix everything up . . . Romain Rolland’s play was a triumph, the audience gave Picasso’s curtain a huge ovation, and everybody went frantic with delight when the dancers left the stage and led a farandole round the aisles, to a sudden outburst of the Marseillaise.”143 Maar had photographed Picasso during the final execution of the huge canvas that was based on the gouache La dépouille du Minotaure en costume d’arlequin[31].144 Rolling it out on the ground of the large studio allowed the painter to walk across the composition as he worked on it standing up, bent over or kneeling.145 The militant symbolism of Picasso’s curtain was carried out in the performance, with the masses in the script played by workers’ theater groups.146 As FitzGerald writes, with these works, “the era of surrealism’s introspective exploration [gave] way to political upheaval.”147 On July 4, the journal Le Matin had heralded the project for Rolland’s 14 Juillet as “part of the Théâtre de la Révolution . . . one of the first dramatic works—in the modern era.”148 Four days later, Picasso dedicated to “Dora mía” the drawing Colombe[34] on an issue of Marianne opposite an article by Emmanuel Berl titled “Popular Front and partisan rivalries.”149 It is clear that his political association with the Communist Party could not be detached from his relationship with her. In a separate note he would write: “I send you these few lines and the expression of my most affectionate, ardent feelings.”150 Dora would respond to him by telegram: “I am so moved

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from reading what you wrote to me I feel compelled to reply immediately. I am shattered by this thing. What I have dared embark upon by entering into your life?”151 The same day the play was staged in Paris, Castillo and Calvo Sotelo were buried in Madrid. Fighting between police assault guards and fascist militias broke out in the streets surrounding the cemetery, resulting in four deaths. A clear indication of the increasingly tense situation was André Masson’s decision to leave the country with his family. After two years in Spain—which had proved to be a veritable ordeal with endless exchange of fire and riots in Barcelona, all of which had reminded him of the horrors experienced in World War I—he decided to return to France. On July 17, spurred to action by the assassination of Calvo Sotelo, a cadre of Right-wing military officers made its planned move. An army mutiny began in Spanish Morocco. The military uprising (Pronunciamento) was led by Generals Emilio Mola, Francisco Franco and José Sanjurjo. The move was intended to immediately seize power, but successful resistance by Republicans in Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia and the Basque region pushed the country into a prolonged civil war.152 At this point, pressed by lengthy conversations with both Éluard and Maar, the formerly apolitical Pablo took an antifascist stand, publicly siding with the Republicans.153 As Chipp reminds us, “almost nothing in Picasso’s statements or his work prior to the Spanish Civil War indicates a particular concern over the dramatic political struggles in his native land.”154 His early dealer, Daniel-Henry Kahnweiler, unequivocally stated that he was “the most apolitical man” he knew. But as Penrose noted, during the summer the artist had been deeply anxious about the events back home. Zervos recalled: “For a long time, Picasso wondered if he should pay attention to events in Spain, if he ought to throw himself into them with all his passion, become intimately caught up in them, or whether he should ignore them as long as their ups and downs allowed him to. For a long time he reacted against his feelings, even against his own heart, to preserve what is unique in man and avoid the trap of the passions.”155 And then there were the worrisome reports from people fleeing Spain. Sabartés writes: “Compatriots belonging to both sides began to pour into Paris and our conversations hinged on the events which were rocking our country.”156 Through the press he knew that, although the initial and instinctive reaction on the part of the Front Populaire to the military insurrection in Spain had been to support its sister Republic, the official attitude had been mostly one of non-intervention. First, the Blum administration was more concerned with the threat posed by Nazi Germany. It was, therefore, more important to achieve further rapprochement with the British

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government, which was suspicious of the Frente Popular. Second, Blum could not guarantee backing for extensive military support from the French Senate. Finally, the Left was aware that supporting the Frente Popular would further antagonize an already hostile Right-wing press in France, much of which, like Charles Maurras’s Action Française, already supported Franco and the Nationalists.157 At the beginning of August, he made the drawing Dora Maar et figure antique[36], her “official” artistic entrance into Picasso’s oeuvre. In the drawing she literally opens the door and enters the artist’s atelier, wearing a coat and scarf.158 The artist evokes her entrance on mythic ground and we see her head veiled, like the sudden vision of a Vestal coming face to face with an Antique god (Picasso) accompanied by his faithful guardian Cerberus. This parodic treatment of the tension that was operating on a subconscious level in her crossing of the threshold marks the initiatory passage that would lead them both into the inner circle of magic where images would be born.159 As with all of Pablo’s paramours, the earliest portraits of Dora evoked a tender, calm, sensual appreciation of her form. As their relationship progressed however, he would adopt an increasingly angular vocabulary in his depictions of her, abstracting and attacking her form, introducing extreme distortions and stylizations, as he sought to convey the psychological depths behind her enigmatic façade. In this way, she became the complete antithesis of his previous lover, whose curvilinear, sensuous body had informed his artistic activities since the late 1920s. The obvious differences in their physical appearances were mirrored by a similarly sharp contrast in personality, temperament and countenance—whereas Marie-Thérèse was blonde, voluptuous and easy-going, Dora was dark, mysterious and inscrutable.160 As Gilot concluded, “with [Marie-Thérèse], Pablo could throw off his intellectual life and follow his instinct. With Dora, he lived a life of the mind.”161 On August 4, Dora accepted an invitation from Lise Deharme to visit Les Salins, her villa in Saint-Tropez, where Paul and Nusch Éluard, Cécile (Paul’s daughter from his marriage with Gala), Roland and Valentine Penrose, and Christian and Yvonne Zervos were also guests.162 During her absence Picasso made the gouache Faune, cheval et oiseau[37] where we see him on the edge of the abyss; only the high tower on the right offers a reminder of the place of origin, devastated by a storm. We do not know whether the Faun is considering suicide or assessing the dangerous situation in which his emotional life has placed him, because at his side there is an enraged mare with her forelegs manifestly trampling the wing of the bird beside her which seems to address its protest to the Faun. He has been stripped of his animal mask so that

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all that remains of the mythical figure after its passage into this liminal realm are bull-like horns. We see it desperately seeking out its own reflection—like a Narcissus—in the menacing waters of the sea. The Dorian bird is the Phoenix, only this time it lies quivering under the hooves of the furious horse.163 The bird must be Marie-Thérèse, but the mare is probably Dora.164 Picasso’s gloomy frame of mind might have been aggravated by the newspaper headlines on August 8. Despite initial support for the Republican cause in Spain, Léon Blum had signed a non-intervention pact.165 This policy would lead France to pursue the closure of the southern border to all foreign parties who want to engage in or influence the fighting in Spain. The poem ahora nada más reflected his feelings. Everything is harsh and cruel: “nothing else now but for the aloe the gall and the thistle the lime the nettle and the mallow on top of the quince that smells like a burnt wooden shoe and the amorous song of the raven frightened by its shadow shattered into a thousand pieces the drunken bell that falls into the well.”166 And it obviously has an effect on his painting: “the colors of his palette drenched in the dew of the songs of the gori gori gori in the machine gun’s kisses.”167 That same cruelty is imprinted on the oil Nu couché étoilé[38]. Partially covered by dirty white sheets and a green blanket, a female nude spreads out flat—or rather is pressed flat—on a bed-like structure on top of a patterned violet carpet. No sculptural definition is provided for the figure: the representation is limited to a black contour that outlines the body where adjacent colors have been blurred and applied in a lower intensity. As a result, the large nude seems to be integrated into the spatial environment, which also remains vague. Thus, in the lower half of the picture, the carpet and the bed sheets and blanket point to an interior; in the upper one, serrated bands refer to a building structure, and the violet triangular shape on the left can be interpreted as a curtain. However, the upper part of the picture shows a night scene with oversized stars on a black background and a glistening crescent moon, all of which is also brought into the room.168 The range of colors for the entire composition is one that had come to symbolize Dora and the war: purplish pink and green.169 This and other anthropomorphized landscapes depict a state of hopelessness, the current “state of the world” in view of the miserable situation at home and the increasing international tensions that made one fear a larger conflict. This abused female body is neither really a nude nor a landscape, but an explicit metaphor for his current reality.170 Badajoz was captured by the Nationalists on August 14, and the two parts of Nationalist Spain were now linked, splitting the country in two.

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The following day, Picasso was among the signatories of a telegram of support sent from the Maison de la Culture to Lluís Companys, president of the Catalonian government, at the Casa del Pueblo in Madrid: “Salute our heroic brothers fighting for liberty of Spain. Firmly expect final victory of Spanish people over criminal attempts of adventurers. Long live Spain, guardian of culture and traditions with which indestructible bond unites us.”171 He needed to distance himself from the news on the war that kept appearing in the Paris press. So, around mid-August, his chauffeur drove Pablo in his sleek Hispano-Suiza to the Côte d’Azur. Paul and Nusch Éluard had also gone south to Saint-Raphaël and were lodging at Hôtel des Algues.172 He first stayed in Cannes, but later moved to Mougins, a small village in the hills inland from Cannes. He had agreed with Dora that they would meet there.173 He took a room at the small Hôtel Vaste Horizon.174 Christian and Yvonne Zervos were already there, and other friends would join later, including Roland and Valentine Penrose, as well as Man Ray and his companion Adrienne. The poet René Char and the dealer Paul Rosenberg stopped by. On learning that Dora had arrived in Saint-Tropez, he went there to pick her up.175 With her and other friends, he took small trips to Antibes. Throughout the summer, he seemed to be reconnecting with a world from which he had been excluded, but now offered itself up to him once again with its casual enjoyment of the healing atmosphere of the Mediterranean.176 Around this time, he executed the drawing Dora sur la plage[39]. The portrait reflects many of the features James Lord would write about: “Her gaze possessed remarkable radiance but could also be very hard. I observed that she was beautiful, with a strong, straight nose, perfect scarlet lips, the chin firm, the jaw a trifle heavy and the more forceful for being so, rich chestnut hair drawn smoothly back, and eyelashes like the furred antennae of moths.”177 It showed her in a three-quarter pose with shoulder-length hair. In a radical stripping away of color, the scene appeared flooded with the intense light of the south, “a tender flash of brilliance in the midst of a highly charged political moment.”178 Still hesitant about the new relationship, he wrote to Marie-Thérèse on August 29: “I see before me my landscape MT and never tire of looking at you stretched on your back in the sand, my dear MT, I love you. MT my devouring rising sun. You are always in my mind, MT, mother of sparkling perfumes pungent with star jasmines. I love you more than the taste of your mouth, more than your look, more than your hands, more than your whole body, more and more and more and more than all my love for you will ever be able to love and I sign Picasso.”179

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Ironically, a few days later he executed the drawing Dora et le Minotaure[40], which included precisely some of those elements he described in the letter, but applied them to his new lover. The Minotaur, regaining his strength yet again, no longer projects his irrepressible desires on Marie-Thérèse but on another young woman with Dora’s features.180 In a crepuscular, hilly scenery inspired by the picturesque landscape of Mougins, a marmoreal nude with abundant dark hair lying upon the copious grass-bed of late summer surrenders herself to the dark beast’s avid embrace.181 As the foreboding sunset streams in from above, a tear in the sky evokes an impending sacrificial crucifixion, suggested also by the presence of a ladder.182 This work was executed exactly one month after Maar “had walked through the door” of the artist’s atelier. In contrast to the gentle embrace in the drawing of Marie-Thérèse he had sketched to bid her farewell in Couple enlacé[35], the woman who resembles Dora is almost violently confronted by Picasso’s alter ego. Behind her haughty and enigmatic demeanor lay a restrained impulsiveness, a fiery temperament, a potential for outbursts, a madness waiting to be unleashed.183 Still in Mougins, he executed the ink drawing Portrait de Dora Maar (‘Fait par cœur’)[41], where he turned her into a water nymph peering beneath the deep blue sea. Another portrait of her in pencil, Dora Maar en robe à pois[42], is emblematic of the tenderness and delicacy of the artist’s early portrayals of his muse. She is shown in a head-and-shoulders pose, her face turned three-quarters to the side, gazing out of frame. Her clear, penetrating eyes, arched eyebrows, straight nose, strong chin, pouting lips and the upright, determined way she carries her head give her a striking presence. Her hair is tied up in a traditional Andalusian style, and she is wearing a typically Spanish polka dot dress with puffed sleeves. These portraits were not usually sketched from life. Therefore, it is possible that he simply projected the desired appearance on his lover.184 Violence in Spain was worsening. The Nationalists had captured Irun on September 5, and now controlled the border between the Basque provinces and France. Around this time, he received official notification from President Azaña that, in appreciation for his strong support of the Republic, he had been named honorary director of the Museo del Prado, a symbolic gesture.185 While he never travelled to Spain following this appointment, this title undoubtedly engaged the artist in the besieged Spanish Republicans’ plight, particularly when the Nationalists began bombing Madrid.186 His frustration at the war in his homeland is reflected in the poem si l’attendrissant souvenir from this month: “If the memory of the broken glass in his eye does not strike the hour on the

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bell that perfumes the blue if tired of loving the garment sighing that covers him the sun that may from one moment to the next explode in his hand reenter his claws and fall asleep in the shade.”187 By September 20, he was back in Paris.188 Once there, he applied to Maar’s portraits her own craft, using some of the photographic techniques she had learned from Man Ray to combine on the same plate drawing and printed shadows. In one case, her profile “appears” under a mantilla, again trying to stress her fictional Spanish heritage.189 He executed these works without the aid of a dark-room, using transparencies and opacities: one technique consisted in covering the glass plate thickly with an opaque layer that one then cut into with a point to make lines down to the bare glass; the other was simply painting the bare glass with colored oils. As a result, the “real” was reduced to “its shadows, transparencies, texture and structure.”190 The appeal of this type of techniques lies in the fact that despite the distortions he obtained, the image still retains some of its “documentary” nature and also provides the visual equivalent of another reality perceived in dreams. It is not surprising that André Breton would refer to these photomontages as true “photographs of thought,” he also equated them with automatic writing.191 It is as if the image emerged from the medium almost accidentally. In that sense the pictures sought to capture that part of reality which partakes of the imagination or “objective chance.”192 Like the other Surrealists, Picasso recognized that lived reality could not be separated from the procedures used to articulate it, and that those representational strategies were never congruent with the surface appearance of that reality.193 In spite of the intimate friendship that was developing between them, Dora continued to live with her parents at No. 6, rue de Savoie and remained independently active in her professional career.194 One of the photographs from this year, The Simulator, shows a peculiar curved tunnel-like environment in which a young boy stands with his back arched and his eyes rolled back in his head. According to Jaguer, this image represents claustrophobic anxiety. A second one, 29 Rue d’Astorg, evokes Pablo’s deformations from the late 1920s in large limbs combined with small heads portrayed. In a third photograph, Portrait of Père Ubu, her representation of the character as an animal also embodies the theme of man as beast, a frequent element in the painter.195 Early in their relationship, Picasso had referred to her as “an Oriental idol,” “a haughty beauty” and later as a “Sphinx.” In the drawing Dora Maar en femme oiseau[43], she adopts the latter appearance. “She was anything you wanted,” he later told James Lord, “a dog, a mouse, a bird, an idea, a thunderstorm. That’s a great advantage when falling in

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love.”196 These Romantic euphemisms referenced the Near East and more directly Maar’s appearance. His numerous portraits of her reflected her prescient understanding and personal fear of the escalating fascist threat and growing anti-Semitism in Europe in the late 1930s.197 Nationalists had just taken Toledo, an event that was immediately followed by Franco being declared head of state (Caudillo). After Hitler’s recognition of the dictator’s new government, the Reich’s efforts in Spain were reorganized and expanded. The military units already there were grouped into a new legion named Legión Condor. In reaction to these developments, many intellectuals on the Left joined the International Brigade, among them, Cassou, Bloch, Nizan, Malraux, Péret, Ehrenburg, Dos Passos, Koestler, Hemingway and others.198 On October 3, Picasso wrote the poem misérable peau de chagrin, possibly inspired by Balzac’s 1831 La Peau de chagrin. Set in early 19thcentury Paris, the novel tells the story of a young man who finds a magic piece of shagreen that fulfills his every desire. For each wish granted, however, the skin shrinks and consumes a portion of his physical energy. In his poem, he wrote of his frustration about the situation in Spain: “miserable shagreen enclosing the body . . . so cramped in the crown of his nest of thorns miserable memory of jasmine scent pinned to the bottom of his eye . . . caught in a trap . . . distance color deleted from the rolls of the living when life boils in the great village hall.”199 The outbreak of civil war had mutated for him into a grueling private conflict and had overlaid his already grim emotional state with additional oppressive shadows. Poetic texts from this period document an almost pathological-depressive worldview that accepts no positive perspective, neither in the private sphere nor with regard to the expected historical developments.200 Many items in the poem chair en décomposition refer to Christian sacrifice, such as “the crown of thorns nest of twigs at the sound of the tambourine awakened by the miserable memory.”201 The victim could be himself or Dora. Because of her heightened artistic sensibility, her poetic gifts and her empathy to suffering, she was prone to echo his private torments. The twining that started to take place here between them reveals the empathetic and projective nature of their relationship.202 The sharp pain and anguish these portraits resonate with were the artist’s own. In portant nouée à son cou and agite folle ses draps, Picasso mentions “a crazy woman [who] flails her bedsheets in flames[,] hips flapping wings[,] bedside lady dove filled with clear water with liquid plumage lit by a lamp burning.”203 The eye of the painter is literally devoured by the woman’s cursing mouth in the drawings that illustrate the first of these poems. The multiple references here and in a later text from

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October 6 to the painting Femme à la montre[22] from April, which had represented Olga, makes it clear to what extent his estranged wife remained a constant presence in his mind, and how feelings of guilt and anger continued to incite his work.204 His remorse might have intensified due to a similar attitude toward Marie-Thérèse. An angry and salacious poem, perdant à chaque coin, followed: “what silence is louder than death says the cunt to the cunt while scratching the front of his anus . . . I don’t give a shit I don’t give a shit says the beauty . . . shit does not smell like roses . . . time to go to the table eat soup of curtains wellcooked then thrown into urine.” The profane tone of the text is evident: “twenty-six dozen rosaries of mother-of-pearl coral ivory and of olive pits and six hundred little rumps well-washed in salted holy water each one placed on a Brussels sprout and into a bag of bitter orange skin perfumed by a nun’s big fart . . . plus some old missals.”205 Political tensions were on the rise and a potential confrontation between France and Germany was slowly becoming a reality. The reoccupation of the Rhineland, like a bolt from the blue, and the preparations by Germany for an eventual invasion, had accentuated the uneasiness of the French. It was 1919 when Henri Mathias Berthelot had conceived the grand design of a victorious France taking the lead in Europe protecting small nations like Belgium. However, by the late 1920s, without openly reneging on the imposing design, the country had ceased to follow a coordinated protective policy. The Maginot Line had been built in the 1930s ostensibly to defend from a potential German invasion. But Pétain had erroneously left a gap opposite Belgium, so that, in the event of a threat from Germany, the French army could enter that country and hold the line on the River Scheldt. On October 14, Belgium undertook a policy of self-defense. With its defection from the alliance, Pétain’s strategy was, at a stroke, rendered impossible and France was left with her torso well protected but her throat bare.206 In Spain, aerial bombings over the center of Madrid affected more than just government buildings located within the relatively small center of the city. Bombs also fell on some of the most important museums housing the enormously rich national patrimony. As a result, protective measures had to be increased and the most significant objects transferred to more secure areas set up by the Comité de la Junta del Tesoro Artístico.207 Probably sensing the increasing possibility of similar attacks in Paris, Picasso moved Marie-Thérèse and Maya late in the fall to the early nineteenth-century farmhouse at Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre which Vollard had offered him, forty-five kilometers from the capital. 208 He would visit them only on weekends.209 This resulted in a double life; publicly seen in Paris with Dora, while privately devoted to the

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mother of his child in the idyllic surroundings of the countryside. The place remained a private solace for the artist; he rarely invited friends to visit and many of the paintings he created there remained in his personal collection, unknown and unseen for many years.210 On November 2, the month-long Battle of Madrid erupted.211 The Nationalists—with assistance from the German Legión Condor systematically bombed the city, targeting not only industrial or logistical targets but also the streets, which were badly damaged.212 Using new tactics, the attacking forces aimed to sow chaos and fear among the population and undermine its defenses. Two days into the fight, the painter wrote the poem mathématiquement pure image. While he must have been aware of the escalation in the conflict in Spain, he translated the violence of the battle into a personal sexual assault: “mathematically pure illusory image of the terrifying throb of the piece of lace detached from sight of the vaginal burp farting at top speed” with terrifying consequences to his art—“the painting immersed in the silver soup plate presents its back to the desperate blows of love removing its blindfold.”213 The situation in his home country was getting the best of him as he wrote spleen du quart de Brie. In ancient Greek and medieval humoral medicine, it was believed that the spleen was responsible for producing “black bile,” one of the four humors that needed to be kept in balance to stay healthy. Black bile was considered the cardinal humor of melancholy. On this day, Kahnweiler wrote to Max Jacob: “Picasso is saddened, saddened, depressed. The events in Spain worry him.”214 In two poems he wrote the following day, l’une anonyme à l’autre and les pensées suceuses de formes, he exhibited his mental and emotional breakdown: “sucking thoughts of forms within sucking forms of thoughts strength without muscles mouth full of blood of forms sucked from thoughts.”215 His suffering was equally reflected in the woman’s split head in Portrait de Dora Maar[44] from November 11. As Palau notes, “the forehead apparently truncated, implacably marks a dividing line between the two halves of the face, the left half being all but submerged in the shadows. Of the two hands, the right one is a paw with three prongs, hard, schematic, while the other, the left, is painted with a fluid technique, apparently imprecise, as is the set of brushstrokes that form the background. Those hands, which had performed a kind of striptease to emphasize their nudity and had been one of the initial reasons for the painter’s attraction to Dora, were now being mocked or at least distorted.”216 His fears would be also projected through her in the drawing Dora Maar à la coiffe[45] from two days later. As the critic commented, “we again see her, face on . . . with her eyes a little scared,

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seemingly looking inward on herself, her eyes betraying a hint of fright on account of what was happening to her.”217 Since their first meeting, Picasso had been captivated by her perceptiveness, and she came to be the mirror of the emotional and intellectual anxieties awakened in him by the war. In a compensatory move, he painted several still lifes in December that revealed his desire for much needed peace and stability. In Compotier de poires[47], probably executed at Le-Tremblay-sur-Mauldre, two dishes of pears were depicted in a flat, graphic manner. In this and other oils, the white area behind the fruit was added as the final layer of the painting, thus creating a palpable sense of space rather than a simple blank background. In the painting Nature morte: poissons et poêle[46], the oysters and lemon introduced a similar hint of eroticism and romance.218 But even while resting with Marie-Thérèse in the countryside, his anxieties about the war in Spain informed the goggle-eyed fish corpses strewn about in disarray in the composition. Although he enlivened the fish through a playful use of color, their jagged, blade-like forms add a deliberately uncomfortable angularity to the composition.219 In yet another work, Nature morte au bougeoir, oiseau mort et livre ouvert[48], showing a dead pigeon, candlestick, and book, a certain air of melancholy can be easily ascertained. The same despondency is evident in La mansarde du poète[49]. Although Picasso had frequently shown Marie-Thérèse asleep in the early 1930s, here he limited himself to a depressing almost monochromatic palette. Back in Paris by December 27, he reverted to making portraits of his new love in the paintings Tête de Dora Maar[51], Tête de Dora Maar[52] or the gouache Figure de femme debout[50]. The latter shows the sitter as an elegant and highly intelligent woman, a far more demanding companion than the pliant Marie-Thérèse. To those who knew her, one of Dora’s most striking features was her dazzling, soulful gaze. Penrose referred to the “dark, passionate eyes of Dora Maar,” as it was her eyes that most forcefully conveyed her great depth and artistic sensibility. Curiously, in these and related works, the artist chose to depict her wearing a mask over her face. He had always been fascinated by masks. Discussing their use in African art, he explained to André Malraux: “The masks weren’t just like any other piece of sculpture. They were magic things . . . They were weapons. To help people avoid coming under the influence of spirits again . . . The Negroes’ sculptures were intercessors, I’ve known the French word ever since. Against everything; against unknown, threatening spirits . . . I too think that everything is unknown, is the enemy! Everything!”220 Throughout the years they were together, Dora would play that same role of intercessor that those African sculptures had played for centuries.

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CHAPTER TWO

1937 La femme qui pleure

After separating from Olga, Picasso spent most of his time in his apartment at No. 23 bis, rue de La Boétie where he continued to see Dora. Sabartés and his wife found the situation unbearable. They had thought they had provided a transition to the broken marriage and saw the new woman as an unwanted intruder. They made her feel it too. She, for her part, hated the place at rue la Boétie.1 Pablo continued to visit MarieThérèse at Le Tremblay from time to time. Probably during one of these visits, he painted the oil Femme assise[54],2 which shows a curved, brightly-colored woman sitting in a small armchair, set in a confined space with barely head-room for her cheerful hat. The multicolor garment she is wearing is traversed by close-set black lines, so that the different surfaces resemble the corrugated cardboard he liked to use for his cast-plaster figures: she is perfectly serene, with her mild eyes both on the same side of her face, but the superimposed lines make her look as if she were under pressure, as O’Brian points out.3 The poise of the sitter is threatened by the angular and cramping distortions of the box space in which she is caged, a space in which the low ceiling and tilted floor plane undo the semblance of commanding centrality and timeless calm.4 He would now often make virtual pendants of these iconic images in which Marie-Thérèse, on her armchair throne, was challenged by Dora, as if one playing-card queen were conspiring against her rival. Still, the expressive forms on the painting retain the characteristics of the happier Boisgeloup days: decorative arabesques, gently rounded shapes, and soft pastel tones. The body is also lithe and supple; the long fingers are like palm-fronds; and the face is bathed in cool blues and greens that create a lunar atmosphere of poetic reverie and tenderness.5 In another oil, Femme à la couronne de fleurs[56], the model, wearing a crown of daffodils, an urchin’s beret, or a cool straw hat, has been “painted like a Manet,” Léal decreed.6 The garland was meant as a classical embellishment he had created for her several years before. The advent of Marie-Thérèse in 1927 had granted Picasso the key to a new life, and she had inspired a profound transformation in his art. But, by

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now, he would merely sit back and celebrate memories of that early excitement.7 Domesticated bliss could not last long, Richardson has noted.8 While she would continue to serve as his nurturing and classical blonde beauty, a quality that still radiates from the painting, Maar would assume the more important role of enigmatic lunar goddess and muse. As Daix observed, “each woman would epitomize a particular facet of a period rich in increasingly dramatic repercussions,”9 and now it was Dora’s turn. He was ready for someone of surreal intensity and more aware of the political turmoil surrounding him. He had become adept at compartmentalizing his emotional relationships, so that “the constant drama that this conflict between Marie-Thérèse and Dora brought up didn’t bother Pablo at all,” Gilot wrote. “On the contrary, it was a source of a good deal of creative stimulation to him.”10 In early January, the escalating violence in Spain finally spurred Picasso into action, unleashing his creative force for a distinctly political purpose. He, Zervos and Éluard met the writer José Bergamin, Spanish cultural attaché in Paris, and conceived of a review, to be called Le poids du Sang, which would support the Republicans.11 Éluard recalled many years later how Bergamin had shocked them with his recounts of the atrocities occurring in his home country.12 This month, Hitler’s ultimatum to the Basques in the north had appeared in the Paris press menacing them with total destruction if they did not cease all resistance; Franco reinforced his threat by declaring a blockade of all Spanish ports.13 To make matters worse, Germany and Italy had rejected the Anglo-French proposal for control of admission of foreign volunteers to fight in Spain. Picasso began the first propagandist project of his career on January 8. The set of etched panels of Sueño y mentira de Franco I[55], to be accompanied later in June by the poem of the same title, harks back to a popular phrase drawn from two plays by the seventeenth-century dramatist Pedro Calderón de la Barca: La vida es sueño and En esta vida todo es verdad y todo mentira.14 The verbal imagery he chose to characterize Franco’s actions conveys his rage in no uncertain terms: “Cries of children cries of women cries of birds cries of flowers cries of timbers and of stones . . . cries of furniture of beds of chairs of curtains of pots of cats of papers cries of odors.” 15 Subtitled “The abhorrent fact of violation of which the Spanish people are the victim,” the post-card sized etchings depicted a caricature of the general as a repellent, grotesque and pompous polyp-like figure in a nightmarish, Goyaesque parody of the Civil War. The artist intended to have them sold as prints to raise money for a Republican defense fund.16 Divided into nine sections, this set together with a second group started the following day, showed Franco

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assuming the guise of various figures: wearing a crown, holding a bishop’s miter and a Moorish fez; as a Spanish marquesa or a maja, wearing a mantilla and clutching a fan with an image of the Virgin on it, etc.17 The scenes of the second set are more devoted to the brutality of the Nationalists and the despair of the people, in particular women. It is here that we see the figure of the “weeping woman” taking shape for the first time.18 His caricature of Franco as an absurd and vainglorious bigot and of his calamitous impact on civilization was “the expression of his outrage about the victimization of the Spanish people,” as Utley declares.19 Early in January, he had received an urgent phone call from his friend, the young Catalan architect Josep Lluis Sert, asking to see him.20 Now, towards the middle of the month, a delegation from the Spanish Republican government came down to his studio. In addition to Sert, it included Bergamin again, Aragon, José Gaos (general commissioner of the Spanish Pavilion), Juan Larrea, director of Agence Espagne, Max Aub (the cultural delegate for the Spanish embassy), and Luis Lacasa, another architect. They had a particular request: the execution of a mural for the Spanish pavilion of the “Exposition Internationale des Arts et Techniques dans la Vie Moderne,” which was to open in May.21 The duly elected Republican government was in danger of being overrun by Franco’s Nationalist forces, supported by Nazi Germany and fascist Italy. The ambassador in Paris, Luis Araquistáin, had hoped that a modern pavilion would demonstrate to the world that they, not the Nationalists, represented the Spanish people.22 Although not interested in political propaganda, Picasso had occasionally expressed his liberal leanings in art, albeit primarily in an oblique manner.23 After all, his friends were mostly on the Left, outspokenly anti-Fascist, and supporters of the Republican cause. Regardless, he was still apparently reluctant to accept such a time-consuming commission at this point even if he was indignant about the brutality of the war.24 On January 17, thousands of Nationalist troops, assisted by Italian and Moorish soldiers had begun their assault on the Republican-held city of Málaga. As the siege was going on, Picasso painted the oil Portrait de la marquise de cul chrétien[57], an irrevocable indictment of the attackers and a defiant show of support for the Republicans. Against a garish yellow background, the main protagonist of this powerful painting is a strange, hybrid figure pictured craning out of a balcony, her outstretched, raised arm immediately reminiscent of the fascist salute. Adorned with an aristocratic and ostentatious feather-plumed hat decorated with what appear to be crosses, and brandishing, in her claw-like hand, a Spanish flag, the identity of this frenzied, fearsome

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woman becomes clear from the words emblazoned on the upper left of the composition. In stark black lettering, Picasso had written: “Retrato de la marquesa de culo Cristiano echándoles un duro a los soldados moros defensores de la virgen.” With this inscription, he was directly indicting the supporters of Franco’s army: monarchists, Carlists and the wealthy, conservative classes as well as the clergy.25 If up until this point, his art had been essentially subjective and based entirely on his own vision of the world, from now, it would also incorporate elements of resistance against the forces of oppression that swept across Europe.26 Late in the month, he made one of the most disturbing drawings of the year, Viol[58], probably a reaction to further reports on the Málaga attack, as it clearly shows violence and distress. Depressed and disappointed, Picasso wrote the poem bruit des pas: “suspended between heaven and earth on the balcony hooked to clouds of dust reflected to the four corners of the map foundering with all hands under the petals of a carnation.”27 As Brunner points out, disorientation and the fragmentation of all pre-established frameworks tends to produce melancholia, a loss of control over reality, symbolized by the measuring tools rendered useless, and the dissolution of the self. No object, no subject, only the abject remains.28 The world as the artist knew it was collapsing around him. In another poem from January 26, ropero de azahar, what he identified as the locus of hell or death on earth assumed the palpable and familiar form of a hollowed out village “well,” its watery depths join up with those of the “sea” whose mirror like surface revealed the true animal “muzzle” of the “blue bull winged incandescent spread out at the ocean’s rim.”29 The “well” inhabited or embodied by the “bull”—the force of death—became the underground “center” of an evil universe. In order to escape from it, the glowing-and-burning winged bull, a dark and destructive fallen angel, must be “guillotined” so that life may continue. He projected all these feelings of anger and perplexity on Dora in Poupée et femme se noyant[60]. The scene depicted is unreal. She appears immobilized like a mannequin on an upright, tripod prong aimed menacingly at her sex, while she tongue-kisses a black-masked, putrid sun (Bataille’s soleil pourri).30 Her dress is fashionably decorated, her feet are in high-heeled laced shoes, and she wears a chain of flowers or large pieces of jewelry around her neck. But her feet hang down passively, and she holds a triangular banner displaying two arms raised in supplication. Rays emanate from the dark sun, spreading over the landscape like a rain of fire. In the water, one can see the head and pleading arms of a drowning man calling for help in vain. This explains the banner sign which might be read as a warning of potential danger.

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The doll-like figure therefore is aware of the disaster that occurs in her immediate vicinity. However, standing at the edge of the water and sentenced to immobility (her feet do not reach the ground), she is unable to help the poor man.31 This may symbolize the painter’s frustration at hearing about the massacre in his hometown, unable to do anything about it. He would project his state of mind through her once again in Portrait de Dora Maar pensive[59].32 Mary Ann Caws has stated: “On [her] singularly expressive face Picasso could read every international event as in a newspaper.”33 We would add that he could also inscribe those events in the portraits he made of her. This month in particular was a turning point for Picasso in his decision to submit a work for the Spanish Pavilion. While the still lifes he did at this time do not overtly show any political content, their austerity nonetheless conveys the artist’s angst at the situation. Boggs sees them as “glowing with energy and an instinctive drama.”34 In Nature morte à la bougie[61], the candle may serve both as a symbol of death and a flicker of hope;35 but in the bleak background, the jutting angularity of the various elements and the candle’s glow itself, he condensed all his fears. The flame, which could be blown out at any time, introduces the sense of a memento mori.36 By February, Maar had found Picasso the spacious studio he needed to fit the large frame for the mural. It was located at No. 7, rue des Grands-Augustins, on the second floor of a seventeenth-century hotel (Savoie-Catignon) around the corner from the apartment in which she still lived with her parents at No. 6, rue de Savoie.37 Their common friend Georges Bataille had used the place for meetings of the Contreattaque group. The studio’s history also provided Picasso with ties to a literary and artistic past: it was presumably the setting for Balzac’s Le Chef d’Oeuvre Inconnu, which he had illustrated for Vollard’s edition in 1931; and the actor, Jean-Louis Barrault, had occupied it for a while.38 He would take the top two floors above a winding staircase. The main door led directly into a large space he immediately converted into his usual junk shop, and the next room was equally encumbered, paintings and sculptures scattered everywhere. An inside stairway led up to the studio proper, another huge room as crowded as those below. The place appeared to be spacious enough to accommodate the dimensions of the commissioned mural, which was due in a few months. A row of small rooms served as living quarters. He even had a bathroom installed.39 The new studio became an extension of his own self. In the poem l’escarole si l’oubli, he wrote of “the thousand reflections of silence hidden in the shadow . . . the pimping song melted . . . the monotony

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of its color . . . forgotten by the enemy of his happiness . . . moved to tears by rubbing the eyes with onions . . . next to the frying pan.”40 In a world where the human body ensures a certain unity and control, his universe is reduced to the status of something edible (escarole). Reality is grasped and mastered through the mouth, a versatile organ in Picasso, interchangeable with his eye or with his sex.41 In another poem, quand la lumière, the body absorbs the dimensions of an inhabited space, a body-house, which can nevertheless be penetrated by the encompassing universe: “the light arrives counting its steps so tired and charged by so many wrinkles to introduce its nose into the lock of the large chest . . . the whip lashes given to his shoulders in the reflection of the lentil dish besides the shadow of the potatoes doesn’t take a grain of love from the solicitude of desire.”42 Although Dora had found the studio for him, she was not free to visit at her whim; instead she had to wait until the artist called her to go to lunch, dinner, or any other occasion he chose.43 Picasso ended up also renting a small annex studio on the same street that he used to store sculptures he often made with everyday objects.44 His poetry was filled with references to such quotidian items. During the month, he would describe the “great interior dance of household objects” and “the fluted bread stretches out its hand and with its irregularity wounds the perfume that floats under the turnips pissing their rage” (car si loin);45 “choking fete of imprisoned objects and illiterate vegetables” (n’oubliant pas).46 As Bernadac has concluded: “Picasso was particularly attentive to the domestic and utilitarian aspect of objects, their familiar beauty, their humble yet necessary existence. In his view, things participated in their own way in the universal laws, the biological processes of life and death, the circulation of energy between objects and beings. His animistic concept of the world made him give a human status to whatever he saw and touched; all of these homely objects—and the rooms in which they were used—lived, moved, and expressed [his own] feelings. It was as if Picasso identified himself with everything that was around him, transmitting an inner part of himself to a multitude of fragments of the external world, while receiving part of their own identity in exchange.”47 The “blue so tender [is] expiring at the bottom of the milk bowl while sounding the call to order to the blue angles cutting the enchanted circles,” he wrote in the latter poem.48 His vitality, energy and magnetic force was more than a manifestation of his temperament, impulses or magic power, it was a uniquely passionate love of life. Back in Le Tremblay, he painted a series of portraits of his blonde companion that would extend through early March.49 However, even

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his shelter in the countryside could not keep his mind away from the crimes being committed in Spain. In the oil Marie-Thérèse avec une guirlande[62] from February 6, Palau suggests that “the whole round pupil, touching the lower eyelid and even hiding it a little, is a sign of euphoria and optimism,” but “the pupil that hides in the upper eyelid is a sign of sadness or melancholy.”50 Indeed, the drawing Baigneuse à la cabine sautant à la corde[63] contained negative connotations, as the ropejumping bather presents the tortuous facial arrangement of a Franco-demon, distorted by phallus-like protuberances.51 Nationalist forces and their fascist supporters had pushed into Málaga on February 8 forcing an estimated 15,000 to 50,000 civilians, chiefly the elderly, women, and children, to flee towards Almeria over 200 km to the northeast. As the frantic civilians trudged along the coastal road, they were strafed from above by Legión Condor planes dispatched from Germany to reinforce Franco’s troops in what is known as “the Málaga-Almería road massacre.”52 By this time, those same planes had been involved in the bombing of Madrid in November, 1936.53 He also reacted to the murderous attack in his poem nid de vipères that mentioned the malicious “center of the circumference” where a “nest of vipers” coils in a circle and a spiral.54 As he does with his artworks, Picasso strikes back in poems like n’oubliant pas (5 February 1937) with their poetic “angles that are cutting the enchanted cosmic circles.” “Granite of the clouds merde and merde plus merde equal to all the merdes multiplied by merde . . . pestilential breath of . . . the anus . . . simmering on the [oh!] so sweet fire of her eyes of horror and despair,”55 he wrote a few days later in antipathique champ de tir (15 February). The vipers suffocate the innocent souls with “pincers that are gripping the center of the bouquet,”56 he protested in rage de dents (20 February). He felt there was an indistinct dark “force harbored within the shadow” (extrêmement attaché, 25 February). Evil on high, choreographing the dance of death performed by the revolving, maleficent “circles” of the universe.57 His counteroffensive against the malicious attack is expressed graphically on February 9 with Baigneuse sous Soleil Noir[64]. In front of a coastline that runs strongly mountainous on the left but turns into an open beach on the right, with some wooden bathing cabins like the ones Picasso knew from his childhood in Málaga, a monstrous, naked female figure stands in the black-gray water swinging a rope over her head, beating the ground with it.58 The female bather appears to want to kiss the black sun, a signal of impending calamity. The figure’s attraction to the sun (le soleil, masculine) serves as a metaphor for a foolish France (la France, feminine) who blindly chooses her own disaster. The

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atmosphere is depressing; the sky is dark gray, the sun disk also black, looming disaster underlined by a black rain of fire. Everything was falling apart. The “order established fearfully by the law” was now dictated by the evil forces hidden in the lowest level of “the well attached to the sympathetic cut of the fields,” as he would write in et quelle force.59 Picasso articulated the problem posed by the forces hidden in the Dantesque frozen water of hell in that same poem: “and what force hidden in the water of the liquid marble feeds with its waves the source of so many laughs.” The intruding power sunk into the waters of hell now governs existence: the “cup full of milk divided in two halves is dominated by the force contained in the shadow.”60 “History was holding him by the throat” as he stated in sel fin eau de vie.61 He would become gripped by the “tooth ache in the eyes of the sun [that] pricks . . . ache of sun teeth in the eyes” in rage de dents.62 Without question, the atmosphere of war and destruction is one of the reasons for the apparent predominance of glum features in his portrayals of Dora at this time.63 As the storm clouds of conflict gathered on the horizon, his obsessive deconstruction of her image would reach new levels of violent intensity, fragmenting her form into angular networks of intersecting lines and converging planes, and dissecting her face into sharply opposing facets, echoing the internal turmoil and despair that was consuming him during this period. On February 13, he made the pastel Portrait de Dora Maar[65] where Picasso captured his companion’s often melancholic state of mind. Having been actively involved in Left-wing politics for a number of years, she followed current events with an intensity and passion that matched Picasso’s own, consuming reports in the daily newspapers about the worrying developments across Europe, and reacting dramatically to all she read. Her expressions of despair and angst became inextricably intertwined with his own perception of the war, her face a mirror through which he witnessed the wave of violence as it swept towards France. Crumpled with tears and wracked with anguish and grief, Maar would become a modern day incarnation of the mater dolorosa, a universal embodiment of tragedy and suffering. In the oil Grande baigneuse au livre[66], painted in chalky tones, beige highlighted with white against a background of blue sea and sky, all erotic elements have disappeared. The colors— pink, gray and blue—streaked with white, and the use of pastel powder, give the body a coarse and fragile appearance.64 Evil on high, choreographing the dance of death performed by the revolving “circles” of the universe, even penetrated into the mundane hearth of the “kitchen” . . . the “sky that spreads its stain on the everyday dress of

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the kitchen . . . [and strikes the] blows of destiny” on innocents and criminals alike in the poem mais quel cheval from February 18.65 The next day, in the pastel Minotaure dans une barque et femmes[67], the monster returned with a group of women-bathers.66 With his foot placed in the small boat, the Minotaur seems rather threatening. On the left, a woman with a winged brow is carrying in her arms a woman with Marie-Thérèse’s profile who has fainted or died. The bearer might represent Dora, whom Picasso would depict several times as a bird. In the background, a third female figure, whose hands are tied to the mast of the boat, appears to be the Minotaur’s ill-fated victim who again has Marie-Thérèse’s recognizable profile.67 The beach motif relates to the dark scenes that arose in Pablo’s mind after Franco troops had conquered Malaga. Picasso/Minotaur saves himself from a boat in which disastrous things have happened or are happening. What is the significance of the tortured female tied to the mast or the dead woman held by the character with a winged helmet? In both cases, they exemplify victimization of his female companions, while the Minotaur/Picasso goes ashore unscathed.68 He had once depicted Marie-Thérèse in this pose of helplessness in 1932 after a reported neardrowning experience. Was he perhaps conflating her sacrifice with the one suffered by the Málaga victims? Through March, the Minotaur would appear several times in Picasso’s enigmatic “theatrical” settings for this mythological character. In the gouache Minotaure dans une barque sauvant une femme[68], five women floating around the boat and about to drown are begging him to save them. Of a sixth one we can barely see her arm as she pleads for help on the right side of the picture. One of the women—it remains unclear whether she is already dead or passed out—is carried by the Minotaur into a boat that is too small to accommodate more than two people. As the largest figure in the water, who looks like she has wings, is reminiscent of Dora, an autobiographical layer of meaning is evident. It could be that Picasso/Minotaur imagined the final catastrophe that might befall all of them in a possible war and in his imagination he transferred it to a conflict in a private sphere.69 According to Gasman, to illustrate the Minotaur’s compassion for the deserted blond woman, while also showing his attraction for the dark-haired new love (the bird/Dora), Picasso blended the story of Theseus/Minotaur abandoning Ariadne into the legend of Odysseus, tantalized by the sweet songs of sirens, the treacherous women with bird’s bodies, who himself was saved from them by being tied up to the ship’s mast. Theseus/Minotaur seen from the back unloads the lifeless nude blond Ariadne before jumping back on the boat that will take him home.70

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The warmly intimate and congenial feelings that he revealed for his new companion are evident in Portrait de Dora Maar endormie[69]. Rarely among his many portraits of her has his siren and muse looked more peaceful than she does here. Léal has described Maar as having “the face of an Oriental idol, with its marked iconic character, impenetrable, hard, and unsmiling, and whose haughty beauty is enhanced by makeup and sophisticated finery.”71 Her inscrutable personality and occasionally bizarre behavior had intrigued him from the moment he had laid eyes on her. She increasingly became a regular player in Pablo’s intricately compartmentalized life. In contrast to the sunny and athletic Marie-Thérèse, Dora assumed the role of the artist’s darkly enigmatic and creative lunar goddess, his surrealist muse. In fact, she has here even co-opted the languorous pose that used to belong to the former lover.72 “Picasso needed people like Dora who understood his work, loved his work, respected him, because that’s where he’d get his energy from,” is how Richardson puts it.73 As Chipp notes, after Picasso’s interest in Marie-Thérèse had cooled down, the tonalities he used for her became dull and dry as can be seen in Femme assise devant la fenêtre[70]. The lush sensuous roundness of her nude body had become scarred and ragged, wiry striations. He encased her in a grid of harsh rectangles in dark colors. The rejection of the characteristic tonalities he so exuberantly reserved for her was an indication she no longer dominated his senses or shaped his vision.74 One half of the face is subject to the band of light behind it, while the dark half is furrowed by a beam of light that creates a kind of mask, which probably comes from the reflection of the knob of the window or from the narrow space through which the light manages to pass.75 In this and other portraits, she seems to be camouflaged by the setting of rough-surfaced wooden planes that drain her of color to the point of almost disappearing . Her head stiffly confined between the window handle and the wall, she sits immobilized in the constraining rectilinear frame of an unpainted wooden chair that, in turn, locks her in place with the perpendicular balcony railing and shutters. The once vivid colors are now muffled and her hands—a restless tangle of phallic fingers—are clasped over a tight plaid skirt in an image of secluded repression.76 The poem coquetier de velours included references to Marie-Thérèse’s imprisonment: “striking up lit by candles lit by candles behind bars velvet egg-cup burgeoning mother-of-pearl cysts of the sea between its lips hide the desire so cramped in its prison.”77 “It must be painful for a girl to see in a painting that she is on the way out,” Picasso would later say.78 In another poem, la petite fille arrosée, he described how “the little girl watered by the folds of the woolen corsage yells and writhes.”79

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Marie-Thérèse indeed became aware of this, although her relationship with him diminished only slowly over the following fifteen years. On April 4, a heavy air attack preceded the Nationalist ground assault on Basque positions. Employing en masse all of the bombers of the Legión Condor, the Germans rained 60 tons of bombs upon innocent civilians. A few days earlier, on March 31, the town of Durango had been pummeled, and later occupied, by General Emilio Mola. Bilbao, the Basque capital, located on the Bay of Vizcaya not far from the small town of Guernica, was also targeted as an important military objective. Because of the ship-building, industry, and mining located there, however, Hitler and Mussolini wanted Bilbao not to be severely damaged from the air, so Nationalist ground forces were put in charge of capturing the city.80 In this context, Picasso wrote the poem divinamente puesto a secar on April 13 in which he talked about “the silence that devours.” For him, silence was, in the last instance, the silence of death. In perdant à chaque coin (13.10.1936), he had raised a rhetorical question, knowing full well that no answer could be given: “what silence would make more noise than death?”81 Conceiving his confrontation with death as a corrida, he “fights the bull up close . . . that overturns the cry which grows inflamed . . . bathes the flourish of the cape with tears . . . poised there face to face in a bullfighting sun . . . hurtling from the eaves to make the kill.”82 References to the bull continued in the poem lame el ojo from April 14: “the claws that slash the bottom of the mirror chanting fortunes and misfortunes showing off its snout . . . the hand that holds it captive sounding the festival the bottom of the wound that chants his happiness”;83 and in caracoles vestidos from April 16: “the lifelines on an ocean’s hand hung out to dry up on the roof ledge covered by the shadow of a bull licking a wound that’s bleeding on its foreleg.”84 Understandably, rising tension from the war also strained his relationship with Dora. On April 18, she wrote to him: “Forgive me for making such scenes, don’t take them seriously . . . I won’t whine, I won’t shout, that’s over and done.”85 She added: “If all the dogs that have ever existed were to be brought together on a plain, with a single man, a single monster, what strength there would be in that great hereditary love, the goodness, the submission of those dogs to their master. I love you and that is how I want to love you.”86 It is only logical that in this stressful situation he would seek refuge in the studio, making a series of drawings starting with L’atelier: le peintre et son modèle I[71] in which a canvas on an easel stands in a flat, box-like space. In front of it, in the middle of the room, a robed artist sits on a stool with a palette in his lowered left hand while he places a brush in his long arm on the canvas. This was

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his only way of controlling the situation, through the creative act. Behind the painter is a naked model resting on a sofa. The right middle section of the picture is occupied by a large empty window, while on the far right we see an open door, allowing a view of the threatening world.87 In a related drawing, L’atelier: le peintre et son modèle VI[72], Picasso showed the model’s contorted body, her neck stretched to the point of snapping, limbs twisted in knots, fingers disjointed, nipples erect, and eyes and mouth thrown open with a protruding tongue.88 In L’atelier: le peintre et son modèle XI[73], he introduced a central triangular space to demarcate the painter’s activity. His arm is elongated and marks a correlation between production and the revelatory act of illumination. The model is displaced further to the left and is superimposed to the canvas thus establishing a link between both. As Greeley notes, Picasso often conceptualized art as a performative field in which the boundaries between individual identities are loosened in favor of a more communal, interactive identity. In his work, “the model can often be understood as an active rather than a passive source of creative energy, and the artist as a receptive visual conductor of the current of energy that flows from her.”89 The Surrealists equally saw creation as performative activity and the artist as the physical medium through which less tangible sources of psychic and sexual power flowed. They also considered women to be closer to the psychic forces they argued were essential to artistic creativity. Art then metamorphoses into a process of illuminating the disaster that the model stands for. Around this time, he painted several still lifes with some domestic utensils, their harsh angularity expressive of the extreme tension and of relentless depressing news coming from Spain. In Buste de Minotaure devant une fenêtre[74], the colors have intensified—the stark blue background pushes the violent reds and yellows in the jug and fruit into the fore, making the result more unsettling and aggressive.90 The bust with the artist’s own features is set upon a black triangular plinth, so that it is clear that we are dealing with a sculpture and not an actual head. Its attributes are simplified and exaggerated, somewhat coarse but still with the customary reference to the moon. Behind the profile is a black shadow, which is severe and masculine, perhaps Picasso’s own. There is also something ominous in the placing of the silver-handled knife.91 As the offensive in Vizcaya gained momentum all along the eastern front on April 20, and General Mola’s forces moved westward and northward, closing in on Bilbao,92 he painted Nature morte[75], where he appeared to be still searching for a subject for his mural. He had hoped to imbue subject matter taken directly from his own life with the drama and purpose appropriate for his commissioned panel. Looking at this

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still life, one wonders if this picture does not indeed channel some of the anguish of the conflict. A number of jagged forms and intertwining crescents and triangles jut and obtrude, hinting at tension. The interlocking forms may reflect the influence of another artist who had also received a commission for the Spanish pavilion: Joan Miró.”93 On April 24, a massive air and land attack forced the Basques to abandon Eibar and to retreat to the mountains. The town was strategically important, for it lay along a railroad line that ran parallel to the front and led directly to Bilbao.94 Almost as if to try to negate the terrible news from home, he painted the oil Nature morte[76] which displayed an intensely poetic atmosphere. Stars glow in the night sky, while the foreground is dominated by the accoutrements and accessories of a leisured and contemplative evening. The pipe, the book lying beside a drink and a candelabra, hint at an evening of solitary pleasures. The lyricism of the scene is further heightened by the swirling curlicues of the balcony in the back. And yet the jutting forms used to render many of the objects prefigure future depictions of anguish.95 Nature morte au chandelier[77] is also immersed in a cloistered, nocturnal atmosphere occasionally offset by harsh angles. His works were already infused with a new edge, perhaps in part ushered in by the increasing presence of Dora, and this appears here in the sometimes abrupt, blade-like corners of the book and the table. He channeled his tension in various ways through these objects, with forms often becoming more angular, hinting at an aggression that was in stark contrast to the sinuous curves of the pictures he had painted during his years-long affair with Marie-Thérèse.96 General Mola did not bother to attend the meeting on April 25 when the strategic importance of the bridge at the small town of Guernica was discussed, leaving Wolfram von Richthofen to make his own decision to strike it with all his force the next day. He would write in his diary: “Guernica has to be destroyed if we are to strike a blow against enemy personnel and material.”97 The location was symbolic for it was under its famous oak that Spanish sovereigns, or their representatives, had for centuries sworn to respect Basque fueros. Realizing that the bridge was the only escape route for vehicles still open and that the town could possibly be turned into a fortification, the Luftwaffe commander was determined to deny both to the enemy.98 The following day, the little town of seven thousand inhabitants was bombed for three consecutive hours by the Legión Condor assisted by a small Italian bomber escort.99 This was market day, and the main square and surrounding streets were crowded. At 4:30 p.m., bells rang out the air-raid alarm; there had been several before in the region. The front was less than twenty miles away,

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but there was no target of military importance in the town. At 4:40 p.m., a first wave of Heinkel 111s came in, strafing and bombing, followed at twenty-minute intervals by waves of Junker 52s, dropping incendiaries. Screaming with terror, people fled the burning town, but the planes followed them into the fields, mowing them down. Bombs kept pounding Guernica until 7:45 p.m., leveling its center, killing 1,654, wounding 889.100 Ostensibly, the goal had been to cut off the escape route of the retreating Basque troops, specifically the bridge at the northern end of the town which had been designated as a “strategic military target,” but ironically it was never hit.101 On April 27, the first newspaper account appeared in the Parisian Ce Soir, the month-old paper edited by Aragon that Picasso was known to read. It was no more than a brief telegram filed by the newspaper’s correspondent in Bilbao, but it described the event as “the most horrible bombardment of the war.”102 The first oral reports of the massacre also reached Paris in a Radio Bilbao broadcast that same evening. Although Basque President José Antonio Aguirre, in an impassioned speech, initially blamed the Nationalists for the attack, he soon specifically accused the Legión Condor acting under Franco’s orders. The next day, the communist L’Humanité published the first photographs of the casualties, women and children, with the headline: “A thousand incendiary bombs dropped by the planes of Hitler and Mussolini reducing the city of Guernica to cinders.”103 On May 1, while working in his studio at rue des Grands-Augustins, he heard more than a million people marching in the May Day demonstration with banners that read: “Outrage over the bombing” and “Appeals for aid to the victims.” More photographs of the battered town appeared in several Parisian papers, including Le Figaro.104 Picasso’s own initial reaction to the brutal attack emerged in the gouache Deux femmes nues sur la plage[79], which depicts two monstrous female nudes on the beach, recalling the stone and bone surrealist figures painted in 1930–1931. The gouache expresses his anger at the event through the use of familiar images of brutality or subhuman existence.105 Since the Málaga episode, monstrous females had been an iconographic constant as incarnations of calamity and threat. The two horrible figures tear with their tentacle-like arms at something on the ground, while they waddle on a blood-like matter. Their open mouths and outstretched tongues seem ready to gulp this shapeless substance, as if they were ravished with hunger.106 The two monstrous nudes are shaped like two masses of flesh, made more by feel than by sight, with arms, legs, and head depicted as viscera, or at least visceral.107 Progressively, Picasso would abandon these monstrosities as the real victims of the war came to the fore. Evil

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forces embodying disaster and destruction would no longer be shown, rather the suffering of those affected became the central visual theme.108 That same afternoon, forgoing his usual weekend visit to Le Tremblay, Picasso produced the first sketches for the mural.109 Undoubtedly, both the bombing of Guernica and the imminent deadline for the opening of the World’s Fair on May 24 had spurred him into action.110 However, in Guernica (Étude)[78], it was not images of the war but of the bullfight—a theme of great importance to him since childhood—that came to his mind. A triumphant bull stands proudly erect, while a horse lies on its back, one leg extended stiffly in the air, its limp neck outstretched. It is that moment of brutal confrontation of the corrida that provided him with the desired vehicle to express his feelings about the attack. There is a further signal of the unfolding tragedy in the woman holding a lamp with her outstretched hand as she leans urgently out of a window.111 On May 3, Le Figaro published a graphic eyewitness report of the viciousness of the attack on Guernica.112 Two days later L’Humanité included the vivid and horrifying account of the Basque priest Father Onaindía, who while fleeing from the town on a road crowded with refugees, had been strafed by the low-flying fighter planes which “came down to two hundred meters to machine-gun the poor people who fled in fright.”113 In reaction to these publications, Picasso executed the drawing Guernica (Étude)[80] which already suggests the pyramidal form of the mural. A fallen warrior joins the horse in the foreground; while the bull remains standing.114 The horse’s upraised head with an open mouth and its elongated neck are transferred to a mother carrying a child on the right.115 These grieving women would be essential ingredients for the fulfillment of the mural’s intended function as a message to the world of the cruelty of war.116 As Daix states, Picasso would draw “on the entire repertory of pictorial invention he had used in his work to express anguish, despair, violence, and dementia.”117 The subsequent drawing Guernica (Étude)[81] gathers his cast of characters in a carefully arranged composition charged with the violence of the bombing attack. The blinding white illumination is like a bomb explosion or an overwhelming conflagration, as the black night sky throws into sharp silhouette the flames of the burning building.118 The collapsed horse with the straining head and the bull standing unharmed are still there accompanied now by a dead woman stretched on the ground, and another raising her head, wailing. The fallen warrior and the woman with the lamp lighting the scene occupy the middle section, while a woman dragging herself along with a dead child advances from the right.119

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By this point, according to Monsieur Vidal, the Catalan employee of the Castelucho Diana art house who set up the large canvas at Grands-Augustins, Picasso had started to paint the canvas, even before it was properly put in place.120 The studio, though it had seemed vast at first, proved to be insufficient to accommodate the height of the canvas, and it could only be fitted in by sloping it backwards, which meant that he had to paint on a slating surface. The upper part had to be reached with a long brush from the top of a ladder, while for the lower parts he had to squat on the floor.121 Dora would photograph its progress as the artist literally wanted to document the progression of his ideas.122 Zervos reported the following statements by Pablo: “It would be very interesting to preserve photographically, not the stages, but the metamorphoses of a picture. Possibly one might then discover the path followed by the brain in materializing a dream. But there is one very odd thing—to notice that basically a picture doesn’t change, that the first ‘vision’ remains almost intact, in spite of appearances.”123 Maar’s photographs recorded at least ten phases of the mural and detailed some instances in which motifs were tried and discarded. As Baldassari points out, this is “the first complete record of a work of art in the making.”124 On May 24, the Paris Exposition was officially opened by President Albert Lebrun, although some of the pavilions were not yet quite ready.125 The principal theme of it was the glorification of the rapid advances in modern technology. The Palais de Chaillot was transformed into a Palais de la Découverte, the Gare des Invalides into a Pavillon des Chemins de Fer, and the spectacular new glass dome near the Pont Alexandre Ill into a Palais de l’Air, with real planes suspended overhead. Near the new Palais de Chaillot, which crowned the heights on the right bank of the Seine and provided a grand entry to the fair from the Place du Trocadéro, the new Musée d’Art Moderne (Palais de Tokyo) flaunted a vast retrospective of French art since medieval times. “Chefs d’œuvre de l’art français” it was called, emphatically conservative in tone and scheme. Surprisingly, Blum’s cultural program marginalized the avantgarde in favor of the great modern masters. The Surrealists were not represented at all, not even at the ancillary collection of more recent art exhibition “Les Maîtres de l’art indépendant de 1895 a 1927” at the Petit Palais, which showed 1,500 works, but emphasized a selected few: Braque, Matisse, Picasso and Rouault.126 On this day, Picasso executed the first true weeping woman in La femme qui pleure (Étude)[82]. As Arnheim notes, “the streaming tears have been solidified into expressive objects. They supply the immobile head with the tracks of downward movement, appropriate to the

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subject. They also lacerate the skin with shocking grooves.”127 Her flared, nostrils recall those of an animal. More concretely, her nose and mouth resemble the snout and open beak of the two devils on the far right of the Isenheim Altarpiece, and her stare brings to mind the demonic glinting eyes that hypnotize the spectator. So, although she is terrorized like the wretched Saint Anthony, she has become as monstrous in her panic as the devils that assailed him.128 With her tear-shaped eyes, the weeping woman became an emblem of the sufferings inflicted on the Spanish population,129 an icon of these dark years that Dagen describes as a “cycle of metamorphosis of mourning.”130 If the mural for Guernica had taken up the challenge as a “a monument to disillusionment, despair, destruction,” to quote Breton’s words in 1939, these female victims, described by Barr as “postscripts,” followed it as “the artist’s lament.”131 Often interpreted as a cruel distortion of Dora’s personality, they also reflected Pablo’s own inner anguish: “[He] believes that art is the daughter of sadness and pain,” Sabartés had written. “He believes that sadness forces meditation and that pain is the essence of life.”132 By concentrating on the head and generalizing it, he focused on grief as an absolute. His main means to represent it was extreme facial distortion, underpinned by brutal contrasts of tone and color. His favorite metaphors included the furrowed brow, pupils and eyelashes drawn as a crown of thorns, eyes and noses as tear-drops, running tears as needles or nails, eyelids as capsizing boats spilling out tears, ears as wing-nuts, noses as animal snouts, teeth as fangs, tongues as daggers, etc.133 At first, the theme of the weeping woman was closely associated with the mother and child motif. In the gouache Mère et enfant mort (Étude)[83] from May 28, a screaming mother rushes from a burning building, her sharply pointed tongue directed straight up to the malevolent heavens as she holds a dying child whose chest, along with the mother’s protective right hand, seems to have been pierced by a broken sword hurled, like one of Jupiter’s thunderbolts, from a stormy sky. Her hair is exactly that, a tumble of human curls fixed to the paper, a survival of the Spanish tradition of including common objects—clothing, blood, hair—in sculptural depictions of Christian themes.134 This same day Max Aub wrote to Luis Araquistáin: “I have come to an agreement with Picasso. In spite of our friend’s reluctance to accept a subvention from the Embassy for the completion of the mural, as he is donating it to the Spanish Republic, I repeatedly stressed the government’s desire to at least reimburse the expenses he has incurred in his work. I was able to convince him for 150,000 francs, for which he signed the corresponding receipt.”135 Although this sum was of no

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more than symbolic value, it nonetheless represented, in practical terms, an acquisition by the Republic, asserting the right of ownership of the finished picture.136 On June 4, Maar photographed Guernica[84] in its final stages. The horizontal-format composition consisting of seven groups was clearly, yet subtly, divided up. High in the middle of the picture an ambivalent motif, a large eye of God, surrounded by a circlet of irregular jags, with a light bulb for a pupil; beneath it, a gaunt shrieking horse staggers with the stump of a lance pierced through its back, the point emerging from its side; under the hoofs lies the body of a man, shattered as a marble statue, with clean breaks at the neck, one arm stretching to the left-hand edge of the picture, the other grasping a broken sword, as it touches a little growing flower. To the right, from a square space, are a stylized human head in profile and an arm holding a lighted oil lamp over the scene, reaching almost to the horse’s head and lighting up not the house from which she leans but a single sharply-defined area, the horse’s chest and the upper part of another woman, hurrying towards the center, her pose plainly conceived to fit the falling diagonal, her trailing leg with its huge knee and foot extending to the right lower end of the picture. A counterpart to this figure is the warrior statue on the ground to the left below the horse. From the darkness to the left of the horse, but on another plane, the dangerous head, shoulders, and one leg of a great bull emerge into the light, while below the bull and to the left, a woman screams, holding her dead child in her arms. A corresponding female at the right edge of the canvas is trapped in burning wreckage with her white arms stretched up and her white head flung back in the same atrocious agony. The dark-light contrasts heighten this unsettling effect of destabilization, since no definite source of light can be made out. After the first shock, however, one sees that order underlies the apparent chaos and that, although at a casual glance the picture might seem to be a polyptych made up of panels containing the bull, then the horse, the woman with the lamp, and lastly the woman trapped, the whole is in fact bound together by a broad-based triangle formed by drawn lines and the superimposition of planes, and reaching its apex just above the central lamp, with less obvious answering diagonals rising from near the base to the outer edges.137 Once completed, Guernica[84] was installed just inside the entrance to the Spanish Pavilion.138 The work paradoxically and aggressively threw down the gauntlet to the glittering, colorful world fair with its nocturnal radiance on every corner, and challenged everything about the hedonistic spectacle then being staged. Picasso’s apocalyptic grisaille was bathed in a light that symbolizes the eruption of horror instead.139

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The large and abundant areas of white on the canvas, distributed with great intelligence, are like spotlights acting simultaneously on our retina to blind us, almost intent on not letting us see anything and force us to close our eyes. “The artist makes us participate in the action, instilling in us the fear of the bombing, he wants us not to look at it but to feel it,” says Palau.140 The mural was also critical of the notion of progress. Spies writes: “The picture simply records the result of abstract destruction. The cause of this destruction is outside the picture, and indeed—as the compressed, confined stage conveys—above the picture . . . [It shows apprehension towards] a completely new technology beyond any imagination . . . [And simultaneously shows] the perversion and intolerableness of the idea of progress.”141 Picasso recognized that the forces of conflict and oppression had led to a crisis in humanity. Disintegration and dissolution were also responsible for the loss of the image and the debacle of painting, an activity that had ceased to have any viability in the modern world. As he looked around him, he saw that things were falling apart everywhere on the political and personal level. Disorder, frenzy and madness threatened to overtake society as a whole and him as an individual. We may equate the harsh triangle of light emanating from a lamp with Bataille’s “Rotten Sun.” According to the philosopher, “If . . . one obstinately focuses on [the sun], a certain madness is implied, and the notion changes meaning because it is no longer production that appears in light, but refuse or combustion, adequately expressed by the horror emanating from a brilliant arc lamp.”142 As Brunner explains, with the sense of bomb impact “Picasso was trying represent the frenzy and madness that he had recently found impossible to transcribe into visual form.”143 Meyer sees a clear biographical factor in the increased expressivity and aggressiveness of Guernica.144 “Guernica is permeated by Dora’s presence,” says Richardson, who believes she helped Pablo forgo color in favor of the immediacy of blackand-white photography. At the heart of the mural, Baldassari argues, lies a fusion of Picasso’s painting and her gelatin silver prints.145 He had altered the initial sketches, and he had painted, repainted, and rethought the monochromatic composition after examining her seminal black and white pictures. He trusted her deep understanding of its personal and political content. Moreover, she was the model for many of the suffering victims displayed on the painting.146 Marie-Thérèse had been mostly tolerant of Picasso’s double life with Dora, with him forever reassuring her that she was the primary object of his affection.147 Her permissive temperament, however, faltered once she had met the new lover. As the story goes, this happened as Pablo was painting the mural in his studio.

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“Marie-Thérèse dropped in and when she found Dora there, she grew angry and said to her, ‘I have a child by this man. It’s my place to be here with him. You can leave right now.’” [Dora did not budge.] “MarieThérèse turned to Picasso and demanded, ‘Make up your mind. Which one of us goes?’ . . . I [Picasso considered] liked them both, for different reasons: Marie-Thérèse because she was sweet and gentle and did whatever I wanted her to do, and Dora because she was intelligent . . . I was satisfied with things as they were. I told them they’d have to fight it out for themselves. So they began to wrestle.”148 On June 8, he painted another weeping woman in La femme qui pleure[85] with an obvious resemblance to Dora. The head conveys all the pain, anguish, and horror of the images that preceded it. The blue, yellow, green, purple and black were placed where their contrast could be most effectively highlighted and to stress their tragic force.149 As Cabanne explains, “screaming or crying, heads thrown back . . . , these women scarcely look human; their eyes are out of their heads, tears large as peas streak their cheeks, and their mouths are distorted into horrible grimaces. Maar represented what happened to Picasso, what happened to Spain—for which, he would never forgive her.”150 Her features appeared in yet another drawing, La femme qui pleure (Étude)[86]. This time the agony, which continued to deform her face, was particularly concentrated in her eyes. The tears—which are black—blur the outline of the pupil and the eyebrows shoot up like two innocent hands pleading for help.151 Penrose wrote that “for Picasso, the subject ha[d] become the victim of his will to destroy appearances.”152 Dora would later confess to James Lord that life with Picasso was “like living at the center of the universe, thrilling and frightening, exalting and humbling at the same time.”153 Bilbao had fallen to the Nationalists after a two-month siege, and around 200,000 people had fled the city. Thousands tried to reach the French coast by sea, but Franco’s navy was waiting for them in the Bay of Biscay. After the entire Basque country had been captured in October, the dictator would concede two thirds of the production from their mines and steel factories to the Nazi allies. Hitler needed these resources for his own war preparations.154 Picasso was beginning to accept that defeat was inevitable. In La femme qui pleure au foulard[87], the eyes no longer protrude, but join together to the middle of the face—demarcated by a black line—where they are crossed out several times. Her little starlike pupils face each other as if squinting. An inactive olive green outlines the half-closed mouth. Introversion, rather than extraversion is the motif here, a plaintive whimper. This impression is reinforced by the surrounding area which dominates in terms of size and color intensities

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compared to the flat, white face and the black ideographic designations for pain that turns inwards.155 The following day, he painted another oil on the same motif, La femme qui pleure[88], where he continued to employ a surreal pictorial idiom. Dream was superseded by nightmare. As already mentioned, beyond her individual nature, Dora had been elevated to the status of mater dolorosa, emancipated from the realm of religion, of the age of ideologies and their consequences.156 One must not forget that Picasso’s mother, Doña Maria, and his sister Lola and her family remained in Barcelona, threatened by the increasingly violent conflict, and Dora probably reminded him of them. In Paris, there were also forceful manifestations by extremists of both the Right and the Left, which led eventually to open street battles. The French economy was in chaos: exports were down by 50%, the franc had already been devalued twice this year, and unemployment was out of control. France was racked by strikes which had done more than merely delay the official opening of the international fair: at one point, striking canal boats had jammed the Seine between the glittering displays of the marvels of science and industry, and the food distributors at Les Halles had joined with the garbage collectors, the metro workers, and funeral-parlor employees to paralyze the city. At one traumatic moment even the restaurants had closed their doors.157 On July 2, Maar appeared again in one of Picasso’s most famous engravings which went through seven states: La femme qui pleure[89].158 The weeping woman has a large gap on her forehead from which blood spurts in dark splotches, thus highlighting the pain.159 Her tears, dangling on threadlike tracks from gloomy eyes, allude to the Virgin Mary weeping for her crucified son, and by inference, for all mankind—a potent theme in Baroque art.160 Dora became both victim and witness, like the chorus that responds to the horrors that take place on stage in a Greek tragedy, a timeless manifestation of unfathomable and inconsolable human sorrow. “Her visage haunted him,” Freeman has stated. “She was the metaphor for his private agonies.”161 News reports in the French press continued to describe the many casualties of the bombing in Spain, including women and children, and from his mother’s letters from Barcelona, Pablo had a first-hand account of the fighting there. In one of them, she complained that fires in the streets were causing her eyes to tear up.162 His poem quel triste sort includes the line “what a sad fate the fate of the pierced chair of the old mandrake—one-eyed—hacked to pieces— sown with obvious white thread,”163 a probable reference to the ordeal the population was going through in his country.

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In another poem, aile char d’assaut, references to the war continued: “assault tank mired in the blue . . . fixed to the mast of the sailing ship in distress . . . the orange screams of the livid festoon stars . . . star created by the gunshot in the mirror pale yellow dragging the shreds of her bitter dress.”164 It was followed by alors sont montés les canons: “the canons mounted atop organs . . . the lieutenant said to his men as long as the enemy doesn’t show his face further ahead the flags we have put in brine can wait for the hour . . . the general’s wife sleeps and her daughter is doing household work outside the battlements on the wall facing the soldiers . . . the first service bell carried death roasted and stuffed to the chicken-ass-shaped mouth of the gun barrel . . . suddenly woken up the soldier brides count their breasts and the infantrymen’s members benumbed by case shot trash and tank trash of all trash heaped up on the beach the barrel-organ.”165 During the Battle of Brunete, the Republican army including the International Brigades began an important offensive 25 km west of Madrid in an attempt to break the siege of the capital and also to draw some pressure off the Basques. Despite early successes, they were in the end forced to retreat, suffering terrible losses. Around 50,000 men took part in the offensive, along with 100 modern Russian tanks and 100 Russian planes (about half of their air force). The soldiers’ armament, however, was poor: they were supplied with machine guns, grenades and artillery dating from World War I. Their tactics were also antiquated. On July 12, seven weeks after the official inauguration of the exposition, the Spanish Pavilion finally opened its doors. It had been preceded by a frantic effort on the part of its organizers to assemble the building designed by Luis Lacasa and Josep Lluis Sert and the several exhibits intended to demonstrate the strength of the country’s Republican government.166 Not one single official representative of the French administration was present at the opening. The Spanish Ambassador, Ángel Ossorio y Gallardo, found himself addressing only friends and supporters of the Republican cause or admirers of the exhibiting artists.167 Due to its late opening, the pavilion even failed to appear on the official maps or to receive any mention in the publicity that had accompanied the official dedication by the president of the Republic on May 24. Moreover, the modest structure of steel frames and prefabricated walls was ironically nestled beside Albert Speer’s immense Nazi neoclassic tower.168 Picasso’s disappointment was clear in the poem debout bout à bout written that same day: “standing up end to end dead from sadness the frying dough ceremoniously salutes in front of the altar . . . the wine list raises itself on tiptoes at the risk of receiving the announcement made to the militias to go get hung elsewhere . . . hands

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crossed behind the execution stake stuck to the guard post . . . what horror what distress and what a coldness in the bones and what a disagreeable smell . . . the boat trembling all over from fear manages to hold on to the edge of the abyss of blue.”169 Soon after handing over the mural, the artist left for Mougins with Maar, traveling in the Hispano-Suiza with his newly acquired Afghan dog Kazbek and his painting utensils.170 They again stayed at Hôtel Vaste Horizon as they had the previous summer.171 He had the only room with balcony with plenty of space to work. While there, he talked Inès Sassier, who worked at the hotel, into moving in with him as his housekeeper on his return to Paris.172 The place was full of old acquaintances and he was happy in the unpretentious and relaxed atmosphere. He loved the sea, as it reminded him of his childhood. He would visit the beach in the mornings with his friends and his dog, searching the shore for pebbles and shells and frequently swimming in the warm Mediterranean sea.173 Among the other people staying at the hotel were Paul and Nusch Éluard.174 He always enjoyed their company, as they infused the environment with an inspiring poetic aura. Also present were Roland Penrose with Lee Miller, and Man Ray with his girlfriend Adrienne Fidelin (Ady).175 Ray described the group’s daily routine: “Lunching and dining on the grapevine-sheltered pergola, . . . after a morning on the beach and a leisurely lunch, we retired to our respective rooms for a siesta, and perhaps love-making. But we worked too. In the evening Éluard read us his latest poem, Picasso showed us his starry eyed portrait of Dora . . . As for Dora . . . she now abandoned the camera and turned to painting.”176 Penrose, in his first-hand account of that summer, commented on how “the small neat well-built physique of Picasso was at home in these surroundings. His well-bronzed skin, his agile controlled movement, his athletic figure and small shapely hands and feet seemed to belong to the Mediterranean scene as though he were the reincarnation of the hero of an ancient myth.”177 One day Pablo discovered an ox skull on the beach. He was delighted to imagine in these broken and weathered bones, a “relic” of the Minotaur. Dora took several pictures of the painter with his find. In one shot he held up the skull in front of him, savoring this moment in which life magically imitated the content of his art.178 “The war in Spain continues to burn,” Michel Leiris wrote in his Journal on July 19. “We try to isolate the flames, but are unable to extinguish them, like a fire in the coal bunker of an ocean liner that continues to burn throughout the crossing.”179 A poem by Picasso from that same date—la fente de la blessure—also alluded to the war in a sarcastic tone:

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“the slit of the wound the dance of the innocents . . . her white-hot secrets among the words of love the cries for help tear with great appetite the tripe torn from the canvas put into a coffin . . . this baleful comedy would throw its own light on the bit of wall in shadow hanging by its nails at the edge of the abyss into which the sewer of life empties . . . but pray do tell me young man did you study in depth the odor of evening farts at dusk by the sea . . . have you thought through and licked the digestions of your fathers and didn’t you fall backwards fainting in admiration before the beauty of the colors . . . tell me don’t keep your secret it belongs to us and you owe it to us set yourself down gently thus gently leaning against the post they will shoot you.”180 He would complete the poem a week later with hardi les gars: “the vibration of the arrow come to lodge at the center of the hive of blue stripes of cabins offered sacrificed to the redoubled blows of the blisters exploding between the frozen fingers . . . the aroma of rottenness that surrounds it and veils it and makes visible only a bit of the quarter of your of her simple apparatus empty shell.”181 It is clear that the relaxed atmosphere in Mougins failed to completely dissipate his concerns for the homeland. A few days earlier, the front page of Excelsior reported on the opening of the Haus der Kunst in Munich and featured excerpts of Hitler’s violent speech against “certain expressions of modern art.”182 In late July, the official German guidebook to the Paris exposition already reflected the dictator’s views on modern art as expressed in his speech. By an ironic coincidence, the Munich exhibition, which ridiculed works by most of the masters of modern art, had opened just one week after Guernica[84] had been revealed in the Spanish pavilion. The author, dismissing the pavilion of “red” Spain as containing nothing of real importance, noted only one unnamed painting (surely Picasso’s), which he said seemed to represent the dream of a mad man, a hodgepodge of parts of bodies that a four-year-old child could have painted.183 Despite such comments, the mural was starting to get a certain recognition in the capital. Although Pablo steadfastly avoided committing himself to any specific interpretation of its symbolism, speaking only of his repugnance for the Nationalists and of his support for the Republic, its political implications were clear.184 An article entitled “Au Pavillon Espagnol. Picasso” in La Flèche de Paris asserted: “This masterpiece which, originating from the most abstract culture, was placed in the service of absolute outrage, addressing everyone who does not hide his face from it, black on white, white on black, with the horrible language of truth.”185 On July 29, it was also illustrated in Regards (p. 8) along with an interview by Georges Sadoul under the title “Une demi-heure dans l’atelier de Picasso.”

