Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands: Hyper-Masculinity and Cultural Continuity 3030753468, 9783030753467

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Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands Hyper-Masculinity and Cultural Continuity

Carl Bradley

Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands

Carl Bradley

Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands Hyper-Masculinity and Cultural Continuity

Carl Bradley Centre for Defence and Security Studies College of Humanities and Social Sciences | Te Kura Pūkenga Tangata Massey University | Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa Palmerston North and Wellington | Papaioea me Te Whanganui-a-Tara New Zealand | Aotearoa Institute of Criminology | Te Pou Haratūtanga Victoria University of Wellington | Te Herenga Waka Wellington | Te Whanganui-a-Tara New Zealand | Aotearoa

ISBN 978-3-030-75346-7    ISBN 978-3-030-75347-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75347-4 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover Pattern © Harvey Loake This Palgrave Pivot imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Dedicated to the author Carl Bradley—sorely missed by his parents Joy and Alan Papprill, his loving partner Aida, and his children Joshua and Shahade—who tragically passed before this book was published. This book stands as a memorial to him.

Acknowledgements

Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands: Hyper-masculinity and Cultural Continuity is the result of many conversations. The initial idea came out of a conversation with an old biker who recognised the links to the past while discussing my research into ancient warbands. Out of respect, his anonymity is protected. I would also like to thank Samaya Borom for encouraging me to write this book that brought two seemingly different areas of research, across both space and time, together into one piece of work. I wish to acknowledge Mark Lauchs for his generosity in advice and encouragement. My father, Alan Papprill, thank you for reading over various drafts of the manuscript. Lastly, I wish to thank my partner Aida for her support, proofreading abilities and creating a peaceful and calm space to write while chasing chariots, ancient warbands and outlaw bikers.

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Contents

1 Introduction  1 2 The History of Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands 11 3 Characteristics of the Hyper-masculine Culture 29 4 Appeal and Response of the Outlaw Biker 45 5 Validity and Persistence of the Outlaw Biker 63 6 Law Enforcement, Legislation and Outlaw Biker Control 81 7 Future Trends 97 8 Conclusion115 References121 Index131

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Abstract  This chapter is the introduction for Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands: Hyper-masculinity and Cultural Continuity. It sets out the rationale for the study and asks the main question of why hyper-masculine groups such as the outlaw bikers persist in contemporary society. Such groups have a long and embedded place in society, just in different forms, and that this can be demonstrated by comparing the outlaw bikers of today with the ancient warbands of the past. Indeed, such a nexus allows for a new understanding of such groups. This introduction will provide the theoretical framework of this book while setting out the chapter structure. Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands: Hyper-masculinity and Cultural Continuity is the first academic work to make the connections between the ancient past and the contemporary world and closes with some suggestions for dealing with such groups today and some future trends for the outlaw biker milieu. Keywords  Outlaw biker • Ancient warband • Hyper-masculinity • Cultural continuity Scouts had reported intruders on the southern border, in territory they considered theirs by any authority. These intruders had defied territorial claim and as such would be attacked. Calling a war-council the chief greeted the warriors as they came in. Over beer and mead, plans were © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. Bradley, Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75347-4_1

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discussed and roles assigned. One of the younger in the group asked who the group was and what did they want, a question shouted down until the chief thundered over the noise, ‘who cares, we attack, honour of the warband demands it’. Guards were doubled and the scouts sent out to locate the intruders. Bonds to each other and the warband were cemented over the night as the drinking continued. In the morning, a little later than planned, the group mounted their horses or war-chariots leaving to confront the intruders. They would hit them hard and fast in a show of utter authority, leaving no doubt that this group would protect its border immediately and violently. Separated by both time and space, a small group of outlaw bikers sat talking quietly over a beer. The relative calm was broken as a prospect entered the clubhouse and walked straight up to the sergeant at arms of the club, ‘they have been seen at the Little Oak again, 8 of them’. No one needed clarification on who ‘they’ were as an upstart outlaw club had been trying to push their way into local pubs in an area the club has controlled for several decades. The call went out for the Prez and the other members. Tensions had been rising as several new outlaw clubs had begun to challenge the old club and violence had erupted in tit for tat conflicts. ‘We end this tonight’, the Sergeant confidently declared, ‘tonight we bash them and take their patches’. As the patched members and prospects came in, the president delegated the planning of that attack to the Sergeant. On completion of the planning, the president addressed the men in front of him. ‘We are going to deal with these fuckers tonight with no holding back, if you don’t want to be a part of this you don’t want to be a member of the club. Get your shit in order, we ride in one hour’. At the appointed time, 20 members and prospects mounted their bikes to head for the Little Oak, tonight the club would make a stand and defend the honour of the patch. In both situations some would not come back. These two fictional accounts describe the response by two groups that form the basis of this book, ancient warbands and outlaw bikers. Both groups share tenets and values that shape the cultural structures with a prioritisation of brotherhood and hyper-masculinity seen in violence and combat cohesion—concepts that will be defined further. In drawing on the literature and research of ancient warbands, modern scholars can work to understand contemporary groups such as outlaw bikers, a group that is historically secretive. Why is it that small groups of young men have been displaying hyper-­ masculine characteristics of the warrior since well before written history

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and forming into groups that celebrate such a culture? A quick survey of ancient warbands and other groups of males throughout history suggest that such cliques have been part of their communities since pre-literate times (Enright, 2013; Cunliffe, 2010; Carman & Harding, 2004). Warbands and other manifestations have been playing a role through the ages, particularly when responding to perceived or real threats. Outlaw bikers present the latest cultural manifestation of such groups; however, as this work contends, they are not a new phenomenon but a continuity of hyper-masculine groups. Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands: Hyper-­ masculinity and Cultural Continuity is the first work to explore the nexus between ancient warbands and outlaw biker groups with a view to understand the appeal of such groups, their persistence and revival in the contemporary global environment. Potts and Hayden suggest that males and team aggression have a long history from the Stone Age. Indeed, Harding states that ethnographically and sociologically, ‘male bands or confederations…are well known to occur in many situations, both ethnographically and historically’ (2007, p. 161). What makes the persistence of outlaw bikers likely is also the view that such groups mirror other hyper-masculine groups that hold legitimate positions with their host societies. Such groups as police and the military perform roles within state that sanction the use of violence. To a lesser extent, elite sports teams, which shape their team culture around small group cohesion, are in fact celebrated and honoured within the context of spectator sports and entertainment, satisfying symbolic combat. In these groups, we can easily see a values system that celebrates the modern-­ day ‘warrior’ as seen in attitudes of support for police and armed forces in parades and commemoration ceremonies, while high-performing sports players and teams can sometimes be shown leniency when anti-social behaviours of a sexually violent nature hit the media (Ford, 2018; West, 2019). It is no wonder that outlaw bikers have an appeal to non-members or those on the fringes of the outlaw biker milieu and indeed can be seen from a criminological context as subterranean values where groups such as law enforcement, the military and professional contact sports teams hold elevated status in contemporary society. This may explain why combat veterans across the globe find a new home among outlaw bikers once they return from theatre and leave the military. In the outlaw biker culture, combat veterans understand the subterranean values of male bonding, small group cohesion and hyper-masculine ideals. Such hyper-masculine values can be found in the socially accepted mainstream and the deviant

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sub-culture. This book contends that outlaw bikers are a continuation of persistent and inescapable expressions of hyper-masculinity that have been a part of human society replicated today in artificial cultural constructs. Further to this point, Potts and Hayden, in their work Sex and War, discuss male violence in terms of biological evolution and cultural acclimation in terms of team aggression and the consistent ability of young males to form into close groups to attack, and kill, other humans outside their immediate in-group. While Potts and Hayden use the term team aggression for this work, we will use the term organised violence. As humans have evolved, and as we will see in the ancient warbands of Iron Age, kinship groups developed into fictive kinships that bonded groups of men to an abstract notion of brotherhood as seen in the outlaw bikers today. While there is much debate over whether organised aggression is biological and an inevitable behaviour in which humans kill their own species with regular and increasing violence (Potts & Hayden, 2010; Keeley, 1996), hyper-masculine behaviours can be tracked from the earliest stages of humanoid development and linked to our closest evolutionary relative: the chimpanzee (Potts & Hayden, 2010; Diamond, 1991). Such outdated Stone Age emotions have been linked to the controlling by males of the pool of mates and may indeed explain patriarchal systems of controlling male bloodlines that became formalised with the move from hunter-­ gathering groups to more settled, hierarchical societies. Like the persistence and appeal of the outlaw biker culture, patriarchy and hypermasculinity are also embedded and persistent in contemporary society reflecting a value system that is both obvious in some groups and subterranean in others. What needs to be established from the outset of this book when considering hyper-masculine groups, be they ancient warbands or outlaw bikers, is the tenet of violence, the ability to fight and the emphasis given to it by these groups and those who are located within the milieu. Violence is an underlying aspect among both groups and shapes much of what will be covered in this book. Violence has two aspects: self-promotion and outside perceptions. Violence therefore shapes a group’s identity and places responsibilities and expectations on behaviours of members and potential prospects. Violence also reinforces group identity through conflict with other groups where reputation of the individual and the group have a persistent and enduring resonance for young men through the ages. Ancient warriors and outlaw bikers, and their reputation for physical strength, courage and fighting

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abilities, have the potential to enhance the broader group while establishing a presence and territoriality. From the outside, the public, police, politicians and the media often fetishise the violent potential of outlaw bikers in contemporary times. In ancient times, the warrior and their prowess (and as such their violence) were celebrated in poetry and iconography. From such sources, we can discern a warrior ideology that can be traced back to the Early Bronze Age. Shepherd talks about the warrior developing his own set of ethical beliefs associated to his own gods (2004). ‘Analysis of the nature of warfare in warrior society reveals, as ought to be expected, a large ritual component’ (Shepherd, 2004, p. 220). From this context, values can be identified that drive such a warrior culture with tenets of reputation, honour, blood stained (violence), loyalty and bravery, which feed into an over-arching theme of brotherhood that maintains a hyper-­ masculine ideal across space and time. These issues of ancient warband and outlaw biker tenets, and the ritual attitudes will be analysed in this book. Historical criminology and the application of a comparative study form the theoretical foundation for this book. Enright, on his work on ancient warbands, states that reading history tells as much about ourselves as it does of the past (2013) while Melchior in his discussion on post-traumatic stress disorder in the ancient world warns that the similarities and continuities between the ancient and the modern need to be carefully parsed (2011). In her work on the portrayal of Ajax in the medium of film, Bakogianni states that ‘using a classical lens means engaging closely a variety of contemporary issues and putting the ancients in meaningful dialogue with the modern’ (2018, p.  149). To this end, drawing on a historical criminological framework based on comparative studies allows for an assessment that draws on a wide range of sources. In this, we can explore how relations and understanding of the past inform and shape today’s challenges (Churchill, 2018). For an exploration of the ancient warband, this study utilises the ancient writings of Julius Caesar and Tacitus while also surveying the later vernacular works of Aneurin’s Gododin and Anglo-Saxon saga Beowulf. Roman expansion into Gaul in 58 BC is a crucial time to start from as it is when, through the writing of Julius Caesar and other classical commentators, we have a considerable written account of Gallic, and, to a degree, British societies. Vernacular’s texts can also be applied to the establishment of hyper-masculine warbands. Work such as Aneurin’s Gododin and the Old English saga Beowulf (Heaney, 1999) are also valuable sources of information on the enduring characteristics of the Celtic/Germanic warband. Added to this valuable

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account by an alien observer’s interpretation, we can draw on the work of Bronze and Iron Age archaeologists that are providing updated literature (also interpretive) to the corpus of knowledge of Iron Age society, warfare and warbands. Such knowledge and analysis of the ancient warbands can further the aim of establishing the hyper-masculine character of the warrior and the cultural structures of ancient warbands. When considering the world of the outlaw biker, the large amount of material by international researchers has been utilised. Scott Decker states that there is a dearth of academic material available on outlaw bikers despite much public fascination (Bain & Lauchs, 2017, p. xiii); however, things have started to change. Internationally there exists a larger body of research on the outlaw biker culture that has focused mainly on North America and Europe (Kuldova, 2019; Kuldova & Sānchez-Jankowski, 2018; Harris, 2012, 2018; Barker, 2014; Bain & Lauchs, 2017; Quinn & Forsyth, 2009; Thompson, 2009; Quinn & Koch, 2003; Quinn, 2001; Wolf, 1991). Participants in various law enforcement infiltrations of the outlaw biker scene in North America have also published accounts of their experiences (Dobyns & Johnson-Shelton, 2009; Queen, 2007). Australian academics have also produced a small but valuable corpus of literature on the outlaw bikers in the country (Lauchs, 2019, Lauchs & Staines, 2019; Bain & Lauchs, 2017; Lauchs et al., 2015; Harris, 2016; Veno, 2012). In Aotearoa New Zealand, literature on outlaw bikers is a small corpus of work conducted by local academics (Bradley, 2017, 2018, 2020a, 2020b; Gilbert, 2013, 2017; Taonui & Newbold, 2011; Dennehy & Newbold, 2001) and work published by ex-gang members (Isaac, 2007). Such work provides insightful information on the gang environment in Aotearoa New Zealand. Outside of academic research, much of the information on outlaw bikers comes from news reporting mediums, journalistic true crime writing (Simpson & Harvey, 2012; Shand, 2011; Coulthart & McNab, 2008), or the ex-biker or gang member memoirs (Campbell & Campbell, 2014, 2016; Campbell & Edwards, 2013; Cavazos, 2008; Wethern & Colnett, 1978). Such a variety of material enables the identification of the tenets and the nuances of the outlaw biker culture while allowing for a critical comparative analysis in discussing outlaw bikers and ancient warbands. Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands: Hyper-masculinity and Cultural Continuity will use these two strands of knowledge to apply the culture and tenets of the ancient warbands to the outlaw biker groups, to thus

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measure such hyper-masculine characteristics to argue for cultural continuity. Chapter 2 will provide an introduction into the origins and development of the outlaw biker phenomenon while also exploring the world of the ancient warband. Archaeological and classical interpretations will be assessed to identify the warband through literature and material culture. From this analysis, we can extrapolate the ideas of the warrior and hyper-­ masculinity and track its development through time. By conducting a comparative analysis, this seminal work will demonstrate the cultural continuity of warbands of Late Iron Age Gaul with the outlaw biker phenomenon of the modern era. This survey will set the platform to then conduct a comparative discourse analysis to define hyper-masculinity and identify the main characteristics and cultural markers of the ancient warbands and the outlaw bikers in Chap. 3. Chapters 4 and 5 focus more sharply on the outlaw bikers and their cultural milieu to answer certain questions. As stated, the major thesis of this book is that outlaw bikers, as a sub-cultural group, are not a new hyper-masculine, paramilitary expression. From this main statement arise several pertinent questions. Why do these groups exist and persist? What is the appeal of such groups? Are outlaw biker’s expressions of hyper-­ masculinity valid in today’s environment and what are such groups a response to? Robert Merton’s strain theory and advances in this area through the development of General Strain Theory can be applied to this group to answer such questions within the contemporary context. Strain theory and General Strain Theory (Hopkins Burke, 2019; White et  al., 2017) provide theoretical platforms to investigate the questions around appeal, response, validity, and persistence. This book will discuss the history of hyper-masculinity with the context of violence and the ritual and symbolism of such groups from a need to understand the centrality of physicality, reputation, status, respect and ideas of honour that have been identified in ancient warbands culture. Such enduring features of hyper-­ masculinity underpin the culture of contemporary warrior societies such as outlaw bikers. Chapter 6 will discuss current law enforcement approaches to, and legislative measures towards, gang control while presenting a set of recommendations (through crime prevention strategies) that can be applied in meeting the arguably negative consequences of outlaw bikers and their deviant nature and the role they play in the shadow economy.

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The last chapter will discuss future trends and what cultural continuity means given the steady increase in outlaw biker groups internationally. Factors such as COVID-19, the current risk of a financial downturn and the rising gap in socioeconomic inequality resulting from decades of neoliberal policies will be considered. In considering Churchill’s approach to the past and the role historical criminology can play, this book will provide a new way to understand the world of the outlaw biker. Through tracing the role hyper-masculine culture plays in the development and socialisation of the ancient warbands, we can seek to explore deeper social issues that have been around from well before written history.