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And yet, in spite the great prestige attached to his name, Picasso was still subjected to racist and derogatory categorizations. In a Revue des Deux Mondes, Louis Gillet, a member of the Académie Française wrote about him: “His father was a Catalan, his mother Italian. She herself was of Jewish descent; this eastern coast of the Iberian Peninsula between Valencia and Málaga has been home to peoples of mixed race since time immemorial M. Picasso appears to have made a point of overturning all our ideas . . . M. Picasso’s tragedy is that in him are thrown together a plastic genius of the first order, unheard-of virtuoso talent— and absolute nihilism. This unparalleled mixture of conflicting talents and faculties, of passion and frigidity, of creative force and destructive power, explains clearly enough the extraordinary prestige surrounding him, the fascination he exerts, and his formidable halo of good or bad angel.”186 On August 13, Picasso traveled briefly to Juan-les-Pins where he painted Paysage[90].187 The pervasive atmosphere of sun, sea and pine forests together with the relaxed leisure of a Mediterranean summer is reinforced by the brilliant colors of the rocking boats, waving flags and colorful beach huts.188 In another oil, Tête de femme[92], Dora poses bust-length, showing the neckline of a yellow bathing suit or sun dress, “a sun queen,” as Daix described her, with a delectably low décolletage, standing against the clear azure sky.189 Friends of the painter recalled: “Her expressive head with its characteristically asymmetric face, attracted him both as a painter and as a man.”190 This painting is closely related to another picture of her, seen in three-quarter view, Portrait de femme[91], which shows the same cut in her dress, her cleavage, and the coral necklace. Dora’s visage is cleverly composed of two opposing profiles, conjoined to give the effect of a single, albeit fractured, frontal visage. Picasso had often employed this device from the mid-1920s onward to suggest a complex personality or a conflicted emotional state.191 In Femme au chapeau de paille[93], Maar appears with bronzed skin, marked by red and black—the red of long nails matching her scarlet lips.192 Besides her, Pablo now also had the company of his dog Kazbek, whose image he sometimes blended with hers, “a reference to the animal nature of women,” he said; adding that many of the paintings done this summer were composite images: part Dora, part Kazbek, part Nusch, part Lee, etc. There were also traces of Marie-Thérèse, though one has only to look at this work to see that she was being slowly but surely supplanted by his most recent conquest. Through the transformations he subjected her face to, the artist rediscovered her beauty. As Picasso himself said, “people are apt to take faces for granted. If you move an

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eye out of its accustomed socket, it will register in a totally different way. People will be shocked into seeing it anew.”193 Having first used a tender, naturalistic language to portray his enigmatic new muse, Picasso would gradually develop this angular, distorted language to convey her in his art, often picturing her in absurd costumes. Maar delighted in wearing eccentric hats, a passion she had developed during her days as a fashion photographer, and became well known for wearing a peculiar mixture of veils and elaborate headwear. The hat was also, like the glove, an accessory celebrated by the Surrealists for its erotic connotations.194 The woman’s ridiculous top fails to hide the pain in her viciously distorted face, scarred by the tears that roll down the cheeks. As Cabanne would comment of a later portrait, the haggard eyes, ringed by enormous lashes, under arched eyebrows, seem to leap from their sockets.195 By the end of August, the Republican Army at Santander had broken down under continual attack from Nationalist artillery with the support of over 250 airplanes. Tens of thousands of soldiers and civilians had fled to the port. Only a few, among them General Gamir Ulibarri and the leader of the Basque government, José Antonio Aguirre, had been able to escape over the stormy Bay of Biscay, where boats were sinking due to overcrowding. In secret consultations, the Autonomous Basque Government agreed with Franco’s Italian allies to surrender in Santoña, on condition that their heavy industry and economy was left undamaged. Back in Paris on September 26, Picasso again dealt with the reality of the war through allegories.196 The bullfight, that quintessentially Spanish pastime, served as the springboard for his imagination and, coupled with his passion for Greco-Roman antiquity, may have given rise to this fanciful amalgam of mythology and combat in the arena. In the engraving Le combat dans l’arène[94] he executed a couple of weeks after his return, the horned Faun leads his horse by its mane in pursuit of a fallen gladiator while being pursued by a second combatant. At a somewhat deeper level, we cannot help being struck by the circularity of motion, perhaps suggesting the vicious cycle of war, the senselessness of each person attacking the next in a circle. In this ironic view of the conflict, Picasso appears as moved to sarcasm at the senselessness of the war as angered by the havoc it wreaks. A more vicious depiction is presented in oils like La femme qui pleure[95], characterized by emphatic contours, the minute exploration of openings like nostrils and mouth as well as rugged surfaces like the cheeks and chin. Cowling notes that the metaphor of shattering glass makes the star-shaped area of the handkerchief explosively violent, and

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is echoed in miniature in the eyes breaking out of their sockets.197 The handkerchief that serves to catch the tears is also torn apart in pain in La femme qui pleure avec mouchoir[96].198 In another oil, La femme qui pleure[97], he used scratches and scrapes exposing the background that emerges to provide a gray-scale texture. The consistent use of black contours is connected with the gray areas of the face, hands and hair, through which decay and death are brought into the representation. Finally, in Femme au mouchoir[98], dull green tones for the face and black contours for the dirty yellowish cloth surface combine with the anthracite gray wall surface of a box-like room to create a tonality of oppressive melancholy. The eyes framed by wedge-like black-brown shadows are decisive for the facial expression, striking ideographic descriptions for despair and grief.199 Picasso had told Malraux: “You have to wake people up. To revolutionize their way of identifying things. You’ve got to create images they won’t accept. Make them foam at the mouth. Force them to understand that they’re living in a pretty queer world, a world that’s not reassuring, a world that’s not what they think it is.”200 Around this time he made a rare trip outside of France, to Switzerland specifically, perhaps related to his need to check his Geneva bank account, or perhaps something having to do with his son Paulo.201 Geiser suggests that he also traveled to Bern to visit Paul Klee, who was dying of scleroderma.202 Picasso felt deep admiration for the only painter of his time other than Miró who had invented an entire world of plastic symbols comparable to his own.203 He told Geiser, after the visit, that Klee’s workroom looked more like a laboratory than an atelier. On his return to Paris, he executed Tête de femme[105], a whimsical portrait bust of Marie-Thérèse, where one can detect the Swiss painter’s influence. Pablo had been taken with his miniatures and later praised the ailing artist for his mixture of wisdom and energy, passionate asceticism and intensity, dubbing him “Pascal Napoleon.” An article in Hannoverscher Kurier from October 17 entitled “Eine Stadt umfasst die Welt—Streifzug durch die Pariser Internationale Ausstellung” protested that Picasso’s mural constituted “an insult to other nations participating in the exhibition . . . The Red Spanish pavilion is one entire demand for intervention.”204 Germany continued its aggressive push for territorial expansion. Sudeten Germans demanded immediate autonomy for German districts. The tension of the period was reflected in two of Picasso’s pastels, Cheval devant un paysage[99] and Homme tenant un cheval[100]. The horse stands in a state of alert in the foreground, its eyes steady, its nostrils flared and palpitating. The size of the horse is out of proportion with the landscape,

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which gives the animal an incredible presence. In the second one, the animal remains still under the command of the man in red, who holds a whip in his right hand. With his head turned toward the spectators, he seems to be waiting for a verdict of cruelty or clemency. His profile is framed by two female heads: to the right, a woman crying out, deformed by pain; in the left corner is a serene face, which the man searches desperately with his eyes.205 This contrast between two females is also observed in two very different works separated by merely three days. In Tête de femme[101], Marie-Thérèse displays a gentle serenity. With her head bowed, eyes lowered and her lips pursed in an expression of concentration, she appears unaware of the artist’s gaze, her serene pose allowing him to capture her delicate, leonine profile unhindered. In clear opposition, enigmatic, intense, and raven-haired Dora was in every sense her antithesis as seen in La femme qui pleure[102].206 Painted in highly saturated colors, dominated by a mustard yellow, accentuated with black, purple, green and red, and white tinged with purple, the combination creates a morbid effect that highlight her anguished features. Since the more striking colors are placed in the periphery, they produce a constant visual strain on the viewer given the usual tendency for the eye to stay at the center of the image. As a result, the painting eludes peaceful contemplation and provokes constant reexamination of its content.207 Penrose, who owned the painting until his death in 1982, writes, “the white handkerchief . . . hides nothing of the agonized grimace on her lips; it serves merely to bleach her cheeks with the color of death.”208 On a few occasions late in the fall, he relented from his most strenuous treatment of Dora, executing what Daix has described as “his most beautiful portraits of her; the most tender and calm. Picasso always kept them. These relaxed but finely felt portraits recalled the pleasant events and warm feelings of his past summer in Mougins, and were probably intended in some measure to summon up happy memories in a world turning increasingly doleful and savagely violent.209 In Portrait de Dora Maar[103], she is seated and holds her right hand to her cheek. Her painted fingernails prod gently into the flesh as they hold back her hair, the blackness of which glistens with blues and greens. There is a smiling expression of relaxed contentment in her face, and her eyes sparkle with animation. As Penrose points out, “so natural does the likeness seem that it comes as a surprise, to realize that the two eyes, one of which is red and the other blue, are painted both on the same side of a face which is drawn in profile. They swim together in reds, pinks, greens, yellows and mauves; colors which are far too brilliant to be thought of usually as flesh tones but which joyously convey the radiance of her youth.”210

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In some cases, Picasso painted the two women in his life, MarieThérèse and Dora, in similar poses, deliberately mingling their attributes. At times, it is only from her blonde hair that we can be certain the subject is the former, while black tresses unmistakable denote the latter. There is no question, however, that the more dramatic and overtly sexualized portraits depict Dora, now the leading star in Pablo’s eye as his primary paramour and object of desire.211 And yet, using the pattern of her dress as a pretext, he often emphasized angularity and aggressiveness through red and dark violet contrasts.212 Furthermore, the vertical and horizontal stripes of the background give the impression of a narrow prison cell, making it seem as if the model were enclosed within the confines of a forbidding space.213 In December, the Battle of Teruel got started in and around the city where combatants fought throughout a harsh winter, the coldest in twenty years. It was one of the bloodiest actions of the war with the city changing hands several times. In the course of the fighting, residents were subjected to heavy artillery and aerial bombardment. The two sides suffered over 140,000 casualties between them in the two-month confrontation. It was a decisive point in the war, as it clearly showed Franco’s superiority both in men and armament. The proximity of an inevitable defeat probably led to the drawing La fin d’un monstre[106], in which the Minotaur, transpierced by a spear, faces his demise in a mirror held up to him by Marie-Thérèse, who emerges nude from the sea, crowned with a wreath of flowers and holding a spear. As Utley stresses, she is shown as resplendent in her beauty, while he declines into decrepitude, seemingly a reflection of the painter’s dark fears.214 Gasman explains this drawing as the reappearance of the forsaken blond mistress that we had seen in Baigneuses, sirènes, femme nue et Minotaure[68], still haunting the sea where she had drowned, defeated by her rival, the siren with Dora’s dark hair and mesmerizing eyes. Now, rising from the sea as a beautiful Amphitrite, goddess of the sea, she holds in her right hand a vengeful lance, while with the right one she lifts the mirror of truth up to the Minotaur’s remorseful face, distorted by the horror of recognizing his own monstrousness.215 And yet, the guilty feelings towards Marie-Thérèse apparently shown by the Minotaur/Picasso did not keep him from painting one of the most alluringly appealing portraits of her adversary, Dora, on December 8—Buste de femme[107]—in which the artist reveals warmly intimate and congenial feelings for her, putting aside for the moment the brutal deformations he normally wrought upon her.216 On December 18, however, Picasso reverted to his usual representation of Maar as the woman of sorrows in La suppliante[108], wringing

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her hands in lamentation as if straight out of a Greek tragedy.217 Her dress, neck, and fists are done with the kind of crosshatching he used to depict terror.218 The title introduces religious connotations, linking her to the grieving Magdalen. Her exposed, full breast may also have a possible double reference to the mother with a dead child which had appeared in Guernica. Freeman describes the gouache in more negative terms as “a kind of primitive yet futuristic monster, a tortured beast suggestive less of immediate grief than of the aftermath of unfathomable horrors.”219 This back and forth in his depiction of Dora is indicative of his equivocal feelings towards her: a sensual woman who simultaneously projected his own pain. Two days later, he made the drawing Famille de pêcheurs au repos[109] where the arms lifted to the heavens in supplication in the previous work are transformed into arms raised to cast nets over the sea. The fisherman, sprawling at the woman’s feet like a fallen figure reminds us of the deposition from the Cross. His face, hidden by a straw hat placed on his head like a crown of thorns, reveals the features of a martyred victim.220 The end of the year was marked by a war of attrition as the Nationalists reached the Mediterranean, isolating Barcelona and leaving a single precarious road connecting Madrid with Valencia on the coast, and through it, with the rest of the world.221 Probably in response to this depressing turn of events, another sign of protest emerged in such dramatic and enigmatically symbolic compositions as Oiseaux dans une cage[53]. A black bird with desperately beseeching, outstretched wings conjures up a confrontation between good and evil. The raven-like fowl appears to menace the cowering dove, but in reality both animals are imprisoned within a wire cage; their conjoined fate sealed. The peachlike fruit has been painted with pinkish tones of red and yellow, the national colors of Spain. The cage is set on a green, felt-covered gaming table on which a rather unusual set of playing cards have been laid out in a game of chance. At stake in this absurd game is the fate of the two hapless birds, or in allegorical terms, the destiny of the Spanish population.222 In a couple drawings of similar title Sur la plage I[111] and Sur la plage II[112], a naked female figure, lying on the beach, is startled by some calamity that threatens from the sea. A black sun ominously appears on the horizon.223 The fishing net left hanging on a pole covers the bather, suggesting the entrapment the artist and those close to him were subjected to.224 The last dated work from this year, the oil Barque de naïades et faune blessé[113], depicts a wounded Faun also lying on the beach, observed by three women on a boat.225 It may be surmised that Picasso felt psychologically wounded and helpless due to the continuing

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horrors of the war in Spain as well as his situation with MarieThérèse.226 Again, guilt besets the artist. As the Faun/Minotaur’s remorse failed to re-ignite his love for the blond muse, the three compassionate women, like three benevolent Fates would depart, one of them extending her friendly arm to appease the creature’s torment, his heart transfixed by his arrow of guilt and regret.227 These feelings might explain the still life Nature morte: corbeille de fruits et bouteille[110], which could be read as a coded form of autobiography, using the bowl and bottle as embodiments of Marie-Thérèse and himself.228 In its sinuous lines, rounded forms and saturated colors, it reminds us of some of the oils he executed in 1931 soon after his involvement with her began. He confessed to Gilot in 1944, “The objects that go into my paintings are . . . common objects from anywhere . . . a pitcher, a mug of beer, a bowl . . . a plain common table . . . I want to tell something by means of the most common object; for example, a casserole, any old casserole, the one everybody knows. For me it is a vessel in the metaphoric sense, just like Christ’s use of parables.”229

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CHAPTER THREE

1938 Femme la main sur une clé

When the “Exposition Internationale des Arts et Techniques dans la Vie Moderne” had formally closed on November 25, there had been general hope that, because of its great popularity, it would reopen the following summer. But Hitler’s threat against Austria aroused French anxieties about a possible war as the country felt surrounded on all sides by armies on the march, so the decision was made to demolish all pavilions. Their fears would be justified when the Wehrmacht invaded Austria two months later, annexing it to the Reich in April. Similar and equally successful actions that followed immediately against Czechoslovakia would result in the Munich conference in September and the disgraceful dismemberment of that country at the hands of its allies.1 After the dismantling of the Spanish pavilion, the Guernica mural was part of a four-month itinerant exhibition “Matisse, Picasso, Braque, Laurens” starting at Kunstnernes Hus, Oslo, including 118 paintings by the four artists.2 It had been organized by Matisse’s former student Walther Halvorsen, and it subsequently traveled to the Statens Museum fur Kunst, Copenhagen; the Liljevalchs Konsthall, Stockholm; and the Konsthallen, Göteborg.3 It would generate extensive press coverage at every point on the tour, the Scandinavian critics paying substantially more attention to Matisse and Picasso than to Braque or Laurens.4 In the Spaniard’s early output this year, he reverted once again to the Faun/Minotaur motif with the oil Minotaure blessé et Naïade[114]. The blond water Nymph/Amphitrite now holds the mirror of truth and tries to save the hybrid monster, whose body has been pierced by an arrow, offering him a cup with a healing magic potion.5 As the Minotaur’s health and mood improved, he would relax on the beach in the oil Faune assis[115]. The lone face of a woman is outlined behind him, literally vanishing in the water, like Ophelia, signaling the final departure of the Minotaur’s amour fou.6 By January 12, she had been pictorially replaced in one of his better-known depictions of Dora, the oil Femme à la résille[116]. The arrangement of facial features is the same as in previous portraits of Marie-Thérèse, but the overall effect of medium, technique

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and colors puts them at opposite emotional poles. The painting is done in highly saturated reds, blues, greens and yellows; in addition, the sitter is confined in a claustrophobic space, a compositional device that will be prevalent later on.7 Although Picasso would continue to make portraits of his former mistress, he began to fuse her soft, placid curves with the emotional angularity associated with his new companion, and the brilliant, energetic primary colors with which he had previously depicted Marie-Thérèse increasingly gave way to somber tones. Her pure oval head in Portrait de femme[117], painted with thick layers of pigment applied with a palette knife, evokes an almost mythical being, a nascent moon goddess. Yet the delicate, classical profile is counterpoised by eyes that have been traced with sharp lines; one frontal and one in profile. They register internalized stress and lack of engagement, rather than the eternal feminine magic of earlier portraits.8 Three days later, Picasso wrote the poem laisse au printemps which exudes the same animosity as the canvas: “the job of buttering-up the love that seeps from the eyes around the glacial cold that pearls along the back of the sun held suspended by its four corners nailed to the great beams holding up the sky which lets its fist fall on the casket . . . the strip of cloth dipped in the urine of the roses covering the dividing wall of the perfume of their excrement, knits the bramble of the plumb line of the stone arc ripping apart the naked corpse of the girl stretched out to dry under the mauve sheet of her image.”9 In another gloomy poem, gangrène de l’ombre, he spoke of “gangrene of the shadow of the wardrobe falling straight down into the soup tureen . . . a colored drawing thrown burning into a pit very ceremoniously buried in the sheet of cardboard that shit and shit shits it.”10 Picasso was feeling tied up, entrapped in a web of relationships, as the title of the poem pendu au cou de la corde from February 2 reveals: “hanged by the neck with the cord coaxing silent . . . the liquid arms exploding the drops of sweat sounding the alarm in the streak of light glued to the temples the reflections of the mirror knocking on the door hiding the scent from the rainbow’s rays.”11 At this time he also made the drawing Dora Maar assise[118], containing a dense interlace of lines which one could relate to “the cord” in the poem, probably also showing the influence of Klee’s abstract style.12 Everything looks as if it were made of knitting or tapestry, with the crumbly pastel cunningly deployed to suggest the slightly lumpy texture of wool weave.13 The feeling of entrapment was also present in the poem from February 6 entouré par les dents in which he found himself “surrounded by the teeth of the jaw of the sun planted in its flesh the square of the water-filled arena.” According to Gasman, for Picasso the “corrosive”

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force of evil was everywhere, within as well as outside of creation. His “center of space”—as he would call it in le charbon plie les draps (25.12.1939)—became, through its centrifugal dynamism, the “infinite center of the void” projecting outwards. This relocation of the world’s center leads to the impossibility of any escape from the evil tyrant it harbors inside. Any attempt to free oneself, to run away from the “concentric circles . . . fleeing away from the center of the cry,” is condemned to failure as the painter states in entouré par les dents (6.2.1938).14 Two days later, he continued with the series of interconnected poems dire sans trouble, rose rose d’ail rose rose, prix global and exacte représentation: “old newspapers brushes a meter of hail a bucket a cage bed a gallows the executioner of wounds and sores and a clothes-brush a dog an old woman delousing herself a tree and a huge mirror in the middle of the kitchen reflecting a battle two horsemen attacking each other with lances covered in sweat and blood another one his horse wounded dead on the ground and the spectators clapping on the table covered with a wax cloth the wine spilled on it flowing over the floorboards grabbing on to the window panes tearing the nails of the light of the wolf trap of the dress wrapping it up completely in its chains of children’s screams.”15 His empathetic outcry responds to the suffering of the panic-stricken people of Barcelona: “the grain of sand of the raindrops’ silence this afternoon of emptiness on the laundry laid out on its feather bed.”16 Furious, he protests against the French government for its inaction: “old sun torn by scabies shivering and freezing covered with snow hidden under the closet licking its wounds.”17 In spite of the negative allusions in these poems, he continued to astound—even confound—the viewer with his constant switching back and forth from one style to another. Alongside the iconic series of poignantly colored, powerful portraits of Marie-Thérèse, Maya and Dora that he had painted in the opening weeks of the year, he also made a number of simple still-lifes that feature, as in Nature morte, fruits et pot[120], a solitary jug accompanied by one or more apples. Amidst the ever-worsening political crisis that plagued Europe, he worked at an astonishing pace. Surprisingly, these paintings, infused as they are with rich color, show no sign of his angst. They rather embody blissful feelings of escapism, an embrace of life in its simplest, everyday form. At the time, Picasso was living between Paris and Le Tremblay. The latter was characterized by an atmosphere of tranquility, so it is mostly the still-lifes executed there that encapsulate his desire to forget the world around him and indulge in the simple, unchanging pleasures of life.18

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By contrast, the oil La femme au coq[121], which he started on February 15, must have been executed in Paris. The unusual motif may be both a reference to himself and to current events.19 The cock, usually envisioned as proud and confident, is represented here as a sacrificial victim, its feet trussed, its wings held by the farmer’s wife, while a white bowl lies nearby on the floor, prepared to catch the animal’s blood once its throat has been slashed.20 The painting’s former owner, Mary (Méric) Callery, recalled that Zervos, or less likely, Picasso himself, explained that the picture symbolized “the destruction of helpless humanity by the forces of evil.”21 The brutishness of the image makes itself felt through the woman’s elephantine head, her tight grip on the bird, all intensifying the anticipation of a ritualistic sacrifice.22 Palau argues that the painting embodies not only the brutality of war, but also a virulent conflict between man/cock and woman. In the pictorial tradition of Mediterranean countries, death was often depicted as a female figure killing a man in the form of a rooster. The expression of the woman is more bestial than that of the animal.23 After Guernica[84], we find that the experience of actual suffering and murder led to a resurgence of this theme of sacrifice.24 Picasso still found some solace in his retreat at Le Tremblay. In a poem from February 19, et auprès d’une barque, he talked about “this sky spread out to dry on clouds flowing through the slits of closed shutters the snails of the mayonnaise of petrified light dirtying happiness with the licks of its tongue . . . you won’t leave without having a little something don’t say another word and count the steps of this dance you must have fun be happy truly will you have to have your belly tickled to make you laugh if you don’t like entrails you’ll be served anal fish bones well peeled and washed . . . bring to a boil over a low fire hit it with a large hammer and piss all around it for an hour and don’t give it time to sigh let it crust over and scratch the skin until it bleeds now serve half cold in dreadful weather.”25 During his stay with Marie-Thérèse, he painted Nature morte à la pomme et au pichet bleu[122], part of a series of a dozen small-scale but intense still lifes in which Picasso turned inwards, to domestic life. In his restrained yet powerful style, he tested himself against Chardin and Cézanne, two great predecessors with a unique approach to still life painting. The objects rest against a ground of richly impastoed white, incised with a pattern created by the tip of the brush handle. The leaves on the apple are given vibrant life by thickly pooled meanders of pigment, while the fruit itself is afforded a sculptural roundness by a dab of red at its most prominent point and by leaving the canvas almost bare at its center so that the weave creates a highlight. The curves of the apple are balanced by the angularity of the jug, with

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its daubs of paint, which give the impression of enamel colors suspended in glaze. The exploration of simple, everyday objects is part of this immersion in the spiritual peace of daily routine. The war in Spain, however, enjoyed no similar respite. On February 22, Teruel was captured by the Nationalists.26 Facing an imminent breakdown in communications between Valencia and Catalonia, the Republican government ordered the Museo del Prado masterpieces stored in Valencia to be moved to the military fortress in Figueras. Defeat was imminent. About this time, he wrote the poem rai noir du soleil: “black sunbeam knocking at the door . . . vibrant knives stuck in the back of the sun oozing through the closed shutters cerulean filth of marine cobalt.”27 In another one eight days later, dodeline miroir, he described “painted at the edge of the abyss . . . little wild flower pink and violet with black spots in a glass . . . covering the lemon yellow with the blood running . . . under the blue sheet.”28 He must have read how further north violence was also being exerted by Germany on its neighbors. Austria, which had refused to surrender its independence, was invaded at night on March 11 by hastily gathered Wehrmacht troops, supported by Austrian Nazis, an event known as the Anschluss.29 No nation protested against such a flagrant violation of the Treaty of Versailles.30 To no one’s surprise, terror on the Jewish population in that country began just two days after the invasion as Zionist organizations were ruthlessly attacked, looted or dissolved. In the portrait Buste de femme[123], painted on March 14, Maar’s features became a vehicle through which Picasso could explore his own emotions, channeling the fear, torment and anguish that plagued him during this tumultuous and violent period into ever more distorted visions of her.31 The following day, he painted Femme assise[124] where the raven-haired woman, with long slender eyebrows and dark, mesmerizing eyes, was again instantly recognizable as his most recent companion. He had begun the year with portraits of Marie-Thérèse, typically wearing prim girlish hats. Now Dora appears sporting one of those odd headwear creations that she favored, a compact little hat with a volcano-shaped crown. The artist moved back and forth between the image of one woman and another, just as he traveled to and fro between the locations where he had his rendezvous with one or the other. The portrait here displays the classic mixed three-quarter view by which he liked to show off the features of both mistresses, with one eye viewed frontally and the other sideways. The angularity of the blouse, with its serpentine decorative pattern, however, identifies the sitter as Dora. Her sharply peaked shoulders lend the upper part of her body a winged, bat-like appearance, a visual analogy reinforced by her

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distended nostrils and the hair bow she wears atop her head, shaped like little bat ears.32 On March 16, Italian bombers based in Majorca carried out the heaviest air campaigns of the war: forty eight hours of continuous shelling on the waterfront area of Barcelona. By now, such an event gained no special mention in the Paris press, nor did the hundred thousand Catalan refugees fleeing into France to escape what for many would have been prison or death.33 The bombing run on Barcelona, which left 1,300 dead and 2,000 wounded, affected him personally, though, causing him increasing concern about the safety of his family after he read reports in Ce Soir of the attack.34 Around this time, he painted the oil Femme couchée sur fond cachou[135] which shows a nude stretched out on the ground, like a hideous parody of the classical model exemplified by Titian’s Venus of Urbino (1538). Kaiser describes the figure as a body “stiffened in agony, for the most part as bound with the earth as though it already lay beneath it.”35 A related poem from March 20, descendu de la table, declares: “nothing but clean picked bones . . . under the flagellating laughter of the sun’s kiss . . . what an orgy of lampions in the frying pan . . . eagles tearing flowers from the flesh . . . the refuse of a fox’s corpse spread on the ground . . . drinking the mud of the cockcrow in large gulps.”36 Picasso moved that spring into his studio on rue des GrandsAugustins, where central heating had been installed, closing up his apartment on rue de la Boétie. He turned his attention to an enormous papier collé: Femmes à leur toilette[125], which is reminiscent of the cubist-styled works of the early teens.37 Originally intended as a cartoon for a tapestry to be executed by Marie Cuttoli’s workshop, it epitomizes the artist’s angular, fragmented wartime style, and its composition—a central woman flanked by two attendants, one kneeling and the other seated—would provide rich material for a series of related drawings and paintings that extended through the end of the summer.38 One of the women having her hair brushed appears in shock, clenching her hands, as she probes her death-like bluish face reflected in the mirror held in front of her.39 Baldassari argues that the picture develops an almost cannibalistic approach to art creation. The collage as a whole threatens to devour the figures it contains or even its viewers. “We are caught in the net of this multifaceted and stagnant gaze, cast in a beam of intersecting and diverging views with their intervals of focus points. We are trapped and reduced to powerlessness in the face of this energy that flows, drips and spreads to eventually inundate the floor of the studio.”40 Pablo once said: “You’ve got to create images they won’t accept. Make them foam at the mouth. Force them to understand that

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they they’re living in a pretty queer world. A world that’s not reassuring. A world that’s not what they think it is.”41 On March 22, Picasso made a charcoal portrait of himself in the process of painting, L’artiste devant sa toile[126]. This self-portrait is unusual in its startling resemblance to Maar in La coiffure[127] painted the same day.42 He was using his model to examine his own fears. As Karmel explains, “the medium of the modern artist is not paint and canvas or marble or bronze; it is his self; reaching into the depths of his soul, he extracts elements of his inner world and holds them up for his audience to see.”43 Critics like Steven A. Nash have said of Picasso: “From his “portraits” of others, an extensive self-portrait of the artist emerged.”44 There is equally something autobiographical in the cock we already saw and that reappears in drawings and pastels at this time. The animal seems to be crowing in fear, although the gesture could also be read as defiance. In the poem établissement épicier from March 26, the artist examined victimization of other animals: “the entrails of the disemboweled horse rotting for centuries on the lawn to rent for the season”45 for instance, which identify with flawless precision the mythical aggressor in his vision of a battling cosmic totality. As Gasman defends, they are the bowels of life, the guts of creation torn to pieces by “the heavenly sun” with “the horns of the “winged bull.” The momentous ritual killing occurs at the “dead center,” an analogical continuum space that permeates and binds into one the cosmic roof (the concave vault of the sky) and the earthly house made of Picasso’s own flesh. The “excrements of the sky,” pregnant with the “center of the infinite void” is “falling in a rain . . . on the skin ripped off the house” . . . the “sky bursts and spills on [Picasso’s] walls and ceiling [,] its juice of military music.”46 In France, Léon Blum was forced to resign on April 8 largely due to the failure of his government to provide an appropriate response to Franco’s assault on the Spanish population.47 Less than a week later Premier Daladier gained plenary powers. At this point Picasso started a series of paintings and drawings of his companion executed with striations or tracery that Freeman describes as netted structures or webs that ensnare the female figure.48 They might reflect once again Picasso’s own feeling of being entrapped. The unpredictability and whiff of blood in Dora’s gloves that had initially fascinated him were increasingly revealed as symptoms of a brooding intellect that increasingly informed her portraits. The stylized, abstracted forms that comprise her features and the almost corrugated brushwork that results in the subtle striations in her face in Femme au chapeau[128] appear to hint at this dark aspect of her personality. In his paintings of her, Pablo managed to condense a

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sense of his lover’s character, of the nature of the times, and of his own feelings. All these factors had been processed by the artist, for whom paintings were an extension of his own persona, a litmus test revealing his state of mind, resulting in the angular features in this oil, which contrast somewhat with some of the warm colors in the palette, not least the flesh tones. Maar had long been associated with the partisan Left, and was horrified by the creeping gains of fascism in so many countries across the continent. She was notoriously volatile, wearing her heart on her sleeve, and so her own feelings about the political situation would have been clear for all to see, let alone a keen observer like Picasso. The dark side that had initially attracted him now suited his mood, reflected his own concerns, and became the pictorial vehicle with which to convey his sense of desperation at the tense global situation.49 By mid-April, the Nationalists in Spain had reached the Mediterranean at Vinaròs, dividing the Republican zone in two. One of his most accomplished portraits of Dora, La lectrice[129], provides a psychologically intense and penetrating image, conveying her radiant personality, as well as a sense of anxiety and uncertainty. He depicts her reading a book or newspaper, deeply immersed in her thoughts. Her strong, pronounced features acquire a certain masculine quality, suggesting a degree of the artist’s own introspection.50 Not surprisingly, by the end of the month, there was a more systematic increase in the use of stripes and chevrons built into a linear network of tight grids, occasionally mimicking basketwork.51 At times, the entire page appeared covered with tracery like a frightening spiderweb. In the process the line, used as an instrument for conveying form, takes on an independent life of its own; it is no longer subordinated to representation of the sitter. Among the works in question is the gouache Femme assise[130], where the woman’s head is done in the familiar combination of frontal and profile view. Admittedly, it presents an identifiable portrait—possibly Dora’s—but both figure and furniture are joined together by a crisscrossing of ink lines that resembles a cobweb or mesh fabric.52 Grey walls surround the depicted female on all sides, which, combined with her dejected gaze, creates an impression of a person in captivity. She is enthroned on the skeleton of the chair which reminds us of a torture rack, with the body’s limbs draped across the armrests as if mounted on the beams of a cross.53 Imprisonment and torture are also at the heart of the poem from April 28 à ce moment: “I know you prefer the gentleness of aloe to the strong pressure of the rose-bush’s hands beneath your palace vault but if you wish there could be a good roast of victims . . . come I’ll quickly tear away the huge nails the sun stuck in your coat to fasten it to your

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body.”54 The “basketweave” motif continued in the drawings Femme assise[131] and Femme assise[132]. Dizzying in the sheer proliferation of cross-hatching, drawings such as these threatened the image of Maar with extinction. While the deformation of the 1920s had expressed similar aggression, that of the late 1930s concentrated on the pathos of suffering. Thus, the free disposition of facial features here acted as an expression of strength. Meyer proposes that these images may be understood as a manifesto, “a call to mobilize all vital forces towards the threatening Other.”55 More than anything else it was her face that obsessed Picasso. “Her visage haunted him,” Freeman has stated. “He drew her frequently, almost obsessively.”56 In the oil Femme assise sur une chaise[133] from May 7, her most striking features come to the fore: her thick mantle of rich black hair—which she kept long for the artist, here tied with a cornflower-blue ribbon—and her dazzling, soulful eyes, which she strongly accented by heavy mascara.57 Three days later he painted a larger version of the same motif en grisaille, situating her in an airless, grey chamber in Portrait de Dora Maar assise[134]. Not only grotesque but ghostly, due to the creation of form through absence of color, his image of her is grand and disturbing at the same time. The distortions and displacements of her features may reflect Picasso’s reactions to the worsening tensions in Europe.58 With her dark hair tucked behind her ear, the regal figure of Dora reappeared on May 20 in the oil Buste de femme[136]. Adorned in an ornate red hat and an outfit composed of richly colored arabesques, she erupts from a luminous white background. The portrait is electrified as dazzling streaks of pink, flaming orange and yellow, and cooler tones of turquoise, blue and white interlock and coalesce within the composition. Built once again, from an elaborate labyrinthine web of facets and lines, her head sparkles with a radiant energy, an affirmation of life and love at a time when the menace of war moved ever closer.59 “A beautiful face even that of one’s lover is nothing but a game of patience the symptom of the pre-imagining of a jumble of many-colored tangled threads of a system to establish no matter how on some future plane,” Picasso had said.60 An air of celebration is also noticeable in the drawing Métamorphoses[137] from May 26. A nude man, wearing a wreath in his hair, reclines with a drinking cup in his right hand, his left arm extended and resting on the head of a harpy. This was followed two days later by the etching Buveur caressant sa chimère[138], which projects an image of Dora herself gripped by “claws of jealousy,” forever held captive by the talons of a dominating and devouring beast. It was also a hidden reference to the eagle eternally feasting on Prometheus’s liver; or the

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divine Phoenix reborn form its own ashes or the destructive Sphinx whose enigmatic tales drive Oedipus to suicide.61 In contrast to some of his more monstrous and distorted portrayals of Dora, his treatment of her in Buste de femme à la frange[139] was more controlled yet intensely animated and decorative, perhaps accentuating a hidden playful side to her personality. Richly laden with thick and brightly colored impasto, he left no inch of the canvas untouched. Against a bright yellow background, the composition can barely accommodate the sitter, who seems ready to jump into the viewer’s space.62 As Léal has observed, “the essentially illustrative and decorative quality of these portraits seems to deviate from the surrealist canon of ‘convulsive’ beauty that perfectly suited Dora’s psychology . . . They embody the height of modern beauty, as Breton envisioned it, based on the principle of vital disorder, which the figure of Dora Maar, in her extreme mutability, her real, spiritual restlessness, will forever incarnate.”63 On June 5, Picasso became increasingly involved with sculpture while attending with no less dedication to his painting, drawing and printmaking. It seemed only a matter of time before he would cross once again the boundary that had traditionally existed between them, and create hybrid works. In doing so, the artist would immeasurably enhance the significance of the objects he created. The château at Boisgeloup had previously been Pablo’s base of operations for making sculpture. Now, he was forced to use Vollard’s barn at Le Tremblay as his studio.64 In this substitute for Boisgeloup, Daix has written, “Picasso used the happenstances of moving—the fortuitous appearance of this or that object—for assemblages.”65 The few constructions he made there joined the more numerous still-lifes he completed. “These paintings are characterized by brilliant color and by the charm of homely objects,” as Penrose described them, “such as jugs, plates, saucepans, cutlery, fish, fruit and flowers . . . breathing an air of rural charm.”66 Because he could travel in his chauffeured Hispano-Suiza whenever he wanted and as easily as he pleased between Le Tremblay and Paris, it is usually impossible to tell if a particular still-life was done in one location or the other. Still, the “rural charm” of some of the still lifes could be accounted for by the idyllic character of place. This applies to Nature morte à la fleur[140].67 Artists generally practice still-life painting for descriptive or formal purposes; however, they may also attach personal, symbolic and allegorical significance to the arrangement of objects. Picasso painted them as a coded form of autobiography—he in effect anthropomorphized and personalized his still-lifes, holding up objects as the embodiment of thoughts and feelings, associating them with people and events in his life. The presence of the flower was probably emblematic

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of Marie-Thérèse, whom he often depicted in pink, lilac or lavender tones. His lover is here, as she was at Le Tremblay, metaphorically protected within the glass, slowly wilting.68 The emotions expressed in the poem la rose chante from June 9 may relate to this still life: “the rose sings at the top of her lungs over toasted bits of bread spread over butter erasing extended blue spread legs cast a shadow cutting in two the eroding song.”69 The three drawings Baigneuse[141] and Baigneuse[142] and Nu debout devant une cabine[144] from June 13–14 are a projection of his desire to sojourn in the south at a time when the French-Spanish border had been sealed by Italian and British request. He would eventually do so in July. Given the deeper meaning to these bathers as destructive forces of nature in the late 1920s, they must be read as threatening figures which Picasso tries to fight through incantations. Clear evidence comes from the pastel Femme assise[143], which, according to Palau, marked Maar’s consubstantiality with a cabalistic world.70 The cryptic signs inscribed in her face move around her entire body and if she were a mystical parchment. Perhaps through a symbolic sacrificial ritual the artist could be liberated from the mental stress he was under. The woman in Femme sacrifiant une chèvre[145] may be playing precisely that role and the goat destined for sacrifice is not a mere animal, but a medium for Picasso’s salvation.71 A couple of days later, he wrote the poem aux quatre coins de la pièce. Continuing to identify with the innocent victims chastised by a global conflict, Picasso became now the decapitated sheep, the universal victim of ancient ritual sacrifices dripping his own blood: the “sheep’s head expiring beneath the bloody shower from the bugler,” as he described in the poem. Mortified, he attributed his own fear to the “sun [whose skin], torn apart by the scabies [is] shivering and frozen[,] covered by snow, hidden under the armoire, licking his wounds”—exacte représentation (12 February 1938). His body, the “house” of his soul had been sold, he said in établissement épicier (26 February), the “frozen tangle of the flames” will be “falling [like] a rain” directly “from the empty sky on the skin” of the artist.72 On June 25, he escaped to Le Tremblay where he painted Buste de femme au chapeau de paille sur fond fleuri[146]. Safely ensconced in the picturesque farmhouse, Marie-Thérèse temporarily provided him with a soothing, serene and domestic idyll far removed from the reality of war. Instead of the fragmented, multi-colored brushstrokes that constituted Dora’s portraits, he painted the sitter in a soft pastel green posing against a pink, floral-patterned background,73 which shows the artist’s continued fascination with her innocent disposition.74 He also wrote cordon de lunes which referred to her in “string of moons fan of oil of

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swallows fastening her sandal in the imperceptible watermelon smell the aqua viva of her mingled hair lights up dregs of breath.”75 Another poem, goutte à goutte, was incorporated into the oil Tête de jeune fille au poème[147]: “drop by drop hardy pale blue dies between the claws of green almond on the rose trellis.”76 As Rubin has written, for a brief time “he paint[ed] the body contemplated, loved and self-contemplating.”77 She provided him with the short-lived respite he desperately needed. The oil Femme à la collerette[148], fluidly executed, was one of the most appealing and alluring of his many portraits of Marie-Thérèse. Her youth, radiance and the sensual, and the nonchalant way she carried herself always left Picasso entranced.78 In a peak of poetic intensity, he also completed Nature morte à l’instrument de musique[149]. As Daix points out, the harmonies of radiant tonality, exalted and yet somehow heavy with repressed anguish are all the more overpowering for “being experienced before we are conscious of it.”79 Nature morte au pichet[150] is a similarly lyrical still life, showing a piece of fruit and a jug on a table. The deep blue of the background lends the work a nocturnal atmosphere. Against the night-like backdrop and dark table top, the more brightly-colored fruit, jug and cloth are all the more intensely ardent. The fruit are represented by swirling spirals of yellow, green and orange, dancing across the surface of the picture like paper lanterns, heightening the poetry of the image. Yet, several areas of this still life are characterized by a jutting angularity, recalling his depictions of Dora. Picasso probably painted the still life with their upcoming trip together already in mind. The manipulation of the surface textures adds a deliberate rawness to some areas, while also creating intriguing kaleidoscopic light effects.80 Soon after he finished the canvas he returned to Paris. Towards the end of June, Sabartés had received a note entreating him to come visit, enticing him with the promise of meeting an old friend, Paco Durrio.81 Immediately following the meeting with both Durrio and Sabartés, he left Paris once again with Dora headed now for the Côte d’Azur on the luxurious Train Bleue.82 In Mougins, they took a room at Hôtel Vaste Horizon where Paul and Nusch were also staying. Shortly after his arrival he focused on beach scenes like Baigneuses et crabe[151], invoking the presence of the Three Graces, the Greco-Roman personifications of beauty, desire, and fulfillment, handmaidens of Aphrodite, goddess of love.83 Seaside holidays often stimulated imaginary journeys into ancient mythology. For much of the time they spent in Mougins they relaxed under the shade of a pergola, thatched with cane reeds, that cast striped shadows on any individual or object beneath it. During the

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previous summer, Dora Maar and Man Ray had delighted in this magical, transforming effect, and had taken numerous photographs of Picasso and his guests, showing them overlaid with stripes in zig-zag patterns of light and shade. This discovery inspired Pablo to experiment with linear construction elaborating on the classic method of crisscross hatching.84 He pieced the figures together in intricate, filigree lattices to create surrealistically unified, part-and-parcel drawings.85 These complex mazes have also been psychologically described as a “metaphor of madness and confinement,” suggesting extreme tension.86 The shortened parallel strokes of polychromatic color he employed have also been linked to the art of van Gogh, whom he artist greatly admired since his early days in Paris. Having recently learned that the Nazi minister Hermann Göring placed the Dutch painter at the head of his list of degenerate modern innovators, he might have felt an added closeness to him since Picasso’s art had similarly been proscribed and denigrated by Hitler’s regime.87 He soon began using the lattice motif in an obsessive manner. The result, while being completely flat on the paper surface, projects the three-dimensionality of sculptural form. The basketweave figure in Femme debout les bras écartés[152] simultaneously displays an ingenious built-up constructive side, and a break-it-all-down deconstructive approach, with horrendous violence being done to the body. The female nude sports a third conical breast that serves as her neck, and her arms emerge from an orifice of an uncertain nature located in the middle of her chest. The right arm is handless, and from the stump a gangly, weedy plant has suddenly sprung. In another drawing, Femme debout[153], the entire pictorial space is enmeshed in a fine linear configuration which is suggestive of the webbing of a fishing net.88 The same theme continued in mid-July with the charcoal Composition: barque et personnages[154] showing an ostracized fisherman’s family. The mother breastfeeds a child while the man lies almost naked in the boat pulled onto the beach. The way he is lying gives him the appearance of a dead person rather than one simply resting, with unmistakable hints of a crucifixion.89 A series of these local fishermen would follow later in the month, often licking a lollipop or ice cream cone, as in Homme à la sucette[156] and Homme au cornet de glace[155].90 He appears to have devised this peculiar theme to comment on the feeble and futile efforts of Allied statesmen to curb Hitler’s territorial demands. The negotiations that resulted in the Munich Pact had begun during the summer; and the document would be signed at the end of September. Instead of tending to their true occupation, these men of the sea take time off for sweetly passing pleasures such as licking ice cream cones. A

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lasting peace in Europe, Picasso seems to argue, would surely melt away just as quickly as their ephemeral confection.91 The disquieting fusion of a violent style with an activity of supreme indolence is the result of the artist’s sense of outrage at his powerlessness to put an end to the ongoing conflagration or the impending global conflict; a creative mind so overwhelmed by fear, frustration and rage that even the most innocuous pleasures were infused with pain.92 The disparities engendered between curling, rapid-fire strokes and the soft, caressing undulations add to this sense of malaise.93 By early August, the fishermen and their family developed into trios of females sitting in an interior as in Femme, chat sur une chaise et enfant sous la chaise[157] and Trois nus[158]. The women evoke strong feelings of empathy, a shared sense of apprehension and grief over the violent events that have already taken place. But the artist presents us with an alien reality—a completely fragmented and confused fiction that he associates with a vision of the future—in which we recognize ourselves but also strikes us as something frighteningly nonhuman. His approach may be likened to that of Kafka’s The Metamorphosis, in which the narrator wakes up one morning to find himself transformed into a huge insect. Both Picasso and Kafka were able to create nightmares of metamorphosis, whose horror was mitigated by the patent absurdity of the representation.94 July 24 saw the start of the Battle of Ebro. Government forces attempted to divert the Nationalists from attacking Valencia and to diminish their pressure on Catalonia. At first, the Republican troops, commanded by General Modesto, achieved considerable success, but were then overcome by the enemy’s superior air power. Heavy combat would continue into November. At this point, Picasso’s work settled into what Nash has described as a “state of uneasy quietude,” in which even “images of a seemingly pleasurable character—brightly painted seated women, bathing scenes, domestic genres—feature a highly stylized distortion or a dense interweave of pattern and weblike lines that convey confinement, entrapment, or tense emotional states.”95 In Trois nus[158], it is Dora’s dark features and the expressionistic distortions often applied to them that dramatize the events taking place in Spain. She gazes anxiously at the figure to her left, her open palms outstretched, the visceral embodiment of the quickly unfolding political realities of the day.96 In Figure féminine assise[159] from August 10, the sitter again is Maar, although she is hardly recognizable, with a head composed of a trellis, block-built architectural elements and an oversized lathe-turned baluster. We have come to know her through a particular signature accessory: her hats, like “the great wings of a voracious insect,” as Léal

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described them.97 A few days later, in the oil Tête de femme aux narines vertes sur fond bleu-nuit[163], Dora’s face occupies almost the entire room where she is entrapped. One of her eyes stands up vertically in the middle of the forehead staring at us in despair.98 By mid-August there were extensive German army maneuvers, and authorization had already been granted to requisition civilian goods and services, as well as the call for reservists. The sense of an impending war is evident in the twist the three sitting females motif gets in La crucifixion[160], a first link in “the sequence leading from bacchanal to street fighting (violence, catastrophe, and acute pleasure),” as Baer has noted.99 As Christ is pierced by the lance of the mounted centurion, he utters heavenwards his last reproachful cry.100 In a desperate, pathological and maternal act, Maria on the left side of the picture tries to swallow (or drink) the umbilical cord (or blood spurting), while Maria Magdalena, in sexual ecstasy, grabs the Crucified’s genitals. On the far left of the page, one discerns a stretched square cloth with a spot surrounded by rays. It is certainly right to interpret this element, along with Ullmann, as a negative commentary on the Veronica’s cloth (Sudarium), although instead of Jesus’s countenance, there appears nothing but a black spot. In Picasso’s eyes, Christ does not represent the Redeemer, but the innocent sufferer par excellence.101 At the end of the month, interspersed among ice cream eaters and linear depictions of Dora, one finds a few delicate portraits of Nusch such as the oil Buste de femme[162] and Femme assise[161]. She is identified by her wide almond-shaped eyes and the mass of ringlets in her gloriously wavy hair, held back from her full-moon face with a crowning ribbon and bow, perhaps following a swim at the nearby Plage de la Garoupe. The deteriorating political situation notwithstanding, these summer holidays were among the most pleasant trips Pablo and his friends would enjoy for the remainder of the decade and much of the next to come. This stay would prove to be their last before Europe plunged in the throes of war.102 By September 3, Paul and Nusch had returned to Paris. In a letter they sent, they complained: “Here the talk is of war . . . I don’t know where all this will take us.”103 As French troops moved into position along the Maginot line in early September,104 Picasso “attacked and distorted his female heads with increasing ferocity, twisting a doglike muzzle into an elephantine trunk,” Daix wrote. 105 He “shouted his rage through the heads and faces of the women in his life,” the critic had commented. Both Britain and France failed to issue a warning to Hitler before his belligerent speech on September 12 about the “oppression” of Sudeten Germans. Later in the month they yielded to his demands and urged

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Czechoslovakia to concede that region. In reaction to this, Poland and Hungary also demanded the same rights for their minorities. The Munich Agreement British Prime Minister Chamberlain signed on September 29 was clearly aimed at appeasement.106 Huge crowds lined the road from Le Bourget airport to Paris to welcome back Premier Édouard Daladier. The French populace were convinced that war had been averted. The press believed the same. Paris-Soir declared: “Peace! Peace! Peace!”107 As Pablo and Dora returned to Paris in early October, deep-seated fears of entrapment and death were becoming manifest once again in drawings like Deux femmes à l’ombrelle[164].108 Two women wearing hats are seated in armchairs with an umbrella stuck in the ground on either side. A beaming sun hangs between them at the top and looks too much like a real spiderweb for anyone to miss the allusion, or the sinister warning of fatality it entailed.109 The winding plants are also insidiously threatening and the woman staring idiotically appears to have been forcibly tied up to her wooden throne like a convict to the electric chair.110 On November 3, he welcomed Sabartés back to the GrandsAugustins. He would be in charge of typing the many hand-written poems that continued to pile up in drawers in the studio.111 Picasso often took short trips to Le Tremblay to visit Maya and Marie-Thérèse. It was probably during one of these that he painted the oil Palette, chadelier et tête de Minotaure[165], a composition divided into two symmetrical fields: the one on the right sinks into semi-darkness, while the one on the left is bathed in radiant light. The objects situated in this area, a palette, a few brushes and a book, glow in the strong light of a candle. Out of the dark area, however, the head of a Minotaur pops up, with one side of his face lit up by the flame.112 The symbolic elements leave no room for doubt: once again, the hybrid monster personifies the forces of evil, and perhaps, in this case, of ignorance.113 It was a time when we should expect the artist to have been disturbed by the depressing events he read about in the papers, for it was increasingly clear that the Republicans were losing the war in Spain, Austria had been annexed by Hitler, and Czechoslovakia sacrificed for what would soon prove to be the illusory “peace in our time.”114 By mid-November, the Battle of Ebro came to a conclusion. The war had been characterized by long periods of bloody stalemate punctuated by rapid breakthroughs by the Nationalists. An exhausted Republican army, saddled with the weight of some three million refugees, saw its last hope of victory on the battlefield extinguished. Even during the last days of the Azaña government, Pablo was kept abreast of the conditions

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in Spain, not only through his friends who were working in the administration or in refugee relief, but also through Leftist newspapers and bulletins of Agence Espagne. He was a regular reader of L’Humanité, where articles by two of his closest friends, Aragon and Éluard, appeared.115 Around this time, he painted the oil Nature morte avec bougie, palette et tête de taureau noir[166]. Picasso here again pursued the motif of candle, palette, book and skull in a still life, but replaced the Minotaur head with that of a black bull, floating above the pedestal and cut off from its body by layers of paint. Although the outcome is similar—a representation of brutality and darkness—the composition also contains two sources of hope: the candle and a version of the sun resembling a paper kite.116 In another oil from November 26, Nature morte: bougie, palette, tête de taureau rouge[167], the bull or Minotaur became an inextricably linked symbol of violence, its head colored the bloody red of flayed flesh and planted on a spike.117 In the middle of the picture, painting and poetry once again reign supreme, while on the left, the candlelight casts a triangular, “rational” shadow, standing in opposition to the bull head. The prominent point of attachment renders the bull head powerless, unable to move from its leaden base.118 The statue’s boggled eyes and slackened mouth indicate a violent force that is restrained, even subdued in the face of the painter’s creative abilities. Nonetheless, the small, shining, thin patches of red paint like dried blood, remind us of the potential menace in the seemingly tamed beast. The threat to humanity is explicitly addressed in Nature morte au Minotaure et à la palette[168] executed the next day. Conceived as a more austere interior, the artist added an empty white frame hanging from a nail and replaced the bull head with a flayed Minotaur bust with his own features.119 Although again planted on a stand like a sculpture, this bust seems more animated. Both eyes stare out, and its orange coloring and full body evoke life rather than a corpse or stone effigy.”120 For the first time, the threatening opposition between art and bestiality that lies at the center of this series has metamorphosed into some sort of co-existence, or even equivalence.121 In Nature morte à la palette et tête de taureau[169], having eliminated the candle and other secondary objects, Picasso sharpened the basic opposition and rendered it in the most elemental form he knew. A chipped bull head with a plaintively opened mouth lies in a bare room on a sloping table next to a palette with three brushes, threatening to devour them.122 With barely enough space for the three protagonists, the tabletop and surrounding walls provide a tight arena for a confrontation that recalls the elemental battle of the bullfight.”123 According to Gasman, this entire series identifies the

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adversary as “darkness” incarnated in the tangible form of the beast’s head; the explicit ritual of decapitation transfiguring it into an evocation of evil forces ruling the universe.124 In the poem torche chaise, the “well”/“bull”/“mouth”/“hell” slides to target Picasso at close range: the “fingers of the day that falls asleep rope cut loose falling to the bottom of crimson pits cage full of water boiling in the window.”125 Another poem, enfonçant ses dents, written a few days earlier, had also included references to the menacing well of death inhabited by the bull: “gouging her teeth into the wound desire’s architecture spreads her wings love’s livid banner that sits in the darkest corner of the sink’s drainage pipe . . . crushed against the sky by sad checkered blue cries . . . jumping tiptoe on the bouncing sphere in the pit of the void.”126 Finally, in ciel ciel ciel, light confronts darkness, the dark violet space harboring evil: the “sky [in] an evening dress [made] of bouquets of violets, violet, violet” with determined elongated white and brown rays fights the “blue green black wolf.”127 The threat of evil was in the air in Portrait de Dora dans un jardin[170]. Although he situated his lover in a garden, rather than in an enclosed space, he did little to alleviate the tense drama that characterized their relationship. Unlike the luxuriant vegetation which had sprung from Marie-Thérèse’s body in the early 1930s, symbolizing her fecundity, the branches surrounding the model here lock her into place. Stripes of a bewildering variety constitute both the sitter and the chair on which she rests.128 Discussing the use of these elements, Léal commented: “Stripes proliferate until they cover the figure and the background entirely, becoming an eloquent statement of the intensely emotional character of her image. What is one to think of the meaning of this network of concentric lines that, not content to bud prettily on her clothes, begins progressively to invade every part of her body in order to end up covering her totally with a fine tattoo that transforms her into some barbarous idol? In a final metamorphosis, with strong sexual connotations, these lines evoke a spider with enormous elytrons pulling its tentacular threads from the four corners of the page. The derogatory and even diabolic function of stripes in the Western imagination encourages us to interpret their obsessive proliferation here as a metaphor of madness and confinement.”129 In late December, Picasso suffered a terrible attack of sciatica with excruciating pain along the hip and thigh from which, according to Sabartés, he would suffer for three months.130 During the fall his friend had agreed to come to his assistance, and now took care of him during his indisposition. According to him, the weather was “frightfully cold and it snowed heavily.131 Confinement continued until Christmas. With

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much apprehension, he finally submitted to cauterization on December 25 at the hands of Dr. Klotz.132 Although the patient was cured, the hypochondriac reasserted his rights, and Pablo went straight back to bed, explaining that it would be imprudent to expose himself to the weather at this stage. He remained bedridden for much of Christmas and until his show opened at Galerie Rosenberg on January 17.133 The situation in Spain had greatly deteriorated meanwhile. Picasso was terribly worried as he had not heard from his mother for some time. Now over eighty years old, she was still living in Barcelona, a city under siege by Franco’s forces. On December 26, he made the drawing in pen and ink Femme allongée[171]. Visible here is Dora’s characteristic visage, with her nose angled to one side, as if seen in profile, while her eyes and mouth are arranged in a frontal view. The artist has made use of extensive hatching to enhance the planar elements in her face and figure, as well as the beach towel on which she reclines. A novel effect is the looping hatch work used to depict the rippling wave motion of the water, which creates a fascinatingly intricate background pattern. He was probably recalling the seaside holiday they both had spent during the previous summer in Mougins as he lay in bed recovering from the operation.134 He also idealized Maar in the drawing Nu allongé[172]. As ever with Picasso, we also find multiple allusions to art history. The pose of the lounging model, twisting, and with arms above her head echoes figures in Goya’s Maja desnuda (1800) as well as Ingres’ Le bain turc (1862).135 But the true state of events in his homeland was never far from his mind, and another drawing of the same title from December 28, Nu allongé[173], displays a measure of turbulence, both in form and concept. Contradiction is at its core, as the figure is both voluptuous and angular, possessing the features of both Dora and Marie-Thérèse.136 The latter’s rounded forms influence the depiction of the figure’s body, even transforming her limbs into phallic motifs. However memories of her soon give way to a dashed, then broken, line mixed in the surrounding space with the cross-hatching which we often associate with Maar.137 As Baldassari states, “the body becomes a metaphor for the collapse of humanism as a result of barbarity but also expresses Picasso’s deeprooted fear of death.”138 Through her “complicated character,” Dora evoked a “world of conflict” in which, in addition to attentiveness and resistance to aggressive hostilities, she often showed fear and doubt, a reflection of the impassioned atmosphere surrounding them.139

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CHAPTER FOUR

1939 Tête de femme à deux profils

Michel Leiris had written in his journal in 1937 about the psychosis of war: “at first there is the fear that there might be a war; then the idea that the war is really going to happen. From that moment on, you hope it comes as quickly as possible. There is also that inevitable awakening of the mind: from the moment you are sure there will be a war, your fear of death becomes so intense that, in order to make this idea seem even remotely acceptable, you feel the need to invent some kind of heroic myth.”1 Equally aware of the increasingly louder rumors of an approaching war, Picasso’s dealer, Paul Rosenberg, began in the late 1930s to quietly distribute his collection outside of mainland Europe, both to the London branch of his gallery and for storage in America (via the 1939 New York World’s Fair), Australia and latterly South America. He also stopped adding to his collection in France, and advised his artists to make similar arrangements with their stock. By early January, Pablo had already been installed for a while at Grands-Augustins. The flat had been transformed: it had had centralheating added and many alterations done, plus an engraver’s press had been installed.2 Contrary to what had happened when he shared his place with Olga, both of the floors in which he lived, connected by a spiral staircase, were in a permanent state of total disorder. His paintings and those in his collection were scattered all about. The apartment was always full of Spanish refugees—but, no matter how much disruption they caused, he never turned one away. Sometimes, he had to take refuge at rue La Boétie or Le Tremblay to get some work done, and let Sabartés handle the hapless mob.3 He also worked nearly every day at Lacourière’s workshop on rue Foyatier in Montmartre, mostly on a long series of etchings reproducing his writings with marginalia added to each page. The plan was for the book, which Vollard wanted to publish, to also include beautiful portraits of Dora in aquatint.4 He found color printing challenging and frustrating in equal measure, and for three straight months the technicians at Lacourière were monopolized in producing these beautiful

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portraits of her. Unfortunately, the book never came to fruition. Although not obviously so, an equally flattering portrayal of Dora from around this time is Femme accoudée[174] for which he gave her a snout like Kazbek’s. The feature alludes to the visionary role in which the artist had cast her. She became for him an oracular presence, an intercessor between an outer world in turmoil and an inner creative life. The Pythia, the priestess of Apollo in the temple at Delphi, had regularly pronounced upon things to come, boding good or ill, while inhaling the vapors arising from a chasm deep within the earth. Picasso pictorially enhanced Dora’s olfactory apparatus for a similar purpose.5 She could “smell” the terrifying reality of a conquering German army with its extreme racial and anti-Semitic polities. He sensed her preoccupation and reflected it in these portraits.6 A wrenching event suddenly turned Pablo’s thoughts to the most unbearable of all his fears—mortality. On January 13, his mother, María Picasso y López, passed away in her Barcelona apartment at age 83 after a serious fall. Unfortunately, the artist had not yet fully recovered from the operation and was not fit to travel to her funeral; the deteriorating political situation in Spain had also rendered the trip inadvisable.7 Nationalist troops kept advancing. The city of Tarragona, less than 100 km. from the Catalan capital, would soon capitulate. By the end of the month, the all-out offensive on Catalonia had reached the outskirts of the regional capital. After much of its population had fled, the city would “fall” on January 28.8 In the context of such terrible news, he painted the oil Nature morte: tête de taureau[175].9 The bull’s head juxtaposed with a pitcher, symbol of womanhood, suggests a reference to his mother’s death and the imminent defeat of Barcelona by Franco’s forces. As Daix declared, “this skull is an instrument with which to make painting scream and weep.”10 The base of the pitcher, in the shape of an egg (female symbol), offers no real support, so that it seems to teeter dangerously on the tabletop (recalling the cause of his mother’s death). To emphasize the Spanishness of the container, he painted it with bold patches of the national colors, only relieved by two segments of light blue in the center.11 Picasso frequently conceived the presence and significance of each element in his still lifes as a multivalent sign, capable of conjuring various feelings and experiences simultaneously, ranging here from the mythic in the jagged skull, to the metamorphic in the shape of the elegantly curved vessel. In this he followed the long tradition of allegorical still-life painting. From the Baroque period forward, the main motif of these allegories had been the momento mori, i.e. a meditative reflection on the brevity of life and the certainty of death. The most common means of raising this subject had

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been the inclusion of a human skull. Picasso instead used a bull skull, thus alluding to his most personal imagery.12 “Bulls are in his very soul,” his friend Hélène Parmelin has written.”13 In Richardson’s words, “Picasso was obliged to create his own hell in order to convey the agony of his time.”14 He went on to evoke in his work the fighting that might have taken place in the streets of Barcelona, often involving fierce hand-to-hand combat. In La femme au tambourin[176], the intense black background which envelops the bacchante captures the dark times that lay ahead.15 The monumental dancer is arranged into a position of extreme contrapposto thereby achieving not only a sense of swift movement, but also a feeling of dramatic tension.16 In a state of ecstatic frenzy, she dances to the sound of the tambourine she is shaking, and which we virtually hear. He would make reference to a similar character in noble fille de joie (14 February 1939): “noble streetwalker . . . quilting her naked body which bleeds on the blue tambourine filled with sand shed by her tears on her mane.”17 We observe the same grimness in the twinned canvases from January 21 that showed Marie-Thérèse and Dora in identical postures, usually inflected by the claustrophobic melancholy that mirrored the severity of this period.18 As if to objectify the differences between the two women, he placed them in the same physical and psychological mold, comparing what would appear as ever sharper distinctions between blond and dark beauty, softness and angularity, languor and alertness. Rubin states: “Both inside and outside his studio, Picasso could contemplate his pantheon of goddesses and demons, venerating them, comparing them, magically fusing them, and, finally, letting them return to earth.”19 In Femme couchée lisant[177], the two profiles of Marie-Thérèse’s face melt together, and her body is all curves. By contrast, Femme allongée sur un divan[178] presents us with Dora’s angular face, infinitely long and twisted into itself. Each woman inspired a different morphology.20 One so spiky, so complex, so desperate; the other so serene, so loving, so at peace. Maar’s jaggedness and darkness was clearly more attuned to the chaos that was about to afflict the world. A poison green for the repulsively deformed face, consistently dissonant, finger-wide black contour lines and a color range comprised primarily of intensive red, yellowgreen and black areas. Over the next five years, he would eviscerate her face, body, and psyche, the target of universal evil aggression.21 In the oil Nature morte au crâne de taureau[179], he turned once again to the confrontation between a sacrificial bull skull and a pitcher, bringing them into close proximity so that they appear to be prodding each other. He even tightened the visual focus by eliminating the legs of

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the table; and increased the fragmentation of the space into a greater number of planes, resulting in a composition of striking energy. The skull seems to twist on its axis, as if capable of ascension; and the pitcher is a spiral of diagonal forms; while the entire table-top threatens to rise and spill forward.22 Thinking of Franco as victorious, he gave the skull sweeping horns and a jaw that juts pugnaciously forward, thus associating it with the dictator.23 The next day he continued the same theme in Nature morte au crâne de taureau[180]. While the bull skull, which dominates the picture space, is painted in pale yellowish gray tones; the pitcher and fruits appear in broken yellow and red tones, acting as metaphors for life. The brown table on which everything lies is placed in front of a window with light suggested by blue, gray and green segments giving a threatening aspect to the entire picture. As Boggs notes, zones of light and shadow seem to “fight” with each other, echoing the opposition between the animal skull and the jug.24 Germany presented an ultimatum to Czechoslovakia on March 13 demanding dismissal of several ministers suspected of being anti-Nazi. After the autonomous Slovak and Ruthenian Diets proclaimed their independence the following day and appealed to Germany and Italy for protection, Wehrmacht troops concentrated around Bohemia and Moravia and occupied Moravská-Ostrava. By mid-March, Hitler had entered Prague.25 Shockingly, no nation came to its defense. Prime Minister Chamberlain claimed the Slovak declaration of independence absolved Britain from obligation to guarantee the Czech frontiers. Picasso’s response to political turmoil was to paint. The artist often referred to his work as a diary of sorts, a way to react to the events surrounding him and also a means of releasing his fears. Femme assise au chapeau[181] shows the instinctive need to channel emotion and experience through art. Although certain elements—the distinctive blond hair, the voluptuous curve of her breasts—clearly belong to MarieThérèse, the angularity of the features and the jaunty red and orange hat unmistakably allude to Dora. Palau makes reference to this duality: “The artist conceived and executed a female face divided in an even more anguished fashion, with the two halves pulling away in opposite directions.”26 There is a compelling tension at the core, caused by the awareness that the central character is in fact two figures and that they are working against one another. Given its context, the composition transcends its immediate personal subject and becomes a meditation on the wider context of world conflict.27 During late March, a series of distorted portraits of Dora started to dominate. They often possessed the snout-like nose at one side of the face, which appears more sad than grotesque. One of them, the water-

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color Tête de femme[182] showed the beautiful features that he greatly admired in her—flowing dark hair, large eyes and strong nose— deformed in a way that powerfully embodies all of the complex and conflicting emotions of life on the brink of war.28 He contributed with one of these portraits, the engraving Buste de femme à la chaise[119], to Breton’s equally dark Anthologie de l’humor noir, which would be published in June, 1940.29 Picasso became more isolated. Communication with Penrose stopped between now and the end of August, 1944. So did his correspondence with other friends. Those who did not go abroad and were in danger, being Jewish, Communists or foreign, went into hiding, and the exchange of letters slowed down or stopped altogether.30 From time to time, however, he still received requests for financial support. In a missive from March 20, Germaine Pichot, a woman he had had a brief affair with her in 1901, wrote: “My dear Pablo, I am glad to have found you a second time . . . I have 4 tenants who have not paid (mobilized, unemployed) and my small rents were my only resources, I do not see the way out, I’m desperate.”31 Madrid fell to the unrelenting onslaught of Franco’s fascist legions on March 28. The dream that Picasso and many of his colleagues, both Spanish and French, had held out for a socially progressive and culturally enlightened Republican Spain was now dead and buried. The artist was quick to realize, as did many others among the Left-leaning intelligentsia, that the whole of Europe might soon be devoured by the fascist beast, nation by nation, each like the helpless bird falling prey to the prowling feral cat he painted several weeks after the fall of the capital. He executed the two oils Buste de femme[184] and Tête de femme[183] that same day. The former is instantly recognizable as Maar, dressed, however, for a part which nothing in all her previous pictorial roleplaying had prepared her for. Allegorically speaking, she is about to embark upon a mission Picasso has entrusted her with. Girt in armor and ready to take up sword and lance, she widens her eyes to face the enemy as she prepares for battle in the guise of a 20th century Jeanne d’Arc. Coming from an artist who abhorred war, there is clearly an ironic element in this depiction of Dora. Someone must stand up to Hitler and fascism. Picasso was surely poking fun at those who hid behind the false security of such patriotic symbols and myths.32 It has been argued that her cherry red eyes may also allude to the Passion of Christ, His ultimate sacrifice and martyrdom.33 In Jeune fille aux cheveux noirs[185], her flaring nostrils and dark eyes betray her fiery personality. Yet the grotesquery of her bifurcated face signals the increasing strain as she confronts the challenge.

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On March 30, Valencia was captured by the Nationalists and two days later the Republican army surrendered.34 The war had lasted two years and 254 days; as many as one million lives had been lost, either directly through combat or as a result of deprivation.35 The defeat of the Spanish Republic brought a flood of some 450,000 refugees into France.36 An oil painted the same day of the surrender, Tête de femme à deux profils[186], showed facial dislocation at its most extreme. In a dingy room a woman in a green dress looks out through one eye in a dark hollow, the other eye hanging on an elephantine nose. Twisting in the opposite direction, her grey mouth is framed by tresses of dark hair. As Cox explains, the portrait can be seen as expressing “the anguish of European civilization on the brink, a human crisis.”37 The dramatic rotating action of the head, suggested by the shorthand device of abruptly juxtaposing a nose facing in one direction with a mouth facing in the other, became standard in Picasso’s repertoire, suggestive of extreme psychic conflict. Cowling, for her part, points out that “the chilly bluish-greys, which tinge even the woman’s lips, evoke creeping death and the mortuary and allow one to read the gap in the center of the head as an allusion to the hollowness of a skull.”38 The artist has perhaps suggested the onset of spring in the bulging greenery of Dora’s breasts. But amid the generally apprehensive mood in Europe during early 1939, there were no such signs of hopeful regeneration, only undeniably ominous events signaling that the great continental powers, week by week, were sliding closer toward war. This month the French communist philosopher Henri Lefebvre wrote in a letter: “We live in a strange intermediate state between peace and war.”39 Spain had already become the first victim in the growing struggle between democratic countries and re-arming dictatorial states. Total war was only a matter of time. The arching shape of the elements that comprise the head in the above painting is echoed in the vaulted form of the somber interior in which the painter situated his subject. He approached Maar from a place he was discovering within himself, a complex network of his own inner anxieties, which reflected the troubled zeitgeist. As if he were looking into a mirror, and executing a self-portrait, he found that self he was seeking in his study of her visage. He made of her presence a female doppelgänger for himself, one through whom he could externalize and objectify his thoughts and feelings.40 As Daix commented: “Picasso was projecting his own tearing grief through images of his own inmates, which are more real than nature.”41 Between 1939 and 1944, there would be no anecdotal trace of the war, but instead we find thousands of sketches of female nudes with a convulsed visage, the beauty of which is flouted, animalized, degraded,

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their femininity undermined. Swollen, dented, scarred and disfigured faces scroll past us in his sketchbooks, characters imprisoned in straitjackets delicately knotted or embroidered. All these bodies and heads, camouflaged under the thick sheath of history, are somehow dispossessed of themselves, devoured by their tragic symbolism. They are “the collective portrait of the war,” Leal has said.42 It is no longer about complaining and suffering, but about rage and anger at the world as it was. Whether standing or sitting, these female figures become the medium for articulating disgust and indignation.43 There were still from time to time some calm images of Marie-Thérèse, such as the pencil drawing Tête de femme[188], but his anxieties and Dora’s emotional personality seemed to mesh in many of his female representations, as in the oil Femme assise au chapeau[187]. Around mid-April, President Roosevelt asked Chancellor Hitler and Premier Mussolini for a ten-year guarantee of peace. “You realize I am sure that throughout the world hundreds of millions of human beings are living today in constant fear of a new war or even a series of wars. The existence of this fear—and the possibility of such a conflict—is of definite concern to the people of the United States for whom I speak, as it must also be to the peoples of the other nations of the entire Western Hemisphere.”44 This concern was equally reflected in Picasso’s aquatint Femme au fauteuil à balustres[189]. A heavy woman who somewhat resembles Maar appears sadly pensive, horrified by what is happening, worried about “the children,” but keeping her feet on the ground, her hands clinging to the arms of the chair. “Old age and death,” is how Picasso described the meaning of the chair.45 Three days later, he worked on the oil Chat saisissant un oiseau[190], a cruel carnivore driven by a blind violence, terrible premonition of the conflict.46 Daix liked to say that Picasso’s war output was a “journal of [his] sensibility.”47 Everything in the form of this cat evokes the predator, the claws, the pointed ears, the sharp teeth, the almond eyes as well as the tiger fur embossed with glued sand. “The subject obsessed me. I do not know why!,” Pablo confessed to Cabanne.48 Four studies reveal that he started very early working on this motif. Alone in a deserted landscape overhung by an intense blue sky, the monstrous feline becomes an icon of aggression.49 It shows the artist’s tendency to reduce complex conflict structures to elementary biological forces, without including political and social determinants, i.e., as a psychological portrait of mankind.50 In a similar canvas, Chat dévorant un oiseau[191], Picasso continued to give form to suffering.51 As Leymarie said, the beast of prey “translates . . . the ruthless laws and constants of nature . . . The irreversibly human expression of the feline reminds us that man is also the

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most cruel of all animals.”52 These creatures seem to have deeply moved the painter: “I adore cats that have turned wild, their hair standing on end. They hunt birds, prowl, roam the streets like demons. They cast their wild eyes at you, ready to pounce on your face.”53 On April 27, he completed several engravings of tall, deformed, gloomy and livid nudes, like the bodies of victims at mass graves. The scary female images, denoting the negation of the individual and the inhumanity of war, recall “the girls in attendant parts with no weight detectable” that he would write about in the poem la chaise à chaque mot two days later.54 Other references in the same text make clear his disgust with the Nationalist conquerors and their accolades: “spitting out the shadow of the open window and if the balled up noise oozing from the bare wall . . . the presence among the ruins of blood stains tolling the bell deep down in the hole . . . standing up on the table shoving his fingers down his throat and vomiting his thoughts toads and snakes speaks these words the feast tell to the flutes those organizers and patronesses to organize tonight under the high patronage of vanquished armies and the rousing and patriotic organizations of plain speaking and of the lumpy gold-bearing fat slobs the associations of young and old assholes the crippled and the healthy the tiny ones the tall ones the 3-cents-a-pound ones.”55 Similar references to the disaster left behind in Spain were included in the poem from April 30 les quatre sous: “corpse of gold flaps its carcass and farts whole-heartedly on the mouth toothless of the serious fat slob imitating faultlessly the grotesque parade of the odiferous masks . . . noon dribbles down the staircase and dirties the wedding dress thrown over the banister and pisses purity into the sewers celebrating the national holiday glorifying the shit and the turds and the law . . . it’s late and already black and blue and red and the quails are tired from applauding at the edge of the ramp and his voice went down went out into the abyss singing two and two is four four and two is six six and two is eight and eight sixteen and eight twenty four and eight thirty two a large net full of anchovies received the body.”56 When Guernica[84] arrived in America on May 5, relief campaign volunteers turned for help to the American Artists’ Congress, whose members were acutely aware of the damage left behind by the Spanish Civil War and familiar with the mural from their own journal, Art Front. Under the leadership of Stuart Davis and Max Weber, who were known to Picasso, the congress had already mounted smaller exhibitions for the benefit of the refugees, but now the organization turned to the young art dealer Sidney Janis for assistance. He secured the spacious new Valentine Gallery at 16 East Fifty-seventh Street, New York, which under the

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direction of Valentine Dudensing had already arranged several shows of the Spaniard’s recent work. The mural and the preliminary studies for it would be shown there through May 29.57 They would subsequently travel to the Stendhal Gallery in Los Angeles, the San Francisco Museum of Art and the Arts Club of Chicago, before returning to New York for the retrospective at The Museum of Modern Art.58 In late May, Pablo painted the oils Buste de femme en costume violet[192], Femme assise au chapeau[193] and Femme au chapeau dans un fauteuil[194]. The last two are described by Cabanne as “beings of panic and fright.” Their rhomboid forms, tormented and striated, express the darkness of the period. While the first one is definitely Dora, the color of her hair is yellow in all cases, which usually designates Marie-Thérèse. He might once again be casting the features of one mistress onto the other.59 And yet certain differences between the two women come forth. This is especially true of Buste de femme au chapeau[195] with its sharp color palette, angularity and boldness of form. In spite of its color combination, normally associated with his earlier mistress, the figure is rendered with incisions into the thick paint, adding an unexpected harshness to her features. Maar’s presence also makes its way in the last three paintings through the artist’s incorporation of her characteristic stylish hat.60 Buste de femme au chapeau rayé[196] presents again a hallucinating Dora in purple streaked hat against a wallpaper with blue and yellow stripes. She, who had embodied the drama of the Spanish war, reveals a distorted and contorted face whose singularity undeniably resides in its ambivalence, between the tragic and sardonic. Deconstructed and on the fringes of the informe, Maar came to be an emblem of disturbing strangeness: one eye is horizontal, the other vertical, mouth and nose are hardly visible in the play of red and black lines.61 For Leal, “the calligraphic process of tattooing the skin is probably borrowed from the primitive rituals and spiral decorations of Melanesian objects collected by Breton and Éluard.”62 Dora now became Picasso’s model par excellence. Yet he did not stop visiting Le Tremblay, and on June 4 painted Marie-Thérèse in Femme assise à la robe d’étoiles[197]. This is one of a group of paintings he made in the spring, showing her seated in an armchair and wearing a large hat; in several of them, either her clothing or the wall behind her is decorated with stars. All of them record, with extraordinary intensity, the drama of the couple’s life together, which was facing increasing challenges.63 He might be alluding to her decline in his poem from June 9 trozo de almibar: “dollop of syrup frizzing her hair like feathers in the middle of the fried egg smelling of her song of lilies.”64 As Daix has written, “[Dora] was the woman during the

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summer months [of 1939] when war threatened to break out over Danzig and Poland, Spain lay crushed beneath Franco’s boot, and the Rome-Berlin Axis was imposing its rule through almost all of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire. Picasso worked well in her company because of the understanding and sympathies which had united them since Guernica[84]. But how to reconcile pairing with Dora and the tenderness he felt for Marie-Thérèse and Maya?”65 On June 20, French Ambassador Coulondre reported to the French Foreign Office that Germany was on its way to take Danzig and start a European war within two or three months. Revulsion at the thought of another conflict fueled pacifist sentiments in all social classes across France. And yet, an opinion poll revealed that 45 percent of those questioned were convinced that war would be declared before the end of the year. Just over three quarters of those questioned believed that France should intervene, using force if necessary, if Germany tried to seize Danzig.66 Picasso was closely attuned to events of the day, and during the summer he also felt that all-out war in Europe was imminent. In early July, about a week before he and Dora were to travel to Antibes for their annual sojourn on the Mediterranean, he made arrangements for MarieThérèse, together with their four-year-old daughter, to be driven to Royan, a resort town located midway along France’s Atlantic coast at the mouth of the Gironde river, looking out over the Bay of Biscay.67 Settled there in the Villa Gerbier-de-Joncs, mother and child would enjoy their own seaside summer holiday, and would moreover be as safe as anyone could be, at a good distance from Paris, if war were to suddenly break out. Then, on July 8, driven by the driver Marcel, he and Sabartés made their way to Antibes, where the artist moved into the apartment that Man Ray had lent him in the Albert I Hotel, high up on the third floor overlooking the sea.68 He was later joined by Dora, who traveled by Train Bleu.69 However, she was not much consolation to him at this time. Her difficult makeup irritated him and, while he still appreciated her intelligence and perceptiveness, her penchant for the dramatic, which had initially attracted the artist, eventually grew to infuriate him.70 She would eventually become the scapegoat of his own emotional trials, according to Cabanne.71 Less than a week later, Picasso returned to Paris.72 French Ambassador to Germany Robert Coulondre reported mounting war preparations in the country, pointing to that eventuality in August. On July 14, the annual Bastille Day parade, marking its 150th anniversary, provided the Daladier government with the opportunity to reveal to the world France’s military preparedness in the event of a German attack. According to Le Matin, two million people braved

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the gusty summer showers and lined the Champs-Elysées to watch and cheer as a cavalcade of tanks and more than 35,000 soldiers paraded down the famous avenue. This carefully choreographed display was aimed at reassuring the French that their country was ready should Hitler be reckless enough to provoke a war.73 Dora had become increasingly terrified by the tide of events signaling the possibility of a German invasion and despite her forceful nature, she fell into a mood of pessimism and despair. Portraits of her like Figure assise[198] evoked her distressed state of mind, while they also symbolized the universal human plight in wartime.74 Discussing these works, Freeman writes: “She is encased in coiled basketwork . . . The result is a monstrous, faceless being that appears less menacing than entrapped. Both the ‘basketwork’ women and the women in webs seem locked within themselves, either through external elements or through their own wrappings. Perhaps these were metaphors for Picasso’s perceptions of Maar’s self-absorption and mood swings.”75 He needed the comfort he only gained from Marie-Thérèse. In late July, he wrote a letter to her in Royan: “My love, I have just received your letter. And I have written several to you, which you must by now have received. I love you more every day. You mean everything to me. And I will sacrifice everything for you, and for our love, which shall last forever. I Love you. I can never forget you, my love, and if I am sad, it is because I cannot be with you, as I would like to be. My Love, My Love, My Love: I want you to be happy, and to think only of being happy. I would give anything for that to be so . . . My own tears would mean nothing to me, if I could stop you from shedding even one. I Love you. Kiss Maria, our daughter.”76 Then suddenly Picasso was hit with more terrible news. On July 22, his long-time dealer, Vollard, died of injuries suffered in an automobile accident in a hospital in Versailles. Frightened by the “ominous” coincidence that the first name, Marcel, was shared by both his own and Vollard’s chauffeur, he told Sabartés that he would no longer set foot in a car driven by him.77 Six days later, he attended the funeral in Paris, held at the Basilique Sainte-Clotilde. Among those present were Chagall, Valéry, Denis, Maillol, Rouault, Dufy, and Derain.78 The following day, he invited Sabartés to accompany him south. In spite of his fears, Marcel drove them both as usual in the Hispano-Suiza, stopping the next morning in Fréjus in order to go to a bullfight.79 He would attend another in Saint-Raphaël before getting to Antibes.80 During the first days after their arrival in the port city, he spent mornings at the beach with Sabartés, his nephews from Barcelona, Penrose, and other friends. He also visited the towns along the coast—Monte

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Carlo, Nice, Cannes, and Mougins. Once settled into his rented apartment, he prepared to paint, clearing away some of the furniture and bric-a-brac. He converted one of the two main rooms into a studio, attaching three unequal pieces of canvas directly to the walls and eventually using the largest for Pêche de nuit à Antibes[199], a painting based on his nocturnal walks in the harbor. Lit up by the fishermen’s acetylene lamps, the landscape inspired him to produce this enigmatic picture. Called an “evangelical parable,” it represents an allegorical premonition of future butchery.81 Nash writes that “his nighttime lighting, shot through with blacks, dark blues, and purples, has its own deeply ominous effect. The lights around the boat do not just glow, but, rather, explode with light, much like shells bursting in air.”82 As Caws has commented, the canvas “catches the mood of looming war in its explosions of light in the night sky and the fishermen’s spears raining terror from above.”83 Brassaï remembers that “he was close to finishing his large painting . . . when he was caught off guard by the general mobilization.”84 War was threatened and guns set up along the southern beaches as a German-Russian nonaggression treaty was unexpectedly signed.85 The next day, Romain Rolland spoke for many communist sympathizers when he noted in his diary: “None of us can understand such a betrayal at a time when Hitler posed a great threat than ever to our democracies.”86 Even though Le Parti communiste français (PCF) was the biggest single political party in France—it had over seventy elected parliamentary representatives, two senators, and the support of over a million and a half voters—the Daladier government would respond to the party’s support for the non-aggression pact by seizing L’Humanité, the party’s daily and its evening paper Ce Soir as well. The police also raided party premises and the homes of known militants. Foreigners suspected of being affiliated with the Communist Party were deported or interned in concentration camps.87 After mobilization was announced, Picasso decided to return to the capital. With Sabartés and Maar, he took the train to Paris leaving Marcel to drive back with the canvases.88 When they got home after the discomfort of an all-day journey in a terribly overcrowded train in the intense heat, he found a changed city, and for the second time in his life a war with Germany imminent.89 Clearly, the psychological stress of the times actually stimulated Picasso’s creative instincts. The great room where he had painted the large mural was now emptied of all that could be safely stored away, the monumental stove with its complicated chimney in the center the only remaining ornament.90 Friends had flocked to his studio the minute they

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had heard he was back in Paris, so on August 29, he fled to the more peaceful apartment in Le Tremblay. He was really worried. Britain and France had just signed a treaty with Poland promising military assistance should the Germans invade. What to do if war came? The front page of Le Matin described how shops were plunged into darkness; lighting used for advertising was extinguished; trucks in Les Halles market had been requisitioned by the army. In the interest of security, phone calls to numbers outside Paris could only be made from post offices and callers had to produce proof of identity. Any telegram to be sent abroad had to be vetted first by the local head of police.91 In the end, he made the decision to move further away from the city and join Marie-Thérèse and Maya in Royan.92 As expected, Nazis entered Poland on September 1.93 Suddenly the streets of Paris were covered with posters announcing the decision to mobilize the population: “Parisians, our country is in danger and with it our freedoms . . . As always, Parisians will do their duty while remaining cool, calm and collected. They will all enthusiastically rally to the flag and defend the same ideal. Vive la France.” Five million Frenchmen enlisted.94 Simone de Beauvoir wrote in her diary: “An elusive sense of horror underpinned everything in the here and now and that lay ahead: you could not predict anything, imagine anything or relate to anything.”95 Brassaï recalled running into Picasso on the boulevard Saint-Germain: “He was a worried, distraught man who did not know what to do. He ordered crates, began to have his paintings wrapped up, packed a thousand books and objects on rue La Boétie and in his new studio at Grands-Augustins. But his works were too widely dispersed . . . there were too many things to rescue, to save. Discouraged by the exhausting, unpleasant task, which was proving as laborious as moving the Louvre Museum, he abruptly ended it.”96 After Hitler ignored a request to recall his invasion of Poland, Britain declared war on September 3. France followed 6 hours later, quickly joined by Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Canada.97 In the afternoon, the artist, fearful as ever of a sudden air raid, warned his secretary, “Don’t you know that there is the danger German planes will fly over Paris tonight. I’m going right home to pack my baggage. Pack yours and stop fooling around, I’ll come for you tonight.”98 Around midnight, a full-packed Hispano-Suiza—with Maar and Picasso, Sabartés and his wife, as well as the dog Kazbec—was driven through the night by Marcel, arriving in Royan the next morning.99 He and Dora took rooms at Hótel du Tigre at the corner of boulevard GeorgesClemenceau and boulevard Albert-Premier.100 For the time being, Pablo and his entourage felt relatively safe.

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A peaceful haven located a hundred kilometers north of Bordeaux, Royan would become for the Spaniard a place of internal exile. Dora, who had often visited the small port in her teenage years, was perhaps the one who had suggested this destination when he had moved MarieThérèse and Maya there. Penrose describes the artist’s quarters and life in the town: “The rooms in which he lived for the next few months were cramped and badly lit. The town itself apart from its harbor had few attractions. Accepting the situation, however, he settled down to a regular routine in which the main factor, work, was punctuated with meals and walks around the town, accompanied by Maar, Sabartès and the docile Kazbec.”101 Having left Paris with hardly any art supplies, he desperately scoured local shops to buy up whatever he could find.102 He returned to his makeshift atelier with a few sketchbooks which he would fill up as a form of catharsis.103 Sabartés mentions that “it would be enough to look at the date of the works of this period to understand the anxieties he went through at the time of their creation.”104 After a while, he would decide to get a second studio at Villa Gerbier-de-Joncs, where Marie-Thérèse and Maya were staying, so he could spend more time with them.105 Dora would soon become aware of the arrangement, leading to great difficulty in their already strained relationship.106 In early September, Parisians heard the sound they had been dreading: the wail of the air-raid siren described by the writer Paul Léautaud as “a terrible, slow, drawn-out, modulated melody, a cry of anguish and of despair.”107 When the alarm sounded, most Parisians rushed for cover, unaware that this was just the first of many, many “practice alerts.” Some would go to the cellars under the block of apartments where they lived, others to one of the eighty or so public shelters. Beauvoir wrote in her diary the following day: “It just does not feel like a proper war. We are waiting, but for what. ‘The horrors of the first battle.’ For the moment it seems like a farce—people looking self-important as they go around carrying their gas masks, the cafés blacked out. The communiqués do not tell us anything. ‘Military operations are proceeding normally.’ Has anyone been killed yet?”108 After a public proclamation that all foreigners who had arrived in Royan after August 25 would require a residence permit, Marcel drove Picasso and Sabartés again to Paris on September 7 to obtain the necessary document.109 For this he counted on the assistance of the prefect André-Louis Dubois.110 He found an almost empty city; most of his friends were gone. Éluard had left with his regiment, Tzara had enlisted, Rosenberg had taken off for Bordeaux, Leiris was posted to Beni Ounilc in the Algerian desert. “There is nothing to do. It will explode any minute now. I would not be surprised if the sarabande began this very

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night,” he confided to Sabartés.111 By September 8, they were back in Royan.112 In the ensuing months, art supplies became difficult to obtain, but he seemed undisturbed by the shortage of conventional tools, enthusiastically adapting whatever was at hand to suit his purposes. When canvas became unavailable, as was often the case, he painted on wooden planks or hardboard. When required, wooden chair seats were removed from their frames and used as palettes.113 He concentrated on subjects that described for the most part a small, circumscribed domestic world, as if he were trying to hold the events of the larger world at bay; most of the works depicted one or the other of his dual mistresses, his child, and Sabartés and his wife. In their relative naturalism, they seemed to nostalgically betoken the peace and serenity of an earlier time.114 He followed Maya’s growth and progress with real interest, a fact documented by the frequent drawings he made of her, much as a less gifted parent might use a camera to record his child’s growth. Given her poignant expression, Gedo wonders whether the irregularities of her family’s domestic arrangements weighed heavily on her young life.115 A series of pictures showing two women together may represent Picasso’s wishful fantasy of a conciliation between his two lovers, whose close proximity to each other in Royan was quickly becoming a source of anxiety for all concerned.116 The two females in Femme debout et femme assise[200], one seated and the other standing, clearly have a likeness to Marie-Thérèse and Dora. Dark shades of gray and brown predominate, while black contour lines run through the composition.117 The grisaille is a visual reminder of newspaper photography of the time, a technique particularly conspicuous coming as it did so soon after some of his most colorful, explosively exuberant paintings earlier in the year. While he still occasionally turned to color during these months, it would only be with the sense of nostalgia.118 On September 25, he painted the oil Nu debout et femme assise[202]. The forms of the bodies, especially the left hand figure, are twisted, amorphous and contorted. While they hark back to his Dinard works from the late 1920, there is none of the strange, surreal sensuality that he had explored then. Instead, there is rigidity and disfigurement, the harsh lines and geometrical shapes creating a sense of tension and angst. Both characters could in this case depict Maar, one trapped in the massive chair, the other distorted and given inhuman, animal features. The figure on the left could even be said to have a torso like a rack of ribs at a butcher shop, while her face displays the elongated snout of a hound. Picasso might have been exploring the already mentioned duality in her. Alternatively, the two figures might reflect the challenges of

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his life in Royan with both Dora and Marie-Thérèse so close to each other.119 As Hitler made preparations for his next campaigns during the following six months, there were sporadic hostilities on the western front, a situation that became known as drôle de guerre. Then on September 29, Germany and Russia officially signed an agreement to divide Poland with Hitler incorporating the western section into the Reich, while Stalin took the eastern part. France had some 2.6 million men mobilized by this time, many undergoing training, some now stationed along the Maginot Line, even more joining the British Expeditionary Force in the north, where a German incursion was expected. Trainloads of children were evacuated from Paris to the provinces, gas masks sold out, metro stations were fitted to serve as airraid shelters, anti-aircraft balloons were hoisted above the city, evening blackouts were ordered and sirens tested. Because of the disruption, theaters and movie houses were temporarily closed.120 It is hard to determine how closely Picasso followed these developments from Royan, but the appearance of rotted steer skulls and flayed sheep parts in his drawings reflect the aftermath of a future cruel and lethal massacre. These would be included in Sketchbook 42 on which he worked through October 29–30.121 The surrounding spaces in these works sometimes have a glow of hot red or orange that further increases their emotional intensity.122 It is in this sketchbook that the theme of the female nude seen from behind first appeared, her two profiles joined at the nape of the neck. Penrose proposes a psychological reading of this motif: “The head is in varying degrees split in two, seeming to look both out into the world and into itself with apprehensive tear-filled eyes.”123 Others have seen in it a distortion caused by an erotic vision where seeing merges with touching.124 These double-faced characters appeared at times wearing a hat, confirming what Picasso later said about them: “[The] double profile, as we call it, is only what I always see when I keep my eyes open . . . It’s just the face of my girlfriend Dora Maar, when I kissed her.”125 Until the end of his life, he would remain the eternal and tireless voyeur, “constantly driven by the fantasy of devouring and possessing with his gaze,” as Michel Leiris saw him.126 As part of the sketchbook, Picasso made the drawing Femme au chapeau[203], where Dora holds on her lap the head of a skinned lamb similar to those he used to give to his Afghan hound. The way she is holding the blood-soaked head sends a chill down the spine, as two of her fat fingers stick through its two openings, one from the eye socket and the other from the mouth. While she might remind us of a Pietà holding Christ’s dead body on her lap, this is a nightmarish vision, a

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negation of the traditional iconography of the Virgin Mary.127 Moreover, the head combines human and animal elements, as can be seen more clearly in a later painting based on the drawing: Tête de femme au chapeau[210]. This indicates a close relationship between the lamb skull and the woman, and hence a foreboding of her own death. Simultaneously, her emphatically upright posture and anachronistic long robe gives the figure the terrible appearance of a primitive death goddess, clearly recalling the negative aspects of Magna Mater representations in ancient Mediterranean culture. As Ullmann comments, “what we are looking at is not the face of a person, but the physiognomy of an epoch that was marked by excessive destruction.”128 The previous animal carcasses led to pictures of tortured and monstrously deformed women in Femme au chapeau bleu[204] or Tête de femme[206]. Both show the usual displacements typical of Picasso. Maar’s bust is no longer really human here, its budding, puffed and woven head, or its rhomboid neck, create a kind of scarified effigy. By playing with bodily morphology, he analyzed all its spiritual possibilities.129 The surrealist freedom of recreation of forms reaches its peak in these figures. The hysterical crisis or folie érotique promoted by the Surrealists, often embodied in a broken body, found a certain resonance here. “Beauty will be convulsive or will not be,” Breton had said. The poet would actually come to visit him in Royan when on leave.130 After war broke out, he came to portray Dora more and more frequently as a sacrificial victim, a tearful symbol of his own pain and grief at the horrors of tyranny and war. In the course of events, it is hardly surprising that the poor woman became increasingly traumatized, and at the end of the war suffered a severe nervous breakdown. The female face in works like Étude de tête[207] perhaps echoes the iconography of a hysterical woman, but above all, it expresses the tragic and heartbreaking passionate relationship he maintained with her. Her portraits perfectly transcribe the complex, even “Kafkaeske” personality of one who was “prone to rage and break downs.”131 On October 4, he painted the oils Tête de femme[206] and Crâne de mouton[205] almost equating the suffering represented in both. The former marks Picasso’s growing tendency during these barbaric years to dehumanize the figure. The face has been reduced to an assemblage of muted colored triangles shaped like the muzzle of an animal thus contaminating the human sitter with a bestial quality.132 The expansive exuberance of life’s vitality diminishes, as the forms solidify in order to set up their defenses.133 In the second painting, one finds at once a realistic, even naturalistic, purpose in the rendering of the details, and a desire of expressiveness which is translated as much in the color as in

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the brush stroke. The theme is linked to the traditional vanitas allegories in the Spanish still lifes from the 17th century. World tragedy joins private suffering and they resonate in unison in this bloody sheep skull. The composition is particularly bare. Its abstract background, with a gradient of tones ranging from gray-brown to ocher-yellow, gives a subtle illusion of depth. The skull, coarsely cut and in a dominant red, stands out. Showing its sharp teeth like an infernal grinding machine, it simultaneously suggests violence and pain. Death is omnipresent, reflected in each point of the painting, through the severe linear strokes and the bleeding pigments. Pablo, undoubtedly, sensed the drama to come. From the Spanish Civil War, he understood the misery of war and the distress it caused on people. Through the sheep’s head, a poor and derisory object, he shouts his fear and vulnerability when confronted with man’s illogical aggression.134 Bernadac sees an antecedent for it in Francisco de Goya. There is something about the pain expressed in the wide opened mouth and the black circles for eyes that suggest the influence of the Spanish artist, in particular the agonized figures with expressive mouths of the victims facing the firing squad in 3 May 1808 in the Museo del Prado. As in that painting, we can hear the screams of helplessness of the victims.135 A related painting followed: Nature morte au crâne de mouton[208]. On a dark table surface in front of a gray-brown background, lay some freshly bloodied ribs and a black and gray animal skull with wide open jaws, the eye sockets and the rows of teeth facing the viewer. This gives the skull a lively, eerie and threatening presence.136 The disturbing juxtaposition of a dry skull with newly bloodied bones suggests any number of associations dealing with mortality and sustenance.137 It is not farfetched to imagine that Picasso saw in these skulls a portrait of himself. During a chance encounter while on holiday during the summer of 1937 in Mougins, he had discovered an ox skull on the beach. He had been delighted to imagine, in these broken and weathered bones, a “relic” of the Minotaur. Maar photographed the artist with his find several times. In one image, he held the skull up to his face, savoring this moment in which life magically imitated the content of his art.138 Hitler made a “peace offer” to France and Britain, threatening that, unless accepted, “millions of human lives will be sacrificed in vain, for neither will the German Reich go to pieces nor will a second Treaty of Versailles be made.”139 Waiting for an imminent response from the government, many more people fled to the countryside. Zervos wrote to Picasso from Paris: “There is no one left here, except Matisse who must leave for Nice As soon as he will be allowed to go because Nice is a war zone and he has a lot of difficulties for his permit. Éluard is near

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Montargis, he works from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m., nonstop, he monitors the loading of several trains a day. Tzara volunteered and he was . . . taken. Max Ernst is in a concentration camp, I’m doing everything I can to get him out . . .”140 Before France and Britain even had time to respond, Hitler issued Führer-Directive Number 6, ordering an attack on Belgium and the Netherlands at the earliest possible time and the subsequent occupation of the border areas in northern France. The child he depicted on October 9 in Garçon au panier[209] is a true reflection of the effects of the upcoming war on the general population. His head and bare feet, visually highlighted through modeling compared to the flat garment, are too large anatomically for someone so small. The viewer’s gaze is therefore immediately drawn to the alienated face of the child with his contrived smile and to his uncomfortably large, dirty feet.141 Having heard of the atrocities of the Spanish Civil War through his friends, Pablo knew all too well what vast horrors were surely to come to women and children. The oil Femme assise[212] is a haunting, unforgettable image of a woman in an armchair, shrouded in black like a grieving war widow, her hair falling in a straight sheath like a veil of mourning or a Spanish mantilla. Her eyes wide open and her complexion ashen, she stares into the distance with frozen impassivity, watching as the entire world plunges into violence on an unprecedented and hitherto unimaginable scale. Here, he has transferred this terrible burden of foresight to his model, transforming her into a modern Cassandra whose prognostications are met only with incomprehension and disbelief. Her mouth shut tight, she cannot speak; confined in an armchair, she cannot flee. She is a silent oracular presence whose funerary garb is her prophecy. He had worked on the idea for the painting for some time. In its initial state, the picture surely represented Maar, who would bear the brunt of his pictorial depredations throughout the war. His original plan seems to have been unremittingly grim. The background was steely gray at first, and in the woman’s lap she held a flayed sheep’s head. Suddenly, however, his spirits lifted and he eliminated the mutton carcass and repainted the entire background, as well as part of the face and hair, in a warm yellow hue in order to emphasize the strength of her premonitory gaze, piercing beneath a linear black brow. In its final state, the painting suggests that the artist still clung, however tenuously, to hope.142 Of the forty-nine oils executed in the last three months of the year, all but eleven were portraits of Dora, like Buste de femme assise sur une chaise[211]. With their fantastically original deformity and their disquieting sense of gothic, almost monstrous, vitality, they are a masterful record of the anxiety that pervaded France at this time.