References Bain, A., & Lauchs, M. (Eds.). (2017). Understanding the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: International Perspectives. Carolina Academic Press. Barker, T. (2014). Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs as Organized Crime Groups. Eastern Kentucky University. Bakogianni, A. (2018). Shades of Ajax: In Search of the Tragic Hero in Modern War Movies. In R. Apostol & A. Bakogianni (Eds.), Locating Classical Receptions on Screen (p. 149). Palgrave Macmillan. Bradley, C. (2017). Outlaw Motorcycle Club, Organised Crime and National Security. In New Zealand National Security: Challenges, Trends and Issues (pp. 272–288). Massey University Press. Bradley, C. (2018). Outlaw Bikers, Methamphetamine and Cultural Change. International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Science Studies, 4(1), 4–12. Bradley, C. (2020a). Hells Angels, Head Hunters and the Filthy Few: The History of Outlaw Bikers in Aotearoa New Zealand. Deviant Behavior. https://doi. org/10.1080/01639625.2020.1824134 Bradley, C. (2020b). Outlaw Bikers and Patched Street Gangs: The Nexus between Violence and Shadow Economy. National Security Journal, 2(1), 31–48. Campbell, C., & Campbell, D. (2014). Wrecking Crew: The Brutal True Story of the Bandidos’ Legendary Sergeant-at-Arms. Pan Macmillan. Campbell, C., & Campbell, D. (2016). The Outlaw and the Hitman: Inside the Crazy World of Australia’s Most Legendary Brawler, Biker & Enforcer. Pan Macmillan. Campbell, L., & Edwards, P. (2013). Satan’s Choice: My Life as a Hard Core Biker with Satan’s Choice and Hells Angels. Pan Macmillan. Carman, J., & Harding, A. (Eds.). (2004). Ancient Warfare: Archaeological Perspectives. Sutton Publishing Limited.

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Cavazos, R. (2008). Honor Few, Fear None: The Life & Times of a Mongol. HarperCollins. Churchill, D. (2018). What is ‘Historical Criminology’? Thinking Historically about Crime and Justice. BSC Newsletter, 82, 8–11. Coulthart, R., & McNab, D. (2008). Dead Man Running: An Insider’s Story on One of the World’s Most Feared Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs…The Bandidos. Allen & Unwin. Cunliffe, B. (2010). Iron Age Communities in Britain: An Account of England, Scotland and Wales from the Seventh Century BC Until the Roman Conquest. Routledge & Kegan Paul. Dennehy, G., & Newbold, G. (2001). The Girls in the Gang. Reed Publishing. Diamond, J. (1991). The Third Chimpanzee. HarperCollins. Dobyns, J., & Johnson-Shelton, N. (2009). No Angel: My Harrowing Undercover Journey to the Inner Circles of the Hells Angels. Random House. Enright, M. J. (2013). Lady with a Mead Cup: Ritual, Prophecy and Lordship in the European Warband from La Tène to the Viking Age. Four Court Press. Ford, C. (2018). Boys Will Be Boys: Power, Patriarchy and the Toxic Bonds of Mateship. Allen & Unwin. Gilbert, J. (2013). Patched: The History of Gangs in New Zealand. Auckland University Press. Gilbert, J. (2017). The History of Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs in New Zealand. In A.  Bain & M.  Lauchs (Eds.), Understanding the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: International Perspectives (pp. 139–160). Carolina Academic Press. Harding, A. (2007). Warriors and Weapons in Bronze Age Europe. Archaeolingua. Harris, K. (2012). Commitment and the 1% Motorcycle Club: Threats to the Brotherhood. Conference Proceedings, Australian Counter Terrorism Conference, 2012. Harris, K. (2016). The Fierce Commitment to 1% Motorcycle Clubs. Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism, 11(1), 73–83. Harris, K. (2018). Russia’s Fifth Column: The Influence of the Night Wolves Motorcycle Club. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 1–15. https://doi.org/1 0.1080/1057610X.2018.1455373 Heaney, S. (Trans.). (1999). Beowulf. Faber and Faber. Hopkins Burke, R. (2019). An Introduction to Criminological Theory. Routledge. Isaac, T. with Haami, B. (2007). True Red, The Life of an Ex-Mongrel Mob Gang Leader. True Red. Keeley, L. H. (1996). War Before Civilization: The Myth of the Peaceful Savage. Oxford University Press. Kuldova, T. (2019). How Outlaws Win Friends and Influence People. Palgrave Macmillan. Kuldova, T., & Sānchez-Jankowski, M. (Eds.). (2018). Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs and Street Gangs. Palgrave Macmillan.

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Lauchs, M. (2019). Are Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs Organized Crime Groups? An Analysis of the Finks MC. Deviant Behavior, 40(3), 287–300. Lauchs, M., Bain, A., & Bell, P. (2015). Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: A Theoretical Perspective. Palgrave Macmillan. Lauchs, M., & Staines, Z. (2019). An Analysis of Outlaw Motorcycle Gang Crime: Are Bikers Organised Criminals? Global Crime, 20(2), 69–89. Melchior, A. (2011). Caesar in Vietnam: Did Roman Soldiers Suffer from Post-­ Traumatic Stress Disorder? Greece & Rome, 58(2), 209–223. Potts, M., & Hayden, T. (2010). Sex and War: How Biology Explains Warfare and Terrorism and Offers a Path to a Safer World. BenBella Books. Queen, W. (2007). Under and Alone: The True Story of the Undercover Agent Who Infiltrated America’s Most Violent Outlaw Motorcycle Gang. Ballantine Books. Quinn, J. (2001). Angels, Bandidos, Outlaws, and Pagans: The Evolution of Organized Crime among the Big Four 1% Motorcycle Clubs. Deviant Behavior, 22(4), 349–399. Quinn, J., & Forsyth, C. (2009). Leathers and Rolexs: The Symbolism and Values of the Motorcycle Club. Deviant Behavior, 30(3), 235–265. Quinn, J., & Koch, S. (2003). The Nature of Criminality within One-percent Motorcycle Clubs. Deviant Behavior, 24(3), 281–305. Shand, A. (2011). Outlaws: The Truth About Australian Bikers. Allen & Unwin. Shepherd, D. J. (2004). The Elusive Warrior Maiden Tradition: Bearing Weapons in Anglo-Saxon Society. In J. Carman & A. Harding (Eds.), Ancient Warfare: Archaeological Perspectives (pp. 219–243). Sutton Publishing Limited. Simpson, L., & Harvey, S. (2012). Brothers in Arms: Bikie Wars. Allen & Unwin. Taonui, R., & Newbold, G. (2011). Māori Gangs. In T. McIntosh & M. Mulholland (Eds.), Maō ri and Social Issues. Huia Publishers. Thompson, W. (2009). Pseudo-Deviance and the “New Biker” Subculture: Hogs, Blogs, leathers and Lattes. Deviant Behavior, 30(1), 89–114. Veno, A. with Gannon, E. (2012). The Brotherhoods: Inside the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs. Allen & Unwin. West, L. (2019). The Witches are Coming. Allen & Unwin. Wethern, G., & Colnett, V. (1978). A Wayward Angel: The Full Story of the Hells Angels. The Lyons Press. White, R., Haines, F., & Asquith, N. L. (2017). Crime and Criminology. Oxford University Press. Wolf, D. (1991). The Rebels: A Brotherhood of Outlaw Bikers. University of Toronto Press.

CHAPTER 2

The History of Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands

Abstract  Outlaw bikers and ancient warbands share enduring tenets of hyper-masculine culture. This chapter starts with an account of the outlaw biker world before looking at the ancient warbands of Iron Age Europe. Using ancient texts helps to identify characteristics and values of a warrior ideology using the lens of hyper-masculinity. Starting with Caesar’s and Tacitus’ accounts of the tribal and clan-based warbands of Gaul and Germania, and the archaeological interpretation of remains and artefacts, we can extend our understanding of warband societies. Texts such as Y Gododin and Beowulf are used to reference warbands to further identify the characteristics of the Dark Age warriors. From these interpretative optics, the structure and hyper-masculine characters of the outlaw biker and Gallic and Germanic warbands society are identified and critically assessed. Comparing outlaw bikers and ancient warbands enables the identification of cultural continuity through the tenets of hyper-masculinity. Keywords  History • Iron Age • Classical writers • Beowulf • Gododin • Outlaw bikers • Warbands

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. Bradley, Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75347-4_2

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Outlaw Bikers and Their History Outlaw bikers are a group of men who appear to have come out of nowhere. While there is truth to some of this statement, groups of men who display tenets of hyper-masculine culture have been around for millennia, the focus of bikes, the adornments, attention to the three-piece patch and other identifiers make this group appear new. Such motifs aside, the cultural structure provides an enduring continuity accessible through historical comparisons. This section will provide a brief history of the international phenomenon. Barker, Quinn and Lauchs have identified the major North American clubs that dominate the outlaw biker scene regionally and globally. The Hells Angels are the largest with the Bandidos providing a counterweight in size and reach. The Outlaws MC and Mongols are two other clubs that have expanded internationally with serious contention coming from the Australian-based Rebels MC, the Comancheros, and the Dutch-based Satudarah. What all these clubs show is a capacity for expansion of the outlaw biker culture and utilising existing biker clubs to gain a foothold in an area. That such a culture already existed prior to internationalisation is partly one of the questions this book seeks to discuss and answer. Why have settler states such as Canada, Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand hosted such outlaw biker groups since the 1960s, and why do the Scandinavian countries have such large numbers? Indeed, Europol have noted that the number of outlaw biker clubs in Europe has doubled since 2005 (www.europol.europa.eu). What we can see is a globalisation of the outlaw biker culture through a slow but steady process that has resonated with thousands of young men. Despite the fact that it is often ignored or incorrectly dated in the evolution of outlaw bikers as a global phenomenon (Geurtjens et al., 2019; Barker, 2014; Wolf, 1991), Aotearoa New Zealand provides the first example of internationalisation when the Hells Angels established a chapter in Auckland city in 1961 (Hells Angels MC; Gilbert, 2013; Lavigne, 1996). While initially, this charter was not officially sanctioned by the Oakland chapter, it became the first to be approved outside California and the United States. The impact would be lasting for the outlaw biker scene in Aotearoa New Zealand (Bradley, 2020a). Such moves would also impact other countries where outlaw bikers took hold and grew, particularly in Europe, Britain and its old colonies of Aotearoa New Zealand, Australia, Canada, and South Africa. Indeed, in the latest moves of

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internationalisation, Australian outlaw biker clubs have engaged in expansion beyond its border. From the early beginnings, outlaw biker clubs in the United States established chapters across the country, mostly following the structure and tenets of the main American outlaw biker club the Hells Angels. It is hard to determine how this culture was disseminated globally, but it was swift.1 The major periods for the establishment of outlaw bikers were the mid- to late-1960s and the mid-1970s. In the counties that the outlaw biker became established, the scene became a busy place with the different outlaw bikers competing with other clubs to control territories while also fighting the large, patched street gangs that grew during the same period. In Australia, the Sydney chapter of the Hells Angels had a shaky start losing its charter in 1969 as a result of the local Finks MC killing their president (Gilbert, 2013; Veno, 2012). The Hells Angels expanded its presence in Australia and did so despite a large and active outlaw biker scene in all the major cities (Campbell & Campbell, 2016; Lavigne, 1996). In 1983, a chapter of the Sydney-based Comancheros patched over to the American-based Bandidos (Bandidos MC; Simpson & Harvey, 2012; Caine, 2010) and in doing so challenged the Hells Angels in the internationalisation stakes. While the rise of outlaw bikers in Aotearoa New Zealand can be traced to the establishment of the Hells Angels in 1961, Australian clubs started as local clubs with the American franchises coming later. In the 1960s and through to the 1970s, groups of young men formed around the tenets of hyper-masculine brotherhood and motorcycles, where dozens of clubs formed and consolidated their positions through conflict and alliance-­ making (Lauchs, 2017; Campbell & Campbell, 2016). Such inter-biker conflict saw clubs come and go with the slow but steady stabilisation of clubs in Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia as territorial boundaries were decided on and the larger, tougher clubs patched over the smaller or weaker ones (Lauchs, 2017). It was also by the end of this decade and into the next that the Hells Angels were also making their presence felt in

1  One ex-biker discussed the establishment of a large outlaw biker club in Aotearoa New Zealand in the early 1970s after hanging out with some Vietnam veterans who had pictures of the Hells Angels (pers comms: 31 July 2019). Other club members discuss the influences of popular culture in the form of movies such as The Wild Ones (1953, Columbia) and Easy Rider (1969, Columbia) or book such as Hunter. S. Thompsons’ work on the Hells Angels.

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Australia. The Bandidos would follow a decade later leading to one of the worst incidents of outlaw biker violence at the time. When discussing the biker scene in Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia, there is a discernible process that had been followed through the establishment of outlaw biker clubs globally who fought to consolidate their presence. They then proceeded to take control over an area, and then expand nationally with various means of taking down enemies and forming alliances. While both Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia have this shared experience, both countries also shared the fact that the American outlaw bikers saw them as fertile grounds in which to export their brand of outlaw biker culture, a pattern and process replicated around the world. Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia are important locations to highlight here as both countries, made up of previous British colonies, saw small groups of men form outlaw biker clubs, embracing the culture and setting the scene that would be repeated by the Hells Angels and Bandidos in Canada, Scandinavia, and other parts of Europe. For the Hells Angels, Auckland city in Aotearoa New Zealand was their first chapter outside California; for the Bandidos, Sydney Australia was their first outside of the United States. From these beginnings, there were moves into Europe and now, the internationalisation of the outlaw biker culture is spreading across parts of South East Asia and into South America. Mark Lauchs has conducted research into outlaw biker club numbers globally and has identified 5072 clubs with the majority coming from North America (922) and Europe (2316); over half of the European clubs coming from Scandinavia with 1243 (Lauchs, 2020, p. 1531). The balance of clubs come from Latin and South America (906), East Asia (322), Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand (266), the Middle East and North Africa (70) and South Africa (61) (Lauchs, 2020, p. 1531). These numbers make up clubs from the major American clubs as well as large numbers of local clubs who align to or resist the big international clubs. One common factor across these clubs are the structures (hierarchies) and signifiers (three-piece patch) as well as a focus on the large American motorcycles. There are nuanced differences, but most followed the lead of the Hells Angels. There are also definite tenets that also shape the sub-cultural values of the outlaw bikers that can be seen in North America, South Africa, Australia, Aotearoa New Zealand, Europe and, now, South America and South East Asia.

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Ancient Warbands Ancient warbands are an important place to start when trying to understand concepts around the cultural continuity of hyper-masculine groups and for identifying tenets that shape the culture and behaviours of groups that are separated by both space and time. This section explores the archaeological evidence, and the classical texts and vernacular sources to reveal the ancient warband. There is a wealth of material that has grown in the field of archaeological interpretation of ancient societies and those who formed around small warband societies (Cunliffe, 2004; Harding, 2007; Carman, 2004; Kristiansen, 2004; Wileman, 2014; Dark & Dark, 1997; Nash, 1985; Collis, 1984). Added to this corpus, four sources will be used to identify the ancient warband and assess the main tenets of behaviour. Early recordings of ancient warbands come from the Greeks and Romans who observed groups of people they viewed as a distinct ‘other’ living to the north of the Mediterranean city-states and regularly crossing into their lands. From such contact, histories and geographies were written starting with Posedonius. Others followed the information set down by Posedonius with Polybius, Caesar, Strabo and Tacitus adding to the initial works. However, for this book, we will focus on Caesar and Tacitus to tease out information on ancient warbands. Caesar paints a broad portrait of the Gallic and British people in an attempt to create order out of diverse and dynamic communities, and he even presents an ethnographic study of the Gallic people in a generic static picture (Gallic War 6.11–20). Caesar provides a detailed account of his campaigns against the Gauls in the last century BCE, mentions several warlords by name and highlights existence of their warbands. In his accounts of people living east of the Rhine, Tacitus equally provides examples of the institutions of the warband in the first century AD. Tacitus, in his On Britain and Germany offers information on the Germans that adds to Caesar’s interpretation. Tacitus is different from Caesar in that he does not list individuals within his comments on the ancient Germanic warbands east of the Rhine. This probably comes from him not actually visiting these places. However, in discussing ancient warbands that occupied lands East of the Rhine, Tactus lists certain characteristics that mirror those of Caesar’s Gallic warbands. Indeed, Enright argues that the institution of the Celtic warband was imported into Germany from Gaul (2013).

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Two pieces of literature from the poetic traditions of Dark Ages Britain have been analysed to build on the archaeological and classical interpretations of the ancient warbands to broaden the optic. From seventh-century Northern Britain, the Y Gododin (Aneurin) offers insights into warband mentalities as Celtic-speaking Christians recounted a losing battle against pagan Saxon invaders. Beowulf, written between the mid-seventh and late tenth century AD, describes this heroic Germanic warband (Heaney, ­ 1999, p. ix), and also captures the tenets of the ancient warband. Beowulf provides clear examples of the heroic tenets of the warband (Beowulf 1383–1396), probably reflecting long oral traditions on how to act, at times echoing the words of Tacitus, suggesting a long history. Six tenets of the ancient warband include the attainment of a name for warrior prowess which in turn drive the following four; an honour-bound code; a blood-stained reputation; codes of loyalty; and codes of bravery (Heaney, 1999). Added to these five tenets are attitudes towards women that shape the hyper-masculine values that began to take shape from ancient times. These form the warband tenets of the Gallic and Germanic pagans described by Caesar and Tacitus and observations from the texts of Y Gododin and Beowulf which match the outlaw biker tenets and track a cultural and social continuity. The presences of warrior societies have a long history in prehistoric Europe (Wileman, 2014). Indeed, a widespread ‘warrior’ ideology can be traced through grave goods and iconography from the Middle Bronze Age (Harding, 2007, p. 94; Wileman, 2014, p. 112). Warband societies of European Bronze Age (1800–500 BCE) chiefdoms were reinforced by a rise of the warrior retinues or warbands that gathered around the community leaders who went on trade missions or political gatherings. The need for protection and defence was specific to the community and the region it influenced (10–20 km, Kristiansen, 2004). This geographical criterion would have been determined by reasonable travel distances on a daily or weekly basis, but probably also reflected kinship ties and influence and shows the importance of the trade/warlord nexus. Successful warlords would offer his warriors wealth, protection and prestige (Wileman, 2014; Cunliffe, 2003). Value of this freedom of movement was in a warlord’s ability to create alliances and expand into other areas (Kristiansen, 1991). The geographical dimension and radius of real power would also have meant a complex patchwork of locally based leaders who fed into a broader kin-based network (Bradley, 2014). This patchwork could also have created competition between the local leaders for the warriors within

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these areas of contacts during periods of regional instability. Exchange and political power were seen within the context of linked, local and regional power structures (Kristiansen, 1991). Such a feature of competition can be seen in Europe during the formative stages of the Hells Angel and Bandido moves into that area from the United States. Attitudes to space formed into clear ideas around territoriality for the outlaw bikers locally, regionally and globally. ‘The war-band was a common aspect of Iron Age Gallic culture from the fifth century onwards’, led by wealthy district warlords who had a shared local identity and who did not recognise any central authority (Enright, 2013, p. 142). The reliance on and the strengthening of kin-ties in the early warbands would allow for warlords to maintain power, and also have access to the warriors of the kin-group, while creating an alliance with a clear understanding of collective security and obligations for all involved (Cunliffe, 2010). Such autonomy and alliance-making are regular and vital aspects of the outlaw biker, particularly multi-chapter clubs. Kinship ensured trust within a tight group (Enright, 2013) and also provided the mechanisms to attract warriors into the warband that would begin as kin-groups but move into a fictive kinship contract. In discussing Iron Age Ireland, Simon James claims that this complex society had many kings and sub-kings of the various tuath (Byrne, 2005; James, 2012; Gosden, 1985).2 Originally chiefly power was also based on the relationships of kinship. Anne Ross claims that the family-based tribal unit that appears in the early Irish tales are ‘strongly reminiscent of Scottish Gaelic society down to the eighteenth century’ where a clan chief was surrounded by other nobles and his kin who depended on and fought for him and the clan (MacLennan, 1979; Ross, 1970).3 In some cases, kin-based warbands maintained a hold of clan-based societies. Early warbands would have been familial and structured along kin-based lines but this did change and best demonstrated with the evolution of the mainly non-kin-based comitatus (Enright, 2013). Enright argues that the institution of the Celtic warband was imported into Germany to undermine tribal bands by a growing elite (2013).

2  Gosden translate the term ‘Tuath’ as meaning ‘a people’ (p.  480); Byrne argues that Tuath is a word ‘which has such wide connotations that no one English equivalent is adequate’ (p. 872). 3  Clan comes from the Gaelic word ‘clan’ for children (Maclennan, 1979, p. 86).

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Kin-based relationships between the chief and the tribal or clan members would be bonded through blood ties (Enright, 2013) or affine relationships (Harding, 2007). However, as warbands moved away from the mainly kin-based groups, fictive kinship in the form of such comitatus would be developed through elaborate symbolic rituals that would substitute blood ties with feasting and drinking (Enright, 2013). Like the comitatus, outlaw bikers also form into kin-based and fictive kinship groups who share similar values that form into sub-cultural norms. There are two aspects that need to be considered when looking at the relationship between warlord and the warband. The first aspect is the eligibility to lead a warband. The second aspect is where the power of the warlord was located. Those with power and wealth gained authority as they gathered followers in a service/protection relationship (Dark & Dark, 1997; Nash, 1985; Collis, 1984). Enright states that the warrior societies of the ancient world, whether kin or fictive kin, were deeply status conscious with a tradition seen in warlike gods and warrior virtues traced back to the La Téne period (Enright, 2013). The kin-based warbands would be characterised by the binary relationships of service and protection and thus establishing subordination to the chief, while the fictive kin comitatus would have focused on basic equality and brotherhood (Enright, 2013). Such an ideal is similar to those principles of the outlaw biker. Like the outlaw bikers, there would have been an element of in-group rivalry and one-upmanship that would have created a check on dictatorial leadership in the warbands but fulfilled aspirations of wealth and status (Enright, 2013). By the La Tène period (400–1 BC), the warlord was a leader who based their authority on military prestige and the ability to guarantee reward and plunder (Enright, 2013; Kristiansen, 1991). The warlord/warband bond would also have had a foundation in a service/protection relationship in which warriors bound themselves to a leader as a way of offering service, and in turn gaining a degree of protection. Such a relationship is like that between the member and the president in an outlaw biker chapter, and by extension the club. However, whether kin-based or affine warbands or those reliant on fictive kinship, for ancient warriors the relationship between the warlord and the warband was all about authority and power and such factors can be seen in the hierarchical structures of the outlaw biker. What can be seen through an interpretation of the archaeological record is a warband ideology based on the material remains. However,

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within the literary traditions, we begin to broaden our understanding of the tenets that formed this warrior ideology.

The Tenet of Brotherhood, Outlaw Bikers and the Ancient Warband Before moving further on the world of the ancient warband, we need to delve into the tenets of the outlaw biker to set the foundation of our comparison of the two groups. Tenets of the outlaw bikers are the main cultural markers of this group of which I argue brotherhood is the main binding value. Combat cohesion or efficiency, which will be discussed in Chap. 4 is one of the main hyper-masculine socialisation tools as is territorial defence and the need to defend the club and its perceived boundaries. There has been much written about these tenets elsewhere (Veno, 2012; Gilbert, 2013; Wolf, 1991) but for the purposes of this analysis, the main tenets of brotherhood will be considered here. Territoriality, while important for the early stages of outlaw biker evolution, seems to have moved into a stage of firm established boundaries with multiple clubs sharing spaces that were once violently contested. As such discussion on territoriality will be explored in Chap. 7. When looking at the ancient warrior tenets of attaining a reputation and following codes of honour, loyalty and bravery, brotherhood occupied the same importance for the ancient warrior as it does for the outlaw biker. Codes of honour, loyalty and bravery were the means to attain a reputation. Another tenet, being blood-stained is an obvious reference to violence and as such is seen within the context of violence. All tenets of the warband underpin the outlaw biker values system where brotherhood encapsulates the hyper-masculine sense of warrior-hood. Brotherhood, whether it is kin-based or falls within the context of fictive kinship, constitutes the major values that outlaw bikers share across the globe (Bradley, 2017; Veno, 2012; Barker, 2014; Wolf, 1991). Such brotherhood excludes women and other men who do not share the patch or the hyper-masculine markers. For the outlaw biker, the bonds that are created are based on the shared interest in riding largely American or European motorcycles (Bradley, 2018; Lauchs et al., 2015; Barker, 2014; Gilbert, 2013; Veno, 2012; Wolf, 1991). While bonding and socialisation have a strong focus on riding, there are other components of biking and brotherhood that set the outlaw biker apart from the rest. These are the

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tight bond formed around fighting and also the willingness to act violently to protect the club and the brother who shares not just the ideals of the ‘one-percenter’ but also the patch. Markers of brotherhood are wrapped up in the notions of masculinity and pride in the individual’s ability to stand their ground, take care of business and represent the club. After all, group identity and individual identities are tightly intertwined in the outlaw biker milieu. A strong example of brotherhood can be seen in Australia milieu of Sydney. Within the Australian Bandidos history, the Campbell and McElwaine brothers created a powerful kin-based faction firstly within the Comancheros MC before moving with other members to patch into the first Bandidos chapter in Australia (Simpson & Harvey, 2012; Campbell & Campbell, 2013, 2014). They went so far as to develop ‘Campbell’ rings that were awarded to members of the Bandidos who earned them (Campbell & Campbell, 2013, p.  109). What is interesting about this behaviour is that while the patch acts as a uniting exemplar of brotherhood and fictive kinship, the Campbell ring went one step further in bringing non-Campbell members into an inner circle, more so after the split by a Campbell-led faction from the Comancheros who they felt no longer fulfilled the fictive brotherhood they had initially joined. Deeply factional in its internal politics, a tight family unit can become a powerful clique within a club. The Campbell brothers made up such a strong faction within the Comancheros and were thus able to lead the large group to patch over to the Bandidos in Sydney in 1983 (www.bandidosmc.com.au/chapters; Campbell & Campbell, 2014; Simpson & Harvey, 2012; Caine, 2010). Fictive kinship can be a powerful element to club or warband unity and combat cohesion. A sense of belonging may be a push factor that draws in young men to join hyper-masculine groups such as the outlaw bikers, but this may be over-stated with pull factors such as an attraction or addiction to violence or physical aggression being a major driver. Brotherhood bonds are formed in conflict with other clubs (Quinn & Forsyth, 2009), against law enforcement or other hyper-masculine groups such as army units (Wolf, 1991), or sport teams (Campbell & Campbell, 2013, 2014). Possibly the most enduring tenet of the outlaw biker that can be traced through both space and time is the ever-present spectre of violence and by extension, combat cohesion. Such behaviour has set ancient warbands and outlaw bikers apart from the rest of the community, regardless of what role they play.

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Attaining a Name for Warrior Prowess The main tenet of the ancient warband, and the one that drove the observance of the others, was attaining a name for warrior prowess. To do this, it was important to attach oneself to a strong leader of renown. In military terms and in the context of ancient warbands, Caesar believed that it was from the upper reaches of society that the war leaders were drawn. For Caesar, the major class of men comprised equites, ‘knights’ (Gallic War 6.15).4 From Caesar, predominant form of leadership for the first century BC communities are well-placed within the personage of the chieftains seen in the location of power within individual chiefs, warlords and kings (Wightman, 1985). Attaining a name for warrior prowess was one of the main pre-occupations of the warband society. Indeed, it was this quest to make a name that also shaped the other tenets. Caesar listed great prestige as a prerequisite for leadership (Gallic War 6.11), and warfare was a means from which warlords’ reputations for leadership would have come.5 Indeed, like the presidents and sergeant at arms in outlaw biker clubs, leaders in ancient Germanic warbands were picked, according to Tacitus, for their examples of valour, rather than authority (Germania 7). For example, from the Y Gododin, leaders displayed a keenness for battle (Gododin lxxii) while warlords from Beowulf required good lineage and a name of renown (Beowulf 19–26). Caesar stated that when called to war, the importance of some leaders was judged by the number of liegemen (ambacti) they could attract, and those with such class of warriors held great power and influence among their community (6.15). Having the ability to draw such numbers to them depended on their birth and resources, and these at least constituted two sources of influence and power available to Gallic leadership (Gallic War 6.15). Dumnorix was a warlord who exercised authority over areas of land and valuable trade routes making it possible to fund a ‘private’ warband made up of cavalry (1.18). Dumnorix’s private warband possibly ­represents the early stages of a fictive-kin group not made up of his family members and arguably not constrained by the rules of the Aedian state. Some centuries later, Beowulf’s warbands are described as both kin and non-kin 4  Equites, meaning cavalry or order of knights, in Caesar’s time comprised the Roman senatorial class with a property qualification of over 400,000 sesterces (Dunham, 113). 5  Diodorus wrote of the Celts that they bring to battle ‘their free men to serve them, choosing them out from among the poor, and these attendants they use in battle as charioteers and as shield bearers’ (Book 5, 29, 2).

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members (Beowulf 729). Commius of the Atrebates was an influential warlord throughout Caesar’s conquest of Gaul (4.21, 5.22, 7.75). What Caesar tells us of Commius fits within the parameters of an Iron Age warlord, with a retinue of warriors always with him (4.35, 6.6, 8.6, 8.10). For Tacitus, maintaining a large body of companions could only be done by violence and war (Germania 14). Hrothgar, the King in which Beowulf travels to from his home, had such a reputation in war that kinsmen and other followers flocked to his hall to serve in his warband (Beowulf 65–68). Having a reputation for valour was also an expectation of the warriors who made up the warband. Tacitus noted that the Germanic warbands of the Late Iron Age valued courage in battle (Germania 6). For ancient warbands, such violence creates small group cohesion and not unlike the tenet seen in the outlaw bikers where combat cohesion creates a tight and harden fighting culture (Campbell & Campbell, 2013).

Honour-Bound The Gallic leaders of factions held judgement over their lesser followers, and this institution existed from ancient times to protect those under their command and did so, Caesar claims, as a means to prevent oppression of the weak by the strong (6.11). For the warriors of the Y Gododin, honour was wrapped up in ideals of dying in battle and not treating with the enemy. They refused to seek terms in battle (Gododin xix) with ‘Heaven as protection’ accepting no quarter and likewise not giving any (Gododin xxxix, lxxxii). Examples of the honour of the warriors in Beowulf are numerous with such examples as Hrothgar being honour-bound to be generous to his followers if the hero were to die (Beowulf 69–81). Gift-­ giving between Beowulf and Hygelac also helped form bonds of honour (Beowulf 2166–2171) and the language of honour has been used within the context of Beowulf to note such expectations between warlord and his people (Beowulf 2512–2513) and the warrior and his warlord. In one example, Wiglaf alone from Beowulf’s warband supports his lord through his sense of honour (Beowulf 2598–2608). Outlaw bikers hold the same sense of upholding the honour of the group (Quinn & Forsyth, 2009).

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Code of Loyalty Leadership was also a position of service and protection for the communities aligned to men of influence and power (6.11). The service of the ambacti is somewhat higher in the relationship ladder than lord and client and one example of this relationship found in Caesar’s work (Gallic War 6.15 fn 1). In forming a tight bond between leader and warrior, it was a disgrace to survive the chief in battle (Germania 14), a relationship also observed in Aquitanian Gaul (Gallic War 3.22). Protecting the chief was primary, the chief fought for victory and the companions fought for the chief (Germania 14). Indeed, young chiefs were attached to older chiefs of experience. Such ties of loyalty are observed in the Beowulf when the hero bound himself to Hrothgar through adoption (Beowulf 946). Practices of bonding that Tacitus observed and are described in Beowulf fit within the process of a patched member ‘sponsoring’ of vouching for a potential prospect. In the outlaw biker culture, prospects would often be used as security for the president or other members when out and about, while also pulling security details around the bikes, camp sites or the clubhouse. In this way, prospect would be tested constantly and leaving a member or the president to fend for themselves would be abhorrent, a crime also viewed within the ancient warbands.

Code of Bravery Cowardice was despised by ancient warriors with Tacitus observing that the throwing away of one’s shield was a supreme disgrace, with some men who survived such acts hanging themselves (Germania 6). For those set to die in the Y Gododin, bravery was shown through their happy demeanour before battle (Gododin vi, xxi) and the expectation to stand one’s ground in battle (Gododin xxv, xxix). Such a sentiment is stated on the colours of the Sydney Bandidos ‘our colours don’t run’ (Campbell & Campbell, 2013) echoing the mentality of Tactitus’ Germain warriors and those of the Y Gododin. Loyalty to the colours and the members is extended to all patched members within an outlaw biker chapter, spreading to the club. Such mechanisms of group loyalty and cohesion form a major tenet of both outlaw bikers and ancient warbands.

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Blood Stained (Violence) Such a tenet that celebrates the gory and bloody nature of warfare is not so clear in the writings of Caesar and Tacitus but can be seen in the poetic language of the Y Gododin and Beowulf. Aneurian describes the ideals of being manly as standing drenched in gore (Gododin x), accomplishments through great deeds of violence (Gododin xlvii) and gaining honour in death (Gododin lxxxvi). In describing his feats to the audience at Heorot, Beowulf talks of being boltered in the blood of enemies (Beowulf 419). What can be seen here was a willingness to enter battle and even die for the warband, a notion that holds great importance within the outlaw biker world (this will be discussed in Chap. 4).