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Although the paintings which Picasso made during the war only rarely would have overt political content, they bore the unmistakable stamp of the wartime ambiance. This is clearest in the strident emotional quality of these portraits, with their dramatic distortions and bold re-arrangements of the human form. The face here is clearly outlined in profile; yet the features are frontally arranged in such a manner that the whole resembles less a face than a mask. The eyes are positioned adjacent to each other, the lines of the nose repeat the curves of the left profile, and the mouth takes the right side of the face. The painting’s palette consists of brilliant hues of yellow, magenta, light blue and green, which creates an arresting image of startling immediacy, allowing the viewer to identify with the sitter.143 Despite the highly abstracted and stylized manner in which Picasso depicted Dora’s features in oils like Tête de femme[213] and Tête de femme[215], his use of a bright palette and energetic brushstrokes masterfully captured the intensity of her character.144 In one sense, his portraits, if they can be termed as such, captured a complex and troubled personality lurking beneath the surface. And at the same time, in tapping into this substratum, he managed to project his own angst at the state of the world. In the second of these canvases, the feminine figure with sharp lines and contrasting tones does not resemble any work previously produced by the artist. The brutal cut of the face makes it its strength. On a purely visual level, it resembles Dora’s own photomontages from the early 1930s: the technique of mounting overlapping pictures finds a violent echo with the deconstruction of the face.145 In Femme dans un fauteuil[217] and Nu assis[216], it is darkness that is in many ways the focus. The vacillation between strong linear curves and harsh angular composition perhaps underscores the artist’s own uncertainty. Picasso reinforced the lush curves of the sitting nude with her arms crossed behind her mask-like head, her turned backside area and the egg-shaped outgrowth in the buttocks. Her rampant physicality gives the impression of corporeal dominance rather than erotic appeal.146 The twisted image of the sitter, despite the fiery palette with which she has been rendered, conveys a sense of public anxiety at the conflagration that was already tearing across Europe. Even the presence of a fanciful wreath, which might appear lyrical or classical, is deliberately undermined by the salient angularity and bold colors of the figure. What we see here is something rather sinister and gloomy.147 As Ullmann proposes, the Christian figure of salvation and Queen of Heaven becomes here a mistress of mischief who resides over innerworldly chaos, making reference to non-European representational traditions that include negative incarnations of the Magna Mater in the

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form of female deities, which bring about war and death.148 According to Steinberg, Picasso had now embarked on a “quest for the ugliness” which took on the appearance of “tortured, deviant and degenerate female figures.”149 It was right before one of several trips to Paris in late October to regularize his status as a foreigner in Royan that Pablo executed the last of the paintings of sacrificial sheep heads, the oil Trois têtes de moutons[214] for which he obviously used the somewhat perfunctory preparatory drawings in his Royan notebook. Like the skulls there, these are randomly piled up, even upside down, the composition shockingly matter-of-fact in itself. He intensified the impact by using the colors of the single flayed head, the red, gray, and black against a golden background, the red to suggest the strips of flesh still clinging to the bone.150 Once he got to Paris, he stored some of his most valuable paintings a vault at the Banque nationale pour le commerce et l’industrie (BNCI).151 He probably also replenished his stock of materials for use in Royan.152 By October 25 he was back in the small town for his 58th birthday, which he celebrated with his entourage, although it is unlikely that Dora and Marie-Thérèse were present at any of the festivities at the same time.153 Jacqueline Breton and her daughter Aube also joined them. Both would stay in Royan from through 1940.154 He had brought with him a batch of virgin canvases, and immediately commenced working. The worry gnawing at him shows through in the experiments that he then inflicted on the human figure.155 From swathes of raw pigment, rendered in thick impasto, Maar’s twisted visage emerges in Femme assise, robe bleue[218] in near-sculptural splendor, gazing in two directions at once. Her face glows in the lamplight of the dark interior like a full moon against the night sky, the diamond-flecked wallpaper pattern standing in for distant stars and galaxies. In her blue dress and a jaunty plumed hat, she regales him with a beaming smile, lips tensed as if on the verge of outright laughter. Angular lines and sharp geometries have given way to softer, curvilinear forms that reflect the artist’s contentment on a day of celebration—a momentary respite from the encroaching tremors of war. One notes certain similarities with Rembrandt’s Bust of Saskia Smiling (1633). “Every painter takes himself for Rembrandt,” Picasso would later say.156 He persisted in distorting Dora’s mysterious and inscrutably impassive visage. The face of this beautiful young woman, bent and twisted into an elasticized hybrid of profile and frontal perspectives, is all the more disarming in the partly modeled, volumetric, and quasi-classicized treatment he accorded her. Her hats soon acquired a military appearance , sometimes resembling the silhouette of a warship steaming on the horizon, a plume of smoke

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trailing behind. Nazi U-boats would be soon sinking allied ships in the coastal waters off England and France. Although the canvas offers a superficial vision of gaiety, it is underpinned by a palpable tension.157 On October 26, he started Sketchbook 21 (completed September 19, 1940). One of the drawings in it was closely related to the oil Dora Maar assise[220] in which she confronted the viewer with wide, sparkling eyes which compete with the stars on the garish wallpaper behind her, presumably the same paper that decorated their rooms at the Hôtel du Tigre. Portraits of her continued to predominate, with her often seated on a chair. She again assumed her role of prophetess Cassandra, displaying the frantic frustration of a seer who can foretell the future but is cursed by fate not to be heard—only Picasso listens to her warnings, making her the medium through whom to project current and future events. He would keep altering and reshaping her visage in new, astonishing, if often frightening, ways: she neither protested nor resisted, it was a role she accepted almost masochistically.158 The sketchbooks he filled in Royan are a magnificent example of fluctuation between drawing and writing, the two media sometimes facing each other or alternating as we leaf through. The artist’s gesture is fast, urgent, as if to explore the surface of the paper while sketching. The notebook, of a small size so that he could keep it in his pocket and have it always at hand, contains also first outlines of poems, offering multiple variants, sometimes repeated several times in almost identical organization, with erasures and additions being the norm.159 Another oil from this day was Tête de femme[219]. The artist once said: “Portraits should possess, not physical, not spiritual, but psychological likeness.”160 Combalía illustrated side-by-side this portrait of her and some of Maar’s 1936 photographs of him with his deep dark eyes, perhaps as a way to express how he saw himself in her? Picasso, whose paintings often functioned as a barometer for his own state of mind, had found a perfectly suited muse for his tense depiction of this period. The morphing of Dora from lyrical inspiration to the vehicle for expression of his own anxiety occurred quickly.161 In Tête de femme au chapeau mauve[221] Dora widens her eyes like a Byzantine icon, mesmerized, staring in disbelief at something unknown, but certainly ominous and terrifying, a clear and present danger, some vast horror lurking in a more distant future. Again, he transformed her into a modern Sybil, but one who does not speak, turning her into a silent oracular presence whose facial expression of inner distress is her prophecy. The spiky configuration of her lips and the thin parting of her mouth underscore her speechless state. During these increasingly distressing years, he coerced her mysterious and inscrutably impassive visage into reflecting the

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ominous and troubled mood in Europe, wreaking an unsparing brutality on her visage, contriving some shocking new pictorial identity for her. With the war less than two months old, she appears to be staring in the face of something far more calamitous than ever before, a catastrophe on a scale hitherto unprecedented and unimaginable. A huge yellow stain marks Dora’s cheek. A month later the Nazis would require all Jews living in their jurisdiction to wear a yellow star of David.162 Depressed by current events, aggravated by Marie-Thérèse’s presence in Royan, Dora must have found her position nearly intolerable. Contrasting with the previous work in its angularity and extreme distortion, the oil Tête de femme sur fond étoilé[223] (started on October 28) is remarkable for its heavily encrusted surface, built up in the hat and forcefully modelled in the area surrounding the head with liberal use of the palette knife. Into the heavy layer of olive green, Picasso traced stars with the handle of his brush, revealing the blue underpainting.163 Although there is a great deal of systematic distortion in this canvas as in others from that period, they are not violent pictures; the general atmosphere is one of deep but contained torment.164 In the one he painted at the end of the month, Le chandail jaune[222], the body of the sitter resembles a flat board (as in African sculptures) and is composed of segments. The mask-like double visage underlines the idol character of the figure. This is what Picasso himself called a “conjuring picture,” that is, an expression through which he tried to relieve himself of his fear of a world menace by objectifying his anxiety in his pictures.165 Indeed, feelings of fear and alienation from one’s familiar environment, of a “narrowing” of one’s sentient world, soon spread across France. Anticipation of a close encounter with the enemy and possibly occupation called for a recalibration of psychological as well as physical sense of time. Beauvoir spoke often in her diary of feeling “out of time,” of desperately wanting to know the future and not be seduced by past happier memories, wanting to mitigate her impatience at having constantly to live in the present. She wrote: “For the last two months, I had lived my life simultaneously in the infinite and in the moment. I had to fill the time minute-by-minute, or long hours at a time, but entirely without a tomorrow.”166 On November 7, he painted Buste de femme, les bras croisés derrière la tête[224], a portrait of Maar, recognizable by her brown hair. The pose and the expression have been cleverly studied in a series of preparatory sketches in which we find the wide eyes, the nose turned up to the sky, the arms energetically bent in a studied pose. This work belongs to what Barr described as “metamorphoses,” figures with soft and biomorphic forms that had reached sumptuousness in the Boisgeloup period, but

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which during the war had acquired a more rigid look, often reduced to the absurd. It is perhaps not impossible to find in the tight frame and the sensual pose a certain memory of Maar’s more surrealist photographs. The pinkish flesh, the round and bare chest, the vertical mouth, the loose hair, all combine to emphasize the erotic nature of the model. Is she lying with her arms raised above her head playing the part of an odalisque? Inspired by the deformations of archaic statuary, the artist always honored his own personal syntax of the female body. The sphinxlike elegance, the haughty posture and the seriousness she adopts are undermined in an image that borders on the ridiculous. Her very high eyes at the edge of her head give the work the look of a child drawing: “Be contradictory. Make one eye frontal and another in profile. We always make the two eyes the same. Have you ever seen that? . . . ,” Picasso told Malraux.167 Deformed like this, Dora expresses something tender and childish, while also betraying an exalted temperament. According to Sabartés, Picasso returned to Paris for a second time on November 12 after he had been issued a safe conduct for a roundtrip from Royan the previous day.168 He was also granted a permit to spend eight days in the capital. The official reason was the payment of taxes and a visit to Monsieur Sarraut, Minister of the Interior.169 This second Parisian trip allowed him to visit his studios at Tremblay and Boisgeloup in order to collect his works and put them in a secure place and to fetch more painting materials. Luckily, Guernica[84] and its attendant studies were already safe as they continued their international exhibition tour. From November 15 to January 7, 1940, they were included in the large retrospective that Alfred H. Barr, Jr. had organized (“Picasso: Forty Years of His Art”) in collaboration with the Art Institute of Chicago at The Museum of Modern Art, New York, which showed three hundred forty-four works from 1898 to March 1939—many from the artist’s own collection—although, as the foreword explained, the war prevented other major works from leaving Europe.170 For some critics, including George L. K. Morris in the Partisan Review, it would establish the Spaniard as the greatest living artist: “Perhaps the painter before us today is the only one alive who can survive a test that has diminished so many reputations. It can be recalled how no less an artist than Henri Matisse became the victim of his limitations when his works were assembled into a comprehensive one-man show [in 1931].”171 On November 26, Pablo returned to Royan.172 Four days later he painted the oils Buste de femme au chapeau[225] and Tête de femme au chapeau[226]. Dora is recognized in the first by her brown hair and large dark eyes. The blue hat, bristling with comical flowers and the little Claudine collar on the yellow blouse evoke the elegance of the young

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woman. The absurd headgear, an erotic accessory par excellence for the Surrealists, echoes the comically burlesque aspect of the face. Despite the snout-shaped nose outlined in green, the half-moon ears and the animalization of the profile, we cannot truly speak of a profanation of the face in this image.173 Besides the undeniably cheerful tone of this vision of human physiognomy, the expression in her eyes dazzles us with the alert presence of a woman who was a distinguished photographer in her own right.174 In the early 1930s, she had amused herself with a similar mixture of frontal and profile views. The second canvas also displays a visceral, vivid expressive energy in its depiction of Maar’s features. The painting has a militaristic dimension, a concept that is emphasized by the increasing presence of greys and greens reminiscent of the German uniforms and camouflage that came to play an increasing role in Picasso’s pictures. At the same time, the earthen colors are evocative of flesh tones. The bold, flowing brushstrokes raking their way, often parallel to each other, up and down the geometric forms of the head and the flowing hair highlight the contrast between these densely-worked areas and the parts of the canvas deliberately left in reserve or painted with lighter colors, thrusting the bust into relief, granting it a physicality that is emphasized by the gestural nature of the brushwork.175 The artist’s palette is equally lively and bright in the oil Femme assise[227] from December 5.176 The striated patterning recalls other elaborately worked drawings and paintings from this period. Carnet 42 included a series of related heads with differently patterned hats. One drawing in particular suggests that Dora sat for some of these sketches.177 Immediately after, he traveled back with her and Sabartés to Paris for a stay of two weeks,178 returning to Royan for Christmas with MarieThérèse and Maya.179 Barr cabled him around this time about the New York retrospective: “Colossal success 60,000 visitors surpassing van Gogh exhibition [1935].”180 In December, Paris was swarming with men on leave. Madame Agnès, writing in the magazine Marianne, had some tips for women waiting for their men: “Ladies, do not forget that when the soldier comes home on leave he wants to find you as beautiful and as elegant as when he left you; be more restrained in the way you dress but don’t give up your elegance completely.” One of the conscripts back in the capital, Georges Sadoul, actually resented that the city should not seem to be more affected by the war.181 But not everything was as before. Racial prejudice was on the rise. Lucien Rebatet set the tone for numerous attacks by French racial theorists as he wrote in Je suis partout: “[Picasso] demanded we reject Maillol and Despiau, who in his judgment cultivated a belated classicism, and this was so as to surround us

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with idols that negroes carved, and Papuan fetishes.”182 He continued: “What Picasso . . . coyly hid behind geometric works of art, emerged boldly and brazenly after the world war. The mestizos demanded the right to be able to depict their bastard spawn, begotten by mental syphilis and painterly infantilism, as ‘expressions of the soul.’”183 Although within a few days of the declaration of war, the government had taken steps to protect consumers, fixing prices to try to prevent speculation and excessive profiteering, by the end of the year it was increasingly difficult for Parisians to buy what they wanted in the shops. Coffee had become scarce and they were encouraged to mix it with chicory and take it with milk; oil, soap, and coal were also hard to find. The cost of domestic gas and water was rising as was the price of clothing, paper, and hardware. Parisians entered 1940 in a state of confusion and worsening anxiety.184 On December 24, he wrote the long poem la boite à ordures which includes lines like “night disgorges itself in the azure . . . the loaf of excrement of the sky lit by the lanterns . . . night disgorges its whole body . . . the emptiness of the sky with its angles lit . . . the emptiness of the night of the sky empty of caresses and of laughs” in multiple variations.185 They make clear reference to a sense of deprivation. The next day, he wrote another, le charbon plie les draps, which read “on the torn skin of the house clacking at the window forgotten at the center of infinite emptiness the black honey of the ripped sheet by the icy flames of the sky the eagle vomits its wings,”186 clear suggestions of impending disaster. In a third one, sur le morceau de peau, he played with similar concepts, adding a sense of claustrophobia: “the wall advances very quickly to receive the alms of the cast shadow . . . the wall rushes at the call and clings to the willing shadow . . . the house empties its guts on the sky.”187 According to Gasman, Picasso’s encounter with cosmic “silence” revitalized his ineffable belief in a voiceless, mystic entity, marking the final stage of his journey toward an ever “deeper knowledge of the world.” This encounter with the mute “infinite center” was for him a form of “ingress into reality.”188 Once he located the place of evil at the radiating “infinite center” and grasped its reality, he was also able to recognize its manifestation on earth in the concrete enemies whom he suspected he would eventually encounter face to face. Through his art, Picasso sought to find the means of mastering horror, revealing it, denouncing it, depicting it, stripping it bare.189 In the gouache Femme debout la main droite derrière la tête[228] from December 30, deformation, reconstructions and savage striation turned the sitter into a nightmarish creature standing frozen in fear, facing a devastating tempest.190

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CHAPTER FIVE

1940 Femme se coiffant

Early in the year, still in Royan, he painted the oil Femme reposant[229] with Dora shown at rest, lying with her arms folded to cradle her head. Although she remains identifiable with her dark hair and flaring nostrils, the artist has completely abstracted her image, disassembling and rearranging the components of her face. For his palette, he chose hues of brown and grey that highlight the earthiness of the composition and introduce a sharp contrast to her aqua blouse, perhaps alluding to her notoriously restless nature.1 Madeline asks: “Was Dora, a shadow of Picasso?”2 She embodied the dark years that plagued the history of Europe from 1936 to 1945, which was also the period of their relationship. It is as if her destiny linked Dora to tragedy and its expression, on the one hand; and to fatal and sacrificial love, on the other; as if light was denied to her so that she could simultaneously personify the horrors of the war and Picasso’s cruelty, which would push her to the edge of insanity; as if it was she that actually engendered these women who were treated without mercy, disfigured by their tears. “It was [Dora’s] deep reality,” said Picasso.3 He simply reflected her restlessness. In the poem au large la rideau we get a sense of suffocating enclosure: “the hours stuck on the bottle nailed down with wasted breath . . . the flame underneath the copper . . . the fly that drowns its litter of little cats in an appalling smell of violets.”4 Two days later he met with Andrée Rolland and agreed to rent from her the apartment at Villa Les Voiliers with a studio on the seafront. “How magnificent this would be for someone who thought he could paint!,” he cynically told Sabartés.5 It was on the third floor, overlooking the sea and the Belle Epoque houses of the town, and located next to the splendid Hôtel de Paris.6 The welllighted rooms were sparsely furnished, but he did not waste any time piling in all sorts of other pieces, bought at auction or in secondhand shops, that he generally put to unexpected uses.7 Although living there with Dora, Marie-Thérèse, who was lodging in the nearby Villa Gerbier-de-Joncs, was not far from his mind. In l’amer liquid, he included many references to colors that he had previously used

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to represent the young blond (green, lilac, mauve): “the bitter liquid that the king distills that powders the edge that packs down the milk that milks the green of the shutter of the lilacs thrown on the wall circling the house warming itself in the sun on the stones . . . the armor’s steel studded on the mauve supporting all the responsibility of the marked blow and all the consequences.”8 He might have been feeling remorse about not spending enough time with her and the baby. In another poem from January 5, une figure jolie, he was beginning to question the future of his relationship with Dora: “a pretty figure even that of the beloved woman is only a game of solitaire the symptom of the foreshadowing of the heap of entangled threads of a system to be set up no matter what on the farfetched plans of the so delicious perfume be it of the heap of shit that the colors of the floodlight let blossom . . . the pink that has to be drawn with the frozen ashes of the angles and of the arches before chance doesn’t materialize.”9 The following day he painted a fascinating gouache, Femme assise[230], which includes in the background an oil he had painted the previous fall—Buste de femme aux deux profils[201]— thus already presenting Maar as a thing of the past. He also wrote the poem un symptôme, in which the tangled threads of fate are already predicted to drag him and Dora through pain: “a symptom that denies the diversity of trajectories of blows so tangled in networks of colored threads of a frequency more or less accelerated by the metronome of + or—terrific heat going from wellbeing to pain . . . the picture predicted by all the oracles already marked by red fire at the desired point of the map.”10 By January 7, as Daix pointed out, “he gave full vent to the expression of deep emotion and his increasingly gloomy premonitions of events”11 in la plaque photographique: “the photographic plate turning on an axis at a faster pace than the images tossing around it and finds already wilted the bouquet of surprises not yet gathered but leaving hooked at each reincarnation the larva.”12 Love appears death at birth, its larva hooked at each reincarnation, and the lover’s image of the loved one changes even more rapidly that the live model. In several portraits of a grimacing man, such as the gouache Tête d’un homme barbu[231] and Tête d’homme[232], the essential elements are powerfully combined to express the menace he felt as his emotional situation and the political circumstances across Europe grew darker day by day.13 From January 10 through May 26, he worked on Sketchbook 217 which contains drawings in pencil on the theme of the bullfight. Others are hasty sketches after Delacroix’s famous painting The Women of Algiers, which he knew well from visits to the Louvre, as well as studies of female heads, nudes with arms raised behind their head, a classic nude

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pose, and women sitting in chairs.14 One of the heads is developed further in the portrait Buste de femme[233]. Whereas the golden presence of Marie-Thérèse had inspired joy and a sense of well-being in the early 1930s, the dark-haired Dora now served as a more fitting muse for the exorcist rituals that Picasso required in his art as he dealt with the devastation and unbridled violence around him. The searing emotion of grief experienced by this distraught woman is reflected with great intensity in the obsessive linearity of the gouache as well as the harsh colors and rigid brushwork. In these portrayals, as Freeman states, “the strokes of his hand mirrored the thoughts in his mind.”15 The viewer’s attention is immediately focused on the cold blue and white areas around her mouth and teeth; her eyes and forehead are dislocated—literally broken up with sorrow. With the future so much in doubt, the artist would have liked to recall more pleasant times in the form of a finely dressed woman with a stylish hat. Yet this vision dissolved as he painted it; Dora’s large eyelashes are like tears or like mascara that has run from weeping, the right half, a profile image consisting of a frantic, suspecting eye and an elongated nose with flaring nostrils. Beneath the rich glowing colors, flat decorative forms and arching arabesques, Picasso hints at a fragile temporality, and outlines a host of personal anxieties as he watches the world around him descend into chaos.16 As Rubin points out, although the decorative quality of this gouache may at first seem to deviate from the surrealist canon of convulsive beauty that perfectly suited her psychology, in its absolute distance to reality, it actually embodies the height of modern beauty as Breton had envisioned it, based on the principles of vital disorder, which the figure of Dora, in her extreme mutability, her real, spiritual restlessness, would forever incarnate.17 In a series of drawings from the end of the month, a woman is shown sitting in a chair in a confined space, often identifiable as a corner of his atelier. In all of them, she is represented as a bust or half-length figure invariably with the hands showing. The summarily treated body contrasts strikingly with the face which adopts the appearance of a skull with a sinister grimace.18 Picasso once said: “You do not understand that these women are not simply posing there as bored models. They are trapped in these armchairs like birds locked in a cage.”19 Winston Churchill warned countries that had wanted to remain neutral in the war. He said about them: “They bow humbly and in fear to German threats of violence, comforting themselves meanwhile with the thought that the Allies will win . . . Each one hopes that if he feeds the crocodile enough, the crocodile will eat him last.”20 The fear of a potential German bombing attack on Paris, as had occurred in Guernica, suddenly and unprovoked, consumed Picasso. It was the silence before

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the storm that terrified him, as he wrote in la longue file de silences: “the long thread of silence slides the point of its knife between the pleats of the sky painted in faux wood that oozes from the lips of the window.”21 In February, he made the collage Femme assise, un bras levé[235] where the woman appears to make involuntary, nervous movements form left to right and right to left, as those of someone literally unable to sit still. Because she is forcibly confined in a cramped, cell-like room, the model can only execute repetitive and convulsive moves, swiveling on the spot. Cowling points out how Picasso was “fascinated by the idea of a sensual and voluptuous body which, through certain adjustments and distortions, would become as monstrous and frightening as the body of a harpy.”22 Some such monster is depicted in Femme jaune et bleue assise dans un fauteuil bleu[234] and Femme assise dans un fauteuil[236] where the plump physicality of the malevolent sitter might be a representation of death. If, as Ullmann argues, the artist imagined death as a destructive female being, then it can be assumed that, as he feared the end of his life was approaching, it should appear to him once again in feminine form. Death is here embodied in the shape of the Magna Mater of ancient cultures who comes to take back the life she originally engendered.23 Everything—spine, spiral breasts or belly button, split pubis, deformed faces, disturbing toothed mouths, and crying eyes—makes up for an allegory of death and torture. These are sinister ensembles where the strings and pieces of cardboard evoke the shape of the skeleton under the flesh.24 Such machines à souffir double both as “pathetic sacrificial victims and implacable agents of death,” in Cowling’s words.25 Pablo left Royan with Dora on February 5 for a long stay in Paris.26 He took advantage of these visits to settle administrative formalities. While he was in the capital, the process of legal separation from Olga was also finalized, although the actual divorce would only be implemented upon her death in 1955.27 The impression the desolate city left on him was reflected in the poem la nuit arrachée: “The night so brutally snatched from the evaporating sky torn up by so many pins the whiteness of its linens found itself bleeding drop by drop . . . in the echo of the stone thrown in the well.”28 By the end of the month, he was back in Royan.29 His unsettled mode of life made it impossible for him to paint large-scale canvases, yet he worked with greater fervor than usual, filling page after page of his sketchbooks with rapid pencil drawings. He had set a new production record even for himself when he completed seventy-one drawings in a single two-day period the previous month.30 Around this time, shopping and eating out in Paris had become increasingly difficult. Although there were not yet shortages in the shops, what Parisians could legally buy and when they could get it grew impos-

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sibly complicated: in addition to just three days when meat could be purchased, the sale of apéritifs was banned on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays; and the sale of chocolate in shops and restaurants was outlawed on Tuesdays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, to give a few examples.31 In this context of restrictions, he wrote the poem Le repas: “first course carries tears in a heap of sand and is made to crack between the teeth by men and women chosen as among the most beautiful.”32 At one point, formal rationing was instituted in Paris.33 Its purpose was to ward off inflationary prices and panic; but instead, the system eventually created endemic food shortages and malnutrition, owing partly to an unequal distribution and availability of provisions to the population. Critical foods like bread, meat, cheese, and milk were rationed, with the daily amount allowed decreasing as the war continued. In works the artist executed in March such as Buste de figure féminine[237], the sitter appears to be made out of kneaded dough. His figures were reduced to spherical or conical component parts, which, loosely connected, were only recognizable as human beings at all by a few economically inserted elements, such as breasts or eyes.34 Janis notes that, “Picasso’s portraits are not of people posing, but of people remembered with the special, selective, and pitilessly penetrating clarity of this artist’s memory.”35 Through the delicately balanced co-ordination of eye, mind, hand, and heart, a new realism reaching into the deepest recesses of man’s inner nature arises characterized by the extreme eccentricity and psychopathic distortions of their personalities, so that the likenesses are visibly stamped with their traumatic scars. Pablo once said: “People keep speaking of naturalism as the opposite of modern painting. I would like to know if anyone has ever seen a natural work of art. Nature and art are totally different and can never be the same thing. We use art to express our idea of what nature is not.”36 As McCully wrote, “he no longer interpreted nature, but made it.”37 Nevertheless Picasso succeeded in maintaining a balance between naturalism and abstraction. Neither of these two principles ever occurred without the other. He did not paint exclusively natural pictures, nor completely abstract ones.38 The gouache Buste de femme[238], executed in subtle shades of grey against a delicate beige background, for instance, may be read as a highly sculptural portrait of Maar. Like many of his most extreme abstractions, it could actually exist in the three dimensional world. She is presented as a construction in three sections, her face balanced on a balustrade that serves as her mouth and neck behind which her hair falls like a theatrical curtain. The head gives way at the bottom to the elegant arcs and soft forms of two large and pointed breasts that could also act as a sculptural plinth.39 Works such as this

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might have served as substitutes for real sculptures, which were unfeasible in his temporary quarters in Royan.40 Tête de femme[239] is another of four works Picasso painted in early March. One can imagine Dora standing by the French window in his Les Voiliers studio, starkly lit in brilliant mid-day sunshine, her back to the blue sky over the Bay of Biscay. On the very next day, Pablo would start Sketchbook 211 with an extremely voluptuous drawing of a nude woman, next to which he wrote a text beginning: “mouth edged with fishhooks wolf trap mauve rose orange extended hand from a field of oats pinning the edge of the cloth stitched with screams of slaughtered sirens expiring . . . cornucopia fingernails tearing the skin of clouds wiping off furniture beneath the plough of the slice of buttered bread.”41 This and similar studies would lead to the monumental Grand nu assis (Femme se coiffant)[240], on which he worked through June 19, completing it soon after German troops entered Paris. Here the artist returned to an idea that he had earlier pursued to grotesque effect in Tête de femme à deux profils[186], in which Dora’s nose and one eye dangle like a promontory before the rest of her face. Her mouth and one ear are virtually detached, spindle-like, from the other features. Bearing witness to the spreading insanity of the war has thrown her cognitive senses, and her state of mind, into complete disarray.42 As Daix stated: “through his art Picasso conquered the means of mastering horror by revealing it, denouncing it, stripping it bare.”43 And he did this specially through his portraits. Penrose described this “Sphinx-like presence” in the following terms: “Two monstrous feet in the foreground are thrust out in front of a body in which belly, buttocks, and breasts make the four corners of a construction which seems to pivot like a swastika round a point on the breastbone. Above it towers a ruthless head, with human lips on one side and on the other the snout of a beast. Its double personality is united at its apex into a small forehead with two insensitive squinting eyes and two hands tugging behind at its black mane of hair.”44 The familiar coiffure theme he had used in many earlier canvases takes on a rather anguished air. The nude with her raised arms and protruding ribs is practically tearing out her hair.45 The dark enclosure in which she is placed is too low for her to stand up, too narrow to spread out her arms, too shallow to stretch her legs. Thus, although we feel threatened by her vast bulk, we are also moved to pity for the large figure, a locked-up prisoner in her torture cell.46 Immediately after, he returned to Paris with Dora to take care of various businesses, notably his alien status, and to find out whether the unusually cold winter had done any damage in his apartment at rue de La Boétie or his studio at Grands-Augustins. He also had to consult his

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lawyer about the distribution of assets following the legal separation from Olga.47 He wrote to Sabartés who had stayed on the Atlantic coast with Marie-Thérèse and Maya: “I am working. I am painting; and I’m fed up. I would like to be in Royan, but everything takes too long.”48 Probably to make things easier in the current situation, he started the application process to obtain French naturalization.49 There is an anecdote in the diary of the Russian-British journalist Alexander Werth describing how Pablo even stood in line for that purpose, just as any other foreigner had to do: “He’s fed up with being a Spaniard. But you know what our red tape is like. Not long ago, I found him standing in a long queue at the Préfecture [de police]; and I had to rescue him. Do you know that Picasso is one of the very biggest taxpayers in France? Last year he paid 750,000 francs in income tax.”50 He went around visiting those friends who had not been mobilized: Brassaï, Hugnet, Ray, the Zervoses; or were on leave, such as Éluard, Breton and Aragon.51 He wrote again to Sabartés telling him to remain in place: “I work, I paint, I get bored. I would like to be in Royan, but everything takes too long.”52 On March 19, nostalgic for the sea and the atmosphere of a port city, the artist imagined strange pictures, frightening and burlesque, such as Nature morte aux poissons[241], and probably L’araignée de mer[242], both teeming with fish and disturbing crustaceans. In the former, the claws of the crab balance the shape of the scales. It might represent Picasso himself, weighing up the qualities of his two very different mistresses, Marie-Thérèse (the rounded fish in the center) and Dora (the aggressive, sharp-faced fish).53 Beyond his personal situation, as Boggs reminds us, the artist during this period tended to find malice in all kinds of unexpected places. He discovered it here as he had in the sheep skulls five months earlier. The crab with its wistful eyes and active claws is curiously appealing and the green eels with blue shadows self-absorbed, but the two fish are clearly predatory. The pointed fish is ready to cut off the crab’s claw, while the white rascasse with its frightening bracelet of teeth keeps the others at bay. This sense of menace is heightened by the sharp edges in the painting such as the chain of the scale or the teeth of the fish.54 Les anguilles de mer[243], painted a week later, shows bluish creatures often toothed, distilling by their swarming a sense of threat. These compositions of caught sea creatures express in a mode, again metaphorically and symbolically, the harsh cruelty of the war.55 All these animals are trapped in a melancholy purgatory between life and death, which may have been how Picasso found life at this time. On April 9, Hitler ordered the invasion of Denmark and Norway.56 The excuse was speculative proof that “England and France had jointly

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decided, if necessary, to carry out their action through the territory of the Northern States against the will of the latter . . . Germany has thus preserved the Scandinavian countries and peoples from destruction, and will until the end of the war defend true neutrality in the North.”57 The following day, Picasso started a series of female images which included Le chapeau à fleurs[244]. These paintings fulfill the main requirements of a portrait, although his previous studies of sacrificial lambs are in evidence. They represent the outer appearance of an individual in a recognizable way, but the subject is dissected in order to reflect the existential menace of a period that could hardly have been more turbulent, dangerous or uncertain, although only indirectly.58 As Morris has observed, many of these wartime paintings, often executed at night, would often present the same dark and intense tonality.59 In an oil from April 11, Buste de femme[245], Maar is shown seated in an armchair, with her upper body clothed in green and red, and her brown hair in bunches. Far from a naturalistic depiction, the painter has captured her in a characteristically bold, highly colorful and abstract idiom, breaking her individual features down into angled planes.60 Three days later, he did another of identical title, Buste de femme[246], where she is depicted again sitting in a armchair, this time dark turquoise, and attired in a contrasting rose-pink and red top, while her green-hued face with its tear-filled left eye appears framed by a cascade of hair with green highlights.61 Chest and head are divided up into angular chunks.62 These constructs, which have come a long way from reality, show by means of color and structure the threat to which the artist felt himself exposed.63 Despite his dark mood, he still found time to attend exhibitions.64 From April 19 to May 18, some of his works were shown in “Aquarelles, gouaches et dessins de Picasso” at Yvonne Zervos’s Gallery M.A.I on 8 rue Bonaparte.65 Little did he know that this would be his last show in Paris until the Salon de la Libération following the defeat of the city occupiers. He would soon receive another blow to his already low spirits. Although a favorable first report was issued by Le commissariat de la Madeleine on April 26 regarding his request for French naturalization, noting “Bons renseignements,”66 by May the prefect of police had reached a different conclusion, rejecting Picasso’s request.67 His acquaintance with anarchist circles at the beginning of the century in Barcelona, his recent anti-Francoist position and his firm opposition to fascist ideology displeased certain conservative sections of the French administration. Particularly offended by this refusal, Pablo chose to remain Spanish to the end of his life.68 The stressful political situation and the recent bad news from the authorities led him to seek refuge in

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the past. On May 2, the theme of a passionate encounter appeared in ink sketches like Homme accroupi et femme nue[247] and Couple, l’étreinte[248]. In the former, the artist reverted to a subject previously associated with Marie-Thérèse. A male bearded figure watches a nude while she sleeps.69 In the second, the couple are passionately embraced in a scene which reminds us of the Suite Vollard.70 These drawings are the last such literal works he would do on the theme of sexual union before the Germans entered France. The particularly aggressive depiction in one of them may have been a figurative comment about the ongoing Nazi assault on their European neighbors.71 Another drawing of a similar motif, Le viol[249], is one of his most provocative portrayals of the sexual act he ever did. Rendered on the eve of the German incursion into French territory, its emotional resonance conveys a fury and frustration that was perfectly suited to the times. As Nash explains, Picasso’s work during this period became “a private resistance effort, one that carried strong symbolic value for friends and other artists trapped within the same excoriating circumstances.”72 The powerful imagery evokes neo-Classical portrayals of the rape of the Sabine women by the conquering Roman army. He reconfigured the motif as an allegory, with the Nazi barbarian violating France’s hallowed Marianne. His rendering of the bodies as a composite of disjointed and angular planes alludes to the impending chaos of war.73 On May 10, continuous German aerial attack on the Netherlands and Belgium was followed by invasion, having immediately beaten French and British troops that had come to offer their support.74 Hitler told the Reichswehr the decisive hour had come (“For 300 years it was the aim of the English and French rulers to prevent every real consolidation of Europe and, above all, to hold Germany in weakness and impotency”).75 Extra French forces were duly dispatched north to engage with the enemy, in accordance with the established contingency plans.76 Picasso was in Paris at the time. He looked on as the entire city began to empty en masse. Chauffeured limousines, trunks filled, rushed southward, toward the Porte d’Orléans, Paris’s gateway to the Loire Valley. The most wealthy had been informed by friends in high places that the capital was in imminent danger and that, despite what the radio and newspapers said, the Germans would soon arrive.77 Two days later, the Nazi blitz conquest of the entire country began.78 During operation Fall Gelb, 134,000 foot soldiers, 1,222 tanks, and nearly 40,000 trucks—“the greatest traffic jam known to that date in Europe”—steadily made their way through the forested valleys of the Ardennes, and then along the Somme valley, pushing relentlessly towards the River Meuse in four slow-moving columns each nearly 250 miles long, cutting off and

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surrounding the Allied units that had advanced into Belgium to meet the expected invasion.79 The imminent arrival of Germans in Paris precipitated Picasso’s plans to return to Royan. While he got ready, he ran into Matisse in the street; to his surprise, he learned that the old painter was on the way to his tailor. When he reminded him that enemy forces might arrive the next day, Matisse asked: “But what about our generals, what are they doing?” Pablo wryly responded: “Oh, they are from the École des Beaux Arts.”80 Although Rosenberg’s distribution plans were well advanced by this time, there were still over 2,000 pieces stored in his gallery. Valsuani, the Paris foundry from which Picasso ordered most of his bronze casts, was forced to close and would remain shut until 1947. It still held some of the artist’s original plasters, which ran the risk of being destroyed.81 On May 13, the German High Command sent in about 1,000 Stuka bombers to pound French positions around Sedan. It was one of the heaviest air assaults in military history. Waves of attacks lasting up to eight hours gave the troops on the ground no option but to take cover or withdraw.82 A couple of days later armor divisions pushed further into France.83 The protection of Paris was now revealed as ridiculously inadequate. It consisted of an 80-mile semicircular line of ground defenses running west to east to the north of the city with about 200 concrete shelters, a similar number of machine-gun nests, about 1,000 anti-tank tetrahedrons, and some eight miles of anti-tank trenches. Besides the metropolitan police and the Garde républicaine, only two battalions of Senegalese soldiers, four platoons of Gardes mobiles and a few tanks were available within the capital to defend it.84 Nonetheless, most Parisians—white- and blue-collar workers, bureaucrats, small businessmen, students, and the elderly—still held to the narcissistic notion that they and their city remained secure. Yet, the boulevards and streets of the most prestigious addresses were definitely quieter and emptier than usual.85 Many had already left. Picasso departed with Maar for Royan on May 16. They went by train, thus avoiding the endless columns of refugees from Belgium who clogged the roads, trying to make their way to safety in the south, as German planes lurked overhead and strafed the helpless targets.86 He and Dora would take rooms again at Villa Les Voiliers, while MarieThérèse and Maya remained at Villa Gerbier-de-Joncs nearby.87 Mlle. Rolland, Picasso’s landlady, would later recall that mother and child spent most of the time with Mme. Sabartés and two other elderly Spanish ladies, while Dora was seen frequently with her friend Jacqueline Lamba, Breton’s wife. Jaume was the only person to ever visit Pablo’s atelier on the third floor of Les Voiliers, where he worked every

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day. The two would meet at Hôtel du Tigre at noon and then walk back to the studio, later to meet again in the afternoon, and finally at sunset, the secretary would come fetch him for dinner.88 The dribble of Belgian refugees into France soon became a flood. Makeshift camps had to be set up in schools, stadiums and hospitals. The authorities asked the refugees not to talk about their experiences, fearing this would have a demoralizing effect on the population.89 As the Wehrmacht encircled the opposing army in the north and started heading south, it took two million prisoners.90 French generals, to the stunned horror of their British allies, were already declaring that the war had been lost, demonstrating an irresponsible lack of preparation by the high command.91 Paul Reynaud made a radio broadcast in which he finally conceded that some serious military reverses had occurred. On May 19, he sacked General Gustave-Maurice Gamelin as commanderin-chief of the armed forces and brought General Maxime Weygand out of retirement to replace him.92 As usual, Picasso transferred the war situation to a symbolic domain. In the poem nid de vipères he wrote: “song of cocks midday or disorganized bustle of the petrified sky changing itself under spread out arms of the nest of vipers . . . poppies with orange smell of armpits.”93 It was a metaphorical enemy, the transcendent third heaven, that he retaliated against, by forcing it to descend from the exalted status conferred upon it as the space of creation to the simpler condition of a house in what Gasman calls a process of devolution. Rather than being sacred, angelic, or ethereal, the evil wings of the bull on high become “wings of the sky of blood sausages.” Through this aggressive metaphor, he suggested that the “blood” of the “winged blood sausages”—odeur des aisselles (20 May 1940)—was drawn out of the pulverized organic and inorganic materials fallen into the confusion of hell.94 The novelist Irène Némirovsky provided a compelling narrative of the general situation in France in late May. She described it as “a world turned upside down, where lost or abandoned children ran wild, mothers stole gasoline, the elderly were left behind, self-interest and greed were rampant, and class divisions were exacerbated.”95 Paul Reynaud warned the Senate: “The country is in danger,” as he announced that Amiens and Arras had also been taken by the Germans. After the Wehrmacht reached Atrecht, Hitler even halted its advance, convinced of his imminent victory. He had been assured by Hermann Göring that the Luftwaffe could finish the job. In just a few days Operation Dynamo would be launched allowing for the evacuation of defeated British, French and Belgian troops from the beaches of Dunkirk.96

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As mentioned earlier, the Valsuani foundry still held seven bronzes and several of Picasso’s plasters. Aware that it could be bombed at any time, as Allied forces began a strategic campaign to destroy industrial facilities around France, he asked Sabartés to contact Dante Canestri at the foundry through Kahnweiler in order to bring his works to the safety of the rue des Grands-Augustins studio.97 The dealer obliged, bringing over to Paris also the plasters that had remained in the château de Boisgeloup when Pablo fled for Royan. This was a wise move, since by the end of May, the place—transformed into a sculpture studio in the 1930s and now maintained by the administrators Marie and Alfred Réty—had been looted and requisitioned by French soldiers.98 Four days later he got more bad news: a negative second report had been issued by the criminal brigade, attached to La Direction des Renseignements généraux, on his application for naturalization. They concluded that the artist had “always upheld radical ideas, evolving towards communism,” and therefore had “no legitimate claim to naturalization,” and “should be considered suspicious.” He would not reveal any of this to anyone, not even his close relatives.99 Through the end of June, the army would courageously fight the advancing enemy, suffering high casualties. In the month and a half that the Battle of France lasted, between 55,000 and 65,000 French and colonial troops had met their death, and maybe as many as 120,000 had been wounded. Almost two million had been taken prisoner.100 Parisians who remained in the city were determined to carry on as normal, as if doing so would somehow make the war go away.101 Due to government censorship, people were not even aware that plans to establish a line of defense from the Somme to the Maginot Line had been abandoned, and they did not know that the army had failed to retake Abbeville, Amiens, Laon, and Rethel. But they saw waves of refugees arriving in the region—not just Belgians, but also ever-increasing numbers of French people, both military and civilian, who were fleeing south.102 On June 3, the Luftwaffe hit the airports as well as the Renault and Citroën factories in the outskirts of Paris with 1,100 bombs.103 This resulted in a mass exodus of three million more people. The better off had already departed. It was those with less resources that left later, if at all possible, since travel proved difficult. Soon gas was in short supply and the main roads out of Paris were littered with abandoned cars.104 The letters he received from Zervos and Kahnweiler during these conflictive months were emblematic. The former informed him of Carl Einstein’s suicide. The dealer was residing at Le-Repaire-l’Abbaye near Saint-Léonard-de-Noblat (Haute-Vienne) by Limoges in the Limousin

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region, where he had sought refuge at the Lascauxs’ home. From there, he asked him for a check for Einstein’s widow Lyda.105 At this point, German forces began operation Fall Rot. The sixty remaining French divisions and their two British counterparts responded, putting up a resolute resistance but were unable to overcome the enemy’s air superiority and armored mobility. Wehrmacht tanks outflanked the Maginot Line and pushed deeper into France.106 On June 4, he made further studies for the oil Grand nu assis (Femme se coiffant)[240] as part of Sketchbook 21 in which the female figure took on hitherto unimagined forms. Many of its pages were also literally dotted with poems crossed out or left incomplete. Both text and graphics often coexist on the same page. In both cases, incessant repetition, modification and inversion became the norm, resembling cante jondo singing and its weave of improvisations.107 This can be seen in the poem la beauté qui s’évapore: “the beauty that evaporates from its hands sets down its dewiness in the sewer system . . . climbing flowers elbowing under the green rug of the linden . . . the acrid emanations of the lilac cloth . . . the flames race after the braid that consumes itself in a spiral.”108 Two days later, German forces crossed the Somme and reached Forges-les-Eaux, just 75 miles north of Paris. In an emergency response, some 10,000 French soldiers were placed about thirty miles north of the city together with 200 guns and 30 assault tanks.109 As a possible reaction to the feared, impending attack, many of Picasso’s depicted heads lost some or all of their flesh, the bone structure or the bone itself becoming visible. Lips no longer covered the teeth, and there was a vacant look in the eyes. The metamorphosis to skeleton in several of them became almost complete.110 As the invading army was just ninety miles from Paris, the Third Republic held its last cabinet meeting on June 9.111 Newspapers and radio stations attempted to bolster anti-German sentiment and stiffen the resolve of Parisians, describing the Nazis as “barbarian hordes.”112 The next day, in a letter dispatched from Paris to Royan, Zervos informed Pablo: “Here, it is starting to get worse. It’s been two nights that I have not closed my eyes as the gunshots are approaching . . . As I was about to mail this letter, I met a soldier coming from Gisors. He tells me that the Germans did not enter [the town], but what they did is beyond imagination. It seems that nothing has been left standing and that the town is in complete ruins.”113 That same day Picasso made the drawing Buste de femme[250], where Dora was clothed in muddy green against a brownish background, a color scheme suggestive of the German uniform.114 While the upper half of the head is shown alive and alert with fearful eyes and a hound’s nose, jaw and mouth are dry and

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bony as a skull, reminding us of the proximity of death in a traditional vanitas iconography.115 President Albert Lebrun, Prime Minister Raynaud, President of the Senate Jules Jeanneney and much of the Chamber of Deputies slipped out of Paris, reassembling in Orléans.116 Many others left. Journalist Arved Arenstam witnessed the turmoil at Gare d’Austerlitz: “About 20,000 people are massed in front of the station, most of them seated on their belongings. It is impossible to move and the heat is unbearable . . . I have now been standing wedged in this seething mass for over three hours . . . A woman standing near us has fainted . . . Children are crying all around.”117 The writer Marcel Jouhandeau provided another eyewitness account: “It seems that everyone is leaving on a long journey and here we are, alone in an ocean of abandoned homes. Those who will arrive speak a different language. We will understand it no better than that of birds and domestic animals.”118 Throughout the first months of the year, Picasso had alternated harmonious representations of Maar with despairing figures. Now he radically distorted her in Buste de femme[252] with a front eye placed on top of a profile nose on the right side of her face, while the left shows the eye sideways and a mouth in three-quarter view. An even more severe disfigurement appears in Tête de femme[251] where one eye is displaced to the forehead, the other stuck on the nose, while the cheek is only a cavity, and her luscious lips are replaced by bare teeth in a sheep’s skull; furthermore, the hand on which the head rests becomes a cauliflower ear.119 The enemy had infiltrated Picasso’s representation of Dora. He would say years later: “When the Germans came to France, I was in Royan. One day I painted a portrait of a woman, and when the Germans marched into Royan a few days later, I saw that the head resembled a German steel helmet.”120 On June 12, Paul Reynaud called on Parisians to leave the city.121 However, once the fighting reached the outskirts, escape by train was virtually impossible. Those with cars or trucks were usually the first to leave, but they were soon slowed down by traffic jams or bomb craters. Those with horse-drawn carts or bicycle were then followed by people on foot, many of them pushing heavily laden prams. The lucky travelers headed toward provincial homes where family or friends waited to receive them. Most found themselves hungry and homeless, refugees in their own country. French soldiers whose units had disintegrated were left roaming the countryside in shock, not knowing where to find their families. Foreigners who had escaped internment camps understood only that they had to head south.122 In early summer, Kahnweiler had kept him informed from Le-Repaire-l’Abbaye of the departure of some

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of their friends: Masson for Auvergne, Gris for Mende, Breton, Jacqueline and Aube for Martigues.123 He now wrote again: “I still have hope for the final victorious outcome of the war. It is not possible for the forces of evil to prevail over all that is life. So it was not useful to give Mr. Hitler the pleasure of staying, to fall into his hands.”124 German troops entered Paris on June 14.125 It happened almost silently. The city had lost 60 percent of its population and, aside from the invading army vehicles, its streets were empty. Soldiers took up positions in front of ministries and army buildings, while senior officers installed themselves in the city’s best hotels, starting with the Crillon in Place de la Concorde and soon also the Meurice, Lutetia, Raphaël and George V. The military command, the Militärbefehlshaber in Frankreich (MBF), set up its headquarters in the Hôtel Majestic, close to the Arc de Triomphe. The Luftwaffe, in turn, took over the French Senate.126 Abiding by old principles put to the test during previous years, Germany immediately set out to sap the morale of the French population by bringing them around to the occupier’s views and, at the same time, by alienating them from the authorities that had previously governed them. In practice, this initial policy was aided by the docility of the defeated government and its tendency to go the occupying forces one better, but it was undercut by the rivalries between different Nazi factions.127 Heinrich Himmler had arranged to have some twenty members of the Reichssicherheitshauptamt (RSHA) smuggled into the city. They soon established their base in the Hôtel du Louvre. The commando was led by an SS major, Helmut Knochen. Their purpose was to keep an eye on the Reich’s “ideological enemies,” especially Jews, Communists, antiNazi Germans and Freemasons. The RSHA soon butted heads with the MBF. Determined to maintain its own tight control over policing and security, it kept a close watch on Knochen’s shadowy group and insisted that its activities be strictly limited to information-gathering and that the fruits of any investigations be handed over to the MBF.128 At first, Picasso did not paint anything directly related to the new circumstances he was forced to live under, although slowly he would allow the realities outside the studio to enter his creative world. One must consider that, as a foreigner in an invaded country, a supporter of Republicans in Spain and a “degenerate artist,” he was already considered a prime suspect. He would need the protection of another artist, Hitler’s “official state sculptor” Arno Breker, his exact opposite ideologically and artistically, not to be harassed during these years by the Gestapo, despite latent hostility.129 In accordance with Dora’s “Kafkaesque” personality, Picasso would often portray his lover trapped in a room, imprisoned behind bars or constrained to a chair

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against a dark and somber green background as in the oil Buste de femme[253] from June 16. Although distorted, she is immediately recognizable, her large sickle-moon-shaped eyes mournful, delicately edged with crimson to suggest they are red from crying. In one single sweep of his brush, the artist has bestowed his lover with a streak of grey that adds to the impression that she has aged prematurely from the mounting stress.130 As Walther states, “the value and authenticity of the picture is achieved not by descriptive accuracy or a simple re-telling of a story, but through the unceasing timeliness of suffering . . . The work is dominated by pain and horror, not as a momentary phenomenon but the everpresent dark side of human life.”131 The color and outlines are by no means harmonious; rather, they create an atmosphere of conflict.132 After the French government had transferred from the Loire Valley to Bordeaux, the cabinet voted in favor of an armistice with Germany.133 Many on the left suspected that the armistice was the French Right’s revenge—a way to undermine the legacy of the Third Republic that conservatives despised. Composed essentially of the military, the very Catholic, aristocrats, monarchists, and industrialists, the Right had seen or imagined their power wane. They had hated the liberal emphasis on public education, the support of labor, secularism, and the guarantee of a social safety net. Moreover, to their chagrin, France had welcomed tens of thousands of immigrants in the last few years.134 Marshal Henri-Philippe Pétain replaced Premier Reynaud, who had chosen to resign as prime minister, rather than surrender.135 By midJune, France had formally sent Hitler the request for an armistice. German authorities in Paris meanwhile kept busy requisitioning buildings for their own use, including ministries, large and small hotels, industrial and commercial buildings, hospitals, etc. The Chamber of Deputies, the Senate, the Ministry of War and the Ministry of the Navy, the biggest hotels on the Champs-Elysées, on the rue de Rivoli and in the area around the Opéra, were immediately guarded by armed sentries. Swastika flags waved from their roofs, while enormous blood-red, black, and white Nazi banners were mounted on their facades. Unless Parisians had a special pass, they were banned from German-controlled buildings; indeed whole areas of the city were out of bounds to them.136 The precision and efficiency of the invaders awed Parisians. They had run a network of spies inside the city before the war, taking careful notes of buildings, apartments, crossroads, transport, and Métro stations.137 In late June, Alfred Rosenberg started establishing the Paris office of the Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg (ERR), whose main purpose was to confiscate artefacts of the highest caliber for Hitler’s planned Führermuseum in Linz, Austria.138

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On June 19, Picasso completed the oil Femme se coiffant[240] (started March 6).139 As Rubin has pointed out, the purpose of the extreme transfigurations in this imposing female was “to suggest psychic conflict through somatic dislocation.”140 In the face of defeat and occupation, the French responded successively with anger, despair, resignation and accommodation. Feeling powerless, they adopted attentisme.141 Even before the armistice was signed, sad, defiant, anxious, or hostile refugees had begun drifting back to Paris. The authorities had given people until the end of September to return home. German troops even helped the refugees as part of a campaign to boost popularity, and also because it was not in Germany’s interest to have hordes of people wandering around the country.142 About this time, Picasso surprisingly made several classical drawings of MarieThérèse like Portrait d’une femme assise[254], which seems like a serene and lovely apparition among the other studies of contorted nudes. The image of his former mistress may however carry a broader, patriotic meaning. Her profile evokes that of Marianne, the feminine embodiment of the ideals of the French Republic (as seen on the national seal), which were now being threatened by the occupier.143 Dora, for her part, continued to be associated with trial and tribulation, as may be observed in the drawing Dora Maar et Têtes de mort[255] where she took the role of the tortured victim, an incarnation of suffering to the point of madness, appearing disfigured to emulate the purposeful annihilation of the individual sought by the Nazis. In Picasso’s fight against the dark forces, art became his sole weapon. He produced monsters because the world had become monstrous. In these years of deprivation and restrictions, hunger and cold, a number of still lifes testified to a universe that had been reduced to almost nothing. Death lurked around and came sometimes uninvited with a sardonic grin under the appearance of a bull skull or an emaciated carcass. In his inner exile, his strong faith in life and art became essential to dig into the depths of his soul for images of a salvaged humanity.144 Although owners of food shops purchased their supplies from the fruit and vegetable market in Les Halles and from stocks held in Paris mainline railway stations, Parisians found shortages in most parts of the city, notably of coffee, milk, wine, some tinned goods, and pasta.145 German authorities imposed a 9 p.m. curfew so that throughout the night the only lights visible were the ghostly blue street lamps and the torches carried by pedestrians. Such restrictions, added to shortages, air raid drills, a lack of automobiles, and the “repedestrianization” of Paris, turned the modern city into an eerie warren of sinister places, avoided by the majority of anxious citizens.146

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The armistice was signed on June 22 at Rethondes (near Compiègne) by Henri Philippe Pétain, on terms dictated exclusively by Germany.147 France was to be divided into an “occupied zone” in the north and west and an “unoccupied zone” in the south. The following day a jubilant Hitler toured the capital in the company of architect Albert Speer and sculptor Arno Breker.148 He wanted to see examples of the city’s past to understand how it had arrived at the center of the world’s urban imagination. Two major strategies of the Occupation were: to keep Paris in stasis as an example of an ideal metropolis, and to undermine its most distinctive trait, its porosity—that is, its openness to liberal ideas and to outsiders.149 That same day, the German army entered Royan.150 His first glimpse of the occupying troops was probably from the terrace of the Hôtel du Tigre where he lived. The high command set up its headquarters in the Hôtel de Paris, next to his atelier at Villa Les Voiliers.151 He again considered leaving town, but came to the conclusion that it would be a hassle to move the bulk of his art, always his primary concern, and to transplant his many complicated personal relationships into foreign exile, notwithstanding the many offers from abroad.152 Meanwhile in Paris, the new authorities continued to impose their rule. Joachim von Ribbentrop, German minister of foreign affairs, had his own man in the city, Otto Abetz, who had established his headquarter in the former German embassy on rue de Lille on the 7th arrondissement.153 A former art teacher, in the 1920s, Abetz was fluent in French and would use his post to befriend conservative writers and journalists, among them Drieu La Rochelle, Brasillach and Jacques Benoist-Méchin.154 He was always on the look out to get undeserved credit. When Wilhelm Keitel, supreme commander of the armed forces, sent a note to Alfred von Vollard-Bockelberg, military commander of Paris, announcing Hitler’s order that works of art belonging to Jews should be taken and “put into safe-keeping,” Ribbentrop informed Abetz.155 He reacted by telling the German military in Paris that it was he who had been charged with the seizure of Jewish-owned works.156 Works should be sent to the Hôtel de Beauharnais at 78, rue de Lille, which housed the current German Embassy.157 The Feldpolizei soon looted the home and gallery of Picasso’s neighbor and dealer Paul Rosenberg, at No. 21, rue La Boétie.158 By early July, Pétain’s collaborationist government had been installed at Vichy.159 He and his future deputy, Pierre Laval, had spotted the town’s suitability as a seat of government. Situated in the center of the country, only thirty miles from the demarcation line dividing occupied and unoccupied zones. it was just a few hours away from Paris by road or rail.160 The environment created by the Pétain regime was one of

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secrecy, veiled discourses, manipulative statements, suspicion, and double-talk.161 This might explain the level of complexity in the encoding that we find in Picasso’s texts at this point. In his wartime epic La corrida the evil “wings of the sky with blood puddings” is placed in a region between earth and heaven.162 To understand his conception of evil existing above the earth and directing its air-fleets aggressively towards the earth below, it is necessary to follow its trajectory from hell to heaven in the Cosmographical Diagrams that he designed to accompany his poems. The infernal “winged bull/winged eye” emanates from the infernal center of the imbricated cosmic half circles emitting an axial ray, stopping on the edge of the containing semicircle traversed by the gyratory garland of clouds separating the material, observable, cosmos from the intelligible “heaven of heavens.” The additional seven lines/rays fanning out from the emblem of that winged all-seeing beast attempt but fail to extend beyond the despicable chain of clouds marking the impenetrable otherness of the highest heavens, as already noted in a ce moment la cloque (2.4.1938), where “leaping upwards,” his body, the “room . . . bangs itself against the clouds,” being thus prevented from penetrating the terra incognita of the surrounding godless or void infinity. The spheres of the material cosmos are surrounded by an impenetrable infinite void: the “scaffolding of the sphere is leaping in the infinite void” he had written in la plaque photographique (7 January 1940).163 In order to articulate the useable, deadly essence of the “eye of the bull”/”the nada,” Picasso appends to its image his favorite figure for the revelation of death’s hidden presence, the “mirror,” the “astonished eye of the bull [who is] the nada [flying] between two waters looks at himself in his mirror [reflecting] himself”—the “nada” or death. Confirming the same justified lethal retort, the “pins and nails of flowers,” prefiguring the scissors/wings of the avenging “white lily,” are thrust into the heavenly “roof” occupied by the “eye of the bull.” As Gasman suggests, Picasso’s “roseaux” representing the casualties incurred by the nullifying “nada” duplicate Pascal’s “roseau,” the metaphorical “thinking reed.” Not only is Pascal’s “thinking reed” dwarfed by the vastness of infinity, but because of the indefinite nature of this vastness, this human “reed” is unable to demarcate the particular, specific spatial compartment he occupies, a demarcation which is the sine qua non condition of his life as a real individual. He resumed the theme of the “lake [and] its reeds” as a watery burial site where the “flow of life which is frightened at the middle of the open eye of the flower . . . [possesses] the feel of a corpse . . . and the smell of tripes pulled out by the horns of [the winged bull inside] the sun”—polvos de picapica (19 July).164

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In Picasso’s diagrams, the infernal center is shown without commentary as a dot-like black point enclosed in a circle (sphere), described by him as the “globo” of the earth, itself the center of the surrounding spheres of the universe, whose diameter gradually increases to culminate in the largest, all-containing, outermost cosmic ring called by him the “cielo” (the heaven). The center of evil in the diagrams is confronted by the militant forces of good, portrayed as an armed but immaculate “white lily which climbs on all four the ladder of the roof [is] wallowing between [the sky’s] daggers [and] honey fritters [and with the] wings of her scissors [she is] cutting the string of the globe that falls face down on the sky and bursts” in azucena que sube (2 August).165 The artist’s writings maintained a steady commitment to the law of reciprocal “violence,” returning the same heavy blows the aggressor had hit the innocent victims with: the “horn [of the wounding bull brings about] the blood of the torero . . . [who, in turn, brings forth] the blood that spurts from the middle of the chest of the sun/bull”; the “blood that issues from the middle of the chest of the wide open sun” panal de rica miel (4 July);166 the “angular twisted circumference [of] the globe of [hell’s] foul smell”—medio dormido (6 July);167 the “piece of the sky that scratches its thorn [horn] among the errors of the clouds” (7th?); the “other world blowing over the roof of the room in [devolving] spirals”—que se llevan tendido (8th);168 the “red cloud that gives off the rottenest of the piece of the sun dead [killed]”— piedra a piedra (10th);169 the “shots of the [flying] machine joining [those of] the clouds,” the “roof of the hidden flames [supported by] . . . the three long staffs of the black cloak”—jabón negro (11th);170 the “skin torn alive from the sun spitting its tripe”—piel arrancada viva (12th);171 the “sky of the great latrine of the all [the whole universe],” the “air that now gnaws its unshod wings”—los miles y miles (13th);172 the “fire that burns under the canopy of [the vault above] the green [landscape]”—nariz aguileña (14th);173 the “grimaces of the yellow pink [sun] that spits its ink on the cape of ashes . . . [by using an] extremely complicated mechanism”—carretas de bueyes (17th);174 the “rockets [,] caprice and whim and scarecrows of a type of color of [devilish] sulphur”—polvos de picapica (19th); the “electric lines of the telegraph without wires . . . darts of fire and punishment”—copa de cristal (21st);175 the “black ceremonial suits of the shaken air that fan their wings of bats”—haraposa escurriendo (30th).176 Picasso relied on the counteroffensive of his “exorcistic poetry”177 to prevail over his enemy or at least weaken its assaults: the “magic lantern of [his] colors licks [bites] the angular [stinging and distorted] circumference” (the abode of the delinquent center), and coarsely, he “urinated on

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the entire globe [the] odor [the arsonist vapor] of his burning] cigarettes”—medio dormido (6th).178 His war output, inhabited by an unspeakable formal violence, surprises at the same time by its humility and banality. As the artist himself said: “The most common object is a vessel, a vehicle of my thought.”179 To focus on the trivial, the down-to-earth, the most common spheres of existence; to turn the banal into the extraordinary, the habitual into the mythical, the intimate into the political, the daily life into history, this could define, in part, his work of these dark years. Perhaps imbued with Bataille’s base materialism, he gave us the most immediate reality, lived from the inside, from the concrete. In his paintings, the cramped, dark, low-ceilinged, stripped-down interiors, opaque, austere, and greyish forms, express the material and psychological confinement in which beings and objects are condemned to suffer. “Asphyxiation is watching,” Zervos wrote to him desperately on August 8. And a few days earlier: “The city is dead, almost petrified . . . Here life is extremely sad, a grisaille that suffocates . . . The country is emptied, emptied of everything.”180 Although the French state was represented in Paris by the prefect of the Seine and the prefect of police, the government did not initially have its own direct representative until the arrival of Vichy’s emissary, Léon Noël on July 9.181 The armistice agreement had determined that all employees of the French state in the occupied zone had to simply comply with the German authorities, help them enforce their directives and maintain law and order.182 “The Occupation was intolerable; people barely survived,” Baer has written. “Some have called it a time of Purgatory . . . All is gloomy, dark, and cold. One might also describe this period as a long winter that lasted four years . . . This cold drove people into themselves, into a total silence. People lived under the leaden lid of a stormy, icy sky . . . Streets were empty, the intersections full of boards covered with German Gothic lettering. Curfew, glacial winter and fear were the only items on the menu. You never knew what might happen to those you loved. No one talked . . . silence and suspicion were the watchwords . . . Poor Picasso! No doubt he was a little bit paranoid during those years. But what beautiful paintings he made out of that real but imagined persecution.”183 The first major adjustment following the Occupation probably had to do with automobile transportation. Parisian owners of large cars (in particular, models from 1938, 1939, and 1940) were ordered to take them to the Vincennes hippodrome, on the outskirts of the city, for evaluation and “purchase” by the authorities. Buses were transformed from gasoline power to wood and charcoal power (gazogène), which was

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provided by large containers atop the vehicles. The bicycle—soon de rigueur for anyone not walking—became even more prevalent, and in the occupied zone every one of them had to be registered.184 On July 11, Pablo executed the drawing Étreinte[256], which Daix calls “an embrace with the savagery of rape.”185 Around this time, the weekly journal Au Pilori was published for the first time by HenryRobert Petit, a conservative activist supported by the Nazis, and it soon gained in notoriety thanks to its ignominious content. As a central disseminator of anti-Semitism, it served as the main organ of denouncement, along with other publications like Je suis partout and Le Cri du Peuple. With an average circulation of 65,000 copies, it counted on a loyal following of readers who were mainly isolated collaborationists.186 By the middle of the month, the idea of “abandonment” had become a recurring theme in these journals. They insisted that the current difficulties faced by Parisians were caused by the British, the Jews, the Freemasons, and the corrupt politicians of the Third Republic, who had pushed France into war with Germany.187 This spirit of distrust was probably what led to the xenophobic laws passed by the Vichy government which banned all individuals without a French father from being employed by the state.188 They also ruled that any citizens who had left the country between May 10 and June 30 would be stripped of their citizenship. This included numerous wealthy Parisian Jews, who, unlike the poorer ones in the city, had fled abroad.189 Zervos kept Pablo in Royan informed of the situation in the capital, letting him know, for instance, that the Spanish embassy had posted notices on the doors of his apartment in the 23, rue La Boétie and his studio in the 7, rue des Grands-Augustins, placing both “under its protection.”190 The stress the artist was living under was reflected in one of the most unhinged pages of his sketchbook from July 24, Feuille d’études: nus aux bras levés, bustes et têtes de femme, crânes, yeux[257], covered with drawings of a woman with extended arms on both sides of the head, as well as busts with mouths roughly sutured, and sheep skulls whose eyes are pinned with fiery eyes. They might been influenced by Dora’s earlier photocollages with invading and threatening eyeballs. In fact, she had also used similar fragments of the human anatomy in her well-known montage 29, rue d’Àstorg.191 Picasso added another section to his long epic poem La corrida with langue de boeuf.192 The recurring verb “plow over” in the text refers to the unstoppable threat of obliteration.193 His status as a foreigner and suspected communist placed him in a delicate position. Admittedly, Spain had declared its neutrality, but refugees crossing the Pyrenees had already been forcibly sent as compagnies de travailleurs to factories or,

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even worse, to concentration camps in Germany.194 The artist also feared to be classified as a Jew and get the brutal treatment he witnessed in others, especially foreign Jews. As early as the 1920s, Pablo’s ethnic background had been questioned by art historians like Elie Faure. While recognizing his intellectual influence on European painting, Faure had accused him of being “a Mediterranean in which Semitic blood prevailed.” “Could Picasso be Jewish?,” he had asked.195 On July 28, in another move against “outsiders,” the French government instructed the Paris police to order all foreigners over fifteen living in the Seine department to register with the authorities by August 6.196 On that same day in August, he received another letter from Zervos: “We are suffocating. Asphyxiation is waiting for us . . . I feel overwhelmed now, especially since, as you know, we are cut off from any postal service with the unoccupied zone . . . In Royan you at least have the sea, air, light, here we are in a prison. We hear nothing here except about food, bread, etc. There is almost nothing to eat and people are starting to find it difficult.”197 In a desperate attempt to reduce consumption, the Vichy government decreed at this point that bread could go on sale only twenty-four hours after it had been baked, when it was already starting to go stale. Very soon, with shelves in the shops ever more depleted and queues outside increasingly common and growing longer by the day, they started introducing further restrictions.198 Picasso made one of the rare self-portraits of the period in two pencil drawings from August 11, Portrait de l’artiste[258] and Autoportrait[259]. In the latter, as Baldassari describes, “his head bursts out of his collar, the eyes bulging, the pupils dilated, more from helplessness than fear.”199 The realization that the Occupation might be a direct threat to his life precipitated an intense self-examination. He depicted himself with a very serious expression, not looking directly at the viewer, as though to shield his private thoughts from an interrogator.200 Under the weight and framing power of the Nazis, in this airless environment, artists and intellectuals who stayed in France had a very thin margin in which to work.201 Picasso saw nothing but evil all around. The “eye in the air” of the inimical winged bull was not so much an idea, a cosmological abstraction, for him, but a perception of a presence that he could see face to face. In brújula forjando the “axe of the [taurine] sun “shining in heaven’s “mantle of cruelty,” and the missile’s cutting “angle that falls from the plate of lenses” glittering on the night sky, tumble on the “rugged skin of the sand,” where Picasso, the “bled blue . . . dries with his paper the [blinding] light that insinuates itself through the grooves

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“of his sandy deathbed.”202 He attempted, for the first time, to illustrate precisely the singularity of the infernal “well” and its resident, the cosmic “winged bull: ”the black mouths [are] swelling in the flayed flesh of the well torn out from the bottom of the [bull’s] eye flying like a ball without interruption from the sky to the earth and from the earth to the sky.”203 In three unusually disturbing texts written between August 17 and 19, as if in a trance, hypnotically suspended between consciousness and sleep, he absentmindedly kept on repeating one single phrase— “tomorrow Sunday in the Cartagena bullring at four o’clock in the afternoon weather permitting there will be a bullfight”—referring to the cyclical return of the “corrida,” his symbol for the war that was being waged around him. On August 15, early in the morning, in front of the Hôtel du Golf, a German sentinel guarding the Kommandatur had been gunned down. Late that afternoon, an apparent stray bullet had come flying through Pablo’s dining room window on the main floor below his studio at Les Voiliers.204 The situation became extremely tense. Some individuals, perhaps engaged in pre-Résistance activities, had several times cut one of the main electrical cables near Royan. German authorities had threatened “capital punishment” and warned that they would take “hostages” to guarantee the “cessation of sabotage.”205 On that same day, he made a series of drawings of the café in front of his residence transforming what began as realistic depictions into more abstract, turbulent images. The completed painting of the same scene, Café à Royan[260], alluded to his growing disenchantment with the town under Nazi control through his use of acid-toned colors, mixing yellow with violet, blue and green with orange. He feared that in a community so much smaller than Paris, he was all the more conspicuous as a foreigner.206 Although Pétain’s regime was based in Vichy in the south, it also had responsibilities all over the occupied zone. To maintain order, it counted on the traditional network of préfets who provided Vichy with crucial information about the population’s increasingly hostile reaction to the Occupation.207 On August 20, he wrote larga procesión: “long processional of eyes of walking on the tips of toes . . . the crust of bread only just taken from the oven.”208 Around this time a Paris police report confirmed that the conditions in the city were deteriorating, but, contrary to Pétain’s assertions, it concluded that the Germans were mainly responsible for the prevalent decline, mostly due to shortages: egg deliveries were few and far between, milk could be delivered only in the afternoon, cheese was in short supply.209 As the Occupation lingered, Parisians began to feel alienated, disconnected from their familiar environment; emotionally detached. One of the ironies of an occupied city was that, while it

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brought its citizens closer together physically, it separated them psychologically.210 Things were not necessarily better in more rural areas. According to Mlle. Rolland, the situation for foreigners even in the small town of Royan had become untenable. They were exposed to the suspicion of the Germans, as well as to the xenophobia of some of the French, especially those who seemed to be accommodating themselves easily to new circumstances.211 Therefore, Picasso asked Marcel to take him and Sabartés to Paris, bringing also Kazbek and some of the paintings he had completed.212 Dora traveled by train at the same time, while MarieThérèse and Maya would remain behind in Royan.213 His presence in Paris did not go unnoticed by the occupying forces who wished he had left for good, as others had done. Despite his fame, still intact and reinforced in the United States by the great exhibition “Forty Years of His Art,” he had not been part of the cohort of European intellectuals who had left for America with the support of Varian Fry and the Emergency Rescue Committee. “Oh, I do not like giving in to force. I am here, I am staying here. The only force that could make me leave would be the desire to leave. Staying is not really an act of courage, it’s just a form of inertia. I think I prefer to be here. Then I’ll stay here no matter what.”214 Entartete Künstler for the Nazis, a fervent opponent to Franco’s regime, he was allowed to continue to work, but remained under close and constant surveillance by Gestapo officers, who visited his studio on a number of occasions. He was not allowed to show his canvases in one-man exhibitions during this period. As a result, his wartime output was hardly ever seen outside his workplace.215 Picassos could still be found for sale, as it appears that public art life in occupied Paris was more plentiful than might be assumed;216 but the ones available were almost entirely resale items, offered at auction or in galleries by desperate collectors or dealers.217 Cast into internal exile he submersed himself in his work, frantically painting day after day, as if a silent protest against the attempt to silence him.218 Writing of Picasso’s importance in this respect, Barr noted: “His very existence in Paris encouraged the Résistance artists, poets and intellectuals who gathered in his studio or about his cafe table . . . Picasso’s presence during the Occupation became of tremendous occult importance . . . his work has become a sort of banner of the Résistance Movement.”219 Life in the capital was slow. The artist divided his time between his Grands-Augustins studio and Le Catalan, a restaurant near the studio owned by the Catalan Monsieur Arnau where he ate. It reminded him of his homeland both in ambiance and cuisine. Although he was under surveillance, he was not extremely worried about the German authorities. “His arrest would have been scandalous,” reported Cocteau who

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would intervene in his favor with Arno Breker. Picasso also benefited from the support of Maurice Toesca in the police headquarters and André-Louis Dubois, former police chief and deputy director of National Security. In relative tranquility, he could devote himself to his art. About the Germans, he confided to Sabartés: “Basically. if you pay attention, you will see that they are very stupid. So many troops, tanks, power and noise to come here! . . . But we, without moving from here, it’s been quite some time since we occupied Berlin and I do not think they can kick us out.”220 Towards the end of August, Picasso slowly started to frequent once again his old haunts, cafés, his friends’ studios, etc.221 Yet, as summer progressed, German surveillance noted the mood of Paris worsening as the initial shock of the Occupation began to wear off, which led Helmut Knochen to report “a growing anti-German tendency.”222 It was one thing to see foreign soldiers in expected places—before major buildings, monuments, crossroads—but quite another to run into them on side streets or in one’s favorite café. They seemed to have come out of nowhere, silently, to infest the city.”223 As racial laws were introduced relating to naturalizations subsequent to 1927 that distinguished nationals from foreigners,224 several anti-Semitic detractors worked diligently on a baseless semitization of Picasso. An anonymous critic would write: “In sculpture, in painting, as in literature, the Jewish schools succeed one another: futurism, dadaism, cubism, etc., etc. Silly works exposed to the public scandalize them a little at first, but Jew flattering quickly persuades those believed to be the elite of the country that it is in good taste to admire these subtle and profound masterpieces, and everyone ends up raving about the Kisling, the Chagall, the Picasso School etc., etc.” The so-called “school of Picasso” would participate, according to these detractors, in a Judeo-Bolshevik cultural politics strongly accepting the cosmopolitanism and innovation of pictorial languages. The anti-Semitic press went so far as to suggest a deficiency in the painter’s mental capacity. “Matisse in the trash, Picasso to Charenton [a lunatic asylum]” became a refrain in the columns of the collaborationist press.225 Everybody sought someone else to blame for the growing shortages and rising prices. Shopkeepers accused the farmers and wholesalers of hoarding and of price manipulation; shoppers accused the shopkeepers of profiteering; collaborationists blamed the Jews. Vegetables became rare: leeks, carrots, turnips, cabbages and potatoes were in short supply.226 The Vichy government officially introduced an extraordinarily complicated system of rationing. It was hopelessly inadequate as a solution to the issue of scarcity.227 As expected, a poem from

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September 18, vu matin, included many references to food items: “clouds oozing drool on the sky’s liquid bricks stinking up the sheets of the vines . . . the blue’s harp sprinkled over the batter . . . cheese crusts . . . butter grass caress of fingers . . . a rain of dead birds hits the wall and bloodies the room with its laughter.”228 The next day, he continued with “autre matin: ” “while sliding its paunch into the room rips its skin at the butter saw of the plaster’s frigid lips . . . drops of blood flowing from its ripped out feathers . . . heaped in a corner for this feast.”229 On October 2, on the eve of Rosh Hashanah, press announcements and leaflets distributed near synagogues informed Jews that they had to register at their local police station by the end of the month.230 The same directives ruled that Jewish business owners had until then to display a yellow poster in their premises identifying them.231 The following day, Vichy France implemented Le Statut des Juifs, authorizing the internment of Jews defined by “race” and stripping them of certain rights.232 A malicious rumor started circulating again that Picasso was Jewish. The critic Florent Fels, for instance, claimed: “Max Jacob, who was his most intimate friend told me that [Picasso] was half Jewish.”233 Three days after the statute became effective, he wrote tercera chorreando, which contained the line “go-between dripping buttery leeches from the maw filled with the blue of Mother Celestina’s powders.”234 One may wonder if his reference to La Celestina, the master piece of Fernando de Rojas, who was of Semitic descent, was not related to the doomed fate of French Jews. At one time he had meant to go back to live at rue de La Boétie and use the rue des Grands-Augustins studio only to work. The smaller flat was easier to heat after all, although it was at the top of a tall building, exposed to the icy winds and with no warmth coming up from the lower floors any longer; but it was two miles from his studio. With few buses or subway trains, no taxis, and no gas for his own car, that took a lot of his time walking from one to the other, which was even unpleasant due to the weather and the odious presence of German soldiers.235 So on October 11, he closed his apartment for the duration of the war, living exclusively in his studio, the vast proportions of which enabled him to resume sculpture.236 He installed a magnificent stove, but as shortages increased, there was no fuel for it. He refused special supplies of coal from German visitors, reportedly saying: “A Spaniard is never cold.”237 When he and Dora could no longer bear the low temperatures, they simply sought refuge at well-heated restaurants like Café Flore, Les Deux Magots or Le Catalan.238 Many of his friends who had stayed until now made up their mind to leave the city. In mid-October, Breton informed him in a postcard of his

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decision to take off for New York with Jacqueline.239 This same day, Picasso wrote las calles cuelgan which includes the line: “the streets hang from the sky . . . poised at the edge.”240 He was probably feeling even more insecure and off balance with the recent regulations imposed on foreigners. After all, he discovered his emotions through what he saw in his portraits of other people, or at least what they reflected back to him through the intermediary of painting. One who served as such a mirror was Dora, prone as she was to calamity. She reacted intensely to all the discriminatory regulations, followed the news closely, as a member of a relatively well-informed intellectual milieu. He had only to watch her reactions to know what his were like, although hers were even stronger and dramatized.241 On October 18, a German order placing in sequestration the businesses and property belonging to all Jews absent or arrested, known as the Aryanization Ordinance, was announced in Le Journal officiel.242 Two days later, the authorities announced that by the end of December any Jewish-owned businesses opening onto the street would have to be sold or placed in the hands of non-Jewish commissioner-administrators. Once this had been done, a red poster had to replace the yellow one.243 Nazi informers were everywhere. They were closely watching Picasso’s studio, hoping to catch the Jewish sculptor Lipchitz (who had already escaped to America anyway), or any other suspicious visitor. There was gossip making the rounds that Maar was also part-Jewish. Picasso had heard reports that Franco’s fascist thugs were active in Paris, forcibly repatriating wanted Republican exiles for a certain death sentence or life at hard labor. As the titular former director of the Museo del Prado under the deposed government, Picasso had been formally accused of looting the nation’s cultural patrimony, under the guise of authorizing protective custody of Spanish masterpieces abroad.244 Late in the month, he was singled out among other artists in John Hemming Fry’s Art décadent sous le règne de la démocratie et du communisme (Paris: Henri Colas), a fascist attack on modern art in general and the purportedly degenerate influence of communism and the mentalité juive.245 The classical painter claimed that the moderns—who had privileged form at the expense of the subject and had neglected the conventional genres, particularly the portrait and the self-portrait, believed to assure man his dignity—had displayed those “features of vulgarity and obscenity” that revealed, instead, “the dual shortcomings of model and artist.”246 A week later, in the article “Le Salon” published in L’Illustration, reviewing the 1940 Salon d’Automne, Jacques Baschet also applauded the recent dominance of traditional art.247 In a reaction against former “excesses,” the public should look for artists who

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respond to a “our need for sincerity,” he argued. The Vichy association Jeune France promoted similar traditional activities around the country. The man behind it was Pierre Schaeffer, who also proposed the creation of Radio Jeunesse.248 Undeterred by such retrograde schemes, he made the drawing Tête de femme[261] in mid-December. Dora’s features, sculpted in powerful relief in the concentrated monotone of dark, silvery graphite, manifest themselves even more strikingly than in color. Unadorned, simply attired, she tried to hold her own. At his side she felt even more crushed than he, because she had been more politically active. He and she would perhaps never be closer than during this cold winter in the Grands-Augustins studio. The Éluards were now back in Paris, and their intimate friendship with the couple was resumed.249 They spent Christmas Eve with them at 35 rue de la Chapelle. The first such festivity under the Occupation was particularly hard: cold, hunger and isolation affected Parisians. Paul commenting on his own poem, Courage, wrote: “Harsh winter, that one of 1940–1941. Because of the cold, we went for a month without opening the shutters.”250 Forced by the difficulties in circulation and supply that reigned in the capital, deprived of heating, they often sought comfort in the cafés with other friends. “We could see him almost every night at the Café de Flore, a friendly and well-heated refuge, where he was at his place, better than at home,” Brassaï remembered.251

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CHAPTER SIX

1941 Le désir attrapé par la queue

Hitler seemed invincible. He had already annexed Luxembourg, Alsace and Lorraine, his troops occupied Bohemia, Poland, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway and half of France.1 A second wave of soldiers on leave in Paris, along with civilian visitors from Germany and Austria, followed the initial invaders. Their presence brought even more pride to the victor and a combination of apprehension and shame to the Parisians.2 Despite the menace of constant surveillance, Picasso was often visited by expatriate Spaniards, and his circle of friends and acquaintances included many of the most prominent writers, poets, and cultural figures, some of them active in the Résistance. He continued to frequent the cafes and restaurants, like Le Catalan in the same street as his atelier or the nearby Le Savoyard, usually running into friends such as Ernst, Hugnet, Paul and Nusch Éluard, or the Zervoses.3 The latter would eventually withdraw to their home in Vézelay.4 Hugnet’s book Pablo Picasso (Imprimerie Grou-Radenez, Paris) would be published in January.5 By all accounts, it had been an exceptionally cold winter. In his diary, Boules Ristelhueber noted, “New Year’s Day, 1941. Thick snow. Paris covered in white: grey-green uniforms everywhere.”6 The cold in the studio during these months may have been in part responsible for Picasso’s lack of productivity. It seems at least as likely, however, that the tensions and uncertainties of the first months of the Occupation had affected his creativity.7 In the drawing Figure assise[263], the upper half of the figure looks like a conglomerate of references to female appeal: a beautiful nose in profile, a wide open eye seen from the side, as well as a fleshy open mouth and full extended hair are combined with lush breast-like bulges. All the important constituents of a desirable woman are displayed to entice the male viewer. The lower half of the picture, however, is dominated by long, angular arms and large, arthritic hands. One should not expect attention or tenderness from them: they are rather tools for grasping, holding and choking, limbs of a monstrous, siren-like being that

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attracts and beguiles to tear down and destroy.8 This could be a study for the oil Femme assise[277], painted later in June. He also executed the drawings Dora Maar en forme d’oiseau[264] and Minotaure en forme d’oiseau[265]. In the former, he imagined his companion as a kind of mythical horned bird-woman with star-like eyes, perhaps reflecting his perception of her great volatility. His insight into her emotional instability is also echoed in portraits like Tête de Dora Maar[262], providing an aggressively angular, confusing climate in which the depressing effect of deeply saturated colors is compounded by jolting distortions and bizarre lighting.9 In the second drawing mentioned above, we see a unique blend of two symbols. The Minotaur had been used before to portray subconsciously violent and animalistic qualities, while the bird had often represented innocence, and to some extent, femininity. Their combination here could be interpreted as a portrayal of Picasso’s own animalistic subconscious through Maar, at a time when Europe was torn by war.10 Germans had built concrete fortifications at all key junctions and before important buildings throughout the city. Massive bunkers were constructed under the streets and rail stations. They had also set up warehouses everywhere, especially near major train stations, in which to store the items they had “appropriated” from Jewish and “foreign” families. German outposts were in almost every quarter and neighborhood. Every district had an office of the Occupation authorities or an apartment building that had been totally or partially requisitioned.11 The severe weather conditions continued, making it even harder to find food. A Paris resident, Paul Léautaud, wrote: “Almost 40 centimeters of snow in Fontenay. Nothing to eat. Not even bread . . . All day long and into the evening the wind howled, getting everywhere in the house; spent my time shivering with cold despite my clothes, and my hands frozen despite keeping on the move.”12 Lengthy and slow lines in an occupied city reinforced the idea of being enslaved, of having one’s will continuously thwarted. The occupiers knew that lines were a means of control—of one’s time, one’s space, one’s desires.13 A Time magazine reporter witnessed a riot at a queue of people. Waiting in line for their meager rations at a food store, they had become overexcited and began throwing rocks. German authorities watching nearby tried to stop the mob, but the rock-throwing continued. As punishment, the Germans banned potato distribution for 40 days. With the imposition of the food rationing system instituted in September tensions ran high. People began to feel the pains of hunger, and desperation set in. In the heart of the cold winter, Picasso jotted down on the pages of a simple notebook a play in six acts: Désir attrapé par la queue.14 Written

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in a few days, it represented his views on the Occupation: “Light the lanterns. Throw flights of doves with all our strength against the bullets and lock securely the house demolished by the bombs.”15 His characters were fixated on three things: cold, hunger and love, and their attempts to avoid the first two and satisfy the third inevitably ended in disappointment. Tragic farce or clownish tragedy, the piece adopted a Rabelaisian and macabre tone. We find the same kinship with the dada and surrealist spirit that had earned him the admiration and encouragement of Breton, Éluard and Hugnet in the 1930s. A mixture of eroticism, scatology and gluttony, the play had a cathartic effect on him. Directed by Albert Camus and dedicated to the memory of Max Jacob, it would be read a few months before the Liberation on March 19, 1944 in the apartment of Louise and Michel Leiris in the presence of top figures of the French intelligentsia.16 “I have always been at the heart of the real. If someone wants to express war, he could use a bow and an arrow, it would be more elegant, more literary, being more aesthetic, but as for me, if I want to express the war, I take a machine gun! The time has come, in this period of change and revolution, to paint in a revolutionary manner; we can no longer paint as before.”17 These remarks made by Picasso after the Liberation clearly belong to this litany of more or less contradictory testimonies taken by journalists struck with incomprehension when looking at works that definitely did not correspond to the standards of those politically involved. To be at the heart of the real for the artist, in 1941, was to take up the pen and stick as closely as possible to the everyday life of Parisian victims of curfew, hunger and cold.18 As Nash notes, through an inward journey, he would open “a unique window onto the trauma of war and the pressures of life in occupied Paris.”19 The play has been called a “gastro-poietic account of the Occupation.” As one German reporter noticed, “the entire Occupation was “a question of the stomach [Magenfrage].”20 Two of the main and recurring themes of the play, hunger and cold, flowed directly from the severe conditions most of the population had to endure, increased rationing coupled with a very harsh winter. The artist responded to the privations with the exaltation of daily life and the celebration of vital functions, pleasures derived from rare food items mingling with those of sex.21 Purely visual images were possibly outnumbered by those which appealed to other senses, such as taste or smell: the smell of potatoes chips suffocate the actors at the end of the fourth act, and La Tarte melts “into the fragrant architecture of the kitchen,” attracting Gros Pied (Picasso’s alter ego) by “the sweet stink of her tresses.”22

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According to Brunner, what is really at issue here is the disruption of the force of Eros, that which brings the sexes together, in a fallen, material world. Absurdity is predicated on an existence in which the established forms of art have collapsed. One by one, Picasso’s characters are shown to represent types of counter-classical thought. Following a complete breakdown in order, the scene is set for a confrontation between desire—the driving force of classical art—and mere self-preservation. In the contemporary circumstances, Eros is unable to connect the two sexes or bridge the gap between reality and the metaphysical realm. At the end of the play, Picasso writes the word “personne,” a contradictory expression that means “someone” and “no-one”—an ambivalent, existential ending.23 On January 25, Picasso made the gouache Étude pour L’aubade: nu couché[266], one of the most radically deformed female figures he ever painted. Its small size belies its significance, for it is a prime example of what Nazis considered Entartete Kunst. The artist would later say: “Academic training in beauty is a sham . . . Art is not the application of a canon of beauty but what the instinct and the brain can conceive beyond any canon.”24 The nose has become a long snout, squared at the end; the mouth has been reduced to a “v” shape with lines suggesting teeth, on a triangular face; the eyes do not match one another.25 Employing a grisaille tonality to striking effect, the angular execution of the figure and the small format intensify the powerful expressiveness of her forms. He painted a series of parallel striations on the bed to describe the creasing of the sheets and to help accentuate the weight of her body. This was part of a whole series of reclining nudes in an interior. In this and subsequent nudes, he made explicit references to significant artistic influences. Goya’s black and gray palette, for instance, resonates in some of the works’ tonality. This was an usual metaphor for these times, the prone female, vulnerable in her nudity, and placed in an interior that reflected her reduced and fearful circumstances. Like many of the figures that he painted during the Occupation, the reclining woman appears anxious and confined. With wartime shortages and restrictions, most people were forced to exist in a state of meek survival, leading joyless and menaced lives. This was a period in which daily existence looked like a long nightmare, especially in Paris, where such trying circumstances seemed inimical to the former lively spirit of the city. For Picasso’s Parisienne, who represented the entire French population under the yoke of Occupation, the only escape was the temporary oblivion of sleep, and perhaps a growing dream of liberation, regeneration and peace.26 As new ration cards were put into circulation in February, the black

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market made up for shortages. Pablo was going through a rough time as everyone else. He had hardly painted since August when he had returned from Royan, and seemed to be looking for ways to express the horrible environment by other means. Writing became a sort of refuge for him.27 On February 11, he started composing the surrealistic Mourlot Text with tout le fatras immonde. The entire work would be completed by September 16. Later he would say: “There are stacks of poems sleeping here. When I began to write them, I wanted to prepare myself a palette of words, as if I were dealing with colors. All these words were weighed, filtered and appraised. I don’t put much stock in spontaneous expressions of the unconscious and it would be stupid to think that one can provoke them at will.”28 The verbal imagery includes such phrases as “unclean jumble,” “open wound showing its teeth,” “torn piles,” “foundation of bones planted on the clay,” “fragments of shattered window pane,” “agitated clocks,” “distressed lamentations of flowers crushed under the wheels,” all of which are suggestive of death and destruction. They may allude to scenes he had heard described about German advances elsewhere in Europe.29 This same month, the Parisbased clandestine journal sponsored by the PCF, La Pensée libre, published its first issue running to ninety-six pages. It was spearheaded by three of the party’s intellectuals: Jacques Decour, Georges Politzer and Jacques Solomon.30 On the opposite side of the spectrum, Marcel Déat, with Abetz backing, created the collaborationist party Rassemblement national populaire (RNP), based at 128, rue du Faubourg Saint-Honoré. Some of its members came from the Mouvement social révolutionnaire (MSR) led by Eugène Deloncle, who had founded the pre-war Right-wing terrorist group La Cagoule.31 In the spring, Marie-Thérèse and Maya returned to Paris, and Picasso arranged an apartment for them on Boulevard Henri-IV, a fifteenminute walk from his studio.32 They were joined there by Marie-Thérèse’s mother.33 Typically, he visited them on Thursdays, when there was no school, and Sundays.34 While they had been separated for some time, he also continued to see his wife Olga at least once a week. He would always return from those visits in a very bad mood, though.35 Their son Paulo, for his part, had been spending the war years in Switzerland, where Bernhard Geiser looked after him.36 His most frequent subjects during this period were the seated figure and the still-life, which at times were virtually inter-changeable. A warweary Maar sitting in a chair might appear as solemn and grave as a pitcher placed on a table, the pitcher might even take on anthropomorphic qualities and “converse” with the neighboring inanimate objects. In their simplicity, humility, and austerity, many of these still-lifes recall

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the works of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century painters like Francisco de Zurbarán and Jean-Baptiste-Siméon Chardin. In the oil Nu[268], the sleeping figure representing Dora lies prone, her face and body presented in such a way that both profiles and breasts are visible at either side of her back.37 The painting echoes the photographic double portraits she had herself made in 1936.38 Although the woman is portrayed in a refined style, her face displays no emotion, but rather a cool distance toward the viewer. While the artist does not renounce his urge for an expressionistic rendition of her striking features, he simplifies and stylizes her face to an almost archetypal profile.39 At this time he also started the oil Dora Maar au chat[268]. Picasso once likened her allure and mercurial temperament to that of an “Afghan cat.” It is interesting to note how Pablo has paid particular attention to the sharp, talon-like nails on Dora’s long fingers. Her wellmanicured hands were one of her most distinctive features, but here they have taken on another, more violent characteristic.40 James Lord tells us that after the death of Maar’s beloved pet dog, the artist had insisted on replacing it with a cat. But she despised the creature, who was unfriendly and prone to vicious scratching. Pablo did not spare one inch of the canvas from his brush, using an extraordinarily vibrant palette in his rendering of the angles of the chair and the patterning of the figure’s dress. The most embellished element of the wardrobe is undoubtedly the hat. Ceremoniously placed atop her head like a crown, it is outlined with a band of vibrant red and festooned with colorful blossoms. Larger than life, an impression enhanced by a vibrant body that cannot be confined by the boundaries of the chair, she looms in the picture like a pagan goddess seated on her throne.41 The sight of the occupiers living and working in their city continuously disturbed residents. Appropriators of familiar spaces, the Germans made the City of Light an unheimlich place for longtime residents. Parisians soon assumed a sort of blindness toward the uniformed men in their midst, starting the myth of Paris sans regard.42 They ended up gradually adjusting to the Occupation as a whole, fortunately perhaps, since it was also evident that no country was going to hurry to their rescue. German and Vichy propaganda had been skillfully reminding them that Britain was their historic enemy.43 On March 21, Picasso wrote a poem that made reference to these feelings—rideaux de tulle: “tulle curtains ripping through the heart on the blue silk of the armchairs stifling the cries of tears in the depths of the round bosoms.”44 Resentment against collaborators persevered. Cocteau sent a postcard to Maar in late March: “Frozen to death, I have been trying to get on the phone for several days, but the ringing disappears into nothingness