Hyper-masculine Attitudes Warriors (fathers, chiefs or kinsmen) equipped young men with shield and spear in public, a deeply symbolic act of rebirth and in-line with the importance of patching in a new member in front of their brothers followed by a large party. Like the new patched outlaw biker who forgoes his old identity, the young warrior ceased to be a member of the household but a member of the state (Germania 13). Germanic warriors take delight in exchanging gifts but ask no credit for giving them or admit no obligation in receiving them (Germania 21). Outlaw bikers also enjoy such reciprocal gift-giving and bonding (Kuldova, 2019; Campbell & Campbell, 2013; Wolf, 1991). Gift-giving played an important role in the formal bonding between Beowulf and his warlord Hygelac (Beowulf 2166–2171) who also viewed themselves within the hyper-masculine relationship of battle brotherhood (Beowulf 1973–1974). Within ancient Germanic warbands, there was intense rivalry among the companions to be the first warrior (Germania 13). Rivalries among warriors was seen with the verbal combat between Beowulf and Unferth about each other’s valour (Beowulf 499–606). While the boastful behaviour of Beowulf suggested acceptable hyper-masculine values within the presence of the warband (Beowulf 632–638). Such tensions as seen with Beowulf and Unferth fit within most human societies where the tensions of getting along as communal entities conflicts with the highly hierarchical nature of human society. Such tensions and rivalries would have been a natural way to curb autocratic power within outlaw biker clubs as well as ancient warbands.

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Caesar fails to mention Gallic women in his commentaries other than when trapped within the walls of besieged hillforts (7.47), while Tacitus mentions Boudicca and the acceptance among the Britons of female war-­ leaders (Agricola 16). When considering the ancient attitudes to women in the later warbands, there appears to be a growing antagonism towards women in the boastful claims of the warrior of the Y Gododin who preferred death in battle before marriage as a warrior ideal (Gododin v). In Beowulf, male heritage is prioritised (Beowulf 12–13, 18, 62–63, 2620–2624) while a curious, and somewhat misogynistic tale of Modthryth, who behaves badly until married off, seems to provide a warning against unmarried women in the mead hall (Beowulf 1932–1962). Issues of hyper-masculine attitudes, women and the ancient warband/ biker nexus will be discussed in Chap. 3, suffice to say here that there appears to be a shift from Boudicca leading tribal warbands in 60–61 AD and the role of women viewed through the lens of the Y Gododin and Beowulf. Through the tenets of the ancient warband, with main being the attainment of reputation in fighting, there can be traced a persistence and continuity seen in the Romano-Celtic warbands and their opponents, Germanic raiders who began to settle in Britannia once the Roman legions withdrew in 410 AD. These Celtic and Germanic Anglo-Saxon societies would in turn fight new raiders from Scandinavia. This pattern would be seen within Norman England, and during the Hundred Years War and the War of the Roses where groups of men joined specialist fighting units that constantly fought in Europe coalescing into the crusading orders who fought in the Holy Land, Spain, and against pagans in Latvia and Lithuania. One common thread that connects these various groups is the tenet of reputation gain through organised violence and individual prowess. In contemporary times, hyper-masculine groups have become an accepted element of social order and control. Armed forces have global relevance as do male dominated law enforcement agencies. Off to the side sit the outlaw bikers who share all the same tenets with other contemporary expressions of the ancient warband, albeit in a ‘deviant’, subcultural flavour as viewed by mainstream society. If a warrior of an ancient warband found himself in the clubhouse of an outlaw biker chapter, or the other way around, it would not take long for either to analyse their new surroundings and feel mildly comfortable of their new surroundings.

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Conclusion Looking at the history of the outlaw bikers and ancient warbands, this chapter has set the context and identified the communities in which to conduct a comparative study. Such an approach has enabled us to test the notion of cultural continuity in hyper-masculine societies from the ancient past to contemporary times. Through the archaeological records and the literature of ancient and Dark Ages Europe, tenets of the ancient warband have been identified. Caesar’s and Tacitus’ works allow for an insight into the people of the Late Iron Age, while Y Gododin and Beowulf provide examples of the post-Roman warbands of Europe. Attaining a name as a warrior and the reputation for fighting stands as the driving tenet for other codes of behaviour. In the contemporary environment, brotherhood for outlaw bikers and gaining a reputation for the ancient warrior are attained through ideals of honour, bravery, loyalty and violence. In considering brotherhood, kinship and fictive kinship drive the bonds that bind members to each other and work towards clear processes of socialisation based on warrior ideals. Such tenets drive expectations for hyper-masculine behaviour which have been persistent from the earliest times of recorded history through to today. These tenets shaped the warrior ideology from the Middle Bronze Age through to the period of migrations as numerous Germanic peoples inherited the crumbling Roman world from the mid-­ fifth century AD but can be traced throughout history. Violence underpins both worlds of the ancient warband and outlaw biker and shapes the major character of socialisation that prioritises a small percentage of the male population within the community, which can, in turn, lead to hyper-masculinity.

References Barker, T. (2014). Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs as Organized Crime Groups. Eastern Kentucky University. Bradley, C. (2014). The Gallic War: A Reassessment of Caesar’s Interpretation of Gallic Leadership and Military Response to Rome. Unpublished Doctor of Philosophy thesis, University of Newcastle, Newcastle. Bradley, C. (2017). Outlaw Motorcycle Club, Organised Crime and National Security. In New Zealand National Security: Challenges, Trends and Issues (pp. 272–288). Massey University Press. Bradley, C. (2018). Outlaw Bikers, Methamphetamine and Cultural Change. International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Science Studies, 4(1), 4–12.

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Bradley, C. (2020a). Hells Angels, Head Hunters and the Filthy Few: The History of Outlaw Bikers in Aotearoa New Zealand. Deviant Behavior. https://doi. org/10.1080/01639625.2020.1824134 Byrne, F. J. (2005). The Viking Age. In Ó Cróinín, D. (ed.), A New History of Ireland Vol. 1 Prehistory and Early Ireland (pp. 609–634). Oxford University Press. Caine, A. (2010). The Fat Mexican: The Bloody Rise of the Bandidos Motorcycle Club. Allen & Unwin. Campbell, C., & Campbell, D. (2013). Enforcer: The Real Story of One of Australia’s Most Feared Outlaw Bikers. Pan Macmillan. Campbell, C., & Campbell, D. (2014). Wrecking Crew: The Brutal True Story of the Bandidos’ Legendary Sergeant-at-Arms. Pan Macmillan. Campbell, C., & Campbell, D. (2016). The Outlaw and the Hitman: Inside the Crazy World of Australia’s Most Legendary Brawler, Biker & Enforcer. Pan Macmillan. Carman, J. (2004). Beyond the Western Way of War: Ancient Battlefields in Comparative Perspectives. In J. Carman & A. Harding (Eds.), Ancient Warfare: Archaeological Perspectives (pp. 39–55). Sutton Publishing Limited. Collis, J. (1984). The European Iron Age. B.T. Batsford Ltd. Cunliffe, B. (2003). Danebury Hillfort. Tempus Publishing Ltd. Cunliffe, B. (2004). Iron Age Communities in Britain. Routledge. Cunliffe, B. (2010). Iron Age Communities in Britain: An Account of England, Scotland and Wales from the Seventh Century BC Until the Roman Conquest. Routledge & Kegan Paul. Dark, K., & Dark, P. (1997). The Landscape of Roman Britain. Sutton Publishing. Enright, M. J. (2013). Lady with a Mead Cup: Ritual, Prophecy and Lordship in the European Warband from La Tène to the Viking Age. Four Court Press. Geurtjens, K., Nelen, H., & Vanderhallen, M. (2019). From Bikers to Gangsters: On the Development of and the Public Response to Outlaw Biker Clubs in Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium. In T. Kuldova & M. SánchezJankowski (Eds.), Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs and Street Gangs: Scheming Legality, Resisting Criminalization (pp. 93–122). Palgrave Macmillan. Gilbert, J. (2013). Patched: The History of Gangs in New Zealand. Auckland University Press. Gosden, C. (1985). Gifts and Kin in Early Iron Age Europe. Man, 20(3), 475–493. Harding, A. (2007). Warriors and Weapons in Bronze Age Europe. Archaeolingua. Heaney, S. (Trans.). (1999). Beowulf. Faber and Faber. James, S. (2012). Exploring the World of the Celts. Thames and Hudson Ltd. Kristiansen, K. (1991). Chiefdom, State and Systems of Social Evolution. In T. Earle (Ed.), Chiefdoms: Power, Economy, and Ideology (pp. 16–43). Cambridge University Press.

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Kristiansen, K. (2004). The Emergence of Warrior Aristocracies in Later European Prehistory and Their Long-term History. In J. Carman & A. Harding (Eds.), Ancient Warfare: Archaeological Perspectives (pp. 175–190). Sutton Publishing. Kuldova, T. (2019). How Outlaws Win Friends and Influence People. Palgrave Macmillan. Lauchs, M. (2017). Nike Bikies. In A. Bain & M. Lauchs (Eds.), Understanding the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: International Perspectives (pp.  115–138). Carolina Academic Press. Lauchs, M. (2020). A Global Survey of Outlaw Motorcycle Gang Formation. Deviant Behavior, 41(12), 1524–1539. Lauchs, M., Bain, A., & Bell, P. (2015). Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: A Theoretical Perspective. Palgrave Macmillan. Lavigne, Y. (1996). Hell’s Angels: Three Can Keep a Secret If Two are Dead. Carol Publishing Group. Maclennan, M. (1979). A Pronouncing and Etymological Dictionary of the Gaelic Language: Gaelic-English English-Gaelic. Mercat Press. Nash, D. (1985). Celtic Territorial Expansion and the Mediterranean World. In T. C. Champion & J. V. S. Megaw (Eds.), Settlement and Society: Aspects of West European Prehistory in the 1st Millennium BC. Leicester University Press. Quinn, J., & Forsyth, C. (2009). Leathers and Rolexs: The Symbolism and Values of the Motorcycle Club. Deviant Behavior, 30(3), 235–265. Ross, A. (1970). Everyday Life of the Pagan Celts. B.T. Batsford Ltd. Simpson, L., & Harvey, S. (2012). Brothers in Arms: Bikie Wars. Allen & Unwin. Veno, A. with Gannon, E. (2012). The Brotherhoods: Inside the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs. Allen & Unwin. Wightman, E. M. (1985). Gallia Belgica. B.T. Batsford Ltd. Wileman, J. (2014). Warfare in Northern Europe Before the Romans: Evidence from Archaeology. Pen & Sword Archaeology. Wolf, D. (1991). The Rebels: A Brotherhood of Outlaw Bikers. University of Toronto Press.

CHAPTER 3

Characteristics of the Hyper-masculine Culture

Abstract  Hyper-masculinity is a persistent tenet of outlaw biker culture and can be traced through time to warband societies from as early as the Bronze Age. This chapter sets out to define hyper-masculinity and locates the outlaw biker within the socially constructed system that prioritised males who conform to such expectations that subordinate the role of women. Women and their role within the hyper-masculine world of the outlaw biker are considered with a discussion on the nexus between male attitudes and domestic violence. From a survey of the leading scholarship, this chapter presents a typology of hyper-masculinity, from which to assess how the tenets of violence and hyper-masculine reputations shape the behaviours of outlaw bikers within their cultural milieu. Keywords  Hyper-masculinity • Warrior tenets • Women • Patriarchy • Misogyny

What Is Hyper-masculinity? In the previous chapter, a set of tenets were identified that created a set of values within the ancient warband and outlaw biker milieu. While the concepts of reputation, honour, loyalty and bravery stand out within the warrior ideology, such values are grounded in both kinship and fictive kinship brotherhood. Placed within the outlaw biker culture, it is also a © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. Bradley, Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75347-4_3

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tenet that can anchor the typologies of the hyper-masculine. Violence is the other tenet that shows cultural foundations in the early warband cultures of Iron Age Europe. Both ancient warbands and outlaw bikers prioritise those individuals who show the warrior ideals in their sub-cultures. Being able to fight is central to the values of hyper-masculinity and as such violence is linked to the sense of identity that is developed and celebrated within the outlaw biker milieu, a reoccurring phenomenon since ancient times. Fighting and violence are defining tenets linked to defending the honour and identity of the group, the patch and the individual. In this focus, we can see from ancient times the rise of the cult of masculinity that prioritises a small group of men within society over women and other men. The typologies of the hyper-masculine can be seen across many institutions. Indeed, the patriarchal culture and misogynistic attitudes seen in the outlaw biker world reflect rather closely attitudes prevalent and universal in which men needs and status are prioritised over that of women. In such an environment, it is easy to see what Matza and Sykes (1961) call ‘subterranean values’ that help explain such attitudes that are perceived by the general public to provide the foundations of the outlaw biker, but are accepted and justified more generally (Hopkins Burke, 2019, p. 164). We just need to look at highly paid sportsmen to understand this cult and the value placed within modern society, be it UFC fighters, rugby union or league players, footballers or cricket players. Such values, mirroring the outlaw bikers can be found in the law enforcement MCs that have sprung up globally (Librett, 2008). The hyper-masculine ethos found in mainstream society is a subterranean ethos that shadow ideals of patriarchy across the globe. It is important to define hyper-masculinity and place it within the context of the outlaw biker, tracing its continuity from ancient times. Various scholars have developed definitions for hyper-masculinity (Messerschmidt, 2018; Corprew et  al., 2014; Scheff, 2006; Mosher & Tomkins, 1988; Beesley & McGuire, 2009; Donaldson, 1993; Cox & DeCarvalho, 2016). From their definitions, one can develop a typology of hyper-masculinity that can be measured against the tenets of the ancient warband and the outlaw biker. Messerschmidt conceptualises hyper-­ masculinity in four main ideas that fit within the ancient codes of the warrior: breaking of cultural or social taboos concerning the use of violence (gaining a reputation, blood stained/violence, oaths of bravery); violent, homophobic and sexualised masculinity contests (values of

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hyper-­masculinity); violence as a means for engaging with and solving conflicts (code of bravery and honour-bound); and the objectification and instrumentalisation of women and femininity (2018, pp.  481–482). Corprew et  al. conceptualise hyper-masculinity with four dimensions: dominance and aggression; sexual identity, anti-femininity; and the devaluation of emotions (2014) (these all fit within the hyper-masculine values). They add to their conceptualisation of hyper-masculinity the idea of callousness towards women, seeing violence as manly (codes of bravery), and danger is exciting, while also adding an inflated evaluation of status, self-reliance, aggressive activities (codes of bravery), dominance over others (gaining a reputation), and the devaluation of emotion and co-operation (Corprew et al., 2014, p. 106). Scheff (2006) describes the cult of masculinity and the masculinity mystique in which he provides the silence/violence binary that is linked to but expanding the flight or fight responses seen in men. In his silence/ violence responses, he states that men are silent and suppress or bury their emotions (Scheff, 2006). Scheff also states that the ‘composure and pose of hyper-masculinity seems to be a recipe for silence and violence’ (Scheff, 2006, p. 8). In this binary, we see the link between male response, violence and the hyper-masculine. Mosher and Tomkins (1988, p.  60) are more explicit in the origins of the hyper-masculine stating that the ‘ideological script of machismo descends from the ideology of the warrior and the stratification following warfare’. By way of conceptualising the ideology of the hyper-masculine warrior, they identify three behavioural dispositions: entitlement to callous sex, seeing violence as manly, and viewing danger as excitement (Mosher & Tomkins, 1988, p.  60). Beesley and McGuire describe masculinity as a socially constructed concept with designated masculine attributes usually based on individual characteristics of physical strength or power, aggressiveness, risk-taking, emotional control and sexual potency (2009). Further to this, using Donaldson’s concepts, Cox and DeCarvalho (2016) believe that hyper-masculinity relies on ‘collective patterns of behaviour and gendered performances that function to indicate one’s manhood to others’ (p. 818). Indeed, gendered identities and practices reinforce each other in the performance of masculinity and its construction (Messerschmidt, 2018, quoting Judith Butler, 2002). As such he has identified Sexton’s ‘male’ norms seen in the behavioural characteristics of courage, inner direction, certain forms of aggression, autonomy, and mastery with attitudinal and social factors such as adventure, a toughness of

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mind and body, technical skills, and group solidarity (Donaldson, 1993). When looking at ancient warbands and outlaw biker groups, Mosher and Tomkins conceptual behaviours and Sexton’s norms, we need to ask whether both sets of criteria can be applied to both groups and what about the position women hold in such groups? And further whether Sexton’s norms are exclusively male (particularly when looking at the evidence of female Iron Age warriors). Donaldson, in Cox and DeCarvalho (2016, p. 831) states ‘the crucial difference between hegemonic masculinity and other masculinities is not the control of women, but the control of men’. Hegemonic masculinity can be seen in the outlaw bikers (Librett, 2008) where value is only placed on those who are members, those who show ‘class’ within the biker milieu, or men who show the qualities to be considered as prospects. The concept of hyper-masculinity was introduced to explain ‘misogynist behaviour and identities of individuals and within groups’ (Messerschmidt, 2018, p.  481). In discussing young men in Northern Ireland, Beesley and McGuire assert that masculinity is an achieved rather than an ascribed status ‘allowing individuals to differentiate themselves from members of other groups and endorsing the use of violence as an inevitable feature of life’ (2009, p. 252). This separation of oneself and the group one belongs to is a clear and obvious motif of membership to the outlaw biker world, with the back patch separating its members from all others. Ancient warbands may have also had a degree of separation, given the violent potential held within their warband ideology. Certainly, when Iron Age burial practices are analysed, such veneration of the dead has a long history in hyper-masculine warband societies reinforcing the ideology of the warrior. ‘Culturally idealised forms of masculine characters’ are created and culturally exalted, the pattern of masculinity must have exemplars who are celebrated as heroes (Donaldson, 1993, pp.  646–647). The attention given to deceased bikers are an example of such reverence. Kuldova discusses such ritual and energy placed on the connection between the deceased and the outlaw bikers, and what this tells us about the importance of brotherhood; it also speaks of tradition, memory and association (2019). Indeed, the clubhouse is often a living shrine to lost members and a ‘sacred temple to the brotherhood’ that reinforces the culture, history and links to other clubs and associates (Kuldova, 2019, p. 116). Classical sources note that large bodies of Iron Age Britons were led in war by strong female warriors. Caesar does not list female leaders in battle, but Boudicca and Cartumandua are known in Britain. Both these women

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led tribal armies in first century Britain, with Tacitus stating that the Britons make no distinction of sex in their leaders (Agricola 16). Pre-­ Christian Celtic society also allowed more legal protection and rights for women than the Romans or Greeks and later Christians as shown in the Welsh Laws of Hywel Dda and the Brehon legal system in Ireland (Cherici, 1994). Also, burial analysis of graves from the Scandinavian Iron Age is beginning to show the presence of female warriors (Price et  al., 2019; Hedensterna-Jonson et al., 2017). How women were treated is veiled in the mists of time, simply because history tends to focus on men and rarely women. Indeed, gendered thinking has influenced years of interpretation of grave sites in which weapons reflect the male warriors and never considered to be the resting place of a female warrior (Hedensterna-Jonson et al., 2017). But what we can see is social attitudes to women that may have shaped attitudes that began to align with the restrictions placed on women at the same time in the societies dominated by attitudes based on Greek and Roman ideals of patriarchy (Cherici, 1994). Biological explanations do not excuse human actions such as violence, as history has shown that society is more than capable of overcoming hardwired, inherited predispositions towards certain behaviours (Potts & Hayden, 2010, pp. 124–125). Domination and control of women leading to patriarchal systems and misogynic methods and attitudes, within the European context, have a long history. Given the hyper-masculine attitudes and misogynistic behaviours of some within the outlaw biker milieu, they reflect a global attitude but does this situation of male privilege and entitlement have origins in the ancient warband? Saga poetry from Dark Ages Britain also show early examples by warriors of their attitudes to women. The Y Gododin makes statements to taking death in battle over getting married. While this may be hyperbolic utterings, there is a theme in which the warrior prioritises battle and all the attributes that lead to success in the warrior milieu. Iron Age societies practice warrior sodality, and this paradigm may have been a driving force in behaviour and attitudes towards women. It may be that with the expansion of the patriarchal cultures of the Greeks and Romans into Celtic-­ speaking Iron Age Europe that the role of men became further prioritised. Germanic warrior ideals of warrior sodality may have further reinforced such male privilege. Warbands east of the river Rhine during the Roman Iron Age provide early examples (written by an outsider, Tacitus) of early attitudes towards women. Tacitus states that until a man proved himself to be a warrior, he had no intimate knowledge of women. In a sense, echoing

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the war-like pursuits and achievements over that of engaging in the pursuit of women (Germania). The Y Gododin certainly echoes this. While such restrictions are no longer in place with the outlaw bikers, attitudes to women and access to them is. This is an attitude of patriarchy. What is evident in the aforementioned summary of warbands is a celebration of the hyper-masculine and enduring characteristics of the warrior that has been replicated throughout history. But are we seeing the full picture when considering the broader context of the warband, and indeed the broader community in this environment? What role do women play in a discussion of warrior-hood and hyper-masculinity? While burials in the vast steppe of Southern Russia have produced a large number of female burials with horse-gear and weapons, Britain has both historical records of female warriors, as noted by Roman and Greek writers, and within the vernacular Irish Tain. All the top Ulster warriors sailed to Alba (Scotland) to learn the martial arts from Scáthach (Heaney, 1994). Also, in Irish mythology, the Morrighan was involved in warfare and conflict and the Viking warriors were both male and female (Price et al., 2019; Hedensterna-­ Jonson et al., 2017). While more evidence is coming to light of female warriors in the ancient world, it needs to be stated that a large part of the male population was not those involved in war (Skogstrand, 2010). Given the growing evidence that questions the male dominance of war, when was it that the narrative of the hyper-masculine warrior became the sole preserve of a small group of men at the expense of other men and women? From the early stages of the development of the warrior ideology in the Bronze Age, we see cemetery patterns that are not clearly prioritising males. Indeed, Boudicca and Cartumandua show that female leaders, and probably warriors, were accepted in British communities in the first century AD. However, by the fall of Rome in the fifth century, the Roman Christian Church had begun dehumanising women and categorising them as ‘evil stimulants’ instead of the partners of men (Cherici, 1994, p. 36). Such an attitude can be seen in the Christian writings on ancient warbands in Aneurin’s Y Goddodin.

Typologies of Hyper-masculinity From the aforementioned list of characteristics, we can discern some crossovers and themes in behaviours, of which some are distinctly hyper-­ masculine. We can apply Mosher and Tomkin’s characteristics of entitlement to callous sex, violence as manly and danger is exciting to develop

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typologies of hyper-masculine behaviours but these three tend to ignore the psychological attitudes attached to ideas of self and therefore it is prudent to add one more typology: personal identity. For the remainder of this chapter, the four typologies of hyper-masculinity will be used as measures to identify common attitudes outlaw bikers have towards women in their cultural milieu (Table 3.1). One main theme that comes through the conceptualisation of hyper-­ masculinity is blood-stained violence. As seen earlier, violence is one of the main tenets that shapes the cultures of the ancient warbands and outlaw bikers. Messerschmidt looks at the role of violence in the construction of masculinity because of gendered power structures or as a ‘gendering identity resource that is used to actively construct masculinity’ (2018, p. 481). Katz (in Cox & DeCarvalho, 2016, p. 830) states ‘the physical body and its potential for violence provides a concrete means of achieving and asserting “manhood”’. Violence in the outlaw biker milieu is a strong and potent socialisation tool which we will return to in some detail later. What needs to be highlighted here is that violence sets warbands and outlaw bikers apart from most other social groups as well as other hyper-­masculine groups such as sports groups, martial arts clubs, or law enforcement and defence force personnel where violence is more ritualised, controlled or state mandated. This generalisation does need to consider violence that can erupt by all these groups from time to time as part of the hyper-­ masculine expectations of these groups, particularly when alcohol is involved. While violence may be implied in these other groups, the expectations to fight are not as strong when compared to warbands or outlaw bikers. While law enforcement and defence forces have awards for bravery, the violence context is quite different in that it is legally mandated with strict rules around the use of force in potentially dangerous situations. In this, it is the author’s contention that the violent potential for ancient warbands and outlaw bikers is nuanced from other forms of violence. What does it mean when men who belong to hyper-masculine groups such as outlaw bikers are sexually violent? These groups are after all just one group within a hyper-masculine world (Scheff, 2006). Some scholars see sexual violence and hyper-masculinity linked in a mutually constitutive and reinforcing relationship centred on a high affinity to risk and violence; masculinity is manifested in the objectification of femininity and feelings of entitlement to power and domination over others (Messerschmidt, 2018). Indeed, one of the main typologies identifies male and group attitudes to women, femininity, sex and identity.

Miscellaneous

Entitlement to Callous Sex (Mosher & Tomkins, 1988).

Danger is exciting (Mosher & Tomkins, 1988). Violence is manly (Mosher & Tomkins, 1988)

Sexton (Donaldson, 1993). Beesley and McGuire (2009) Corprew et al. (2014)

Personal identity

Sexton (Donaldson, 1993). Corprew et al. (2014) Beesley and McGuire (2009) Certain forms of aggression Sexton (Donaldson, Aggression, dominance and aggression 1993). Aggressiveness Corprew et al. (2014) Breaking of cultural or social taboos Beesley and McGuire concerning the use of violence, violence as a (2009) means for engaging with and solving Messerschmidt (2018) conflicts Callousness towards women, anti-femininity Corprew et al. (2014) Sexual potency Beesley and McGuire Violent, homophobic and sexualised (2009) masculinity contests, the objectification and Messerschmidt (2018) instrumentalisation of women and femininity Group solidarity, mastery, technical skills Sexton (Donaldson, 1993)

Courage, toughness of mind and body, inner direction, autonomy Emotional control, Sexual identity, physical strength or power Inflated evaluation of status, devaluation of emotions, self-reliance Adventure Risk taking

Sources

Main typologies Characteristics/Behaviours/Attitudes

Table 3.1  Typologies of hyper-masculinity

Honour-bound; codes of loyalty; codes of bravery

Hyper-masculine attitudes

Codes of bravery; blood-stained

Attaining a name for warrior prowess; honourbound; codes of loyalty; codes of bravery Codes of bravery; blood-stained

Examples from AWBs

Mates don’t fall out over women (Veno, p. 227); names given to women in the biker milieu based on sexual availability Club identity

Territoriality; combat cohesion; club rules; individual fighting abilities

Paramilitary nature; combat cohesion

The outlaw biker club and patch; brotherhood; individual fighting abilities

Examples from the OBs

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Domestic Violence and Hyper-masculinity Fictive kinship that prioritises male aggression and hyper-masculinity, once firmly embedded within the cultural milieu of a group, can also exacerbate other aspects of violence (Potts & Hayden, 2010, fn p. 79). Sexual violence and group sexual violence can be a strong bonding experience for those within the in-group seen within outlaw biker clubs as well as sports teams and paramilitary units or the defence force (Ford, 2018; Dennehy & Newbold, 2001). In-group bonding and out-group antagonism may be applied to women in the outlaw biker cultural norms. When we consider group sex involving one woman and multiple men (blocking, pulling the train or gang rape, Gilbert, 2013, p. 126) in the context of outlaw bikers, the group socialisation process (which will be discussed in detail in Chap. 4), of which group sex with willing and unwilling women can apply, is something that young men are easily seduced into (Ford, 2018; Potts & Hayden, 2010). Organised violence, in the form of confrontation or sex, the attitudes of misogyny, patriarchy and hyper-masculine behaviours, play a central role in the cultural norms of the outlaw biker. Group sex and the objectification of women has a long history (Lamb, 2020; Potts & Hayden, 2010), and this has carried through to modern society beyond the outlaw biker milieu. Group sexual violence as a practice is seen by Messerschmidt as mutually reinforcing relationships with hyper-masculine gender identities (2018, p. 478). What is painfully clear is that such attitudes and behaviours, while helping form bonds of brotherhood, leave their victims traumatised and irrevocably changed. Like the arguments levelled at outlaw bikers and their connection to organised crime, and the tensions found in the conservative/radical spectrum, some outlaw bikers do not turn their violence against women and children. Violence beyond the outlaw biker context of inter-club conflict can be turned on those more vulnerable members of the milieu, women and children. Indeed, intimate partner and family violence has been linked to outlaw bikers in some law enforcement data (Veno, 2012, p.  117; Barker, 2018, pp. 42–43). This said, just like the complicit acceptance of the individual’s criminal activities, members do not always actively prevent a member’s violent attacks on women. While centrally connected with the institutions of male dominance, not all men practice it, though most benefit from it (Donaldson, 1993). When it comes to outlaw bikers, what most men support is not what they are (p. 646). This is the patriarchy. In the outlaw biker’s world, society can build up an easily isolated and

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identifiable group to point the finger at when it comes to violence against women, and in some cases, this is warranted. However, such labelling and finger pointing allow for general society to focus on these folk devils while ignoring the widespread issue of violence against women in so-called straight society. Folk devils are an issue we will further deal with in more detail. Conversely, issue of patriarchy and hyper-masculinity has a global presence with negative consequences for women. Violence against women is a social problem beyond outlaw biker communities. In Scandinavia and Iceland, physical or sexual violence from an intimate partner sits around 30%, while the average in the European Union reports such levels at 22%; Australia has a rate of 25% (Hill, 2019, p. 136). Men hold the dominant position in patriarchal systems globally committing violence against women at a level that is epidemic in scale. What we can see within some of the attitudes of outlaw bikers, as can be observed in wider society, is that the violence that underpins outlaw biker culture and cements the prospective member to the norms of the group, is also a way to control women (and other men) through fear (Dennehy & Newbold, 2001). Women are not permitted to patch into an outlaw biker club (Gilbert, 2013; Wolf, 1991) and this rule was set down by Sonny Barger of the Hells Angels in the late 1960s (Veno, 2012). This action and subsequent laws certainly formalise and enforce the place women hold in the outlaw biker milieu. When we consider attitudes towards women, we can also see the double standards in gender expectations of behaviour and the names that outlaw bikers have for women in their world. Within the social controls of women in the outlaw biker milieu, the patriarchal sense that women are the property of men and that women and children need to be protected and brought back into line for their own safety (Hill, 2019, pp. 124, 125). Labels are given to women who share the outlaw biker milieu based on their sexual availability (Davies Robinson & Bain, 2017; Dennehy & Newbold, 2001; Quinn, 1987; Wolf, 1991). Partners of patched members or prospects (called old ladies) were the personal property of those members and off limits to other members (Dennehy & Newbold, 2001; Gilbert, 2013; Wolf, 1991). Within a dichotomised attitude towards women sits a good girl/bad girl classification that determines whether a female is private property and controlled, or whether she is publicly available sexually to the men and male guests of the club (Dennehy & Newbold, 2001). This position is held by women called mamas (Thompson, 2012; Wolf, 1991). Gilbert, Dennehy and Newbold refer to molls or dirty girls (bad girls) who would often turn up once the old ladies (good girls) were

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gone, or not (Gilbert, 2013, p. 128; Dennehy & Newbold, 2001, pp. 44, 96). Other names for such women who are simply seen as sex objects also include sweet butts (Davies Robinson & Bain, p. 36; Thompson, 2012, p, 59). Numerous women who were part of the biker scene referred to these women as club ‘whores’ (Veno & Winterhalder, 2011, pp. 74–75, 121). A common observation of these women is that they have low self-esteem or drug issues (Veno & Winterhalder, 2011). Finally, the last group is of those women who have a loose relationship with the club and move in and out of that social scene (Davies Robinson & Bain, pp. 36, 37; Wolf, 1991, pp. 133, 144). These groups of women and the names given to them are not universal or present in all outlaw biker clubs but do show an insight into attitudes towards women and their role within this scene. One thing that is clear when looking at the role women play within the outlaw biker clubs is that those who fall with the good girl category are viewed very differently from those who were sexually available to the whole club (Dennehy & Newbold, 2001). With these differing views may come differing behaviours by club members towards these women who hold no status or respect. From such behaviours, the outward perception of violence to all women in the outlaw biker scene may be taken up by the media and society. Regardless of the position of women in the club, their status is normally dependent on whether they are attached to a member, and if so, reflecting the status of the man (Dennehy & Newbold, 2001; Wolf, 1991). What is also clear is that the different names reflect the sexual availability of women in a hyper-masculine world. Many women are drawn to hyper-masculine men and the outlaw biker culture is no different. Some women feel a sense that they want to save the ‘bad boy’ or that this life suits the ‘bad girl’ or rebel within them (Veno & Winterhalder, 2011, pp.  68, 75, 119; Dennehy & Newbold, 2001) or ‘perhaps there is a type of femininity that exactly fits, and encourages hyper-masculinity, women who want a strong silent man to protect them because they anticipate being victimised’ (Scheff, 2006, p.  9). Hyper-­ masculine behaviour is also expected of male children of these women which can lead to intergenerational membership within the club (Campbell & Campbell, 2014). ‘This pattern could help explain why modern societies continue to have high proportions of men who are hyper-masculine, or at least show some of its characteristics’ (Scheff, 2006, p.  9). In such a culture, women arguably want their children to copy the hyper-masculine behaviours of their partners. Taking this logic further, women who associate with outlaw bikers are there to amplify the masculinity of the men

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involved (Davies Robinson & Bain, 2017; Dennehy & Newbold, 2001). Hyper-sexualisation of these women feeds into the male ‘ideal’ of femininity and serves as a contrast with the biker performance of hyper-­masculinity (Davies Robinson & Bain, 2017, p.  38). Hyper-masculine cultures also prioritise male privilege and entitlement that cements attitudes of women as second-class citizens in some outlaw biker clubs (Davies Robinson & Bain, 2017; Dennehy & Newbold, 2001). Indeed, one woman from the biker scene stated that women ‘walk in the shadow’ of their men (Veno & Winterhalder, 2011, p. 121) with a need to show the public face of subservience and devotion in front of club members, regardless of what happens at home (p. 116). Outlaw bikers see their culture as a totally male chauvinistic world where women have no say in the running of the club (Dennehy & Newbold, 2001; Payne, 1993; Wolf, 1991). There is no way that such violence against women and children can ever be condoned. Trying to understand the outlaw biker milieu can offer solutions and uncover attitudes that sit well outside the media-driven public perceptions of this sub-cultural group. Work by Kuldova is enlightening in this regard when we consider the outlaw biker attitudes to a crisis of masculinity and disenchantment in a world that no longer valorises everyday heroes and acts of heroism (Kuldova, 2019, p. 128) beyond sports players or military men. She writes that male neurosis is ‘today a widespread problem because of the disappearance of convincing dramas of heroic apotheosis of man’ and that man cannot ‘find his heroism in everyday life anymore, as men did in traditional societies’ (Kuldova, 2019, pp. 127–128). Such a disillusion and crisis of hyper-masculinity is represented by (working class) men’s uncertainty about their place in the world; that uncertainty then manifests itself through problematic behaviours (Cox & DeCarvalho, 2016; Librett, 2008). As a result, delinquents or deviants going through a sense of hyper-masculine crisis translate behaviours into values that may be viewed as unacceptable or even those acts that the mainstream are too timid to express (Matza & Sykes, 1961, p. 717). Because of this and other factors, attitudes towards measuring masculinity may result in violence outside the acceptable to the dominant society (Matza & Sykes, 1961, p. 717). Because of this, we may see attitudes towards women in the outlaw biker scene that reflects positions of patriarchy that mainstream society tries its best to hide. In fact, the outlaw bikers and the perceptions of violence towards women allow mainstream society to distance itself from its own questionable misogynistic behaviours through using the outlaw bikers as folk devils, easily identifiable as standing outside the norms of mainstream society.