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. . . I would not like to disturb Picasso or you, but I think about you nonetheless. I wanted to come to the Deux Magots, but I was afraid to provoke Éluard’s anger, in case he happened to be there also.”45 He had been getting a bad reputation due to his close friendship with Arno Breker. But he was not the only one that felt at odds in his surroundings. Once people found that their body was no longer “at home” in their own city, their mind tended to feel disoriented as well.46 Secret and narrow streets became a fixation for Parisians. Gaston Bechelard talks about “felicitous” vs. “hostile” spaces. Picasso told Daix after the war, “I started a painting as it came to me. I told myself: even if it leads nowhere, this evening, you’ll have made a little something . . . It seems to me that I gathered up my paintings the way you had to stockpile copper and paper for engravings back then, a bit here, a bit there.” 47 He tried as well as he could to stay distracted, to avoid direct reference to current events, but they did seep in, in the form of deferred violence against subjects and models, tragically deformed and isolated from the world. The abundance of portraits of Dora reflects not only the intensity of their relationship, but also the increasingly secluded life that they were leading at this time. An oil he executed on April 2, Tête de femme[270], shows a unique characteristic of many portraits of Dora of this period: the “starry” eyes, in which lines radiate from both above and below, giving them a sparkling quality.48 With her fingers resting on her temple, she looks preoccupied, aloof. Living and working in his cavernous studio, Picasso immersed himself in his work, living a much quieter life, removed from the pre-war artistic and bourgeois society he had been a part of. He turned to his immediate surroundings as subject matter, resulting in a hauntingly powerful series of still-lifes.49 As O.F. Bollnow noted, “our humanity is determined by the way we act within specific, lived-in spaces . . . When the individual no longer can take comfort from the predictability of movement, another set of anxieties is created.”50 It is precisely that feeling of anxiety that is alluded to in the poem la casserole: “the open mouths flying to the windows . . . the leaves violently squeezed into a crowd thick in the four corners of the white-washed wall .. its dress perfumed by its involuntary incense accuses it pushes it into confessions tortures it castrates it and throws it all ground up onto the sky behind the acidic clouds . . . the nails driven into the back of the various four walls of the room completely forced and slapped onto the air . . . between the fingers of the darkness and the light tightly squeezed dying of fear in the most wretched corner.”51 His artistic output increased considerably in May, with a total of five oils and forty works on paper. It was at about this same time that

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German laws in occupied Paris were becoming more severe and oppressive, so he might have been compensating with his own work.52 He made the drawing Portrait de Nusch Éluard[271], where he shows her with a delicate countenance, elegantly dressed in a coat or suit with a scarf around her neck. With deft strokes of his pencil, he captured the essence of her personality. Penrose describes Nusch as a woman who was “elegant and charming,” with a youthful smile set in a “pale, fragile face.”53 She had posed for Picasso many times. These frequent depictions of her, as well as their close relationship, led to rumors that the two might have been having an affair. Indeed, Paul was thought to have blessed and even encouraged the liaison as a way of symbolizing his love for both of them. The poem La fenêtre from May 1 again contained references to seclusion and hunger: “the window scratches the mantilla its screams chalked on the slate . . . the hand of the door leaning on the arm of the armchair held up by the pearls of the curtains . . . the frying-pan where the potatoes are jumping butterfly wings frying souls in the blood of grilled bloodsausage . . . a bucket full of black olives a bucket full of green olives two liters of oil . . . at the bottom of a saucepan some leftover apple-andorange-sauce a bunch of radishes four knives . . . a big clay pot full of melted butter—fresh butter in a plate a few potatoes under the sink and a few leeks and onions.”54 Malnourishment, unpredictable regulations, conflicting rumors and fake news reports, the absence of more than a million men locked away in German stalags, suspicion of neighbors— all combined unhealthily to the dismal atmosphere and the Parisians responded by shutting themselves down, affectively.55 Probably to get his mind off things, Picasso concentrated on certain artistic problems which could be traced back to the cubist years as in Nature morte au boudin[272]. A dull light shines from a funnel-shaped ceiling lamp onto the table surface where a large dagger-like knife lies in front of a rolled up blood sausage. They are joined by two artichoke stems, a corked bottle of wine and an open wrapping paper with a piece of cheese behind it. He opted for a monochrome statement in different shades of gray with certain lightening due to a dirty white on the partially translucent brownish background. From the open table drawer a set of knives and forks protrudes as if wanting to free themselves.56 The tilted-up perspective brings objects closer to the picture plane and to the viewer, but also threatens to spill them out of the picture. There is an underlying menace in the apparently innocent, even hospitable, presentation of food and cutlery at that table. In a rare comment on his own work, he said that this painting was pervaded by “an atmosphere like Philip II, dark and dismal . . . The

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knives and forks are like souls out of purgatory.”57 It is appropriate that Picasso should have used the word purgatory to describe some aspects of the painting, because most of his works from the wartime years suggest that he found the Occupation exactly that—a life that was put on hold, without change, and without hope. The allusion to the sixteenth-century king might be explained as a reference to a reign coinciding with the Counter-Reformation, a period of cruel repression. He may have also been thinking of Parisians, destined to suffer interminably in occupied Paris.58 The German grip on the city affected many aspects of French culture, but nothing was hit harder than its cuisine. Food was an essential part of national identity. Adapting to a less plentiful and lower quality fare proved difficult. A correspondent for the magazine Le Gerbe wrote: “Eating and, more important, eating well is the theme song of Paris life. In the street, in the metro, in cafes, all you hear about is food. At the theater or movies, when there’s an old play or movie with a huge banquet scene, the audience breaks into delirious cries of joy.”59 Despite their difficulties, people courageously dealt with their circumstances, nicknaming their system of improvisation le système D, from the verb se débrouiller (alternatively se démerder). The poem chasuble de sang included allusions to the same animism of things we observe in the aforementioned painting:60 “chasuble of blood thrown over the naked shoulders of the green wheat shivering between the wet sheets . . .the wall painted in ochre flapping its big applegreen mauve-white wings tearing its beak against the panes . . . the uncombed hair of the landscape spread out under the sun . . . the hanging tongue of the plough stuck to plowing sweating.”61 This same day he made the gouache Tête de femme au chapeau[273] where the complex face gains in expressiveness through the artist’s manipulations.62 For him, everything feminine was both an object of desire and a fearful adversary. Following his past iconography of evil, he chose monstrously alienated female characters, the embodiment of mischief and calamitous powers. Woman became an incarnation of death and destruction as it had been the case in the late 1920s.63 All sorts of false rumors had surfaced about him: he was working with the Résistance, or conversely the Germans were protecting the artist and even extending special treatment to him. Pierre Matisse, the son of the painter and a dealer in New York, wrote to his father, then living in Nice, that he had read a newspaper story which placed Pablo in a concentration camp, awaiting extradition back to fascist Spain. Many assumed that he was, for one reason or another, no longer alive.64 It would not have been that surprising. Between May 13 and the 26th, on rue Saint-Dominique, a trial of several members of the Nemrod

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Résistance network was held before the Gross court; it was one of the first indictments of such a group. All of the accused were condemned to death after more than two weeks of widely publicized imputations, though only three would end up being shot: Maurice Barlier, Jean Doornick and Honoré d’Estienne d’Orves.65 As expected, Picasso was not included in Galerie Braun’s exhibition “Vingt jeunes peintres de tradition française,” where the ambiguous term “tradition” had been used to designate not only the wait-and-see attitude and of reactionary forces, but also their opposite.66 Arranged by Jean Bazaine, under the initiative of the organization Jeune France, it featured works by Bazaine, Lapicque, Manessier, Pignon and others. Their starting point was cubism, although no longer related to its main originator, but to the more rational French style of Braque, Gleizes or Villon.67 In spite of its unquestionable conservatism, the show was called art zazou by the press, referring to rebellious youths who expressed their individuality by wearing big or garish clothing and dancing wildly to swing, jazz and bebop.68 On May 14, as Jews arrived at their neighborhood police station as mandated, French policemen immediately arrested them. Earlier in the month several thousand Jewish men, mostly Poles, had received a green card from the police summoning them to report to their local precinct at 7 a.m. on this date, bringing proof of identity.69 This was the first major collective roundup (rafle), involving about 3,700 foreign Jews around Paris.70 Bundled into buses and taken to the Gare d’Austerlitz railway station, they were later packed onto trains and transported to French internment camps in the Loiret département (Pithiviers and Beaune-la-Rolande), some 60 miles south of Paris. The camps had been built by the Daladier government before the Occupation to hold “undesirables”—mainly French Communists and Republican refugees from Spain.71 Within a year, over 30,000 Jews would be interned in camps throughout the occupied zone.72 Clearly in a sarcastic tone, Picasso wrote that same day the poem la fête commença: “the party began much later around five o’clock the children already in bed the maids having put on their evening dresses and combed their braids . . . laughing like beasts . . . the wails of nails driven into their body blindly . . . excessively controlling the anxiety hanging on the corners of the oriental rug rolled up into a ball on the bed . . . the shadow coming up from the starry sky was cutting the smell of cinnamon into round slices.”73 Around mid-May, he did an extensive series on the theme of L’aubade for the painting he had in mind depicting a reclining nude asleep in a darkened cell-like interior, as if such hibernation might be the only way

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to survive the trials and tribulations of the Occupation.74 The juxtaposition of an awake figure and a sleeping one also in Femme nue étendue[274] offered many possibilities for the exploration of opposites: superior / inferior; active / passive; physical / psychological; horizontal / vertical; relaxed / alert; dream / reality; life / death. Steinberg succinctly describes this manipulation of the watcher motif as the plotting of “a gradual rapprochement, until the woman and her reflection have coalesced, the two facing aspects at once simultaneous and indivisible.”75 As is well known, Picasso felt that women were the most intensely experienced members of society, so the power of his connection with them was crucial in determining his emotional state. However, contact with the unquestionably repulsive female nude here would be avoided. As a result, his alliance with life as a whole would also disintegrate.76 Death would be all that remained. At first glance the model often appears to be split like a kipper, with her two classical profiles sharing the same pillow and the same head of hair, but following down one sees the belly and up-flexed knee on the right and on the left the buttocks and the downward knee. Such representation knocks all common logical perception sideways.77 On May 25, he painted the oils Tête de femme[275] and Tête de femme[276], characterized in general by a left/right division of the face, in which the nose is displaced to one side.78 Indeed, in almost all of these drawings, we observe a preoccupation with the simultaneous view of a three-quarter profile of one side of the face seen from the back (profil perdu), and a full profile of the other side.79 In the first painting, the outlines of the deranged profile, the hair, the strong jaw, mouth, collar and shoulders are all flowing curves. The paint is thinly and evenly applied, so that the bare canvas shows through.80 During the war, Picasso worked hard to deconstruct the human figure, generating effigies as horrible as repulsive. The convulsed face, and by extension, the suffering body, expressed the inhumanity of the times. It has often been said that Maar, an unstable companion of these tragic years, inspired these figures. One who had had the dignity of a Sphinx, often hieratic and impenetrable, and whose perfect oval face had been idealized by Man Ray, suffered here the most terrible distortions, inspiring numerous “hallucinating” and “pathetic” figures. Through the disturbing plasticity of her face, she best illustrated the notion of a mater dolorosa, subject to hysterical outbursts. We find in his writings the same need to deform and metamorphose his characters. At a time when the human figure became impossible for many artists to represent, the proliferation of degenerate and comical actors, barely alive, disparage the negation of the individual perpetrated by the Nazi regime.81

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In the second canvas, the paint is applied thickly in short, straight brushstrokes. The features are defined primarily as angular shapes. The overall effect is one of aggressive energy. The marked difference in the style and technique of the two paintings is suggestive of his desire to explore more than one plastic possibility.82 After the thinly brushed surfaces and the grisaille tonality of the other, Picasso appears to have been eager to work in a more expressionistic manner, using a loaded brush to produce a thickly impastoed surface. The chief effect he aimed for here is that of a figure silhouetted against a light background, as if she were standing before a strong lamp—radiating from behind. He accentuated her features in strokes of brilliant yellow. Streaks of red emanate from her lower eyelids, as if her mascara were running or she were crying bloody tears. Dora had again become the mirror where he could reflect on the events of the day, altering and reshaping her visage to express his own distress.83 Ullmann argues that these portraits attempted to represent stages of anxiety and helplessness, going from fear and horror to panic. As viewers observe the strong torsion of the head and the deformation of the features, they share the same feelings as the sitter.84 These and other portraits of Dora and Marie-Thérèse continued through June 9 with Buste de femme au chapeau[282]. Executed in a cubist style of varying abstraction, they represented a prolongation of the pre-war series defying the Nazi aesthetic of bland and mediocre classicism, pure propaganda of their vaunted ideals of racial purity and superiority. This month would see a dramatic rise in Picasso’s artistic productivity. In fact, he would paint more oils—eighteen—than in any other in the year. While most Parisians—and German occupiers—were enjoying the milder summer weather outdoors, he stayed mostly indoors. He probably did not want to drop by the cafés where there was the likelihood of meeting German officers, so that his only recourse was to stay inside and work.85 Among the other canvases painted at this time was Femme assise[277]. There was a derogatory-sadistic component in these portrayals of Dora. Her disposition to emotional imbalance seems to have considerably stimulated Picasso’s tendency to react negatively and maliciously to conflictive situations. The face and body of his partner was a projection screen for his current emotions, a figurative medium to articulate his world experience.86 The painting clearly contrasts with Femme à la collerette bleue[278]. A portrait of Inès Sussier (née Odorisi), the latter was rendered in a comparably realistic style. She was his housekeeper and the woman who remained in his life longer than many of the other women. He had first met her in the summer of 1936 while vacationing in Mougins. A few months later, he had employed her

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to take care of his household in Paris. Inès was a reassuring and stable presence in the household, in contrast to his continuously changing cast of passionate and sometimes volatile lovers.87 In an interview with Huffington, Inès explained, “To live next to him, you had to be able to forgive everything . . . If you had decided that that was what you wanted, you had to accept everything. It’s clear that others were not able to stay the course.”88 Three days after completing this realistic portrait, he returned to his tense depictions of Maar in the oil Tête de femme[280], where her image became the site once again of myriad distortions, hyperboles and reconfigurations.89 Her face reflects his angst and disbelief at the horrific events unfolding around him, although it also shows the intense passion he felt for her. As if caught turning her head, the sitter betrays their intimacy and their often turbulent relationship. Richardson writes: “I think he was obsessed with her . . . She added a whole new class and layer to his other mistresses.”90 For her part, she would state: “After Picasso, God.”91 As Baldassari has noted, their intense artistic dialogue made them “an unrivalled artist couple in the history of the avant-garde, proving one of the most exacting and genuine exchanges in all modern art.”92 He made two other paintings of her that same day, both of which captured her powerful gaze framed by voluminous waves of luxuriant dark hair. In Buste de femme[279], Picasso reimagined a surreal vision of his lover, simultaneously portraying the long, dark mane at the back of her head and the two sides of her striking profile. Living in a city filled with fear and suspicion, curfews and blackouts, these figures seem to look around fearing an impending aerial bombardment. The somber, melancholic and sometimes sinister mood pervaded their surrounding: figures are cloaked in shadow, their contorted forms hauntingly emerging from a dimly lit, terror-filled world.93 The severe brutality he applied to Dora’s face mirrored the clear violation of human rights in occupied France. On June 7, the Vichy government implemented a second Jewish Law,94 which made the definition of a Jew even more rigid, and called for the removal of people of that ethnic group from industry, business, and liberal professions. For this purpose, the authorities carried out a census of the Jewish population and their property in both zones. It would provide the basis for subsequent mass round-ups.95 It was not cruelty that was registered in the painted model, but the result of that cruelty, like a dreadful echo of the inhumanity of the Vichy apparatus added to the formal violence to which the painter subjected his models—and painting itself. The fact that many of his friends often recognized, well beyond his domestic conflicts, the stigmata of the war

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on the body of his lover shows the extent to which different emotional levels were entangled in works like Buste de femme[281], painted the previous day.96 While Picasso had been involved with surrealism during the 1920s, it was during his time with Dora that a more ominous aspect of that movement emerged, in part reflecting her own nervous personality. She had herself been involved with the Surrealists, and her darker moods, the suspicion of violence and volatility that hovered around her had always fascinated Picasso. He interspersed some still lifes between his many portraits of Dora. The oil Nature morte aux oranges[283] represents the corner of a room with a mirror on the wall and a table seen head-on, on which he has arranged a glass, a basket of oranges, and a vase of flowers.97 Morris wrote about the symbolism of still-lifes like this one of the early 1940s: “Above all it was the still-life genre that Picasso developed into a tool capable of evoking the most complex blend of pathos and defiance, of despair to hope, balancing personal and universal experience in an expression of extraordinary emotional power. The hardship of daily life, the fragility of human existence and the threat of death are themes that haunt Picasso’s still-life paintings of the war.”98 The artist would confess: “I paint only what I see. I’ve seen it, I’ve felt it, maybe differently from other epochs in my life, but I’ve never painted anything but what I’ve seen and felt. The way a painter paints is like his writing for graphologists. It’s the whole man that is in it.”99 Leiris intuited this feature in Pablo’s output: “His intimacy with the things he painted was so significant that it was as if their lives continued in parallel with his and as if, far from staying in place like mile markers one passes and leaves behind, they continued to escort him on his journey, rubbing against him, intertwining with him, and transforming into numerous avatars.”100 Balanced on the edge of surrealist representation, Femme dans un fauteuil[285] from June 19 eschews total naturalism and, simultaneously, abstraction, to show a high level of psychological drama. Dora is depicted seated in an armchair, clothed in a conservative blue checked jacket, wearing a hat decorated with a feather and hair tied back to highlight the features of her face. Its scale and limited color range accentuate the scene’s potent calamity.101 These portraits permit a sort of objectification of the figure, set between the back and armrests of the chair as in a display case, allowing for a continued renewal of her relationship to the space she occupies, as Jean-Louis Andral points out.102 In another oil of the same title, Femme dans un fauteuil[284], feelings of restlessness and unstable tension are again dominant. Formal elements that stand out, such as the striped ceiling and the wedge-like shadows in the background, threaten to break up the picture surface. Thus, the portrait

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translates Dora’s hysterical behavior into a splinter-facetted composition. Picasso had said: “Portraits should possess not physical, not spiritual, but psychological likeness.”103 The black metal chair has become a lattice-like structure that seems to enclose the model with its bars. The large size of the figure in relation to the spatial environment underlines the cell-like confinement of the premises.104 To Gilot, these sitting arrangements are “reminiscent of straightjackets or coffins.”105 Children occupied an unexpected place during this period, and in their own manner they mirrored the harshness of the times. As innocent as they are cruel, they express, like animals, the same type of unconscious or blind violence as Picasso’s portraits of women. This is the case of the disturbing Jeune garçon à la langouste[286] painted in June. Sitting crosslegged, sneering, he is half undressed, his sex prominently exposed. With his toothless and idiotic smile, his round and pink face, he evokes a reaction of disgust mixed with sympathy. The toddler harks back to the dwarves of Diego Velázquez or the Bobo in Bartolomé Murillo, as Bernadac notes.106 A feeling of uneasiness emanates from his upset anatomy. The prey he holds in his hand like a funny rattle denotes a sense of cruelty. Lobsters were a rare commodity so its presence also rings sarcastic. Only Nazi officers were offered such delicacies at restaurants like Le Prunier.107 Overall, there is a very unchildlike quality about this child. He actually resembles Picasso—the black, slicked-down hair, the dark, piercing eyes, and the broad nose—which highlights the cynical intentions behind the crustacean.108 With a few exceptions like this, the image of Dora continued to haunt the painter. Her simple image transformed ad libitum becomes for him a sort of symbol of the passage of time. He confided to Malraux in 1945: “When I paint a woman in an armchair, the armchair implies old age or death, right? Too bad for her.”109 A striking contrast opposes the hieratic and sculptural trunk of the figure in Femme au chapeau assise dans un fauteuil[287] to her insane face. The woman, in a blue dress and hat, is shown as a prisoner in an empty room, gray and deserted, creating a sinister atmosphere. The armchair, whose black bars echo the ceiling beams of the Grands-Augustins studio, expresses Picasso’s own rage.110 He had said that he wanted “[his] paintings to be able to defend themselves, resist the invader, as if each canvas was bristling with razor blades.”111 Léal writes: “Their terribilitá no doubt explains why the innumerable, very different portraits that Picasso did of [Dora] remain among the finest achievements of his art, at a time when he was engaged in a sort of third path, verging on surrealist representation while rejecting strict representation and, naturally, abstraction. There is no doubt that by signing these portraits, Picasso tolled the final bell for the

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reign of ideal beauty and opened the way for the aesthetic tyranny of a sort of terrible and tragic beauty.”112 If he borrowed from the iconography of kings and queens in majesty the attribute of the chair or the throne, all these images are ironically behind closed doors which speaks of fear of imprisonment and death. Those still working in Paris could draw little inspiration from the daily sight of Nazi soldiers. Not only did fear, censorship and propaganda dampen the creative spirit, but the Reich was also ready to smother any new French claim to cultural leadership.113 And, of course, those of non-European ancestry were to be forcibly cast aside. According to an estimate made at the time, almost 50 percent of Jews found themselves cut off from all means of earning a living.114 It was this summer that Himmler summoned Auschwitz Kommandant Rudolf Höß to Berlin to inform him that “the Führer has ordered the Final Solution of the Jewish question. We, the SS, have to carry out this order . . . I have therefore chosen Auschwitz for this purpose.” As part of this scheme, to give one example, eighty percent of the Croatian Jewish population— the home of Maar’s paternal family—would be completely wiped out after Slovakia and Croatia became puppet governments of the Nazi regime.115 When on June 22 Hitler invaded Russia with an estimated Jewish population of three million, as Unternehmen Barbarossa began, they would suffer a similar fate.116 The day of the invasion, preventive measures had simultaneously been taken against communist activists in all occupied countries.117 On the other hand, the invasion would have the positive outcome of releasing the PCF from the straightjacket of Russia’s 1930 Non-Aggression Pact with Germany. The party propaganda would soon explicitly link the Soviet armed struggle with the liberation of France.118 With Abetz’s support, the main collaborationist leaders in Paris, Jacques Doriot, head of the Parti Populaire Français and Marcel Déat, head of the Rassemblement national populaire (RNP) came together to create the Légion des volontaires français contre le Bolchévisme (LVF), which claimed to have the backing of both Pétain and Hitler.119 A poster appeared across Paris signed by Otto von Stülpnagel, from the MBF, that carried a chilling message: “Since the Communist Party has been banned, all communist political activity in France is forbidden . . . Anyone found guilty should expect to be sentenced to death by a German military court.” These measures did nothing but strengthen the determination of communist militants who had already been organizing demonstrations in Paris. Following the German anti-Russian offensive, their actions became even more daring in form and overtly anti-Nazi in content.120

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Picasso’s studio gained in importance as a safe retreat from this turmoil. The Parisian apartment figures prominently in many recollections of the Occupation. It was more than a place of expected physical comfort, it was also a shelter from confusion and uncertainty. Hearing and seeing whatever was going on outside from the relative security of their window helped alleviate the ever-present sense of claustrophobia that characterized daily life during the Occupation.121 On July 8, Picasso painted the oil Nature morte au bouquet[288] with the motif of a vase on a table in front of a window that he had first explored in Saint-Raphaël in 1919. In contrast to those still lifes, done in a curvilinear style, the artist here turned to the more angular synthetic cubism. The chromatic accents are embedded in the clearly articulated black structure of the picture, the brilliant spots being the deep carmine-red of the table with the yellow lemons in the green bowl and the red-edged flowers in the blue glass vase. The picture possesses a severe reticence typical of other wartime still lifes. Of course Jews did not have that same privilege of finding solace in their apartment, especially if they had prized possessions. Hitler had ordered Alfred Rosenberg in 1940 to confiscate all Jewish art collections since these materials were now deemed “ownerless” by Nazi decree. To avoid losing their stock, many Jewish gallerists had “Aryanized” their business by granting control to non-Jewish owners. A smart move, since by July 22, a Vichy law had been modeled after the German one, trying to “eliminate all Jewish influence in the national economy. It required registration of “Jewish” establishments and the transfer of businesses, property, and securities to non-Jewish administrators within one year.122 It was probably at this point that Louise Leiris, Kahnweiler’s sister-in-law, “bought” the dealer’s gallery, then known as Galerie Simon, in order to “Aryanize” it. The name was changed to Galerie Louise Leiris. His friends A. Lefèvre and A. Richet kindly supported the rescue operation and provided advice and assistance.123 As for many others who remained in Paris, the deprivations of life in the city hit Picasso hard. Food shortages and rationing of all kinds of materials were rife. Although he was wealthy enough to be able to afford to purchase goods from the black market, and had friends who assisted him in acquiring art supplies such as plaster, paper and even the highly sought after bronze, he was largely forced to make do with whatever was available. Pages of the city’s daily newspapers, for example, were used as support for studies, saving his precious canvases and paper stock for more developed ideas. Brassaï photographed Pablo painting on such an improvised palette, which brings to mind Breton’s idea that one’s work should always be “next to the daily newspaper.” He intentionally

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scribbled portraits of deformed, animalistic and absurd personages on the pages of collaborationist papers like Paris-Soir. Leaving the text visible, these “palimpsest works” spoke of the repressive environment during the Occupation. An avid reader of newspapers, he indulged, through these dark tortured characters, in a sort of “reinvention of portraiture.”124 One such tortured figure appeared on July 25 in the oil Femme dans un fauteuil[289] which depicted a seated model, whose transposed features made her face look like a skull. The grim mouth is a straight line, intersected at intervals with short lines for teeth. The lower portion of the face is a skeletal jaw; one eye stares from the top of the cranial structure, while the other, perched on the bridge of the relocated nose, completes the funeral effect. “The parallel brushstrokes of thick paint which define the body, as well as the background, and the rigid outlines of the chair echo the stark, angular character of a skulllike head. The feathered hat adds an almost ludicrous note of stylish elegance.”125 The dreadful figure was first fixed by contours and coloring and then scraped open with wide scratches, thereby being both “worn out” and structured in an exciting manner.126 At the end of the month, he completed the oil Femme à l’artichaut[290], where a woman sits in an armchair holding an artichoke in her right hand like a scepter. The long-stalked vegetable is an unusual motif and invites speculation as to its possible meaning. Some have compared it to a mace, a spiked club used as a weapon in the middle ages, or to a Spanish garrote. The monumental scale of the sitter is daunting although the throne is a simple wicker chair and plain clothes have replaced the expected royal robe.127 The strong deformation of her face and body and the transformation of the fingers of her left hand into a claw gives the woman an ambivalent role, both as perpetrator and victim of violence. The wide open eyes, especially the one on the nasal appendage, seem to reflect a sense of horror or shock, belying the smiling mouth. One finger of the hand holding the artichoke seems to be pointing towards the viewer, perhaps in reproach. It may stand for Pablo’s attitudes about the continuing German execution of hostages.128 The palette of dark greens, grays, and browns reinforces the lugubrious mood. The somber, dissonant colors contribute to making this portrait a symbol of human cruelty. Out of the depths of despair, however, the artist was able to extract reasons for hope.129 Like the national symbol of Marianne, the female figure stands for the French people and, despite the eradication of her dignity, she still exhibits some form of resistance. The spirit of militancy manifests itself in the provocative-casual posture with the legs crossed, in the tectonic plates of the clothing section and in the claw-raking hand.130

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Early in August, Pierre Malo, a reporter apparently not previously acquainted with Picasso, visited him at rue des Grands-Augustins. He would write an article entitled “Picasseries et Picasso” for the August 30 issue of Comœdia, which had just resumed publication on June 21. Malo was astounded at the number of canvases stacked in the apartment. He also saw a plaster skull lying around of the sculpture studio the artist had been set up in the bathroom. This was probably Tête de mort[267].131 In its execution, he had used a variety of tools to mark the surface, leaving it rough and craggy, suggesting vestiges of flesh on the skull, or perhaps mummification. The asymmetry of the piece creates the impression of a grimace in contrapposto: viewed from the front, the right eye socket projects toward the viewer while the left recedes; the nasal cavity tilts to the left, while the mouth tilts upward to the right.132 Brassaï, who was called in to photograph it in September 1943, described it as “a monumental petrified head with vacant orbits of eyes, a nose that has been eaten away, and lips erased by time, than any grimacing, fleshless skeleton. It resembles a block of vagrant stone, pitted with cavities, eroded and polished by its journeyings from age to age,” he would say.133 During the month, a raid in the 11th arrondissement resulted in the apprehension of 4,000 more Jews, many of whom were French-born. Seventeen militants were also arrested around the Havre-Caumartin metro station; others at Satrasbourg-Saint-Denis.134 Probably in reaction to these news, the victimized horse emerged once again in Picasso’s art as a symbol of suffering, In several drawings the animal is clearly in agony, struggling to push itself up with its front legs, while its hind quarters no longer respond. The threatening events of that summer created new uncertainties for him, as well as for many other Parisians, and the theme of the corrida became, as usual, an effective emotional outlet. There were more demonstrations against the Germans, followed by the arrest of demonstrators, usually Communists. The horse echoed his empathy for the innocent victims.135 Charles Camoin wrote a note on August 17 which is evocative of the atmosphere of the period: “Myself, I know another story: about a lecture given by M. on behalf of the directeur of the Beaux-Arts, and I heard this Jew say that Picasso was ‘the greatest French painter of our times.’ ‘French,’ he added, ‘because he did us the honor of coming to work in France.’ I was coward enough not to walk out of the room at once in protest . . . This is another proof of the hold the Jews have got over our times; that’s what started all this dago Jew style which Picasso is behind. Now it’s all known as the Ecole de Paris.”136 “To the negation of the individual that Nazi totalitarianism erects as an absolute principle and that symbolizes the number tattooed on the

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wrists of deportees,” Picasso opposed “the defense of singularity, that is to say, the pictorial affirmation of a human being as herself: a face, a name, an identity that does not merge with any category,” Philippe Dagen has written.137 This could explain the surprisingly realistic Madame Paul Éluard[291], an exceptional portrait in these troubled times. His congruence with surrealism had brought him closer to Éluard. But it was really in the mid-1930s that a solid friendship had bound the two. The poet had said at the time in all sincerity that he was happy to live in this troubled century, especially because he had met Picasso in it.” On several occasions, between portraits of Dora, Pablo had inserted other depictions of graceful Nusch. Seduced by her ethereal charm and her laughter, he made a total of eight oil paintings and several drawings of her between 1937 and 1941. In this last portrait he revealed all the tenderness he felt for her by painting Nusch in shades of blue and gray, recalling his acrobats period. Her face, with lowered eyes, seems to be withdrawn in an inner world, that of reverie and intimacy. Brassaï provides a moving account of the portrait: “Picasso painted this volatile creature with all the sweetness, all the delicacy that his brush is capable of producing, as if he wanted to forget the tragedy through grace. The bust of Nusch, with the frail body of a teenager, her thin neck, her head with rebellious hair, her eyes encircled by long eyelashes, the childish mouth, a slight smile on her lips, were blown up on the canvas by the light. Emerging from a pearl gray background, Éluard’s companion appears as a disembodied, immaterial being.”138 The following day, he executed an equally naturalistic portrait of Dora in the same soft tones: Buste de femme[292]. Otto von Stülpnagel, without bothering to consult Vichy, ordered 2,500 members of the Paris police to carry a second rafle on the 11th district of Paris with a high concentration of Jews in retaliation for continued attacks against many sites under German control.139 It had been suggested by Theodor Dannecker who was in charge of setting up special camps in the occupied zone. 4,230 Jews (4,000 of them males, 1,300 of them French, aged between 14 and 72) were arrested and sent to the camps.140 Picasso may have been reacting to this incredible assault on innocent victims by reaffirming their value, in these exceptionally tender portraits of Dora and Nusch, who both had Jewish backgrounds. In late August, the gradual implementation of German racial laws continued. Jews were ordered to register with the police and those without French passports were immediately taken into custody. The sleepwatcher motif set in oppressive interiors now emerged in works like Deux nus dans un intérieur[294], perhaps inspired by those earlier portraits of Nusch and Dora. The room in which the two are

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situated in several drawings contains a bed or chaise lounge, with either curved or straight contours, an armoire with a mirrored door, a tall stand with a vase of flowers, and a shaded lamp hanging from the ceiling. Steinberg suggests that the intended theme is actually the “occupied room.”141 The anxiety of the Occupation permeated the city and certainly affected Picasso and his friends, and is expressed through the distortion of objects and the space they occupy. Strong verticals formed by the vase, stand, and front leg of the chaise lounge, the standing figure, the edge of the armoire and its door, and the convergence of two walls create a dynamic tension between the three-dimensional space and twodimensional plane.142 In a related oil, Femme assise dans un fauteuil[293], Dora’s contorted expression conveys the rage and sorrow they both felt over the horrible circumstances they were living under. A propagandist exhibition entitled “Le Juif et la France” was organized by Otto Abetz at the Palais Berlitz from September 5 to January 15, 1942 with the collaboration of the Institut d’étude des questions juives (IEQJ). Much of it was based on the writings of George Montandon, Professor of Anthropology at the École de Paris, which attempted to give a “scientific” basis to racial prejudice. The general theme was the ostensible “corrupting influence” of Jews in all areas of French life. It was suggested that “sexual perversion and the destruction of our traditions are the topics favored by Jewish writers.” A range of distorted stereotypical images were purported to show how to recognize people of a certain ethnic group. The real purpose was to create the conditions that would allow yet further French acquiescence or even cooperation with the Nazi persecution of the Jewish population in France. It was estimated that around 200,000 people visited the exhibition.143 On September 6, as a reprisal for an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate a German officer outside a hotel in the 10th arrondissement two days earlier, the Nazi authorities shot thirteen hostages at MontValérien on the northern part of Paris.144 The following day the Vichy government, which had committed themselves to the execution of six Communists after the first anti-German attacks, promulgated a new law in order to create a State Tribunal for the judgment of all acts against “the people’s security,” with no possibility of an appeal. Picasso’s response was in code. On a copy of Paris-Soir from September 11, he executed the charcoal Tête[295], inscribing the head within a frame, while sardonically echoing with its web-like hairdo the photograph of a smiling woman at the top left of the newspaper page. The figure’s mouth, which is shaped like a sideways “V,” or the tip of an arrow, points directly at the word “résistances” in a want ad.145

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Exiled with Breton in New York, Jacqueline Lamba wrote to Pablo on September 13 after seeing several of his works during a visit to The Museum of Modern Art: “From the Moulin de la Galette to Guernica— you appear very often. I’ve spilled some bitter tears.”146 This renewed contact with Breton might have encouraged him to complete the “surrealistic” Mourlot Text, started on February 11, with the poem à quatre heures moins le quart which included the lines: “the rules of the game and the ceremonies the caresses the threats the blows all their claws bared timidly imitating the orchestra of desires and the brass band of disgusts . . . The night coming out of the coat botanizes its stench on the open book of the window—a heavy extract of Melissa balm flies chained up through the room.147 Sudour remarks: “As seeking a way out of suffering, Picasso creates a language where the inner voice is exalted in a text everywhere threatened by the blank space on the page . . . [He] seems to be searching for a raw expression, as close as possible to a vital impulse, an immediacy where all the flows of life mingle. So, during those war years, when poetry seems an illusory struggle, writing—between imprecation and jouissance—present itself to Picasso as a constructive challenge in a world plagued by violence and disintegration.”148 The Germans were making multiple arrests of those suspected of publishing “anti-German propaganda,” mostly Communists: between October 6 and 10, over 1,600 people would be taken into custody with the help from the French police. Similar operations would take place between October 19 and 21 in several départements of the occupied zone.149 Especially now, Picasso felt that he should use all the tools as his disposal to confront the day-to-day hardships and abuses by the authorities. It was his only possible “weapon” against the enemy. As long as he continued to work, his art meant that neither the German nor the Vichy authorities had defeated him or what he stood for.150 On September 28, he made the drawing Femme assise dans un fauteuil[296], which shows a nervous and vigorous treatment of the figure. Most remarkable of all are the tightly wound, almost compulsively hatched lines of her face and hat.151 Baer has called these wartime women “sinister, hard, rigid, malevolent, sly and ferocious . . . They snigger cruelly. They are spies, informers, birds of prey, with stiff crow feathers in their hats . . . Poor Picasso! No doubt he was a little paranoid during those years! But what beautiful paintings he made out of that real but imagined persecution.”152 At this time, his landlady from Royan, Andrée Rolland, visited him and they lunched together with Dora at Le Catalan.153 Since foreigners were no longer allowed to travel to the coast, she strongly advised him to cancel his lease at Villa Les Voiliers.154

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On October 1, as members of the Red Cross were finally granted access to the Drancy camp, they saw 4,000 Jews packed there like animals. For the first two months many of them had had no change of clothing and scraped any food they could find out of tin cans left behind by former detainees. A flu epidemic had soon broken out and more than 300 cases of TB had been reported.155 Around this time, Picasso executed a series of women seated in armchairs, probably Dora, each assuming a different visual or stylistic approach. In the oil Femme assise dans un fauteuil[297], she has her hands folded in her lap, one palm up, with the fingers curled over the top of the other. There are a few paintings by Cranach in which a very similar posture is represented, so it is possible that he had found inspiration in him. He is one of the artists he later extensively paraphrased.156 In the picture, we see black contours and wedge-like surfaces that cut through and dissolve the figure’s body. Even the chair fails to embrace or protect here; it actually seems to be involved in the overall “black destruction.” All that is left of the oval of the face is a fragmented shape with an isolated, snout-like nose mounted by a large, black eye that entices the viewer. The fragmentation of the anatomical structure of the sitter takes away from her physical constitution and relativizes her corporeal presence. The black-gray tones of both the woman’s body and the lattice-like chair on which she sits blur the boundaries between the living and the dead.157 Baer writes: “He discovered his feelings in the mirror of other peoples’ eyes or faces, or at least what he projected there, even into those bodies at rest or convulsed—in short, through the intermediary of his painting . . . Picasso told Christian Zervos that painting allowed him to “evacuate” an excess of emotion.”158 The entanglement of sensual references and deadly insinuations, of Eros and Thanatos, surfaced again in Femme assise dans un fauteuil[298]. Apart from the white breast hanging from her neckline as a confounding signal, Picasso presents us with a paradigm of evil destructiveness. While the seating arrangement is the same black armchair, its black frame fails to constrict the figure, but instead spreads apart like a spiderweb to give the aggressive colors their greatest possible space. A cadmium red for the upholstery fabric and complementary green, intense yellow and orange for the clothing, as well as bright white for the remaining areas result in a wide range of contrasts. He kept the background a neutral light gray, so as not to disturb the signal effect of the colored surfaces. The contours consist exclusively of intersecting lines that avoid any stabilizing perpendiculars. This results in a predominance of triangular segments bordering on each other like wedges. Such a consistent angular deformation of

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the figure reinforces the confrontational potential of representation through anatomical dissonances.159 On October 12, he painted the oil Femme assise dans un fauteuil[299] where the figure continues to show a split face thus suggesting suspicion or a form of bipolarity and schizophrenia. In Nash’s description “the composition dazzles with its juxtapositions of hot tones—from purple/green combinations to flamelike oranges—and a dynamic play of flattened shapes and energetic line . . . The sparkling stars in the wallpaper strike a note echoed throughout the rest of the densely packed, painterly surface . . . The only ominous element is the nail-like eyebrows that seem literally to pin one eye and one side of the face to the background.”160 Picasso expresses Dora’s physical and psychological suffering through the constrained space in which the repetitive decor seems to have imprisoned her. Her body is stiff and her blue dress, rigid and inflated, looks like an armor which intentionally clashes with the ridiculous hat decorated with two miniscule flowers.161 Perhaps the easiest—and cheapest—way for women to spruce up themselves at this time was by wearing jaunty hats. Photographs taken by André Zucca in the streets of central Paris suggest that red and black were the preferred colors. In fact, whether designed by professionals or improvised at home, hats—of all colors, sizes and angles—became the most distinctive fashion emblem of the Occupation. Nowhere were hats more spectacular than at the races at the Hippodrome de Longchamp and the Hippodrome d’Auteuil, in the Bois de Boulogne. In contrast to the smaller hats for daily use, Picasso depicts them as extravagantly large, often topped by an immense feather or two. Collaborationist newspapers made a point of illustrating the most inventive designs as a way of showing Parisians leisurely at play—alongside the drab German uniforms. The implicit message was that if Parisians could afford to spend an afternoon betting on horses, surely life was much as before.162 In mid-October, he painted the oil Femme en gris et blanc[300]. Tough, hard, cruel, going against any concern for aesthetics, conceived neither to seduce nor to move, this portrait appeared as a form of anti-painting. Dora became in works like this the metaphor of a deregulated, inhuman, absurd world, and the outlet for his dull anger and his hindered revolt. This was clearly illustrated in the offensive and painfully disjointed body of the sitter, her limbs reduced to geometric and asymmetric planes. Combining her with the armchair to form a hybrid, monstrous whole, he provided an image of the dehumanization that was under way through the laws of the Vichy regime. Provocative works, all bristling with spikes and sharp angles, painted in a hurry and often leaving parts of the canvas exposed, presented a scathing response to the notion of

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“Entartete Kunst” pushed by the Nazis by literally depicting a debased humanity.163 In retaliation for the death of Oberstleutnant Karl Holz, the chief of the Feldkommandantur in Nantes, the German authorities proceeded to execute forty-eight hostages on October 22, mostly from the Châteaubriant camp. Additionally, they had fifty more hostages shot at Souges, near Bordeaux, as a reprisal for the assassination of the military administration adviser Hans Reimers in Bordeaux. One of those killed was Guy Moquet (17).164 This same day, Pablo executed the oil Femme assise dans un fauteuil[301] where he distorted Maar’s figure beyond logical comprehension, again entangling her dynamic body with the solid elements of the armchair. The interlocking shapes of the figure, highlighted with bright yellow outlining, produce a portrait of her that is at once startling and inviting.165 Nash writes: “For Picasso the theme developed into a kind of looking glass that reflected his own internal reactions to people and events around him . . . From his ‘portraits’ of others, an extensive self-portrait of the artist emerged.”166 As already mentioned, the artist kept a sort of “war diary,” systematically using pages from the daily press as support. Using black oils with touches of white, red and Prussian blue, the heads he painted are often arranged in the opposite direction to the newspaper text. These geometric studies made full use of the margins and the typographic grid for rendering the subject as geometric structures. The inserts, frames, spaces and subheads were used to underline one feature or another. Slogans and adds also played their part.167 In Tête de femme[303], the lines of the face encircle and detach the letters “ART” in the title of a review of the play Marie Stuart by the eighteenth-century German playwright Gotthold Ephraim Lessing. The queen had been beheaded for plotting to assassinate her cousin. In the upper right-hand corner of the page, the illustration to a serialized story, “La Passion héroïque de Mme. de Lavallette,” depicts Napoleon’s defeated army at Waterloo. In both of these stories, England was portrayed as the enemy, as it was in the daily Vichy press,168 so this might be Picasso’s cynical commentary on that fake propaganda. The head in Tête de femme[302] has the same general outline and resembles a skull with its filled-in eyes and lack of eyebrows. The dark wash around the head, which might represent hair, partially obscures the headline of an article continued from page one that reads: “The murderers of Bordeaux have assassinated a German— but the blows hit France.” The story described the funeral of a German soldier, which was attended by the mayor of Bordeaux and the regional prefect. His skull might have been an expression of his support for such underground’s attacks.169

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On October 30, one month after a similar trip to Germany for French writers and in response to the Propagandastaffel, a group of artists accepted an invitation by Arno Breker. They included the sculptors Henri Louis Bouchard, Louis Legueune (both members of the Institut de France), Paul Landowski (director of the École des Beaux Arts and member of the Académie des Beaux-Arts), Charles Despiau and his student Paul Belmondo; and the painters André Dunoyer de Segonzac, Kees Van Dongen, Maurice de Vlaminck, André Derain, Othon Friesz, Roland Oudot, Raymond Legueult, and Jean Janin. Aristide Maillol was excused due to his age and Maurice Denis somehow avoided going.170 They would travel to Vienna, Nuremberg, Dresden, Berlin and Düsseldorf, and also visited Breker’s studio as official sculptor of the Third Reich.171 A drawing Picasso made on page two of Paris-Soir from November 1 is inscribed at the bottom, “Pour Georges Hugnet.” Hugnet was a regular visitor to his studio and they often had lunch at Le Catalan. They must have discussed the announcement of the artists’ trip to Germany, which was on the front page. They doubtless shared negative opinions about those who had accepted the Germans’ invitation to visit Germany. After the Occupation, Pablo would tell John Groth that “he hoped that Derain would be shot.”172 On a separate page he made the drawing Tête de femme, profil droit[304], painted over an article mentioning a proposal to liberate the Jews detained in Drancy. By this time, his portraits of Dora reflected the trials and tribulations that they were experiencing together, and her image came to represent the ominous mood of that period.173 He depicted her again on November 3 in Femme assise dans un fauteuil[305]. The rigid lines and geometric, almost monolithic, shapes was Picasso’s template for translating his disquiet onto canvas. He used a military palette—the grayish green of the German military uniform and the green and brown of camouflage—to give the strange, cumbersome forms an increased menace. By distorting Dora’s facial features he once more alluded to the dehumanizing aspect of the Occupation. And yet, he still included a hat with a frivolous assortment of plumage or flower as part of her trademark.174 German journalists, soldiers, and visitors all made reference at the time to what they saw as the overtly sensual demeanor of Parisian women: they wore stylish clothes and makeup; they felt comfortable walking unescorted and being alone in a major metropolis. The occupiers were both fascinated and repelled, but there was always an undercurrent that admired the sexual self-confidence of the French.175 Picasso attended an exhibition of Matisse’s recent drawings at Galerie Louis Carré running November 10th to 30th.176 Carré had

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specialized in modern twentieth-century art and Negro sculpture. Since that was precisely the art considered “degenerate” by the Nazis, it is unclear to what capacity he dealt with them.177 Matisse wrote around this time to his son: “I find it amusing that everyone can think of reasons to stay in France. When I heard for a moment that Pablo was in Mexico, it really upset me. I felt that France was the poorer for it.”178 Picasso was indeed in Paris, and he survived by staying mostly indoors. Focusing on the ordinary objects that graced his studio, the people closest to him, and the comings and goings of daily life in Paris was the artist’s only escape. As he later explained, during this time it seemed “there was nothing else to do but work seriously and devotedly, struggle for food, see friends quietly, and look forward to freedom.”179 His paintings, drawings and sculptures chronicled the everyday stoicism and small feats of endurance that marked the lives of the French as they struggled to survive under such an oppressive atmosphere. Throughout the Occupation, still life subjects became a central focus of his paintings, offering a glimpse into the Spartan conditions under which everyone lived and worked, as restrictions and rationing affected food supplies across Paris. Nature morte avec pigeon[306] and other still lifes of the period confronted the fear of hunger with a mixture of rusticity and morbidity.180 Although all the objects are here organized in a quasicubistic visual structure, they lack a firm hold. The slanted bottle on the left gives the impression that it may tip over at any time; while the angularly distorted, bulky and lifeless vegetables “float” on top of the table instead of lying on it. The body of the dead bird with its wings spread apart and its red feet cramped—as if it had been crucified—also seems to be sliding over the edge. The instability of the objects, combined with the striking antithetic diagonal structure of the composition and the contrasting juxtaposition of white sections and black contours, lead to a tension between the supposedly cheerful colors and the restless, aggressiveness of the whole.181 This work contrasts with another that came one day later: La table[307]. The sudden appearance of a small bowl of radiant fruit suggests the unexpected availability of longed for items on the black market perhaps, or in the small gardens that dotted the neighborhood around Picasso’s studio.182 The tight composition isolates its few constituents: a trapezoidal table whose top is folded down, a bottle of wine, a fruit bowl, a glass, creating a composition that borders on abstraction. Despite the happier than usual note of the green fruit, Maurice de Raynal was inclined to think that, if Picasso’s palette has ever mourned, it is here through a return to a sober and synthetic composition in the cubist spirit.183

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By mid-November, there were further reductions in the supply of gas and electricity. Metro stations were being closed, elevators no longer worked, factory output dropped and there was a ban on the installation of any new domestic appliances.184 Streetlights were intermittent at best, absent most of the time. A constant darkness meant that one had to learn anew how to navigate familiar streets and neighborhoods. To live in a newly darkened Paris, a city that had been known for its taming of nighttime, was unnatural and disorienting to both visitors and residents.185 This disorientation left its mark in the worried and uncomfortable aspect of the figure in Femme assise dans un fauteuil[308] from November 17. The outlines are angular and sections of the body are displaced, evoking either physical or psychological discomfort. As in many other paintings, the mouth is a straight line, which implies tension; when it is set at an angle as here, a sense of displeasure is suggested. The eyes are set askew, their pupils betray a state of confusion.186 L’Illustration and Comœdia reported on the departure of the French artists sponsored by the Propagandastaffel on November 22.187 Two days later, Picasso wrote the poem goutte d’eau that includes references to death and putrefaction: “the ribbons of mixed colors exalting the stench of the crabs rotting on the beach . . . the body abandoned to the will of the waves.”188 At the end of the month, Comœdia informed its readers again about the trip.189 Contrary to the conceding posture of the artists that had accepted to go, many now argued that in the midst of reconstruction, art had to be driven out of its seclusion and get involved in the Résistance; artists had to be reminded of their social and redemptive mission, as everyone agreed that “art for all” should not be a diversion, but rather a spur that energized sluggish minds and spirits.190 Rebellion on other fronts, after all, continued. Several attacks on German soldiers took place in December. As a result, Otto von Stülpnagel announced that, until further notice, all restaurants, cinemas, theaters and other places of entertainment would be closed at 5 p.m.; all inhabitants of the Seine department were to stay indoors with their windows closed from 6 p.m. to 5 a.m.. Also, since not a single perpetrator of the latest anti-German attacks had been arrested, he ordered that one hundred Communists, Jewish, and anarchist hostages be taken out and executed. In reaction to these events, Picasso made several drawings on L’aubade in which the reclining nude became a universal metaphor of suffering.191 In these studies, the artist was concerned with the multiple possibilities of polyperspective representation through torsions of the body.192 Although Spies argues that the range of postures and aggregate states that the female figure goes through has something anti-psychological about it, one cannot doubt that her distortions are

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also symbolic of the abuse on the French population.193 On this same date, the third rafle of Jews was carried out in the context of collective reprisal measures taken by the MBF. 743 Jews—almost all of them French and many from well-to-do backgrounds—were arrested by Feldgendarmes and members of the Sipo-SD, assisted by French police.194 Three days later, ninety-five hostages, most of them Communists, were shot according to the planned measures. Forty-four of them were Jews from the Drancy camp. The others had been taken from the Romainville fort, the Compiègne and Châteaubriant camps, and the prisons of Fresnes, Fontevrault and La Santé. Among them were Gabriel Péri, the former parliamentarian for the town of Argenteuil and editor of the communist newspaper L’Humanité, and Lucien Sampaix, the former secretary-general of that same journal.195 The news of the execution left Picasso visibly shaken.196 In the watercolor Femme nue couchée[309] from December 16, an anthropomorphic figure stretches out on a dark, angular couch. Both arms are folded behind her head, her face marked by a black spot; her breasts have become thorn-like, pointed structures that do not nourish, but are to be used as weapons; in front of her spherical belly, a pubic triangle, enlarged as a cutout and folded into the surface, is aggressively displayed. Prominent spiderweb-like line work executed in an excited, scratchy-dashed manner and dirty green, ocher and gray-blue tones for the body make the lying nude appear like a poisonous insect. Sagging colored stripes in the background further reinforce the effect of the dissonant, angular body and jagged contours of the couch, which looks like an open, darkly opened coffin.197 During the winter, he painted one more oil of Dora, Buste devant la fenêtre[311], a unique composition for the period in its complexity and sophistication. He was once again profoundly influenced by her “Proustian mixture of two persons,” portraying her with a Janus-like double-head, her face divided by an alluring mane of dark hair, which echoes the upward thrust of the plant to the left.198 The double-faced woman encapsulates the increasing anxiety at a time characterized by a general suspicion of duplicitous associates. The birdcage in the background is especially striking. While the painting shares the coloring and sense of claustrophobia of the majority of his wartime paintings, it also contains a sense of desired freedom. The woman is both looking through the window and, paradoxically, seen by the viewer as positioned beyond the window frame. She is thus both imprisoned and free, like the bird that she appears to study with such interest. By this time Dora had become Picasso’s almost exclusive model, and he continued to deconstruct her image ad libitum. As Richardson writes, “each of its

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expressions serene, asleep, irritated, amorous, formal, happy, sullen, laughing, pensive, melancholy, languorous, ecstatic, hopeless, radiant, enclosed, hysterical” was a source of inspiration for the artist.199 After a portion of the Grands-Augustins studio had been renovated to accommodate sculptures, he had made numerous figurines, as well as a few larger pieces like Tête de femme[310] representing Dora.200 Picasso told Brassaï how he had managed against all odds to still carve and to cast in bronze: “Some devoted friends have transported plaster at night in handcarts to the foundries . . . And it was even more risky to bring them here in bronze under the nose of the German patrols”201 In his article, Malo had mentioned “a goddess” whose face Pablo had been tirelessly perfecting for months.202 More noble than many previous sculptural depictions, her hieratic pose and the straightness of her profile speaks of resistance against the forces of evil.203 Franzke likened this sculpture to Rodin’s similarly stoic portrait of Pierre de Wiessant, but in Picasso’s case it had been elevated into a “head monument” in its own right, “one that crystallizes the spiritual force of artistic potency.”204

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CHAPTER SEVEN

1942 L’aubade

Picasso was constantly reminded that no one in Paris at the time was immune to the dangers of the Occupation as more and more measures were enacted by the Vichy and German authorities against those who sought to defy their control. Nevertheless, this did not keep Résistance networks, some of whose members were Pablo’s friends, from becoming even more active. There were constant attacks against the occupiers and reprisals against the attackers, or more often against innocent hostages. Tensions on both sides grew with repeated allied bombings.1 As the list of rationed provisions increased, the property at Boisgeloup, maintained by Monsieur and Mademoiselle Réty, also became less of a source of food than in the past, and Picasso ran into serious supply problems. But his creativity did not really seem to be hampered by restrictions. He continued to paint with unwavering obstinacy. If the radicalism of his art provoked the ire of some detractors, with their cohort of incendiary letters, the artist retained the unconditional support of comrades and gallery owners like Berthe Weill or Jeanne Bucher. Éluard, the faithful friend of these years, confided in the novelist Louis Parrot: “Picasso is in a marvelous period (une période magnifique).”2 January saw the publication of the second volume of Livre ouvert (Cahiers d’Art), dedicated to Pablo. The poet had rejoined the Communist Party, perhaps in response to the escalating intensity of the attacks and counter-attacks between the occupants and their opponents in Paris.3 This period also revealed a “furious need to communicate” in Picasso, according to Michel Leiris. His output during the first half would be marked by the dark circumstances of restrained living conditions. The female nude in Nu couché[312] becomes a metaphor for such an absurd existence. Earlier in the year, Comœdia had publish a selection of Albert Camus‘ L’Étranger, establishing the writer as a spokesman for a philosophy of the absurd along with Jean-Paul Sartre.4 Defacing the lying model with his usual cubist fragmentations and polyperspective twists of the body, he turned her into a strange hideous monster.5 A cell-like

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seclusion makes the woman appear to be locked up. As she reclines with her arms behind her head, with a second figure standing behind her, she presents a parody of the great masters Velázquez, Goya, Manet, etc., through the inclusion of the mirror motif.6 The misshapen anatomy of the repulsive figure, which the folds of the sheets only serve to emphasize, hints at a thwarted appeal to the viewer. Contrary to the inviting Maja in Goya or Olympia in Manet, the reclining nude is shown as a naked fury by the Negro servant holding a bouquet of flowers as she pushes the curtain aside. Dirty red tones, dissonantly used throughout, divide the picture like a serrated ribbon, evoking a tense and uncomfortable atmosphere. The obvious ambivalence between appealing and repelling could be interpreted as a statement on his personal conflict with his partner, an admitted failure of intimacy.7 From 1942, Picasso showed a certain tendency to define the surroundings of seated figures also as a form of hostile opposition. Wedge-like or dark cubist structures, coming from the edges of the picture, seem to press, squeeze and prod the model.8 This can be seen in the watercolor Dora Maar[313] from January 11. Yet, despite the oppressive environment, she is imbued with a somewhat lighter spirit, evoked by a soft, delicate palette and the jaunty, yellow straw hat, although it is a lightness of spirit whose very fragility is poignant.9 The presence of the hat is, once again, a signal feature in his portraits of Dora, and its appearance serves to distinguish her from the other woman in his life. Léal has pointed out, “If Marie-Thérèse incarnated a wild beauty, a sporty and beautiful ‘wild plant,’ Dora Maar is the perfect prototype of the surrealist Egeria, capricious and eccentric . . . The most provocative emblem of her somewhat flashy elegance is the little over-ornate hat that Picasso’s places on her head (he would soon give the object a ridiculous, then grotesque, and even threatening, aspect.”10 Another intimate and beautifully-rendered portrait of Dora on her infamous armchair, Portrait de femme[314], was painted in ethereal layers of pastel-colored gouache. Perhaps the most significant and extraordinary aspect of this work is the revealing dedication at lower right: “pour Henri Matisse amicalement Picasso.” The gift of such a personal picture underscores the careful and deliberate nature in which the two painters selected works to present one another.11 The older artist had returned to his residence at Hôtel Régina in Nice in May 1941, after undergoing an operation in Paris in January.12 In the gouache Tête de femme[315], Dora’s mysteriously intense but inscrutably impassive visage seemed to reflect the ominous and troubled mood during these increasingly violent years. However, the woman portrayed here is unlike the terrifying Erinyes-like female characters

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found in 1937; against a somber background, she stares outward with a wide-eyed look of resignation, surrounded by an air of sinister melancholy.13 That same day, Éluard wrote to Maar from Vézelay, where he was staying with Nusch at Zervos’ place: “It is very cold here, but the sun is shining . . . I try to work. Are you working? If yes, can I get a painting from you when I return?.” Nusch added: “I am bored without you. There is a room here waiting for your visit. Write me—and come with Skis, your easel and your laughter.”14 Dora had by this time settled back in her apartment that now also served as her workshop at No. 6, rue de Savoie.15 On January 23, the two ethnologists Boris Vilde and Anatole Levitsky of the Musée de l’Homme, leaders of the Résistance network called Reseau de Musée de l’Homme, were executed. Seven more members of that same group would be shot the following month,16 as well as seven others from the Comité National de Salut Publique, killed by firing squad at Mont-Valérien.17 Picasso’s close friend and neighbor, Michel Leiris, was an ethnologist too. Many of their mutual friends were also involved in Résistance activities as Vilde and Levitsky were, so it must have been particularly distressing for them to be aware that men of letters in Paris were so vulnerable to the ultimate penalty for their role in such actions.18 Another intellectual, Jacques Decour, was arrested after the second and last issue of La Pensée Libre had been printed, and before he could see the publication of his new magazine, Les Lettres françaises, for which several of Pablo’s friends, among them Éluard, Leiris and Aragon, would write anonymously. He would be shot by the Germans three months later.19 Tipped off by friends that the Gestapo had been told about a certain Jew, apparently Kahnweiler, “stowing away firearms,” Leiris warned the dealer to move from where he had been hiding out at Le-Repaire-l’Abbaye under the name Henri-Georges Kersaint. He and his wife fled to the village Lagupie in Gascony between Marmande and La Réole in the Lot-et-Garonne department. They would remain there until 1944.20 The authorities now imposed a curfew from 8 p.m. to 6 a.m. specifically aimed at Jews, forbidding them to move between those hours. Picasso drew many anonymous portraits in a highly realistic style. They might have been people he observed in cafés and restaurants, all potential victims of future unwarranted arrests and executions. At the end of the month, General Ernst von Schaumburg, the German commander in Paris, would announce the deportation of one hundred additional members of communist and Jewish youth organizations, and the execution of six of them. More reprisals would follow. Around this time, Laurent Casanova, Secretary of the PCF, escaped from the German prison camp where he had been held since 1939. With

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Éluard’s assistance he went into hiding in Paris, taking refuge in Leiris‘ apartment, where he met Picasso, proving pivotal in the artist’s decision to join the party.21 After the assassination of a German soldier, General Schaumburg published a notice declaring that, in retaliation, “twenty Communists and Jews belonging to the same milieu as the perpetrators will be executed. Twenty more will be shot if the murderers are not discovered before March 16, 1942.”22 Also the trial of seven youngsters from the 11th arrondissement, much “publicized” in the Bataillons de la jeunesse, had started at Palais Bourbon before a German military court. The defendants were accused of having carried out seventeen attacks on German soldiers and facilities. Among them were Christian Rizzo, Tony Bloncourt, Roger Hanlet and Robert Peltier. All were found guilty and sentenced to be executed by firing squad at Mont-Valérien.23 The political atmosphere remained grim, fueled by accusations, denunciations and self-justifications. About the Occupation and its effects, Pablo remarked despairingly to Cocteau: “You’ll see. Everything will go from bad to worse. It’s all broken in us.”24 Between February and March, Dora would write a desperate poem, her melancholy seeping into every line: “I despair. / But it’s not actually me / The tall buildings facing the sun, the even sky, / I can see them from my bedroom at the summit of the landscape / I don’t move / That’s how I’ve always done it. I weighed everything down / Today this other landscape on this Sunday at the end / of the month of March 1942 in Paris the silence is so deep that the / songs of the pet birds are like little flames quite / visible. I despair / but let’s leave all that.”25 Vividly anticipating her own solitude, remaining undeterred in her pride, she refused to ask herself or anyone else for pity: “Today it’s another landscape in this / Sunday at the end / of the month of March 1942 in Paris / the silence is / so great that the songs of the tame / birds are like little / flames you can see. I am desperate / But let it be.”26 In Picasso’s poem expressément nue, written on February 23, he had included references to her despairing mood, also reflected in some of the nude paintings of her during this period, immersed in a cold, grey environment: “distinctly naked . . . ice cold feet glued to the fire of painted perfumes . . . muse of a thousand disguises . . . one hand detaches itself from the arms lays its lips on the bottom of the arcs of ribbons with thousands of irritated colors . . . the ice cold breast . . . the mouse-gray painting . . . the sighs and indulgences of the wall hanging on the mirrors’ mirages.”27 Towards the end of the month, temperatures in Paris had dropped to minus 10˚C.28 At this time, he did a bust length painting of Maar wearing a hat. Her face, body, even the hair, are faceted, so that the whole figure has a hard, sculptural look. There is a very similar portrait, Femme au chapeau[316],

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also painted then, done completely in tones of grey. Zervos suggests that, with the Occupation, Picasso had absorbed an excess of the green and grey in German uniforms. Another predominant color was blue, as in Femme au corsage bleu[317] from February 27. In both paintings, the lower half of the face is shifted to the figure’s right, and the upper half, with the nose, is swung to the left. The eyes are horizontally aligned and stare straight out at the viewer, as though in an effort to communicate their pain. The hard, unyielding stone-like quality of the prismatic shapes might indeed express Picasso’s feelings about the terrible events taking place that month, some of which directly affected his close friends.29 Picasso once said: “I always started pictures just as they came to me. And told myself even if this leads nowhere, by evening you’ll have made a little something.”30 He had decided to remain in Paris in contrast with other recognized figures who had opted for exile (either abroad, as Fernand Léger and the surrealist group; or internally, as Braque in Varengeville, Matisse in Nice, Bonnard in Le Cannet, etc.,). Picasso, who never fled drama, saw in the Occupation new sources of expression, living material to be given human form. Leal asks: “Are all these timeless figures and those still lifes he painted outside the domain of reality? or, on the contrary, are they not the most eloquent part of a “cruel art? An art that internalizes history by taking the opposite of outdated rhetorical formulas to invent a stylistic, anti-declamatory and a-narrative counter-model, but which embodies the war, so to speak, in the most sensitive way.”31 He was apparently worried about running out of painting provisions, so he asked Mlle. Rolland to send his easel and canvases which had been left behind at Les Voiliers. She would oblige, despite the “annoying formalities” required to enter the off-limits zone. Indeed, this would be the last time she would be able to do so.32 On March 5, he made another drawing of Dora: Femme assise[318]. The features are definitely hers, despite the deliberate distortions that Picasso has carried out on her face. These add to the feeling of anxiety that is so tellingly captured in her pose and the otherworldly shape of the throne-like chair upon which she is sitting. She was the perfect vehicle for his explorations of the rising tension in Paris. The image of her, seemingly contorted in her rigorous posture on the chair, which serves as a sort of instrument of torture, conveys a sense of her disquiet and Picasso’s own, as well.33 This work and others have a somber air of loneliness. The architectural surroundings are always bleak and confining. The palette is usually stripped down to a sensually deprived range of browns, ochers or grays, and its dim illumination casts a nighttime, wintry chill over the pictures.

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RAF had started bombing raids on the Renault factory in BoulougneBallancourt, on the industrial suburbs of Paris killing over 600 people on March 3.34 Jean Galtier-Boissière, a French writer, and Ernst Jünger, a German author, both described the terrible attack in their diaries. Many Parisians had watched horrified from the Pont Neuf, just around the corner from Pablo’s studio at No. 7, rue des Grands-Augustins.35 Kahnweiler’s home where the Leiris lived had been damaged.36 About one week later, Picasso wrote the poem gantée de fleurs which includes very evocative images: “ironically burnt stretched painted stoically with golden nails naked in her crumpled dress set fire by a thousand lamps column of marble open to the blows of the fan bent on beams of jasmine . . . flames of bugles rattling furiously their silks . . . thirty six thousand candles trembling in the windows.”37 These could be read as references to the bombing raids, with their bursts of flame and light, fires, columns of smoke, and noise which would have shaken the very beams of buildings. His poetry was often sprinkled with tactile, olfactory and plastic images: “the rose pinks the mallow mauves the apple greens and the bronze milk of calcium the blue fingernails of the pale yellows.”38 An entry for March 13 in Leiris’s journal reads: “Today, lunch with Picasso and Dora Maar. At the end of the lunch, alarm, which lasts about an hour. As we do not hear detonations, as it happens far away, everyone remains indifferent, finding only a little annoying to have to wait at the restaurant, without being able to go to their business.”39 A few days later, Pablo painted the gouache Tête de femme[319] where we find again the frightening deformation resulting from the separation and reconnection of the two main facial planes, usually the nose and forehead, on the one hand, and the jaw and the mouth, on the other, with one of them appearing frontally, the other in profile. The tension between the two halves of the face is primarily orchestrated by the contrasting position of the eyes, with heavy lid ridges, rounded or square, framed, at different heights, presented either frontally or sideways, looking inwards inside the face or outwards to confront the viewer. The representation implies that all human existence consists of a conflict between vital forces. As Meyer argues, the “form struggle” in the face corresponds to an outermost mobilization of human resistance, a state of radical militancy, analogous to the fight in the streets.40 On March 20, a public lecture on Picasso was presented by the group Jeune France with the participation of Maurice Morel (l’abbé Morel).41 His talk incited the anger of Jeanne Bucher, as Morel revealed an unmistakable contempt for modern art.42 The following day Bucher wrote to Pablo: “We feel . . . a gratitude toward this man, this Picasso, who forced us to adventure and effort, who pursued only the most daring paths and

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saved us from boredom. Cubism represents, not an emptiness, but the purest and most noble outcome of the art of our time.”43 Almost as a reaction, the artist executed a set of geometric compositions in a variety of styles, from the most summary indications of a human head—in which he used an “X” as a shorthand for Dora’s “starry” eyes—to a sensitive portrait likeness of her on March 27.44 The story of the latter commenced during a visit to her apartment on March 26 when Pablo saw an incomplete sketch of her by Jean Cocteau. In his diary the poet had noted: “I think the drawing is beautiful and that it looks a lot like her.”45 Disregarding any possible value in the other man’s work, Picasso painted over it his own Femme au corsage de satin[343], eventually finishing the canvas on October 9 after numerous reworkings.46 Many of the characteristics of this painting are the same as those found in the multitude of distorted female figures of this period: the wide open, staring eyes; the rigid frontality, etc.47 She is prominently off center, and the projecting section of the wall to her left, darker than the rest, presents an imminent threat, appearing to close in on her like a looming shadow, accounting for the tension registered in her face.48 Originally, the celllike enclosure had been emphasized by painting bars in the background. Maar, distant and unfocused, as if in some other world, seemed more an apparition than a real person. While she was posing, her mother had fallen seriously ill, so the trouble in her eyes was understandable.49 When he later revisited the canvas in October, he removed the prison bars, but intensified the suffering in her face. On March 7, his longtime friend and collaborator Juli González died in Arcueil, outside Paris.50 After the demarcation of the two zones, family and friends of the deceased were unable to leave the unoccupied south. Picasso and Zervos, along with the flamenco dancer Felix Fernández and Apel.les Fenosa, a sculptor, were among the very few in attendance for the funeral at the local parish church. Pablo would admit to them that the service deeply upset him. A few days later, he mysteriously remarked to Fenosa: “I am the one who killed him,” perhaps meaning that his artistic fame had overshadowed Gonzalez’s.51 The large painting known as Nature morte au crâne de bœuf[323] would be painted on April 5 in response to the sculptor’s funeral. The bull skull rests in what appears to be a coffin, and the intense colors in the background are clearly inspired by the stained glass windows of the small Romanesque church where the services had been held.52 He also wrote il ne fut pas inutile, recording his distress over his friend’s death. The poem previewed images that would appear in other paintings later on: “a night-light obscuring the gnawed rim of the dish the interminable chain of peplums stirred silently by the moon the smell so violent of the

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deep violet tone spread over the apple green and the dew moistening with rose the lemon calming until completely stifled the bitter orange music thrusting its hot sighs into the indulgent open ear of the yellow ocher.”53 Around this time, he discovered a dismounted bicycle from which, in tribute to his lost collaborator, he created the assemblage Tête de taureau[320].54 He would later work with many other objets trouvés.55 The use of a bicycle in this sculpture has additional significance in the context of the Occupation. Metro stations were closed with increasing frequency, sometimes for security reasons, but also because of the absence of personnel, the lack of repair parts, or the sporadic supply of electricity. This meant that the few trains that ran were often filled to the brim with Parisians and Germans, forcing an intimacy unwanted by both. As there were fewer motorized vehicles, including public buses, on the street, bicycles became even more essential and thus ubiquitous, though their owners suffered from a paucity of tire rubber and oil. A flat tire or stripped gears could be a major tragedy in the life of a worker or a mother responsible for her children’s welfare.56 In an additional homage to his dead friend González, he painted six more pictures throughout the month portraying a dramatic bull skull set on a table in front of a closed window draped with funeral hangings.57 Walther writes: “The most important element of his cubist pictures . . . used to be the contrast between an everyday subject and the destruction of the form that carried it. Now, however, the destruction had been doubled. Destroyed form, a typical feature of Picasso’s art, now also had to carry the ideas of destruction, fragmentation and confusion.”58 A few years earlier, greatly affected by the death of his mother, Pablo had painted a similar scary bull head in Nature morte: tête de taureau[175]. The deformed skull, rendered expressionistic by the play of full and empty voracious teeth, gaping mouth and hollow orbits, had then reflected his immense sadness at not being able to attend her funeral and expressed his deep nostalgia of his native country. The 1942 paintings were a memento mori just as striking. The cross frame of the opening in the background of Nature morte au crâne de bœuf[324] gives the composition a terribly dramatic aspect. Here it is again a question, not only of mourning, but of sacrifice. These works exude a smell of blood and butchery, with flayed skulls, brushed in broad strokes. A meditation on death, these vanities have more than any other the function of an exorcism.59 Even the selection of the more compressed vertical format was consistent with the austerity of his work at this time. Since it was intended as a memorial to a sculptor whom Picasso respected, he gave the skull a decidedly voluminous form, underscoring the black orbits.

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Some of the muscles and ligaments are drawn as if González would have welded them. As a result, while the animal is clearly dead, it seems to have returned to life as a ghost to haunt the living.60 In April, as the number of attacks on Germans escalated, so did the severity of the sanctions and restrictions imposed by General Schaumburg.61 The sparsity of light was conspicuous in many of these pictures. In some cases, it certainly evokes the muted light of wartime blackouts and curfews. The color violet, which features again and again, alludes to the opaque fabrics that were used as curtains to prevent light from seeping through to the outside.62 Gerhard Heller, the German censor in Paris, reported that during a visit to Picasso’s studio, he told him: “I painted that at night, because at that moment I preferred the nighttime illumination to that of daylight . . . you must return at night to see.”63 These unsustainable and tragic paintings with their emaciated skulls, nocturnal pendants, expressed the tragedy of these months in a way that seems far removed from the irony of Désir attrapé par la queue written the previous winter. Faithful to its Spanish roots, Pablo chose to record the darkness of the time through dreadful bull skulls.64 In the oil Nature morte[321], daylight entered the interior from a window at the left, bathing the wall behind, but leaving the bare-bone bull head in the dark.65 A vase containing a single flower with enormous leaves is the only other thing one sees on the table. Pierre Malo had written in February in the article “Triomphe de la nature morte” in Le Matin: “Still lifes are a genre that have enjoyed unparalleled success since rationing . . . People jostled for what they could eat, or rather, for images of what they could eat.”66 This is perhaps why one can barely find anything edible in Picasso’s still life. “There was not much for [his chambermaid Inès] to cook with in Paris,” O’Brian has written. “However, [she] did a great deal with very little; she was thoroughly used to Picasso; she fed him as well as she could.”67 At the beginning of the war, while the artist and his entourage had been staying in Royan, Inès, née Odorisi, had moved back to Mougins, where she married Gustave Sassier. She returned with her husband to Paris in 1942, and moved into a small apartment below Pablo’s rooms and studio on rue des Grands-Augustins. Her caring attention was a great comfort to him and Dora during the war. She applied her considerable culinary skills to making the most of meager, rationed fare.68 He would capture her in Portrait d’Inès Sassier[322], a work he also dedicated to her. On April 18, Laval returned to power as a result of pressure from German diplomats, who sought to revive a collaborationist program.69 He replaced François Darlan as Prime Minister under Pétain. In addition to his key role as head of the executive—Pétain having now retreated

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into the background—Laval was also Minister of the Interior, of Information and of Foreign Affairs. From then on, his role consisted in striving to ensure that France would have une place de choix by Germany’s side in a new Europe struggling against communism. Laval pursued policies of collaboration, supporting an increase in the deportation of foreign Jews. He replaced the anti-Semite Xavier Vallat with a still greater fanatic, Louis Darquier de Pellepoix, as head of the Commisariat général aux questions juives (CGQJ). As part of their strategy of extermination, the Nazis had decided that 100,000 Jews should be deported. As a first step, 40,000, between 16 and 40, were sent to the east, including 10,000 from the unoccupied zone.70 The following day, Picasso painted Femme assise au chapeau-poisson[325], a somber oil done in a surrealist spirit.71 The woman’s hat shaped like a fish is decorated with a knife and fork and piece of lemon which indirectly evoke the preoccupation with sustenance that haunted these years in which food was scarce, but also provide the painting with a sense of ominous aggression through its death symbol.72 Tension is registered in the restless eyes, the hole-like reduced mouth, furrowed brow and emphatic lines defining the nostrils and cheeks. She is seated stiffly in an uncomfortable-looking straight-backed chair, her hands folded on her lap point again to helplessness.73 An equally dark portrayal may be found in the engraving Portrait de Dora Maar[326] that Paul Éluard used to illustrate Au rendez-vous Allemand, a violent poetic pamphlet against collaborationist writers: “Terrible terror / The time has come to count them / Because the end of their reign is coming,”74 Éluard wrote. General Schaumburg had just announced that ten Communists and Jews would be shot immediately in retaliation for the latest assassination of a German officer in a Metro station. If the culprit was not caught in a week, twenty more would be executed; plus fivehundred Communists, Jews, or others considered “jointly and severally responsible” would be deported to forced labor camps; in addition, all clubs, movies, and theaters would be closed for three days. These threats brought results, and those responsible for the assassination were turned in.75 Fear and frustration with all the commotion surrounding him found expression in Dora’s angst-ridden features in Buste de femme[327]. Subjecting her to pitiless analysis, Picasso dissected every aspect of her. As Daix writes: “studies by a lover who would like his painting to master her, once and for all.”76 Her hair was streaked with grey and the texture and color of her skin was rendered with the cold and pale flesh tones of a carcass. Her large, sad, black eyes, although not weeping, seem to be full of tears. Her mouth too, small and red, is twisted into the shape of

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a moan. Masterfully controlling various contrasting elements in order to accentuate her suffering, the strange, off-white background thrusts the bolder colors of the sitter into relief, throwing them at the viewer; arresting his/her attention. Similar features may be found in several engravings of Dora included in the book Non Vouloir by Georges Hugnet, published in Éditions Jeanne Bucher this month. Picasso dedicated one of them to Éluard who, like Hugnet, was to go underground in the Résistance in the summer.77 The whimsical headpiece in the oil enhances the overall brutality of the facial rendering. If the incongruous bright clothes highlight the distress of the sitter, the jaunty hat, perched on her head, somehow captures the intense atmosphere of instability that came hand in hand both with the Occupation and with her increasing mental fragility. Looking away from the viewer to the right of the painting, the traumatic evidence of having seen and suffered too much in one so young is carved into the features by the bold, incisive brushwork.78 A similarly unstable hat appears balanced on Dora’s head in Femme dans un fauteuil[328]. The accessory is used again to emphasize the precarious equilibrium that seems to hold her entire form together, as the interlocking planes of her face, head and neck sit together in a complex assemblage of carefully counterbalanced weights and volumes. Boldly carving her face into two distinct planes, he exaggerated the sharp angles of her profile, while also adding a phallic, proboscis-like nose. Framed by the bold scarlet armature of the chair, her torso appears in a labyrinthine web of intersecting lines, a delicate interplay of curves and angles converging to create a fragmented, sculptural analysis of the volumes of her body. Set within a dark, shadowy background which throws her body into sharp focus, our attention is concentrated solely on Dora, as she gazes directly outwards. Her clasped hands create the impression that she is nervously waiting for something bad to happen, a reflection, perhaps, of Picasso’s own anxiety.79 His uniquely subjective visions of her express both his own inner emotions and despair at the terrible circumstances he was living through, while simultaneously reflecting the sentiments of the wider population, scarred by the traumas of war. Through the myriad of distortions and transformations that he subjected her features to as in Portrait de Dora Maar[329], she became the chief intercessor through whom he could reflect on current events, finding in this mysterious muse a model who somehow, on some intense and deeper level, suited the dark atmosphere of the times. Embodying the cruelty of the war, she transcended the specific moment in which the portrait was produced to become a universal, timeless expression of stoicism, defiance and resistance in the

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face of overwhelming brutality. As Daix wrote: “Through these attacks on the human face (which in turn make moments of love all the more expressive) the painter is constrained to protest the inhumanity of each day and show himself stronger than the enemy . . . [These women] seem to have been surprised in prison, thrown onto the canvas with heavy brush strokes, tremulous and hurried. Nonetheless they hold together with that extraordinary sense of composition which captures things at the point of dissolution and draws heightened strength from imbalance denied.”80 As the strenuous sessions in which Maar posed for L’Aubade were drawing to a close, Picasso settled on a recumbent nude female, serenaded by a seated nude woman with a guitar.81 He later said of this picture, “I painted it for myself. When you look at a nude made by someone else, he uses the traditional manner to express the form . . . But for me, I use a revolutionary expression . . . I paint this way because it’s a result of my thought. I have worked for years to obtain this result.”82 In its final version, all the anecdotal details (chaise longue, stool, lamp and carpet) which inscribed the nudes in an intimate reassuring setting had disappeared. The canvas was executed in a style abhorrent to official Nazi policy makers, given its calculated reorganization of the human anatomy and its unnaturalistic colors. The archetypal figures of the odalisque and the musician, traditional symbols of grace and voluptuousness, were demoted to the rank of political emblems. Neither models nor portraits, these were allegorical signs of death.83 Petrified in a hideous morphology, the swollen, cadaverous nude has already lost all human dimension. Picasso accorded each part of the torso—breasts and buttocks, for example—equal emphasis. The pale musician who watches over this laid out corpse was rendered with more angular lines and sharp contours. She clings to a lute deprived of strings from which no sound could ever come out. The space containing the two figures has been carefully constructed with diagonals, stabilized by the parallel lines of the chair, the striped bed covering and the bed frame, the lower edge of which extends the lute player’s right knee, and the crease of her dress. The atmosphere created by the colors and the tightly controlled lines is oppressive and conforms with that of a prison cell. In this context, the Venus mirror becomes a senseless prop in the lower left corner of the picture, merely reflecting the narrowness of the room.84 As Goggin suggests, a parallel could be drawn between the contradictions introduced by the apparently innocuous subject matter he chose vs. the overall grim effect of the painting, and the similar inconsistency between the apparently well-behaved, “benevolent” rule of the German

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occupiers vs. the ruthless reprisals taken against French civilians, “guilty by association” of attacks against soldiers.85 Abandoning the tricks of realism and the outdated iconography of heroic painting, Picasso opted for an emotional and psychological approach which captured current events through an intimate prism. The image of these decomposed bodies achieved its goal by universalizing the reality of torture and death which indiscriminately struck men, women and children, while paying tribute to the dignity of those who resisted in silence.86 Nash has written: “No other artist of the twentieth century left so sustained a moving visual record of the corrosive effect of war on the human spirit and its toll on human life. His achievement was to create a modern alternative to history painting. Through his treatment of quotidian subjects, refracted through the lens of private trauma, he captured a portrait of an era that rises above the strictly personal to comment memorably on life in the shadow of war.”87 The artist reaffirmed the sense of claustrophobic imprisonment within compositions like Nature morte au crâne de taureau[331] by condensing the space in such a way as to make the walls, ceiling and floor appear to converge and overlap upon one another. Balancing the darkness of its subject matter with the play of discordant, bright colors, the painting presents a subtle meditation on the precarious balance of life and death, moving beyond the sense of darkness and despair that flooded earlier works, transforming the bovine skull with its use of vibrant, clashing colors and visceral, energetic brushwork. Focusing his attention on the dynamic analysis of the skull’s sculptural quality, he dissolved its form into a complex interplay of intersecting, angular lines that seem to radiate outwards into the studio space, an impression enhanced by the dense layering of thick, linear strokes.88 Earlier in the year, Jacques Benoist-Méchin, in a visit to Berlin, had asked that the sculptor Arno Breker stage a solo exhibition in Paris. Benoist-Méchin was one of those who, against a hostile French public, advocated a reconciliation between the two countries, using culture— reputed to be neutral—to political ends.89 His efforts were successful, and from May 15 to July 31, a retrospective of the German artist was mounted at l’Orangerie des Tuileries.90 Cocteau went with Sacha Guitry to the inauguration, as he was a long-time friend of the sculptor. Bonnard, Derain, Despiau, Friesz, Maillol, van Dongen, Dunoyer de Segonzac, Vlaminck and even Picasso, among many others, also attended.91 Soon after the exhibition and as a clear reaction to it, a Résistance group called Le Front national des arts was formed and published L’Art français. André Fougeron, Edouard Pignon, André Marchand, Francis Grüber, Edouard Goerg, Jean Amblard, Jean-Claude

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Aujame, André Lhote, Maurice Denis, and Pierre Montagnac became active members.92 Articles praising the retrospective did not wait long to appear in the collaborationist press. In a text published in L’Illustration on May 16, Despiau, who had known Breker since 1927, wrote that his sculptures responded “to the new ideal,” and that they spoke “to the masses in a simple but elevated language.” He “exalts the individual in beauty, nobility, strength, and physical and moral well-being.” His art was “virile,” “simple,” “nude.” Despiau also penned an article printed on the front page of Comœdia praising the German’s work.93 The climax of the exhibition was when the Third Reich’s protegée was celebrated as the guest of honor at Hôtel Matignon on May 19 for a luncheon hosted by Laval, who had recently learned of the solid friendship between the sculptor and Hitler.94 Picasso, faithful to the pendulum movement that often characterizes his output, executed on May 22 fifteen moving and very gentle studies representing his daughter Maya.95 As Goggin points out, “it may be that he felt it was necessary to capture the reality of her childish love and innocence at a time when hatred and corruption were the order of the day.”96 In a busy Paris, shaken by the conflict, Pablo remained a pillar of artistic life. In Le Catalan, where he continued to be a regular, he met Spanish friends like Antoni Fenosa and Antoni Clavé, as well as Oscar Dominguez, Robert Desnos, Michel Leiris and Charles Ratton; at the Café de Flore, he joined the Zervos, Braque and others. His studio was also a place of transit and meetings, as Leiris wrote in his diary: “This morning, at Picasso, with Limbour . . . This is the room of the great matador, a pet court surrounds him while he is shaving . . . I never perceived his Spanish side and particularly his bullfighter’s look as I did today.”97 The artist soon discovered that he had perniciously hostile detractors among his fellow Parisians, who took advantage of the back-biting, scapegoat-seeking and treacherous climate of the Occupation to rain down aspersions on his character and his art. Reactionary critics used the collaborationist press to regularly unleash on Picasso the animus they had long pent up against the success of modernism in French painting.98 The violence of the journals in the war period revealed the joint reign of a fierce anti-Semitism and an equally virulent antimodernism. Among the insulting headlines that appeared were: “Picasso the Jew,” “Pablo Picasso the decadent,” “The obscene pornographer,” all of them in response to the purification campaign of “engaged art” promoted by Hitler.99 New anti-Jewish measures had been promulgated which required Jews over six years of age to wear the yellow Magen

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David in public. It would come into effect in France on June 7.100 The instructions were quite specific: “The badge must be worn about the level of the heart, firmly sewn to the garment, and must always be visible. It is forbidden to hide [cacher] the star in any manner whatsoever. One must take care of the insignias. In sewing the star onto the garment, one must turn under the border that extends past the star.”101 The macabre precision of detail, the use of the word heart rather than “left side of the chest” and the similarity between cacher (to hide) with kascher (kosher): all this language bespoke the obsessions that subtended Nazi racial policy. On June 6, writing in Comoedia, the artist Vlaminck, a frequent guest of German officers, denounced Picasso in an article entitled “Opinions libres . . . sur la peinture française,” declaring him “guilty of having dragged French painting into the most fatal dead end, into indescribable confusion,” and attacked both critics and public who had supported him. He dangerously compared his work with the metaphysics of the Kabala and Talmud. Cubism, he claimed, was “a perversity of the spirit . . . as remote from painting as the pederast is from love.” He added: “His facility for adaptation is only equaled by his ingenuity and artfulness.”102 Since the Occupation, Vlaminck had tried to ingratiate himself with the Nazis. He ridiculed the Spaniard with the statement: “The only thing that Picasso can’t do is a Picasso that’s really a Picasso.”103 The Frenchman’s outburst was somewhat tepidly countered by André Lhote in the same journal.104 His defense even kept alive the issue of developments in modern art that were considered “degenerate” and Bolshevistic by Nazis and collaborationists. What was worst, it brought attention to Picasso in the context of a nationalistic trend.105 As Bertrand-Dorléac writes: “To keep the specter of the defeat at bay, the time had come for a return to Frenchness, even for Picasso’s defenders, who now found he had a very “Spanish” temperament.”106 On June 16, Le Pilori ran a similar violent attack (signed R. M. Fechy) on “decadent art” under the guise of a review of John Henning Fry’s Decadent Art under Democracy and Communism. It reproduced Picasso’s female heads with the caption “a woman we’d loathe on sight.” The article was entitled “La Cacade a l’honneur.”107 If he was the target of other reactionaries like Camille Mauclair, Pablo nevertheless found many supporters in the artistic and literary world. In a separate response to Vlaminck’s attack, the manifesto “In the name of the upcoming generation,” penned by Gaston Diehl and signed by forty other artists, was published on June 20 in Comœdia. It read: “In an era that for thirty years has always lived in anguish, doubt, uncertainty, there has been an artist, Picasso, to go beyond and express in it

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only the despair, the hauntings, the flip-flops, the procrastination of a cruel time for mankind.”108 The war had not quite reached the three-year mark, and was going badly for the Allies; indeed, there was hardly any good news to be found anywhere to mitigate the despair of the vast population trapped inside Nazi-occupied Europe. German armored columns were racing across North Africa with the goal of entering Egypt and seizing the Suez Canal, Britain’s lifeline to India and the Far East.109 During the summer Picasso was not in the mood to paint; like a caged lion, chain-smoking, walking by himself or just with Kazbek, at best meeting a few friends in any little bistros unlikely to be frequented by Germans. He stopped going to any of the galleries he had previously visited rather regularly. Most of the dealers he knew were Jews, and some had been supplanted in their own galleries by inexperienced front men, better avoided, for they were often mere puppets for the Germans and their collaborators.110 Despite all the difficulties posed by the Occupation and shortages of metal, he managed to have some important works cast in bronze. He stored them in the annex studio in the rue des Grands-Augustins, and Brassaï eventually made photographs of them all.111 A large sculpture was more of a challenge. In July, the theme of the bearded man carrying a frightened restive lamb began with a series of sketches.112 Making an image that recalls early Christian depictions of the Good Shepherd, he would emphasize the craning of the animal’s neck and the effort of the holder to subdue the creature by grabbing its legs, preserving these motifs when he created the sculpture in clay in 1943. The two bodies, one captive and dependent on the other, standing in a firm equilibrium, were studied in general terms, contrasting their volumes and the relationship to each other. He analyzed the two individually as well as together and from a great variety of angles as he pursued his intention of developing the idea into a life-size sculpture.113 The tense struggle and physical energy of the lamb, with its mouth open and one leg dangling, were internalized, with the standing man projecting a solemn and introspective quietude. seemingly stoic in the exertion of the strength required to hold the animal.114 These sketches were an intentional response to Arno Breker’s giants at the Orangerie in the Tuileries gardens, grandiloquent statues mimicking Greco-Roman antiquity, Nazi fantasies of the Übermensch.115 Ultimately, the concept of progress that Picasso’s innovative representation signified went against the ideas defended by a totalitarian regime. For the Nazis, the concept of time as the individual’s frenetic, unmistakable and unrepeatable experience, with its demands and its hope for uniqueness, had to be done with. Nothing could be a greater

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challenge to a totalitarian state than modern art’s absolute denial of permanence, or rather immobility. Implicit in Picasso’s sculpture is an espousal of modernism and the categories that Baudelaire and Apollinaire had introduced, culminating in a rejection of the timelessness of art. Their aesthetics demanded that specific individual experience, transitory and accidental, be given preference over a totality that could no longer be illustrated.116 On July 14, Picasso made the drawing Scéne de 14 juillet[333] and the etching Paris, le 14 Juillet 1942[332]. On the left side of the engraving, a young woman protectively holds to her chest two white doves; an older one to her right has picked up a lamb; a girl with a bowl of fruit on her head leads a larger goat; on the right side of the picture we see a bearded gardener between his flowers in boxes and filled vases; in the background, two young men and two children stand between women and girls.117 Similar characters appear in the drawing. The image may represent a market scene. It could also be interpreted as people bringing offerings to the bearded man standing at the right. This would relate the drawings to the concept of sacrifice already being explored in the man carrying a lamb.118 From mid to late July, he would continue experimenting with various poses and positioning for the future sculpture. Part of the success of this subject was its ambiguity, evoking religious symbolism and humanity, while also suggesting man’s vulnerability to his own cruelty. Around this time, Gerhard Heller, the German officer working as a censor in the literary office of the German embassy in Paris, visited his studio, taken there by Jean Paulhan, a critic and writer who secretly contributed to different Résistance publications as well as wartime newspapers.119 Heller’s interest in Picasso at that particular time may have been aroused by Vlaminck’s article. His description of the atelier accords with other contemporary accounts. Canvases were strewn everywhere, some stacked on the floor, others hung on the walls.120 He relates: “We rang. Picasso himself came to open. I recognized his familiar silhouette: small, stocky, wrapped in a sort of blanket kept in place by a leather belt, a cap on his bald head and fiery eyes that pierced us. Very pleasant, very simple, he led us into his apartment, then into vast lofts with oak beams. Everywhere there were paintings, piled up, hanging, leaning on each other, upside down; he showed them, one by one, saying little, awaiting our reaction. I felt as if I were drunk.”121 Heller would subsequently run into him several times as he and Sabartés walked Kazbek or stopped by Cafe de Flore. He once saw him at a small restaurant in the rue Dauphine, with Jean Cocteau and Dora. By late summer, however, he started avoiding any place where he might run into

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Germans. Louise Leiris confirmed that Pablo would not go to the restaurant Lapérouse around the corner on the Quai des GrandsAugustins precisely because it was frequented by men in uniform and he did not like being around them.122 On July 16, the massive roundup of Jews in Paris known as La grande rafle du Vel d’Hiv took place in which 12,884 people (including 4,051 children) were arrested.123 With a deportation list that included 27,388 names, 888 teams of French police, with the assistance of four hundred Fascist youths from Jacques Doriot’s Parti Populaire Français, sealed off five arrodissements where the raids were carried out. Fifty buses were waiting to transport the arrested to Vélodrome d’Hiver (Vél’d’Hiv’), a large sports arena on rue Nélaton, south of the Eiffel tower. From there, they would eventually go to the concentration camp at Drancy in northeastern Paris.124 Pablo was more worried about Dora than ever before. There were rumors circulating about her Jewish background which were not untrue in her case; such gossip, falling on the wrong ears, could quickly result in the Gestapo detaining the unfortunate individual for questioning, and then worse.125 Picasso continued working on drawings on the motif of the man with the lamb. But the peaceful mood in the first sketches had suddenly changed. The bound lamb was now fiercely struggling and bleating. In L’homme au mouton (Étude)[334] there is a suggestion of fear, embodied in the young animal, and an implicit idea of sacrifice, in the constrained legs.126 As Goggin notes, its neck twisted backward, its chin thrust upward, and its mouth open in these drawings recall the preparatory images of the expiring horse in the Guernica mural.127 Through July 22, the 8,160 parents and children who had been held at Vél’d’Hiv’ were sent by train to internment camps at Pithiviers and Beaune-la-Rolande in the occupied zone south of Paris. When the adults were about to be transported to other camps, their kids remained behind. The first train of deportees from the rafle carried 879 men and 121 women packed into its wagons. When they reached Auschwitz two days later, 375 members of the convoy were gassed immediately upon arrival. Between then and November 11, a total of 29,878 Jews would be deported in thirty-one convoys.128 And it was not only people that were falling victim to the Nazi regime. Art was also being destroyed. On July 27, unsold paintings (including works by Picasso) at the Musée du Jeu de Paume were nonchalantly burnt on a bonfire in the grounds of the museum. The Nazis had already destroyed nearly 4,000 works of “degenerate” German art in Berlin in 1939. The German writer Ernst Jünger, who was serving as a Wehrmacht officer in Paris, visited Picasso’s studio on July 22. Apparently they had

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met briefly once before. He supposedly queried him for his book Sur les falaises de marbre.129 Jünger described Pablo as a “a small man in a simple smock, who gives one the impression of a magician.” He tried to get him to discuss artistic creativity, but his responses were intentionally evasive. About the impact of his work, he commented: “My pictures would have the same effect if I covered them up and sealed them without showing them to anyone after I finished them.” On the war he reportedly said: “The two of us, the way we are sitting here together, would negotiate peace this afternoon. This evening, people could turn on their lights,” making reference to the constant blackouts.130 Picasso often expressed much of the hardship and fear of the Occupation through the dramatic use of muted colors and harsh angles in his still-life objects. A moving example of the power of his art to transform the ordinary, they also became an important memento of this horrific period. Nature morte au panier de fruits[335] was one of two striking still-lifes that he painted in August—a time when the severity of the situation had become all too evident in the capital.131 He chose a stark palette of army grey to allow the atmosphere of the war to permeate the simple arrangement of household objects. The razor-sharp angular distortions serve to enhance the effect of an already dissonant composition. In these years, his flowers became stubbornly angular structures with thick black outlines and strong, signal-like colors that no longer allow positive association. In most canvases the colors were largely released from their object-defining function and entered into the grid structures as brownish green, vermilion and blue-violet areas. In another painting, Nature morte à la corbeille de fruits[336], a few areas of intense red provided flashes of color to the black lattice that transformed the image into a juxtaposition of linear structures.132 The emphasis is not on the objects as individual elements, but rather on their integration into the whole design. It seems to suggest Picasso’s desire to concentrate on structural problems, rather than the emotional or symbolic implications of the subject matter: a form of evasion.133 A similar still life painted on August 2, Nature morte au panier de fruits et aux fleurs[337], included a basket of fruit positioned on the left and a vase or pitcher of wild flowers or grasses on the right. Although the fruits depicted could never be considered appetizing—Steinberg describes them as “green pellets”—Daix suggests that they “speak longingly of harvests in that time of scarcity.”134 No doubt, there were shortages of all kinds in Paris, and decent food could only be found on the black market at prohibitive prices. Coal and fuel were also in short supply. Indeed, Pablo found it impossible to obtain enough of it to heat the cavernous rooms in his Grands-Augustins studio, where he had

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decided to reside and work for the duration, having closed his apartment on the rue de la Boétie, to be within short walking distance of Dora, Marie-Thérèse and Maya, lest he would run afoul of the strict curfew regulations. The oil Buste de femme[338], painted the following day, shows a woman with one of the most angry or violent expressions Picasso ever depicted during the Occupation. The reformulations of the face follow the general pattern seen in the July heads, with a snout-like nose projecting to the right, eyes askew, and a mouth situated on the portion of the face twisted to the left. The fierce look is transmitted through the eyes’ tiny pupils, the furrow in her brow, and the triangular mouth with clenched teeth. The striations gouged into the paint are suggestive of a ferocious energy, even anger, driving the artist’s brush.135 By the end of July, the first convoy from the Loiret camps including entire families had left Pithiviers.136 Parents were forced to leave their children under 15 years of age behind. The gendarmes had to beat the mothers in order to separate them from these small kids and lock them in the rail cars.”137 The next convoy to leave Pithiviers was almost entirely made up of women (982 out of the 1,034 deportees) who had already been separated from their children; 452 of them would be gassed directly upon their arrival in Auschwitz. The others may have briefly seen their children arrive three weeks later (between August 17 and 31, in seven convoys) right before they were sent straight to the Birkenau gas chambers.138 On August 5, Picasso painted the dehumanized Portrait de femme[339] where he used largely autonomous individual forms to build the architecture of the human body.139 The woman portrayed was Dora although the nose she was given sinisterly resembled the hand-grip and barrel of a Nazi officer’s Luger pistol. She sits as if she were entrapped in an ordinary cane chair against the simple box-like background which the artist often used to represent a cold anonymous interior, like many Parisian prison cells where the Germans kept many of the detainees.140 In another oil, Femme en gris[340], he again deployed a number of signature distortions: flattened features, a snout-like nose, bared teeth, and an uneven gaze. With dramatic tonal contrasts in the face, from white to dark gray and black, he paradoxically suggests the chiaroscuro that usually accompanies modeled form rather than the flat, unmodulated areas seen here. His treatment of Dora in his paintings became as much a crime against the norms of conventional pictorial form as it constituted a repeated attack on the psyche of a loved one. By the time, the Occupation had become a daily fact of life, so that this impulse on his part had practically turned into an unavoidable habit when painting her.141 Gedo suggests that these “horror women” offer additional

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evidence that Dora was increasingly psychologically disturbed during this period. Picasso would say later: “For me she’s the weeping woman,” Picasso told Gilot. “For years I’ve painted her in tortured forms, not through sadism, and not with pleasure, either; just obeying a vision that forced itself on me.”142 A police report came out painting a sober picture of life in Paris. “Terrorist attacks” had continued and there were gunfights between police and armed PCF groups.143 Convoy number 17 had just left Drancy in the direction of Auschwitz, carrying approximately 1,000 Jews, over half of them women. This was the first group of deportees from the free zone who had been turned over to the Nazis by the Vichy authorities in accordance with the Bousquet-Oberg accords. Three quarters of them would be gassed directly upon arrival in Auschwitz.144 Picasso’s reaction was manifested through his canvases. A geometrical line network running through the entire composition in Nature morte[341] from August 12 dramatically divides the picture into angular segments, which, regardless of how far this corresponds to reality, are laid out in high contrast as bright and dark areas. The tension between the contours that characterize the objects and the diagonals that come in from the edges turn the space into the scene of a crime: a quartered lamb and a plucked pigeon lie on a table in a narrow room, only partially illuminated by a ceiling lamp.145 The artist was clearly depicting the site of a sacrifice, the lamb and the pigeon frequently serving as symbols of expiatory victims. Several drawings from late August that present the man and lamb in profile and frontal views give a clear indication of the artist’s thought processes at that moment, and also provide evidence of a fundamental change from the early to the final conception of the work. The man stands rigidly, legs slightly apart. His left hand holds the animal’s feet at the apex of an almost equilateral triangle. His right hand “supports” the lamb’s center of gravity, its hind quarters, while the animal thrusts its head outward to the man’s right.146 One of these preparatory sketches was incredibly close in composition to the final sculpture with the only noticeable difference being the angle of the figure’s left arm. His continued work on the pastoral subject of a man holding a lamb, a vision of Arcadian harmony, could not have been further from the reality of Nazi-occupied France. This suggests that this was a project to help Picasso psychologically retreat to the bucolic idyll of ancient Greece, the antithesis of the troubled world he lived in.147 On September 2, Laval met with Oberg in Paris; though he made a commitment to turn over the remaining stateless Jews as Hitler had dictated, he begged the German authorities not to make further demands

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on him in terms of anti-Jewish policy. For that point on, the reactions of public opinion mattered, he explained. The request was accepted in order to ensure that political collaboration with the Vichy government, which was still considered a priority, remained harmonious. At the Judenreferat, Heinrich Röthke had to find other ways to implement the enormous deportation program he was considering (with a target of around 52,000 deportees). Two days later a labor conscription law— Service du travail obligatoire (STO)—was passed, requiring all fit males between 18 and 50 and single women from 21 to 35 to be available for work for two years in support of the Nazi war effort. Protest strikes and demonstrations followed.148 The policy also gave a new impulse to Résistance movements.149 Late in the month, the first issue of Les Lettres françaises, an underground paper supported by young painters and intellectuals, was published by mimeograph.150 Éluard was associated with it, bringing Picasso into contact with the staff. The paper informed readers that Jean Cassou, who had been removed from his position two years before, as Director of the Musée d’Art Moderne, had been arrested in Toulouse in the Free Zone, released, then detained again and sentenced to one year in prison.151 Thousands of foreigners heard a similar “knock of death” on their doors. Picasso himself did not know for sure if a supposedly innocent knock on his door could lead to a similar terrible fate. There were fears that Franco might seek to extradite him, or send agents to forcibly bring the artist back to Spain, or even murder him, as the Italian dictator Mussolini was reported to have done to his detractors still hiding out in France. He had filed for French naturalization, but he had been turned down on second review for his youthful anarchist associations, and for not having served France during the World War I. While the German authorities and their French collaborators did not prohibit him from painting—amazing enough in itself—the artist was still not permitted to publicly show his work. André-Louis Dubois relates an incident which involves an unexpected visit to the studio by “two men in green raincoats.” Dubois had been alerted by a phone call from Dora that Pablo might be in trouble. When he arrived at the courtyard of Picasso’s building, the two Gestapo men were leaving, but demanded to see his papers. Once inside, he found the artist smoking nervously, his expression impassive. A few canvases had been knocked over and some had tears in them. He explained: “They insulted me, called me a degenerate, a communist, a Jew. They kicked the paintings. They told me, ‘We’ll be back.’”152 While they did not immediately return, the Gestapo kept his studio under close surveillance. He also had to put up with frequent unwelcome visits by officers who professed to an interest in art,

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notwithstanding the official forbidden status of his work and the sanctions that had been levied against him.153 In spite of all the constraints imposed by the authorities, many French Jews were still hopeful that they would be left alone; after all, almost all those who had been rounded up thus far were either foreigners or stateless. But the Germans were steadily reducing the number of nationalities on the protected list, and each reduction was marked by a new roundup. The options left for those who had stayed in France and were not somehow “protected” were to go underground, which usually meant being hidden and supported by non-Jews, to acquire false papers, or to join the Résistance. All those who went into hiding or who carried counterfeit papers were constantly haunted by the nightmare of what would happen if they were denounced or discovered. Each new antiSemitic directive meant there were more things Jews were forced to do or were forbidden access to, which led to a greater risk of noncompliance—either deliberate or by oversight—and a greater chance of being reported to the authorities.154 On September 30, Picasso painted the oil Grand nu couché[342], one of the four largest paintings he did during the Occupation. The rather masculine-looking female, with her reduced tonalities give an impression of resignation and grief.155 One writer observed that her frame, in its twisted angularity, revealed how tormented her sleep must have been.156 More recently, Baldassari notes that “the body is wound tight like a spring about to snap, a whirligig of opposing forces and constraints.”157 There is a feeling of confinement as the figure lacks the space to stretch out fully. Picasso might have been thinking of the many train wagons packed with deportees that he had surely read about. In her article “Criez la Vérité” in the mimeographed issue of Les Lettres Françaises, the anti-Fascist writer Édith Thomas described deportation trains crowded with Jews, including children: “The thin arms of children clung to the bars. A hand sticking out waved like a leaf in a storm. When the train slowed down, voices cried out, ‘Mummy.’ And nothing replied except the grinding of axles . . . You can then say that the artist should know how to isolate himself in his ivory tower, to do his job, nothing but his job.” Silence about these inhuman abuses, Thomas warned her fellow writers, meant complicity in the Nazi crimes.158 In early October, he revised the oil Femme au corsage de satin[343], a moving portrait of the oft mistreated Dora.159 About this picture, harsh and dreary, Barr told Penrose the conversations he had had with her in the rue de Savoie: “She couldn’t remember any recognizable differences, mood or emotion, which she could attach to either this realistic image of herself or to the distorted images. We then talked in the next room

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where one of the really bizarre portraits was hanging on the wall. She pointed to it and said that the canvas had originally been just as realistic as the previous picture, but that Picasso had then little by little changed it into a grotesque metamorphosis.”160 Dora’s mother died on October 17 following a cerebral hemorrhage as Picasso was working on his revision.161 “We had such appalling disputes, I sometimes wished she would die,” she later told James Lord. During one row on the telephone, the line had suddenly gone silent. The nightly curfew had prevented her from leaving her apartment, but the next day she and Picasso went only to find her dead, still clutching the telephone.162 A portrait of her dating from a couple of weeks later, Tête de femme[344], shows a riot of complex lines and swirls. Executed with a frenzy that causes the woman to vibrate off the page with anxiety, it reflects the reverberations of her mother’s horrific death in Dora’s frantic eyes and how she was now surrounded by an air of apprehension.163 Cabanne provides an unflattering characterization of Picasso’s treatment of Dora in these portraits: “His hardness and cruelty toward her appeared not only in the tortures he inflicted on her reproduced body or the aggressively monstrous character he often gave her face; in every way, he was a heartless inquisitor to her. Knowing her to be extremely nervous, subject to wild manicdepressive extremes, he nevertheless continually drove her to distraction.”164 In November, Picasso’s subject matter shifted slightly, introducing a more introspective and retrospective period.165 In an unusual variation on the theme of the ages of man, he painted the oil Nus masculins[345], representing three male nudes beside an easel and a sculpture, all emblematic symbols of creativity. Framed by a fat old man lying on the floor and a youthful flutist seated on a windowsill, a bearded man in his prime holds a bull head mask in his right hand, as if having just removed it from his face; in the other, he holds a painter’s staff.166 It is well known that Pablo’s depictions of men were often veiled self-portraits.167 As Piot suggests, the painting may perhaps be seen as his reassertion of European traditions and values in the midst of generalized devastation.168 In response to the Allies’ Operation Torch in North Africa initiated on November 8, the Axis forces had now also taken over the so-called unoccupied zone.169 In a broadcast message to the nation on November 20, Premier Laval stated that he intended to collaborate even more closely with Germany than in the past, seeing the United States and England as “tearing France limb from limb, . . . the entente with Germany as the sole guarantee of peace in Europe.”170 By the end of the month, the need for the MBF to stretch its administrative structure to cover what had been the unoccupied zone led to novel and awkward interactions

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between the German military and the secret police, on the one hand; and local French officials in the “Southern Zone,” notably mayors and prefects, on the other. As his carte d’identité d’étranger expired on November 10, Picasso looked into the renewal process. In accordance with Le Statut des Juifs, he would have been compelled to sign an affirmation that he was not Jewish at the Franco-Spanish Embassy. Since he did not want to arouse the attention of antagonists at the embassy for fear of being handed over to the Franco-Spanish authorities, the artist sought the assistance of André-Louis Dubois, who in turn contacted the writer Maurice Toesca, deputy chief of staff for the Préfet de Police of Paris. The latter was able to accelerate the paperwork, arranging for a three-year residence permit.171 Dubois was also able, through his good relations with José Felix de Lequerica, the Spanish ambassador to Vichy, to spare Pablo and the small group of fellow Spaniards under his wing the harassment the Germans might otherwise have visited on them because of their virulent anti-Fancoism.172 A review of Fritz-René Vanderpyl’s book, L’Art sans patrie un messonge: le pinceau d’Israel had appeared in Je suis partout on December 4. It contained one of the many attacks on Picasso during the Occupation that Sabartés enumerated in a letter to Barr. The frontispiece, a cubist portrait of Georges Braque by Picasso, although not actually discussed in the book, served to “honor” the Spaniard as the most successful of the “Jewish” artists denigrated by Vanderpyl. The book’s thesis was that true artists had a nationality, but Jewish ones lacked one, as they were divorced from any national heritage and did not belong anywhere. The book’s author regretted that “Jewish artists such as Picasso [in fact, not Jewish], Chagall, Modigliani, Soutine and Kisling” should be able to command fantastic sums for their paintings. He asked: “Is it fair that Picasso, this vigorous little man with cruel, staring eyes, can get the price of a house in the suburbs for the least scribble of his pencil?.” Vanderpyl opened the door for Pablo to be included by anti-Semitic readers in recent policies implemented against Jews, thus making him eligible for deportation and extermination.173 On December 10, Hitler ordered the arrest and deportation from France of all Jews and “other enemies” of the Reich.174 A total of approximately 74,000 Jews, including 11,000 children, would eventually be transported from Drancy to Auschwitz, Majdanek and Sobibor. For the time being, Maar’s Jewish parentage was overlooked, and no one gave her or her father away; nevertheless the plausibility of being detained and deported constantly ate at her.175 Two days later, Picasso executed the drawing Homme couché et femme assise[346] where he

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expressed the dread of being “watched” at all times. As with many other works of this period, he was able to sublimate extreme degrees of fear and anxiety through his art.176 Late in the month he wrote the poem sur l’oeuf pondu which may contain references to survival and the cycle of life in the figure of the egg: “on the egg laid at long last . . . risen so early.” Ancient traditions linked the egg to the start of creation, suggesting that the Earth itself may have been born out of it. Other allusions to the cycle of life involved the moon and flowers: “the regal azureal whites of her moans the aroma of the lunar one lying with her bouquets . . . naked descends silently rose by rose . . . embellished with perfumes and musics.”177 Picasso might have been projecting on his female companion a desperate hope for renewal and an escape from the miserable situation in France.

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CHAPTER EIGHT

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At the beginning of the year, waves of deportation followed one another. The persecution of Jews and the imprisonment of French Communists were at their height. Picasso had been harassed several times by the Gestapo because of his well-known friendship with members of both groups.1 This same month, gallerist Berthe Weill was the target of antiSemitic attacks. A long article in Cahier jaune criticized her for her “complete lack of aesthetic sense.”2 While he did not exhibit with Weill, his works would appear from time to time at other Parisian galleries, for instance, at Galerie Charpentier for the exhibition “Les fleurs et les fruits depuis le Romantisme.”3 Some of his friends managed to stay similarly active in both literary and political circles despite the many restrictions. Claude Morgan published poems by Éluard and Aragon and articles by Paulhan, Sartre, Leiris and Jacques Debû-Bridel in Les Lettres Françaises.4 As head of the Comité National des Écrivains for the northern zone, Éluard also met in secret at an apartment on boulevard Morland with Aragon, Elsa Triolet and Georges Sadoul, members of the committee for the southern zone, to discuss joint efforts against the occupiers.5 People lived surrounded by German uniforms, including many German females working in Paris for the Wehrmacht, contemptuously nicknamed souris gris. This was “the Paris without taxis, without cigarettes, without sugar, without chocolate, without fancy bread,” that Brassaï described. “The Paris of rhubarb, Jerusalem artichoke, rutabaga, saccharine; the Paris of queues and tickets, curfews and scrambled airwaves, newspapers and propaganda films.”6 At this point, France had the lowest food rations in Europe: 275–350g of bread a day, depending on the age of the recipient, 50g of cheese a week, 500g of sugar a month, 120g of meat a month. Milk ration tickets for young children were often worthless because it was impossible to find shops selling it.7 Thankfully, Alfred Réty, the administrator of the Boisgeloup estate, continued to provide Picasso with dwindling supplies from time to time. Letters followed one another, attesting to deliveries of potatoes, cider, fruit

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crates or vegetables, firewood, etc. The shipments of apples in some cases, tobacco in others, punctuated the monotony of long days where stocking became an obsession. Cicero Dias, getting ready to leave Europe, wrote from the Café de Flore promising to send “cigars that [he] [knows] [Pablo] is fond of, and a box of mate about which [he] [had spoken] to Mrs. Dora Maar and a little coffee for Madame Zervos.”8 Tobacco had become a rare commodity. Smokers had to pay 10 francs to renew their tobacco ration card.9 Jean-François Lefèvre-Pontalis told the story of how “[Max Jacob] had cried when he received [a] pack of cigarettes” from the artist.10 And yet, in spite of the shortages, attendance at movie theaters was 40 percent higher than in 1938, to Goebbels satisfaction, since he regarded cinema as a good way of keeping the French distracted and oblivious of German ongoing looting.11 The second half of January, thirty metro stations in Paris were closed, severely hampering freedom of movement within the city. Picasso was already living in his studio quarters in the rue des Grands-Augustins and had centered his daily activities in that area.12 There he made the drawing Nu assis[349], part of a group of quiet, classicized female figures that descend directly from his neoclassical bathers of the 1920s. The sitter’s hand-to-face gesture was borrowed from Ingres’s portrait of Madame Moitessier (1856), but the quality of the line and the placement of the figure on the page recall the contemporary drawings of his friendly rival, Henri Matisse. Pablo might have been thinking of his place in history at this critical juncture. In the Vichy administration, while Pétain retained the title of head of state, it was Pierre Laval that now ran the government, paying little attention to the aged marshal.13 Through the end of March, 250,000 additional French workers were packed off to Germany, including 70,000 from the Greater Paris region.14 Poor and inadequate nutrition led to many health issues in the population. On average, a person consumed about 950 calories a day; with access to the black market, they might have enjoyed as much as 1,500 calories. Diphtheria became a major health concern, rising from 13,000 cases in 1940 to 47,000 in 1943. Tuberculosis and influenza also increased. Tensions arose when electricity was rationed in Paris.15 To help fight growing resistance and in response to the growing reluctance of French police and the gendarmerie to do the Germans’ dirty work, Laval founded La Milice française, a national paramilitary headed by the avowed Fascist Joseph Darnand. Its official function was to contribute to France’s recovery through propaganda, surveillance and political mobilization as well as the continued combat against communism and “the Jewish plague.” It even had its own newspaper, Combats. With some thirty thousand

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full- or part-time members, uniformed in blue coats, brown shirts and large berets, their presence was much feared by regular folks. As part of its psychological warfare, its units would march through towns, swaggering in the knowledge that they could act with impunity.16 The relationship between Picasso and Maar was by now going through dire straits. Her state of mind became increasingly unstable as her jealousy mounted due to his continued visits to Marie-Thérèse and Maya. She had shared Pablo with them for years, a sharing that was never simple. He would insinuate that she was unfeminine, that her harsh appearance and sterility—rarely spoken of, but possibly an element in her complicated personality—was the opposite of MarieThérèse’s curvaceous figure and proven fertility. He would buy them identical dresses and then maliciously switch the labels on the boxes so that each would know she was not the only one in his eyes.17 In his portraits, he would sometimes deliberately confuse their representation, crowning Dora with Marie-Thérèse’s flowers, or dressing MarieThérèse in a costume more fitting for Dora. He also painted them together, in double portraits as in Deux femmes[350] from January 10 which, in spite of its mischievous playfulness, reveals a mélange of psychological and emotional responses to the human catastrophe around him. Using a monochromatic palette, he rendered the figures with eloquent strokes, diffusing their image in a light shadow that is typical of his work during the war years.18 In spite of the increasing tension, just a week later, Picasso paid a visit to Dora at rue de Savoie. This was exceptional because Sundays were reserved for Marie-Thérèse. He gave her a proof copy of his Histoire Naturelle.19 This book, undertaken a few years earlier, had just been published by Martin Fabiani. He enhanced it for her with a series of ink drawings, in one of which, opposite the title page, Maar appears as hybrid figure with a bird’s body and a human bust.20 Similar representations are found in Greek mythology for Sirens, dangerous creatures who lured nearby sailors with their enchanting music and singing voices to shipwreck on the rocky coast of their island. This symbolic representation might indicate Picasso’s concern that Dora’s growing instability was threatening to drag him down with her. If her portrait exudes a warmth and tenderness, albeit in an unorthodox representation, other drawings are definitely darker. Human skulls and skeletons would decorate the title page dedicated to the horse, for instance. It is as though he had felt compelled to acknowledge the opposites of life and death, with Dora’s image serving as the catalyst.21 According to Rollin, as their relationship began to deteriorate, she went back to Bataille for consolation.22 The end of their affair would

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eventually lead to her physical and moral collapse: paranoia, mystical or hysterical crises, hospitalization in a psychiatric asylum, electroshocks, and finally psychoanalysis, carried out by Jacques Lacan. The facts are vague, the documents only show proof of a brief admission at a clinic.23 “Dora always frightened me,” Picasso explained many years later, as if to shift the blame from his shoulders onto hers.24 This might explain a drawing he executed on January 19, Femme contemplant un homme endormi[351]. “When a man watches a woman asleep, he tries to understand; when a woman watches a man asleep, she wonders what sauce she’s going to eat him with,” he would say years later.25 A couple of days later, he wrote the poem auréole auréolée: “aureole aureolated with mashed stars long swan’s neck harlequined with great claws with sulfured wine . . . detached violently from the silk stretched flushed crimson on the bronze spikes waving about moon to moon with naked breasts and dances tearing long and crackling veils in pink and periwinkle . . . hunkered down in degrading grandiloquent posture firm and sweating come to the specific dislocated point irremediably stripped of all baggage of perfume and wings.”26 The overall impression is one of anxiety and melancholy, which parallels the general tone of the drawings.27 On January 24, he visited Dora’s apartment once again, and continued to embellish the pages of the illustrated Histoire Naturelle with strange drawings.28 On this same day, over 1,500 men and 230 women were taken from Compiègne to Germany on the second mass convoy of deportees arrested as part of increased repressive measures; the first had left on July 6, 1942. Men ended up at the Sachsenhausen camp, near Berlin, where most were put to work for the German war effort in the Heinkel factory Kommando. The convoys were linked to Himmler’s decree for a constant supply of slave labor. On December 15, Hitler had ordered the transfer of 300,000 more German workers to the Wehrmacht. Needing a continuous flow of young soldiers to replenish his dwindling troops, he became more dependent on a foreign workforce. On January 31, after severe losses in the Battle of Stalingrad, Field Marshal Friedrich von Paulus had surrendered his Sixth Army to Russia’s Marshal Georgy Zhukov, marking a decisive turning point in the war.29 The number of German prisoners captured by the Russians would lead to a further demand of French workers. By early February, those Frenchmen who did not want to go to Germany had few options. Some did their best to be turned down at their medical examination. Others tried to sidestep the recruitment procedure by taking a job in a mine or in one of the factories under Nazi control or even a German organization. Some Parisians dodged the system by signing up with Doriot’s PPF. Others

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simply went underground, which was not easy since anyone seeking a new ration card had to produce a work certificate clarifying their status or an official letter exempting them from service. The Paris police responded to the large number of dodgers by setting up check points around Métro stations and cinemas.30 Dora was featured again in the drawing Tête de femme[353] from February 3 which might relate to the large sculptural project of a man with a lamb. The thick, cylindrical neck is characteristic of several busts executed this year.31 The entire head comes across as a virtual Rubik’s cube of facial features, with its facets turned this way and that.32 A feeling of instability determines the arrangement of the composition. None of the contours is parallel to the edge of the picture. Instead, what we observe is a predominance of structural conflicts. This formal tension, typical of these years, is used in this case to express extreme anxiety. The tortured forms of the nose and mouth reinforce this impression. The surroundings dominate the sitter in terms of proportions and weight. The network of crisscrossing lines and the dark tonality of the gouache betray the inability of the figure, left at the mercy of her circumstances, to defend herself.33 On February 8, five students from the Lycée Buffon who had been arrested March 10, 1942 and accused of being involved in an antiGerman demonstration and sentenced in October, were shot by firing squad.34 Surely moved by these events, he made additional drawings on the theme of the man with the lamb. In one of them dating from February 13, L’homme au mouton (Étude)[354], the animal lifts its beseeching head toward the sky as the man gathers up and holds the helpless body.35 Picasso was not concerned with portraying a good shepherd as a signal of hope for peace, but with a priestly figure who personifies unchangeable fate and sacrifice. With the captive animal screaming in fear, he commemorated the many victims of persecution and murder at the hands of the Nazis.36 Between February and March, Picasso would also work on other sculptures not related to the man with a lamb—more concretely, assemblages from found objects—like L’arrosoir fleuri[352], made from a real watering can with the addition of pipes and nails.37 He would declare: “What interests me is to make what might be called links, connections, over the widest possible distance—the most unexpected link between objects I wish to consider. One must rip and tear reality.”38 On February 16, Laval took the step that many had been dreading: he implemented the nationwide, compulsory labor conscription program—the Service du travail obligatoire (STO)— that would run in tandem with La Relève, whereby the Vichy regime continued providing

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manpower to the Third Reich. Young men (initially those born between January 1, 1930, and December 31, 1922) would be sent as forced laborers to Germany for two years. Failure to comply would mean imprisonment for between three months to five years and a fine between 200 and 100,000 francs. Some occupations and certain social groups were initially exempted—farmers, miners, police officers, students, and railway workers—but, as German demand for French labor increased, many of these exemptions were modified or abolished altogether. This program would encourage tens of thousands of young men (known as réfractaires) to join the maquis.39 Otto Freundlich (b. 1878), whom he had known during the BateauLavoir years, and who had been arrested at St.-Paul-de-Fenouillet and then interned at Drancy before deportation, was transferred on March 9 to the Lublin-Majdanek concentration camp, where he was murdered upon arrival.40 Pablo had been kept abreast of his arrest and internment by Freundlich’s wife. Probably in response to the news of his friend’s terrible fate, he wrote the poem blanc bleu blanc. The inclusion of numerous colors might make reference to the painter who was considered a forerunner of abstraction: “white blue white yellow and rose white of an apple green turned pale . . . pink spangles the bronzed pink . . . the white flock of turquoises ,,, a delicate lilac . . . the festoon of orange flowers.”41 Fascinated by different techniques— mosaic, tapestry, stained glass—Freundlich had drawn inspiration from all of them. He had frequently studied the tensions and balances of power generated by geometric elements and chromatic variations and had gradually managed to compose, as his worked developed, a powerful syntax that connected and gave energy to the groups of colored units.42 In the current tense atmosphere, Picasso retreated to his studio, withdrawing from the café culture that had characterized his life for years. Enduring the same terrible environment that befell the city’s inhabitants living under enemy rule—blackouts, the persistent fear of bombardment or violence, as well as the constant stories of death and disappearance— he threw himself furiously into his work.43 “It was not a time for the creative man to fail, to shrink, to stop working,” he later explained.44 Using a small repertoire of objects—cups, pots, skulls or food—he invested the quotidian scenes where they appeared with a powerful allegorical meaning. These often-somber works reflected a sense of pathos, anxiety and tension.45 He was probably still thinking of his dead friend on March 20 as he wrote une table d’azur: “an old dressing-gown come down from heaven and transparent its one thousand and a hundred of stained glass windows bristling with all its feathers set alight

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. . . all day long silently resigned to all . . . the incommensurable stretched linens of the complicated unsewing machines in the shadows of the stars hung out to dry the thirsty musics of the melancholy passages.”46 Kahnweiler returned to Paris that spring, hiding at Leiris’s home, on the fourth floor of 53 bis, quai des Grands-Augustins. In his diary, the writer noted: “Sometimes I think to myself that K[ahnweiler] will be the only survivor of this whole thing, like those people long condemned by doctors who, after all, ‘bury’ everyone else in their family.”47 The city landscape was changing. Years of neglect had given the facades of public buildings a dull look; shuttered private mansions and deserted, emptied museums suffered from lack of upkeep. The use of gardens as parking lots and vegetable plots for guardhouses had removed much of the seasonal joy of seeing another spring beat out a doleful winter. The Germans continued to build massive concrete barricades and bunkers throughout the city, putting grilles and bars in the windows of the hotels they used as headquarters. Paris was taking on more and more the feel of a fortress.48 On March 24, Picasso made two still lifes with a coffeepot that he gave to Marie-Thérèse, presumably because he painted them in her apartment on the Ile Saint-Louis. Coffee had become a precious commodity. Far less prized but basic fare were the rolls made of the despised corn flour that substituted for wheat that she regularly served him, sometimes together with some form of comfiture or jam as we see on the left.49 She had long provided a place of domestic solace and uncomplicated happiness, and, as a result her presence often stimulated a proliferation of calm still-lifes. At the beginning of their love affair, he had distilled her soft curves and voluptuous form into the undulating lines of bowls and pitchers, as well as ripe fruit. In Cafetière[355], the artist once again returned to these symbolic representations, painting the same curving pitchers, blossoming flowers and fruits in an equally vibrant palette. The yellow hues that dominate the composition may be intended as a suggestion of her blonde hair.50 A similar return to a happier past may be behind the male portrait Tête[356]. The figure is immediately reminiscent of a younger Pablo and of his groundbreaking Iberian portraits from 1906 during his highly influential trip to Gósol. It is a testament to Picasso’s formidable aptitude of “picking things up, consciously or unconsciously, where he had left them long before.”51 Nearly forty years after that trip its influence was still tangible in his work. The large black orbs of the young man’s eyes hold a mesmeric and somewhat tragic power, with their intensity not dissimilar to the artist’s own. Yet, they also capture a sense of exhaustion from the endless Occupation.52

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Victimization is at the heart of the drawings Mouton[357] and Mouton[358] from late March. The lamb appears with its legs tied up and ready for sacrifice. With this important addition, it became once again clear that his intentions was not to represent hope for redemption in any form, but rather loss of freedom and near death.53 Four days later, he made a series of martyred heads in India ink, among them Tête de femme[359]. In contrast to the naturalistic, chiaroscuro drawings he had produced for the sculpture studies, these linear sketches are limited to planar elements with busts reduced to the barest essentials, generating sign-like flat images.54 The triangular configurations that constitute the heads are reminiscent of the notorious Magen David that Jewish citizens had been forced to wear in France since May 29, 1942. Supply difficulties and shortages continued. More farmers now dealt directly with German soldiers on leave in the countryside, who were willing to pay hugely inflated prices for food items. This raised the cost of foodstuffs in the countryside by as much as twice the going rate on the Paris black market, placing it well out of the reach of most people.55 The question of food insistently came up time and again in Picasso’s correspondence. He echoed the importance of small objects and daily routines in the gouache La cafetière[360]. Constructed from a web of lines, the yellow background has been divided into squares with parallel strokes moving in alternate directions—white, a greenish blue, a fawn, and an occasional stroke of lavender.56 As a result, the surface is luminous; and the quotidian scene is transformed into a dazzling, jewellike composition, a defiant beacon of vitality, color and light in the face of oppression and privation. Next to the coffeepot is a plate with a large slab of vivid yellow butter—another rarity due to rationing. Together with the cup and saucer, and the pieces of bread laid scattered upon the table, this scene tells of a moment of bliss and respite away from the outside world.57 In early April, there was a break in painting prompted primarily by new ideas on how to finally complete the sculpture L’homme au mouton[361]. He had asked a Spanish friend to get him some modeling clay, and as soon as he got it, he set to work. He started modeling the plaster around a seven-foot-high armature.58 As he kept “building up” the figure, he had to reinforce the armature, which was too light to hold the mass of clay.59 Picasso would later tell Brassaï he completed the modeling in one session: “I did this statue in a single afternoon, but not until after months of reflection and I don’t know how many sketches. Paul Éluard was here. Marcel [his chauffeur] helped me. I set up the armature first. But it’s rare when you can calculate that correctly. And I made a mistake with this one. It was much too weak; it wouldn’t hold.

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The statue began to stagger under the weight of the clay. It was dreadful! It was threatening to collapse at any moment. I had to do something, quickly. I enlisted Paul Éluard, to help Marcel. We took lengths of cord and lashed [it] to the beams. I decided to cast it in plaster immediately. And it was done that same afternoon. What a job! I’ll never forget it . . . I had intended to go back to it, to work on it again. You see those long, thin legs, and the feet, just indicated, scarcely separate from the ground? I would have liked to model them, in keeping with the rest. I didn’t have the time. In the end, I left it as it was. Now it’s too late. He is what he is. If I were to touch it now, I would risk ruining it completely.”60 By its realistic appearance and its clear reference to the canons of ancient Greco-Roman art, it was intended to counteract Arno Breker’s retrospective at the Musée de l’Orangerie in the spring of 1942. Breker’s works, exalting heroism and virility in classical form, served to illustrate and glorify the entire Nazi ideology with a vision of creation in clear opposition to the aesthetics of the avant-garde. Picasso’s sculpture, by contrast, retains the unfinished aspect of a sketch, showing clearly the modeling traces and marks of the various interventions of the sculptor. This technique of fa presto gives it a kind of fragility and imprecision which counterbalance its monumental character. Thus, the Spaniard opposes fragility to the German exaltation of power, and vague lumpiness to the frozen perfection of sterile academicism. In addition to form, the choice of subject is nothing trivial either. It appears as a scathing and ironic response to the hero-warrior hodgepodge of the fascist aesthetic.61 Picasso also executed another sculpture at this time, Le chat accroupi[348], one of the most idiosyncratic and arresting sculptures of the final years of the war. The original plaster is clearly visible in a photograph of the Grands-Augustins studio taken by Brassaï in 1943; perched on top of a stool, the life-size cat is so fiercely animated that it appears poised to leap at any moment.62 Pablo particularly admired the willfully independent nature of cats, the more feral the better: “I don’t like highclass cats that purr on the couch in the parlor, but I adore cats that have turned wild, their hair standing on end. They hunt birds, prowl, roam the streets like demons. They cast their wild eyes at you, ready to pounce on your face.”63 As the weight of anti-Semitism continued to isolate and impoverish the Jewish community in France. Picasso executed the gouache Dora en déshabillé[362] on April 2, a relatively realistic representation. It carries to an extreme the sense of confinement common to many of his portraits of Maar during the Occupation. The tight lips, staring eyes, and furrows

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between the brows emphasize a sense of frustration.64 According to Fattal, the psychological burden of rampant racism paired with the horrific reality of the devastation of European Jewry is one of the legacies of Dora’s emotional liaison with the artist.65 In spite of their forced isolation, Picasso stayed in touch with many of his friends who were working underground. In late April, he dedicated the drawing Portrait de Mallarmé [363] to Michel Leiris.66 Another portrait of Mallarmé was gifted to Paul Éluard. The latter’s admiration for the artist led him to comment at the time: “You hold the flame between your fingers and paint like a fire.”67 On rare occasions, he had lunch with other friends like the writers Léon-Paul Fargue and Georges Hugnet at Le Catalan. One day Fargue suffered a stroke that left him partially paralyzed. It was Pablo who called Fargue’s wife, Chériane, to notify her of the attack.68 He usually rose late and gave up his mornings to the friends who came by to see him in ever-increasing numbers; he worked in the afternoon and evening, taking a break for dinner. Then he would work again late into the night by powerful electric lamps when the current was not cut off, otherwise by candle.69 In May, he created a series of papiers déchirés which he cut out from napkins and tablecloths at restaurants to entertain his companions. Brassaï, who captured many of these paper works on film (at the artist’s request, since he was aware of their fragility), once recalled the origin of one in particular: “Dora had a white bichon frise she loved . . . But one day it died. So, as a way of consoling his grieving mistress, at every meal, for several days, Picasso resurrected the little dog with its big black eyes and folded ears, sometimes with holes in the nose, eyes, and mouth, most often burned with the embers of a match or cigarette . . . We no longer see the grainy paper of the napkin, but the silky, undulating white coat of this dog that has been brought to life, looking at us through the fringe of its long fur.”70 Dora would keep many of them throughout her life. On May 2, he executed a drawing of her, Buste de femme au corsage orné d’une broche[364], with a mysteriously intense visage that is indicative of Maar’s state of mind. The fear projected in her eyes might reflect a premonition of emotional trouble ahead. Shortly after the execution of this drawing, Picasso would fall for another woman, Françoise Gilot.71 The actor Alain Cuny had invited Gilot’s friend, Geneviève Aliquot, to dinner at Le Catalan on May 12. Being rather shy, she had insisted that Françoise join them. The two women had just opened their first exhibition at Madeleine Decre’s gallery on rue Boissy d’Anglas, near the Place de la Concorde. As they were enjoying their meal, Françoise saw Pablo sitting at the next table with a group of friends, including the collector Marie-Laure, Vicomtesse de Noailles, and Dora.72 She

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confessed later: “I was a little surprised by his appearance . . . because I had not quite imagined him like that. My impression was based on the photo of Man Ray, published in the special issue of Cahiers d’Art devoted to Picasso, in 1936: the piercing eye, the black hair, stocky, solid a beautiful animal. Now, with his whitening hair, his absent look, perhaps distracted or bored, I saw in him a closed, enigmatic expression, which reminded me of the scribe squatting in the Louvre.”73 She also provided an account of the encounter: “As the meal went on, I noticed Picasso watching us, and from time to time acting a bit for our benefit . . . Whenever he said something particularly amusing, he smiled at us rather than just at his dinner companions. Finally, he got up and came over to our table. He brought with him a bowl of cherries and offered some to all of us, in his strong Spanish accent, calling them cerisses, with a soft, double-s sound.”74 He entreated Cuny, whom he knew, to introduce him to his two dinner companions. Pablo laughed at discovering the two young women were painters. Françoise offered him an invitation to visit their joint exhibition. A few days later, she dropped in at Madame Decre’s gallery only to find out that he had already come by earlier that day. He had left a note, inviting the two young artists to come for a visit at his studio. His cheerfulness would be reflected in the poem la flûte le raisin with lines like “the flute the grapes . . . the accordion the butterfly wings . . . the blue fan of the lake and the azure waves of the silks . . . the bouquets of roses . . . incalculable outsized flood of doves released . . . the green flocks of wool illuminated by the gentle acrobatics of the lanterns.”75 Picasso’s new interest did not prevent him a couple of days later from painting Maar’s portrait Tête de femme au chapeau[365], a work probably related to Buste de femme au corsage orné d’une broche[364] of May 2 as the hat appears to be the same, although the style of representation is quite different. The snout-like nose with the parallel horizontal slits for nostrils is placed in the middle of the face rather than off to the side. One would expect this to give the portrait a more realistic appearance, but the artist thwarts expectations by putting one eye directly at the top of this salient feature and shaping the face like a pear.76 Two other pictures of Dora followed: the oils Tête de femme brune[366] and Profil de femme[367], each depicting the head of a sleeping female whose features are summarily outlined, but rather than being viewed horizontally, they are seen in a vertical format, as though from above. Representing her asleep might be a way of projecting a last idealized and optimistic view on a relation on the wane.77 The sleeping female motif continued on May 17 with Femme endormie, symphonie en gris[368], in which he developed a broader

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context for one of the heads, providing it with folded arms, breasts, and a geometrically patterned background echoing the shapes that defined the face.78 That same day, Geneviève and Françoise visited Picasso for the first time.79 Sabartés led the two girls into the apartment. Pablo was with several friends and greeted them most demonstratively, then showed them into his studio. As they were leaving, he smilingly asked them to return. “But if you do come, don’t come like pilgrims going to Meca. Come because you like me.”80 Soon after, he started working on the oil Premiers pas[380]. The features of the child strongly resemble Picasso’s own: the large piercing eyes, the broad brow and hair slicked down across the top of the head from one side to the other. Barr has stressed the painting’s transformation from a heartwarming scene into a representation of a “mixture of impatience, determination, insecurity, and triumph.”81 As Goggin points out, this work was the first in a series related to the theme of mother and child that he pursued after meeting Gilot. It is possible that the artist had already envisioned the possibility of Françoise giving birth to his next child in spite of a clear difference in age: he was in his sixties and she was in her twenties.82 It could also be that “the first steps” merely alludes to the beginning of a new relation. Inexplicably, he returned once again on May 23 to Maar’s apartment, even though Sunday was the day he usually visited Maya. While there he made sketches of insects and three female figures with words written and printed between them. Two of the words refer to colors, “d’azur” and “cornaline” (orange), colors often associated with Dora, as seen in La femme qui pleure[102] or Portrait de Dora Maar[104], for instance. Also written on the page were words like “et puis,” “ding dang dong” and “don souvenir d’un.”83 They referred to past memories and to a new beginning. “Every time [Picasso] starts over, it’s for good irremediably. That’s his strength! The key to his youth. Like a molting snake, he leaves his old skin behind him and begins a new existence,” wrote Sabartés.84 At the end of the month, he painted the jaggedly angular and disjointed facial portrait Buste de femme[370] cast in an austere, grisaille tonality. In another oil, Buste de femme au chapeau[371], Dora sits in a wicker chair, which has been assembled as if from steel coils and grating. Grimly tight-lipped, defiant, and determined, she is all the more formidable and indestructible in the cut and welded metal out of which Picasso appears to have constructed her upper body and head. Her angry, piercing gaze is that of a primitive, demonic idol.85 Rubin argues that her hat resembles the “great wings of a voracious insect,” like the ones he had painted in her apartment.86 During the war, her headwear had often taken on an especially belligerent aspect, appearing like the

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propellers of warplanes that could rain death from the skies. Now Dora’s darkly intense, but inscrutably impassive countenance reflected both the deteriorating atmosphere in occupied France and the ominous and troubled mood in their relationship.87 The worsening situation with the Nazi occupiers is reflected in the poem entremise à chaque goutte in which he wrote about “intervention at each blood drop spattered in iridescent sheaves and in silent mirrors on fire and festivities put off . . . detailed descriptions on each page on each line on each crushed sun.”88 Gradually, the Résistance as a whole was becoming better armed and more organized thanks to the British Special Operations Executive (SOE). Jean Moulin secretly convened representatives from the main groups at 48, rue du Four. They unanimously voted to found the Conseil national de la Résistance (CNR). They also agreed to recognize Charles de Gaulle as their leader.89 Since the Brasserie Lipp attracted German officers with its Alsatian specialties, Picasso and Maar made a habit of having lunch at Le Catalan instead, run by the Spaniard Mr. Arnau, who got his supplies on the black market. The restaurant had become a meeting place for Pablo’s friends and collaborators.90 The two oils Le buffet du ‘Catalan’[372] and Le buffet du ‘Catalan’[373] were inspired by that establishment. In these times of scarcity, this simple piece of furniture acquired an enigmatic presence in the painting. Its angular edges and the over-accentuated sinuous shapes of the volutes push against the edges of the picture as if it were imprisoned in it. The colors are dull and heavy, only a single touch of red for the cherries and the yellow of the background stand against the gray-white of the glasses or the black and maroon of the furniture to create a mournful and bare atmosphere of misfortune. Its immense size and ominous silhouette evokes an ostentatious sarcophagus.91 He had proudly shown this painting to Françoise when, about a week after their first visit, the young woman had dragged her friend Geneviève to rue des Grands-Augustins.92 This and other still lifes he painted shortly after they met feature the same bowl of cherries, probably another of his coded references to his new romantic interest.93 Dora, however, continued to be his main subject for the time being. A series of oils and gouaches summarily drawn revisited the abstract facial configuration introduced on May 27. All of them have a long curving nose, but not all in the same form. He fiercely persisted on the motif of twisted female faces defined by monstrous outgrowths. We could see in them an allusion to the proboscis of a fly. After all, Picasso had represented several insects in Maar’s apartment in May. Also the day before he started this series, Jean-Paul Sartre’s play Les Mouches had had its premiere in Charles Dullin’s theater, formerly the Théaâtre

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Sarah Bernhardt. A large group of German soldiers had assembled in the audience like flies.94 The play explored the key existentialist themes of freedom and responsibility. Sartre’s idea of freedom specifically required that the being-for-itself be neither a being-for-others nor a being-initself. The former occurred when humans accepted morals thrust onto them by others; the latter happened when human beings did not separate themselves from objects of nature. Freedom was the ability to mentally interpret one’s own life for oneself—to define oneself and create one’s own values.95 Around this time Laval. signed a draft law for a legal redefinition of what it meant to be “French,” excluding those he considered undesirables. The Germans had already anticipated having extra police in Paris preparing for the mass roundups of those about to lose their French nationality.96 In spite of the frightful circumstances, there was a touch of optimism in Picasso’s work. As already mentioned, the motif of the bowl abundantly filled with cherries frequently animated his still-lifes, a sign of Gilot’s emergence into the artist’s life, and, with their plentiful abundance and ruby-red color, they also served as a symbol of indulgence against the backdrop of war.97 Nevertheless, on June 14 he returned to a starkly reduced palette with the oils Compotier et verres[375] and Compotier et verres[374]. The former is one of the most striking of the series: the glasses and fruit bowl appear to have been painted without the brush leaving the canvas, an undulating and dynamic thread of bold black lines against a startling white background. Picasso often painted in the evening and at night, illuminating his studio with spotlights. The shadowless setting of the oil, the unadorned background and the stark palette are perhaps a reflection of this, imbuing the painting with a haunting intensity and dramatic visual power.98 The equally near-monochrome surface of the second painting is dominated by the ochre fruit bowl, containing cherries indicated by red and black circles. Within this work we find a conflicting range of emotions: on the one hand, the bowl and glasses depicted in rigid, almost architectural forms lend the painting an atmosphere of tension; yet, at the very center of it all are the jewel-like cherries, tiny celebrations, a relief in the midst of adversity. Picasso not only vents, but also translates his angst in these canvases. Rather than a vehicle for documenting the destructive reality that surrounded him, painting offered a world of creativity into which he could escape.99 During the summer, he completed the sculpture Tête de mort[267] (started in 1941). The shape is similar to the artist’s own head, with a high, rounded forehead, and large eyes. Even the greater concavity of the left cheek, which he so consciously recorded in disguised and overt

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self-portraits, is present here. Thus, the sculpture could be a symbol of his defiance of death. Brassaï wonders about the origin of this “rolling block of stone, corroded and polished by rolling through the ages.”100 Is it the war that brought up this monolith into Pablo’s work? A dark mass like a cannon ball, it certainly expresses the torments of an artist for whom Max Jacob had predicted an imminent death in the late 1940s: “a line of life through his sixties. eight years of weakness and serious illness at the end of his life.”101 At this point, whether Nazi collaborators, attentistes or resisters, French citizens were at least in agreement on one thing: that no matter what they did inside France, the country’s fate would be decided by people beyond its borders. Indeed, there were rumors of an imminent Anglo-American invasion.102 In June, Picasso made four landscape studies in preparation of two paintings, Le Vert-Galant[377] and Le VertGalant[376]. This was the name given to the park at the tip of the Ile de la Cité, in reference to the equestrian statue of Henry IV enthroned in its center. A stone’s throw from his studio, the park became a haven of peace where he often sought refuge. Not allowed to leave Paris, the weaving of days and the space he surveyed daily took the dimension of something sacred. He revealed in these modest landscapes not only a historical France threatened by potential Allied bombing, but also a shrunken and familiar territory, subject to the permits to circulate, the “Paris intact and lifeless, like the panorama of a peep show” as Gallwitz writes.103 Seduced by the trees, foliage and greenery of the park, he retranscribed the idyllic and serene atmosphere onto his canvas. He explained: “I often took walks with Kazbek along the Seine, and became steeped in the Pont Neuf, the Pont Saint-Michel, the trees along the quays. One day, all those things that had permeated me unbeknownst to myself began to seep out.”104 The diamond-like pattern of the compositions with trapeze trunks and sea urchin foliage even served to evoke Picasso’s pre-war cubist landscapes.105 And yet, it had not been until after he had met Françoise that he had been inspired to record these scenes. The equestrian statue of Henri IV, “le vert galant” (an elderly ladies’ man), appears in all four sketches and the larger of the two paintings. Daix suggests that “the name may have caused Picasso to dream of the beginning of this new love.”106 Perhaps he had decided that, both compositionally and iconographically, his amorous intents would be better served by investing the trees with human characteristics. The branches, like arms, reach out to one another, and at times appear intertwined.107 The green warmth of the park contrasted with the grey severity of daily life in Paris. The volume of vegetables reaching the capital was 50 percent lower than a year

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earlier. One reason for the shortages was Berlin’s decision, as part of its strategy to drain France of its resources, to integrate the French economy into the “European war economy,” that is, to requisition goods, including foodstuffs, directly from the Vichy government in order to make up for a shortfall in Germany.108 Contemptuously and to make the general population forget the agony that they themselves had brought about, the German authorities dispatched the Berlin Philharmonic to play Beethoven’s nine symphonies in a series of soldout concerts at the thirty-five-hundred-seat Palais de Chaillot.109 On June 26, another convoy of deportees left Compiègne heading for Buchenwald in order to supply the concentration system with detainees fit for work. Two days later, Picasso painted the oil on canvas Grand nu couché[378]. In an enclosed space, with blue walls and low ceiling, a monumental odalisque (Dora) seems to be in a process of fossilization. There is a materiality in this nude that makes her look even more radical than what we had observed in L’aubade[330]. Everything in her image creates discomfort: her swollen belly, languid breasts, deformed limbs and sutured spine. This is a parody of the Callipyge Venus. The bloated female nude embodies suffering. With her dazed look and her idiotic smile, she is a sister of misfortune, like the grotesque protagonists of his Désir attrapé par la queue. Maar’s tears are “the tears of humanity,” Richardson has said. We are witnessing “the agony of confinement, not only that of Picasso and Maar, but that of the whole world.”110 The war undeniably called for a tormented aesthetic and the irruption of violently deconstructed nudes to match the hideousness of the times. The bestiality of this great dismembered body speaks of devastation, mourning, and the collapse of humanism. As a deviant being, it expresses the offenses and humiliations of a scorned humanity.111 The oil La fenêtre rétrécie (de l’atelier)[379] speaks of the night that has fallen over Paris.112 Looking at this painting, one is very conscious of being inside the Grands-Augustins studio. The room is recognizable by the beams of the celling that one can spot in other paintings where mournful, melancholy figures languish. The view opens on a faded Paris sky, glimpsed through the black curtain that “slap on the cheek of the sky”—as he had written on December 25, 1939—overlooking a simple radiator which Jacques Prévert had said that “any other painter would have suppressed . . . , judging it ugly, vulgar, unsightly.”113 The view, which is narrowed anyway through the half-closed window, is blocked by the walls rising to the upper edge of the picture, so that the sky is barely visible. For the interior, he used cloudy ocher tones, and for the radiators and rods, a rust-brown marked by wide black contours. The

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outside displays dirty gray house walls; and even the little piece of sky has been painted in a sad, pale gray-blue. This is the sign of a drained and shriveled universe. One could say that Picasso did not actually paint his studio, but rather the sadness of the environment of those weary years.114 In the month of July, his artistic output dropped considerably with respect to May and June in spite of the fact that his works were added to a long-running exhibition of contemporary painting at the Galerie Art du Printemps, on 64, boulevard Hausmann.115 Françoise had gone away to Fontès, near Montpellier in the unoccupied zone, to visit Geneviève.116 One of the few paintings he made in her absence, Buste de femme sur fond gris[381], executed July 6, shows a woman with “a grotesque animal appearance with a snout-like nose and bared teeth.”117 This is clearly not her. With a scar for a mouth and eyes far apart, her stiff body, barely outlined, and her arm dislocated and as if taken out of an armor, she emerges from the dark background as a somnambulist. The longer the war went on, the more monstrous and animalistic the images became. Inspired by Goya’s Disasters of the War (1810–1815), the artist created beings against nature, true monsters, dreadful figures. As Leiris notes: “Nothing human or inhuman, for that matter, is a stranger to him”118 This pitiless character expressed all the pain and frustration Picasso felt in his confinement. And when it comes to these feelings, no one better to embody them than Dora. She continued to inspire in him sad, unbalanced, and sometimes tragic portraits. Contemporary with a persistent anti-Semitism, this painting of disfigurement is of course a satire of the canons of Nazi aesthetics. And at a time when there was a preponderance of antimodernism, personified— among others—in the figure of Camille Mauclair, these hybrid beings scream their deformities. Deviant and degenerate, a violent attack on feminine beauty, Picasso’s paintings defended their grotesqueness, corroborating the words of Leo Steinberg, according to whom the quest for ugliness had been of importance to the Spaniard since 1939. Death masks, broken jaws, dazed and hallucinated figures strolled into his works, forming a real cohort of “monsters,” as Zervos had called them. Their malignantly altered physiognomy excluded neither irony nor sacrilegious humor. These repulsive figures are the epitome of a dark, reclusive and sad period. During and after the war, Picasso received criticism for the treatment he inflicted on the human figure, whereby he claimed he solely responded through his art to the inhumanity he witnessed all around. Bataille himself saw in a face transformed into an “animal snout” the only possible way to express the absurdity of the times.119

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On a copy of Paris-Soir from July 7, the artist sketched Tête de femme[382], where, according to Baldassari, “a dialogue seems to have been established between the two sufferers: the woman being painted and the bilious-looking man [in the photograph] facing her. The pathological refrain—‘migraines wrinkling the forehead / yellow blotches / dull eyes / bags under the eyes / spots / bad taste in the mouth / bad breadth’—is echoed by the lopsided mouth and distorted nose of the female face, lending reality to the symptoms.”120 Around this same time, he completed the oil Buste de femme au chapeau[369]. The colors are red, yellow and black against a grey background. Dora’s disquieting emotional state is revealed not only in the violence of the distortions, but also in the apparent contrast between the head, which is submitted to startling rearrangements, and the rest of the body that is more readily admissible in form. As Penrose points out, the astonishing new organism that emerges from the woman’s body, displaying the easily recognizable features of a human head, is a symbolic product of familiar feelings such as horror and fear, transformed in a way that affects the viewer’s subconscious and induces an avowal of its underlying truth.121 Just a few days after he finished the painting, the Parisian outskirts were bombed by the Allies, a threatening situation, but also an encouraging sign that perhaps the Occupation could be nearing its end.122 Defiant, Picasso tried to revert the negation of life that the Nazis had advanced, said Zervos.123 Seeking to expand to the extreme his contact with life, and touched by its mysteries, he devoted his attention to activities that were fundamentally inconsequential as in Femme dans un rocking-chair[384], or to the primordial needs of human life: eating, sleeping, to washing oneself. These daily experiences brought a certain amount of happiness in their intimacy, imbued as they were with extreme gentleness at a time when the victims of Nazism piled up in camps, deprived of essential joys, subjected to the tortures of internment and massification.124 A sense of claustrophobic isolation and pervasive fear, nevertheless, continued to seep into the myriad of still-lifes Picasso produced at this time, like Nature morte aux épis[383]. Germany kept exploiting France’s resources, especially its food production, although it also relied more and more on French manpower for its factories, as there was no possible substitute for Aryan bodies in the army at the Eastern Front, according to Hitler’s doctrine. Sadly, members of the Gestapo remained in place and were not recalled to the Reich; it even took a more ruthless control— in the form of increased arrests, confiscations, torture, and executions—of a city that had become quite agitated.125 On August 9, the Jewish painter Chaim Soutine (b. 1893) was rushed

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by his companion Marie-Berthe Aurenche from his secluded home in Champigny-sur-Vende to Paris for an emergency operation. He died soon after from a perforated ulcer.126 Informed of this tragic event, Picasso painted the oil Tête de femme souriante[385], a mouthful of teeth signifying the grin of victorious death. Defying the most elementary rule of security, he attended his friend’s funeral at the Montparnasse cemetery on August 11, in spite of the risk involved in the burial of a Russian Jew.127 After Albert C. Barnes had acquired a hundred of his paintings in 1923, Soutine had rapidly enjoyed a certain amount of fame. Rarely satisfied with his work, however, he had bought back or swapped his old canvases for new ones, and then proceeded to destroy them. He had also slashed recent works with which he had not been entirely happy. Two small paintings, Nature morte au crâne et au pot[387] and Nature morte au pot et au crâne[388], executed in mid-August are indicative of Picasso’s miserable mood. He acknowledged that the skull was a valid expression of death and undoubtedly these paintings were a commemoration of Soutine’s passing and a reflection on his own mortality.128 The complementary contrast red/yellow vs. green reinforces the formal tensions and the antithetical nature of these compositions.129 The symbolism of the skull as a memento mori and the apparent severity and smallness of the space it occupies makes us think of a monastic cell, an appropriate setting for a token of martyrdom. The cranium’s color and shape bring to mind a remark Pablo made to Brassaï who began to photograph the content of his studio. He complained that Tête de mort[267] in one of the pictures looked like a walnut.130 In the painting, beside the skull, he placed a jug, which he had often used to suggest female sexuality. But, in this case, the vessel is too solid to be considered sensual and its color lacks the vitality to be equated with life. Aside from black and white there is a soft glowing yellow at the base, a fresh blue shadow falling over it, and vermilion contours, all in somewhat adulterated, primary colors. As Boggs indicates, it is as if the dignity of death and the spontaneity of life were confronting each other, making these paintings a proper source of meditation for someone confined to a prison cell.131 Nature morte aux épis[386], with its subject and style devoid of emotional references (a very geometric rendering of the basket of fruit and wild grasses), might have served as an emotional buffer to the artist.132 Although the red tile floor and rectangular table top with square legs could have suggested a fairly firm tectonic structure, they provoked him to do the opposite. Nothing in the oil remains static; all the contours of the image run diagonally in opposite directions. The top of the table, which is deformed into an oblique trapezoid, abuts the edge

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of the picture on the right and top, while the table legs, tapered down, spread outwards without attaining any stability. As a result, the multiview, table-like structure seems to be tilting forward and threatens to drop everything lying on it on the viewer.133 The next day, Paris was again the object of bombing from the Allies. Ernst Jünger described the experience in his diary. “In the morning, about three hundred planes flew over the city: I watched the counterattack from the flat roof of the Hótel Majestic. These raids presented one of our biggest spectacles; one felt the tremendous power from a great distance. I could not make out details, but there was apparently a hit, because over Montmartre a parachute floated slowly to earth.”134 As Allied bombs rained down with more frequency and regularity, and as their troops came closer and closer to Paris, the Nazis dug in, resisting anyone who would challenge their authority.135 By the end of August, having broken off all relations with the Vichy government, Britain and the United States would formally recognize the Comité français de la libération nationale (CFLN), presided over by de Gaulle, as the true representative of France.136 While the war was raging, Picasso celebrated domestic life in falsely naïve paintings such as L’enfant aux colombes[390]. Penrose saw in this work “a mocking and yet compassionate attention to the familiar fundamentals of human life.”137 The child sits on the floor holding a rattle, while pigeons rest on a nearby chair. The infant and one of the pigeons look inquisitively at the artist, as though wondering why he is so interested in them. Childhood had undeniably been a refuge to soothe the pain during the Occupation. Innocence is here also brandished by Picasso as a banner, a symbol of resistance to barbarism. As the war got bogged down, his still lifes expressed an attempt to safeguard everyday objects in one’s surroundings. The oil Nature morte au crâne et au pichet[389] is striking in its simplicity, clearly inspired by the tradition of the Spanish bodegón. He told Françoise: “I don’t go out of my way to find a rare object that nobody ever heard of, like one of Matisse’s Venetian chairs in the form of an oyster, and then transform it. That wouldn’t make sense. I want to tell something by means of the most common object . . . For me it is a vessel in the metaphorical sense.”138 The painting’s composition in its constricted framing is definitely sober: a skull and a jug, placed once again on a sacrificial white tablecloth, stand out as in front of a pale green wall. The two “monumentalized objects” repeat the opposition of life and death, the tension between Eros and Thanatos.139 American planes once again targeted the Renault (and Citroën) factories on September 3, but few of the bombs landed on or even near

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their objectives; indeed, bombs were scattered over an area of about 750 acres. Eighty-six civilians were killed and one hundred and ninety seriously injured. The Left Bank was hit as well as the suburbs: the Gare Montparnasse, the rue de Rennes, the rue du Départ, the rue du ChercheMidi, the rue de la Croix-Nivert and boulevard Murat.140 In his diary entry, Ernst Jünger noted that the rue de Rennes and rue Saint Placide were hit, and two bombs fell in rue du Cherche Midi, damaging the street and blowing out windows. These locations were all in the same arrondissement as Picasso’s atelier in the rue des Grands-Augustins, so the war was literally closer than ever to him.141 On September 16, Pablo received a letter from the Office de placement allemand that might have easily terrified him into looking for help in powerful places. The letter summoned him for medical and aptitude examinations on 20 September at 9 o’clock. “I should inform you that you have been selected to leave as part of the program of voluntary workers to Germany and names the city of Essen.”142 This document appears to have been a forgery, a cruel prank by one of his many enemies. Thankfully, Pablo had not responded. But denunciations (délations) were quite common in occupied Paris, which included reporting on neighbors, strangers, family members, business associates, Jews, Freemasons, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and one’s own clients—not to mention political refugees, those in hiding, and resisters.143 On September 5, following such a denunciation, Kahnweiler’s house in Saint-Léonard-de-Noblat had been raided by the Gestapo. The house had been looted, but the paintings had amazingly been spared. Leiris, tipped off by friends, had warned Kahnweiler to move from where he had been hiding out at a place called Le-Repaire-l’Abbaye.144 Picasso was somewhat safer. German authorities had actually come to an agreement among themselves that the Spaniard, even as the creator of the anti-fascist Guernica[84], could be intimidated to keep him in line, but short of some major transgression on his part, he would not be touched. Doing harm to an artist of supreme international stature would have handed the Allies a propaganda victory that the Nazi architects of the New European Order could ill-afford.145 Because of the confining circumstances of occupied Paris, Picasso made a habit of painting at night or behind heavily shaded windows, and the chromatic severity of some of pictures like Vase de fleurs et compotier[391] conveys the ambiance under these conditions. Within the oil we find a conflicting range of emotions: on the one hand, the palette and the rigid, almost architectural forms that comprise the scene lend it an atmosphere of tension yet, at the very center we find the jewel-like cherries, tiny celebrations in the midst of adversity. Where even the

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flowers to the left have a pallor about them, these crimson fruits ensure that the painting is read not only as the product of anxiety, but also of hope, which burns, like embers, in the middle of the drama. This picture shows a psychological battle between pessimism and optimism. Against the harsh framework of the bars with which he has painted his studio, its window and its furniture, warmth and vibrancy appear to shine through all the more brightly.146 As mentioned earlier, this work belongs to a series of still-life paintings featuring a bowl of cherries which again refer back to his first encounter with Françoise. The bright-red spheres that are the focal-point of the composition, and the jolt of color that they add to the picture can certainly be a metaphor for her refreshing arrival into the artist’s life. All of the elements are linked through a series of diagonal lines, with bowl, window, vase and table rendered in adjoining triangles. Completed one day after receiving the summons to report for a physical examination and faced with the prospect of being sent to a work detail in Essen, the ever-defiant Picasso had continued to paint as usual. It was with this sentiment in mind that he relished in the small, quotidian luxuries presented by a bowl of fresh cherries and the yearning for better times ahead.147 Another oil, Nature morte à la chaise et aux glaïeuls[392], presents an even more playful and airy color palette. Rather than using his art to document the horrific violence and destruction occurring all across the continent, he saw these common objects as a creative escape from chaotic reality and the atmosphere of fear gripping Paris. His treatment of the chair and the stylization of the tiled floor and pastel-colored walls recall the still life compositions of van Gogh.148 The Dutch painter was one of the artists much hated by the Nazis and many of his work had been removed from German museums or destroyed. In late September, a new mass deportation convoy carried nearly 1,000 prisoners to Buchenwald—all of whom had been arrested as the result of a boost in repression measures. These were men that were physically fit enough to dig the tunnels in the Mittelbau-Dora concentration camp; the working conditions, however, were terrible and many die in the weeks and months that follow. Around this time, Maar reappeared in several portraits: Portrait de Dora Maar[394] and the truly distressing Buste de femme au corsage rayé[393]. In the latter, she wears a red-and-green striped blouse, her face apparently carved from stone which the silvery tonalities it is painted in help reinforce. As Daix notes, Picasso “congeals—or petrifies—the subject so that she assumes the qualities of a nearly impenetrable block, carved with extreme difficulty.”149 On September 23, he would go on to paint two more pictures of Dora with the same title. As he did earlier in the month, in

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La femme au corsage vert[395] and Buste de femme[396] the face was split vertically in both so that there appeared to be two interlocking profiles, symbolic of a certain male/female dichotomy.150 In Femme assise[397], the light side/long hair vs. dark side/no hair divisions were used to suggest some sort of hermaphrodite. The figure’s right arm and the undefined hand, juxtaposed with the breasts, become a phallic metaphor that further identifies the right section of the figure as the male side.151 In Femme assise[398], the hair on the viewer’s left side is demarcated with vertical lines and is shoulder length. There is also a breast on that part of the figure. The hair on the other side appears to be shorter, and is defined by shorter, horizontal lines and no breast is shown.152 Both paintings clearly reflect the decline of their relationship. Through all the trials and tribulations of their near decade-long liaison, Picasso had remained impressed by Maar’s commanding presence. Their partnership had been one of intellectual exchange and intense passion. Throughout the Occupation, he and Dora had continued to work side by side in Paris, mainly because their freedom to travel was curtailed as a consequence of the war. It was perhaps due to this confinement and the general stress of living through all this turmoil that led to the final deterioration of their liaison.153 It is harder to account for the resurgence of color in the portraits of her he executed in October. In one of them, the oil Tête de femme[399], the severely simplified, jagged and disjointed facial schematic is certainly in keeping with other wartime works. She is depicted with her large staring eyes, as if transfixed by the artist’s gaze, and shoulder-length dark hair, represented here as an elongated blue oval. The striking hat, to which three large, flower-like pins have secured a long striped ribbon, also points to Dora as the sitter. However, Picasso has put aside the former somber tonalities, choosing instead to employ bright, saturated hues—the three primaries, with derivative green and related tints— which lend this canvas a warmth and good feeling that contrasts with the bleak or even brutal aspect of other portraits.154 The appearance of color was certainly not provoked by better conditions in the country. Even though the reprisal killings of hostages had been halted since the autumn of the previous year, in response to the assassination of Julius Ritter, 50 hostages were now exceptionally taken from the Romainville fort and shot at the Mont-Valérien fort. German authorities also launched a propaganda offensive portraying the Résistance as anti-French, as foreign, as “the world dream of Jewish Sadism.” The police and the Gestapo pursued particularly the Manouchian group, arresting over 60 people, of whom 23 were selected for public trial, in a courtroom filled with collaborators, including a

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number of “celebrities,” who jeered and abused the prisoners. They would be sentenced to execution by firing squad. All this was very much for propaganda purposes. Of the twenty-three singled out, more than half were Jews. In the oil Tête de femme[401], Dora’s large, dark eyes stare penetratingly out of the bright white background, captivating and confronting the viewer. With her raven-colored hair and intense expression, her visage differs from the tortured and deformed depictions that had characterized many of his depictions of her. Her long, oval face is rendered with a resounding wholeness, composed of softly curving, boldly rendered brushstrokes and contrasting planes of light and shadow, all framed by voluminous waves of luxuriant dark hair. And yet, there is still a look of anxiety in her eyes as she gazes at the viewer with an intense solemnity and melancholy. As Léal has written, with “a temperament prone to withdrawal, to introspection; the hollowness of the cheek is most likely a sign of the mind’s flight, a schizophrenic side.”155 Pictured frontally, with her mouth tight-lipped and firmly set, her wide-eyed stare is desolate and disconsolate, powerfully yet silently communicating her innermost feelings to the artist, her lover. Is it with a look of resignation and acceptance that she stares from the painting?156 The stripes on the blouse the female sitter wears in the oil Portrait de femme[400], painted earlier in the month, relate it to the striped shirt seen in several works representing a sailor, a guise in which Picasso frequently depicted himself.157 What began as a combined portrait of Picasso and Maar evolved into a series of self-portraits, one of which is Buste d’homme[402]. Together with the intensely staring eyes, the wide, exaggeratedly large nostrils and mass of dark hair, this figure becomes a paradigmatic symbol of masculinity and virility—qualities that he often sought in the cavalcade of self-referential surrogates and stand-ins through which he portrayed himself in his art. The brawny, high-spirited figure of the sailor could also be seen to relate to the epic tales of adventure.158 “You are in every way a pure Mediterraneanist, a relative of Ulysses, terrible in cunning,” Eugeni d’Ors once wrote of Picasso.159 By depicting himself as a sailor, he was perhaps assuming the role of a modern day Odysseus; a brave and daring adventurer trapped in the confines of occupied Paris, longing to return to the idyllic Mediterranean shores of the south and a life of freedom. “If Picasso reverted to this Mediterranean subject in the middle of war,” Richardson has written, “it would have been out of a desperate yearning to be back on the shores of his native sea . . . Penned up in the prison of occupied Paris in a cold, wet October, six weeks after being ordered to report to the Nazis for deportation to Germany . . . Picasso would desperately have needed to

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raise his spirits . . . [This] is surely an attempt to exorcise the hateful Germans.”160 The series of drawings culminated in Le marin[403]. A reflection of the importance that this oil held for the artist is its repeated presence in the many pictures taken by the renowned war photographer Lee Miller when she visited his studio in the days following the Liberation. Seated on a chair, the figure is slouched, his head resting on his hand in a traditional pose symbolic of melancholy. The imposing pale yellow walls, demarcated with angular lines, create a sense of acute claustrophobia and entrapment; the depth of the room receding and drawing the viewer into his strained and angst-filled psyche. The wide-eyed, powerfully staring figure maintains in this context a monumental and commanding presence, filling almost the entirety of the large canvas, exuding a sense of undiminished strength and unyielding resolve. During the Occupation, Picasso became for many an emblematic figure of resistance and hope; as Matisse recalled, “When they told me Pablo had gone to Mexico, it broke me up inside—although we have no communication, it’s good to know one’s not alone.”161 The French writer Louis Parrot likewise stated: “Solely by [Picasso’s] presence among us, he gave hope to those who would have ended up doubting our chances of survival.”162 The potential danger he was exposed to is exemplified in his friend Paul Éluard’s situation. Fearing a likely denunciation and arrest, he and Nusch had been forced to hide at a psychiatric Hospital in Saint-Alban, in the Lozère, shielded by their friend Dr. Lucien Bonnafé. They would remain there through February, 1944.163 Towards the end of October, Picasso stopped frequenting the crowded cafés, but did not lack for company in his studio. He generally received visitors around eleven a.m., shortly after rising. He would then set to work in the afternoon and carry on late into the night.164 One of the visitors was Brassaï who continued to photograph his sculptures. He would later describe the experience: “Picasso wants to show me the display case, or, as Sabartés calls it, the ‘museum.’ It is a large metal and glass cabinet, locked, placed in a little room adjoining the studio. To open it, he takes out his voluminous set of keys. About fifty statuettes are piled up in it, along with wood he has sculpted, stones he has engraved, and other curious or rare objects.”165 Picasso made many of these small figurines for Dora, who kept them in her collection as fetishes. War gave these seemingly insignificant figures an entirely different aura. It is said that she also carefully cut out the drawings he made at restaurants and put them in her bag at the end of the meal. Intimate life and emotional memories intertwined. Although their relationship was under severe strain from the spring of 1943, Dora

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would continue to see him and accumulate a vast collection of these small objects until 1946.166 Her state of mind was increasingly unstable as their liaison withered away. In the drawing Femme appuyant sa tête sur sa main[404] from November 7, he represented Maar with her head resting on her arm, in a thoughtful attitude, a posture that recalls Dürer’s influential engraving Melencolia (1514). Picasso was a great admirer of the German artist and owned at least one original print given to him by Max Jacob. The somber portrait Tête de femme aux boucles d’oreille[405] from November 22 has been identified as one of his last depictions of Dora.167 It is typical of him that he would paint such a compassionate picture of her at the very moment that she was being replaced in his affections by another woman.168 Four days later, Françoise called on Picasso on her birthday after she had returned to Paris from vacationing in Montpellier.169 Her likeness first appeared in the ink drawing Tête de femme[406]. The shape of the face and the wide set eyes correspond to Brassaï’s description of her: “the little, slightly pouting mouth, the straight nose, the beauty mark on the cheek, the ample chestnut brown hair uncoiling around her face, the wide-open, asymmetrical green eyes, the arched eyebrows, the adolescent body with the narrow waist and, already, woman’s curves.”170 During December, Gilot resumed her regular visits to his studio and their relationship began to unfold. “She came every Wednesday, in the afternoon,” O’Brian reported.171 Around this time he executed the drawings Femmes s’habillant[408] and Femme se regardant dans la glace[407]. They depict two fully-clothed women, drawn in his classical style. In one, the two women are standing with their arms around one another; in the other, one of the women is seated, looking at herself in a mirror held by the other. The drawings might have been inspired by Françoise’s early visits to the studio, when she came in the company of her friend Geneviève.172 On December 7, Brassaï came to rue des Grands-Augustins again, and he met Gilot as she was visiting.173 He wrote: “She comes here often now, and waits in the vestibule for her idol to call her. He does not hide the fact that a new passion has entered his life . . . he flaunts it.” It is on this date that he noted that Pablo was already painting her. “If it were up to him, every woman in the world would wear her hair unkempt, falling on her neck, in her face, onto her breasts . . . And that is how he is already painting Françoise.”174 The painter felt energized by his new love. He no longer felt the frigid winter cold in his studio. When he returned a week later, Brassaï noted in his journal: “It is horribly cold, I cannot manage to warm up . . . The studio is Siberian. It’s crazy to venture into it.” To which Picasso responded: “In my lifetime, I’ve

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suffered from the cold more than many other people . . . But the cold stimulates you, keeps your mind awake. It keeps you moving.”175 The heat of his passion for Françoise, however, did not blind him to the enduring bleak conditions of the Occupation. Two days earlier, Picasso had painted the oil Nature morte aux verres[409]. This work is even less optimistic than others. Where previous still lifes had contrasted the tension of similarly wrought lines and bars with jewel-like cherries or vibrant flowers, the claustrophobic composition here conveys his true emotional anguish. In the stylized geometric forms and jutting, angular planes of the background, we sense his intense sense of confinement and a strong feeling of oppression.176 Towards the end of the year he painted the oil Femme en vert[410] which is somewhat related to the etching Femme assise used for Desnos‘ Contrée. Color, however, is the key factor in the painting where the subdued yellow-greens of the dress are set against the grey-yellows of the background. Both hues are disrupted by the blue and orange divisions of the face, which emphasize its mask-like character. This Nature Goddess, the ancestral Great Mother, appears as a demonic giantess bursting from the cubicle in which she has been placed.177 Picasso had represented similar figures at critical points in his life, like the colossal bathers in the late 1920s, for instance. As it had happened then, his engagement with everything that he found hostile gave a larger dimension to his art. He often spoke of conjuring up these evil spirits. In the current situation, it is the hateful German occupiers, metamorphosed into this dreadful Androgyny of ancient Mediterranean traditions, that the painter must now confront.178 It is this confrontation that might explain the image of an amorous couple kissing on a park bench in the gouache Couple sur un banc[411] from December 25. The two heads are constructed almost as though each were the half of a whole.179 The initial concept had portrayed a mother and child, but during the course of the year it had developed into an embracing couple giving it a Lacanian twist.180 Bernadac points out how: “Picasso brings two beings into one, expressing the physical blending that takes place at the moment of the kiss.”181 The gouache evolved into other drawings the following day where the heads of male and female fuse into one entity. By the end of the month, “the kiss almost becomes an act of copulation as the heads seem to metamorphose into genital-like forms,” according to Goggin.182 With their wide-eyed stare, streaked hair and half-moon ears, their primitive faces merge into an intense carnal fusion, a scene of cannibalistic devouring: Eros and Thanatos.183

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CHAPTER NINE

1944 Femme en bleu

The winter of 1943–1944 was bitterly cold, and even harder to bear after four years of cumulative deprivation. A long, hard night had indeed descended over Paris during the period of the Occupation, inducing a bleak and benumbed existence in the capital. Artists and writers congregated in the Saint-Germain-des-Prés establishments, such as the Café de Flore, just to stay warm. In her memoir, Beauvoir painted a typical scene: “Slowly, over the course of the morning, the room filled up; by the cocktail hour, it was full. Picasso smiled at Dora Maar, who was holding a large dog; Léon-Paul Fargue remained silent, Jacques Prévert chatted; there were noisy debates at the tables of the movie directors who, since 1939, met there almost every day.”1 Sartre and Beauvoir lived in the Hôtel La Louisiane, on the nearby rue de Seine, but they did much of their writing at the café. By now Dora scarcely came to Picasso’s studio. She was permanently at his disposition, though, waiting in her flat just round the corner for him to telephone her to go out together.2 She had given up photography, but had a renewed enthusiasm for painting; perhaps due to her proximity to the painter. All the same, her submission to what seems to have been Pablo’s wishes demonstrates a great sacrifice of her talent and her individuality. One positive effect of her renunciation of photography was the renewal of her relationship with that other photographer of genius, Brassaï: “Professional jealousy shaken off, there was no longer any obstacle to our friendship . . .”3 When Maar’s still lifes were exhibited in 1944, Brassaï insisted that one fact deserved underlining: “She has been able to escape Picasso’s formidable influence. Her still lifes—a piece of bread, a pitcher—are very sober and are not reminiscent of the painter’s palette or any of his periods.”4 Even Françoise considered that Dora excelled in a chiaroscuro that was absent from Pablo’s work, calling attention to her depiction of ordinary objects: “A lamp or an alarm clock or a piece of bread . . . [they] made you feel she wasn’t so much interested in them as their solitude, the terrible solitude and void that surrounded everything in that penumbra.”5

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The French economy was suffering from years of oppression. Production was 40% of what it had been in the 1930s. Many farmers could not afford the price of fuel for machinery or seed for new crops. After turning to horse-drawn plows and carts instead of gasoline powered ones, they found that it was still too expensive to feed the work animals. Thus, a large number of farms were abandoned, especially when faced by the threat of retreating troops. Cows and other farm animals were lost or killed and devoured by the German army as they passed through. Refrigeration units had their electricity supplies cut so food ended up spoiling. Whole industries were abandoned too. There was also the simple issue of the occupiers outright stealing food supplies. Nazi officers commonly arrived at markets in massive trucks and loaded up goods, requisitioned for German soldiers and officers. In fact, most food produced in France was already being shipped to the Reich. As a result of shortages, some store owners had been unwilling or unable to honor ration tickets. The first two weeks of January, Picasso executed six still lifes with glasses and lemons, perhaps to keep record of the meager selection of nourishment available in the city. In these thematic mini-series, the most extensively worked and finely resolved picture of the group was often the last one completed, as if it were the culmination of all the experimentation and exploration put into the previous efforts. This is certainly the case with Citrons et verre[412], which was moreover one of the finest of the wartime still-lifes. By means of an enfolding web of winding contours, he unified the arrangement of lemons, glass and table, the areas of light and shadow and the contrasts of color, pulling all of these elements together into a compact and thoroughly integrated network of forms. Fresh fruit had become the rarest of delicacies in the occupied city, especially in the middle of the winter. The golden lemons may actually have been the artist’s wishful invention, an imaginary means of recreating in his studio the warm glow of peacetime sunshine during this dismal, impossibly cold season. The objects appear to express a quiet and plainly stated joy in the fact of their mere existence, in a time when such survivability was not to be taken for granted.6 A somewhat darker mood is evoked in two oils from mid-January. In Le homard[413], the presence of a lobster on a checkered tablecloth, lit by a paper lantern in the middle of a starry night, could only be ironic, as such delicacies were nowhere to be found. Nature morte[414] shows a curvaceous teapot facing a glass and three pieces of fruit on a table top. If the shape of the glass is definitely phallic in its juxtaposition to the roundness of the fruit, the lidded teapot—an inaccessible female vessel—alludes to an falling-out with its male counterpart.7 The intense

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and passionate relationship that had united Dora and Pablo since 1936 was now all but broken up.8 Repressive measures had been weighing heavily on them as well as the rest of the population. Through the end of the month, 5,500 people would be arrested and deported to Buchenwald, a number that included almost 1,000 females, sent to Ravensbrück—the women’s camp near Berlin—in a single convoy, the biggest one to leave Compiègne. These trains continued to supply workers for the Kommandos of the concentration camp network that supported the Reich’s war economy. André Malraux, who had been at Picasso’s apartment in December, followed his half-brother Roland into the armed resistance. Working with British agents in the Dordogne, he assumed the name of “Colonel Berger” and made several incognito visits to Paris.9 Resistance movements in the southern and northern areas had joined to form the Mouvement de libération nationale (MLN).10 Probably in reaction to their growing organization, the Vichy regime enacted on January 20 a law imposing courts-martial for the trial of anyone accused of “terrorist activities.” The government was unrelenting in its harshness. There was no judicial investigation (as was the normal procedure), those charged had no lawyer, and the death sentences served were legally binding and had to be carried out without delay. In Paris, two large operations in late January and on February 4 led to the arrest of nearly 1,000 people. Picasso returned to his studies for Le Vert-Galant, in one of which a woman nurses her child who, in his helplessness, could serve as an example of victimization during the Occupation. The motif became a symbol of endangered existence: a massive mother figure bends over her small child, as if she wanted to embed it in her own body to protect it from potential harm.11 His poem from February 4–6 entitled d’entre les doigts makes reference to those images of the park and its surroundings: “from between the fingers of the gentle caravans of oriflammes of steeled sheaves in dead leaf shedding petals gropingly immense stoppered vessels the dances and screams imposed horizontally in good order and details at the lively pink . . . tolling the bells varied in numbers and musics at 5 o’clock . . . the tender colors of the fringes splattered in torrents of panes in sweet and large lemons wild plighting of troths and vine leaves.”12 In late February, he found out that his friend Robert Desnos, who had been living near the rue Guenegaud, just a short distance from him, and who had managed with his wife Youki to keep open house in their attic, had been arrested on February 22 and sent to a camp in Fresnes;13 then transferred to Camp Royallieu at Compiègne, and finally deported to Floha (Flossenbürg) in Saxony.14 A young boy had been taken into

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custody while distributing clandestine tracts and had revealed Desnos’s name, among others. At the time, he had been working on an underground paper entitled, Les Nouveaux Taons. In her memoires, Youki would note how Maurice Toesca, who had assisted Pablo in renewing his carte d’identité d’etranger, would help her obtain information about her husband’s whereabouts. It is no coincidence that Picasso should then execute several drawings of something that resembles a skull. They probably reflect his reaction to the news of his friend’s arrest.15 Two days later, another close friend, Max Jacob, was arrested at Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire.16 Following his conversion to Catholicism, Max had been living at the abbey. Soon after his detention, he was sent to Drancy concentration camp, via Orleans.17 While on the train en route to Drancy, he wrote to Cocteau asking for help.18 There is a question about how and when Picasso first learned of the arrest, but the statement often attributed to him—“Max is an elf. He doesn’t need us to fly out of his prison”—is most probably apocryphal, as it is hard to believe that he would not have been concerned for his friend’s fate.19 His hesitation to intervene might have been due to the fact that Georges Prade, an infamous pétaniste, had told Pablo that his signature on a request for his release might be counterproductive.20 In any case, Cocteau and Salmon still wrote a letter to the German ambassador, Otto Abetz, on Max’s behalf. It ended up being signed by Picasso also.21 Regardless, it did not succeed. The poet died in Drancy of bronchial pneumonia on March 5.22 Although it is possible that news of his death did not arrive in Paris until several days later, the artist painted the oil Buste de femme[415] the same day of his passing. One cannot help but think of the infamous striped concentration camp uniforms when looking at the background in this picture. He also revisited once more the device of the double profile, but while in previous works the side and full view had been combined, forming a composite of two perspectives, here he presented the observer with an additional third point of view. The right and left profile interlock in the center in such a manner that, as the viewer’s gaze shifts, the image swings from one point to the other.23 In the context of the loss of his friend, this could be a reflection of the painter having second thoughts about completely abandoning Dora to concentrate on his new relationship, debating whether he should try to juggle both mistresses. No doubt, Françoise was progressively gaining influence over him. The impact of her pictorial style on Picasso is clear when we compare this painting with her oil Lemon and Fish also dating from 1944. On March 13, he executed Nature morte au gruyère[416]. By this time, he probably had heard of Jacob’s passing, so that this still life of mundane objects might as well have served to commemorate the poet’s

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demise.24 Grey shadows are rotated to the light side and illuminated parts are moved to the somber area. This leads to a confusing entanglement of light and dark sections in the image. In the still life compositions of the last years of the Occupation, the objects surrounding Picasso had often adopted anthropomorphic traits and established relationships among them as people.25 He would complete a total of fourteen paintings of the coffeepot motif between through April 11, often sharing the spotlight on the tabletop with a candlestick.26 The carafe bore an uncanny resemblance to Max in an old photograph in which he wore a top hat and a long coat, slightly flared at the bottom. He stood with his left hand resting against his hip, so that his arm formed a curve connecting with his body, like a handle; while his right hand, positioned at his waist with elbow stuck out, resembled the spout.27 With Cocteau, Reverdy, Salmon, Braque, Éluard and Maar, Picasso attended a mass in Jacob’s memory at Saint-Roch on March 18.28 The poet would also be present in effigy at the reading of the play Le désir attrapé par la queue at Michel and Louise Leiris’s apartment on 53bis, quai des Grands-Augustins, around the corner from Pablo’s studio. He had brought over a portrait he had made of Max in 1915 and placed it among the other guests.29 Directed by Albert Camus, it managed to bring together some of the finest intellectuals of the Occupation, who played the different roles: l’Oignon (Raymond Queneau), le Gros Pied (Michel Leiris), le Bout rond (Jean-Paul Sartre), la Cousine (Simone de Beauvoir), la Tarte (Zanie Campan), l’Angoisse grasse (Germaine Hugnet), l’Angoisse maigre (Dora Maar), Les Deux Toutous (Louise Leiris), les Rideaux (Jean Aubier) and le Silence (Jacques-Laurent Bost). Georges Hugnet composed a musical accompaniment for it. A hundred other people attended the performance, including Brassaï, Braque and his wife, Valentine Hugo, Lacan, Cécile Éluard (Paul’s daughter), Sabartés, Reverdy, Jean-Louis Barrault, Georges and Sylvia Bataille, Maurice Toesca, André-Louis Dubois, Lucienne and Armand Salacrou, Georges Limbour, Henri Michaux and Marcel Mouloudji. The evening was described as an act of intellectual resistance by Pierre Daix.30 Picasso, Maar, Sabartés and Marcel later traveled to Jacob’s funeral at Saint-Roch on March 21.31 Around this time, the first images of concentration camps and mass graves appeared in the press. Pablo’s friend Lee Miller was one of the first reporters to photograph the death camps. She stopped by the artist’s studio during a visit to Paris and showed him her pictures.32 That spring, he painted the oil Tête de femme[417] which depicted Dora. The artist manipulated her face to achieve a psychologically intense and penetrating image, exaggerating her features and evoking a sense of anxiety

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related to the recent reports. Her celebrated beauty (flowing chestnut hair, light eyes, a strong nose), very much admired by him, was now distorted in a way that powerfully embodied the complex and conflicting emotions in their lives.33 By moving her long hair to the side and isolating the skull-like head, he blurred the figure’s gender, so it could almost be read as a self-portrait. As Baer has stated, “The artist always did his best painting only when he was in a crisis, whatever it was.”34 Despite the demoralizing effect that seeing the inhuman brutality of the camps had on him, there were some auspicious developments in the war. Russian armies were relentlessly pressing westwards, reclaiming their lands from Nazi subjugation. Expectations in the French capital were running high that the Allies would soon cross the Channel to retake northern France. American and British planes were bombing German military targets in and around Paris almost daily, unfortunately resulting at times in numerous civilian casualties. While these raids caused widespread consternation, they also meant that the eventual day of liberation was surely close at hand. In anticipation of the end of the war, the significance of the candle seems ambiguous in Picasso’s work, representing both the last glimmer of light about to be snuffed (possibly in response to the recent death of his friends) and the hope of finally emerging from the darkness which had enveloped the war years.35 One may note a certain ebullient optimism in paintings like Nature morte[418].36 There is also a focus on the expressive potential of the candle’s vivid illumination of surrounding objects in Nature morte[419].37 Boggs explains: “That the light was something more than practical is apparent in the enthusiasm with which he executed the flame and the pattern of light it shed. It was somewhat florid, like the straight-back chair with curlicues, which he put beside the table in each of the stages of the painting or the suggestion of ornament in the frame of the mirror above.”38 Around this time, Charles de Gaulle gave the final touches to the formation of a new regime in exile in collaboration with the Communists. Brassaï visited the Grands-Augustins studio for the first time in three months on April 7. An ex-officer in the Rumanian army, he had been mobilized to serve in the German armed forces. To avoid doing so, he had been living with friends under false identity. During his visit, they discussed the fate of Desnos, who had already been transferred to Compiègne.39 Jean Marais and Pierre Reverdy were among the other visitors to the studio that day. They debated the frequent Allied bombing raids and the odd situation resulting from them.40 The magazine editor Paul Léautaud, who met Pablo every year for the annual commemoration of Apollinaire’s death, recounted a chance encounter with him in the rue Jacob around this time: “He had let his hair grow, down to his

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collar. The hair was completely white. But not at all on an old man’s face. Seen from the rear, he must look old. Strange idea. I had never noticed how small he was. His charming face was full of mockery. We found we agreed on one point, which I expressed to him: the first three years of the war, I had not been particularly concerned about it . . . But that now it was no longer the same, I was involved, upset, worried, almost disquieted—“Isn’t that so? Picasso replied. ‘I feel exactly the way you do.’”41 Yet, a spirit of resistance is obvious in the oil Nature morte au bougeoir[420]. We need only look back at the remarkable gouache of the coffee service in La cafetière[360] to realize how much more assertive and self-assured this painting is in the simplicity of its forms and the buoyancy of the contours defining them. When it comes to color it can even suggest the hedonism of Henri Matisse. The light blue-green wall serves as a backdrop to the golden candlestick and mirror frame, while the orange, and the blue and lavender on the coffeepot, as well as the large areas of understated whites and grays, are distinguished from each other by freely drawn black contours. As Boggs comments: “This still life seems assured and optimistic as not all his still lifes of the end of the war will be.”42 It could be because on this date Soviet troops began an offensive to liberate Crimea, which would be followed by the capture of Odessa on April 10. The previous day, Allied bombers had targeted Villeneuve-Saint Georges, a railroad hub in the south of Paris.43 In the oil Nature morte à la cafetière[422], painted a couple of days later, the table-top kitchenware resembled standing people, with a lid as a head, a spout for an upraised arm, and a handle as an arm held akimbo. If the catatonic Dora seated in a chair in Femme assise[421] looked especially plaintive in her expression, the objects in his still-lifes displayed more confidence. In each of the canvases, he outlined the objects in black, creating swirling, rhythmic arabesques that knit the objects together and unify the composition. Here the vernal green hue and the brightly tinted viridian background proclaim a renewal of joy in the pleasures of simple routines and familiar things.44 The appearance of nascent and tenuous feelings of optimism would climax in the grand series representing a tomato plant during the weeks leading up to the Liberation. On April 13, three thousand United States planes flying from Britain and Italy raided Germany as well as the Nazi occupied territories of Hungary and Yugoslavia. Two days later, he painted the buoyant Nu et femme assise[424]. The right-hand figure is individualized with the Françoise ideogram that he would characteristically use to represent her—the “swirling” hair and large breasts—features that can also be

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seen in Portrait de femme[423] from this same day.45 Where Dora had been represented as an angst-ridden woman, a “suffering machine” ravaged by the carnage of the wars, Françoise was portrayed instead as full of confidence and hope. The jutting angularity of so many of Maar’s pictures has been replaced by the sweeping curves that delineate Gilot’s head, giving the impression that each brushstroke was a tactile caress, a movement by which he was discovering and exploring his new lover’s figure.46 Probably around this time he completed the sculpture Le chat accroupi[348], which illustrates the flexibility of Picasso’s creative thought processes. He had begun by modeling the figure of a standing nude woman, but had then transformed it into a cat. Her breasts metamorphosed into the animal’s head, her hips became its front shoulders, and her legs mutated into forelegs. The overall outline of the woman’s body, which can still be ascertained from the sculpture, was not unlike future standing female figures representing Françoise: slim body, lush hair and rounded breasts.47 He was making a statement by contrast with the oil Portrait de femme au fauteuil[425] that showed a seated woman whose head appears to be sculpted from stone, probably Dora. The solidity of the geometric forms is in clear opposition to the recent floral portraits of Françoise. This was followed by the final reclining nudes that Picasso made during the Occupation. The motif is symbolic of physicality and vulnerability interpreted through the dramatic filter of current events.48 In Nu couché et femme se lavant les pieds[426], he featured again two women— one entirely nude and reclining in the glare of a lamp light, and one fully-clothed and washing her feet. The repeated scene may have been a manifestation of his love triangle, with one woman firmly established in the bed of her beloved while the other prepares to leave. The palette of the composition, with its stark grays, browns and ambers, calls to mind the uniforms of the occupying forces and the surreal tension that pervaded his world.49 Allied bombing raids on Paris continued day and night. On April 18, they pounded the suburbs of Vincennes and Noisy-le-Sec, Juvisy, destroying locomotive sheds, workshops, rail hubs, etc. In Noisy-le-Sec almost 3,000 houses were damaged or destroyed, more than 450 civilians were killed and 370 badly injured. There were 125 fatalities and 475 serious injuries in Juvisy.50 Two days later, night allied planes hit the north of Paris on the marshalling yards at La Chapelle in the 18th arrondissement. Some 670 people were killed “off target,” mostly in buildings and cellars, More than 2,000 bombs fell on an area of about two and a half square miles.51 And on April 21, Jünger reported that

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bombs had hit Saint Denis, and that hundreds had been killed.52 As the allies gained further ground on April 25, Picasso had been painting “more and more like God or the Devil,” Éluard wrote to Penrose. The grim and frightening Femme en bleu[427], executed at this time, shows Dora with a skeletal face and a sad blue dress, vividly embodying the tragic fate of the French population.53 She was for the painter this double figure, totally inseparable but also wholly irreconcilable, of individual fortitude and dread. She had represented the woman imprisoned, wounded, mutilated, debased during the war years. But unlike captive beings, locked up in their seats as in a trap, as the ones that had preceded her, this woman in blue appears as a symbol of fortitude in the serene monumentality of her posture. Still, the shades of blue used both for the long-sleeved dress and for the background refer to a feeling of melancholy. The oil was one of the last manifestations of Dora in the world of the painter. Always beautiful in his eyes, she had nevertheless lost her power of fascination, like her hands without fingers, which could no longer retain him.54 On May 1, he painted the oil Buste de femme[428]. Pictured against a bright red background, the sitter bears little resemblance to either Dora or Françoise. Yet, there is an unmistakable duality to the painting, as represented in the differing hairstyles on either side of the woman’s head. One side is coifed and styled, while the other side is unkempt and wild. With the clear tensions his love triangle would have posed, it is not surprising to see such dualism in his paintings.55 He had created a pair of paintings in April depicting two women side by side on the same canvas. FitzGerald has said of these works, “The implied comparison between these two figures could not present a greater contrast: one seated, the other standing; one fully covered, the other nude; one in shadow, the other illuminated . . . Positioned as Picasso had frequently portrayed her during the previous seven years, the seated woman is identifiable, despite its stylization, as a portrait of Dora Maar Picasso has shifted the focus of the composition to her counterpart, who now stands as a presence rather than as an amorphous apparition . . . [Françoise] has materialized in his art, and she dominates the composition.”56 Unexpectedly, the painter started a series of Paris landscapes in midMay, something he had refrained from doing during the Occupation except for the few depictions of the secluded Le Vert-Galant. A considerable amount of his work during these years had, indirectly and covertly, been aimed at protesting against the loss of freedom, the oppression and the rampant violence. The main output had constituted highly subjective statements, in which the artist’s attitude seemed to oscillate between inner reflections and aggressive directness.