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Jess Hill, in her award-winning book See What You Made Me Do, suggests that male coercive control and intimate partner violence is linked to a deep feeling of shame linked to emasculation established from early childhood, particularly involving events that compromised their masculinity (2019, pp. 111–112). Potts and Hayden feel that acts of cruelty and indifference to suffering need to be seen in the context of evolutionary impulses that have long outlasted their usefulness (2010). Anger, even when based on deep-rooted shame, is an emotion, aggression or what Hill calls humiliated fury (p. 112). Such fury is a behaviour and not an emotion (Potts & Hayden, 2010, p. 56). However, what is clear is that sexual violence and coercive control are both biological and behavioural in the sense that humans can overcome this sense of shame that leads to violence. Shame is not a learned emotion that like feelings of guilt can be absolved; deep-seated feeling of shame reinforces feelings of an unspeakable sense of being bad, unloved and unlovable (Hill, 2019, p. 113). Like anger, sadness, joy, anticipation, surprise, dismal, disgust and fear, shame is one of the nine primary affects (Hill, 2019, p. 214) that can be converted into violence against those closest. Violence towards other external threats (such as other clubs, gangs and law enforcement) can be understood in the biker milieu. In the domestic context, it highlights the contradiction of this emotion in that those who feel a deep shame and have an insatiable hunger for intimacy and belonging have developed this humiliated fury when relationships expose such a nexus of need and shame (Hill, 2019). Violent socialisation practices seen in outlaw biker clubs may indeed tap into such feelings of shame that result from a troubled, violent or exploitative childhood. James Gilligan believes that all violence begins with a sense of shame and it works to banish shame and replace it with pride (Hill, 2019, p.  119). Using violence to fit within the hyper-masculine world of the outlaw bikers can be a way to gain a sense of pride in a world that such behaviour is valorised. Such attitudes link into the ancient warrior codes of honour, loyalty and bravery to the male group. Tight expectations around being in control emotionally, itself a main characteristic of hyper-masculinity, despite a deep feeling of shame would fit the biker scene. Further contradiction may come from the need to be loved by their partners exposing a sense of vulnerability that manifests itself in coercive control and violence (Hill, 2019). Such vulnerability seems at odds with what a prospective member will expose himself to when it comes to obeying patched club members, but from the place of emotion and shame

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males build up a defence against emotional fragility and work to never lose control. That may transform into a violent misogynist attitude to an ex-­ partner that then extends to women in general. Hyper-masculine groups that celebrate violence and male-bonding may in turn reinforce such attitudes. Domestic violence and coercive control, despite being attached to hyper-masculine attitudes of patriarchy, misogyny and male shame, are a choice that reflects the wider world that has enforced male dominance despite social movements to change. More research and data are needed to make a clear measure of violence against women in the outlaw biker context. One woman in this scene acknowledged such violence but believed it was only a small section (Veno & Winterhalder, 2011). Indeed, some attempts have been made to tackle some of the issues around violence towards women (Veno, 2012). The Hells Angels and Highway 61s in Aotearoa New Zealand have looked at attitudes towards women through banning rape and domestic violence (Dennehy & Newbold, 2001, p. 91). However, there is some scepticism about how this is monitored or enforced, given that the denigration and abuse of women appear to be endemic in the outlaw biker, and indeed the wider, world (Dennehy & Newbold, 2001).

Conclusion By defining the major characteristics of hyper-masculinity, this chapter places the ancient warbands and outlaw bikers within the context around male attitudes to women. Through defining hyper-masculinity, the tenets of the ancient warrior code and more so, those of the outlaw bikers have been measured against the typologies of hyper-masculinity. Regardless of their presence and the environment, within the ancient warbands and outlaw bikers, there is socialisation processes based on the relegation of women and some men below those of the patched members that speaks to hegemonic masculinity. While identifying hyper-masculine values that have evolved into clear tenets and sub-cultural norms of brotherhood in the kinship and fictive kinship sense, we can understand what such a culture that prioritises the hyper-masculine ‘warrior’ over women and other men looks like. A discussion on hyper-masculinity and domestic violence argues that such problems are not just found in outlaw biker communities. In recognising that such attitudes that measure women on their

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availability mirrors the persistent subterranean values of masculinity in the dominant patriarchal society, the question remains why such a situation is so appealing to those who join the outlaw biker world and what is their decision to do so a response to? We will explore such questions further in Chap. 4.

References Barker, T. (2018). The Outlaw Biker Legacy of Violence. Routledge. Beesley, F., & McGuire, J. (2009). Gender-Role Identity and Hyper-masculinity in Violent Offending. Psychology, Crime and Law, 15(2–3), 251–268. Campbell, C., & Campbell, D. (2014). Wrecking Crew: The Brutal True Story of the Bandidos’ Legendary Sergeant-at-Arms. Pan Macmillan. Cherici, P. (1994). Celtic Sexuality. Duckworth. Corprew, C. S., III, Mathews, J., & De Vell Mitchell, S. A. (2014). Men at the Crossroads: A Profile Analysis of Hyper-masculinity in Emerging Adulthood. Journal of Men’s Studies, 22(2), 105–121. Cox, N.  B., & DeCarvalho, L.  J. (2016). Ride Free or Die Trying: Hyper-­ masculinity on FX’s Sons of Anarchy. Journal of Popular Culture, 49(4), 818–838. Davies Robinson, A., & Bain, A. (2017). Bikes, Bros, and Hoes: Sex and the OMGs. In A. Bain & M. Lauchs (Eds.), Understanding the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: International Perspectives (pp. 29–45). Carolina Academic Press. Dennehy, G., & Newbold, G. (2001). The Girls in the Gang. Reed Publishing. Donaldson, M. (1993). What is Hegomonic Masculinity? Theory and Society, 22(5), 643–657. Ford, C. (2018). Boys Will Be Boys: Power, Patriarchy and the Toxic Bonds of Mateship. Allen & Unwin. Gilbert, J. (2013). Patched: The History of Gangs in New Zealand. Auckland University Press. Heaney, M. (1994). Over Nine Waves: A Book of Irish Legends. Faber and Faber. Hedensterna-Jonson, C., Kjellström, A., Zachrisson, T., Krzewińska, M., Sobrado, V., Price, N., Günther, T., Jakobsson, M., Götherström, A., & Storå, J. (2017). A Female Viking Warrior Confirmed by Genomics. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 164, 853–860. Hill, J. (2019). See What You Made Me Do: Power, Control and Domestic Violence. Black Inc. Hopkins Burke, R. (2019). An Introduction to Criminological Theory. Routledge. Kuldova, T. (2019). How Outlaws Win Friends and Influence People. Palgrave Macmillan. Librett, M. (2008). Wild Pigs and Outlaws: The Kindred Worlds of Policing and Outlaw Bikers. Crime Media Culture, 4(2), 257–269.

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Lamb, C. (2020). Our Bodies Their Battlefields: What War Does to Women. William Collins. Matza, D., & Sykes, G. M. (1961). Juvenile Delinquency and Subterranean Values. American Sociological Review, 26(5), 712–719. Messerschmidt, M. (2018). Ingrained Practises: Sexual Violence, Hyper-­ masculinity, and De-mobilisation for Violent Conflicts. Global Society, 32(4), 477–495. Mosher, D.  L., & Tomkins, S.  S. (1988). Scripting the Macho Man: Hyper-­ masculine Socialization and Enculturation. Journal of Sex Research, 25(1), 60–84. Payne, B. (1993). Staunch: Inside the Gangs. Reed Books. Potts, M., & Hayden, T. (2010). Sex and War: How Biology Explains Warfare and Terrorism and Offers a Path to a Safer World. BenBella Books. Price, N., Hedensterna-Jonson, C., Zachrisson, T., Kjellström, A., Storå, J., Krzewińska, M., Günther, T., Sobrado, V., Jakobsson, M., & Götherström, A. (2019). Viking Warrior Women? Reassessing Birka Chamber Grave Bj.581. Antiquity, 93(367), 181–198. Quinn, J. (1987). Sex Roles and Hedonism Among Members of “Outlaw” Motorcycle Clubs. Deviant Behavior. https://doi.org/10.1080/0163962 5.1987.9967731 Scheff, T. (2006). Hyper-masculinity and Violence as a Social System. Universitas, 2(2), 1–10. Skogstrand, L. (2010). Prehistoric Hegemonic Masculinities. In Situating Gender in European Archaeologies. Archaeolingua Foundation. Thompson, T. (2012). Outlaws: Inside the Hell’s Angel Biker Wars. Hodder & Stroughton. Veno, A. with Gannon, E. (2012). The Brotherhoods: Inside the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs. Allen & Unwin. Veno, A., & Winterhalder, E. (2011). Biker Chicks: The Magnetic Attraction of Women to Bad Boys and Motorbikes. Allen & Unwin. Wolf, D. (1991). The Rebels: A Brotherhood of Outlaw Bikers. University of Toronto Press.

CHAPTER 4

Appeal and Response of the Outlaw Biker

Abstract  Warrior ideologies and hyper-masculine values have been seen in both ancient warbands and outlaw bikers as shown in Chaps. 2 and 3. In exploring such ideologies and behaviours using strain theory and General Strain Theory as a lens, it can be demonstrated that socialisation is a vital component in bringing individuals into the group and understanding the codes of behaviour. This chapter explores the violence and combat cohesion that underpins socialisation within the outlaw biker milieu. It investigates Kuldova’s (How Outlaws Win Friends and Influence People. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019) concept of the creation of the sacred masculine while discussing the rites of separation and incorporation. Checkel states that socialisation is the process through which someone new to the group adopts the norms and rules of the given community (2017). Kuldova’s culture of sacred masculinity has relevance to the creation of the outlaw biker image and persona (2019). This chapter will discuss the concepts that underpin entering the outlaw biker culture. Keywords  Warrior ideologies • Strain Theory • General Strain Theory • Violence • Combat cohesion • Socialisation • Sacred masculine • Appeal • Response

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. Bradley, Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75347-4_4

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Socialisation, Violence and Combat Cohesion Messerschmidt (2018) discusses three phases of socialisation in armed forces/groups. These consist of the first phase that has no internalisation of group norms and adherence to culture, although initial contact is a screening time to a degree (Messerschmidt, 2018). Outlaw bikers also have phases of socialisation. However, to gain acceptance to even engage with the outlaw biker milieu, careful analysis of the way to behave, and therefore understanding some of the group norms, will be important for anyone wanting to take further steps to gain acceptance. Phase two is more involved and sees an awareness of club norms and an internal shift driven by constant reinforcement of the group (Messerschmidt, 2018). The last phase is full internalisation of group norms, behaviours and practices that may extend to the individual’s attitudes once they leave the group (Messerschmidt, 2018). Internalisation of such norms also means that while the ideals remain a part of the members behaviour after they leave the club, it will also be a barrier, based on loyalty, to an individual moving from one group to another, although this does sometime happen (Gates, 2017). In sharing a broader outlaw biker culture, such socialisation would allow for the patching over phenomenon within the outlaw biker milieu where whole clubs patch into a larger and stronger club for pragmatic survival reasons. Gates describes phase two as top down, ideological indoctrination, transformative socialisation through ritual, instilling fear by violent means as well as the rationalisation of violence often horizontally rather than vertically enforced with strict policing of behaviour with a system of punishment and reward (2017). When considering socialisation processes of ancient warbands and outlaw bikers, cultivating a culture of violence has great potency of bonding within hyper-masculine groups. Such cultures of violence are important in defining an organisation as being the basis of identifying with the group (Gates, 2017). Expanding on Gates’ phases of socialisation, he provides steps that reinforce the culture of violence that may form the identity of the group. Step one consists of authorisation through approval, or explicit orders by the leadership which when consistently practiced move onto step two where violence becomes routine (Gates, 2017). In this step, violence becomes easier and as such leading to the third step where the prospective members will normalise such violence internally and be adaptive, take orders without question and harness their fear at a psychological level; violence is no longer feared but harnessed and applied (Checkel, 2017;

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Gates, 2017). Socialisation is more than simply behavioural adaption to the norms of the group; there is a deeper change for the prospective member and his new identity and feeling of self (Checkel, 2017). A member of the Devils Henchmen in Aotearoa New Zealand echoed this sentiment by stating that gaining notoriety in the press ‘made members somebody’ (Gilbert, 2013, p. 77. Original emphasis). Behaviours and rules that help establish and reinforce the hyper-­ masculine codes or ideology are important (Messerschmidt, 2018), but can also use socialisation processes that are non-violent (Checkel, 2017). Such non-violent acts will usually be based on the expectation of hyper-­ masculine ideal; however, such hyper-masculine notions of socialisation which are found in the outlaw biker milieu may reflect attitudes found in the host community and broader society (Barker, 2007). Young men, it has been argued, who endorse traditional masculine norms affirm their masculinity by engaging in violent behaviour (Messerschmidt (2018). Cox and DeCarvalho state that violence is ‘often the single most evident marker of manhood’ (2016, p. 825). Young men who join outlaw biker clubs are often from communities that value masculine ideals, so in this, they are rarely a blank slate (Checkel, 2017). Indeed, hyper-masculinity is used as a gender identity by the military and other groups to strongly socialise its people (Messerschmidt, 2018). As discussed earlier, the socialisation of individuals to overcome the taboo of violence is a prominent concept of hyper-masculine behaviours (Messerschmidt, 2018). A driver to partly overcome male shame is to create a violent reputation (Hill, 2019). Hegemonic masculinity in the context of hyper-masculine groups such as ancient warbands and outlaw biker clubs is seen as a response to social threats against the group and is culturally constructed and situated while also critically changing (Cox & DeCarvalho, 2016, p. 819; Librett, 2008). Violence is core to the socialisation process, and this is based on organised group violence and combat cohesion. Paramilitary or combat cohesion when defending patch and turf, or resisting government legislation, sets the tone of socialisation and is linked to the early ideals of freedom culture with military precision and discipline (Wolf, 1991). In considering the kin-based warbands of the ancient world, particularly those that fought the Romans, we begin to see evidence of non kin-­ based members joining the clan-based units that made up the larger tribal armies and confederation who opposed Caesar. Cassivallaunus led hundreds of warbands against Julius Caesar’s raids into Britain in 54  BC.  Likewise, the massive army of Vercingetorix, numbering over