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Communicative goals, however, had tended to recede. The lack of consistent public exhibitions had intensified an acknowledged tendency towards hermetic statements. The monologues of the “inner immigrant,” a belief that his pictures would have had the same effect if he had done them without any plan to ever shown them, as if they were sealed, had been a crucial aspect of Picasso’s art of the war years. The forced isolation had provoked an extremely shrill and dissonant intonation in phases, as if it were the only way he had to defend himself and force a resonance. He had spent a large part of his time working in his studio, trying to ignore what was going on outside. Most of the paintings that he had completed were still-lifes or portraits of Dora—all subjects that did not directly depict the fate that had befallen the city. Now, in a move that was contrary to his former diversionary practices, he chose the Notre-Dame de Paris façade on the Ile de la Cité as the subject of his composition. The precise location of many of these views seems to be a quay on the right bank and to the east of the cathedral, with the southward-facing flying buttresses on the right of the building. In many of these works, the bridge is used as a compositional device to hem in the subject and convey a sense of imprisonment, albeit celebrating the beauty and lasting quality of this built environment.57 Picasso would later say: “These particular landscapes came to me just like that. I spent a lot of time walking the quays during the Occupation. With Kazbek . . . I didn’t paint anything based on the motif itself. I painted what came to me and left it like that.”58 He did not paint the city as it presented itself to the viewer, but rather his own feelings about the lack of freedom and the shrinking of a city still controlled by the German military and French collaborators. Dark lines and broad black contours radiating from corners and edges stretch across Notre-Dame[430]. A clouded sky floats above the river course with its banks, the bridges and the buildings at the city center. The result is a composition with a net-like structure, the mesh of which progressively shrinks from the edges to the center, increasing in density.59 In NotreDame[431], we first look through one of the arches of the Pont-Neuf, which has been narrowed so much that it looks like an window. However, this perspective does not lead into the open, but is repeatedly presented through different barriers. The first one is a strong chain stretched between the two bridge piers, on which three boats dangle. The fact that the boats are not free but “chained” is certainly more than a coincidence and could be read as symbolic. The next barrier, as seen from the viewer’s location, is another transverse bridge (the Petit-Pont). That means again a path, but one that does not lead into the distance, but rather crosses it. Directly above the Petit-Pont, Notre-Dame de Paris

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rises so high that its spires reach to the top of the front arch of the bridge. This leaves only an insignificant narrow strip of the open sky.60 He might have been attempting to pictorially preserve something that was likely to be destroyed. On May 27, the Allies pounded Paris again. In his diary entry for that day, Jünger noted that he saw bomb bursts from the direction of Saint Germain. The target of the air attack was precisely the bridges over the Seine that Picasso had just painted.61 The momentous Allied landing in Normandy took place on June 6.62 By the end of D-Day, 156,000 soldiers had come ashore and 2,500 men had lost their lives. A million troops, under the overall command of General Dwight D. Eisenhower, would move onto five beachheads in the following weeks. As the invasion slowly progressed and the Germans pulled back, de Gaulle made preparations to return to France. Meanwhile in the capital, fast-moving transports and tanks passed through and around the city, as the Germans tried to resist further Allied advances.63 Picasso had completed a few days earlier the two oils Femme assise dans un fauteuil d’osier[432] and Femme assise[429], where Dora’s head appears with the usual double profile, emphasized by the variance in the hair style from one side to the other.64 Towards the end of the month, Leiris had written in his diary: “I have lately noticed a speech impediment in [Dora]. On the pretext of jokingly imitating Marie-Laure de Noailles, she has added numerous times the expression ‘I say.’ But in reality she must do that out of necessity, in order to constantly make reference to herself.”65 Her stiff body, haughty and enthroned in these last portraits, presented a clear contrast with the most recent representations he produced of Françoise.66 Through the end of June, Dora showed Les Quays de la Seine and still lifes in the exhibition “Dora Maar, Vera Pagava” at Galerie Jeanne Bucher in Montparnasse.67 James Lord referred to them as “voluntarily woven symbols of loneliness.”68 Her paintings, close in subject to Picasso’s recent works (still-lifes and depictions of the banks of the Seine) showed a separate world with great chromatic sensibility, distant from the goriness of his style, exploring the hidden corners (a corner of kitchen with basin, a milk jug in brushed metal, an amorphous plant, a red cloth, a brush that he neglects), sublimating instead the emerald skies of Paris; observing herself in a self-portrait without any reference to any drama other than her own, a woman mourning her impending abandonment, sad but still magnificent, with golden eyes and features highlighted by balance and symmetry, who wants to counter the distress of these months of turmoil, and to restore order to a chaotic existence.69 Pablo visited the show with Françoise, which most certainly further distressed Dora.70

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The ongoing Normandy invasion did not immediately remedy the lack of provisions in Paris. The stratagems adopted by city residents to feed themselves would inspire the series of still lifes with radishes and tomato plants in June and July. Convinced of the familiar beauty of everyday objects, Picasso placed them on the same level as people and animals. “For him, things participate in their own way in the laws of the universe, in the biological process of life and death, in the energy that circulates between objects and beings,” writes Bernadac.71 Still life was only an excuse to highlight the “cooking of painting.”72 Among the kitchen objects, the tablecloth occupies a central place, especially the checkered tablecloth, which existed indeed in Picasso’s apartment. Here it becomes the pretext for a play of grids and diagonals pursued in space by the angled piece that is visible through the glass. The frugality of the food items is in keeping with the minimalist and geometric treatment of space. The composition is flat and linear, its elements strongly outlined, are lightened by cool shades of green, pink, yellow and blue. The brutal outlines and strict symmetry present a binary composition: the glass on one side and the pitcher on the other, separated by a beautiful orange, organize the surrounding space of the room.73 During the summer, hope for liberation became almost palpable. Yet, there was the apprehension that Paris, like Stalingrad and Warsaw, would end up in ruins.74 On June 28, Philippe Henriot, Secretary of State for Information and Propaganda in the Vichy government, was assassinated.75 During the days that followed, members of the Milice, goaded by their leaders to strike against those responsible for the crime (even if remotely), would kidnap and kill not only suspected members of the Résistance throughout France, but also Jews and prominent figures simply associated with “Gaullism.”76 Amid rumors of possible new attacks and insurrection, the German secret police intensified their work, rounding up alleged resisters, Allied sympathizers and secret agents. Through midJuly, almost 400 suspects in the Paris area were arrested by the Gestapo compared with only forty-six detained by the French police.77 On Bastille Day, as tens of thousands packed the streets all over Paris and the suburbs to celebrate the occasion, Pablo started the oil Verre et pichet[433], a particularly vibrant example with a pitcher of lemonade. People wore blue, white and red as they marched, sang and chanted. With a few exceptions there was little reaction from the German or French police. For the first time in ages, Communists, with warm support from the Parisians, demonstrated freely in the city.78 Nascent and tenuous feelings of hope had already begun to infuse the series of still-lifes that he had completed in the spring. Now, an even greater sense of optimism is detectable; the glass and pitcher have largely divested

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themselves of the portentous symbolism with which he had previously weighted still-life elements. The composition becomes more structured and polished, its components linked through a series of diagonal lines, with pitcher, window, lemon and table all rendered in adjoining triangles.79 Everyday dining-table objects came to life, the glass and pitcher standing together like two individuals tentatively regarding each other with the eye-like shapes of their rims, ready to co-exist and get on with their lives. During this time, Pablo frequently visited Marie-Thérèse and Maya in their apartment on boulevard Henri-IV, which required crossing over the Seine to the Right Bank and a walk across town, taking care to return to his studio before the evening curfew. The three items in the still-life may actually represent the members of this informal, but still closely-bonded family.80 By late July, the Allied armies had almost wiped the German forces in Normandy and were heading toward Paris. It was clear that the days of the Occupation were now numbered, and it seemed that the war itself might be over by the end of the year. It was at this time that Picasso painted two more still lifes of identical title: Verre et pichet[434] and Verre et pichet[435]. Throughout his life, he had maintained a very particular relationship with everyday objects. He showed a fondness for things, conferring to them unusual properties: in addition to their familiar and reassuring nature, he saw them as true talismans, loaded with magic properties. Through these objects, the artist offered us a testimony to time suspended as experienced by Parisians at that moment, between the anticipation of an impending happy ending and the lasting memory of the dark years.81 On the western front, Operation Cobra, together with concurrent offensives by the British Second Army and the Canadian First Army, were decisive in securing an Allied victory in the extended Normandy Campaign. On the east front, Soviet troops managed by July 24 to liberate the concentration camp at Majdanek where over 360,000 had been murdered. The camp, which had operated from October 1, 1941 until July 22, 1944, had been captured nearly intact, because the rapid advance of the Soviet Red Army during Operation Bagration had prevented the SS from destroying most of its infrastructure, but also due to the ineptitude of commandant Anton Thernes who had failed in his task of removing incriminating evidence of war crimes. As a result, Majdanek became the first concentration camp to be fully surveyed by Allied forces. Towards the end of July, a series of studies of a tomato plant formed a sort of celebration of the much awaited end of the conflict. They were inspired by the ones Marie-Thérèse grew in her apartment on Boulevard

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Henri IV, where Picasso came often to visit. He must have considered this image a symbol of the “victory gardens” that were popular during the Occupation, when food rations had compelled civilians to grow their own produce on the window sills and balconies of their homes.82 In her discussion of this series, Boggs has written: “Picasso could not have helped admiring their readiness to grow toward the freely painted sunlight and sky, which he expressed in the movement of the vines and the shape of the leaves as well as in the fruits themselves. The tomato plants are an earthy and decorative metaphor for the human need to survive and flourish even within the constraints of war.”83 In each of the pictures, he rendered his subject with different levels of abstraction and detail, and presented the tomato plant at several stages of bloom.84 In Plant de tomate[436], half-way through the series, the branches of the plant are weighed down with the ripe tomatoes; their arched shapes stand in contrast with the strong horizontals and verticals of the window, which partitions the picture into a grid-like pattern. The contrast between the curved and linear elements, both of which spread across the canvas, makes this the most complex and dynamic composition from the series of five paintings. For the view outside the window, he used different shades of gray, a color that calls to mind the smoke and gunfire that could be heard throughout the city during these frightening last few weeks of the war.85 His studio suddenly turned into a beehive of comings and goings, and in the dramatic events of the day he did not even notice Dora’s disappearance. Like everyone else, he was waiting, nerves on edge. The closer the Allies got, the greater the fears. What if the Gestapo came after him and he went the way of Desnos and Max? The collaborators were well aware of his friendship with the resisters, and last-minute reprisals were a constant possibility.86 On 10 August, French railroad workers went on strike,87 and the metro stopped running soon after.88 Around this time, he made one of four portraits of a young boy, Jeune homme, profil gauche[437]. It is perhaps not without significance that the execution of these pictures coincided with the Parisians’ revolt—a time for reassessing the past and evaluating the future. The heightened sensitivity to detail apparent in this exquisitely worked drawing was an unexpected development in his output this summer. The more naturalistic approach underscored his long-held belief in the value of draftsmanship.89 By mid-August, as extensive Allied bombing had stopped the import of foodstuffs to the city, General Herman von Choltitz, the last German commander in Paris, was forced to release some of the food stockpiles from their large warehouses to the general population to keep them from rioting.90 Power supply was virtually nonexistent. Officially, electricity

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was available between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. with frequent power cuts. Soon anyone not on a priority supply circuit had barely twenty minutes of electricity a day, hardly enough to cook food or listen to the radio. Parisians tried to piece together Allied radio news bulletins by phoning friends in different parts of the city. As supplies of gas were also severely restricted, residents had to resort to registering with local restaurants to receive at least one hot meal a day.91 Intensive street combat became widespread, with Résistance fighters, now joined by ordinary civilians who had taken up arms and helped erect barricades, pitted against German troops and their collaborators. Von Choltitz had orders from Hitler to blow up key locations, including cultural buildings as well as bridges and utilities, if his forces had to abandon the city. He had set up his headquarter at Hôtel Meurice. He was to organize the evacuation of all nonessential administrative staff from the city; the remaining personnel was to stay and defend Paris to the bitter end.92 A German tank was stationed on rue des GrandsAugustins near Picasso’s studio. Françoise recalls the last time she talked to the artist before the Liberation: “he told me he had been looking out a window that morning and a bullet had passed just a few inches from his head and embedded itself in the wall. He was planning to spend the next few days with his nine-year old daughter Maya and her mother . . . There was a great deal of fighting in the city and he was concerned for their safety.”93 On August 18, the two big labor confederations, the liberal Confédération générale du travail (CGT) and the more conservative Confédération française des travailleurs chrétiens (CFTC) called for a general strike. The Conseil national de la Résistance (CNR) and the Comité Parisien de la Libération (CPL) also met to discuss a possible call for an uprising. Henri Rol-Tanguy, regional commander of the Forces françaises de l’Intérieur for the Seine decided to wait no more.94 The following day, the CNR and CPL issued a joint call for insurrection. Two thousand policemen assembled between Notre-Dame de Paris and the Prefecture de Police on the Ile de la Cité. From there they spread out to take over important installations. One hundred and ninety-three of them would be killed in the next few days. Much of the fighting took place on the streets around Picasso’s atelier.95 While he had been visiting Marie-Thérèse and Maya faithfully every Thursday and Sunday, as street combat between the Résistance and German forces intensified by late August, he decided to move to Boulevard Henri-IV to be with them.96 For purely military reasons, the Germans were desperate to keep a hold on Paris. They had already taken up defensive positions inside Le

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Jardin du Luxembourg, in the Place de la Concorde and Le Jardin des Tuileries, at the Porte Maillot, around the Arc de Triomphe and beside the École Militaire.97 Following von Choltitz command, German soldiers in cars and vans traversed the city with loudspeakers announcing a cease-fire. Those still in charge had agreed to preserve public buildings and treat prisoners according to the rules of war; resisters should not open fire on German troops until the evacuation of the city was complete.98 Of little strategic value, Paris had not initially been high on the list of Allied objectives, but both Charles de Gaulle and the commander of the 2nd Armored Division, General Jacques-Philippe Leclerc were concerned that a possible communist attempt to take over the capital would plunge the entire country into civil war.99 As a result, de Gaulle lobbied for the city to be made a priority for liberation on humanitarian grounds. He also obtained from Eisenhower an agreement that French troops would be allowed to enter the capital first as a symbolic gesture.100 As Leclerc’s Armored Division rolled through the outskirts of Paris from the south and southwest August 24, Picasso started work on the gouache Bacchanale: Le triomphe de Pan (d’après Poussin)[438]. The French painter’s satyr became a bearded man wearing a sort of revolutionary Phrygian bonnet and was thus made to stand for Dionysian revolutionary energy, “a loud and wild release of human libido in the moment of political freedom.”101 As Penrose mentions, its spirit of ritualistic abandon in an Arcadian setting was in keeping with Picasso’s cheerful mood. Retaining the essentials of the composition, he reinterpreted the figures with such freedom, and the color with such gaiety, that it made Poussin’s revelers look demure by comparison.102 A ghostly, transparent, insubstantial aspect to the picture creates a trancelike level of consciousness halfway between reality and dream.103 According to Daix, what Pablo intended when he “transformed” the Poussin into his own expression of liberation was to release “all those reclining nude women, those clothed seated women . . . from the cramped rooms where he had confined them all those years.”104 A photograph taken on Libération day shows him with Maya on the balcony of Marie-Thérèse’s apartment, paper garlands hanging over the balustrade in celebration.105 After the remainder of Leclerc’s division moved on to Paris, entering the southern part through the Porte d’Orléans and advancing towards the center, tanks commandeered by Colonel de Langlade took over the MBF headquarters in the Hôtel Majestic. Those led by Colonel Pierre Billote close in on the German commander General Dietrich von Choltitz’s headquarters in the Hôtel Meurice on rue Rivoli, where he announced his capitulation. He ended

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up having to surrender again to General Leclerc at the Préfecture de Police; and was then taken to the Gare Montparnasse to sign official papers.106 Later that afternoon de Gaulle arrived in Paris and made contact with Leclerc, demanding the presence of the 2nd Armoured Division to accompany him on a planned large-scale parade down the Champs Elysées, “as much for prestige as for security.”107 Hemingway, who had come to Paris with the American army and had dropped by to visit Picasso, found that he was away at Marie-Thérèse’s. So, he left a case of hand grenades to be given to “the great exploder of modern painting.”108 Probably later that day, Pablo returned to his studio on rue des Grands-Augustins, where he would soon be besieged by visitors in uniform and other anonymous well-wishers who counted the artist as one of the chief celebrities in the capital.109 Penrose wrote to him: “Dear friend, finally the wall is torn down and we can get in touch with you and our friends who have missed us so much in this endless nightmare . . . It seems almost unbelievable to me to be able to write to you—since the war has killed everything we loved . . . It will take time to rebuild life.”110 Living conditions immediately after the German defeat did not improve at all; if anything, they got even worse than under their rule. A quarter of housing had been damaged or destroyed, basic public services were at a standstill, gas and electricity were extremely scarce and, apart from the wealthy who could afford high prices, the population had to get by on very little food. Large scale public demonstrations erupted all over France protesting at the apparent lack of improvement in the supply chain, while in Normandy, bakeries and other stores were pillaged. The problem was that although wheat production was around 80% of prewar levels, transport had been virtually paralyzed over the entire country. Large areas of railroad tracks had been destroyed by bombing, many bridges over the Seine, the Loire and the Rhone between Paris and the sea had been demolished, and most modern equipment and trucks had been hijacked to Germany. The black market pushed prices to four times the level of 1939, causing the government to print money to try to improve the money supply, which only added to inflation. On September 1, Picasso met with Peter D. Whitney, war correspondent of the San Francisco Chronicle and the first American journalist to interview him after Paris had been liberated.111 “I have not painted the war,” he had declared, “because I am not the kind of a painter who goes out like a photographer for something to depict. But I have no doubt that the war is in these paintings I have done. Later on perhaps the historians will find them and show that my style changed under the war’s influence. Myself, I do not know.”112 Nonetheless, the journal editors

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chose the phrase “War in his art” to run in boldface under a photograph of the artist.113 Of course, in principle one is tempted to imagine that every serious artist, every writer, every intellectual would be naturally inclined towards resistance to defend the universal values conveyed by his art. However, it is a lot more complicated than that. According to Matthew Cobb, “less than two percent of the population—at most 500,000 people—were involved in the Résistance in one way or another.”114 And Picasso was quite adept at staying away from conflict, going along with the authorities and using subterfuge.115 The next day, Robert Capa visited his studio and photographed him with recent sculptures such as L’homme au mouton[361], La femme en robe longue[347] and Tête de mor[267]. Capa would later recall, “I climbed the turning stairs . . . banged on the door, and found Picasso—somewhat older but far livelier than anything else in Paris.”116 In the fall, the artist reunited with Éluard, Aragon, and other friends from the Résistance.117 Most contemporary witnesses agreed with Éluard that, during the Occupation, Picasso had been “one of the rare painters to have behaved properly.” He simply followed the guidance of Jean Texcier’s Conseils à l’occupé, a short manual which “recommended a civilized comportment toward the occupier without, however, initiating any contact.”118 “I am not looking for risks to take,” Pablo had explained to Françoise at some point during the war, “but in a sort of passive way I don’t care to yield to either force or terror. I want to stay here because I’m here . . . Staying on isn’t really a manifestation of courage; it’s just a form of inertia . . . So I’ll stay, whatever the cost.”119 Regardless, Picasso came to be regarded as a Résistance hero after the Liberation.120 He presided in his studio over a meeting of the Comité Directeur du Front National des Arts on October 3, which included among its members the artists Lhote, Goerg, Desnoyer, Grüber, Pignon, and Fougeron. The committee was authorized to present the prefect of police with a demand for the arrest and sentencing of collaborationists.121 The following day, he joined Le Parti communiste français (PCF), an act hailed enthusiastically at the headquarters of L’Humanité, the party newspaper, in the presence of its director, Marcel Cachin, as well as Maurice Thorez, Jacques Duclos, secretary of the PCF, Aragon, Éluard, Fougeron and Camus.122 It would be publicly announced in the newspaper one day later.123 As Duclos wrote, he was welcome into “the fraternal family of workers, peasants, intellectuals, which is the true representative of France.”124 Picasso would state: “My joining the Communist Party is a logical step in my life and my work and gives them meaning. Through design and color, I have tried to penetrate deeper into a knowledge of the world and of men so that this knowledge might free

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us . . . But during the oppression and the insurrection I felt that that was not enough, that I had to fight not only with painting but with my whole being . . . I have become a communist because our party strives more than any other to know and to build a better world, to make men clearer thinkers, more free and more happy. I have become a communist because the Communists are the bravest in France, in the Soviet Union, as they are in my country, Spain. I have never felt more free, more complete since I joined.”125 From October 6 to November 5, the Salon d’Automne (known as Salon de la Libération) opened to the public at the Palais de Tokyo.126 It was devoted to works banned by the Nazis as being “degenerate.” Presented alongside a surrealist room and a Soutine retrospective, it had been conceived as the “symbol of restored freedom” (Brassaï). The artist André Fougeron led a special effort to honor Picasso, organizing an exhibition of seventy-four paintings and five sculptures on a special gallery, mostly executed after 1939 and therefore virtually unseen in Paris for several years.127 Among them was Le Marin[403], a reflection once again of how he held the canvas in great esteem and the role it would play in the mythologized image of himself he was pursuing. With the sailor’s powerful stare meeting the enraptured audience’s gaze, this painting serves as an encapsulation of the artist’s wartime experience, providing a rare and intense glimpse into his own, complex psyche.128 Maar’s recent work was also featured in the Salon, including some of her still lifes.129 With her and Éluard, Picasso attended in mid-October a ceremony at the Mur des Fédérés in the Cimetière du Pere Lachaise, organized by the Front National Universitaire as a joint memorial for those killed during the Commune of 1871 and the more than 75,000 victims of Nazism. Surrounded by party luminaries and sympathizers such as Aragon, Triolet, Pignon, Sartre, and Jean-Louis Barrault, Picasso was one of the most prominent figures among what Ce Soir estimated to be a crowd of some 250,000 citizens.130 Interviewed by Pol Gaillard on October 24 in the Marxist magazine New Masses, he explained why he had joined the party: “I have always been an exile, now I no longer am; until the day when Spain can welcome me back, the French Communist Party opened its arms to me, and I have found in it those that I most value, the greatest scientists, the greatest poets, all those beautiful faces of Parisian insurgents that I saw during the August days; I am once more among my brothers.”131 In that same interview he stated: “For I am proud to say that I have never looked upon painting as an art intended for mere pleasure or amusement, since line and color are my weapons, I have used them in my attempt at gaining a continually greater understanding of

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the world and of mankind, so that this understanding might give us all a continually greater freedom . . . Painting is not there merely to decorate the walls of flats. It is a means of waging offensive and defensive war against the enemy.”132 The artist would keep a very complex alliance with the party in subsequent years, unable to submit to the doctrine of socialist realism of which André Fougeron will be one of the few emulators in France.133 In December, James Lord first sought out Picasso, hoping to secure a portrait of himself. He finally met with him and Dora at lunch. Lord provided a vivid description of that occasion: “She sat there, staring straight in front of her, moving not a muscle with the unlighted cigarette projecting into space. Picasso asked for a cigarette lighter; she answered that it must have been lost. Picasso shouts at her in Spanish and rapped his knuckles on the table loudly . . . [Her] indifference to Picasso’s tirade was evidently absolute, as she simply sat there, the unlit cigarette immobile in front of her face.”134

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CHAPTER TEN

1945 La charnier

By the end of the conflict, Picasso appeared tired by the cold and the discomfort of his studio at rue des Grands-Augustins. Although less aggravated than others by the years under Occupation, the artist was nonetheless weakened. Paris was slowly recovering from the years under German rule.1 Dora would remain at his beck and call, and they continued to see each other from time to time. They went together to see a film at Salle Pleyel—possibly Madrid in Flames (1937) or España (1939)—a scene of which showed “a murdered family in a kitchen, lying in a heap in front of a table” which would appear later on in his work.2 Despite these sporadic rendezvous, a final separation was inevitable by this point. Friends had warned Dora that she should protect herself against Picasso, her “demon lover,” as people called him; but she had her stubbornness, her determination and her pride.3 Françoise was now a frequent visitor to Pablo’s studio. She was probably the inspiration for a series of more than twenty small standing women in clay, ranging from approximately five inches to just over ten inches in height. To make these, he rolled, stretched, and pinched the pliant material in the freespirited way a child might play with putty. The resulting sculptures recall Venus fertility figurines or Tanagra terracotta statuettes from the late fourth century BC, renowned for their naturalism and refined execution.4 Germans continued to lose ground to the Allied forces. On January 5, the two forts defending the Gironde estuary, the last pockets of Nazi resistance along the Atlantic coast, had been fiercely attacked. A force of some 350 heavy bombers of the Royal Air Force (RAF) hit Royan in two raids conducted in the early hours, destroying the town. This had been done at the request of the Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF), which had been told that the only people left there were Germans and collaborators. Unfortunately, the bombing raids caused over 1,000 fatalities on the civilian population and only 23 casualties on the enemy. Picasso’s studio at Villa Les Voiliers was completely destroyed in this attack.5 As Soviet forces approached Auschwitz in late January, the SS rushed

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to evacuate the camp complex. Nearly 60,000 emaciated prisoners, mostly Jews, were forced to march in the freezing cold to the city of Wodzisław in the western part of Upper Silesia. Guards shot anyone who fell behind. Thousands had already been slaughtered in the days before these death marches began. On January 27, the Soviet army finally entered the camp and liberated more than 7,000 remaining prisoners, who were mostly ill and dying. It was estimated that at minimum 1,300,000 people had been deported there between 1940 and 1945; of these, at least 1,100,000 had been murdered.6 Several sketches for the canvas Le charnier[444] he executed in February presented an expressionist mass of human bodies—albeit within a cubist armature—that was probably a reflection of the disturbing reports arriving from the front. With its limited grisaille tones, it was aimed at conveying the intrusion of death into everyday life. Dora later recalled that the image was also in part based on the Spanish film depicting the annihilation of a family that they had watched together.7 But, when Picasso finally went to work on the canvas after L’Humanité published photographs of corpses uncovered in the concentration camps on February 11–12, it was definitely with those recently printed images fresh in his mind that he approached the composition.8 A tangled pile of slaughtered corpses lies against a background setting of a kitchen table covered with a rumpled cloth on which stand a jug, a casserole and a loaf of bread, carrying the implication that everyday life was going on simultaneously with the murder of innocent civilians, and conversely, that there was very little separating life from death. Picasso first sketched in the simple outlines of his stylized figures, heaping them so that the lines are interwoven in a tangled network that defies distinction of separate forms. Then he filled in some of the segments, establishing an equilibrium of figural and spatial motifs.9 Sharp flat tones of greys, blacks and whites contrast with unfinished sections of the picture, producing a powerful effect. The heap of bodies can be seen as replicating the destruction of individual identity in a world of totalitarian terror.10 A pendant to Guernica[84], this magnificent oil was also photographed—in this case by Christian Zervos—at various stages of its production.11 This month, he took part along with Dora in the exhibition “Ensemble d’oeuvres contemporaines offertes par les artistes et vendues aux enchères, au profit des ex-prisonniers de guerre et des déportés soviétiques” at Galerie René Drouin.12 He was also mentioned as a candidate for a new government program called “Service des artistes de la guerre” where artists served the war effort by working on war-related themes.13 At this time Pierre Reverdy wrote to him asking for illustra-

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tions for Le Chant des morts: “Dear Friend, How are you? I hope that despite this terrible winter you have not had your rheumatism this year. Here I was very cold too, almost no fire . . . I don’t know if you’d still be willing to illustrate the manuscript . . . In any case I wrote a poetic text, during this harsh cold, to console myself . . . Give all my regards to Dora.” The graphical designs that Picasso eventually came up with for the 125 lithographs consisted of red abstract signs of unparalleled gestural strength and expressive violence that effectively translated the incantatory power of the poet’s verses.14 Although the worst privations of the war years diminished as time passed, the scars of devastation remained in evidence, and even as people rebuilt their lives, the full extent of wartime atrocities and destruction was only gradually coming to light.15 While the Occupation was over, the war was still raging elsewhere, and Picasso was by no means devoid of pessimism. The death of his friend Max Jacob the previous year had given the artist ample cause to meditate on death, although he seldom tackled universal subjects deliberately, instead finding himself handling them through his own personal experiences.16 Around this time, he completed a series of still lifes incorporating a pitcher/candlestick motif. Among them was the oil La casserole émaillée[439], executed in a simple and vigorous style. On a brown tabletop we see the pitcher, burning candle and enamel saucepan lined up at only slightly different degrees of visual depth. The three ordinary objects, very simply drawn in a manner that could be said to be “ideographic,” appear solemnly arranged as a trinity of symbols, evoking the sober vanitas of Baroque painters like Francisco de Zurbarán or Juan Sánchez Cotán. The bright yellow of the brass candlestick is the strongest color, strikingly contrasted with the acid blue of the saucepan.17 By giving human value to these secular formulas, he managed to reinvent them. He declared to Daix, “You see, even casseroles can scream.”18 Picasso continued, despite the armistice, to express the tragedy that kept haunting him, much to the despair of his friends in the Communist Party who aspired to a painting of optimism and renewal.19 His symbolism could even be read as a form of post-traumatic stress disorder triggered by years under Nazi scrutiny. By March 3, Allied troops had crossed the Rhine.20 Two days later he painted the oil Femme assise[440]. The slightly elongated abstract portrait favors the use of vertical features. Her left side, which is arranged almost parallel to the edge of the picture, ends in a jagged hand, with the five fingers looking like the tips of rifles. Her right hand clenched into a fist (although it only has to support her head) displays an aggressive gesture, threatening to throw a punch at the viewer. The

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accentuated roundness of the breasts and lap with pointed and angled elements are delineated in black and shades of gray, giving the upper body a chunkiness that makes one forget the figure’s slenderness. Even the head representation is unusual. Picasso superimposed a mask motif on the skull’s jaw combining it with a big head of hair adorned with a hat. Instead of proceeding integratively, the artist chose to pile up different elements that must be read as a unified whole to be understood.21 It is as if he were putting together a body from separate human parts. Four months after the liberation of Paris, he appeared to have retreated into a state of despondent contemplation. The war indeed was not over that spring in much of Europe and in the East. Even in Paris there was still shortages, and Picasso revealed an increasing awareness of the consequences of war in his work.22 It is fitting that during the days of austerity and rations, he should paint images displaying sparseness and a sense of deprivation. Françoise remembers: “Pablo had been working for several months on a series of still lifes built around the theme of a skull and some leeks on a table. From the point of view of form, leeks replaced the crossbones that traditionally accompany a skull, their onionlike ends corresponding to the joints of the bones.”23 As the series progressed, the artist managed to explore the visual effects of several changes, varying in scale from mere nuance to major alteration, but always retaining the key elements: the confrontation of skull and pitcher, with the leeks as mediators. Schiff labeled these works “kitchen still lifes as Golgotha.”24 Penrose, commenting on “the clawing roots of the vegetables,” suggested that perhaps he intended their very softness and organic life to set off the hardness and immobility of the skulls and the pottery.25 In the six “Golgothas” he maintained the jug’s almond-shaped ellipse which did seem to yearn (in varying degrees of intensity) toward the skull; but their bodies never touch; the vessel “shrinks back instead, timorous,” in Steinberg’s description. It seems somewhat amazed (or at least curious) in its confrontation with the image of death.26 Maar was exhibiting equally gloomy still lifes with dark, mournful and austere shadows, inhabited by a somber melancholy, at the Galerie Jeanne Bucher on boulevard du Montparnasse.27 Picasso’s paintings of this period share that grim expressiveness emanating from a dark and lifeless palette of black and grays, a stark and even monstrous distortion of forms, and closed-off, claustrophobic pictorial spaces. His still lifes appear to hearken back to the long tradition of memento mori and vanitas, with perishable food-stuffs alongside a more explicit reminder of the fate that awaits us all in the pitcher (a

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reminder of the “vessel,” our body). The color scheme and overall mood in Nature morte au crâne, poireaux et pichet[441] is somewhat brighter, but the presence of the grimacing skull endures as a reminder of death. The leeks, as Picasso reported in conversation, substitute for crossed bones, but they also add a note of organic vitality that contrasts with the cold white form of the death’s head which might be described as leering at us.28 “You can’t keep on painting the skull and crossbones, any more that you can keep on rhyming ‘amour’ with ‘toujours.’ So you bring in the leeks instead and they make your point without forcing you to spell it out so obviously,” he would say.29 The pitcher, which once again symbolizes a human figure contemplating the skull, is bold in scale and patterning, colored in the red, white, and blue colors of the French flag. The sharp angulations of table and background are painted in mostly pale pastel hues and include a ray of golden sunlight that reflects off the wall and down across the black shadow on the side of the skull. All in all, the lighter, more optimistic feeling of this work must reflect his anticipation of a rapid conclusion to the war.30 Late in the month, he painted the oil Poireaux, crâne et pichet[442]. The domestic setting accentuates the sense that the composition is a personal meditation, while the clearly human skull avoids any ambiguity in the subject of the artist’s ruminations. Picasso again uses the leeks as a striking visual reminder of bones. There is even something worm-like about their tendrils, a visual reminder of the process of decomposition. Despite all this morbidity, this unquestionable concern with death, there is also a sense of relief compared to the dark and brooding still lifes that he had painted during the Occupation. The fact that the table shows the vague ingredients of a feast, be it humble or not, implies celebration. The window in the background, interestingly absent in some of the early still lifes of this little series, removes any sense of confinement. Even the colors, although they are hardly bold, are infused with warmth. In this series of works, Picasso seemed to be exorcising the shadow of the previous years.31 On April 12, the British 11th Armoured Division (the fabled “Black Bull”) liberated the Bergen-Belsen extermination camp. A series of photographs made at the camp by George Rodger, published in an issue of Life a few weeks later afforded the disbelieving public a glimpse into the abyss of Nazi depravity. The most horrific rumors about what had been happening to the Jews and millions of other “undesirables”— Catholics, pacifists, homosexuals, Slavs—in occupied lands paled before the horror revealed by the liberation of the camp. More than 100,000 people had died there from starvation and disease (typhus, for example), as well as outright slaughter. Less than two weeks later the U.S. 7th

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Army liberated another camp at Dachau. Lee Miller was among the first to document it. Photographs recording the camp’s atrocities were published a short time later.32 Zervos photographed a revised version of Le charnier[444] around this time.33 The dead woman’s right foot, which was initially pushed against the wall, had been turned downwards and at the same time enlarged so much that it reached close to the lower edge of the picture. As a result, the composition gained in unity. The handcuffed man’s hands in the center of the picture were now open and transmuted into a wreath of cramped fingers. This gave the center of the picture an impressive gestural motif, comparable to the raised fist of the dying warrior that was initially considered for the Guernica mural. At the same time, the man’s head on the right was altered so that he definitely looks dead with eyes wide open, rather than sleeping. The child in front who previously looked at the viewer, now had its eyes shut so that it also appears dead. In addition, there is a new macabre motif: blood pours from a gash in the mother’s chest. The child partly fends off the flow with one hand, but partly catches it with the other.34 During the month, a still life with pitcher and casserole—based on La casserole émaillée[439]—was added to the top of the third and fourth version of Le charnier[444], which again Zervos photographed.35 The upper zone of the canvas was left untouched, thus contrasting with the dense heap of human corpses abandoned in the constricted space of the kitchen floor. From these bodies, a suggestion of ghostly fire rises toward the upper right, a memory perhaps of the ovens in the concentration camps.36 Clearly the fragmentary state of the canvas was intentional. The symbolism lay in the self-destruction of the picture, the annihilation of painting by fire and the hesitation of the artist. “Only breaking off the artistic processing of horror could match up adequately to the horror,” Spies has written.37 Another way to circumvent the monstrosity reported in the press was to immerse himself in the art of the past. In the oil Femme étendue à la main gigantesque[445], he was once again inspired in Francisco de Goya’s La Maja Desnuda. Throughout his career he had pillaged classical pieces, not through a lack of imagination, but in a desire to confront the masters he venerated. By dissecting their masterpieces to create new works, he achieved a “metaphoric communication” with the great masters.38 The pitcher appeared also in the oil Crâne, lampe, poireaux et vase[446] which is divided into two almost identical halves: a death zone on the left, dominated by the skull placed on a triangular box, and a life zone on the right with an anthropomorphic jug. Dark contours mark those two elements that are arranged around the lamp in the center of

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the misshapen table top.39 Compared with other instances of the skull, the one here seems menaced and afraid rather than threatening. The whole is bathed in a shaded, tomblike light with a solemn golden background. As Steinberg reminds us, the poet Max Jacob had predicted from the life line in the artist’s hand that he would die at sixty-three. This year he was already sixty-four and probably felt that it had been by pure luck that he was still alive. It may not just have been his own fear of death, although that was undoubtedly real, that brought the vanitas motif once again to the fore, but also a form of mourning for his many dead friends as the war in Europe came to a close.40 The following day, Germany signed an unconditional surrender at the Allied headquarters in Rheims.41 An aura of solemnity matching that important event may be found in the drawing Tête[443] that Picasso made at the end of the month. Executed on the opening flyleaf in a first-edition copy of his play Le désir attrapé par la queue, which Gallimard had published in February, it is telling that the artist should draw such a portrait on a play that described the harsh winter during the Occupation defined by widespread isolation, suspicion and hunger.42 It does indeed possess the grandeur of a valedictory, or even a formal, commemorative monument, a bust set on a plinth as if in some public place, with the proclamation “Dora Maar Grand Peintre.” The dedication refers to the fact that during her relationship with the Malageño, Dora, who had been an accomplished photographer, had taken up painting instead. After their separation, she would make painting a central part of her new life, even if she made no pretense to her importance as a painter. Lord, who befriended her during this period, wrote: “She understood that the inscription was no less a distortion than the image.”43 On May 15, Brassaï witnessed a noisy altercation at the restaurant Le Catalan, after which Dora left the premises followed by Picasso, who would later appeal for help from Éluard. James Lord recorded other such instances of nervous breakdowns which, after numerous violent incidents, ended with her being committed to Hospital Saint-Mandé. At Éluard’s insistence, she would later undergo electroshock sessions under the supervision of Dr. Jacques Lacan.44 On May 27, Lise Deharme would report in her journal on the terrible grief Dora’s condition was causing among her friends.45 Picasso blamed her mental collapse, not on his abandonment of her, but on her close association with irrational eccentrics like Bataille and other Surrealists. Just look how they ended, he would say to Françoise: Jacques Vaché, Jacques Rigaut, René Crevel, all suicides; Antonin Artaud, completely mad.46 He asked Françoise to stay away from Dora as her health became precarious. Also insisted she

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should move in with him, which she was reluctant to do.47 The gouache Portrait de femme[447], a striking depiction of Gilot, manifests her grip on the painter’s vivid imagination. It recalls the description Brassaï provided of her during one of his visits to GrandsAugustins in 1944: “I was struck by the vitality of this young girl, by her tenacity to overcome obstacles. His whole person gave an impression of freshness and restless liveliness.”48 Already under her spell, Picasso offers us a representation of remarkable intensity. The choice of a frontal view, vertical, close-up and centered, creates a powerful sculptural presence. The alluring face with silver reflections illuminates the composition, and its regular features, reduced to their purest expression, gain in acuity. The artist, seduced by his new muse, exalted the softness of her round face, the determined expression of her big eyes, her enveloping gaze, her straight nose and her wavy brown hair. The beauty of this oval visage, with its sensual and generous plasticity, led to the serenity that Pablo would find with her until 1953.49 As Léal points out, Françoise was at the origin of a new language that he devoted exclusively to her, “all in curves and circles, . . . restoring the fullness untied of forms and underlining the characteristic features.”50 From June 20 to July 13, the artist participated in the exhibition “Picasso libre: Peintures récentes: 21 peintures, 1940–1945” at Galerie Louis Carré, Paris. As the title indicates, it featured twenty-one paintings from 1940 to 1945. It had been organized in conjunction with the Comité France-Espagne to benefit Spanish relief efforts.51 The term “Picasso Libre” refers to a poem by Éluard that also served as an introduction to the catalogue which included critical pieces by Fagus, Apollinaire, Zervos, Aragon, Cocteau and Cassou, as well. The exhibition gave Leiris the opportunity to revisit those years of the war so vilely disparaged by collaborators: “Painter of a glory unparalleled for centuries, Picasso realizes this curious paradox of being at the same time, of all today’s painters, the one whose personality generates the most violent opposition.”52 If the Spaniard had been rejected by the public as well as by critics struck by his treatment of the figure, the writer insisted on the inherently human nature of his creation: “Such a sense of freedom and obviousness is what the twenty-one canvases (figures, still lifes, interior scene, Parisian landscape) currently gathered at the Galerie Louis Carré show. One cannot speak of aggressiveness, of monstrosity in them, nor of hermetism, but rather (appealing to those names of qualities which art critics so readily use) of strength, of balance, splendor in sobriety. Through this numerically and chronologically limited selection of works all subsequent to 1940, Picasso’s painting will appear as a one whose greatness, unrivalled today, is repulsive to the good complacency

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that flatter the spirits accustomed to laziness.”53 After he was issued a vehicle circulation permit by the Préfecture de police valid through August 30, Pablo left alone for Cap d’Antibes around mid-July.54 Dora, who had been in ill health—a recurrence of depression and neurosis—soon joined him there to stay with his friends, Paul and Marie Cuttoli at their villa Shady Rock.55 According to Zervos, it was Cuttoli’s advice that Picasso had heeded when he left for Royan on May 16, 1940. She was a collector who had commissioned the artist’s first tapestries. He also spent time in Golfe-Juan with the engraver Louis Fort. He had rented a room for Françoise, ready to resume a double life, with his studio as cover.56 She had decided to go to Brittany instead, however, where she had been spending her holidays until now.57 In spite of his insistence that she should join him, Françoise refused.58 There would not be much production during the summer months in Antibes as he missed her company. Dora no longer provided him with the inspiration he required. “First the plinth, then the doormat” is how she would later describe herself in the unraveling relationship.59 After two years of analysis with Lacan, little by little, she had regained her poise and composure. According to the artist, Lacan found himself forced to decide whether to leave Maar to her madness (and an eventual straitjacket) or to encourage in her a mystical tendency that was already apparent. He chose the latter, which, after a phase of occult belief and then a Buddhist period, placed her in the arms of the Roman Catholic Church.60 As evidence of his continued appreciation for Dora, Picasso decided to purchase a house for her in the fortified village of Ménerbes, formerly a Protestant stronghold, in the Vaucluse. On July 24, he went to see it with Marie Cuttoli and purchased the property, built into the ramparts of the town, trading it for one of his recent still life.61 They returned to Cap d’Antibes the next day,62 and he handed over the deed to Dora, although he retained a set of keys.63 He was back in Paris by August 3,64 as confirmed by an entry in Matisse’s diary to discuss their forthcoming joint exhibition: “Tomorrow Sunday, at 4 o’clock, visit from Picasso. As I’m expecting to see him tomorrow, my mind is at work. I’m doing this propaganda show in London with him. I can imagine the room with my pictures on one side, and his on the other. It’s as if I were going to cohabit with an epileptic. How quiet I will look (even a bit old hat for some) next to his pyrotechnics.”65 Matisse’s misgivings proved perfectly justified.66 On September 22, Martin Fabiani was arrested for doing business with Germans during the Occupation, charged with handling stolen goods and imprisoned on information given by the Committee for the Recovery of Works of Art. The names of Picasso and Matisse were

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mentioned in the press in connection with the case. Picasso had presumably received from him Henri Rousseau’s canvas Allée Park Montsouris, which had left the Wertheimer collection under suspicious circumstances. Newspaper articles had reported that he was slated to give testimony.67 The police told him that the painting was to be held at rue des Grands-Augustins, pending a commission rogatory. Sabartés was made custodian.68 Probably to get away from the unwelcome controversy, he left again for Cap d’Antibes on September 24, this time accompanied by Françoise. There he made several works full of mythological allusions and images of Mediterranean fauna: Faune musicien et danseuse[450], Faune flutiste et denseuse a la maraca et au tambourin[449] and Faune flûtiste et danseuse à la maraca et au tambourin[448]. He once said: “Every time I come to Antibes . . . I am taken in again by this Antiquity . . . Works are born in accordance with the moment, place, circumstance. Everything is a starting point,”69 The joy of being with Françoise was clear. Her silhouette appears with a tambourine at the center of the composition, surrounded by Fauns, Centaurs, and musicians playing Greek double flutes. The whole scene was bathed in rediscovered light and infused with complex rhythms and harmonic variations. He was still away from Paris when the Salon d’Automne opened on September 28.70 The tribute paid to Picasso the previous year was now echoed in an homage to Matisse: the same room that had been used for the Spaniard was used to hang thirty-seven of the Frenchman’s works dating from 1890 to 1944. It was not, however, a retrospective, since only seven canvases dated from before 1937. Picasso also exhibited two recent paintings: Nature morte au crâne, poireaux et pichet[441] and Le charnier[444] at the Salon.71 Maar showed again some of her recent still lifes.72 The press naturally had seized on the similarities and differences between the two major events by the two masters, contrasting the “forty or so dazzling works” by Matisse with the “maniacal Picasso” of the year before (Nouvelles du Matin).73 The reception of the Andalusian’s work continued to be governed by misunderstanding. Essentially, the attacks were all targeted at an alleged destruction of mankind’s image due to the social irresponsibility of art—a lightly veiled demand that “art and artists be subordinated to ideologies, to the binding value systems of specific political creeds,” as Warncke & Walther point out.74 By October 4, Picasso had returned to Paris where Pierre Laval’s trial began a few days later.75 He would be eventually condemned to death and executed.76 Towards the end of the month, the master-printer Fernand Mourlot, who specialized in lithography, and whom the artist had met through Braque, invited him to make prints in his workshop on

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rue de Chabrol.77 This would lead to a very rich collaboration, resulting in over 500 lithographs through 1969. Significantly, the first lithograph would be a portrait of Françoise.78 Mourlot’s studio had been described as “a dark place, untidy, cluttered, dilapidated, damp, and cold . . . almost a scene out of Daumier, all in black and white with a few splashes of brightness on the big printing presses . . . There was also a touch of Daumier about those stones. Many had been in use since the last century.”79 Regardless, he was fascinated with the intricate materials and techniques of lithography. What thrilled him the most was the possibility of preserving the “metamorphoses of a picture,” as he once told Zervos, by printing successive states of an image on the way to the final composition.80 The printer later remarked on Pablo’s unconventional approach to the entire process: “Picasso looked, listened, and then did exactly the opposite of what had been shown him-and it worked. That was always his way; his lithographic method was contrary not only to the customs but also the rules of that craft. But Pablo got around difficulties with ease because he started from the principle that a creator might do anything, since everything that existed was his to use. And besides, he had unheard-of passion for his work.”81 One of the lithographs executed on November 7, Tête de jeune garçon[451], could be interpreted as a melancholy self-portrait, a nostalgic memory of himself at a younger age. He drew the image with lithographic ink, which he then scraped back to create rough highlights or details, particularly in the areas of the boy’s hair and clothing. By this time business had resumed with Kahnweiler who had asked Pablo to please come by and sign his paintings at the gallery.82 This month, the dealer had also published the article “The State of Painting in Paris: 1945 Assessment” in Horizon.83 It could be that his reconnection with him brought memories of the artist’s early years in Paris. Towards the middle of the month he also made the collage Nature morte à la pomme[452]. Picasso had been captivated by the technique of collage and papiers découpés since cubism, a style strongly defended by his then gallerist Kahnweiler. He probably used it as a means of adding another dimension to the picture plane, injecting it with a different kind of reality than the one promoted by Socialist realism. It may have also been influenced by Matisse’s work in this medium, which had started in 1941. This can be seen in the lively, flat colors reminiscent of the Frenchman’s papiers découpés. The apple, for instance, has been rendered by overlaying brightly colored pieces of paper to build up the dimensionality of the object. Space is delimited around the fruit by the white paper which forms a reflection below, and the depth beyond is suggested in the red, green and white waving lines above, which are in turn reflected in the

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shine of the apple’s surface.84 December 5 saw the inauguration of the “Exhibition of Paintings by Picasso and Matisse” at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London.85 Initially scheduled through December 31, it would be extended to January 15, 1946.86 It had been organized by the British Council and the Direction Genéral des Relations Culturelles. Rather than a joint exhibition, it was two parallel exhibitions with two separate catalogues (for Matisse, with a preface by Jean Cassou, recently appointed Director of the Musée National d’Art Moderne; for Picasso, one by Christian Zervos). The show strongly contrasted the violence of the Spaniard’s paintings with the serenity of the Frenchman’s works completed during the same years. It included twenty-seven of Picasso’s recent works (1939–1945), plus a collection of sixty-three photos with pieces dating from 1895 to 1939;87 and twenty-four of Matisse’s works (1896–1944), as well as a series of photographs illustrating the different stages of five of his recent pictures.88 Harshly criticized by the press, the exhibition nevertheless caused “an enormous stir” among the British public, attracting over 160,000 visitors in London in five weeks.89

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CHAPTER ELEVEN

1946 La joie de vivre

In January, Picasso began work on the series of lithographs for Pierre Reverdy’s Chant des Morts (Paris, Tériade). Animated by a poignant feeling, the forty-three poems it contained had been written during the war period; sometimes feverish, sometimes overpowering, they echoed the passage of a “terrible time, an inhuman time” of suffering, deportation and extermination. The editor Tériade chose not to use typography and reproduce Reverdy’s manuscript instead, with all its erasures and corrections, to make the text appear more like drawing. Throughout the pages, the poems composed a long requiem in memory of lost acquaintances, the years of collective disaster, of personal defeat, unspeakable “spiritual night” crossed by the poet until he was able to resume the path of writing. When Pablo, who knew Tériade since 1910, had been approached by the poet to illustrate his manuscript, he opted for not using descriptive pictures. After Françoise had mentioned the illuminated volumes she had seen at the library of l’École de médecine in Montpellier, Picasso chose to “illuminate” the text with graphic signs just like monks used to do in the Middle Ages. After all, hadn’t Reverdy retired in 1926 to a location near l’Abbaye Saint-Pierre in Solesmes? Sometimes, a motif linked to another from one page to the next to suggest the interconnecting lines in a poem. His choice of red ink for his abstract signs were suggestive of sacrificial drops of blood. As in Reverdy’s poems, which may be read not only as a dark requiem for the dead, but also a hymn to life, to hope, Picasso’s illuminations could be seen not only as a victim’s wounds, but also as the resurgence of new vitality.1 Around this time, he executed the oils Nature morte à l’aubergine[453] and Nature morte à l’aubergine[454] which feature an eggplant. According to Daunay and Janick, there is a certain aphrodisiacal iconography associated with this vegetable which may be related to its somewhat piquant flavor.2 Picasso was probably thinking of Françoise, whom he missed as he painted them. She had fallen down a darkened marble stairway at her grandmother’s home during one of the power outages and had broken her elbow. After her

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release from the hospital, she had gone with her grandmother to the Midi to recuperate.3 The rupture between Picasso and Maar had now become final.4 She would still appear in some of his works. Indeed, she might be one of the female figures in the series of lithographs from January, one of which is Les deux femmes nues[455]. The artist found that the medium of lithography offered the perfect platform for altering an image, reworking and revising it until he arrived at his final composition, often creating a significant work as he navigated the process. The progressive proofs illustrate the evolution of the theme as the subject morphs from shadowy figures to ones clearly defined, and then sometimes to rather abstract shapes. The lines might become more certain, but the soft female curves appear increasingly angular, their bodies ultimately made up of forms flowing together. As complex as Picasso’s relationships with women were throughout his life, the representation of female characters was similarly complicated. Of particular note is the expression of the figure on the left with features that resemble Françoise’s, first seemingly just watching the recumbent Dora; then turning to face forward, initially pensive, then passive, and lastly inscrutable.5 From February 15 to March 15, an exhibition entitled “Art et Résistance” was held at the Musée National d’Art Moderne, sponsored by the Amis des Francs-tireurs et partisans Français, whose president was Charles Tillon. Among the works by Picasso included were the oils Le charnier[444] and Monument aux Espagnols morts pour la France[456].6 His signature under the introductory statement to the catalogue confirms that the former canvas was meant as a militant call for “justice toward those whose sacrifice secured the survival of France.”7 His spiritual contribution to the Résistance was also recognized by Laurent Casanova, whom Pablo had met at the Leirises‘ during the Occupation and who was now the communist Minister of Veterans Affairs. At the speech he gave at the opening of the exhibition, he glorified “the great artists who had found in the heroic action of our brothers the elements of a new modern art.” As he said these lines he turned to Picasso.8 Pierre Daix ran into the artist at the exhibition. He noticed how he “stayed close to Françoise and seemed very much in love. He asked for news of my wife, and when I told him she was expecting a child, he took me by the arm. ‘You’re doing the right thing,’ he said. ‘Young women are made to have children.’ I had the impression that he was looking particularly at Françoise [when he said that].”9 Probably soon after, Gilot took off for Golfe-Juan, where Picasso had arranged for her to stay at Louis Fort’s home, Villa Pour Toi. She remained there for over a month, inviting Geneviève to join her.10 Pablo

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would drop by to visit her.11 It is probably for that reason that she reappeared in the extensive series of lithographs depicting two women. Although the legs of the figure sitting in front of the screen, and the double curve of her hair and breasts, as well as the arms of the reclining nude, are all indicated merely by lines that resemble thin flexible wire, their calligraphic grace is an eloquent expression of femininity.12 Nevertheless, while the series had begun as an intimate portrayal of two graceful females, after eighteen successive modifications it became nightmarish, with the woman on the right apparently overpowered by her dominating companion on the left.13 He would put even more distance between himself and Dora. When Éluard took Pierre Daix to see her at No. 6, rue de Savoie in late February, he saw that “the walls were covered with portraits by Pablo.”14 “Dora’s sexual life finished at thirty-nine,” recalled Myrtille Hugnet, who first met her in 1949—three years the separation from Picasso.15 The circle of Picasso courtiers had deserted her, but Paul, who wished to display loyalty, brought me up to date,” Daix later explained. “Picasso can never stand it if a girlfriend falls ill,” he said to him as they were leaving. “With him a woman is never allowed any slack, any slipping below the mark.”16 Dora clung to the past, leaving untouched her mirrored, high-ceilinged apartment after Picasso abandoned her.17 Éluard probably told the artist about his visit, so it was thinking of her that he executed the lithographs Le pichet et la tête de mort[457] and Le pichet noir et la tête de mort[458]. These somber compositions, all angular rhythms, sharp edges and strongly contrasting areas of black and white, are in the tradition of seventeenth-century vanitas that comment on the transitoriness of worldly pleasures. The book customarily alludes to excessive pride through learning, and the wine jug to temporary gratification. The skull, for its part, is a memento mori. A week later, he painted the related oil Tête de mort et livre[459], a strikingly pure composition. The jar, skull and book appear again, this time against an abstract background comprised of patches of black, grey and pale yellow. Arranged from left to right, the symbols of life (the jar and the book) and death (the skull) carry equal weight on an imaginary scale. Picasso gave the globe of the skull the round shape of an empty bomb shell, while on the opposite side, the jar in brown and ochre tones suggest the lifeless pose of a bird staring across at the skull. All volume has been reduced to a two-dimensional plane, presenting the emptiness between the objects and the atmosphere which surround them like a solid mass, visible yet indistinct. The frontal lighting, dispersed through portions of pale yellow, projects onto the objects, as if they had been lit with a torch like the ones used by Résistance fighters during the Occupation.18

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Discussing the artist’s perspective on mortality Tinterow stated: “Picasso saw death as a reality, without fear or resignation.”19 In another still life from March 1, Nature morte au crâne, livre et lampe à pétrole[460], the objects were rendered without a body. They now only consisted of a contour framework of finger-width black and blue stripes, sometimes accompanied by yellow edges. The background of the image was consistently laid out in bone-colored beige-gray.20 Around mid-March, he went with Françoise to visit Matisse in Vence.21 She recalls: “I dressed in almond green trousers and a mauve silk top, because I knew he liked those colors. The door was opened by his secretary, Lydia Delectorskaya . . . She took us inside, and to my utter surprise, everything was in darkness. It was three o’clock in the afternoon. This, I was not expecting from the painter of color. After walking through several rooms in darkness, we came to a room where there was normal light, where we found Matisse sitting upright in his bed playing with a cat. Pablo introduced me as ‘a young painter’ (as our relationship was still a secret). Matisse immediately stated that he might very well make a portrait of me . . . He knew exactly what he wanted to do. He said: ‘I will do her hair in dark leaf green, and the body will be pale blue.’ I found it amusing, as you could quickly sense the competitiveness between the two men. Picasso was incensed as we left. He’d made only drawings of me and now announced he would paint me first, which became La femme-fleur[463] where, indeed, the hair is leaf green and the thin body is a vertical pale blue line.”22 He would paint the initial version of that painting in the spring. He would also work on L’enlèvement d’Europe[464], one of his large mythological canvases since the war, to be completed in the summer. It has been suggested that the painting represents Françoise’s “rebellious character,” and his perception of her increasing control over him. They returned together to Paris in late April,23 where he finally completed the oil Le charnier[444], “a pietà without grief, an entombment without mourners, a requiem without pomp.”24 In the finished painting, the scene of death—a pyramid of the massacred bodies of a family—has taken over a large part of the composition. Open areas have given way to claustrophobic enclosure, and the symbols of renewal have been replaced by a still life, a meditation on death. As Daix writes, “this time death rules: enlarged, close up. Death fills the canvas without detraction or distraction, putting the painting in its entirety to the test of tragedy.”25 The male victim, bound and with his neck twisted and dramatically elongated, brings to mind all the embodiments of sacrificed innocence in Picasso’s artistic vocabulary. The crosslike configuration between his arm and the post to which he is bound and the leanness of

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his torso call forth images of Golgotha as much as they do contemporary concentration camp photographs. One of his palms is opened in acceptance, the other is clenched in a fist and provocatively raised in the communist salute. Utley argues that Picasso’s vacillation between representing the man with open palms or with clenched fists shows his hesitation between redemption and retribution.26 In any case, as with the Guernica panel, it was again more important for him to make a general statement rather than to cast accusations at named perpetrators. At this point, he started mounting a forceful campaign, insisting that Françoise leave her grandmother’s home and come to live with him at No. 7, rue des Grands-Augustins. After much insistence, she finally conceded.27 Meanwhile Maar waited in vain for his call. “In her house Dora died of boredom,” the artist remarked jokingly to Cocteau one day as they strolled past her place. “She never knew whether she would be having lunch or dinner with him—not from one meal to the next,” noted Françoise. “Picasso was a control freak of nightmare proportions,” according to Richardson.28 His initiation of the new mistress included a visit to the haunts of his youth: the Bateau-Lavoir, the rue des Saules in Montmartre. One particular place stood out in her memory: “He knocked on a door and then went in, without waiting. I saw a little old lady, thin, ill, and toothless, lying on her bed. After a few moments, he put some money on her bedside table. She thanked him, with tears in her eyes . . . ‘I want you to learn about my life,’ he told me, in a gentle voice. ‘That woman’s name is Germaine Pichot.’ Then he gave an account of Casagemas‘ suicide.”29 In late April, he made several drawings of his new love. As FitzGerald points out, “Picasso’s portraits of Françoise were not drawn from life . . . unlike in the cases of Picasso’s other wives and mistresses, there are almost none that reproduce her features strictly.”30 In Portrait de Françoise[461], he simplified his technique to present her symbolically with a halo of hair framing her steadfast visage. Her portraits have “a Madonna-like appearance, in contrast to the tormented figures he was painting a few years earlier.”31 In another Portrait de Françoise[462], he deliberately left much of the sheet in reserve, resorting to only the most confident and efficient of lines, a technique that adds to the incredible sense of luminosity of the drawing, the sheet itself glowing, a technique espoused by his friend and artistic rival Matisse. It was thus possibly with an eye on his artistic rival that he executed his work. At the same time, the crisp, calligraphic beauty of the portrait also hints at his own enthusiasm for her. It reflects an intense contrast with his depictions of his previous lover, whose own anxiety often informed Picasso’s jutting, jagged portraits of her, for instance as a seated woman weeping. The

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striations that marked out some of his images of Dora’s face, which had conveyed a sense of her darker intellect and frail mental state, have given way to a serene openness and light, an impression of health and wellbeing.32 One day in May, and in spite of serious reservations, Françoise finally moved with Picasso’s studio on rue des Grands-Augustins.33 She sent letters, dictated by Pablo, to her grandmother offering little explanation other than she had decided to go away and live in another manner. It was at this point that he revised the oil La femme-fleur[463], still under the strong influence of the French master: “He began to simplify my figure by making it longer. Suddenly he remembered that Matisse had spoken of doing my portrait with green hair and he fell in with that suggestion. ‘Matisse isn’t the only one who can paint you with green hair,’ he said. From that point the hair developed into a leaf form,” Gilot explained.34 As Daix observes, “one can follow the process of refining the body until it becomes the stem of a plant, with the imbalance of the breasts balanced by the rhythms of the arms and the wavy hair..”35 Cabanne has highlighted the implications of Picasso’s representation of Françoise: “The young woman’s round breasts are the fruits of the wonderful plant that also has two arms, or two branches in phallic form, a somewhat discreet but utterly Picassian allusion to the pleasures Pablo found with his model, and it is all painted in pastel tones to reflect the tender character of the picture, which Picasso was to say he would ‘reproduce infinitely.’”36 On July 13, he traveled to Ménerbes and stayed with Françoise at the house that he had given Dora.37 During evening walks in the village, he became fascinated by owls circling in search of prey—a theme which would soon begin to appear in his work. He happily painted landscapes and pastoral scenes as part of a return to Mediterranean subjects. The stay, however, was not pleasant for Françoise—scorpions scuttled everywhere—and after only three weeks, she decided to take off and hitchhike to Marseilles, where she had friends. Picasso caught up with her as she waited for a ride and entreated her to return, declaring his love for her. They met up with Paul and Nusch Éluard in Cannes, and spent time at the beach.38 She soon noticed that Paul somehow held her responsible for Dora’s mental illness, which she resented; Nusch, she thought, was also intriguing against her.39 In early October, back in Antibes, Pablo started working at the Château Grimaldi, later to become the first Musée Picasso.40 One of the paintings he executed there was La joie de vivre[465]. Two large male figures flank a dancing maenad; one is a Faun playing the flute, the other is a Centaur, who also plays a musical instrument. Between them there

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are two young, leaping goats, and the scene takes place at the edge of the sea, on which a sailboat drifts away. The outstretched upper body of the Faun is set off against the light-blue sky, his figure echoed in the graceful little tree at the right. The lower section of the Centaur at the left is organic, filled with latent movement, and like the body of the maenad is shown from several perspectives. The predominant colors are the steel blue of the sea and light indigo sky, which also appear in the upper bodies of the flute-players and in the nude, and the complementary yellow of the sand and, particularly, the large sail. Next to these colors, the eye is chiefly attracted to the brown of the maenad’s hair and veil, which also appear in conjunction with the olive green of the figures at the right, and to the red of the Centaur’s forelegs. The color arrangement represents his longing for and faith in a simple, revitalized way of life.41 Meanwhile, Maar’s mental health was not improving at all. When Brassaï came to photograph the “Picasso collection” of objects in her apartment towards the end of November, he could sense the place was full of ghosts from the past. She never threw away anything remotely connected with Pablo.42 Things would soon take a turn for the worse. On November 28, after she and her old friend Nusch had been talking on the phone and making plans to meet for lunch while Éluard was away in Switzerland, Nusch suddenly collapsed with a fatal cerebral hemorrhage.43 To Dora, it must have seemed that she was losing everyone she loved one after another. Picasso was also very upset about her death. They comforted Paul, who understandably distraught, closed himself off from everyone after her death. Back in Paris, Pablo and Françoise chanced upon Dora at an exhibition of the Unicorn tapestries in December, and they all went to lunch together at the restaurant Chez Francis. As Gilot tells the story, “Dora ordered caviar: ‘You don’t mind if I order the most expensive thing on the menu, do you?,’ she said. ‘I suppose I still have the right to a little luxury, for the time being?’ Picasso insisted on telling her all about how marvelous Françoise was: ‘What a mind! I’ve really discovered somebody, haven’t I?’ Maar conversed in a witty fashion, but Picasso never laughed at her remarks at all, saving his hearty laughter for Françoise.”44 Some time after that, Pablo ran into her again, this time at the Café de Flore. He invited himself to her studio to see her paintings. As if that was not rude enough, he actually showed up with Françoise, insisting that Dora should tell her that it was all over between the two of them. Gilot recalled that “Dora looked over at me briefly and witheringly. It was true; there was no longer anything between Pablo and her, she said, and I certainly shouldn’t worry about being the cause of their breakup.

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That was about as preposterous an assumption as she could imagine.” She then ventured that their affair wouldn’t last, that Françoise would be “out on the ash-heap before three months had passed”; and turning to him, he said: “You’ve never loved anyone in your life. You don’t know how to love.”45 She felt that she had been burnt on Picasso’s altar. People that knew Pablo well, like John Richardson, have commented: “He was like a human cannibal in that way. We’d all be suffering from nervous exhaustion at the end of the day from his intensity and he would have all this energy he seemed to get from us.”46 He used Dora as a sacrificial victim in the period they lived together, and to that degree she became his “savior” in the biblical sense. As it is written in Isaiah 53:4–5: “Surely He has borne our griefs and carried our sorrows . . . The chastisement for our peace was upon Him, and by His stripes we are healed.” Dora served a similar role, providing expiation through her suffering as shown in the many representations he made of her. She was fully aware at the end of their relationship of the part she had played: “All [his] portraits of me . . . they are all Picassos. Not one is Dora.”47

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Notes Prologue 1 Milde 2002, 400; Ocaña 2004, 264; Müller 2004, 65; Baldassari 2006, 308; Dagen 2009, 488. 2 Hôtel California was located near Picasso’s studio, on No. 16, rue de Berri (Palau 2011, 225; Stuckey 2017, 250). 3 Marie-Thérèse flat was located at No. 45, rue de la Boétie. Others give the address as No. 44, rue de la Boétie (Müller 2004, 65). However, a letter he sent her carries the former address (Widmaier Picasso 2004, 35). She settled there on August 20. 4 Sabartés arrived in Paris with his wife on November 12 (Cabanne 1979, 278; FitzGerald 1995, 233; Müller 2004, 65; Daemgen 2005, 30. Others date their arrival simply to November (Penrose 1981a, 279; Michaël 2008, 20; Cowling 2016, 158; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 104). 5 Cabanne 1979, 287. 6 Fattal 2017, 4; Freeman 1994, 167. 7 Quoted in Brassaï 1999, 51. 8 J-P. Crespelle, quoted in Caws 2000, 81–83. 9 Christie’s. 2016, cat. no. 13B, 12145. 10 Gâteau, quoted in Caws 2000, 83. 11 Christie’s. 2017, cat. no. 40A, 15004. 12 Baring 2017, 160. 13 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 264. 14 Cabanne 1979, 287–288. 15 Sotheby’s. 2017, cat. no. 18, L17007. 16 Picasso, quoted in Gilot & Lake 1964, 236. 17 Crespelle 1969, 145. 18 Roig Pol 2017, 39. 19 Roig Pol 2017, 41. 20 L’Enfant 1997, 15. 21 Roig Pol 2017, 26; Fattal 2017, 1. 22 Alvarez, et al. 2019, 30. 23 Roig Pol 2017, 28. 24 Förster 2001, 24–27; Baring 2017, 51. 25 Roig Pol 2017, 29–30. 26 Alvarez, et al. 2019, 30. 27 La Vaccara 2014, 3.

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264 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

Notes to Chapter One

Others date the start of their relationship to 1932 (Luque Teruel 2005, 527). Baring 2017, 80–84; also Caws 2000, 46. Roig Pol 2017, 35. L’Enfant 1997, 15; Caws 2000, 20; Baring 2017, 54; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 30. Caws 2000, 24; Förster 2001, 24–27; Baring 2017, 51, 54; Roig Pol 2017, 29–31. La Vaccara 2014, 3; Baring 2017, 54; Roig Pol 2017, 32. L’Enfant 1997, 15; Förster 2001, 28; also Caws 2000, 20; Roig Pol 2017, 31. Alvarez, et al. 2019, 30. Baring 2017, 80–84; also Caws 2000, 46; Roig Pol 2017, 38. L’Enfant 1997, 15; Förster 2001, 28; also Caws 2000, 20; Roig Pol 2017, 31. Alvarez, et al. 2019, 31; also Baring 2017, 84; Roig Pol 2017, 42. Roig Pol 2017, 37. Alvarez, et al. 2019, 31. Baldassari, et al. 2002, 373; Baldassari 2007, 357; Dagen 2009, 486; Fraquelli, et al. 2016, 163. Baldassari 2005a, 241. Baldassari 2005a, 243; Baldassari 2006, 308; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 32. Others date the signing of the manifesto later to August (Caws 2000, 61). Baldassari 2005a, 243; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 32. Gohr 1988, 11; Daemgen 2005, 30; Palau 2011, 253; Dagen 2009, 488; Utley 2000, 14–15. Crespelle 1969, 142; Baldassari 2005a, 243. Rothenberg and Joris 2004, xv. Gasman 2008, n.p.

ONE

1936 Deux femmes enlacées 1 Gasman 2008, n.p.; Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 71–72. 2 Cited in Ullmann 1993, 219–220. 3 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 74–75. 4 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 75. 5 It would be released to the general public on January 24 at the Aubert Palace (Baldassari 2006, 34, 309; Roig Pol 2017, 48; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 32). 6 Richardson 2011, 36; Baring 2017, 160; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 32. 7 Baldassari 2005a, 244. 8 Baldassari 2006, 36, 308. 9 Gasman 2008, n.p. 10 Daix 1993, 237. 11 Müller 2004, 65; Daemgen 2005, 30.

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Notes to Chapter One 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44

45 46

265

Utley 1998, 69. Richardson 2007, 327. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 77. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 77–78. que si el nácar (Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 83). Gasman 2008, n.p. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 80. Some date the lecture to January 13 (Baldassari 2006, 309); or January 17 (Ocaña 2004, 264). Others date both the lecture and exhibition to January 16 (Baldassari (2005, 244). Daix 1993, 237. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 82. Baldassari 2006, 34, 309; Roig Pol 2017–2018, 48; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 32. Chipp 1988, 11. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 91. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 91. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 92–93. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 92–93. Chipp 1988, 5; Utley 2000, 15; Baldassari 2006, 309; Limousin, et al. 2019, 111. Cronin 1994, 259, 261–263; Riding 2010, 26. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 96. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 96. Gasman 2008, n.p. Baldassari 2005a, 244; Baldassari 2006, 118, 309. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 97. Others number the works at twenty-eight paintings and eight gouaches (Penrose 1981a, 285). McGregor-Hastie 1988, 142; Geelhaar 1993, 156; Daix 1993, 238; Ocaña 2004, 264; Müller 2004, 65; Palau 2011, 251. Sabartés 1948, 121–126. Alvarez, et al. 2019, 32. Crespelle 1969, 147. Baldassari 2006, 309. Baldassari 2006, 67–68. Christie’s. 2012, cat. no. 20, 2594; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 32. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 97. Daix 1993, 239. Cabanne 1979, 282; Penrose 1981a, 286; Gohr 1988, 11; Daix 1993, 238; Müller 2004, 65; Baldassari 2006, 309; Richardson 2011, 38; Dagen 2009, 488. Others date the trip to March 27 (Freeman 1994, 165); April (Jackson 2003, 226; Utley 2017, 66); to spring (Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 107); or summer (Palau 2011, 259). Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 98. They would stay in Juan-les-Pins until May 14 (Baldassari 2005a, 244; Palau 2011, 251, 259).

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266 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90

Notes to Chapter One

Daemgen 2005, 31; Baring 2017, 162. Gasman 1981, 423. Daix 1993, 238. Richardson 1985, 4. Baldassari 2006, 126–127. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 98. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 98–99. Rubin 1996, 364–367. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 99–100. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 100. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 101. Daix 1993, 239; FitzGerald 2017, 145; O’Brian 1994, 308; Penrose 1981a, 285. Chipp 1988, 71–72. Gedo 1980, 159–160. Gasman 1981, 1533–1541. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 103. Esteban Leal 2000, 43–46. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 104 Ibid. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 104–105. Ibid. Sotheby’s 2012, cat. no. 17, N08898. Rubin 1996, 367–369. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 105. Gedo 1980, 159–160. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 106. Ibid. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 106. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 107. FitzGerald 2001, 50. Gasman 1981, 1533–1541. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 108. Penrose 1981a, 286. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 109. Palau 2011, 245. Gasman 2008, n.p. Noys 2000, 16. Gedo 1980, 159–160. Vautier 2000, 61–62. Gasman 1981, 1396–1532. Sabartés 1948, 135; Penrose 1981a, 286–297. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 109–110. Palau 2011, 247. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 110.

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Notes to Chapter One 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112

113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132

267

Ibid. Picasso, quoted in Gilot & Lake 1964, 123. Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 1280, 12147. Baldassari 2006, 126. Bernadac 1991, 136. Seckel 1996, 98. Rubin 1996, 369–370. Gasman 1981, 1396–1532; Baldassari 2006, 115. Esteban Leal 2000, 43–46. Baldassari 2006, 115. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 113–114. Ibid. Christie’s 2019, cat. no. 10, 17191. Loizidi 2004, 61; Sotheby’s 2014, cat. no. 18, L14002. Esteban Leal 2000, 43–46; Baldassari 2006, 115–116. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 114. Michaël 2008, 175. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 115. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 115–116. Ullmann 1993, 58. Daix 1965, 159; Utley 1998, 70. He was back by May 15 (Cabanne 1979, 285; Baring 2017, 162). Others date the return to early May (Gohr 1988, 11; Müller 2004, 65; Dagen 2009, 488). Baldassari 2006, 309. Garvey 1982, 231; Strachan 1969, 340. Christie’s 2010, cat. no. 138, 2400. Daix 1993, 240. Crespelle 1969, 142; Penrose 1981a, 288. Penrose 1981a, 288–289. Crespelle 1969, 143. Schuster, et al. 1996, 323. Others date the exhibition to March (Förster 2001, 54). Mahler 2015, 146. Baldassari 2005a, 245; Baring 2017, 133; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 32. Baldassari 2006, 309. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 117. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 117. Richardson 2011, 40. Utley 1998, 70. Daix 1993, 244; Bernadac 1991, 65. Utley 1998, 70; Utley 2017, 66–71. Nash 1998, 15. Cabanne 1979, 288. Baldassari 2006, 116–117.

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268 133 134 135 136 137 138

139 140 141 142 143 144

145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152

153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168

Notes to Chapter One

Christie’s 119, 7712, 04/08/09. Baldassari 2005a, 245; Baldassari 2006, 115, 309. Alvarez, et al. 2019, 32. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 118. Daix 1993, 244. Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 87, 1553; Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 2, 7974; Christie’s 2010, cat. no. 124, 7868; Christie’s 2010, cat no. 132, 7839; Christie’s 2009, cat. no. 7, 5593. Baer 1983, 98. Utley 2000, 15. Ullmann 1993, 58; Baldassari 2006, 120–121. Riding 2010, 17. Boris Taslitzky. La Nouvelle Critique, December, 1955, cited in Baldassari, et al. 2002, 379. Cabanne 1979, 289; Gohr 1988, 11; Baldassari 2005a, 245; Ocaña 2004, 264; Utley 2000, 15; Baldassari 2006, 119, 309; Daemgen 2005, 31; Cendoya, Dupuis-Labbé & Torras 2007, 327. Baldassari 2006, 121. Utley 1998, 70. FitzGerald 2017, 145. Baldassari 2006, 119. Baldassari 2006, 124, 309. Baring 2017, 164. Telegram sent July 12 (Baldassari 2006, 124). Chipp 1988, 5; Gohr 1988, 11; Meyer 1988, 93; Daix 1993, 244; Ullmann 1993, 57; Monod-Fontaine 1994, 58; Müller 2004, 65; Daemgen 2005, 31; Baldassari 2006, 309; Michaël 2008, 20; Dagen 2009, 488; Limousin, et al. 2019, 111. Baring 2017, 166; Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 56A, 15004. Chipp 1988, 5. Zervos, quoted in Palau 2011, 301. Chipp 1988, 18; Baldassari 2006, 193–194. Pike 1975, 65– 6. Daix 1993, 244. Baldassari 2006, 124. Baring 2017, 35. Gilot & Lake 1964, 236. Baring 2017, 16. Others date the invitation later to August 6 (Baldassari 2006, 193, 309) Baldassari 2006, 125. Palau 2011, 260. Baldassari 2006, 309. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 119–120. Ibid. Ullmann 1993, 63.

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Notes to Chapter One

269

169 Baldassari 2006, 126. 170 Ullmann 1993, 179. 171 Baldassari, et al. 2002, 379; Baldassari 2005a, 245; Baldassari 2006, 194, 309. 172 Baldassari 2006, 193. Others date the trip earlier to July (Caws 2000, 83); or simply to August (Chipp 1988, 6). 173 Baldassari 2006, 193. 174 Baldassari 2006, 193. Others date the arrival earlier to July 24 (Caws 2000, 83); to early August (Penrose 1981a, 290; Gohr 1988, 11; Dagen 2009, 488; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 108); simply to August (Cabanne 1979, 289; Milde 2002, 400; Müller 2004, 65); or even later to midAugust (Gasman (1981, 1526; Baring 2017, 166; to late August (Baldassari 2005a, 245); or even to the end of August (Baldassari 2006, 309). 175 Baldassari 2006, 194. Others date the trip to August 4 (Caws 2000, 84). 176 Penrose 1981a, 292. 177 Lord 1993, 31. 178 Sotheby’s 2019, cat. no. 105, PF1956. 179 Widmaier Picasso, 2004, 32. 180 Gasman 1981, 1526. 181 Gasman 1981, 1396–1532. 182 Baldassari 2006, 127. 183 Gateau 1988, 232. 184 Sotheby’s 2020, cat. no. 118, PF0006. 185 On September 19 (Baldassari, et al. 2002, 379 Baldassari 2005a, 245 Baldassari 2006, 309; Limousin, et al. 2019, 123). Others date it earlier to August 14 (McCully 1994, 219); simply to September (Chipp 1988, 7; Daix 1993, 244; Utley 2000, 16; Daemgen 2005, 31; Michaël 2008, 20; Limousin, et al. 2019, 111); or later to November 20 (Ocaña 2004, 265). 186 Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 56A, 15004. 187 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 120. 188 Daix 1993, 245; Baldassari 2006, 309; Palau 2011, 262. Others date the return simply to late September (Baring 2017, 168). 189 Daix 1993, 244–247. 190 Baldassari 2006, 68–69. 191 Roig Pol 2017, 14–15. 192 Baldassari 2006, 73–76. 193 Greeley 2006, 156–159. 194 Daix 1993, 245. 195 L’Enfant 1997, 17. 196 Picasso, quoted in Caws 2000, 90. Also Baring 2017, 168. 197 Fattal 2017, 5. 198 Baldassari 2006, 195. 199 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 120–121. 200 Ullmann 1993, 63.

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270 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208

209

210

211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220

Notes to Chapters One and Two

Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 121–122. Baldassari 2006, 163–165. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 123–124. Stuckey 2017, 250. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 124. Cronin 1994, 266–267. Chipp 1988, 7; Limousin, et al. 2019, 111. Picasso had been forced to give up his beloved château at Boisgeloup as part of the separation agreement he had come to with his wife Olga. She also received a monthly stipend, and custody of their son, Paulo, now fifteen years old; while he would retain the No. 23 bis, rue de La Boétie apartment (Richardson 2011, 444; Mahler 2015, 146). Penrose 1981a, 295. Others date the move simply to autumn (Gohr 1988, 11; Daix 1993, 245; Förster 2001, 62; Milde 2002, 400; Ocaña 2004, 264; Müller 2004, 65; Daemgen 2005, 31; Dagen 2009, 488). Marie-Thérèse, quoted in Cabanne 1974, 7. Also Cabanne 1979, 266; Daix 1993, 245; Baring 2017, 162; Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 7, 14239; Christie’s 2019, cat. no. 34, 16930. Limousin, et al. 2019, 111. Chipp 1988, 20. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 125. Palau 2011, 301. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 125. Palau 2011, 266. Palau 2011. 270. Christie’s 2015, cat. no. 17, 10378; Christie’s 2010, cat. no. 32, 7831. Christie’s 2008, cat. no. 44, 7599. Malraux 1976, 10–13.

TWO

1937 La femmes qui pleure 1 Daix 1993, 245–246. 2 Palau 2011, 275. 3 O’Brian 1994, 317. 4 Rubin 1996, 370. 5 Bernadac 1991, 140. 6 Rubin, et al. 1996, 387, 389. 7 Christie’s 2015, cat. no. 25A, 3789. 8 Richardson & Widmaier Picasso 2011, 36. 9 Daix 1993, 239. 10 Gilot and Lake 1964, 236. 11 Baldassari 2006, 162, 309. 12 Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 56A, 15004. 13 Chipp 1988, 3.

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Notes to Chapter Two 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49

271

Gohr 1988, 11; Chipp 1988, 11–12; Daemgen 2005, 31; Baldassari 2006, 162; Dagen 2009, 488. Chipp 1988, 14. Nash 1998, 205. Warncke & Walther 1991, 396, 398; Daix 1993, 248; Cox 2010, 100– 104; Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 56A, 15004. Christie’s 2019, cat. no. 136, 17163; Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 45, 16013; Christie’s 2013, cat. no. 109, 1144. Utley 1998, 71. Chipp 1988, 3. Chipp 1988, 3; Nash 1998, 205. Others date the visit to February or early March (Baldassari 2005a, 246; Baldassari 2006, 309). Chipp 1988, 3–4; Goggin 1997, ix. Leighten 1989, 653–672. Cabanne 1979, 298. Goggin 1997, xiii.; Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 56A, 15004. Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 56A, 15004. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 126. Brunner 2004, 48–54. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 126. Nash 1998, 16. Ullmann 1993, 73. Sotheby’s 2010, cat. no. 1, L10006. Caws 2000, 103. Boggs 1992, 243. Sotheby’s 2013, cat. no. 50, L13006. Christie’s 2006, cat. no. 144, 7243; Christie’s 2005, cat. no. 54, 1514. Ulmann 1993, 87. Others date this move simply to the early part of the year (Caws 2000, 98; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 110); less generally to January (Nash 1998, 205; Ocaña 2004, 265; Baldassari 2005a, 246; Baldassari 2006, 309; Mahler 2015, 146; Baring 2017, 174; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 32; Limousin, et al. 2019, 111); later to February (Daix 1993, 246; Palau 2011, 275); or much later to spring (Müller 2004, 65). Cabanne 1979, 293; also Crespelle 1969, 151. Cabanne 1979, 293 294. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 126–127. Michaël 2008, 8. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 127. Caws 2000, 100; Gedo 1980, 193; Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 13B, 12145. Nash 1998, 205. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 127. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 127–129. Nash 1998, 25–26. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 127–129. Daemgen 2005, 31; Ocaña 2004, 265.

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272 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94

Notes to Chapter Two

Palau 2011, 280. Ullmann 1993, 74. Michaël 2008, 20. Ullmann 1993, 76. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 129. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 132-133. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 134-136. Gasman 2008, n.p. Ullmann 1993, 74–75. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 132. Ibid. Gasman 1998, 60–61. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 134–136. Ullmann 1993, 217. Bernadac 1991, 114; Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 307–315. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 133–134. Daix 1993, 248, Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 307–315. Ullmann 1993, 78. Ullmann 1993, 78–79. Gasman 1981, 1396–1532. Rubin, et al. 1996, p. 387. Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 40A, 15004; Sotheby’s 2010, cat. no. 2, L10006. Cited in Baring 2017, 203. Chipp 1988, 101–102. Palau 2011, 293. Rubin 1996, 371. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 137–138. Rubin 1996, 371. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 139. Ullmann 1993, 93; Chipp 1988, 20–24. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 124. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 140. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 141–142. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 142. Baring 2017, 178. Baring 2017, 196. Ullmann 1993, 8–81. FitzGerald 2001, 46. Greeley 2006, 159–163. Christie’s 2001, cat. no. 23, 6415. Boggs 1992, 252–253. Chipp 1988, 23. Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 34, 1505. Chipp 1988, 23.

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Notes to Chapter Two 95 96 97 98 99

100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135

273

Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 25, 11789; Christie’s 2007, cat. no. 42, 7353. Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 18, 1505. Corum 2020. Chipp 1988, 27. Nash 1998, 206; Chipp 1988, 24–37; Gohr 1988, 11; Daix 1993, 248; Caws 2000, 100; Ocaña 2004, 265; Müller 2004, 65; Dagen 2009, 488; Spies 2011, 153; Limousin, et al. 2019, 111. Cabanne 1979, 296. Goggin 1997, x. Goggin 1997, xi. Chipp 1988, 39. Chipp 1988, 40, 70; Daix 1993, 250. Goggin 1997, x. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 307–315. Palau 2011, 305. Ullmann 1993, 78–80. Nash 1998, 206; Chipp 1988, 43. Chipp 1988, 70. Chipp 1988, 70–71. Chipp 1988, 93. Chipp 1988, 41. Palau 2011, 306. Arnheim 1962, 50–51. Goggin 1997, xi. Daix 1993, 250. Chipp 1988, 96; Baldassari 2006, 168–169. Palau 2011, 307. Palau 2011, 310–311. Penrose 1981a, 302; O’Brian 1994, 324. Nash 1998, 206; Daemgen 2005, 31. Conversation with Christian Zervos, Cahiers d’Art, 1935, cited in Ashston 1972, 7–13; Penrose 1981a, 302; Chipp 1988, 110. Baldassari 2006, 167; Greeley 2006, 164–169. Chipp 1988, 141; Nash 1998, 206. Others date the opening to May 25 (Palau 2011, 323). Chipp 1988, 137–140; Cronin 1994, 279; Mahon 2005, 24, 32. Arnheim 1962, 86. Cowling 2002, 589–603. Nash 1998, 18. La Vaccara 2014, 6. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 64. Baring 2017, 196. Cowling 2002, 589–603. Rosenblum 1998, 48. Utley 1998, 72.

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274

Notes to Chapter Two

136 Palau 2011, 321. 137 O’Brian 1994, 322–323; Warncke & Walther 1991, 388, 390. 138 Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 111. Others date the installation to mid-June (Caws 2000, 113); or even more generally to June (Gohr 1988, 11). 139 Spies 2011, 192–193. 140 Palau 2011, 317–320. 141 Spies 2011, 177–178. 142 Bataille 1985, 57. 143 Brunner 2004, 59–77. 144 Meyer 1988, 97–98. 145 Baring 2017, 185. 146 Fattal 2017, 7. 147 Sotheby’s 2006, cat. no. 36, N08239; Sotheby’s 2002, cat. no. 322, N07839. 148 Gilot & Lake 1964, 210–211. 149 Palau 2011, 329. 150 Cabanne 1979, 305–306. 151 Palau 2011, 330. 152 Penrose 1981a, 339. 153 Baring 2017, 185. 154 Daix 1993, 252. 155 Ullmann 1993, 159–161. 156 Fondation Beyeler, Riehen/Basel, 2012. 157 Chipp 1988, 141. 158 Nash 1998, 207. 159 Ullmann 1993, 156–157. 160 Sotheby’s 2019, cat. no. 19, L14002; Christie’s 2015, cat. no. 5C, 3736. 161 Freeman 1994, 61; Sotheby’s 2010, cat. no. 28, L10161. 162 Chipp 1988, 144. 163 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 144–145. 164 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 147. 165 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 147–148, 166 Gohr 1988, 11; Monod-Fontaine 1994, 58; Nash 1998, 207; Dagen 2009, 488. 167 Ocaña 2004, 265; Daemgen 2005, 31; Baldassari 2006, 310; Palau 2011, 323. 168 Chipp 1988, 141. 169 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 148–149. 170 Around mid-July, 1937. Others date the trip simply to July (Gohr 1988, 11); and their stay generally to summer (Milde 2002, 400; Dagen 2009, 488; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 111; Baring 2017, 185). 171 Förster 2001, 70; Daemgen 2005, 32. Others date the departure to early July (Baldassari 2005a, 246; Baldassari 2006, 310); to mid-August (Palau 2011, 337), or even to September (Caws 2000, 133). 172 Milde 2002, 400; Daemgen 2005, 32. Some date their first meeting to mid-

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Notes to Chapter Two

173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196

197 198 199 200 201

202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210

275

August, 1936 (Crespelle 1969, 152; Daemgen 2005, 31; Palau 2011, 262). Others date it later to July, 1938 (Nash 1998, 209). Christie’s 2000, cat. no. 320, 6317. Milde 2002, 400, Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33. Ray 1963, 179. Penrose 1981a, p. 312; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33. Cabanne 1979, 307; Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 26A, 15971. Baldassari 2006, 210. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 150–151. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 151–152. On July 20, 1973 (Utley 2000, 25–26). Chipp 1988, 152. Chipp 1988, 153. Spies 2011, 153–154. Louis Gillet, cited in Baldassari, et al. 2002, 380. Daix 1993, 254. Christie’s 2000, cat. no. 320, 6317. Daix 1993, 254. Boeck & Sabartès 1955, 243. Christie’s 2006, cat. no. 33, 1655. Daix 1993, 254. Christie’s 2004, cat. no. 31, 1370. Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 56A, 15004. Cabanne 1979, 310. Others date the return to the end of September (Gohr 1988, 11; Daix 1993, 254; Nash 1998, 207); or more generally to autumn (Caws 2000, 144). Cowling 2002, 589–603. Ullmann 1993, 161. Ullmann 1993, 161. Ullmann 1993, 251. Cabanne 1979, 308; Gohr 1988, 11; Ocaña 2004, 265; Daemgen 2005, 32; Baldassari 2005a, 247. Others date this trip simply to October (Daix 1993, 254); or later to November 26 (Palau 2011, 347). Nash 1998, 208. Others date the trip simply to October (Dagen 2009, 488); or more generally to autumn (Penrose 1981a, 317). Daix 1993, 254. Spies 2011, 176. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 307–315. Christie’s 2019, cat. no. 2A, 17658. Warncke & Walther 1991, 418–420; Ullmann 1993, 161. Penrose 1981a, 314. Christie’s 2012, cat. no. 20, 2594. Penrose 1981a, 310.

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276

Notes to Chapters Two and Three

211 Christie’s 2012, cat. no. 20, 2594. 212 Warncke & Walther 1991, 417–418; Caws 2000, 120; Bernadac 1991, 138. 213 Bernadac 1991, 138. 214 Utley 2017, 71; also Penrose 1981a, 276. 215 Gasman 1981, 1396–1532. 216 Christie’s 2012, cat. no. 20, 2594. 217 Christie’s 2012, cat. no. 20, 2594. 218 Daix 1993, 254. 219 Freeman 1994, 121. 220 Baldassari 2006, 210–211; Ullmann 1993, 176. 221 Chipp 1988, 154. 222 Christie’s 2004, cat. no. 55, 1429. 223 Ullmann 1993, 178. 224 Baldassari 2006, 211. 225 Daix 1977, 285. 226 Cabanne 1979, 311; Esteban Leal 2000, 43–46. 227 Gasman 1981, 1396–1532. 228 Christie’s 2010, cat. no. 19, 2352. 229 Quoted in Gilot & Lake 1964, 74. THREE

1938 Femmes la main sur une clé 1 Chipp 1988, 153. 2 Others date the opening of the exhibition to January 10 (Cousins & Elderfield 1992, 363). 3 Chipp 1988, 156; Nash 1998, 209. 4 Baldassari, et al. 2002, 380. 5 Gasman 1981, 1396–1532. 6 Cabanne 1979, 311; Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 325–334. 7 Goggin 1997, xiv. 8 Sotheby’s 1999, cat. no. 127, NY7379. 9 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 155. 10 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 156. 11 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 157. 12 Palau 2011, 364. 13 Cowling 2002, 604–615. 14 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 159. 15 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 162–163. 16 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 162–163. 17 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 162–163. 18 Christie’s 2019, cat. no. 34, 16930. 19 Nash 1998, 209. 20 Gedo 1980, 187; Ullmann 1993, 186. 21 Gedo 1980, 187–188; also Misfeldt 1968, 151–154; Goggin 1997, xiv.

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Notes to Chapter Three 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64

277

Nash 1998, 19. Palau 2011, 365. Meyer 1988, 100. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 163–164. Nash 1998, 209. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 164. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 164–165. Nash 1998, 209. Gohr 1988, 11; Nash 1998, 209; Limousin, et al. 2019, 111. Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 20, 15483. Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 34, 2477. Chipp 1988, 153. Cabanne 1979, 313; Goggin 1997, xiv; Nash 1998, 209; Limousin, et al. 2019, 111. Kaiser 1981, 358. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 166. Daix 1993, 256. Christie’s 2008, cat. no. 11, 2256. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 325–334. Baldassari 2006, 206–208. Malraux 1976, 110. Daix 1993, 256. Karmel 2009, 31. Nash 1998, 33. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 167. Gasman 2008, n.p. Cronin 1994, 288; Mahon 2005, 63. Freeman 1994, 181. Christie’s 2008, cat. no. 0039, 7562. Sotheby’s 2008, cat. no. 41, L08002. Gohr 1988, 11. Warncke & Walther 1991, 411, 416. Fondation Beyeler, Riehen/Basel, 2012. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 171–172. Meyer 1988, 100–101. Freeman 1994, 61. Sotheby’s 2001, cat. no. 28, L01004; Sotheby’s 2014, cat. no. 24, N09430. Alley 1981, 607. Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 13B, 12145. Picasso, January 5, 1940, quoted in Baldassari 2006, 164. Baldassari 2006, 128. Christie’s 2000, cat. no. 512, 9356. Léal 1996, 404. Penrose 1981a, 295.

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278 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82

83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103

Notes to Chapter Three

Daix 1993, 245 Penrose 1981, 295. Boggs 1992, 246–251. Christie’s 2013, cat. no. 26, 3442. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 172–173. Palau 2011, 381. Ullmann 1993, 186. Gasman 2008, n.p. Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 13B, 12145. Sotheby’s 2004, cat. no. 46, L04002. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 173. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 174. Rubin 1972, 138. Sotheby’s 2000, cat. no. 40, NY7545. Daix 1965, 171. Christie’s 2010, cat. no. 44, 7857. Sabartés 1948, 138–139; Cabanne 1979, 313; Palau 2011, 378. Christie’s 2010, cat. no. 44, 7857. Many date this trip simply to early July (Cabanne 1979, 314; Baldassari 2005a, 246; Daemgen 2005, 32; Palau 2011, 385); to just July (Gohr 1988, 11; Nash 1998, 209 Baldassari 2006, 310) or later to August (Gasman 1981, 442); or simply to summer (Penrose 1981a, 317; Daix 1993, 255; Dagen 2009, 489; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33). Penrose 1981a, 318; Nash 1998, 209. Others date the meeting to July, 1937 (Daemgen 2005, 32). Rubin 1996, 348. Christie’s 2019, cat. no. 53A, 17154. Léal 1996, 392. Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 3, 2477. Nash 1998, 19. Ullmann 1993, 176. Penrose 1981a, 318; Cabanne 1979, 315. Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 11A, 15977. Christie’s 1992, cat. no. 42. Tinterow 1981, 200. Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 3, 2477. Nash 1998, 18. Christie’s 2008, cat. no. 11, 2256. Léal 1996, 389. Palau 2011, 390. Baer 1998, 81. Penrose 1981a, 260. Ullmann 1993, 187–190. Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 44, 2844. Baldassari 2006, 210.

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279

104 Nash 1998, 210. 105 Daix 1993, 255. 106 Limousin, et al. 2019, 111. Others date this occasion to September 30 (Nash 1998, 210; Caws 2000, 148; Riding 2010, 26). 107 Drake 2015, 7. 108 Palau 2011, 398. Others date the return to September (Nash 1998, 210; Daemgen 2005, 32); to late September (Crespelle 1969, 152; Baldassari 2006, 310); or to the end September (Gohr 1988, 11). 109 Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 325–334. 110 Cowling 2002, 604–615. 111 Sabartés 1948, 140–141; Cabanne 1979, 318, 336; Palau 2011, 378. 112 FitzGerald 2001, 46–47. 113 Ullmann 1993, 192–193; Esteban Leal 2000, 43–46. 114 Boggs 1992, 254. 115 Chipp 1988, 155. 116 Boggs 1992, 254; Penrose 1981a, 321; FitzGerald 2001, 47–48. 117 FitzGerald 2001, 48. 118 Gohr 1988, 17. 119 Boggs 1992, 256; Ullmann 1993, 193. 120 FitzGerald 2001, 138. 121 FitzGerald 2001, 48. 122 Ullmann 1993, 193. 123 FitzGerald 2001, 139–140. 124 Gasman 2008, n.p. 125 Gasman 2008, n.p.; Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 175. 126 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 174–175. 127 Gasman 2008, n.p.; Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 175–176. 128 Sotheby’s 1999, cat. no. 10, NY7382. 129 Léal 1996, 392. 130 Sabartés 1948, 143, 159; Boggs 1992, 259–260 Nash 1998, 210 Palau 2011, 404. Others date the ailment simply to December (Dagen 2009, 489); or even more generally to winter (Penrose 1981a, 320). 131 Sabartés 1948, 143. 132 Sabartés 1948, 151, 158–159; Penrose 1981a, 321. 133 O’Brian 1994, 337. 134 Christie’s 2007, cat. no. 641, 7356. 135 Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 109, 14240. 136 Sotheby’s 2014, cat. no. 21, L14002. 137 Christie’s 2008, cat. no. 6, 5517. 138 Baldassari, et al. 2005b, 100. 139 Ullmann 1993, 183. FOUR

1939 Tête de femme à deux profils 1 Baldassari 2006, 210.

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280 2 3 4 5 6 7

8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38

Notes to Chapter Four

O’Brian 1994, 339; also Penrose 1981a, 322. Cabanne 1979, 320. Nash 1998, 210. Others date the start of this collaboration later to spring (Penrose 1981a, 321). Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 40A, 14183. Fattal 2017, 7. Goggin 1985, 165; Gohr 1988, 11; Boggs 1992, 259–260; Daix 1993, 257; Rubin 1996, 379; Nash 1998, 210; Milde 2002, 401; Ocaña 2004, 266; Baldassari 2005a, 247; Daemgen 2005, 32; Baldassari 2006, 310; Dagen 2009, 489; Palau 2011, 410; Richardson 2011, 54; Bernard 2019, 68; Limousin, et al. 2019, 111. Ullmann 1993, 191; Nash 1998, 210; Daemgen 2005, 32; Baldassari 2006, 310; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 114; Bernard 2019, 68. Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 26A, 15971. Daix 1993, 257. Boggs 1992, 259–260. Christie’s 2007, cat. no. 0069, 1831. Richardson 1991, 29. Richardson 2011, 54. Sotheby’s 2005, cat. no. 250, L05161; Christie’s 2008, cat. no. 248, 2044; Christie’s 2006, cat. no. 303, 7282; Christie’s 2001, cat. no. 154, 9632. Baer 1998, 90–91. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 176. Daix 1993, 258. Rubin 1996, 380–381. Gohr 1988, 11. Ullmann 1993, 179–182. Christie’s 2007, cat. no. 0069, 1831. Boggs 1992, 259–260. Ullmann 1993, 200. Nash 1998, 211; Bernard 2019, 68. Palau 2011, 421. Sotheby’s 2018, cat. no. 5, L18006. Sotheby’s 2007, cat. no. 44, N08314. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 67. Bouvard 2019, 150. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 78. Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 40, 2844. Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 11A, 15977. Ullmann 1993, 213; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 114; Bernard 2019, 69; Limousin, et al. 2019, 111. Ullmann 1993, 191; Nash 1998, 211; Bernard 2019, 68. Riding 2010, 27. Cox 2010, 63. Cowling 2002, 589–603.

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Notes to Chapter Four 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69

70 71 72

73 74 75

281

Drake 2015, 8. Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 11, 2847. Daix 1993, 258. Leal 2019, 21. Ullmann 1993, 201. U.S., Department of State 1983, 455–458. Baer 1998, 91–92. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 64. Daix 1995, 427. Cabanne 1977, 320. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 82. Ullmann 1993, 210. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 82. Leymarie 1971, 109. Brassaï 1999, 60. Bernard 2019, 30–32. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 176–178. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 179–181. Chipp 1988, 161. Others date the closing to May 27 (Ocaña 2004, 266). Geelhaar 1993, 234; Nash 1998, 211; Bernard 2019, 68. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 64. Sotheby’s 2017, cat. no. 21, N09740, Tosatto, et al. 2019, 84. Baldassari 2006b, 212. Duncan 1961, p. 242. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 181. Daix 1993, 259; Christie’s 2015, cat. no. 25A, 3789. Drake 2015, 8–9. Nash 1998, 211; Bernard 2019, 70. Caws 2000, 148. Nash 1998, 211; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33. Others date the trip simply to early July (Gohr 1988, 11; Daix 1993, 258; Förster 2001, 86; Ocaña 2004, 266; Baldassari 2005a, 247; Daemgen 2005, 32; Baldassari 2006a, 310; Bernard 2019, 70); more generally to July (Penrose 1981a, 322); even more generally to summer (Ullmann 1993, 213; Dagen 2009, 489; Richardson 2011, 54; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 64–65); or incorrectly to July, 1938 (Caws 2000, 148). Sotheby’s 2007, cat. no. 35, N08314. Cabanne 1979, 321. This date is confirmed by a recently auctioned document (Christie’s. #126, 5625, 06/14/10). Others date the return to July 22 (Ocaña 2004, 266; Daemgen 2005, 32); or July 23 (Nash 1998, 211). Drake 2015, 9. Sotheby’s 2005, cat. no. 129, N08089. Freeman 1994, 183–185.

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282 76 77

78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88

89 90 91 92

93 94 95 96 97 98 99

Notes to Chapter Four

Daix 1993, 259. Gohr 1988, 11; Monod-Fontaine 1994, 58; Nash 1998, 211; Daemgen 2005, 32; Dagen 2009, 489; Limousin, et al. 2019, 111. Others date the death to July 21 (Cabanne 1979, 321; Gasman 1981, 508; Bernard 2019, 71); or July 23 (Richardson 2011, 55); or to July 22–23 (Bernard 2019, 70). Daix 1993, 258; Nash 1998, 211; Ocaña 2004, 266; Daemgen 2005, 32; Bernard 2019, 70. Nash 1998, 211; Bernard 2019, 70. Others date the trip to July 28 (Gohr 1988, 11). Sabartés 1948, 175–177; Cabanne 1979, 321; Daix 1993, 258. Baldassari 2006b, 213. Nash 1998, 20. Caws 2000, 148. Brassaï 1999, 48. Gohr 1988, 11; Monod-Fontaine 1994, 58; Riding 2010, 27; Drake 2015, 23; Bernard 2019, 71; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Drake 2015, 11. Drake 2015, 12. On August 25 (Cabanne 1979, 323; Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 260; Ocaña 2004, 266; Dagen 2009, 489; Richardson 2011, 55; Bernard 2019, 70). Others date the departure to August 26 (Nash 1998, 212); or more generally to end August (Ullmann 1993, 213; Caws 2000, 148). Penrose 1981a, 325. Penrose 1981a, 332. Drake 2015, 13. Cabanne 1979, 323; Daix 1993, 260; Caws 2000, 150; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 213; Baring 2017, 201; Bernard 2019, 70; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Gohr 1988, 12; Ullmann 1993, 213; Monod-Fontaine 1994, 58; Nash 1998, 212; Rosbottom 2014, 19; Fattal 2017, 6; Bernard 2019, 71. Drake 2015, 16–17. Drake 2015, 16. Brassaï 1999, 48–49. Nash 1998, 212; Dagen 2009, 489; Riding 2010, 27; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Gasman 1998, 61. Nash 1998, 212; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33. Others date the departure to the end of August (Daemgen 2005, 32); to August 29 (Cabanne 1979, 323; Daix 1993, 260; Caws 2000, 150; Baldassari 2005a, 247–248; Baldassari 2006a, 310; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 213; Baring 2017, 201; Bernard 2019, 70; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143); to September 1 (Cabanne 1979, 323; Fluegel 1980, 350; Förster 2001, 89); to early September (Milde 2002, 401); or simply to September (Goggin 1985, 47; McCully 1994, 219).

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Notes to Chapter Four 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142

283

Cabanne 1979, 324; Ullmann 1993, 223; Gasman 1998, 65. Penrose 1981a, 326. Boggs 1992, 261. Daix 1965, 177. Sabartés 1948, 191. Ullmann 1993, 240; Nash 1998, 212; Baldassari 2006a, 235. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 65. Drake 2015, 22. Drake 2015, 24. Gohr 1988, 12; Nash 1998, 212; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 66. Cabanne 1979, 324; Daix 1993, 260; Baldassari 2006a, 235; Bernard 2019, 70. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 65. Nash 1998, 212; Daix 1993, 260. Penrose 1981a, 327. Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 51, 2477. Gedo 1980, 192–194. Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 13B, 12145; Sotheby’s 2011, cat. no. 133, N08790. Ullmann 1993, 361. Christie’s 2013, cat. no. 169, 3443. Christie’s 2003, cat. no. 77, 6677. Riding 2010, 33–34. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 66–67. Nash 1998, 21. Penrose 1981a, 330–331. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 94. Krauss 1998, 213. Leiris 1992, 115–116. Baer 1998, 93–94; Ullmann 1993, 361, Ullmann 1993, 224–228. Cabanne 1975, 61. Baldassari 2005a, 247–248. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 86. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 334–343. Meyer 1988, 101. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 89. Boggs 1992, 262–263. Ullmann 1993, 223. Christie’s 1991, cat. no. 47. Christie’s 2019, cat. no. 37, 16930. King 2015, 66. Bernard 2019, 70. Ullmann 1993, 343. Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 35C, 12069; Sotheby’s 2012, cat. no. 17, PF1206.

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284 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151

152 153

154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170

171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178

Notes to Chapter Four

Christie’s 2000, cat. no. 515, 9356. Sotheby’s 2008, cat. no. 29, L08007. Sotheby’s 2012, cat. no. 16, PF1206. Ullmann 1993, 234. Christie’s 2007, cat. no. 055, 7404. Ullmann 1993, 286. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 66. Boggs 1992, 264. Daix 1993, 260–261; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 66. Others date the trip October 12 (Cabanne 1979, 325; Nash 1998, 212); or to mid-October (Gohr 1988, 12; Daemgen 2005, 33; Bernard 2019, 72); or simply to October (Penrose 1981a, 328). Penrose 1981a, 328. Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 51, 2477. Others date the return later to October 26 (Cabanne 1979, 325; Nash 1998, 212); or earlier to October 22 (Gohr 1988, 12). Daix 1993, 261. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 66. Gilot & Lake 1964, 51. Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 12A, 14183. Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 51, 2477; Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 11A, 15977. Michaël 2008, 58, 72. Janis & Janis 1946, 27; also M. McCully1981, 18. Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 49, 7974. Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 51, 2477. Sotheby’s 1998, cat. no. 39, NY7131. O’Brian 1994, 346. Ullmann 1993, 286–288. Rosbottom 2014, 22–24. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 90. Nash 1998, 212; Bernard 2019, 72; Limousin, et al. 2019, 171. Baldassari 2006a, 235; Bernard 2019, 72. Schuster, et al. 1996, 322; Baldassari 2006a, 310; Dagen 2009, 489; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Others give the number of artworks as three hundred forty (Daemgen 2005, 33); or three hundred and sixty (Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381; Bernard 2019, 72). Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381. Nash 1998, 212; Bernard 2019, 72. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 92. Fondation Beyeler, Riehen/Basel 2012. Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 31, 7951. Rolland 1967, 5. Sotheby’s 2001, cat. no. 47, NY7647. Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 261; Bernard 2019, 72; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143.

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Notes to Chapters Four and Five

285

179 Cabanne 1979, 326; Nash 1998, 212; Daemgen 2005, 33. Daix dates this trip to Paris to mid-March (Daix 1993, 261). 180 FitzGerald 1995, 260; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381. 181 Drake 2015, 32. 182 Spies 2011, 185. 183 Spies 2011, 296. 184 Drake 2015, 33–34. 185 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 182–184. 186 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 184–185. 187 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 186. 188 Gasman 2008, n.p. 189 Daix 1965, 180–182. 190 Daix 1993, 261. FIVE

1940 Femme se coiffant 1 Sotheby’s 2002, cat. no. 52, N07838. 2 Madeline 2019, 22. 3 Gilot & Lake 1964, 122. 4 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 186–187. 5 Daix 1993, 261. 6 Nash 1998, 212; Caws 2000, 150. Others place the studio on the second floor (Baldassari 2006a, 235); or fourth floor (Daemgen 2005, 33); or simply the top floor (Penrose 1981a, 328). He was alreadt settled in by January 4 (Cabanne 1979, 327; Nash 1998, 212; Daemgen 2005, 33; Baldassari 2006a, 235). Others date the move more generally to early January (Gohr 1988, 12); or merely to the early part of the year (Mahler 2015, 183). 7 Cabanne 1979, 327. 8 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 187. 9 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 187–188. 10 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 188. 11 Daix 1965, 176. 12 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 188–189 13 Buchholz & Zimmermann 2000, 66–67. 14 Warncke & Walther 1991, 430–432. 15 Freeman 1994, 190–196. 16 Christie’s 2001, cat. no. 31, 9636. 17 Rubin 1996, 404. 18 Jaffé 1980, 138, 19 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 120. 20 Times 1940, 30. 21 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 189. 22 Cowling 2002, 616–629. 23 Ullmann 1993, 234–236.

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286 24 25 26

27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47

48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62

Notes to Chapter Five

Tosatto, et al. 2019, 120. Cowling 2002, 616–629. Cabanne 1979, 326; Fluegel 1980, 350; Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 261; McCully 1994, 219; Nash 1998, 212; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381; Ocaña 2004, 267; Daemgen 2005, 33; Bernard 2019, 106. In mid-February (Bernard 2019, 106; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 102). Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 189. On February 29 (Cabanne 1979, 326; Gohr 1988, 12; Nash 1998, 212; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381; Ocaña 2004, 267; Bernard 2019, 106). Gedo 1980, 192–194. Drake 2015, 37. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 190. The decrees had been approved on September 1 and October 14, 1939 (Bernard 2019, 107). Buchholz & Zimmermann 2000, 56. Janis & Janis 1946, 34. Walther 2001, 53. McCully 1981, 215–218. Walther 2001, 42–43. Christie’s 1999, cat. no. 539, 6146. Barr 1946, 224–227. Cabanne 1979, 326–328. Christie’s 2015, cat. no. 3C, 3783. Daix 1965, 182. Penrose 1981a, 331. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 334–343. Cowling 2002, 616–629. Cabanne 1979, 329; Goggin 1985, 49, 53; Daix 1993, 261; Ullmann 1993, 241; Nash 1998, 213; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381; Daemgen 2005, 33; Bernard 2019, 106; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Daix 1993, 261–262. Bernard 2019, 106. Rosbottom 2014, 56. Goggin 1985, 49; Gohr 1988, 12. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 102. Buchholz & Zimmerman 2000, 70–71. Boggs 1992, 266. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 123. Riding 2010, 41. Times 1940, 4. Warncke & Walther 1991, 178–674. Morris 1993, 155. Sotheby’s 2001, cat. no. 27, L01001. Sotheby’s 2001, cat. no. 225, NY7648. Walther 2001, 37.

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Notes to Chapter Five 63 64 65

66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80

81 82 83 84 85 86

87 88 89 90 91 92 93

287

Buchholz & Zimmermann 2000, 56–70. Ocaña 2004, 267. Cabanne 1979, 329; Penrose 1981a, 329; Goggin 1985, 49; Daix 1993, 262; Nash 1998, 213; Cendoya, Dupuis-Labbé & Torras 2007, 327; Bernard 2019, 106; Derouet 2019, 164. Others date the exhibition to March–May, 1939 (Bernard 2019, 68). Baldassari 2006a, 310; Bernard 2019, 106. Limousin, et al. 2019, 171. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 102. Sotheby’s 2001, cat. no. 59, NY7647; Sotheby’s 2010, cat. no. 316, L10007. Sotheby’s 2010, cat. no. 317, L10007. Goggin 1985, 50. Nash 1998, 14. Sotheby’s 2017, cat. no. 38, N09740; Sotheby’s 2012, cat. no. 30, N08898. Penrose 1981a, 329; Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 262; Nash 1998, 213; Bernard 2019, 107. Times 1940, 4. Drake 2015, 38. Rosbottom 2014, 33. Nash 1998, 213; Daemgen 2005, 33. Drake 2015, 39. Daix 1993, 262; Nash 1998, 213; Baldassari 2006a, 239. Others date the encounter to May 2, as Matisse is leaving the Office du Brésil (Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381); to May 13 (Bernard 2019, 106); to mid-May (Goggin 1985, 50); or simply to May (Penrose 1981a, 327). Mahler 2015, 183. Drake 2015, 39. Penrose 1981a, 329; Ullmann 1993, 213. Drake 2015, 40. Rosbottom 2014, 32–33. Cabanne 1979, 330; Fluegel 1980, 351; Penrose 1981a, 329; Goggin 1985, 53; Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 262; Nash 1998, 213; Ocaña 2004, 267; Daemgen 2005, 33; Baldassari 2006a, 310; Dagen 2009, 489; Mahler 2015, 183; Bernard 2019, 106; Bernard 2019, 106. Others date the departure to May 17 (Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 102); or to May 19 (Limousin, et al. 2019, 143). Dagen 2009, 489. Goggin 1985, 49. Drake 2015, 44. Riding 2010, 43–44. Rosbottom 2014, 25. Drake 2015, 42–43. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 191.

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288 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125

126 127 128 129 130

Notes to Chapter Five

Gasman 2008, n.p. Rosbottom 2014, 36. Drake 2015, 45. Mahler 2015, 183; Bernard 2019, 108. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 102, 113. Baldassari 2006a, 310; Michaël 2008, 25–26; Riding 2010, 36; Limousin, et al. 2019, 170; Bernard 2019, 106. Rosbottom 2014, 31. Drake 2015, 46. Drake 2015, 45. Nash 1998, 213; Caws 2000, 157; Rosbottom 2014, 30; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 102. Drake 2015, 49–52. Bouvard 2019, 153. Riding 2010, 44; Drake 2015, 48. Baldassari 2006a, 237. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 191. Rosbottom 2014, 26; Drake 2015, 48. Goggin 1985, 55. Rosbottom 2014, 27. Drake 2015, 48–49. Nash 1998, 213; Mahler 2015, 183; Amic & Perdisot-Cassan 2017, 228– 229; Bernard 2019, 108; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 114. Goggin 1985, 55. Ullmann 1993, 228. Nash 1998, 213; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 4; Riding 2010, 42; Drake 2015, 48, 57–58. Drake 2015, 56. Riding 2010, 45. Madeline 2019, 24. Spies 2011, 223. Riding 2010, 42. Riding 2010, 43. Cabanne 1979, 333; Goggin 1985, 19; Monod-Fontaine 1994, 58; Dagen 2009, 489; Bernard 2019, 107; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 103–104. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 115. Goggin 1985, 1, 58; Gohr 1988, 12; Ullmann 1993, 213; Nash 1998, 213; Förster 2001, 92; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381; Daemgen 2005, 33; Riding 2010, 3; Spies 2011, 188; Mahler 2015, 183; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 116; Bernard 2019, 107; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Riding 2010, 45–46. Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 45. Drake 2015, 90–91. Tosatto 2019, 11–12. Christie’s 1999, cat. no. 520, 6146.

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289

131 Walther 2001, 67–68. 132 Warncke & Walther 1991, 453–678. 133 Riding 2010, 46; Nash 1998, 213; Caws 2000, 157; Drake 2015, 68; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 102. 134 Rosbottom 2014, 21. 135 Nash 1998, 214; Bernard 2019, 108; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. 136 Drake 2015, 70–71. 137 Rosbottom 2014, 64. 138 Nash 1998, 214; Bernard 2019, 108. 139 Goggin 1985, 54; Nash 1998, 214. 140 Nash 1998, 23. 141 Riding 2010, 108. 142 Drake 2015, 81–83. 143 Christie’s 2005, cat. no. 410, 7060. 144 Tosatto 2019, 12. 145 Drake 2015, 66–67. 146 Rosbottom 2014, xxix. 147 Goggin 1985, 60; Nash 1998, 214; Daemgen 2005, 33; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 6; Riding 2010, 47; Rosbottom 2014, 44; Drake 2015, 71; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 102. 148 Nash 1998, 214; Daemgen 2005, 33; Bernard 2019, 108. Others date the tour to June 28 (Rosbottom 2014, 72). 149 Rosbottom 2014, 79–95. 150 Goggin 1985, 6, 47; Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 262; Spies 2011, 188. Others date the German arrival later to August 15 (Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 213). 151 Goggin 1985, 47. 152 Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 51, 2477. 153 Drake 2015, 89–90, 95. 154 Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 45; Riding 2010, 20. 155 Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 12–13. 156 Drake 2015, 91. 157 Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 14; Riding 2010, 60. 158 Bernard 2019, 108. Others date this event simply to autumn (Mahler 2015, 184). 159 Bernard 2019, 108. 160 Riding 2010, 118–119. 161 Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, ix. 162 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 192. 163 Gasman 2008, n.p. 164 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 201–202. 165 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 186. 166 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 193. 167 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 195. 168 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 196.

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290 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212

Notes to Chapter Five

Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 197–197. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 197. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 197–198. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 198. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 198–199. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 200. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 203. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 207–208. Mallen 2012, 105–140. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 194-195. Gilot & Lake 1964, 74. Bernard 2019, 32. Drake 2015, 80. Drake 2015, 74. Baer 1998, 85, 96. Rosbottom 2014, 112. Daix 1993, 262. Riding 2010, 70. Drake 2015, 79–80, Drake 2015, 17; Bernard 2019, 108; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 51. Drake 2015, 110. Nash 1998, 214; Limousin, et al. 2019, 176; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 117. Madeline 2019, 25–26. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 204–206. Ullmann 1993, 233. Bouvard 2019, 150. Polack 2019, 157. Drake 2015, 110. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 119. Drake 2015, 108. Baldassari 2006a, 238. Goggin 1985, 58. Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, xi. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 216–218. Gasman 2008, n.p. Goggin 1985, 58. Gasman 1998, 66. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 122. Riding 2010, 121. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 222. Drake 2015, 109. Rosbottom 2014, 15. Goggin 1985, 61. On August 24, 1940 (Daix 1993, 263; Nash 1998, 214; Gasman 1998, 65; Bernard 2019, 108). Others date the return later to August 25 (Goggin

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213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236

237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246

291

1985, 6, 60; Gohr 1988, 12; Morris 1993, 155; Mahler 2015, 184; Dagen 2009, 489; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 104); to late August (Penrose 1981a, 332); to the end of August (Spies 2011, 188; Cowling 2016, 162; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 116); or later to October (Milde 2002, 401). Bernard 2019, 108. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 104. FitzGerald 1998, 113–116. Nash 1998, 25–26. FitzGerald 1998, 118. Sotheby’s 2008, cat. no. 28, N08485; Sotheby’s 1998, cat. no. 41, NY7131. Quoted in Nash 1998, 118. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 102. Cabanne 1979, 331. Drake 2015, 106. Rosbottom 2014, 98. Bernard 2019, 108. Polack 2019, 157–158. Drake 2015, 126. Drake 2015, 124–125. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 223–224. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 224. Others set the deadline to October 20 (Rosbottom 2014, 244). Drake 2015, 131. Nash 1998, 215; Caws 2000, 157; Riding 2010, 59; Bernard 2019, 109; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Goggin 1985, 66. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 224–225. O’Brian 1994, 351–352. Bernard 2019, 110. Others date the move earlier to September (Baldassari 2006a, 239; Mahler 2015, 184); simply to October (Milde 2002, 401); or even more generally to autumn (Gohr 1988, 12; Daemgen 2005, 33). Cabanne 1979, 332. Nash 1998, 217; Baring 2017, 201. Postcard dated October 12, 1940 (Baldassari 2006a, 311; Bouvard 2019, 150). Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 225. Baer 1998, 86. Nash 1998, 215. Drake 2015, 134. Christie’s 2013, cat. no. 6, 2788. Published November 22, 1940 (Daix 1993, 265; Nash 1998, 215; Bernard 2019, 110). Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 207.

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Notes to Chapters Five and Six

247 Goggin 1985, 26. 248 Riding 2010, 127–128; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 196, 201, 203. Others date it to December 15, 1939 (Bernard 2019, 73). 249 Daix 1993, 265. 250 Goggin 1985, 78. 251 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 126. SIX

1941 Le désir attrapé par la queue 1 Bernard 2019, 130. 2 Rosbottom 2014, 137–138. 3 Nash 1998, 26; Baring 2017, 201. 4 Bernard 2019, 130. 5 Nash 1998, 215; Bernard 2019, 130. 6 Goggin 1985, 78. 7 Goggin 1985, 75. 8 Ullmann 1993, 297. 9 Gedo 1980, 193–197. 10 Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 233, 7953. 11 Rosbottom 2014, 111. 12 Drake 2015, 169. 13 Rosbottom 2014, 190–193. 14 Written January 14–17 (Penrose 1981a, 334; Gohr 1988, 12; Baldassari 2006a, 311; Dagen 2009, 489; Bernard 2019, 130). 15 Frechtman 1962, 57–60. 16 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 126–127. 17 Bernadac & Michaël 1998, 49. 18 Leal 2019, 18–19. 19 Nash 1998, 14. 20 Rosbottom 2014, 291. 21 Maldonado 2019, 40–43. 22 Penrose 1981a, 337. 23 Brunner 2004, 98–114. 24 Quoted in Chipp & Selz 1968, 271. 25 Goggin 1985, 78–79. 26 Christie’s 2004, cat. no. 17, 1429. 27 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 126. 28 Cited in Ashton 1972, 130. 29 Goggin 1985, 81. 30 Riding 2010, 273; Drake 2015, 310. 31 Riding 2010, 119; Drake 2015, 182. 32 Fluegel 1980, 351; Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 267; Daemgen 2005, 33; Baldassari 2006a, 311; Dagen 2009, 489. Others date their return to fall 1940 (Goggin 1985, 64); or to late 1940 or early 1941 (Nash 1998, 214). 33 Crespelle 1969, 138.

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Notes to Chapter Six 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77

293

Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 119; Bernard 2019, 130. Daix 1993, 267. Cabanne 1979, 335; Nash 1998, 214. Penrose 1981a, 340. Madeline 2019, 24–25. Christie’s 2003, cat. no. 429, 6737. Meyer 1988, 103–104. Sotheby’s 2006, cat. no. 14, N08195. Rosbottom 2014, 109, 141. Riding 2010, 90. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 243. Postcard dated March 24, 1941 (Förster 2001, 106). Rosbottom 2014, 161. Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 217. Goggin 1985, 82. Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 15, 15469. Rosbottom 2014, 162. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 243–244. Goggin 1985, 85. Goggin 1985, 96. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 244–246. Rosbottom 2014, 164. Ullmann 1993, 258. Goggin 1985, 86–89. Boggs 1992, 268. Cited in Taylor 2012. Spies 2011, 233. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 248. Goggin 1985, 90–91. Ullmann 1993, 218–219. Baldassari 2006a, 240. Besse & Pouty 2006, 140. Riding 2010, 128; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 221. Goggin 1985, 29; Spies 2011, 193–194. Bernard 2019, 130. Drake 2015, 187. Riding 2010, 134. Others number the individuals arrested at 1,061 (Goggin 1985, 91); or 4,000 (Rosbottom 2014, 249). Drake 2015, 187. Nash 1998, 216. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 249. Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 29, 2844. Goggin 1985, 130–131. Ullmann 1993, 318. O’Brian 1994, 355; Spies 2011, 229.

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294 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120

Notes to Chapter Six

Goggin 1985, 92–93. Goggin 1985, 91–92. Goggin 1985, 93–94. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 138. Goggin 1985, 93–94. Christie’s 2007, cat. no. 0043, 1900. Ullmann 1993, 288. Goggin 1985, 96–105. Ullmann 1993, 217–218. Sotheby’s 2014, cat. no. 71, N09219. Huffington 1988, 409. Christie’s 2018. cat. no. 15, 15469. Richardson, quoted in Baring 2017, 164. Dora Maar, quoted in Baring 2017, 215. Baldassari 2006a, 26. Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 32, 11789; Sotheby’s 2006, cat. no. 504, N08241. Baldassari 2006a, 311. Goggin 1985, 96; Nash 1998, 216; Riding 2010, 133; Fattal 2017, 10; Bernard 2019, 133; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 217–218. Goggin 1985, 97. Morris 1993, 155. Picasso, quoted in Ashton 1972, 66. Michel Leiris, cited in Leymarie 1966, 11. Sotheby’s 1998, cat. no. 45, NY7131. Heffel Gallery, Calgary 2019, cat. no. 136, A2019F. Janis & Janis 1946, 27. Ullmann 1993, 290. Gilot 1991, 167. Bozo, Richet & Thiébaut 1979. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 140. Goggin 1985, 99–100; Ullmann 1993, 343. Malraux 1976, 138. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 136. Bernadac & Michaël 1998, 123. Léal 1996, 385. Riding 2010, 339. Rosbottom 2014, 245. Fattal 2017, 6. Goggin 1985, 115; Riding 2010, 130; Bernard 2019, 133; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Cardon-Hamet 1997–2000, 59. Drake 2015, 193. Riding 2010, 133; Drake 2015, 195. Drake 2015, 200–201.

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Notes to Chapter Six

295

121 Rosbottom 2014, 168–172. 122 Goggin 1985, 119; Nash 1998, 216. 123 Monod-Fontaine 1994, 58; Nash 1998, 216. Others date the transfer of ownership earlier to July 1 (Bernard 2019, 133); or later to February, 1942 (Goggin 1985, 19). 124 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 127. 125 Goggin 1985, 117. 126 Ullmann 1993, 317. 127 Ullmann 1993, 302–304. 128 Goggin 1985, 162–163. 129 Nash 1998, 34. 130 Meyer 1988, 104. 131 Daix 1965, 185–186; Goggin 1985, 120–121. 132 Mahler 2015, 184–185. 133 Brassai 1999, 63. 134 Drake 2015, 202–203. 135 Goggin 1985, 122–123. 136 Baldassari, et al. 2002, 382. 137 Dagen 2009, 284. 138 Cited in Tosatto, et al. 2019, 142. 139 Riding 2010, 134; Rosbottom 2014, 249. 140 Drake 2015, 206. 141 Goggin 1985, 126–127. 142 Goggin 1985, 127. 143 Nash 1998, 216; Riding 2010, 64; Rosbottom 2014, 245; Drake 2015, 219; Bernard 2019, 134. 144 Drake 2015, 213. 145 Goggin 1985, 129. 146 Caws 2000, 159; Baring 2017, 201. 147 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 250–251. 148 Sudour 2019, 145–149. 149 Cardon-Hamet 1997–2000, 86–87. 150 Goggin 1985, 137. 151 Christie’s 2006, cat. no. 172, 1724. 152 Baer 1998, 96 153 Nash 1998, 217; Caws 2000, 160. 154 Goggin 1985, 135–136; Bernard 2019, 134. 155 Drake 2015, 226. 156 Goggin 1985, 117. 157 Ullmann 1993, 290–291. 158 Baer 1998, 81–84. 159 Ullmann 1993, 302. 160 Nash 1998, 33. 161 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 144. 162 Riding 2010, 106.

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6 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170

171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204

Notes to Chapter Six Tosatto, et al. 2019, 146. Thomas 2007; Drake 2015, 215. Sotheby’s 2012, cat. no. 4, N08850. Nash 1998, 32–33. Baldassari 2006a, 243. Goggin 1985, 136–137. Goggin 1985, 137–138. Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 83–84; Riding 2010, 175. Others date the visit just to October (Nash, 1998, 217; Baldassari 2006a, 244); later to November 12 (Baldassari, et al. 2002, 382); simply to November (Bernard 2019, 134); or even more generally to autumn (Goggin 1985, 22–23). Bernard 2019, 134. Goggin 1985, 138–139. Sotheby’s 2014, cat. no. 119, N09140. Christie’s 2003, cat. no. 80, 6677. Rosbottom 2014, 158. Baldassari, et al. 2002, 382; Bernard 2019, 134. Goggin 1985, 18. Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381. Picasso, quoted in Janis & Janis 1946, 4. Leal 2019, 19. Ullmann 1993, 267. Christie’s 2019, cat. no. 37, 16930. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 148. Drake 2015, 224. Rosbottom 2014, 104. Goggin 1985, 134–135. Baldassari 2006a, 311; Bernard 2019, 134. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 251. Baldassari 2006a, 311; Bernard 2019, 134. Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 194. Ullmann 1993, 318–319. Ullmann 1993, 319. Spies 2011, 227. Riding 2010, 134; Rosbottom 2014, 249; Drake 2015, 231. Drake 2015, 232. Utley 2000, 27. Ullmann 1993, 322. Baer 1998, 91. Daix 1995, 535. Gohr 1988, 12; Baldassari 2006a, 311. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 128. Mahler 2015, 185–186. Sotheby’s 2007, cat. no. 22, N08359. Franzke 1982, 162.

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Notes to Chapter Seven

297

SEVEN

1942 L’aubade 1 Goggin 1985, 152. 2 Nash 1998, 217. Others date the publication to February 23 (Bernard 2019, 160). 3 Goggin 1985, 154. 4 Bernard 2019, 161. 5 Ullmann 1993, 322. 6 Daix 1993, 268. 7 Ullmann 1993, 331. 8 Ullmann 1993, 291. 9 Sotheby’s 2001, cat. no. 28, L01004; Sotheby’s 2007, cat. no. 144, L07009; Sotheby’s 2014, cat. no. 24, N09430. 10 Léal 1996, pp. 387–392. 11 Christie’s 2008, cat. no. 540, 2047. 12 Baldassari, et al. 2002, 381. 13 Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 196, 14240. 14 Förster 2001, 106. 15 Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33. 16 Nash 1998, 217. 17 Drake 2015, 236. 18 Goggin 1985, 154–155. 19 Goggin 1985, 182; Nash 1998, 219; Riding 2010, 274; Drake 2015, 310. 20 Goggin 1985, 159; Nash 1998, 213. 21 Cabanne 1979, 364; Nash 1998, 218; Morris 2010, 230. 22 Goggin 1985, 160; Drake 2015, 243. 23 Drake 2015, 243–244. 24 Caws 2000, 162. 25 Dora Maar, quoted in Baldassari 2006a, 234–235. 26 Ibid. 27 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 251–252. 28 Drake 2015, 226. 29 Goggin 1985, 158–159. 30 Daix 1993, 268. 31 Leal 2019, 16–18. 32 Goggin 1985, 169. 33 Christie’s 2013, cat. no. 20, 3546. 34 Nash 1998, 218; Drake 2015, 237. 35 Goggin 1985, 159. 36 Bernard 2019, 162. 37 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 252–253. 38 Goggin 1985, 163. 39 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 154. 40 Meyer 1988, 102–103. 41 Nash 1998, 218.

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298 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82

Notes to Chapter Seven

Bernard 2019, 161. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 166. Goggin 1985, 164. Bernard 2019, 161. Cabanne 1979, 340; Nash 1998, 218; Caws 2000, 164; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 219. Penrose 1981a, 341. Goggin 1985, 220–221. Cabanne 1979, 341. Cabanne 1979, 339; Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 270; Ullmann 1993, 273; Dagen 2009, 489. Cabanne 1979, 340; Goggin 1985, 164; Nash 1998, 218; Ocaña 2004, 267; Daemgen 2005, 34; Mahler 2015, 187. McCully 1994, 220; Bernard 2019, 162. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 255; Goggin 1985, 167; Nash 1998, 218. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 156. O’Brian 1994, 362. Rosbottom 2014, 294. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 343–347. Walther 1993, 70–72. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 172. Boggs 1992, 271. Goggin 1985, 168. Spies 2011, 191. Goggin 1985, 166–167 ; Nash 1998, 30. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 156. Boggs 1992, 271. Spies 2011, 233. O’Brian 1976, 357. Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 49C, 12069; Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 34A, 15971. Riding 2010, 134. Riding 2010, 134–135. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 156. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 343–347. Goggin 1985, 172–173; Ullmann 1993, 290. Sotheby’s 2009, cat. no. 129, PF9021. Goggin 1985, 168–169. Daix 1993, 268. Baldassari 2005a, 248; Bernard 2019, 162; Sotheby’s 2005, cat. no. 95, PF5018. Christie’s 2001, cat. no. 27, 6415; Christie’s 2004, cat. no. 38, 6882. Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 20, 15483. Daix 1993, 268. Baldassari 2006a, 311, Quoted in McCully1981, 228.

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Notes to Chapter Seven 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102

103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120

299

Warncke & Walther 1991, 453. Ullmann 1993, 331. Goggin 1985, 175–179. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 174–175. Nash 1998, 13–14. Christie’s 2019, cat. no. 37, 16930. Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 95. Utley 2000, 33; Riding 2010, 177; Bernard 2019, 163; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Cabanne 1979, 337; Goggin 1985, 20, 180; Ullmann 1993, 214; Nash 1998, 218; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 100; Spies 2011, 204. Nash 1998, 218. Goggin 1985, 180. Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 103. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 156. Goggin 1985, 182. Baldassari 2006a, 234; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 154, 157. Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 29, 2844. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 157. Ullmann 1993, 351; Nash 1998, 219; Rosbottom 2014, 261; Bernard 2019, 163. Rosbottom 2014, 262. Cabanne 1979, 334; Goggin 1985, 191; Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 266; Ullmann 1993, 214, 351; Nash 1998, 219; Michaël 2008, 26; Dagen 2009, 489; Riding 2010, 186; Spies 2011, 185; Bernard 2019, 164; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Caws 2000, 164; Baldassari 2006a, 246; Bernard 2019, 164. Nash 1998, 219; Caws 2000, 164; Bernard 2019, 164. Goggin 1985, 193. Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 211. Baldassari, et al. 2002, 382. Nash 1998, 219; Baldassari 2006a, 311; Bernard 2019, 164. Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 29, 2844. Cabanne 1979, 335. Nash 1998, 219. Gohr 1988, 12; Baldassari 2006a, 311. Penrose 1981a, 345. Temkin 2000, 79. Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 91. Spies 2011, 204–206. Ullmann 1993, 350. Goggin 1985, 196–197. Nash 1998, 219; Bernard 2019, 164. Others date the meeting earlier to June (Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 215; Riding 2010, 182). Goggin 1985, 193–194.

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300

Notes to Chapter Seven

121 Riding 2010, 182. 122 Goggin 1985, 195. 123 Others number the detained at 13,152, according to the definitive tally established by the Prefecture of Police (Klarsfeld 1983, 136). 124 Only 400 eventually survive (Goggin 1985, 202–203; Ullmann 1993, 352; Nash 1998, 219; Caws 2000, 164; Riding 2010, 135; Rosbottom 2014, 219; Fattal 2017, 11; Bernard 2019, 165; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143). 125 Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 29, 2844. 126 Goggin 1985, 202. 127 Goggin 1985, 204. 128 Drake 2015, 264–268. 129 Nash 1998, 219; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 216; Riding 2010, 182; Bernard 2019, 164. 130 Goggin 1985, 205–206. 131 Christie’s 1999, cat. no. 68, 6226. 132 Ullmann 1993, 266. 133 Goggin 1985, 209–210. 134 Goggin 1985, 209. 135 Goggin 1985, 212. 136 Klarsfeld 1978, 626. 137 Klarsfeld 1983, 147. 138 Klarsfeld 1983, 149–150. 139 Ullmann 1993, 297. 140 Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 29, 2844. 141 Christie’s.2014 , cat. no. 29, 2844. 142 Gilot & Lake 1964, 122. 143 Drake 2015, 285. 144 Klarsfeld 1978, 699. 145 Ullmann 1993, 258. 146 Goggin 1985, 214. 147 Sotheby’s 2010, cat. no. 318, L10007. 148 Nash 1998, 220; Rosbottom 2014, 288. 149 Nash 1998, 218; Drake 2015, 251; Bernard 2019, 162. 150 Goggin 1985, 217; Nash 1998, 220; Daemgen 2005, 34; Riding 2010, 274; Morris 2010, 230; Drake 2015, 311; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. 151 Goggin 1985, 217–218. 152 Quoted in van Hensbergen 2004, 139. 153 Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 29, 2844. 154 Drake 2015, 275–276. 155 Ullmann 1993, 322. 156 Goggin 1985, 218. 157 Baldassari 2006a, 234. 158 Riding 2010, 274–275. 159 Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 269. 160 Goggin 1985, 222; Daix 1993, 267; Bernard 2019, 165; Madeline 2019, 27.

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Notes to Chapters Seven and Eight 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177

301

Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33. Baring 2017, 174; Roig Pol 2017, 28. Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 1091, 12070. Cabanne 1979, 341. Goggin 1985, 223. FitzGerald 2017, 165. Sotheby’s 2014, cat. no. 6, L14006; Sotheby’s 2008, cat. no. 68, N08485; Sotheby’s 2003, cat. no. 48, N07934. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 349. Caws 2000, 164; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 382; Drake 2015, 292; Bernard 2019, 165. International News 1942, 1100. Goggin 1985, 96; Ullmann 1993, 213; Nash 1998, 220; Bernard 2019, 165; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143; Utley 2000, 30; Baldassari 2006a, 241. Cabanne 1979, 333. Goggin 1985, 230–232. Nash 1998, 220; Caws 2000, 164; Bernard 2019, 165. Caws 2000, 164. Goggin 1985, 236–237. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 255–256.

EIGHT

1943 La fenêtre rétrécie (de l’atelier) 1 Bernard 2019, 192; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 188. 2 Bernard 2019, 193. 3 Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. 4 Riding 2010, 275. 5 Cabanne 1979, 354. 6 Brassaï 1999, 56–57. 7 Drake 2015, 332–333. 8 Letter from Cícero Dias to Picasso, cited in Tosatto, et al. 2019, 135. 9 Drake 2015, 335. 10 Bernard 2019, 35. 11 Riding 2010, 187–188. 12 Goggin 1985, 249; Nash 1998, 220; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 188. 13 Riding 2010, 140. 14 Drake 2015, 303. 15 Goggin 1985, 249; Nash 1998, 220; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 188. 16 Riding 2010, 302; Rosbottom 2014, 295; Drake 2015, 313. 17 Caws 2000, 171. 18 Sotheby’s 2007, cat. no. 170, L07006. 19 Cabanne 1979, 344; Goggin 1985, 249; Daix 1993, 269; Caws 2000, 168; Baldassari 2006a, 311. 20 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 188. 21 Goggin 1985, 250–251.

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302 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64

Notes to Chapter Eight

Roig Pol 2017, 39. Madeline 2019, 22. Christie’s.2004 , cat. no. 31, 1370. Picasso to Geneviève Laporte, quoted in Richardson 1991, 317. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 256–257. Goggin 1985, 251–252. Penrose 1981a, 342; Goggin 1985, 250; Förster 2001, 104; Baldassari 2006a, 311. Nash 1998, 221. Drake 2015, 304–305. Goggin 1985, 252–253. Christie’s 2006, cat. no. 460, 7245. Ullmann 1993, 291. Goggin 1985, 257–258; Drake 2015, 251. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 350–353. Ullmann 1993, 356–358; Nash 1998, 34. Gohr 1988, 12. Daix 1993, 270–271. Riding 2010, 299; Drake 2015, 302; Bernard 2019, 193. Nash 1998, 221; Riding 2010, 175; Bernard 2019, 194. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 257. von Waldegg 1978. Rich 1962, 9. Picasso, quoted in McCully 1981, 224. Christie’s 2020, cat. no. 5, 18339. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 258. Bernard 2019, 195. Rosbottom 2014, 294. Boggs 1992, 274. Christie’s 2020, cat. no. 5, 18339. Sylvester 1988, 142. Sotheby’s 2010, cat. no. 127, L10007. Ullmann 1993, 355. Christie’s 2009, cat. no. 116, 7736; Christie’s 2005, cat. no. 489, 7060. Drake 2015, 334–335. Boggs 1992, 274. Christie’s 2020, cat. no. 5, 18339. Daix 1993, 269; Ullmann 1993, 350; Müller 2002, 57; Baldassari 2006a, 311. Others date the start of the sculpture to March (Bernard 2019, 192). Cabanne 1979, 357 ; Goggin 1985, 214. Goggin 1985, 259; Mahler 2015, 188–189. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 189, 206. Sotheby’s 2015, cat. no. 45, N09340. Quoted in Brassaï 1999, 60. Goggin 1985, 263,

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Notes to Chapter Eight 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72

73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101

303

Fattal 2017, 11, Bernard 2019, 192. Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 172, 14240. Goggin 1985, 264; Cabanne 1979, 344; Nash 1998, 221; Bernard 2019, 192. O’Brian 1994, 366–367. Sotheby’s 2019, cat. no. 210, PF1906A. Christie’s 2008, cat. no. 34, 1994. Daemgen 2005, 34. Others date their first encounter simply to May (Cabanne 1979, 351; Goggin 1985, 248; Gohr 1988, 12; Caws 2000, 169; Förster 2001, 117; Müller 2002, 57; Milde 2002, 401; Baldassari 2006a, 311; Cendoya, Dupuis-Labbé & Torras 2007, 327; Andral 2009, 200; Dagen 2009, 489; Morris 2010, 230; Mahler 2015, 204; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 119; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33; Bernard 2019, 194). Tosatto, et al. 2019, 188. Gilot & Lake 1964, 14. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 260. Goggin 1985, 268–269. Baldassari 2006a, 311. Goggin 1985, 269. Baldassari, et al. 2002, 382. Others date their first visit to May 13 (Cabanne 1979, 351). Cabanne 1979, 352. Daix 1993, 271. Goggin 1985, 270. Goggin 1985, 271. Baring 2017, 203. Goggin 1985, 272. Rubin, et al. 1996, pp. 387, 389 and 392. Christie’s 2017, cat. no. 36A, 15004. Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 260. Nash 1998, 221; Riding 2010, 301; Rosbottom 2014, 296; Drake 2015, 308; Bernard 2019, 195. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 210. Ullmann 1993, 262. Cabanne 1979, 352. Goggin 1985, 273. Riding 2010, 220. Cox 2009, 131. Drake 2015, 343–344. Boggs 1992, 277–278. Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 36, 11789. Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 23C, 12069; Sotheby’s 2011, cat. no. 9, L11002. Goggin 1985, 301. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 188.

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304 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144

Notes to Chapter Eight

Riding 2010, 297. Gallwitz 1971, 60. Brassaï 1999, 221. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 214. Daix 1977, 310. Goggin 1985, 281. Drake 2015, 333. Riding 2010, 154. Berggruen 2002. 136. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 212. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 188. Bernard 2019, 32–33. Ullmann 1993, 258. Nash 1998, 222; Bernard 2019, 196. Goggin 1985, 275; Nash 1998, 222; Bernard 2019, 196. Goggin 1985, 294. Leiris 1992, 17. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 218. Baldassari 2006a, 243–244. Penrose 1960, 50. Goggin 1985, 294. Zervos 1959, p. ix. Clapier-Valladon 1983, 5–17; Bernard 2019, 38–39. Rosbottom 2014, 305. Cabanne 1979, 354; Goggin 1985, 297; Ullmann 1993, 279; Nash 1998, 222; Riding 2010, 87; Bernard 2019, 196. Ullmann 1993, 279; Nash 1998, 222; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 196. Goggin 1985, 298–299. Ullmann 1993, 279. Brassai 1999, 59. Boggs 1992, 281–282. Goggin 1985, 298. Ullmann 1993, 267. Goggin 1985, 302. Rosbottom 2014, 305. Nash 1998, 222; Bernard 2019, 193. Goggin 1985, 303. Gilot & Lake 1964, 74. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 216. Nash 1998, 222; Drake 2015, 338–339. Goggin 1985, 305. Nash 1998, 222; Utley 2000, 30; Baldassari 2006a, 241; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 188, 202–203. Rosbottom 2014, 187. Goggin 1985, 159; Monod-Fontaine 1994, 58. Others date this event to spring (Bernard 2019, 195); or to August (Nash 1998, 222).

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Notes to Chapter Eight

305

145 Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 29, 2844. 146 Christie’s 2006, cat. no. 140, 7243. 147 Sotheby’s 2014, cat. no. 53, N09139; Sotheby’s 2002, cat. no. 39, N07838. 148 Sotheby’s 2019, cat. no. 3, N10067. 149 Daix 1993, 272. 150 Goggin 1985, 307. 151 Goggin 1985, 308. 152 Goggin 1985, 307–308. 153 Sotheby’s 2012, cat. no. 58, N08898. 154 Christie’s 2009, cat. no. 33, 2216. 155 Léal 1996, p. 395. 156 Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 31B, 12145. 157 Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 8A, 15971. 158 Christie’s 2009, cat. no. 121, 7703. 159 d’Ors 1936, cited in Richardson 2010, 11. 160 Quoted in FitzGerald 1997, 34. 161 Quoted in Spurling 2006, 395. 162 Quoted in Nash 1998, 27–28. 163 Cabanne 1979, 355; also Daix 1993, 271. Others report a longer hiding period from October, 1943 through spring, 1944 (Bernard 2019, 196). 164 Goggin 1985, 310–311. 165 Mahler 2015, 135; Bernard 2019, 196. 166 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 235. 167 Förster 2001, 119; Müller 2002, 57. 168 Goggin 1985, 317. 169 Goggin 1985, 275, 312; Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 272; Daemgen 2005, 34; Bernard 2019, 196. 170 Brassaï 1999, 135. 171 O’Brian 1994, 376. 172 Goggin 1985, 324; Sotheby’s 2010, cat. no. 1, N08675. 173 Förster 2001, 119, 120. 174 Brassaï 1999, 134–136. 175 Quoted in Brassaï 1999, 144–145. 176 Christie’s 2008, cat. no. 293, 2046; Christie’s 2010, cat. no. 349, 2354. 177 Fondation Beyeler, Riehen/Basel, 2012. 178 Ullmann 1993, 220. 179 Goggin 1985, 323. 180 Sotheby’s 2005, cat. no. 149, L05009. 181 Bernadac, et al. 1988, 80–81. 182 Goggin 1985, 323. 183 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 228–229.

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306

Notes to Chapter Nine

NINE

1944 Femme en bleu 1 Riding 2010, 291. 2 O’Brian 1994, 378. 3 Brassaï, cited in Caws 2000, 171-172. 4 Brassaï 1999, 276. 5 Gilot & Lake 1964, 86. 6 Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 53, 2477. 7 Goggin 1985, 336–337. 8 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 240. 9 Riding 2010, 272. 10 Bernard 2019, 247. 11 Ullmann 1993, 338–339. 12 Rothenberg & Joris 2004, 260–261. 13 Cabanne 1979, 357; Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 272; Monod-Fontaine 1994, 59; Baer 1998, 84; also Müller 2002, 57; Daemgen 2005, 34; Morris 2010, 230. 14 Goggin 1985, 339. 15 Goggin 1985, 338–339. 16 Goggin 1985, 339; Ullmann 1993, 213; Riding 2010, 183; Bernard 2019, 246. 17 Cabanne 1979, 358; Daix 1993, 272; Monod-Fontaine 1994, 59; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 216; Bernard 2019, 247; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Others date his arrest to FEBRUARY 22 (Gohr 1988, 12). 18 Goggin 1985, 339. 19 Nash 1998, 223; Caws 2000, 168; Müller 2002, 57; Ocaña 2004, 268; Daemgen 2005, 34. 20 Müller 2002, 57; Ocaña 2004, 268; Riding 2010, 183. 21 Goggin 1985, 339–340. 22 Cabanne 1979, 358; Monod-Fontaine 1994, 59; Nash 1998, 223; Caws 2000, 168; Daemgen 2005, 34; Dagen 2009, 489; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 120; Bernard 2019, 247. Others date the death to March 6 (Baldassari 2006a, 311; Riding 2010, 183). 23 Sotheby’s 1999, cat. no. 144, NY7305. 24 Goggin 1985, 342. 25 Ullmann 1993, 272. 26 Christie’s 2005, cat. no. 42, 7021. 27 Goggin 1985, 343. 28 Baldassari 2006a, 311; Bernard 2019, 246; Riding 2010, 183). The burial is postponed until March 21 (cf. Nash 1998, 223; Riding 2010, 183. 29 Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 120; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 240–241. 30 Cabanne 1979, 358; Fluegel 1980, 353; Goggin 1985, 78, 344–345; Gohr 1988, 12; Daix 1993, 272; Seckel, Chevrière & Henry 1994, 276; MonodFontaine 1994, 59; Nash 1998, 223; Caws 2000, 169; Förster 2001, 121; Müller 2002, 57; Ocaña 2004, 268; Daemgen 2005, 34; Baldassari 2005a,

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Notes to Chapter Nine

31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68

307

248; Baldassari 2006a, 311; Cendoya, Dupuis-Labbé & Torras 2007, 327; Bertrand-Dorléac 2008, 218–219; Dagen 2009, 489; Riding 2010, 185; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33; Bernard 2019, 246; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Others date this reading earlier to March 16 (Müller 2002, 57); or simply to spring (Penrose 1981a, 338). Nash 1998, 223; Förster 2001, 123; Bernard 2019, 247. Bernard 2019, 247. Sotheby’s 2007, cat. no. 39, L07007. Baer 1998, 97. Christie’s 2008, cat. no. 83, 2045. Boggs 1992, 284. Sotheby’s 2009, cat. no. 9, N08546. Boggs 1992, 284. Goggin 1985, 347; Bernard 2019, 198. Others date the resumption of his visits simply to April (Bernard 2019, 247). Goggin 1985, 347; Nash 1998, 224; Bernard 2019, 247. Cabanne 1979, 361; Goggin 1985, 347; Riding 2010, 185. Boggs 1992, 284. Drake 2015, 359. Christie’s 2007, cat. no. 055, 1831. Daix 1993, 272. Christie’s 2006, cat. no. 135, 7243. Goggin 1985, 353. Christie’s 2004, cat. no. 17, 1429. Sotheby’s 2015, cat. no. 44, N09340. Drake 2015, 359–360; Bernard 2019, 249. Goggin 1985, 351; Drake 2015, 360–362. Goggin 1985, 351–352. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 350–353; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 240. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 264. Christie’s 2014, cat. no. 314, 2846. FitzGerald 1996, 404–445. Nash 1998, 35. Malraux 1976, 103–104. Ullmann 1993, 256. Ullmann 1993, 253. Goggin 1985, 361. Riding 2010, 305; Bernard 2019, 249; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Rosbottom 2014, 310. Goggin 1985, 362. Förster 2001, 131. Christie’s 2010, cat. no. 241, 7832; Christie’s 2016, cat. no. 287, 11790; Christie’s 2015, cat. no. 136, 10379. Förster 2001, 125; Baring 2017, 212; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33. Luque Teruel 2005, 535.

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308 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96

97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107

Notes to Chapter Nine

Madeline 2019, 26. Bernard 2019, 247. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 241, 268–269. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 343. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 268–269. Rosbottom 2014, 313. Riding 2010, 304; Drake 2015, 370. Bruno Leroux in Marcot, Leroux & Levisse-Touze 2006, 636. Drake 2015, 368. Drake 2015, 372–373. Sotheby’s 2019, cat. no. 15, L19002; Sotheby’s 2014, cat. no. 11, N09219. Christie’s 2007, cat. no. 0071, 1900. Christie’s 2013, cat. no. 35, 3567. Sotheby’s 2004, cat. no. 58, N08022; Bernard 2019, 248. Boggs 1992, 286. Sotheby’s 2004, cat. no. 54, L04007; Sotheby’s 2012, cat. no. 29, N08898. Ullmann 1993, 273; Sotheby’s 2017, cat. no. 8, L17002. Cabanne 1979, 361. Nash 1998, 224; Rosbottom 2014, 319; Drake 2015, 379. Drake 2015, 382. Sotheby’s 2005, cat. no. 31, N08125. Rosbottom 2014, 318. Drake 2015, 383. Rosbottom 2014, 318; Drake 2015, 379. Others date his arrival to August 10 (Goggin 1985, 369). Gilot & Lake 1964, 61. Drake 2015, 387–388. Goggin 1985, 373; Rosbottom 2014, 325; Limousin, et al. 2019, 143. Goggin 1985, 373; Nash 1998, 224; Utley 2000, 34; Daemgen 2005, 35; Baldassari 2006a, 311; Bernard 2019, 248. Others date the move earlier to mid-August (Gohr 1988, 12). Riding 2010, 309. Drake 2015, 394; Rosbottom 2014, 310–311. Goggin 1985, 1; Ullmann 1993, 215; Riding 2010, 308. Rosbottom 2014, 311, 315. Goggin 1985, 379; Drake 2015, 403; Cox 2010, 110. Penrose 1981a, 350. Nash 1998, 35–37. Goggin 1985, 377–378; Daix 1993, 278. Goggin 1985, 374; Utley 2000, 35. Goggin 1985, 379; Riding 2010, 312–313; Rosbottom 2014, 322; Drake 2015, 406; Bernard 2019, 249. Drake 2015, 407.

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309

108 Cabanne 1979, 362; Goggin 1985, 380. 109 Daemgen 2005, 35; Dagen 2009, 489; Bernard 2019, 248; Christie’s 2006, cat. no. 7, 1722. 110 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 257. 111 Spies 2011, 194. 112 Cabanne 1979, 343; Daix 1993, 267; Spies 2011, 195. 113 Goggin 1985, 1; FitzGerald 1998, 113; Utley 2000, 63; Riding 2010, 185. 114 Rosbottom 2014, 202. 115 Gildea 2019, 161–162. 116 Mahler 2015, 190. 117 Cabanne 1979, 362; Gohr 1988, 12. 118 Quoted in Utley 1998, 73. 119 Quoted in Gilot & Lake 1964, 46. 120 Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 8A, 15971. 121 Nash 1998, 225; Utley 1998, 79; Utley 2000, 63; Bernard 2019, 248; Limousin, et al. 2019, 215. Others date the meeting to October 6 (Baldassari 2006a, 311). 122 Daix 1993, 277; Nash 1998, 225; Ocaña 2004, 268; Utley 2000, 3; Bernard 2019, 248; Tosatto, et al. 2019, 241. 123 Cabanne 1979, 365; Gohr 1988, 12; Nash 1998, 225; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 383; Müller 2002, 57; Milde 2002, 401; Daemgen 2005, 35; Dagen 2009, 489; Morris 2010, 230; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 123; Limousin, et al. 2019, 215. 124 Baldassari 2006a, 311; Bernard 2019, 248. 125 Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 359–368. 126 Gohr 1988, 12; Monod-Fontaine 1994, 60; Nash 1998, 225; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 383; Müller 2002, 57; Milde 2002, 401; Daemgen 2005, 35; Baldassari 2006a, 311; Dagen 2009, 489; Bernard 2019, 248; Limousin, et al. 2019, 215. Others date the opening to October 7 (Ocaña 2004, 268); and the closing to November 15 (Nash 1998, 225). 127 Goggin 1985, 382; Warncke 1991, 456. 128 Christie’s 2018, cat. no. 8A, 15971. 129 Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33. 130 Ocaña 2004, 268; Morris 2010, 230; Bernard 2019, 250; Limousin, et al. 2019, 215. Others date the event earlier to October 9 (Utley 2000, 54); or even earlier to October 8 (Baldassari 2006a, 311). 131 Cabanne 1979, 366; Penrose 1981a, 353; Daix 1993, 277; Nash 1998, 225; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 383; Morris 2010, 230. 132 O’Brian 1994, 373–376. 133 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 242. 134 Caws 2000, 178; also Baring 2017, 208; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33; Bernard 2019, 254.

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310

Notes to Chapter Ten

TEN

1945 Le charnier 1 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 274. 2 Baldassari 2006a, 251. 3 Caws 2000, 172–177. 4 Mahler 2015, 204. 5 Limousin, et al. 2019, 175. 6 Bernard 2019, 279; Limousin, et al. 2019, 215. 7 Richardson 2010, 348. 8 Baldassari 2006a, 251; Bernard 2019, 247; Utley 1998, 77. 9 Warncke & Walther 1991, 463–467. 10 Daix 1965, 191; Ullmann 1993, 368. 11 Utley 1998, 78; Nash 1998, 226; Bernard 2019, 278. 12 Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33. 13 Bernard 2019, 278. 14 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 275, 285. 15 Brassaï 1999, 205. 16 Christie’s 2011, cat. no. 339, 2479. 17 Warncke & Walther 1991, 459–461. 18 Quoted in Nash 1998, 78. 19 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 275, 288. 20 Bernard 2019, 281. 21 Ullmann 1993, 305. 22 Boggs 1992, 291. 23 Gilot & Lake 1964, 120. 24 Schiff 1985, 98; Boggs 1992, 291. 25 Penrose 1981a, 343. 26 Steinberg 1971, 27. 27 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 293. 28 Boggs 1992, 292. 29 Gilot & Lake 1964, 120. 30 Nash, Orr, et al. 1999, 140. 31 Christie’s 2003, cat. no. 82, 6677. 32 Richardson 2010, 348; Morris 2010, 230. Others date this event simply to April (Baldassari 2006a, 312; Bernard 2019, 283). 33 Utley 1998, 78. 34 Ullmann 1993, 368–370. 35 Utley 1998, 78; Müller 2002, 57; Richardson 2010, 348. 36 Rosenblum 1998, 52–53. 37 Spies 2011, 244–245. 38 Fraquelli 2009, 141–145. 39 Ullmann 1993, 379–382. 40 Boggs 1992, 294. 41 Baldassari, et al. 2002, 383. 42 Brassaï 1999, 200.

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Notes to Chapter Ten 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51

52 53 54 55

56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64

65 66 67 68 69 70 71

311

Christie’s 2007, cat. no. 642, 7356. Cabanne 1979, 373–374; Förster 2001, 127; Baldassari 2006a, 312; Baring 2017, 208; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33; Bernard 2019, 280. Caws 2000, 178. Caws 2000, 187–189. Cabanne 1979, 379. Brassaï 1999, 134. Sotheby’s 2010, cat. no. 5, PF1031. Brigitte Léal in Régnier 1990, 168. Baldassari, et al. 2002, 384; Limousin, et al. 2019, 215. Others date the closing to July 3 (Nash 1998, 227); or to July 18 (Andral, Daix & Spies 2006, 273; Andral 2009, 200; Richardson 2010, 348; Bernard 2019, 282). Cabanne 1979, 382. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 276; Bernard 2019, 282. Bernard 2019, 283. Cabanne 1979, 379; Daix 1993, 283; Müller 2002, 57; Andral, Daix & Spies 2006, 273; Andral 2009, 200. Others date the trip simply to July (Gohr 1988, 13; Nash 1998, 228; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 384; Milde 2002, 401; Daemgen 2005, 35; Dagen 2009, 489; Bernard 2019, 282); even more generally to summer (Mahler 2015, 204); or later to August (Penrose 1981a, 357). Cabanne 1979, 379; Daemgen 2005, 35. Daix 1993, 283; Nash 1998, 228; Müller 2002, 57; Baldassari 2006a, 312. Richardson 2010, 348. Baring 2017, 203. Caws 2000, 187–189. Penrose 1981a, 357; Gohr 1988, 13; Daix 1993, 283; also Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33. Daix 1993, 283. Cabanne 1979, 382; Nash 1998, 228; Dagen 2009, 489; Richardson 2010, 348. Others date the return later to August 10 (Ocaña 2004, 269); or even later to mid-August (Daix 1993, 283; Richardson 2010, 348); or simply to August (Gohr 1988, 13; Nash 1998, 228; Daemgen 2005, 35; Baldassari 2006a, 312; Andral, Daix & Spies 2006, 273; Andral 2009, 200; Mahler 2015, 204; Bernard 2019, 282). Bois 1999, 180. Baldassari, et al. 2002, 384. Nash 1998, 228; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 384. Bernard 2019, 282. Léal, Piot & Bernadac 2000, 359–368. Others date the opening to September 25 (Baldassari, et al. 2002, 384). Nash 1998, 228; Ocaña 2004, 269; Daemgen 2005, 35; Andral, Daix & Spies 2006, 273; Andral 2009, 200; Richardson 2010, 348; Bernard 2019, 282.

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312 72 73 74 75 76 77 78

79 80 81 82 83 84 85

86 87 88 89

Notes to Chapter Ten and Eleven

Alvarez, et al. 2019, 33. Baldassari, et al. 2002, 384. Warncke & Walther 1991, 508–509. Others date his return to early November (Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 126). On October 15, 1945 (Drake 2015, 418; Bernard 2019, 283). Cowling 2016, 174. Cabanne 1979, 379; Gohr 1988, 13; Nash 1998, 228; Müller 2002, 57; Ocaña 2004, 269; Daemgen 2005, 36; Baldassari 2006a, 312; Andral, Daix & Spies 2006, 273; Andral 2009, 200; Dagen 2009, 489; Richardson 2010, 348; Bernard 2019, 282. Daix 1993, 284. Tosatto, et al. 2019, 275. Cabanne 1979, 380. Bouvard 2019, 153. Monod-Fontaine 1994, 60. Sotheby’s 2003, cat. no. 61, L03007. Cendoya, Dupuis-Labbé & Torras 2007, 327. Others date the opening earlier to November 1 (Little 2012, 225); later to December 15 (Bernard 2019, 284); or simply to December (Gohr 1988, 13; Dagen 2009, 489), Andral, Daix & Spies 2006, 273; Andral 2009, 200. Others indicate twenty-five paintings (Richardson 2010, 350); or twentyfour paintings (Little 2012, 225). Baldassari, et al. 2002, 384. Penrose 1981a, 355; Nash 1998, 228; Müller 2002, 57; Richardson 2010, 350; Morris 2010, 230.

ELEVEN

1946 La joie de vivre 1 Tosatto, et al. 2019, 304–306. 2 Daunay & Janick 2007, 16–22. 3 Daix 1993, 288. 4 Baldassari 2006a, 312. 5 Sotheby’s 2014, cat. no. 116, N09216. 6 Daix 1993, 285; Müller 2002, 57; Baldassari 2006a, 312; Andral, Daix & Spies 2006, 273; Andral 2009, 200; Richardson 2010, 350; Morris 2010, 230; Limousin, et al. 2019, 215. 7 Utley 1998, 79. 8 Cabanne 1979, 372. 9 Daix 1993, 287. 10 Baldassari, et al. 2002, 384. Others date her trip later to mid-March (Daix 1993, 288). 11 Müller 2002, 57. 12 Boeck & Sabartés 1955, 262–277. 13 Christie’s, 2002, cat. no. 160, 6683.

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Notes to Chapter Eleven 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

22 23

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

38 39 40

41 42 43

313

Daix 1993, 287. Others dates this visit to spring (Förster 2001, 133). Baring 2017, 215. Daix 1993, 287. Baring 2017, 20. Sotheby’s 2008, cat. no. 34, PF8019. Tinterow, cited in Boggs 1992, 301. Ullmann 1993, 279. Ocaña 2004, 269; Andral, Daix & Spies 2006, 273; Andral 2009, 200; Richardson 2010, 350; Mahler 2015, 204. Others date the visit to the end of February (Müller 2002, 57); or early March (Baldassari, et al. 2002, 384). Gilot & Grant 2014. Daix 1993, 288; Ocaña 2004, 269; Richardson 2010, 350; Mahler 2015, 204. Others date the return simply to April (Daemgen 2005, 36; Andral, Daix & Spies 2006, 273; Andral 2009, 200). Barr 1946, 250. Daix 1993, 281. Utley 1998, 78. Baldassari, et al. 2002, 385. Others date her move simply to April (Dagen 2009, 489; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 126). Baring 2017, 203. Daix 1993, 289. FitzGerald 1996, 416. Elgar 1972, 123. Christie’s 2013, cat. no. 136, 1132. Milde 2002, 401; Andral 2009, 200. Gilot and Lake 1965, 117; Baldassari, et al. 2002, 385. Daix 1993, 291. Cabanne 1979, 383. Daix 1993, 291. Others date the trip to mid-July (Cabanne 1979, 383); to early July (Baldassari, et al. 2002, 385; Müller 2002, 58; Ocaña 2004, 270; Andral, Daix & Spies 2006, 273; Andral 2009, 200; Richardson 2010, 350; Mahler 2015, 204); or simply July (Daemgen 2005, 36; Dagen 2009, 489); or even just summer (Caws 2000, 190; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 126). Andral, Daix & Spies 2006, 274. Others date their encounter around September 8 (Daemgen 2005, 36; Richardson 2010, 350). Cabanne 1979, 387. Müller 2002, 58. Others date his move to the Château Grimaldi to July (Morris 2010, 230); August (Utley 2000, 8); or mid-September (Andral 2009, 200); or simply October (Dagen 2009, 489). Boeck & Sabartés 1955, 262–277. Baring 2017, 20. Cabanne 1979, 390 Caws 2000, 185; Förster 2001, 135 Milde 2002, 401 Ocaña 2004, 270 Andral 2009, 200 Dagen 2009, 489; Richardson

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314

44 45 46 47

Notes to Chapter Eleven

2010, 351; Caruncho & Fàbregas 2017, 129; Baring 2017, 211; Alvarez, et al. 2019, 34. Caws 2000, 185. Daix 1993, 289; Caws 2000, 185; O’Brian 1994, 382. The Guardian. March 12, 2019. Baring 2017, 35.

mallen - maar 9 - index 11/02/2021 13:59 Page 315

Cited Works of Picasso [1] [2] [3]

[4] [5]

[6] [7]

[8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13]

[14]

[15] [16]

Portrait de Marie-Thérèse Walter. Juan-les-Pins. April/1936. Pastel on paper. Private collection. OPP.36:038. Portrait de jeune fille. Juan-les-Pins. 3-April/1936. Oil on canvas. 55,5 x 46 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:028. Personnage au coquillage. Juan-les-Pins. 5-April/1936. Oil, graphite & color pencil on canvas. 46 x 38 cm. Fundación Almine & Bernard RuizPicasso para el Arte. (Inv 12709). OPP.36:030. Minotaure à la carriole. Juan-les-Pins. 6-April/1936. Oil on canvas. 45,5 x 54,5 cm. The Picasso Estate. OPP.36:005. Homme au masque, femme et enfant dans son berceau. Juan-les-Pins. 7-April/1936. Pen, India ink & tinted wash on paper. 50 x 65,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:072. Femme au buffet. Juan-les-Pins. 9-April/1936. Oil on canvas. 55 x 46 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:014. Minotaure et femme. Juan-les-Pins. 10-April/1936. Pencil & India ink with crushed petals. 50 x 66 cm. Marina Picasso Collection. (Inv 03868). OPP.36:037. Femme devant une coiffeuse. Juan-les-Pins. 11-April/1936. Oil on canvas. 61 x 50 cm. Michelle Rosenfeld Gallery. 2007. OPP.36:015. Coiffeuse. Juan-les-Pins. 11-April/1936. Pencil. 64 x 48 cm. Private collection. OPP.36:167. Buste de femme. Juan-les-Pins. 13-April/1936. Oil on canvas. 55 x 46 cm. Sotheby’s. #50, HK0852, 03/29-04/02/19. OPP.36:016. Tête de femme à la fenêtre. Juan-les-Pins. 13-April/1936. Oil on canvas. 55 x 45,7 cm. Sotheby’s. #17, N08898, 11/05/12. OPP.36:017. Buste de femme. Juan-les-Pins. 15-April/1936. Oil on canvas. 61 x 50 cm. Marina Picasso Collection. (Inv 12714). OPP.36:018. Femme au bouquet. Juan-les-Pins. 17-April/1936. Oil on canvas. 73 x 60,3 [60] cm. Michael and Judy Steinhardt Collection, NY. OPP.36:020. Baigneuse à la cabine. Juan-les-Pins. 19–21, 22-April/1936. India ink & tinted wash on paper folded in two. 26 x 17,3 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:041. Portrait de femme. Juan-les-Pins. 20-April/1936. Oil on canvas. 41 x 33 cm. The Picasso Estate. OPP.36:021. Homme au masque, femme et enfant dans ses bras. Juan-les-Pins. 23-

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316

[17] [18] [19] [20] [21]

[22] [23] [24] [25] [26] [27]

[28]

[29]

[30]

[31]

[32]

[33]

Cited Works of Picasso

April/1936. Pen, India ink & tinted wash on paper. 65,5 x 50,3 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:074. Tête de femme. Juan-les-Pins. 25-April/1936. Oil on canvas. 46 x 38 cm. The Picasso Estate. OPP.36:025. Famille mythologique. Juan-les-Pins. 27-April/1936. Pen, India ink & wash on paper. 62 x 48 cm. Private collection. OPP.36:077. Composition. Juan-les-Pins. 27-April/1936. India ink. 25,5 x 34,5 cm. Private collection. OPP.36:078. Nu couché et profil. Juan-les-Pins. 28-April/1936. India ink on paper. 17,2 x 25,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:176. Deux femmes enlacées. Juan-les-Pins. 29-April/1936. Oil & charcoal on canvas. 65 x 53,9 cm. Paloma Ruiz-Picasso Collection. OPP.36:012. Femme à la montre. Juan-les-Pins. 30-April/1936. Oil on canvas. 65 x 54,2 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:013. Le chapeau de paille au feuillage bleu. Juan-les-Pins. 1-May/1936. Oil on canvas. 61 x 50 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:008. Tête. Juan-les-Pins. 1-May/1936. Oil on canvas. 61 x 50 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:009. Nature morte. Juan-les-Pins. May/1936. Oil on canvas. 73 x 60 cm. Fundación Almine & Bernard Ruiz-Picasso para el Arte. OPP.36:178. Nature morte aux citrons. Juan-les-Pins. May/1936. Oil on canvas. 65 x 54,2 cm. Christie’s. #1280, 12147, 11/17/16. OPP.36:179. Minotaure et jument morte devant une grotte face à une fille au voile. Juan-les-Pins. 6-May/1936. Gouache, India ink and incisions on vellum Arches paper. 50,4 x 65,6 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:004. Minotaure blessé, cavalier et personnages. Juan-les-Pins. 8-May/1936. India ink & gouache on paper. 50 x 65,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:066. Composition au Minotaure. Juan-les-Pins. 9-May/1936. Gouache, pen & ink & pencil on paper. 50,2 by 65,2 cm. Sotheby’s. #18, L14002, 02/05/14. Formerly Marina Picasso Collection. OPP.36:081. Scène de la minotauromachie: Minotaure blessé, cheval et personnages. Juan-les-Pins. 10-May/1936. Pen, India ink & gouache on paper. 50 x 65 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:003. La dépouille du Minotaure en costume d’arlequin. Paris. 28May/1936. Gouache & India ink on paper. 44 x 54,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:071. Faune dévoilant une dormeuse. Paris. 12-June/1936. Etching & aquatint on Montval, edition 250. 36,8 x 44,5 cm. UCLA Grunwald Center for the Graphic Arts, Hammer Museum, Los Angeles. (Inv 1966.31.1). OPP.36:032. Fête de la Bastille. Paris. 13-June/1936. Pencil on six sheets pasted together. 68 x 67 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:181.