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250,000 warriors (Gallic War, 7.76), was made up of all the different clan groups of Gaul in 52 BCE (Gallic War, 7.76), with some warbands being formed from non-kin groups (Gallic War, 7.31). In such an environment, the socialisation process would have been designed to ensure that allegiance to the group was strong, a process vital for small group cohesion. Indeed, Vercingetorix tested his warriors daily to assess their courage and spirit in the face of Roman invasion (Gallic War, 7.36). Seen within the context of kinship and the biological imperative to defend members of the group that are related by blood, in-group cohesion and group aggression against the out-group can be understood. However, once the blood kinship ties become untenable or unrealistic, strong forms of socialisation are required. Indeed, early human existence required such aggression for the kin-group to survive, and fighting would have been one of the strongest experiences to create a culture of loyalty, courage and camaraderie (Potts & Hayden, 2010). Small groups now are rarely based on blood kinship (although this is not always the case in outlaw biker clubs that may be formed around brother, uncles and fathers) ‘but the old evolutionary systems of bonding and mutual support are still very much in place’ (Potts & Hayden, 2010, p. 65). In discussing the links between sex and war, Potts and Hayden link human expressions of conflict and violence, or organised male violence, as a biological and environmental response to the evolutionary process of survival (2010). Organised aggression includes the ability to kill other members of the species, a behaviour only shared with chimpanzees (Potts & Hayden, 2010). Potts and Hayden discuss the concept of in-group/out-group attitudes that can be linked to the survival of early groups and formed into major features of social organisation from before the Stone Age and beyond. With the slow break down of kin-based social groups, fictive kinships form with important rituals and processes that can be seen in the ancient warbands and outlaw biker culture. Creating the fictive kin of an in-group is a constant process within groups of young men from the ancient warbands, through to the hoplite units of the Greeks, the legions of Rome to the regiments of the modern era. Such groups were formed in the climate that required, for various reasons, what Potts and Hayden call group aggression. Such socialisation had expanded beyond the very real conflicts of warfare into other realms beyond contemporary militaries such as the paramilitary groups, law enforcement, the fire service, non-state militaries including the Provisional Irish Republican Army, Hamas, Hezbollah or the PPK. Danger is a constant reality for most of these groups. We can also

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see such in-group affiliations within sports and martial arts clubs (these later represent arguably symbolic outlets for group aggression). Indeed, a full list of such groups that bond over a sense of fictive kinship would fill up many pages. Suffice to say that street gangs, outlaw bikers and other groups that live on the margins of society but work within a culture of violence require small group cohesion that can respond to the threat of ubiquitous out-groups. Small group cohesion has been seen in human history and is still seen today in the make-up of most modern militaries with fighting units building on the tight section of eight to ten soldiers. From three sections comes the platoon of 30–60 of which 3 form the company. This company structure makes up the battalion which is the main administrative unit with a larger defence force structure. Special Forces units rely on small section-­ based units to operate effectively depending on their task, with the option to call on larger units if required. Within fictive kin-groups, bonding and shared experiences will shape and intensify the sense of brotherhood and aggressive predispositions (Potts & Hayden, 2010, p. 65). When considering small group cohesion, group aggression and fictive kinship among warbands and outlaw bikers, what we see is the importance of the small group and the processes to build bonds that are needed when the group faces an external threat. Caesar Campbell described the importance of small groups when discussing the Bandidos in Australia, saying there are always concerns when a group gets too big or too numerous, believing that 15–20 members was ideal (2014). Veno states that 25 is the upper limit to a manageable number for a club without becoming factionalised (2012). Small groups ensure an environment in which facial recognition and personal relationship form within clubs and across chapters. When clubs expand their numbers for varying reasons and open more chapters that may be geographically spread across a region, state, country and beyond, cohesion and in-group culture become harder. In the patch, we can see a symbolic marker, loaded with ritual and connection that enforces the in-group mentality and cohesion through strong processes of socialisation. When looking at combat cohesion, there would be an expectation that all patch members would front up in a fight, but this does not mean that all members would be the toughest fighters in the outlaw biker milieu. Colin ‘Caesar’ Campbell acknowledged that there were always a few hardcore fighters within any club, but not all members would be so (Campbell & Campbell, 2016). The ex-Mongol national president, Ruben ‘Doc’

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Cavazos, also shared this view around quality over quantity (Cavazos, 2008). Just like in ancient times, a few tough fighters would rely on the whole group to stand and fight without running, a sentiment reflected on their back patch with the words ‘Our colours don’t run’ (Campbell & Campbell, 2014). Indeed, in Homeric tradition, fighting ‘prowess’ would come to those weaker fighters who stood by the fearless ones (van Wees, 1996, p. 17). Military historian Richard Holmes describes this situation succinctly when writing about soldiers, a passage that could easily be applied to outlaw bikers, he wrote, ‘For the key to what makes men fight­we must look hard at military [or outlaw biker] groups and the bond that links the men within them’ (van Wees, 1996, p. 18). In tight groups like outlaw bikers that develop small group cohesion in combat, the reciprocal obligations combined with emotional attachment to your brothers and a discipline forged in fighting other groups produce mutual respect and loyalty. Ridicule and criticism for not fighting for the group can motivate members to fight for fear of shaming one’s self or falling short of what is expected of masculinity. Such a situation was written about by Homer in ancient Greece (van Wees, 1996) and echoes throughout records of men in combat (Potts & Hayden, 2010). Camaraderie and the bonds formed in conflict may be the most powerful impulse and driver for hyper-masculine behaviour that can be traced through time from the early stages of human interactions. Group aggression or combat cohesion has been an inherited trait for thousands of years as seen in the archaeological records (Potts & Hayden, 2010), and at the centre of this evolution are the young men who made up the numbers of the ancient warbands, the military units and the outlaw bikers. Universal to almost all cultures is a willingness of young men to work together in small, intensely loyal groups which enforces the predisposition for group violence/group aggression/combat cohesion against other groups of young men (Potts & Hayden, 2010). Violence being a currency can give those with an inability to control their temper validity within the outlaw biker context. The ‘nutter’ is ubiquitous in street fighting. They are found in most groups and are known for going wild or crazy in a fight. Like the Viking berserkers or others who went into battle frenzy, such a term is not one of abuse or ridicule (van Wees, 1996) and can sometimes be encouraged at the right time. However, if unchecked, such behaviour can place the group at risk if the nutter shows little concern for himself or the group, or has an absence of self-­ preservation (van Wees, 1996). The nutter’s violent impulses would be

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controlled and channelled during inter-club warfare (Quinn & Forsyth, 2011), much like the berserkers of Scandinavian culture. Outlaw biker freedom does not mean unrestricted or random behaviour (Wolf, 1991). Rules govern behaviour. The Sergeant at arms has an important role to play in ensuring that group cohesion is maintained through the adherence to the rules (both written and implied). In a culture where violence holds currency, such inclination has its value. More detailed analysis of socialisation processes for outlaw bikers will be discussed further, but before we look at these rites of separation and incorporation, we need to explore the idea of creating the culture of sacred masculinity.

Response and the Culture of the Sacred Masculinity Robert Agnew’s General Strain Theory provides a theoretical frame for analysing why the life of an outlaw biker is appealing and what such a life choice may be a response to. Such responses can also be seen in the sacred masculine, where hyper-masculinity gains near mythical status. General Strain Theory developed by Robert Agnew has been in favour since the 1990s and tends to look at the individual and the different classes rather than the whole structure (Agnew, 1992). The main types of strain for Agnew consist of goal blockage, noxious or negatively valued stimuli and the inability for whatever reason to satisfy strong desires for money, excitement and masculine status (Hopkins Burke, 2019). It is contended here that while it is important to recognise the role that these more defined strains play on individual decision-making and behaviours, Merton’s Strain Theory has equal relevance in today’s environment and should not be dismissed out of hand. Both Merton’s adaptations and Agnew’s advancement in the form of General Strain Theory, and more individually focused responses, can be applied to explain the reactions of the powerless and such strain wrapped up with the desire for status, respect and power. For some, the effects of economic and class marginalisation under successive western democratic governments and policy decisions suggest that the shadow economy provides a means to earn money in a system dominated by capitalist ideals, albeit in the trade of illicit goods. For some, class exclusion saw moves into counterculture and shadow economics a viable option. While aspects of social and economic dislocation were not the only factors offering reasons for some young people to form and join such groups, who often displayed anti-social or counter-cultural behaviours, unemployment, urbanisation and the loss of social and in some cases

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parental controls added to the allure of sub-cultural deviant groups like gangs (Gilbert, 2013; Isaac, 2007). Such sub-cultural systems based on economic hardship can be used to explain the existence of outlaw biker membership within a modern liberal democratic society. When considering the features of neoliberalism such as growing inequality and individualism (Cavadino & Dignan, 2006), Kuldova confidently links this environment to the world of the outlaw bikers and some insights into their response to their changing world. She writes, ‘Rising individualism, consumerism, and inequality, a sense of disenchantment of the world, the omnipresent rhetoric of crisis and instability, the endless proliferation of competing but fragmentary sources of meaning and the overall nature of “the postmodern condition” have all exacerbated the need for something sacred to hold onto, mirrored, among other things, in the rise and revival of nationalism’ (Kuldova, 2019, p.  127). Growing numbers of outlaw biker clubs and membership globally may be linked in the steady equality gaps financially and socially and the age-old issues of abundance versus scarcity (Bradley, 2020a). While the turmoil of Neoliberal ideologies and the successive political moves to introduce market-driven policies have a modern context, a common factor that impact communities from ancient to contemporary times is the consequences of social upheaval (Bradley, 2020a; Kuldova, 2019). Indeed, the rise and fall and rise of the ancient warbands can be linked to environmental and economic cycles that was a reoccurring phenomenon often attached to the rise and fall of markets or climate change (Enright, 2013). Ideas of a mythic belief system of brotherhood and sacred masculine show a process within the outlaw biker milieu that goes beyond those who wear the patch and can act as an aspirational goal for those trying to enter such a culture (Decker, 2017). In this, we may discern factors that, consciously and sub-consciously, draw on an older notion of warrior and warband mentalities that are attractive and seen as relevant in contemporary times. When considering oaths of loyalty and bravery and notions of kinship and fictive brotherhood, it is possible to understand the appeal of the outlaw biker pathway. In discussing the warrior aristocracies from European prehistory, Kristiansen states that ritual ‘is a powerful way of legitimising and institutionalising new positions of rank’ but that can also work as a constraint on power and hierarchy once it has been established (2004, p. 176). In this statement, we see the link between the very real implications of power, hierarchy and rank and the ritualistic dimensions of the warband societies

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that gained prominent positions within their host societies (as seen in rich burials). Concepts of the ritual and the sacred have been discussed by Kuldova who argues for the creation of the sacred in outlaw biker clubs. When we consider the patch and the process to attain it, there are clear processes that can support Kuldova’s idea of the sacred order which can then extend into the symbolic creation immortality within the context of death. Appropriation of a member’s body has been observed within the outlaw biker scene (Gilbert, 2013; Kemp, 2007; Veno, 2012). Funerals and burials are all a part of creating and establishing the sacred. Some club by-laws specify expectations around funerals. For the Pagans, it is mandatory for all members of the deceased’s chapter to attend the funeral (Veno, 2012, pp.  117–118; Wolf, 1991, p.  358). For the Bandidos MC, their websites has an ‘In memory’ page that lists all those passed on (https:// www.bandidosmcunitedstates.com/in-­memory). For the Australian chapters, they have the same with the heading of ‘Gone but Not Forgotten’ (https://www.bandidosmc.com.au/inmemory.htm). On their ‘news’ page, the Outlaws MC have entries that note fallen members with the ‘GBNF’ abbreviation (http://www.outlawsmcworld.com/news.htm). The Mongols MC list their fallen members with a ‘Chapter 13’ web page (https://www.mongolsmc.com/chapter-­13). These web pages show a visual reminder of those who have died while members and an enduring reminder of their sacrifice to the club. When we look at ancient Rome and its attitudes to the corpse, there is symbolic and actual meaning placed on them, whether as the nameless price of expansion or valuable assets to the Republic or Empire (Hope, 2016). Roman soldiers were invested with meaning and this attitude towards the corpse can be seen in the ancient burials among the warriors of the Celtic-speaking peoples of Northern Europe. Archaeological evidence from the Iron Age shows respect and energy given to the dead (Enright, 2013; Wells, 2004; Shepherd, 2004; James, 2012). The body of the fallen ‘brother’ is also given meaning within the sub-cultural communities of the outlaw biker. Making something special and sacred of a brother contributes to the symbolic sacredness of the outlaw biker, a practice that also has a long history among hyper-masculine groups. High praise of honour is granted to those who have died for the club during conflict (Campbell & Campbell, 2014). We also see a sacred treatment of the dead from the Northern European warrior traditions of the Goddidin and Beowulf.

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Gift-giving was a part of ancient warbands and helped to form bonds between warriors and the warband and their leader (Enright, 2013). Part of the functional interaction of gift-giving is the formation of bonds either between the members of the chapter of outlaw bikers or with those within the same or allied clubs but from different regions (Kuldova, 2019; Campbell & Campbell, 2014; Wolf, 1991). Beowulf is instructive when discussing gift-giving as to form bonds between warriors. Recall the acts of exchange between Hrothgar and the hero Beowulf that cemented hierarchy and friendships based on warrior and warlord agreements. Likewise, Beowulf presented his immediate lord and kinsman with gifts to consolidate the bonds of service and reinforce their ties of kinship. Ancient warband and outlaw biker culture share a need for symbolism and ritual. Part of the intent of this book is to discuss the symbolic dimensions of the warband and outlaw biker, and how they place themselves within their host communities. In identifying the tenets of the warband and the warrior through ancient texts and material remains, and through scanning the motifs and images presented on patches and club names, we can further explore the symbolic, ritualistic and cultural world of the warrior. Kuldova calls such a process the creation of the sacred, placing it within the context of the outlaw biker. The position these ancient warriors occupied within their communities can be extrapolated into the contemporary world of the outlaw biker.

Rite of Separation No two club’s initiation rituals are the same (Gilbert & Martin, 2019; Wolf, 1991), but what is clear about outlaw bikers and club membership are the rules that govern these groups and where this admission follows a long and deeply ritualistic initiation. As noted earlier, ways to socialise young (and not so young) males into the culture of the outlaw biker, and other paramilitary groups, involve different phases. We will now explore two phases: the rite of separation and the rite of incorporation. Ensuring full socialisation into the culture and values of the outlaw bikers allows for the next phase of creating and enforcing the sacred masculine that appeals to those wanting more from life than the mundane. Symbolism and ritualism have a long and potent history in the context of hyper-masculine groups and these persistent traditions are based on the rites of separation and incorporation.