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Cited Works of Picasso [34] [35] [36]

[37] [38]

[39]

[40]

[41]

[42]

[43]

[44] [45]

[46]

[47]

[48]

[49]

[50]

317

Colombe. Paris. Post-8-July/1936. Color pencil on front page of Marianne, 07/08/36. 38 x 54,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:283. Couple enlacé. Paris. 29-July/1936. India ink on paper. 34,5 x 51 cm. Private collection. OPP.36:184. Composition: Dora Maar et figure antique. Paris. 1-August/1936. India ink wash on paper. 34,5 x 51 cm. Private collection, Belgium. OPP.36:048. Faune, cheval et oiseau. Paris. 5-August/1936. India ink, watercolor & gouache on paper. 44,2 x 54,4 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:068. Nu couché étoilé. Paris. 12-August–2-October/1936. Oil on canvas. 130,6 x 162,5 cm. Musée National d’Art Moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris. (Inv AM.1984.633). OPP.36:001. Dora sur la plage. Mougins. Mid-August–20-September/1936. Pencil on paper. 40,3 x 31,6 cm. Sotheby’s. #105, PF1956, 03/28/19. OPP.36:052. Dora et le Minotaure. Mougins. 5-September/1936. Charcoal, India ink, crayons & scraper on paper. 40,5 x 72 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.36:036. Portrait de Dora Maar (‘Fait par cœur’). Mougins. 11September/1936. Ink on blue paper. 27 x 21 cm. Private collection. OPP.36:043. Dora Maar en robe à pois. Mougins. 14-September/1936. Pencil & stump drawing. 37 x 27 cm. Sotheby’s. #118, PF0006, 03/27/20. OPP.36:046. Dora Maar en femme oiseau. Paris. 28-September/1936. Lead pencil & ink wash on blue paper. 21 x 27 cm. Private collection, Quimper. OPP.36:051. Portrait de Dora Maar. Paris. 11-November/1936. Oil on canvas. 66 x 53,3 cm. Sotheby’s. #85, 11/08/95. OPP.36:188. Dora Maar à la coiffe. Paris. 13-November/1936. Brush & ink, wash & pencil on paper. 40,5 x 31,5 cm. Sotheby’s. #35, L14002, 02/05/14. OPP.36:189. Nature morte: poissons et poêle. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 8December/1936. Oil on canvas. 50 x 61 cm. Christie’s. #44, 7599, 06/24/08. OPP.36:216. Compotier de poires. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 15-December/1936. Oil on canvas. 38 x 61 cm. Tate Modern, London. (Inv T03572). OPP.36:089. Nature morte au bougeoir, oiseau mort et livre ouvert. Le Tremblaysur-Mauldre. 16-December/1936. Oil on canvas. 46 x 54 cm. Sotheby’s. #95, 11/27/95. OPP.36:197. La mansarde du poète. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 18-December/1936. Oil & charcoal on canvas. 97,2 x 130,2 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, NYC. (Inv 1997.149.3). OPP.36:002. Figure de femme debout. Paris. 27-December/1936. Oil, gouache,

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318

[51] [52] [53] [54] [55]

[56]

[57] [58] [59]

[60] [61]

[62]

[63]

[64]

[65] [66] [67]

[68]

Cited Works of Picasso

pencil & watercolor on paper. 40,4 x 31,4 cm. Sotheby’s. #167, L06006, 02/08/06. OPP.36:097. Tête de Dora Maar. Paris. 27-December/1936. Oil on paper. 40,5 x 31,5 cm. Private collection. OPP.36:199. Tête de Dora Maar. Paris. 27-December/1936. Oil on canvas. 55 x 46 cm. Private collection. OPP.36:200. Oiseaux dans une cage. Paris. 1937. Oil on canvas. 81,5 x 60,7 cm. Christie’s. #55, 1429, 11/03/04. OPP.37:151. Femme assise. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 6-January/1937. Oil on canvas. 100 x 81 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:008. Sueño y mentira de Franco I. Paris. 8-January/1937. Etching & aquatint on Montval. 31,7 x 42,2 cm. Fundació Palau, Caldes d’Estrac. (Inv 0000771). OPP.37:056. Femme à la couronne de fleurs. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 15January/1937. Oil & pencil on canvas. 55 x 46 cm. Christie’s. #25A, 3789, 11/09/15. OPP.37:050. Portrait de la marquise de cul chrétien. Paris. 19-January/1937. Oil on canvas. 38 x 46 cm. Joe Lewis Collection. OPP.37:227. Viol. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 22-January/1937. Pencil on paper. 21,5 x 27,5 cm. The Picasso Estate. OPP.37:241. Portrait de Dora Maar pensive. Paris. 28-January/1937. Pencil & stump on paper. 31 x 40,2 cm. Sotheby’s. #1, L10006, 06/22/10. OPP.37:061. Poupée et femme se noyant. Paris. 28-January/1937. Pencil on paper. 40,2 x 31,5 cm. Galería Gullermo de Osma, Madrid. OPP.37:224. Nature morte à la bougie. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 29January/1937. Oil on canvas. 38 x 46 cm. Opera Gallery. Formerly Sotheby’s. #50, L13006, 06/19/13. OPP.37:184. Marie-Thérèse avec une guirlande. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 6February/1937. Oil & pencil on canvas. 62 x 46 cm. Maya Widmaier Picasso Collection, Paris. OPP.37:137. Baigneuse à la cabine sautant à la corde. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 6February/1937. Pencil on paper. 17,5 x 26 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:174. Baigneuse sous Soleil Noir (Adora). Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 9February/1937. Pencil on paper. 23,5 x 29 cm. Groupe Piasa, Paris. 10/27-28/98. OPP.37:249. Portrait de Dora Maar. Paris. 13-February/1937. Lead pencil, pastel & scratching drawing. 29 x 23 cm. Private collection. OPP.37:062. Grande baigneuse au livre. Paris. 18-February/1937. Oil, pastel & charcoal on canvas. 130 x 97,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:002. Minotaure dans une barque et femmes. Paris. 19-February/1937. Pencil & pastel on cardboard. 23,2 x 20,5 cm. Christie’s. #10, 17191, 06/18/19. OPP.37:052. Baigneuses, sirènes, femme nue et Minotaure. Paris. March/1937.

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Cited Works of Picasso

[69] [70]

[71]

[72]

[73]

[74]

[75] [76] [77]

[78]

[79]

[80]

[81]

[82]

[83]

[84]

319

Ripolin, gouache & pen & India ink on board. 22,5 x 26,8 cm. Christie’s. #65, 20201, 07/10/20. OPP.37:132 Portrait de Dora Maar endormie. Paris. 2-March/1937. Pencil on paper. 37,7 x 51 cm. Christie’s. #40A, 15004, 11/13/17. OPP.37:133. Femme assise devant la fenêtre. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 11March/1937. Oil & pastel on canvas. 130 x 97,3 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:009 L’atelier: le peintre et son modèle I. Paris–Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 18-April/1937. Graphite on blue paper. 18 x 28 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:125. L’atelier: le peintre et son modèle VI. Paris–Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 18-April/1937. Graphite on blue paper. 18 x 28 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:127. L’atelier: le peintre et son modèle XI. Paris–Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 18-April/1937. Graphite on blue paper. 18 x 28 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:128. Buste de Minotaure devant une fenêtre. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 19April/1937. Oil on canvas. 75 x 60 cm. Mr. and Mrs. Leo Simon Collection, NY. OPP.37:228. Nature morte. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 21-April/1937. Oil on canvas. 38,1 x 46 cm. Christie’s. #34, 1505, 02/04/14. OPP.37:282. Nature morte. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 25-April/1937. Oil on canvas. 38 x 61,1 cm. Christie’s. #25, 11789, 02/02/16. OPP.37:221. Nature morte au chandelier. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. EndApril/1937. Oil on canvas. 64,8 x 53,3 cm. Christie’s. #18, 1505, 02/04/14. OPP.37:352. Guernica (Étude) I. Paris. 1-May–4-June/1937. Pencil on blue paper. 21 x 26,9 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. Bequest of the artist. OPP.37:072. Deux femmes nues sur la plage. Paris. 1-May/1937. India ink & gouache on wood panel. 22 x 27 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:229. Guernica (Étude) (I). Paris. 8-May/1937. Pencil on white paper. 24,1 x 45,7 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. (Inv DE0063). OPP.37:113. Guernica (Étude) (VII). Paris. 9-May/1937. Pencil on paper. 24 x 45,3 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. (Inv DE00120). OPP.37:070. La femme qui pleure (Étude). Paris. 24-May/1937. Pencil, lead pencil & gouache on paper. 29,2 x 23,2 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. OPP.37:099. Mère et enfant mort (Étude). Paris. 28-May/1937. Black lead, crayon, gouache & natural hair on paper. 23,1 x 29,2 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. (Inv DE00084). OPP.37:066. Guernica. Paris. 11-May–4-June/1937. Oil on canvas. 349,3 x 776,6

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320

[85]

[86]

[87]

[88] [89]

[90] [91] [92] [93] [94] [95]

[96]

[97] [98]

[99] [100]

[101]

Cited Works of Picasso

cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. (Inv DE00050). OPP.37:001. La femme qui pleure. Paris. 8-June/1937. Pencil, color crayon & gray gouache on white paper. 29,1 x 23,2 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. OPP.37:018. La femme qui pleure (Étude). Paris. 13-June/1937. Pencil, crayon & gouache on paper. 29 x 23 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. OPP.37:107. La femme qui pleure au foulard. Paris. 26-June/1937. Oil on canvas. 55 x 46 cm. Los Angeles County Museum of Art. (Inv 55.90). OPP.37:021. La femme qui pleure. Paris. 27-June/1937. Oil on canvas. 55,5 x 45,5 cm. Fondation Beyeler, Riehen/Basel. (Inv 98,3). OPP.37:171. La femme qui pleure. Paris. 2-July/1937. Etching, aquatint, drypoint, scraper on paper. 55 x 46 cm. Fondation Beyeler, Riehen/Basel. OPP.37:371. Paysage. Juan-les-Pins. 13-August/1937. Oil on canvas. 38,1 x 46 cm. Christie’s. #320, 6317, 06/29/00. OPP.37:154. Portrait de femme. Mougins. 14-August/1937. Oil on canvas. 55 x 46 cm. Catherine Hutin-Blay Collection, Paris. OPP.37:293. Tête de femme. Mougins. Mid-August/1937. Oil on canvas. 55,9 x 45,7 cm. Christie’s. #33, 1655, 05/02/06. OPP.37:169. Femme au chapeau de paille. Mougins. 29-August/1937. Oil on canvas. 61 x 50 cm. Christie’s. #31, 1370, 05/04/04. OPP.37:033. Le combat dans l’arène. Paris. 10-October/1937. Drypoint, scratching on copper. 45,8 x 57 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:123. La femme qui pleure. Paris. 13-October/1937. Oil & ink on canvas. 55 x 46 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. Bequest of the artist. OPP.37:093. La femme qui pleure avec mouchoir. Paris. 17-October/1937. Oil on canvas. 92 x 73 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. (Inv DE00106). OPP.37:094. La femme qui pleure. Paris. 18-October/1937. Oil on canvas. 55,3 x 46,3 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:020. Femme au mouchoir. Paris. 18-October/1937. Oil on canvas. 55,2 x 46,2 cm. National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne. (Inv IC1-1986). OPP.37:026. Cheval devant un paysage. Paris. 23-October/1937. India ink & pastel. 29 x 43 cm. Marina Picasso Collection. (Inv 03879). OPP.37:305. Homme tenant un cheval. Paris. 23-October/1937. India ink & pastel on paper. 29 x 43 cm. Nationalgalerie, Museum Berggruen, Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. OPP.37:306. Tête de femme. Paris. 23-October/1937. Pen & black ink & brush & wash on paper. 42,9 x 29 cm. Christie’s. #2A, 17658, 11/11/19. OPP.37:307.

mallen - maar 9 - index 11/02/2021 13:59 Page 321

Cited Works of Picasso [102] [103] [104] [105]

[106]

[107] [108]

[109]

[110]

[111]

[112]

[113]

[114]

[115] [116] [117]

[118] [119]

321

La femme qui pleure. Paris. 26-October/1937. Oil on canvas. 60,8 x 50 cm. Tate Modern, London. (Inv T05010). OPP.37:019. Portrait de Dora Maar. Paris. Late-Fall/1937. Oil on canvas. 92 x 65 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:003. Portrait de Dora Maar. Paris. 23-November/1937. Oil on canvas. 55,3 x 46,3 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:152. Tête de femme. Paris. 26–29-November/1937. Pencil, ink & crayon on canvas. 46,4 x 38,8 cm. Philadelphia Museum of Art. (Inv 1963.181.52). OPP.37:175. La fin d’un monstre. Paris. 6-December/1937. Pencil on paper. 38,6 x 56,3 cm. Scottish National Gallery of Modern Art, Edinburgh. (Inv GMA 3891). OPP.37:131. Buste de femme. Paris. 8-December/1937. Oil on canvas. 55 x 46 cm. Christie’s. #20, 2594, 11/07/12. OPP.37:315. La suppliante. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 18-December/1937. Gouache & ink on wood panel. 24 x 18,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:029. Famille de pêcheurs au repos. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 20December/1937. Graphite & charcoal on squared paper. 21 x 27 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:322. Nature morte: corbeille de fruits et bouteille. Le Tremblay-surMauldre. 29-December/1937. Oil over black conté crayon on canvas. 46,4 x 55,2 cm. Christie’s. #19, 2352, 11/03/10. OPP.37:149. Sur la plage I. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 30-December/1937. Graphite on graph paper. 21 x 27 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:226. Sur la plage II. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 30-December/1937. Graphite on graph paper. 21 x 27 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.37:324. Barque de naïades et faune blessé. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 31December/1937. Oil & charcoal on canvas. 46 x 55 cm. Claude Ruiz-Picasso Collection. OPP.37:034. Minotaure blessé et Naïade. Paris. 1-January/1938. Oil & charcoal on canvas. 46 x 55 cm. Maya Widmaier Picasso Collection, Paris. OPP.38:018. Faune assis. Paris. 2-January/1938. Oil, pencil & charcoal on canvas. 50 x 61 cm. The Picasso Estate. OPP.38:017. Femme à la résille. Paris. 12-January/1938. Oil on canvas. 65,1 x 54 cm. Christie’s. #15A, 3739, 05/11/15. OPP.38:059. Portrait de femme. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 14-January/1938. Oil on canvas. 46 x 38 cm. The Bellagio Gallery of Fine Art, Las Vegas. OPP.38:076. Dora Maar assise. Paris. 2-February/1938. Pastel, India ink & graphite pencil on cardboard. 27 x 21,9 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.38:021. Buste de femme à la chaise. Paris. 8-February, 18-October/1938.

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322

[120]

[121] [122]

[123] [124] [125]

[126] [127] [128] [129] [130]

[131]

[132] [133] [134]

[135] [136] [137]

Cited Works of Picasso

Etching, aquatint & drypoint on Montval. 32 x 24 cm. Musée National d’Art Moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris. (Inv AM.20033(27). OPP.38:105. Nature morte, fruits et pot. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 13February/1938. Oil & Ripolin on canvas. 46 x 55 cm. Christie’s. #34, 16930, 02/27/19. OPP.38:153. La femme au coq. Paris. Mid–End-February/1938. Oil on canvas. 145,5 x 121 cm. Staatsgalerie Stuttgart. (Inv L 1344). OPP.38:090. Nature morte à la pomme et au pichet bleu. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 19-February/1938. Oil on canvas. 20,6 x 24,6 cm. Richard Green Gallery. 2013. OPP.38:259. Buste de femme. Paris. 14-March/1938. Oil on canvas. 46 x 38 cm. Private collection. OPP.38:162. Femme assise. Paris. 15-March/1938. Oil on canvas. 69 x 48,9 cm. Christie’s. #34, 2477, 11/01/11. OPP.38:163. Femmes à leur toilette. Paris. Spring/1938. Glued-on colored paper & gouache mounted on paper. 299 x 448 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.38:081. L’artiste devant sa toile. Paris. 22-March/1938. Charcoal on canvas. 130 x 94 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.38:002. La coiffure. Paris. 22-March/1938. Oil on canvas. 57 x 43,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.38:082. Femme au chapeau. Paris. 16-April/1938. Oil on canvas. 65 x 47 cm. Christie’s. #0039, 7562, 02/04/08. OPP.38:029. La lectrice. Paris. 19-April/1938. Oil on canvas. 66 x 51 cm. Sotheby’s. #41, L08002, 02/05/08. OPP.38:234. Femme assise. Paris. 27-April/1938. Ink, gouache & colored chalk on paper. 76,5 x 56 cm. Fondation Beyeler, Riehen/Basel. (Inv 72.5). OPP.38:063. Femme assise. Paris. 29-April/1938. Ink, gouache, charcoal & pastel on white laid paper. 77,5 x 57,2 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, NYC. (Inv 1999.363.70). OPP.38:062. Femme assise. Paris. 29-April/1938. India ink. 76,5 x 55 cm. Private collection. OPP.38:114. Femme assise sur une chaise. Paris. 7-May/1938. Oil on canvas. 124.5 x 87 cm. Sotheby’s. #24, N09430, 11/04/14. OPP.38:130. Portrait de Dora Maar assise. Paris. 13-May/1938. India ink, gouache & oil on paper laid on canvas. 68 x 44,7 cm. Tate Modern, London. (Inv T00341). OPP.38:019. Femme couchée sur fond cachou. Paris. 17-May/1938. Oil on canvas. 90 x 118,5 cm. Marina Picasso Collection. (Inv 12872). OPP.38:037. Buste de femme. Paris. 20-May/1938. Oil on canvas. 45 x 40,3 cm. Yusaku Maezawa Collection. OPP.38:173. Métamorphoses. Paris. 26-May/1938. Pen & black ink on Arches paper. 31,5 x 35 cm. Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. (Inv 1988.2.72). OPP.38:285.

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Cited Works of Picasso [138] [139] [140]

[141] [142] [143] [144] [145] [146]

[147]

[148] [149]

[150] [151] [152]

[153] [154]

[155]

[156]

323

Buveur caressant sa chimère. Paris. 28-May/1938. Etching & burin, edition 64. 14,8 x 24,6 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.38:107. Buste de femme à la frange. Paris. 2-June/1938. Oil on canvas. 36 x 23 cm. Christie’s. #512, 9356, 05/09/00. OPP.38:180. Nature morte à la fleur. Paris. 5-June/1938. Oil, wood, cardboard, metal, nails & fabric on canvas. 22,1 x 27,1 cm. Christie’s. #26, 3442, 11/04/13. OPP.38:181. Baigneuse. Paris. 13-June/1938. India ink & oil. 45 x 24 cm. Private collection. OPP.38:087. Baigneuse. Paris. 13-June/1938. India ink & oil. 45 x 24 cm. Private collection. OPP.38:088. Femme assise. Paris. 14-June/1938. India ink, pastel & color crayon on paper. 45,5 x 24 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.38:064. Nu debout devant une cabine. Paris. 14-June/1938. India ink & crayon. 45 x 24 cm. Private collection. OPP.38:089. Femme sacrifiant une chèvre. Paris. 20-June/1938. Graphite on vellum paper. 24,2 x 45,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.38:048. Buste de femme au chapeau de paille sur fond fleuri. Le Tremblay-surMauldre. 25-June/1938. Oil on canvas. 73 x 60 cm. Museum Sammlung Rosengart, Luzern. OPP.38:012. Tête de jeune fille au poème. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 2-July/1938. Oil on canvas. 65 x 50 cm. Private collection, Switzerland. OPP.38:066. Femme à la collerette. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 3-July/1938. Oil on canvas. 65 x 54 cm. Sotheby’s. #40, NY7545, 11/09/00. OPP.38:030. Nature morte à l’instrument de musique. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 3July/1938. Oil on canvas. 54 x 65,5 cm. Private collection. OPP.38:124. Nature morte au pichet. Paris. 4-July/1938. Oil on canvas. 46 x 61 cm. Helly Nahmad Collection, Monaco/London. OPP.38:197. Baigneuses et crabe. Mougins. 4-July/1938. Pen & India ink on paper. 44,4 x 67,8 cm. Christie’s. #53A, 17154, 05/13/19. OPP.38:313. Femme debout les bras écartés. Mougins. 5-July/1938. Pen, India ink over charcoal. 30,8 x 20,5 cm. Private collection, Germany. OPP.38:080. Femme debout. Mougins. 9-July/1938. India ink. 24 x 18 cm. Private collection. OPP.38:096. Composition: barque et personnages. Mougins. Mid-July/1938. Charcoal on brown-based canvas. 97 x 130 cm. Private collection, Paris. OPP.38:036. Homme au cornet de glace. Mougins. 23-July/1938. Graphite pencil on cream colored wove paper. 30,8 x 23,2 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, NYC. (Inv 1999.363.68). OPP.38:023. Homme à la sucette. Mougins. 23-July/1938. Charcoal on cream wove paper. 67,5 x 44,5 cm. Christie’s. #42, 05/11/92. OPP.38:198.

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324 [157]

[158] [159] [160] [161] [162] [163]

[164] [165]

[166]

[167]

[168]

[169]

[170]

[171] [172] [173]

[174]

Cited Works of Picasso

Femme, chat sur une chaise et enfant sous la chaise. Mougins. 5August/1938. Pen & India Ink on paper. 44,3 x 68 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.38:051. Trois nus. Mougins. 5-August/1938. Pen & India ink on paper. 43,8 x 67,3 cm. Dickinson, London/New York. OPP.38:101. Figure féminine assise. Mougins. 10-August/1938. Pen & Inda ink on paper. 67,5 x 44,5 cm. Christie’s. #3, 2477, 11/01/11. OPP.38:202. La crucifixion. Mougins. 21-August/1938. Pen & India ink on paper. 44,5 x 67 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.38:126. Femme assise. Mougins. 28-August/1938. Oil on canvas. 54,9 x 46 cm. Sotheby’s. #54, 11/10/92. OPP.38:113. Buste de femme. Mougins. 28-August/1938. Oil on canvas. 55,2 x 38 cm. Christie’s. #44, 2844, 05/06/14. OPP.38:204. Tête de femme aux narines vertes sur fond bleu-nuit. Mougins. 14September/1938. Oil on canvas. 65 x 50 cm. Private collection. OPP.38:045. Deux femmes à l’ombrelle. Paris. 8-October/1938. Pen, India ink & blue ink. 44 x 54 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.38:052. Palette, chadelier et tête de Minotaure. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 4November/1938. Oil on canvas. 73,7 x 90,2 cm. National Museum of Modern Art, Kyoto. (Inv B.103). OPP.38:038. Nature morte avec bougie, palette et tête de taureau noir. Le Tremblaysur-Mauldre. 19-November/1938. Oil on canvas. 97,2 x 129,5 cm. Menard Art Museum, Komaki City, Aichi, Japan. OPP.38:009. Nature morte: bougie, palette, tête de taureau rouge. Le Tremblay-surMauldre. 26-November/1938. Oil & Ripolin on canvas. 97,8 x 129,5 cm. The Arkansas Arts Center, Little Rock, AR. OPP.38:001. Nature morte au Minotaure et à la palette. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 27-November/1938. Oil on canvas. 73 x 92,7 cm. Fundación Almine & Bernard Ruiz-Picasso para el Arte. OPP.38:010. Nature morte à la palette et tête de taureau. Paris. 10-December/1938. Oil & black ink on canvas. 73,5 x 92,1 cm. Sotheby’s. #18, PF1306, 06/06/13. OPP.38:035. Portrait de Dora dans un jardin. Paris. 10-December/1938. Oil on canvas. 131 x 97 cm. Abigail and Leslie H. Wexner Collection. OPP.38:046. Femme allongée. Paris. 26-December/1938. Pen & ink, wash on paper. 27,2 x 35,4 cm. Christie’s. #641, 7356, 02/08/07. OPP.38:144. Nu allongé. Paris. 27-December/1938. Pen & ink on paper. 27 x 35 cm. Christie’s. #109, 14240, 06/28/17. OPP.38:289. Nu allongé. Paris. 28-December/1938. Watercolor, brown ink, wax crayon & India ink on paper. 27,1 x 35,2 cm. Thomas Ammann Fine Art, Zürich. OPP.38:226. Femme accoudée. Paris. 1-January/1939. Oil on canvas. 65 x 54 cm. Galerie Louise Leiris, Paris. OPP.39:057.

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Cited Works of Picasso [175]

[176]

[177] [178]

[179] [180]

[181]

[182]

[183]

[184] [185] [186] [187] [188] [189]

[190] [191]

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325

Nature morte: tête de taureau. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 15January/1939. Oil on canvas. 81 x 100 cm. Christie’s. #26A, 15971, 05/15/18. OPP.39:265. La femme au tambourin. Paris. Late-January/1939. Aquatint & scraper on copper on paper. 66,5 x 51,2 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.39:005. Femme couchée lisant. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 21-January/1939. Oil on canvas. 96,5 x 130 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.39:019. Femme allongée sur un divan. Paris Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 21January/1939. Oil on canvas. 97,8 x 130 cm. Joe Lewis Collection. OPP.39:034. Nature morte au crâne de taureau. Paris. 28-January/1939. Oil on canvas. 65,4 x 92,9 cm. Private collection. OPP.39:241. Nature morte au crâne de taureau. Paris. 29-January/1939. Oil on canvas. 65 x 92 cm. The Cleveland Museum of Art. (Inv 1985.57). OPP.39:003. Femme assise au chapeau. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 19-March/1939. Oil on canvas. 27 x 22,2 cm. Sotheby’s. #5, L18006, 06/19/18. OPP.39:294. Tête de femme. Paris. Spring//1939. Gouache & watercolor on paper laid down on board. 64 x 46,3 cm. Sotheby’s. #44, N08314, 05/08/07. OPP.39:240. Tête de femme. Paris. 28-March/1939. Oil on wood panel. 59,8 x 45,1 cm. The Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, NYC. (Inv 78.2514.T62). OPP.39:006. Buste de femme. Paris. 28-March/1939. Oil on panel. 59,9 x 45,2 cm. Christie’s. #11A, 15977, 11/11/18. OPP.39:255. Jeune fille aux cheveux noirs. Paris. 29-March/1939. Oil on panel. 60,5 x 45,2 cm. Sotheby’s. #35, N08314, 05/08/07. OPP.39:239. Tête de femme à deux profils. Paris. 1-April/1939. Oil on canvas. 91,7 x 73,3 cm. Christie’s. #11, 2847, 05/13/14. OPP.39:007. Femme assise au chapeau. Paris. 2-April/1939. Oil on canvas. 27 x 22 cm. Private collection. OPP.39:304 Tête de femme. Paris. 2-April/1939. Pencil. 33 x 31,7 cm. Private collection. OPP.39:306. Femme au fauteuil à balustres. Paris. 19-April–June/1939. Burin, aquatint & scraping. 34,2 x 22,2 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.39:614. Chat saisissant un oiseau. Paris. 22-April/1939. Oil on canvas. 81 x 100 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.39:002. Chat dévorant un oiseau. Paris Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 24April/1939. Oil on canvas. 97 x 129 cm. Private collection. OPP.39:068. Buste de femme en costume violet. Paris. 21-May/1939. Oil on canvas. 65 x 54 cm. Private collection. OPP.39:067.

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326 [193]

[194]

[195] [196] [197]

[198] [199]

[200]

[201] [202] [203] [204] [205] [206] [207] [208]

[209] [210]

[211]

Cited Works of Picasso

Femme assise au chapeau. Paris. 21-May/1939. Oil on canvas. 65 x 54 cm. The Abelló Collection. Formerly Galerie Beyeler, Basel. OPP.39:340. Femme au chapeau dans un fauteuil. Paris. 21-May/1939. Oil on canvas. 65 x 54 cm. Fondation Fernet-Branca, Saint Louis. OPP.39:341. Buste de femme au chapeau. Paris. 27-May/1939. Oil on canvas. 65,1 x 54 cm. Sotheby’s. #21, N09740, 11/14/17. OPP.39:342. Buste de femme au chapeau rayé. Paris. 3-June/1939. Oil on canvas. 81 x 54 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.39:024. Femme assise à la robe d’étoiles. Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre. 4June/1939. Oil on canvas. 81 x 54 cm. Christie’s. #339, 9066, 11/19/98. OPP.39:078. Figure assise. Paris. 18-July/1939. India ink & wash. 27,4 x 17,8 cm. Sotheby’s. #129, N08089, 05/03/05. OPP.39:238. Pêche de nuit à Antibes. Antibes. Post-6-August/1939. Oil on canvas. 205,8 x 345,4 cm. The Museum of Modern Art, NYC. (Inv 13.1952). OPP.39:001. Femme debout et femme assise. Royan. 21-September/1939. Gouache & brush & black ink on lined paper. 26,9 x 21 cm. Omer Tiroche Collection. OPP.39:371. Buste de femme aux deux profils. Royan. Fall/1939. Oil on canvas. 65 x 54 cm. Private collection. OPP.39:450. Nu debout et femme assise. Royan. 25-September/1939. Oil on canvas. 41 x 33 cm. Christie’s. #77, 6677, 02/03/03. OPP.39:009. Femme au chapeau. Royan. October/1939. Pencil on graph paper. 21,8 x 16 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.39:049. Femme au chapeau bleu. Royan. 3-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 65,5 x 50 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.39:052. Crâne de mouton. Royan. 4-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 50 x 61 cm. Musée des Beaux-Arts, Lyon. (Inv 1990.20). OPP.39:011. Tête de femme. Royan. 4-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 65,5 x 54,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.39:038. Étude de tête. Paris. 4-October/1939. Ink on graph paper. 20,9 x 17,6 cm. Private collection, New York. OPP.39:519. Nature morte au crâne de mouton. Royan. 6-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 50,2 x 61 cm. Vicky and Marcos Micha Collection, Mexico. OPP.39:012. Garçon au panier. Royan. 9-October/1938. Oil on canvas. 73 x 60 cm. Mr. and Mrs. Kirk Douglas Collection. OPP.39:046. Tête de femme au chapeau. Royan. 11-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 55,2 x 45,7 cm. Los Angeles County Museum of Art. (Inv M.2005.70.105). OPP.39:047. Buste de femme assise sur une chaise. Royan. 12-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 64,9 x 50,2 cm. Christie’s. #515, 9356, 05/09/00. OPP.39:458.

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Cited Works of Picasso [212] [213] [214]

[215]

[216] [217]

[218] [219] [220]

[221] [222]

[223] [224]

[225]

[226] [227] [228]

[229] [230]

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Femme assise. Royan. 13-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 65,1 x 49,8 cm. Christie’s. #35C, 12069, 05/12/16. OPP.39:440. Tête de femme. Royan. 15-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 41 x 27 cm. Sotheby’s. #29, L08007, 06/25/08. OPP.39:215. Trois têtes de moutons. Royan. 17-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 65 x 89 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. (Inv AD.01716). OPP.39:013. Tête de femme. Royan. 17-October/1939 –9-March/1940. Oil on canvas. 61,3 x 50,4 cm. Sotheby’s. #16, PF1206, 05/30/12. OPP.39:446. Nu assis. Royan. 18-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 41 x 27 cm. Christie’s. #055, 7404, 06/18/07. OPP.39:242. Femme dans un fauteuil. Royan. 18-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 46 x 33 cm. Dr. Paul D. Wurzburger Collection, Cleveland, OH. OPP.39:447. Femme assise, robe bleue. Royan. 25-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 73 x 60 cm. Christie’s. #12A, 14183, 05/15/17. OPP.39:104. Tête de femme. Royan. 26-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 65 x 54 cm. Artemundi, LLC. 2019. OPP.39:074. Dora Maar assise. Royan. 26-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 73,3 x 60,3 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, NYC. (Inv 1998.23). OPP.39:099. Tête de femme au chapeau mauve. Royan. 27-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 55,2 x 45,7 cm. Christie’s. #51, 2477, 11/01/11. OPP.39:036. Le chandail jaune. Royan. 31-October/1939. Oil on canvas. 81 x 65 cm. Nationalgalerie, Museum Berggruen, Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. OPP.39:033. Tête de femme sur fond étoilé. Royan. 28-October–6-November/1939. Oil on canvas. 55 x 46 cm. Private collection. OPP.39:192. Buste de femme, les bras croisés derrière la tête. Royan. 7November/1939. Oil on canvas. 81 x 65 cm. Museo Picasso, Málaga. OPP.39:106. Buste de femme au chapeau. Paris. 30-November/1939. Oil on canvas. 55 x 46,5 cm. Fondation Beyeler, Riehen/Basel. (Inv 94.5). OPP.39:061. Tête de femme au chapeau. Paris. 30-November/1939. Oil on canvas. 60,5 x 50,8 cm. Christie’s. #31, 7951, 02/09/11. OPP.39:456. Femme assise. Royan. 5-December/1939. Oil on board. 22,9 x 15,2 cm. The Eli and Edythe L. Broad Collection, Los Angeles. OPP.39:096. Femme debout la main droite derrière la tête. Royan. 30December/1939. Gouache on paper. 46 x 38 cm. Acquavella Galleries, NY. OPP.39:077. Femme reposant. Royan. Early/1940. Oil on canvas. 59,7 x 73 cm. Larry Gagosian Collection, New York. OPP.40:016. Femme assise. Royan. 6-January/1940. Gouache. 46 x 38 cm. Private collection. OPP.40:574.

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328 [231] [232] [233]

[234]

[235]

[236]

[237] [238]

[239] [240]

[241]

[242] [243]

[244]

[245] [246] [247]

[248]

Cited Works of Picasso

Tête d’un homme barbu. Royan. 7-January/1940. Gouache on paper. 46 x 38 cm. Galerie Cazeau-Béraudière, Paris. OPP.40:003. Tête d’homme. Royan. 7-January/1940. Gouache on paper. 46,2 x 38,1 cm. Marina Picasso Collection. (Inv 04047). OPP.40:491. Buste de femme. Royan. 11-January/1940. Gouache on paper laid down on cardboard. 46,3 x 38,1 cm. Christie’s. #31, 9636, 05/09/01. OPP.40:011. Femme jaune et bleue assise dans un fauteuil bleu. Royan. 1February/1940. String & painted cardboard sewn onto cardboard painted in oils. 17,5 x 15 x 1,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.40:022. Femme assise, un bras levé. Royan. February/1940. String & painted cardboard sewn onto cardboard painted in oils. 17,5 x 12 x 1 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.40:197. Femme assise dans un fauteuil. Royan. 2-February/1940. String & painted cardboard sewn onto cardboard painted in oils. 17,3 x 14,9 x 3,7 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.40:198. Buste de figure féminine. Royan. 2-March/1940. Oil on paper mounted on canvas. 64 x 46 cm. Private collection, Zurich. OPP.40:005. Buste de femme. Royan. 3-March/1940. Gouache on paper laid down on canvas. 65,5 x 47 cm. Christie’s. #539, 6146, 06/30/99. OPP.40:488. Tête de femme. Royan. 3-March/1940. Oil on paper on canvas. 64,5 x 45,7 cm. Christie’s. #3C, 3783, 11/12/15. OPP.40:495. Femme se coiffant. Royan. 5-March–19-June/1940. Oil on canvas. 130,1 x 97,1 cm. The Museum of Modern Art, NYC. (Inv 788.95). OPP.40:002. Nature morte aux poissons. Paris. 19-March/1940. Oil on canvas. 60 x 92 cm. Scottish National Gallery of Modern Art, Edinburgh. (Inv GMA.1070). OPP.40:478. L’araignée de mer. Paris. 19-March/1940. Oil on canvas. 65 x 92 cm. Private collection, Madrid. OPP.40:496. Les anguilles de mer. Paris. 27-March/1940. Oil on canvas. 73 x 92 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. (Inv AS.06523). OPP.40:025. Le chapeau à fleurs. Paris. 10-April/1940. Oil on canvas. 72 x 60 cm. Musée National d’Art Moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris. (Inv AM.1984-634). OPP.40:007. Buste de femme. Paris. 11-April/1940. Oil on canvas. 73,5 x 54,5 cm. Sotheby’s. #27, L01001, 02/05/01. OPP.40:023. Buste de femme. Paris. 14-April/1940. Oil on canvas. 74 x 60 cm. Sotheby’s. #225, NY7648, 05/10/01. OPP.40:012. Homme accroupi et femme nue. Paris. 2-May/1940. Pen & ink on paper. 38, 2 x 46,3 cm. Sotheby’s. #316, L10007, 06/23/10. OPP.40:024. Couple, l’étreinte. Paris. 2-May/1940. Pen & ink on paper. 38,2 x 46,2 cm. Sotheby’s. #317, L10007, 06/23/10. OPP.40:482.

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Cited Works of Picasso [249] [250] [251] [252]

[253] [254]

[255] [256] [257]

[258] [259] [260] [261] [262] [263] [264] [265] [266]

[267] [268] [269]

329

Le viol. Paris. 2-May/1940. Pen & ink, brush & ink, & wash on paper. 38,1 x 45,7 cm. Sotheby’s. #38, N09740, 11/14/17. OPP.40:489. Buste de femme. Royan. 10-June/1940. Oil on paper laid down on canvas. 64 x 46 cm. Sotheby’s. #30, N08633, 05/05/10. OPP.40:481. Tête de femme. Royan. 11-June/1940. Oil on paper. 64,8 x 45 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.40:001. Buste de femme. Royan. 11-June/1940. Oil on paper. 64 x 46 cm. Nationalgalerie, Museum Berggruen, Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. OPP.40:008. Buste de femme. Royan. 16-June/1940. Oil on paper laid down on canvas. 64 x 46 cm. Christie’s. #520, 6146, 06/30/99. OPP.40:487. Portrait d’une femme assise. Royan. 21-June/1940. Pen & India ink & wash on paper. 24 x 13 cm. Christie’s. #410, 7060, 06/23/05. OPP.40:527. Dora Maar et Têtes de mort (Études). Royan. Summer/1940. Pencil on paper. 22 x 19,1 cm. Private collection. OPP.40:494. Étreinte. Royan. 11-July/1940. Pen & India ink on Ingres paper. 41,3 x 30 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.40:240. Feuille d’études: nus aux bras levés, bustes et têtes de femme, crânes, yeux. Royan. 24-July/1940. Pen & blue ink on paper. 41,3 x 30 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.40:242. Portrait de l’artiste. Royan. 11-August/1940. Pencil on paper. 16 x 11 cm. Museum Ludwig, Köln. (Inv ML/Z 1994/037). OPP.40:009. Autoportrait. Royan. 11-August/1940. Pencil on paper. 16 x 11 cm. Private collection. OPP.40:015. Café à Royan. Royan. 15-August/1940. Oil & Ripolin on canvas. 97 x 130 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.40:006. Tête de femme. Paris. 16-December/1940. Pencil on paper. 40,6 x 30,4 cm. Christie’s. #6, 2788, 11/05/13. OPP.40:502. Tête de Dora Maar. Paris. Early/1941. Paper, leaf collage & gouache. 40 x 39 cm. Christie’s. #47, 12/01/86. OPP.41:035. Figure assise. Paris. Early/1941. Pencil on plywood. 32 x 25 cm. Maya Widmaier Picasso Collection, Paris. OPP.41:053. Dora Maar en forme d’oiseau. Paris. Early/1941. Pencil & India ink wash. 31 x 24 cm. Private collection. OPP.41:064. Minotaure en forme d’oiseau. Paris. Winter–Spring/1941. Pencil on paper. 31 x 23,7 cm. Christie’s. #233, 7953, 02/10/11. OPP.41:065. Étude pour L’aubade: nu couché. Paris. 25-January/1941. Gouache on wood panel. 16,5 x 23,2 cm. Christie’s. #17, 1429, 11/03/04. OPP.41:019 Tête de mort. Paris. 1941–Summer/1943. Bronze & copper. 25 x 21 x 31 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.41:333. Nu. Paris. Spring/1941. Oil on canvas. 92 x 65 cm. Musée d’Art moderne, Belfort. OPP.41:150. Dora Maar au chat. Paris. Spring–Summer/1941. Oil on canvas. 129,5 x 97 cm. Sotheby’s. #14, N08195, 05/03/06. OPP.41:151.

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330 [270] [271]

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[274] [275] [276] [277] [278] [279] [280] [281] [282] [283] [284] [285] [286] [287]

[288] [289]

[290]

Cited Works of Picasso

Tête de femme. Paris. 2-April/1941. Oil on wood. 45 x 39 cm. Private collection, Furtwangen. OPP.41:052. Portrait de Nusch Éluard. Paris. May/1941. Graphite with stumping, scraping and incising on paper. 36,9 x 26,2 cm. The Art Institute of Chicago. (Inv 2013.1001). OPP.41:071. Nature morte au boudin. Paris. 10-May/1941. Oil on canvas. 92,7 x 66 cm. Tony and Gail Ganz Collection. OPP.41:002. Tête de femme au chapeau. Paris. 13-May/1941. Gouache on wood. 60 x 40 cm. Fundación Almine & Bernard Ruiz-Picasso para el Arte. OPP.41:067. L’aubade: femme nue étendue (Étude). Paris. 20-May/1941. Pencil. 21 x 27 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.41:038. Tête de femme. Paris. 25-May/1941. Oil on canvas. 55 x 38 cm. Národni Galerie, Prague. (Inv O 9197). OPP.41:003. Tête de femme. Paris. 25-May/1941. Oil on canvas. 41 x 33,3 cm. Private collection, New York. OPP.41:226. Femme assise. Paris. June/1941. Oil on canvas. 99,8 x 80,5 cm. Neue Pinakothek, München. (Inv 14240). OPP.41:208. Femme à la collerette bleue. Paris. 2-June/1941. Oil on panel. 64 x 47,5 cm. Sotheby’s. #71, N09219, 11/04/14. OPP.41:026. Buste de femme. Paris. 5-June/1941. Oil on canvas. 55,5 x 33,3 cm. Christie’s. #32, 11789, 02/02/16. OPP.41:031. Tête de femme. Paris. 5-June/1941. Oil on canvas. 41 x 33,2 cm. Christie’s. #15, 15469, 02/27/18. OPP.41:326. Buste de femme. Paris. 8-June/1941. Oil on canvas. 55 x 46 cm. Private collection. OPP.41:391. Buste de femme au chapeau. Paris. 9-June/1941. Oil on canvas. 92 x 60 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.41:051. Nature morte aux oranges. Paris. 10-June/1941. Oil on canvas. 73 x 92,1 cm. Richard L. Feigen and Co. OPP.41:081. Femme dans un fauteuil . Paris. 19-June/1941. Oil on canvas. 139 x 97 cm. Private collection. OPP.41:201. Femme dans un fauteuil. Paris. 19-June/1941. Oil on canvas. 100 x 81 cm. Sotheby’s. #1B, HK0778A, 03/16-31/18. OPP.41:202. Jeune garçon à la langouste. Paris. 21-June/1941. Oil on canvas. 130,5 x 97,3 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.41:013. Femme au chapeau assise dans un fauteuil. Paris. Summer/1941. Oil on canvas. 130,5 x 97,5 cm. Kunstmuseum Basel. (Inv G.1967.3). OPP.41:127. Nature morte au bouquet. Paris. 8-July/1941. Oil on canvas. 92 x 73 cm. Emil G. Bührle Foundation Collection, Zürich. OPP.41:248. Femme dans un fauteuil. Paris. 25-July/1941. Oil on canvas. 92,4 x 73,6 cm. The Museum of Modern Art, NYC. (Inv 828.96). OPP.41:210. Femme à l’artichaut. Paris. 31-July/1941. Oil on panel. 195 x 130 cm. Museum Ludwig, Köln. (Inv ML 01291. OPP.41:449.

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Cited Works of Picasso [291]

[292]

[293]

[294] [295]

[296] [297] [298] [299]

[300]

[301] [302]

[303]

[304]

[305] [306]

[307]

331

Madame Paul Éluard. Paris. 19-August/1941. Oil on canvas. 73 x 60 cm. Musée National d’Art Moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris. (Inv AM.2745.P). OPP.41:018. Buste de femme. Paris. 20-August/1941. Oil on linen. 73 x 60,2 cm. National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC. (Inv 1963.10.193). OPP.41:050. Femme assise dans un fauteuil. Paris. 1-September/1941. Oil on canvas. 129,5 x 96,5 cm. Currier Gallery of Art, Manchester, NH. (Inv 1953.3). OPP.41:021. L’aubade: deux nus dans un intérieur (Étude). Paris. 1September/1941. Pencil. 21 x 27 cm. Private collection. OPP.41:102. Tête. Paris. Post-11-September/1941. Charcoal on newsprint from Paris-Soir, 09/11/1941. 60,1 x 43 cm. Sotheby’s. #576, L16005, 02/05/16. OPP.41:010. Femme assise dans un fauteuil. Paris. 28-September/1941. India ink & pencil. 21,3 x 16,3 cm. Christie’s. #172, 1724, 11/09/06. OPP.41:132. Femme assise dans un fauteuil. Paris. 4-October/1941. Oil on canvas. 100 x 81 cm. Henie Onstad Art Centre, Høvikodden. OPP.41:016. Femme assise dans un fauteuil. Paris. 8-October/1941. Oil on canvas. 130 x 97 cm. Galerie Louise Leiris, Paris. OPP.41:022. Femme assise dans un fauteuil. Paris. 12-October/1941. Oil on canvas. 80,7 x 65 cm. Kunstsammlung Nordrhein-Westfalen, Düsseldorf. (Inv 1017). OPP.41:001. Femme en gris et blanc. Paris. 15-October/1941. Oil on canvas. 117 x 89 cm. Fundación Almine & Bernard Ruiz-Picasso para el Arte. OPP.41:005. Femme assise dans un fauteuil. Paris. 23-October/1941. Oil on canvas. 90,8 x 72,4 cm. Sotheby’s. #4, N08850, 05/02/12. OPP.41:023. Tête de femme. Paris. Post-28-October/1941. Oil on newsprint from Paris-Soir, 10/28/1941. 60 x 40,2 cm. Kunstmuseum Basel. (Inv 2004.41). OPP.41:229. Tête de femme. Paris. Post-28-October/1941. Oil on newsprint from Paris-Soir, 10/28/1941. 60 x 40,2 cm. Kunstmuseum Basel. (Inv 2004.42). OPP.41:249. Tête de femme, profil droit. Paris. Post-1-November/1941. Oil on newsprint from Paris-Soir, 11/01/1941. 60 x 43 cm. Sotheby’s. #119, N09140, 05/08/14. OPP.41:310. Femme assise dans un fauteuil. Paris. 3-November/1941. Oil on canvas. 130 x 97 cm. Private collection. OPP.41:040. Nature morte avec pigeon. Paris. 13-November/1941. Oil on canvas. 60 x 73 cm. Nagasaki Prefectural Art Museum. (Inv A.II.1.513). OPP.41:006. La table. Paris. 14-November/1941. Oil on canvas. 60 x 73 cm. Musée d’Art Moderne de Lille Métropole, Villeneuve d’Ascq. (Inv 979.4.115). OPP.41:342.

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332 [308]

[309]

[310] [311] [312] [313]

[314] [315] [316]

[317] [318] [319] [320] [321] [322] [323]

[324] [325]

[326] [327]

Cited Works of Picasso

Femme assise dans un fauteuil. Paris. 17-November/1941. Oil on canvas. 73 x 60 cm. Henie Onstad Art Centre, Høvikodden. OPP.41:017. Femme nue couchée. Paris. 16-December/1941. Watercolor, pen & ink on paper. 29,9 x 40 cm. Weinstein Gallery, San Francisco. OPP.41:009. Tête de femme. Paris. End-Year/1941. Plaster. 80 x 42 x 55 cm. Museum Ludwig, Köln. (Inv ML 01423). OPP.41:054. Buste devant la fenêtre. Paris. Winter/1941–1942. Oil on canvas. 99,5 x 80 cm. Helly Nahmad Collection, Monaco/London. OPP.41:079. Nu couché. Paris. 2-January/1942. Oil on paper. 30,5 x 40 cm. Private collection. OPP.42:038. Dora Maar. Paris. 11-January/1942. Watercolor & oil on paper laid down on canvas. 41 x 30 cm. Mayoral Galeria d’Art, Barcelona. OPP.42:048. Portrait de femme. Paris. 20-January/1942. Gouache on paper. 40,5 x 30,3 cm. Christie’s. #540, 2047, 11/07/08. OPP.42:065. Tête de femme. Paris. 22-January/1942. Gouache on paper. 40,8 x 30,6 cm. Christie’s. #196, 14240, 06/28/17. OPP.42:242. Femme au chapeau. Paris. End-February/1942. Oil on canvas. 73 x 60 cm. Musée d’Art Moderne de Lille Métropole, Villeneuve d’Ascq. (Inv 979.4.116). OPP.42:227. Femme au corsage bleu. Paris. 27-February/1942. Oil on plywood. 60,5 x 53,8 cm. Museum Folkwang, Essen. OPP.42:061. Femme assise. Paris. 5-March/1942. India ink on China paper. 74,2 x 56,1 cm. Christie’s. #18A, 3739, 05/11/15. OPP.42:076. Tête de femme. Paris. 17-March/1942. India ink & gouache. 23 x 17 cm. Private collection. OPP.42:077. Tête de taureau. Paris. Post-27-March/1942. Bicycle saddle & handlebars. 33,5 x 43,5 x 19 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.42:010. Nature morte. Paris. April/1942. Oil on wood. 97 x 130,5 cm. Ohara Museum of Art, Kurashiki, Japan. OPP.42:068. Portrait d’Inès Sassier. Paris. 4-April/1942. Oil on canvas. 55,3 x 38,3 cm. Christie’s. #34A, 15971, 05/15/18. OPP.42:095. Nature morte au crâne de bœuf. Paris. 5-April/1942. Oil on canvas. 130 x 97 cm. Kunstsammlung Nordrhein-Westfalen, Düsseldorf. (Inv 1020). OPP.42:008. Nature morte au crâne de bœuf. Paris. 6-April/1942. Oil on canvas. 117 x 89 cm. Pinacoteca di Brera, Milan. OPP.42:002. Femme assise au chapeau-poisson. Paris. 19-April/1942. Oil on canvas. 100 x 81 cm. Stedelijk Museum, Amsterdam. (Inv A.5573). OPP.42:009. Portrait de Dora Maar. Paris. 21-April/1942. Engraving. 14,6 x 9,6 cm. The Museum of Modern Art, NYC. (Inv 983.1964). OPP.42:200. Buste de femme. Boisgeloup. 23-April/1942. Oil on canvas. 73 x 60 cm. Christie’s. #38, 6882, 02/02/04. OPP.42:012.

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Cited Works of Picasso [328] [329] [330]

[331] [332] [333] [334] [335]

[336] [337]

[338] [339] [340] [341] [342]

[343] [344]

[345] [346] [347]

333

Femme dans un fauteuil. Paris. 24-April/1942. Oil on canvas. 92 x 73 cm. Christie’s. #20, 15483, 06/20/18. OPP.42:102. Portrait de Dora Maar. Paris. 26-April/1942. Oil on canvas. 38 x 46 cm. Private collection. OPP.42:103. L’aubade. Paris. 4, 5–9-May/1942. Oil on canvas. 195 x 265,4 cm. Musée National d’Art Moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris. (Inv AM.2730.P). OPP.42:001. Nature morte au crâne de taureau. Paris. 9-May/1942. Oil on canvas. 65,3 x 80 cm. Christie’s. #37, 16930, 02/27/19. OPP.42:285. Paris, le 14 Juillet 1942. Paris. 14-July/1942. Etching, scraper & burin on zinc on paper. 45,2 x 64,1 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.42:004. Scéne de 14 juillet. Paris. 14-July/1942. Pencil on paper. 46,3 x 63,8 cm. Sotheby’s. #162, N09741, 11/15/17. OPP.42:244. L’homme au mouton (Étude). Paris. 16-July/1942. Graphite pencil. 33,5 x 21,5 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.42:052 Nature morte au panier de fruits. Paris. August/1942. Oil on canvas. 73 x 93,5 cm. Art Depot, Sweden. Formerly Christie’s. #68, 6226, 12/08/99. OPP.42:006. Nature morte à la corbeille de fruits. Paris. August/1942. Oil on canvas. 92 x 73 cm. Galerie Louise Leiris, Paris. OPP.42:069. Nature morte au panier de fruits et aux fleurs. Paris. 2-August/1942. Oil on canvas. 73 x 92 cm. The Bellagio Gallery of Fine Art, Las Vegas. OPP.42:228. Buste de femme. Paris. 3-August/1942. Oil on canvas. 92 x 73 cm. Private collection. OPP.42:249. Portrait de femme. Paris. 5-August/1942. Oil on wood panel. 99,4 x 80,8 cm. Christie’s. #29, 2844, 05/06/14. OPP.42:060. Femme en gris. Paris. 6-August/1942. Oil on panel. 99,7 x 81 cm. Brooklyn Museum, NYC. (Inv 2008.43). OPP.42:005. Nature morte. Paris. 12-August/1942. Oil on canvas. 89 x 116 cm. Museum Würth, Künzelsau. (Inv 9222). OPP.42:021. Grand nu couché. Paris. 30-September/1942. Oil on canvas. 130 x 195 cm. Nationalgalerie, Museum Berggruen, Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. OPP.42:025. Femme au corsage de satin. Paris. 9-October/1942. Oil on panel. 92 x 73 cm. The Bellagio Gallery of Fine Art, Las Vegas. OPP.42:015. Tête de femme. Paris. 30-October/1942. Pen & India ink on paper laid down on card. 64 x 45,4 cm. Christie’s. #1091, 12070, 05/13/16. OPP.42:238. Nus masculins. Paris. November/1942. Oil on wood panel. 53,8 x 64,8 cm. Sotheby’s. #6, L14006, 06/23/14. OPP.42:030. Homme couché et femme assise. Paris. 12-December/1942. India ink on paper. 50,5 x 65,5 cm. Private collection. OPP.42:173. La femme en robe longue. Paris. 1943. Bronze. 161,3 x 54,6 x 45,7 cm. Marina Picasso Collection. (Inv 55464). OPP.43:007.

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334 [348] [349]

[350] [351]

[352] [353] [354] [355] [356] [357] [358] [359] [360] [361]

[362]

[363]

[364]

[365] [366] [367]

Cited Works of Picasso

Le chat accroupi. Paris. 1943. Plaster. 36 x 17,5 x 55 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.43:289. Nu assis. Paris. January/1943. Graphite on off-white wove paper. 65,4 x 50,8 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, NYC. (Inv 1978.264.7). OPP.43:161. Deux femmes. Paris. 10-January/1943. Pen, brush & ink on paper. 50,5 x 66 cm. Sotheby’s. #170, L07006, 02/06/07. OPP.43:041. Femme contemplant un homme endormi. Paris. 19-January/1943. Pen & ink & ink wash on paper. 50,6 x 65,7 cm. Sotheby’s. #40, N09497, 05/09/16. OPP.43:063. L’arrosoir fleuri. Vallauris. February/1943–1944. Plaster, metal, wood. 85,5 x 42 x 38 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.43:006. Tête de femme. Paris. 6-February/1943. Gouache. 65 x 54 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:361. L’homme au mouton (Étude). Paris. 19-February/1943. India ink & watercolor on paper. 66 x 50,2 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.43:081. Cafetière. Paris. 24-March/1943. Gouache on paper. 50 x 65 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:030. Tête. Paris. 24-March/1943. Gouache, brush & ink on paper. 27,7 x 25 cm. Sotheby’s. #127, L10007, 06/23/10. OPP.43:166. Mouton. Paris. 26-March/1943. India ink & grattages on paper. 50,5 x 66,2 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.43:002. Mouton. Paris. 26-March/1943. India ink. 50 x 65 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:196. Tête de femme. Paris. 30-March/1943. Gouache & wash on paper. 65,7 x 50,4 cm. Christie’s. #116, 7736, 06/24/09. OPP.43:099. La cafetière. Paris. 31-March/1943. Gouache on paper on board. 50 x 65 cm. Christie’s. #5, 18339, 02/05/20. OPP.43:031. L’homme au mouton. Paris. Early-April/1943. Plaster. 209 x 78 x 75 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid. (Inv DE01360). OPP.43:004. Dora en déshabillé. Paris. 2-April/1943. Brush & pen & ink, wash & gouache on paper. 28 x 7 cm. Sotheby’s. #314, L14007, 06/24/14. OPP.43:250. Portrait de Mallarmé. Paris. 20-April/1943. India ink on paper. 51 x 33 cm. Musée National d’Art Moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris. (Inv AM1984-646). OPP.43:064. Buste de femme au corsage orné d’une broche. Paris. 2-May/1943. Gouache, watercolor, pen & India ink on paper. 65,4 x 40,4 cm. Christie’s. #34, 1994, 05/06/08. OPP.43:029. Tête de femme au chapeau. Paris. 15-May/1943. Oil on canvas. 65 x 54 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:408. Tête de femme brune. Paris. 16-May/1943. Oil on canvas. 16 x 27 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:045. Profil de femme. Paris. 16-May/1943. Oil on canvas. Private collection. OPP.43:407.

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Cited Works of Picasso [368] [369]

[370] [371] [372] [373] [374] [375] [376] [377] [378] [379]

[380] [381] [382] [383] [384]

[385] [386] [387] [388]

335

Femme endormie, symphonie en gris. Paris. 17-May/1943. Oil on canvas. 50 x 72,9 cm. Gagosian Gallery, New York. OPP.43:216. Buste de femme au chapeau. Paris. 17-May–9-July/1943. Oil on cradled panel. 64,8 x 54 cm. Christie’s. #48, 1147, 11/06/02. OPP.43:027. Buste de femme. Paris. 27-May/1943. Oil on canvas. 100,5 x 81 cm. Stedelijk van Abbe Museum, Eindhoven. (Inv 387). OPP.43:017. Buste de femme au chapeau. Paris. 28-May/1943. Oil on canvas. 73,3 x 59,9 cm. Christie’s. #36A, 15004, 11/13/17. OPP.43:315. Le buffet du ‘Catalan.’ Paris. 30-May/1943. Oil on canvas. 81 x 100 cm. Staatsgalerie Stuttgart. (Inv 2563). OPP.43:018. Le buffet du ‘Catalan.’ Paris. 30-May/1943. Oil on canvas. 81 x 100,5 cm. Musée des Beaux-Arts, Lyon. (Inv 1954.13). OPP.43:019. Compotier et verres. Paris. 14-June/1943. Oil on canvas. 60 x 73 cm. Christie’s. #23C, 12069, 05/12/16. OPP.43:168. Compotier et verres. Paris. 14-June/1943. Oil on canvas. 73 x 54,5 cm. Christie’s. #36, 11789, 02/02/16. OPP.43:302. Le Vert-Galant. Paris. 25-June/1943. Oil on canvas. 64,5 x 92 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.43:020. Le Vert-Galant. Paris. 25-June/1943. Oil on canvas. 46 x 55 cm. Marina Picasso Collection. (Inv 13011). OPP.43:202 Grand nu couché. Paris. 28-June/1943. Oil on canvas. 130 x 195,3 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.43:047. La fenêtre rétrécie (de l’atelier). Paris. 3-July/1943. Oil on canvas. 130 x 96,5 cm. The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. (Inv B65.0077:501/117). OPP.43:005. Premiers pas. Paris. 6-July/1943. Oil on canvas. 130,2 x 97,1 cm. Yale University Art Gallery. (Inv 1958.27). OPP.43:013. Buste de femme sur fond gris. Paris. 6-July/1943. Oil on canvas. 116,2 x 88,9 cm. Fondation Beyeler, Riehen/Basel. OPP.43:089. Tête de femme. Paris. Post-7-July/1943. Oil on newsprint from ParisSoir, 07/07/1943. 60 x 43 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:260. Nature morte aux épis. Paris. August/1943. Oil on canvas. 81,4 x 100,1 cm. The Kreeger Museum, Washington, DC. OPP.43:206. Femme dans un rocking-chair. Paris. 9-August/1943. Oil on canvas. 161 x 130 cm. Musée National d’Art Moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris. (Inv AM.2731P). OPP.43:065. Tête de femme souriante. Paris. 10-August/1943. Oil on canvas. 82 x 59,5 cm. Musée Cantini, Marseille. OPP.43:012. Nature morte aux épis. Paris. 13-August/1943. Oil on canvas. 72 x 92 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:212. Nature morte au crâne et au pot. Paris. 15-August/1943. Oil on canvas. 50 x 61 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:015. Nature morte au pot et au crâne. Paris. 15-August/1943. Oil on canvas. 54 x 65 cm. Helly Nahmad Collection, Monaco/London. OPP.43:033.

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336 [389]

[390] [391] [392]

[393] [394] [395] [396] [397] [398] [399] [400]

[401] [402] [403] [404]

[405] [406] [407] [408] [409]

Cited Works of Picasso

Nature morte au crâne et au pichet. Paris. 23-August/1943. Oil on canvas. 45,9 x 55 cm. Musée Municipal d’Art Moderne, Céret. (Inv MAMC:PIPI0271). OPP.43:201. L’enfant aux colombes. Paris. 24-August/1943. Oil on canvas. 162 x 130 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.43:011. Vase de fleurs et compotier. Paris. 17-September/1943. Oil on canvas. 80,9 x 130 cm. Sotheby’s. #53, N09139, 05/07/14. OPP.43:028. Nature morte à la chaise et aux glaïeuls. Paris. 17-September/1943. Oil on canvas. 142,2 x 114,3 cm. Sotheby’s. #3, N10067, 05/14/19. OPP.43:058. Buste de femme au corsage rayé. Paris. 20-September/1943. Oil on canvas. 100 x 81 cm. Private collection, New York. OPP.43:059. Portrait de Dora Maar. Paris. 20-September/1943. Oil on canvas. 73 x 60 cm. Museum Sammlung Rosengart, Luzern. OPP.43:060. La femme au corsage vert. Paris. 22-September/1943. Oil on canvas. 65 x 54 cm. Sprengel Museum, Hannover. OPP.43:277. Buste de femme. Paris. 22-September/1943. Oil on canvas. 55 x 36 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:451. Femme assise. Paris. 23-September/1943. Oil on canvas. 100 x 81,3 cm. Sotheby’s. #58, N08898, 11/05/12. OPP.43:223. Femme assise. Paris. 23-September/1943. Oil on canvas. 100 x 81 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:278. Tête de femme. Paris. October/1943. Oil on canvas. 92 x 73 cm. Christie’s. #33, 2216, 11/03/09. OPP.43:080. Portrait de femme. Paris. 10-October/1943. Oil on canvas. 130 x 97 cm. Fundación Almine & Bernard Ruiz-Picasso para el Arte. OPP.43:235. Tête de femme. Paris. 18-October/1943. Oil on canvas. 64,5 x 53,2 cm. Christie’s. #31B, 12145, 11/16/16. OPP.43:307. Buste d’homme. Paris. 24-October/1943. Pencil on light blue paper. 38,1 x 25,1 cm. Christie’s. #121, 7703, 02/05/09. OPP.43:025. Le marin. Paris. 28-October/1943. Oil on canvas. 129,3 x 80,8 cm. Christie’s. #8A, 15971, 05/15/18. OPP.43:203. Femme appuyant sa tête sur sa main. Paris. 7-November/1943. Pen & India ink on paper. 32,7 x 25,4 cm. Michali Gallery, West Palm Beach. 2019. OPP.43:207. Tête de femme aux boucles d’oreille. Paris. 22-November/1943. Oil on paper. 50 x 32,5 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:162. Tête de femme. Paris. 26-November/1943. India ink on paper. Private collection. OPP.43:463. Femme se regardant dans la glace. Paris. December/1943. Pencil on paper. 50 x 40 cm. Sotheby’s. #1, N08675, 11/02/10. OPP.43:167. Femmes s’habillant. Paris. December/1943. Graphite on paper. 50 x 40 cm. Private collection. OPP.43:488. Nature morte aux verres. Paris. 12-December/1943. Oil on canvas. 27 x 40,6 cm. Sotheby’s. #317, N09741, 11/15/17. OPP.43:093.

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Cited Works of Picasso [410] [411] [412] [413] [414] [415] [416] [417] [418] [419] [420]

[421] [422] [423] [424] [425]

[426]

[427]

[428] [429] [430]

337

Femme en vert. Paris. End/1943–1944. Oil on canvas. 130 x 97 cm. Fondation Beyeler, Riehen/Basel. (Inv 97.5). OPP.43:066. Couple sur un banc. Paris. 25-December/1943. Gouache & pencil on paper. 30,9 x 36,9 cm. Christie’s. #186, 1724, 11/09/06. OPP.43:061. Citrons et verre. Paris. 14-January/1944. Oil on canvas. 27 x 41 cm. Christie’s. #53, 2477, 11/01/11. OPP.44:113. Le homard. Paris. 15-January/1944. Oil on canvas. 26,7 x 45,7 cm. Private collection. OPP.44:055. Nature morte. Paris. 15-January/1944. Oil on canvas. 61 x 38 cm. Private collection. OPP.44:165. Buste de femme. Paris. 5-March/1944. Oil on canvas. 81 x 65 cm. Tate Modern, London. (Inv L03007). OPP.44:076. Nature morte au gruyère. Paris. 13-March/1944. Oil on canvas. 59 x 92 cm. Private collection. OPP.44:014. Tête de femme. Paris. Spring/1944. Oil on paper laid down on canvas. 39 x 28,5 cm. Sotheby’s. #39, L07007, 06/19/07. OPP.44:072. Nature morte. Paris. 3-April/1944. Oil on canvas. 61 x 38 cm. Private collection. OPP.44:171. Nature morte. Paris. 4-April/1944. Oil on canvas. 59,5 x 92 cm. Helly Nahmad Collection, Monaco/London. OPP.44:033. Nature morte au bougeoir. Paris. 8-April/1944. Oil on canvas. 73 x 92 cm. Musée National d’Art Moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris. (Inv AM.4498.P). OPP.44:012. Femme assise. Paris. 10-April/1944. Oil on canvas. 46 x 27 cm. Private collection. OPP.44:173. Nature morte à la cafetière. Paris. 11-April/1944. Oil on canvas. 61 x 81 cm. Christie’s. #055, 1831, 05/09/07. OPP.44:071. Portrait de femme. Paris. 15-April/1944. Oil on paper laid down on canvas. 65,7 x 50,5 cm. Christie’s. #135, 7243, 06/20/06. OPP.44:021. Nu et femme assise. Paris. 15-April/1944. Oil on canvas. 73 x 92 cm. Morton G. Neumann Family Collection, Chicago. OPP.44:041. Portrait de femme au fauteuil. Paris. 16-April/1944. Oil on canvas. 92 x 65 cm. Fundación Almine & Bernard Ruiz-Picasso para el Arte. OPP.44:064. Nu couché et femme se lavant les pieds. Paris. 18-April–18August/1944. Oil on canvas. 97 x 130 cm. Sotheby’s. #44, N09340, 05/05/15. OPP.44:004. Femme en bleu. Paris. 25-April/1944. Oil on canvas. 130 x 97 cm. Musée National d’Art Moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris. (Inv AM.2733P). OPP.44:031. Buste de femme. Paris. 1-May/1944. Oil on canvas. 35 x 27 cm. Christie’s. #314, 2846, 05/07/14. OPP.44:131. Femme assise. Paris. 17-May–7-June/1944. Oil on canvas. 92 x 60 cm. Private collection. OPP.44:192. Notre-Dame. Paris. 18-May/1944. Oil on canvas. 19 x 33 cm. Private collection. OPP.44:016.

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338 [431] [432] [433] [434] [435] [436] [437] [438]

[439]

[440] [441]

[442] [443]

[444]

[445] [446] [447] [448]

[449]

Cited Works of Picasso

Notre-Dame. Paris. 22-May/1944. Oil on paper laid on canvas. 50,5 x 32,5 cm. Sotheby’s. #52, L04002, 02/03/04. OPP.44:017. Femme assise dans un fauteuil d’osier. Paris. 2-May–7-June/1944. Oil on canvas. 100 x 81 cm. Private collection. OPP.44:236. Verre et pichet. Paris. 14–23-July/1944. Oil on canvas. 33 x 41,5 cm. Sotheby’s. #15, L19002, 02/26/19. OPP.44:005. Verre et pichet. Paris. 21-July/1944. Oil on canvas. 38,1 x 54,9 cm. Christie’s. #0049, 1831, 05/09/07. OPP.44:070. Verre et pichet. Paris. 21-July/1944. Oil on canvas. 38,2 x 55 cm. Christie’s. #35, 3567, 12/03/13. OPP.44:125. Plant de tomate. Paris. 9-August/1944. Oil on canvas. 73 x 92 cm. Sotheby’s. #8, L17002, 03/01/17. OPP.44:050. Jeune homme, profil gauche. Paris. 13-August/1944. India ink on paper. 50 x 32,5 cm. Sotheby’s. #31, N08125, 11/02/05. OPP.44:054. Bacchanale: Le triomphe de Pan (d’après Poussin). Paris. 24–28August/1944. Watercolor & gouache on paper. 30,5 x 40,5 cm. Private collection. OPP.44:008. La casserole émaillée. Paris. 16-February/1945. Oil on canvas. 82 x 106,5 cm. Musée National d’Art Moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris. (Inv AM.2734.P). OPP.45:024. Femme assise. Paris. 5-March/1945. Oil on canvas. 131,5 x 81 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.45:116. Nature morte au crâne, poireaux et pichet. Paris. 14-March/1945. Oil on canvas. 73,6 x 116,6 cm. Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. (Inv 1992.1). OPP.45:007. Poireaux, crâne et pichet. Paris. 18-March/1945. Oil on canvas. 89 x 130 cm. Galerie Dreyfus, Basel. 2010. OPP.45:008. Tête. Paris. 30-April/1945. Pen & India ink on the flyleaf of the book Le désir attrapé par la queue. 19 x 14,2 cm. Christie’s. #642, 7356, 02/08/07. OPP.45:109. Le charnier. Paris. Summer/1945–Late-April/1946. Oil & charcoal on canvas. 199,8 x 250,1 cm. The Museum of Modern Art, NYC. (Inv 93.1971). OPP.45:216. Femme étendue à la main gigantesque. Paris. 4-May/1945. Oil on canvas. 73 x 100 cm. Private collection. OPP.45:166. Crâne, lampe, poireaux et vase. Paris. 6-May/1945. Oil on canvas. 81 x 100 cm. Marina Picasso Collection. (Inv 13069). OPP.45:027. Portrait de femme. Paris. 7-June/1945. Gouache, ink & wash on paper. 27,5 x 22 cm. Sotheby’s. #5, PF1031, 03/24/10. OPP.45:135. Faune flûtiste et danseuse à la maraca et au tambourin. Antibes. 24September/1945. Etching. 26,5 x 34,8 cm. Musée Picasso, Paris. OPP.45:068. Faune flutiste et denseuse a la maraca et au tambourin. Antibes. 24September/1945. Etching on wove. 26,5 x 34,8 cm. Anderson Galleries. 2006. OPP.45:096.

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Cited Works of Picasso [450]

[451]

[452]

[453] [454] [455] [456]

[457] [458]

[459] [460]

[461] [462] [463] [464] [465]

339

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Index Abetz, Otto, 128, 144, 155, 160, 226 Aguirre y Lecube, José Antonio, 48, 60 Albert Speer, Albert, 56, 128 Albin-Guillot, Laure, xii, 7 Alcalá-Zamora y Torres, Niceto, 2, 3, 19 Aliquot, Geneviève, 205, 207, 208, 212, 221, 256 Amblard, Jean, 24, 182 Amunategui, Francisco, x Antibes, 7, 28, 94, 95, 251, 252, 260 Apollinaire, Guillaume, 186, 228, 250 Aragon, Louis, xii, 5, 19, 24, 37, 48, 82, 117, 172, 196, 240, 241, 250 Araquistáin Quevedo, Luis, 37, 51 Arenstam, Arved, 124 Aub Mohrenwitz, Max, 37, 51 Aubier, Jean, 227 Aujame, Jean-Claude, 183 Aurenche, Marie-Berthe, 214 Austria, 23, 66, 70, 81, 126, 140 Azaña Diaz, Manuel, 6, 19, 29, 81 Baquet, Maurice, xiii Barbé, Henri, 23 Barcelona, xiii, 3, 4, 25, 55, 64, 68, 71, 84, 86, 87, 95, 118 Barlier, Maurice, 149 Barnes, Albert C., 214 Barr, Jr., Alfred H., 51, 107–109, 135, 192, 194, 207 Barrault, Jean-Louis, xiii, 39, 227, 241 Baschet, Jacques, 138 Bataille, Georges, viii, ix, 6, 14, 20, 38, 39, 53, 131, 198, 212, 227, 249 Baudelaire, Charles, 186 Bazaine, Jean, 149 Beauvoir, Simone de, 97, 98, 107, 223, 227 Belmondo, Paul, 165 Benoist-Méchin, Jacques, 128 Bergamín Gutiérrez, José, 36, 37 Berl, Emmanuel, 24 Bern, 61

Bernard-Delapierre, Guy, x Berthelot, Henri Mathias, 32 Berton, Germaine, xiv Bilbao, 45, 46, 47, 48, 54 Billote, Pierre, 238 Bloncourt, Tony, 173 Blum, Léon, 5, 25, 26, 27, 50, 72 Boisgeloup, 7, 8, 35, 75, 107, 108, 122, 170, 196 Bonnafé, Lucien, 220 Bonnard, Pierre, 174, 182 Bost, Jacques-Laurent, 227 Bouchard, Henri Louis, 165 Braque, Georges, 7, 20, 50, 66, 149, 174, 183, 194, 227, 253 Brasillach, Robert, 128 Breker, Arno, 125, 128, 136, 146, 165, 182, 183, 185, 204 Breton, André, x, xii–xiv, 6, 20, 23, 30, 51, 75, 89, 93, 101, 113, 117, 120, 125, 137, 142, 156, 161 Breton, Jacqueline (Jacqueline Lamba), x, xi, 22, 105, 120, 125, 138, 161 Bucher, Jeanne, 170 Buenos Aires, x, xi Cachin, Marcel, 240 Calderón de la Barca, Pedro, 36 Callery, Mary (Méric), 69 Calvo-Sotelo, José, 3, 24, 25 Camoin, Charles, 158 Campan, Zanie, 227 Camus, Albert, 142, 170, 227, 240 Canestri, Dante, 122 Cannes, 28, 96, 260 Capa, Robert, 240 Carré, Louis, 165, 250 Cartier-Bresson, Henri, xi Casagemas i Coll, Carles, 259 Casanova, Laurent, 172, 256 Cassou, Jean, 19, 31, 191, 250, 254 Cendrars, Blaise, 6 Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de, 18, 22 Cézanne, Paul, 19, 69

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360

Index

Chagall, Marc, 95, 136, 194 Chamberlain, Arthur Neville, 81, 88 Char, René, 4, 28 Chardin, Jean-Baptiste-Siméon, 69, 145 Chavance, Louis, xi, xii Churchill, Winston, 113 Clavé, Antoni, 183 Clouzot, Marianne, xi Clouzot, Marie-Rose, xi Cocteau, Jean, 135, 145, 173, 176, 182, 186, 226, 227, 250, 259 Companys i Jover, Lluís, 28 Coulondre, Robert, 94 Cranach, the Elder, Lucas, 162 Crevel, René, xiv, 249 Cuny, Alain, 205 Cuttoli, Marie, 71, 251 Czechoslovakia, 66, 81, 88 d’Estienne d’Orves, Honoré, 149 Daix, Pierre, 145, 256 Daladier, Édouard, 72, 81, 94, 96, 149 Dannecker, Theodor, 159 Darlan, François, 178 Darnand, Joseph, 197 Darquier de Pellepoix, Louis, 179 Daumier, Honoré-Victorin, 253 de Bièvres, Solange, xi de Gaulle, Charles, 208, 215, 228, 233, 238, 239 de Goya y Lucientes, Francisco José, 36, 84, 102, 143, 171, 212, 248 de Langlade, Paul, 238 Déat, Marcel, 144 Debû-Bridel, Jacques, 196 Decour, Jacques, 144, 172 Decre, Madeleine, 205 Deharme, Lise, xiii, xiv, 26, 249 del Castillo Sáez de Tejada, José, 24, 25 Delacroix, Eugène, 112 Delectorskaya, Lydia, 258 Deloncle, Eugène, 144 Denis, Maurice, 95, 165, 183 Derain, André, 95, 165, 182 Desnos, Robert, 183, 222, 225, 226, 228, 236 Desnoyer, George, 240 Despiau, Charles, 109, 165, 182, 183 Devoto, Antonio, x Dias, Cicero, 197 Diehl, Gaston, 184 Dominguez, Oscar, 183 Doornick, Jean, 149 Doriot, Jacques, 23, 155, 187, 199

Dos Passos, John, 31 Dubois, André-Louis, 98, 136, 191, 194, 227 Duclos, Jacques, 240 Dudensing, Valentine, 93 Dufy, Raoul, 95 Duhamel, Marcel, xiii Dunoyer de Segonzac, André, 165, 182 Dürer, Albrecht, 221 Durrio de Madrón, Francisco, 77 Ehrenburg, Ilya, 31 Einstein, Carl, 122 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 233 Éluard, Nusch (Maria Benz), 7, 22, 26, 28, 57, 59, 77, 80, 140, 147, 159, 172, 220, 260, 261 Éluard, Paul (Eugène Émile Paul Grindel), vii, xiii, xiv, 3–8, 20, 22, 25, 26, 28, 36, 57, 82, 93, 98, 102, 117, 139, 140, 142, 146, 159, 170, 172, 173, 179, 180, 191, 196, 203–205, 220, 227, 231, 240, 241, 249, 250, 257, 260, 261 Ernst, Max, 20, 103, 140 Esteban Murillo, Bartolomé, 154 Fabiani, Martin, 198, 251 Fargue, Léon-Paul, 205 Faure, Elie, 133 Felix de Lequerica, José, 194 Fels, Florent, 137 Fenosa i Florensa, Apel·les, 176 Fenosa, Antoni, 183 Fernández García, Félix, 176 Fidelin, Adrienne (Ady), 28, 57 Fini, Léonor, xiv Fougeron, André, 182, 240, 241 Franco Bahamonde, Francisco, 2, 25, 26, 31, 36–38, 41, 43, 48, 54, 60, 63, 72, 84, 86, 88, 89, 94, 135, 138, 178, 191, 194 Fréjus, 95 Freundlich, Otto, 201 Friesz, Othon, 165, 182 Fry, John Hemming, 138 Fry, Varian, 135 Gaillard, Pol, 241 Galtier-Boissière, Jean, 175 Gamelin, Gustave-Maurice, 121 Gámir Ulíbarri, Mariano, 60 Gaos y González-Pola, José, 37

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Index Gargallo Florentin Pichot, Germaine, 89, 259 Gauguin, Paul, 19 Geiser, Bernhard, 144 Geneva, 61 Gillet, Louis, 59 Gilot, Françoise, 205–210, 212, 215, 217, 221–223, 226, 229–231, 233, 237, 240, 243, 246, 249–253, 255, 256, 258–262 Gleizes, Albert, 149 Goerg, Edouard, 24, 182, 240 Góngora y Argote, Luis de, 18 González i Pellicer, Juli, 176–178 Göring, Hermann, 78, 121 Gromaire, Marcel, 24 Groth, John, 165 Grüber, Francis, 182, 240 Guernica, 45, 47, 48, 49, 51, 113 Guilloto León, Juan (Juan Modesto), 79 Halász, Gyula (Brassaï), vii, xii, xiv, 96, 97, 117, 139, 156, 158, 159, 169, 185, 196, 203–205, 210, 214, 220, 221, 223, 227, 228, 241, 249, 250, 261 Hanlet, Roger, 173 van Rijn, Rembrandt Harmenszoon, 22, 105 Heller, Gerhard, 178, 186 Hemingway, Ernest, 31, 239 Henriot, Philippe, 234 Himmler, Heinrich, 125, 155, 199 Hitler, Adolf, 6, 31, 36, 45, 48, 54, 58, 66, 78, 80, 81, 88, 89, 91, 95–97, 100, 102, 103, 117, 119, 121, 125, 126, 128, 140, 155, 156, 183, 190, 194, 199, 213, 237 Holz, Karl, 164 Höß, Rudolf, 155 Hôtel California, vii Hôtel de Beauharnais, 128 Hôtel de Paris, 111, 128 Hôtel des Algues, 28 Hôtel du Golf, 134 Hôtel du Louvre, 125 Hôtel du Tigre, 97, 106, 121 Hôtel La Louisiane, 223 Hôtel Majestic, 125, 215, 237, 238 Hôtel Matignon, 183 Hôtel Meurice, 125, 237, 238 Hôtel Régina, 171 Hôtel Vaste Horizon, 28, 57, 77

361

Hugnet, Georges, xiv, 117, 140, 142, 165, 180, 205, 227 Hugnet, Germaine, 227 Hugnet, Myrtille, 257 Hugo, Valentine, 227 Ivanovna Diakonova,Elena (Gala), 26 Jacob, Max, 6, 33, 137, 142, 197, 210, 221, 226–228, 236, 245, 249 Janin, Jean, 165 Jarry, Alfred, 18 Jeanneney, Jules, 124 Jouhandeau, Marcel, 124 Juan-les-Pins, 8, 9, 12, 59 Jünger, Ernst, 175, 187, 188, 215, 216, 230, 233 Kafka, Franz, 79, 101, 125 Kahnweiler, Daniel-Henry, 4, 7, 25, 33, 122, 124, 156, 172, 175, 202, 216, 253 Kazbek, 57, 59, 86, 135, 185, 186, 210, 232 Kéfer, Pierre, xi, xii, xiii Keitel, Wilhelm, 128 Khokhlova, Olga, vii, 32, 35, 85, 114, 117, 144 King Alfonso XIII, 2 Kisling, Moïse, 136 Klee, Paul, 61, 67 Knochen, Helmut, 125, 136 Koestler, Arthur, 31 La Rochelle, Drieu, 128 Lacan, Jacques, 199, 222, 227, 249, 251 Lacasa Navarro, Luis, 37, 56 Lacourière, Roger, 19, 22, 85 Landowski, Paul, 165 Lapicque, Charles, 149 Largo Caballero, Francisco, 3 Larrea Celayeta, Juan, 37 Laurens, Henri, 20, 66 Laval, Pierre, 128, 164, 178, 179, 183, 190, 193, 197, 200, 209, 252 Le Tremblay-sur-Mauldre, 32, 34, 35, 40, 49, 68, 69, 75, 76, 81, 85, 93, 97, 108 Léautaud, Paul, 98, 141, 228 Lebrun, Albert François, 50, 124 Leclerc, Georges-Louis, comte de Buffon, 19 Leclerc, Jacques-Philippe, 238, 239

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362

Index

Lefebvre, Henri, 90 Lefèvre, André, 156 Lefèvre, René, ix Lefèvre-Pontalis, Jean-François, 197 Léger, Fernand, 24, 174 Legueult, Raymond, 165 Legueune, Louis, 165 Leiris, Louise (Zette), 20, 142, 156, 187, 202, 227 Leiris, Michel, 20, 57, 85, 98, 100, 142, 153, 170, 172, 173, 175, 183, 196, 202, 205, 212, 216, 227, 233, 250, 256 Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim, 164 Levitsky, Anatole, 172 Lhote, André, xi, 24, 183, 184, 240 Limbour, Georges, 183, 227 Lipchitz, Jacques, 24, 138 Loeb, Pierre, 7, 20 Lord, James, ix, 8, 28, 30, 54, 145, 193, 233, 242, 249 Loris, Fabien, xiii Lotar, Eli, 7 Lurçat, Jean, 24 Madrid, 25, 28, 29, 32, 33, 41, 56, 64, 89 Maillol, Aristide, 95, 109, 165, 182 Málaga, 37, 38, 41, 43, 48, 59 Malo, Pierre, 158, 169, 178 Malraux, André, 1, 31, 34, 61, 108, 154, 225 Manessier, Alfred, 149 Manet, Édouard, 35, 171 Manuel-Lelis, Yotis, x Marchand, André, 182 Marion, Paul, 23 Markovitch, Henriette Theodora (Dora Maar), vii–xiv, 2, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 15, 16, 18, 20, 22, 24–36, 38–40, 42–45, 47, 50–55, 57, 59, 60, 62–64, 66, 68, 70, 72–81, 84, 86–91, 93–109, 111–118, 120, 123–125, 132, 135, 137–139, 141, 144–146, 150–155, 159–165, 168, 169, 171–176, 178–181, 186, 187, 189, 191–194, 197–199, 204–208, 211–213, 217–221, 223, 226, 227, 229–233, 236, 241–244, 246, 249, 251, 252, 257, 259–262 Markovitch, Joseph, x Masson, André, 25, 251 Matisse, Henri, 24, 50, 66, 102, 108, 120, 136, 148, 165, 166, 171, 174,

197, 215, 220, 229, 251–254, 258–260 Matisse, Pierre, 148 Mauclair, Camille, 184 Maurras, Charles, 26 Meerson, Harry Ossip, xii Ménerbes, 288, 251 260 Michaux, Henri, 227 Mihanovitch, Nicolás, x Miller, Lee, 57, 220, 227, 248 Miró i Ferrà, Joan, 20, 47, 61 Modigliani, Amedeo, 194 Mola y Vidal, Emilio, 25, 45–47 Montagnac, Pierre, 183 Montandon, George, 160 Monte Carlo, 95 Moquet, Guy, 164 Morel, Maurice (l’abbé Morel), 175 Morgan, Claude, 196 Morise, Max, xiii Morris, George L. K., 108 Mougins, 28, 29, 57, 58, 62, 77, 84, 96, 102, 151, 178 Mouloudji, Marcel, 227 Mourlot, Fernand, 144, 161, 252, 253 Mussolini, Benito, 45, 48, 91, 191 Némirovsky, Irène, 121 Nice, 96, 102, 148, 171, 174 No. 21, rue La Boétie, 128 No. 23 bis, rue de La Boétie, vii, 35, 71, 85, 97, 116, 132, 137, 189 No. 29 rue d’Astorg, 2 No. 6, rue de Savoie, 30, 39, 172, 192, 198, 257 No. 7, rue des Grands-Augustins, 39, 48, 50, 71, 81, 85, 97, 116, 122, 132, 135, 137, 139, 154, 158, 169, 175, 178, 185, 187, 188, 197, 202, 204, 208, 211, 216, 221, 227, 228, 237, 239, 243, 250, 252, 259, 260 Noël, Léon, 131 Ossorio y Gallardo, Ángel, 56 Oudot, Roland, 165 Paalen, Wolfgang, 20 Pagava, Vera, 233 Paris, vii, ix–xii, xiv, 4, 7, 19, 21–23, 25, 28, 30–32, 34, 36, 37, 48, 50, 55, 57, 58, 60, 61, 68, 69, 71, 75, 77, 78, 80, 81, 94–98, 100, 102, 105, 108, 109, 110, 113–116, 118–120, 122–128, 131–136, 138–

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Index 149, 151, 152, 155–160, 163, 165– 167, 170–178, 182, 183, 186–190, 194, 196, 197, 199, 200, 202, 203, 210, 211, 213, 215, 216–219, 223, 225–241, 243, 250–253, 258, 261 Parrot, Louis, xiv, 170, 220 Paulhan, Jean, 186, 196 Peltier, Robert, 173 Penrose, Roland, 7, 8, 25, 26, 28, 34, 54, 57, 62, 75, 89, 95, 98, 100, 116, 147, 192, 213, 215, 231, 238, 239, 246 Penrose, Valentine, 26, 28 Péri, Gabriel, 168 Pétain, Henri Philippe, 32, 126, 128, 134, 155, 178, 197 Petit, Georges, x Petit, Henry-Robert, 132 Picasso y López, María, 55, 86, 177 Picasso, Paulo, vii, 8, 61, 144 Pignon, Edouard, 24, 149, 182, 240, 241 Poland, 81, 94, 97, 100, 140 Politzer, Georges, 144 Poussin, Nicolas, 238 Prade, Georges, 226 Prévert, Jacques, xii, 1, 5, 211, 223 Prieto Tuero, Indalecio, 3 Primo de Rivera y Orbaneja, Miguel, 2 Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia, José Antonio, 19 Ratton, Charles, 20, 183 Ray, Man, viii, xii–xiv, 20, 28, 30, 57, 78, 94, 150, 206 Rebatet, Lucien, 109 Reimers, Hans, 164 Renoir, Jean, 1, 5 Réty, Alfred, 122, 170, 196 Réty, Marie, 170 Reverdy, Pierre, xiv, 227, 228, 245, 255 Reynaud, Paul, 121, 124, 126 Rigaut, Jacques, 249 Ristelhueber, Boules, 140 Rizzo, Christian, 173 Rodger, George, 247 Rodin, François Auguste René, 169 Rodríguez de Silva y Velázquez, Diego, 154, 171 Rojas, Fernando de, 18, 137 Rolland, Andrée, 111, 120, 135, 161, 174 Rolland, Romain, 19, 21, 24, 96 Rol-Tanguy, Henri, 237

363

Roosevelt, Franklin D., 91 Rosenberg, Alfred, 126, 156 Rosenberg, Paul, 7, 20, 28, 84, 85, 98, 120, 128 Röthke, Heinrich, 191 Rouault, Georges Henri, 50, 95 Rousseau, Henri, 252 Roussel, Raymond, 20 Royan, 94, 95, 97–101, 105–109, 111, 114, 116, 117, 120, 122–124, 128, 132–135, 144, 161, 178, 243, 251 Ruiz Picasso, María de los Dolores, 55 Sabartés, Jaume, vii, 7, 13, 14, 20, 25, 35, 51, 77, 81, 83, 85, 94–99, 108, 109, 111, 117, 120, 122, 135, 136, 186, 194, 207, 220, 227, 252 Sadoul, Georges, 58, 109, 196 Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire, 226 Saint-Raphaël, 28, 95, 156 Salacrou, Armand, 227 Salmon, André, 226, 227 Sampaix, Lucien, 168 Sánchez Cotán, Juan, 245 Sanjurjo y Sacanell, José, 25 Sarraut, Albert, 108 Sartre, Jean-Paul, 6, 170, 196, 208, 209, 223, 227, 241 Sassier, Inès, 57, 151, 152 Sert i López, Josep Lluís, 37, 56 Solomon, Jacques, 144 Sougez, Emmanuel, xi, xii Soustelle, Jacques, ix Soutine, Chaïm, 194, 213, 214, 241 Tanguy, Yves, xiv Taslitzky, Boris, 24 Tchimoukow, Lou, xiii Texcier, Jean, 240 Thorez, Maurice, 240 Tillon, Charles, 256 Toesca, Maurice, 136, 194, 226, 227 Triolet, Elsa, 196 Tzara, Tristan, 98, 103 Vaché, Jacques, 249 Valencia, 25, 59, 64, 70, 79, 90 Valéry, Paul, 95 Vallat, Xavier, 179 Van Dongen, Kees, 165, 182 van Gogh, Vincent, 19, 78, 109, 217 Vanderpyl, Fritz-René, 194 Vecelli, Tiziano (Titian), 71 Vézelay, 140, 172

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364

Index

Vicomtesse de Noailles, Marie-Laure, 205, 233 Vilde, Boris, 172 Villa Gerbier-de-Joncs, 94, 98, 111, 120 Villa Les Voiliers, 111, 116, 120, 128, 134, 161, 174, 243 Villa Pour Toi, 256 Villa Sainte-Geneviève, 8, 13 Villon, Jacques, 149 Vlaminck, Maurice de, 165, 182, 184, 186 Voisin, Louise Julie, x, xi Vollard, Ambroise, 19, 22, 32, 39, 75, 85, 95 von Choltitz, Dietrich Hugo Hermann, 236–238 von Paulus, Friedrich, 199 von Ribbentrop, Joachim, 128 von Richthofen, Wolfram, 47 von Schaumburg, Ernst, 172, 173, 178, 179 von Stülpnagel, Otto, 155, 159, 167 von Vollard-Bockelberg, Alfred, 128 Walter, Marie-Thérèse, vii, 1, 3, 4, 7–18, 21–23, 26–29, 32, 34–36, 43–45, 47, 53, 54, 59, 61–63,

65–70, 76, 77, 81, 83, 84, 87, 88, 91, 93–95, 97–100, 105, 107, 109, 111, 113, 117, 119, 120, 127, 135, 144, 151, 171, 189, 198, 202, 235, 237, 238, 239 Weill, Berthe, 170, 196 Werth, Alexander, 117 Weygand, Maxime, 121 Whitney, Peter D., 239 Widmaier Picasso, María de la Concepción (Maya), 3, 7, 8, 32, 68, 81, 94, 97–99, 109, 117, 120, 135, 144, 183, 189, 198, 207, 235, 237, 238 Zahar, Marcel, x–xii Zervos, Christian, xiii, xiv, 25, 26, 28, 36 50, 69, 102, 117, 118, 122, 123, 131–133, 140, 162, 172, 174, 176, 183, 197, 212, 213, 244, 248, 250, 251, 253, 254 Zervos, Yvonne, xiv, 26, 28, 117, 118, 140, 183, 197 Zhukov, Georgy, 199 Zucca, André, 163 Zurbarán, Francisco de, 145, 245

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