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Speaking of Celtic-Germanic warbands Enright states that given the hierarchical structures, the younger warriors would serve the veteran warriors doing the menial tasks until they could rise through the ranks. Indeed, ancient Late Iron Age Germanic society ill-treated the younger warriors until they had proven themselves (2013), a process noted by Tacitus (Germania, 13). Such processes are evident when one considers the various prospecting duties expected of those wishing to earn the patch. Probationary periods for paramilitary groups have a long history; indeed, this ordinary technique of introduction ‘has been applied over many millennia because it is the most effective means of integrating recruits and creating a functioning unit’ (Enright, 2013, p. 202). Further to this, the non-kin-based comitatus would ‘constantly stress a long period of harsh initiation in order to create that pervading sense of esprit de corps which will make possible for members to support one another’ (Enright, 2013, p. 203). Maintaining the reputation of the fictive kin-group that constitutes the outlaw biker fits within the ancient practices of the ancient warband to varying degrees. Some members remove themselves (symbolically but not necessarily economically) from their host society who they can view as foreign or hostile (a view reinforced by the negative attitudes of mainstream society towards outlaw bikers), while others make up a natural feature of their communities. However, outlaw bikers, just like ancient warbands, need to be mindful of their host communities (to be discussed in detail in Chap. 7) creating an outlaw biker/community contract; the balance the warrior must maintain to ensure relevance and acceptance at the basic level of community. Acknowledging the synergy of this relationship makes for a nuanced idea of separation when considering the context of a potential member prospecting for an outlaw biker club. From here we can assess to what degree outlaw biker membership and the process for joining a club establish levels of separation and connection to the familial and societal elements of their host communities. The balance of this chapter provides the context for entering the outlaw biker culture so that questions pertaining to the appeal, persistence and apparent rise in popularity of outlaw biker membership can be assessed and explained in the following chapters. When we consider outlaw bikers and the ritual aspects of their culture, there are clear markers that set them apart from their host communities. The patch is the most potent and symbolic marker; it is also the most obvious. The strict controls that outlaw bikers usually place on membership are clear symbolic barriers for ‘citizens’ even communicating with outlaw

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bikers in some social settings (Wolf, 1991). The chapter clubhouse will be discussed in Chap. 5 but suffice to say here that tight controls over entry begin to establish the physical barriers between citizen and member, prospect, hang around and associate. This is a more obvious barrier compared to the nuanced rules that govern interactions between member and non-­ member, and at the centre of this are the patch and a marker that state many things (Wolf, 1991). Patch wearing is a clear statement of warning that says, ‘Fuck off!’ (Kemp, 2007, p. 48; Veno, 2012, p. 44; Wolf, 1991, p. 18). But in nuanced liminal context, the clubhouse can be opened to the host community (with certain rules and expectations on behaviour for all parties), a patch however must be earned. Such connections and separations vary between outlaw bikers and indeed chapters as patched members move between their club identity and their community identity (Haslett, 2007). What are consistent, however, within the outlaw biker milieu, are the rules around joining. There are universally followed rules that start a process of socialisation as discussed above that include being asked to hang around with the club before a commitment is made to prospect. Socialisation by separation begins sometimes years before a potential prospect is sponsored by a full-patched member, a decision that is not taken lightly by both parties, and a process that has rules that govern acceptance as a prospect, and progression that is steeped in ritual (Wolf, 1991). It is at the prospect stage that the separation rituals experienced by non-­ members at the associate and hang around stages demand a deeper and, seen in the context of liminality, have strong symbolic commitment to the rules and behaviours of the outlaw biker. In the prospecting stage, one can recognise the forming of a sacred induction into the club: the creation of the sacred masculinity through a liminal process that also shapes the non-­ member into a liminal entity. This is the phase where the non-member builds his new identity as an outlaw biker (Haslett, 2007). Like ancient warbands, modern professional militaries also put new recruits through a phase of separation and then incorporation called basic training. Such processes based on age-old practices are reflected in the opening phases of the outlaw biker prospect. When compared to the process of basic training in the military, the similarities should not be surprising. A prospect’s status is identified by a distinct patch that lets all involved in the milieu of who they are; such uniformed identifiers are used for recruits during basic training. Whatever history a prospect has before coming to the club maybe considered but had little relevance during the prospecting process; other than

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potential criminality, a recruit in the military has no history of standing as they go through their basic training. Both the prospect and a recruit must show complete obedience to those managing their socialisation, be they full patch member or training staff within the military. Likewise, both prospect and recruit lose their individual freedom during the process, and they become ambiguous with a clear curtailment of self (Turner, 1969; Andrae, 2004). It may be that citizens who choose to enter the world of the outlaw biker may already be well-placed within the biker milieu when seen in the context of the broader host society. In some cases, whole communities live on the fringes of the broad society. The process of marginalisation leads into a state of liminality (liminoid process). For those who desire to join an outlaw biker chapter, there is a conscious move to self-marginalisation, entering a secret, paramilitary society based on social, but not economic, segregation (Andrae, 2004). This action may be an act of willingly choosing to be further marginalised. Once a member has decided to sponsor a hang around, the prospect starts an induction that separates them from family and friends outside the club. This is a time to learn the rules and be assessed for reactions under pressure. There are many accounts of this process (Gilbert, 2013; Barker, 2014; Wolf, 1991), but it is prudent to point out the deeply symbolic and ritualistic process that the prospecting stage is in the socialisation into the group. While being tested for all manners of ability, the prospecting phase will most likely be gruelling, and yet, most memorable stage of their transformation from citizen to outlaw biker. In the prospecting process, we can determine two stages: the rite of separation discussed earlier and the rite of incorporation.

Rite of Incorporation Once brought into the club (patched), the person has shown commitment and undergone a process of liminality where they are no longer solely a member of the ‘straight’ society; they are living in two worlds and essentially the embodiment of the liminal being. The passage in incorporation is consummated by ritual of being given the patch. Numerous stories talk of a test at the final stage where a discretion is produced to question a prospect’s quality and suitability (Gilbert & Martin, 2019; Queen, 2007). With the ritualistic rites of passage, the creation of the sacred begins. The sacred was certainly an aspect of ancient warbands and the codes of

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loyalty and bravery discussed in Chap. 2. Such adherence to the sacred nature is most obvious in the oath-taking and rituals attached to weapons, standards and captured enemy arms that were often performed before or after battle. Ceremonies attached to the attainment of the patch hold equivalent meanings for the outlaw bikers and cement the rites of incorporation for the individual and the whole group. Wolf provides good account of such rituals in his anthropological study on the Rebels MC who were a conservative Canadian club (1991). In this account, you see the clear passage from prospect (or striker) to full patch. Once ambiguous, working one’s way through the process of socialisation, a new club member becomes unambiguous ‘reaching a stable state once more’ (Turner, 1969, p. 95). From this point, the prospect moves from a low to a high status within the club hierarchy, but the member is now fully socialised and dominated by the club (Andrae, 2004). Status comes with a clear understanding that the new member behaves in accordance with certain customary norms and ethical standards (Turner, 1969). Returning to the comparisons between the modern professional military and the outlaw biker practices, rites of incorporation have a distinct similarity in its motivations and symbolism. For a prospect, they attain full member status with the presentation of a full patch and probably a party to celebrate (Gilbert & Martin, 2019; Queen, 2007; Wolf, 1991). The graduated recruit has a marching out parade and assignment to a unit and corps training. Both have been given new identities and status, but they are still part of a hierarchical structure. While prospecting into an outlaw biker club can take between six months to three years (Wolf, 1991), basic training in the military can be a little as six weeks, but adding corps training, this socialisation period can be up to a year with special forces units extending their process beyond this. From this point on, the tenets of the outlaw biker shape the future behaviour of the member, just as the codes of the ancient warband would shape how the warrior would live their life. While the gaining of the patch acts as a defining point in the life of an outlaw biker, socialisation will continue as the culture of the club evolves. As the tenet of gaining a reputation for warrior prowess drove the other codes of behaviour in ancient times, the attainment of the patch implies ongoing responsibilities to the club and to protecting the outlaw tenets that give the club and chapter its unique identity. Loyalty goes beyond the individual members and the benefit of the group becomes the main focus which the rules enforce. In hyper-masculine groups where combat cohesion is vital for group survival,

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enforcement of the rules will be natural through the socialised processes of the ancient warband and outlaw biker clubs. In some cases, warriors would even attack people of their own tribal grouping ‘if it is judged necessary by the leader’ (Enright, 2013, p.  203). Indeed, Caesar notes how strict a disciplinarian Vercingetorix was in building and leading the Gallic army in 52 BCE, where physical punishment or death was handed down to anyone who hesitated to obey his rules or commands (Gallic War, 7.4). Expectations for swift punishment would certainly be applied to patched members if one of the group, or those within its orbit, steps out of line or breaches the numerous rules of the group. Outlaw bikers who step outside the expectations of the group find themselves on the outer swiftly and sometimes violently (Veno & Winterhalder, 2011; Marsden & Sher, 2006). Through the symbolic rituals of prospecting, the new members have stepped into a new world with a new identity and set of rules to shape and influence their behaviour.

Conclusion This chapter has discussed the issues of socialisation, violence and combat cohesion within the cultural milieu of the outlaw biker. Of importance to the socialisation process is the role that violence plays in making sure the potential prospect knows the rules of the club and will conform to them. It has also been identified that such bonding based on violence helps to strengthen the group identity and reputation as well creating a name and new identity for the successful prospect. In this process, violence is a strong socialisation toll that can be traced back through to the ancient warbands. In-group and out-group play an important role in creating combat cohesion and we again see the dynamics of fictive kinship as a means of creating the bonds of brotherhood, strengthened in conflict. From the socialisation through violence, there is an appeal that begins to form around hyper-masculine and warrior ideologies that can be seen as the creation of a cult of sacred masculinity, a cult that has appeal to those men feeling marginalised by mainstream society and neoliberal economics. In creating this mystique, certain rites have developed that ease the socialisation process. These are the rites of separation and the rites of incorporation. The first rite sees the braking down of the prospects self and those relationships they may exist outside the club. The individual goes through a phase of liminality in which they are ambiguous as while the prospect patch will set them apart from mainstream society, they are still not a fully

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accepted member of the club either. Through the rite of incorporation, the prospect gains his patch and becomes fully embraced by the club and stands with no ambiguity. In being fully patched, he has responsibilities to enforce the rules that shape their behaviour and expectations around protecting the honour of the club. Coming full circle, the rite of incorporation provides the deeply symbolic status within the cult of the sacred masculine.

References Agnew, R. (1992). Foundations of General Strain Theory of Crime and Delinquency. Criminology, pp. 47–87. Andrae, D. (2004). Flying the Colours: New Zealand Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs, Gangs and Their Patches. Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, Auckland University. Barker, T. (2007). Biker Gangs and Organized Crime. Matthew Bender and Company, Inc. Barker, T. (2014). Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs as Organized Crime Groups. Eastern Kentucky University. Bradley, C. (2020a). Hells Angels, Head Hunters and the Filthy Few: The History of Outlaw Bikers in Aotearoa New Zealand. Deviant Behavior. https://doi. org/10.1080/01639625.2020.1824134 Campbell, C., & Campbell, D. (2014). Wrecking Crew: The Brutal True Story of the Bandidos’ Legendary Sergeant-at-Arms. Pan Macmillan. Campbell, C., & Campbell, D. (2016). The Outlaw and the Hitman: Inside the Crazy World of Australia’s Most Legendary Brawler, Biker & Enforcer. Pan Macmillan. Cavadino, M., & Dignan, J. (2006). Penal Policy and Political Economy. Criminology & Criminal Justice, 6(4), 435–456. Cavazos, R. (2008). Honor Few, Fear None: The Life & Times of a Mongol. HarperCollins. Checkel, J. T. (2017). Socialization and violence: Introduction and framework. Journal of Peace Research. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343317721813 Cox, N. B., & DeCarvalho, L. J. (2016). Ride Free or Die Trying: Hypermasculinity on FX’s Sons of Anarchy. Journal of Popular Culture, 49(4), 818–838. Decker, S. (2017). Forward. In A. Bain & M. Lauchs (Eds.), Understanding the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: International Perspectives (pp. xiii–xix). Carolina Academic Press. Enright, M. J. (2013). Lady with a Mead Cup: Ritual, Prophecy and Lordship in the European Warband from La Tène to the Viking Age. Four Court Press.

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Gates, S. (2017). Membership Matters: Coerced Recruits and Rebel Allegiance. Journal of Peace Research, 54(4), 674–686. Gilbert, J. (2013). Patched: The History of Gangs in New Zealand. Auckland University Press. Gilbert, J., & Martin, S. (2019). A Rebel in Exile: The Extraordinary Story of Sane ‘Kiwi’ Martin and His Battle to Return to His Home and Family. Hardie Grant Books. Haslett, D. (2007). Riding at the Margins: International Media and the Construction of a Generic Outlaw Biker Identity in the South Island of New Zealand, circa 1950–1975. Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, University of Canterbury. Hill, J. (2019). See What You Made Me Do: Power, Control and Domestic Violence. Black Inc. Hope, V. (2016). Bodies on the Battlefield: The Spectacle of Romes Fallen Soldiers. In A. Bakogianni & V. Hope (Eds.), War as Spectacle: Ancient and Modern Perspectives on the Display of Armed Conflict (pp.  139–177). Bloomsbury. Hopkins Burke, R. (2019). An Introduction to Criminological Theory. Routledge. Isaac, T. with Haami, B. (2007). True Red, The Life of an Ex-Mongrel Mob Gang Leader. True Red. James, S. (2012). Exploring the World of the Celts. Thames and Hudson Ltd. Kemp, R. (2007). Gangs: My Encounter with the Toughest Criminals on the Streets, from Rio to Moscow. Penguin. Kristiansen, K. (2004). The Emergence of Warrior Aristocracies in Later European Prehistory and Their Long-term History. In J. Carman & A. Harding (Eds.), Ancient Warfare: Archaeological Perspectives (pp. 175–190). Sutton Publishing. Kuldova, T. (2019). How Outlaws Win Friends and Influence People. Palgrave Macmillan. Librett, M. (2008). Wild Pigs and Outlaws: The Kindred Worlds of Policing and Outlaw Bikers. Crime Media Culture, 4(2), 257–269. Marsden, W., & Sher, J. (2006). Angels of Death: Inside the Bikers’ Global Crime Empire. Hodder & Stoughton. Messerschmidt, M. (2018). Ingrained Practises: Sexual Violence, Hyper-­ masculinity, and De-mobilisation for Violent Conflicts. Global Society, 32(4), 477–495. Potts, M., & Hayden, T. (2010). Sex and War: How Biology Explains Warfare and Terrorism and Offers a Path to a Safer World. BenBella Books. Queen, W. (2007). Under and Alone: The True Story of the Undercover Agent Who Infiltrated America’s Most Violent Outlaw Motorcycle Gang. Ballantine Books. Quinn, J. & Forsyth, J. C. (2011). Women in the One-Percent Subculture. In K. Katz (Ed), Devilz Dollz: The Secret World of Women in the Outlaw Biker Subculture (pp. 132–56). Dog Ear Publishing.

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Shepherd, D. J. (2004). The Elusive Warrior Maiden Tradition: Bearing Weapons in Anglo-Saxon Society. In J. Carman & A. Harding (Eds.), Ancient Warfare: Archaeological Perspectives (pp. 219–243). Sutton Publishing Limited. Turner, V. (1969). The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-structure. Aldine de Gruyte. van Wees, H. (1996). Heros, Knights and Nutters: Warrior Mentality in Homer. In A. Lloyd (Ed.), Battle in Antiquity (pp. 1–86). Gerald Duckworth & Co Ltd. Veno, A. with Gannon, E. (2012). The Brotherhoods: Inside the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs. Allen & Unwin. Veno, A., & Winterhalder, E. (2011). Biker Chicks: The Magnetic Attraction of Women to Bad Boys and Motorbikes. Allen & Unwin. Wells, P. S. (2004). Beyond Celts, Germans and Scythians: Archaeology and Identity in Iron Age Europe. Gerald Duckworth. Wolf, D. (1991). The Rebels: A Brotherhood of Outlaw Bikers. University of Toronto Press.

CHAPTER 5

Validity and Persistence of the Outlaw Biker

Abstract  This chapter discusses questions of validity and persistence of the outlaw biker and such artificial expressions of warrior society. We need to ask whether outlaw bikers are a valid expression today and why such groups re-emerged out of the veteran communities to expand globally? Why is it that these groups are showing signs of increasing popularity internationally? This chapter addresses such question. Through economic and social marginalisation and the rise of the sacred masculine, the outlaw biker ideal can be seen as an answer to many economic and social frustrations. To join the outlaw biker milieu and gain a patch is an acceptable decision in communities where outlaw bikers exist. Further, this chapter explores the physical manifestations of validity and persistence by analysing the names outlaw biker clubs adopt and the designs of their patches. Tattooing and other expressions will also be discussed drawing further links to the ancient past. Keywords  Validity • Persistence • Socioeconomic marginalisation • The patch • Tattoos

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. Bradley, Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75347-4_5

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Validity In his ethnographic research into the Rebels MC in Canada, Wolf describes the taking of an enemy’s patch; ‘he was a biker and a patch holder who shared their lifestyle. These Rebels had more in common with him than anyone else in the bar’ (1991, p. 306). His account demonstrates an interesting insight; despite outlaw clubs sharing the lifestyle and commitment to that way of living, conflict between enemy clubs is fierce and at time fatal. Such violence underpins the outlaw biker ideal, the conflicts between clubs are often violent and comparable to the internecine warfare of ancient Europe where warbands fought to extent influence or defend territory. Despite potential for such violence, what makes such a lifestyle valid to men? What validity does being an outlaw biker have in today’s society? In the 1940s, groups of men returning from combat in the Second World War felt it difficult to settle back into mainstream society (Lauchs et  al., 2015; Barker, 2014; Barger, 2001). Given that these men had already formed tight combat cohesion and a sense of brotherhood, paramilitary groups such as the police would seem a natural fit, so to were groups that formed around the culture of motorcycling (Lauchs et  al., 2015). Taking Kuldova’s concepts of the sacred masculine (2019) and applying it to the early foundation of the outlaw bikers, we can see how bonds formed in war would support the notions of brotherhood. Such tight-knit groups would also have validity as a safe space in which to come to terms with the trauma of shared combat experience or maintain the intensity of combat tension as groups began to fight each other in the formative years of outlaw biker consolidation. Time and again, veterans have made up the membership of outlaw biker clubs where notions of brotherhood, combat cohesion and violence hold currency in the milieu that often sits just on the edge of mainstream society and offers the sublime versus the mundanity of straight society. Feelings of connection to other veterans or those who could not fit within mainstream society would begin to form, creating a safe place without judgement for those who shared and maintained the values and norms of the outlaw biker. Validation of the individual would be achieved through the rituals of incorporation and socialisation. In an age of increased social and economic inequality (Bradley, 2020a; Kuldova, 2019; Cavadino & Dignan, 2006), a concern that will only be intensified by the financial impacts of COVID-19, what is meant by validity when analysing sub-cultural groups such as outlaw bikers? Those who

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decide to take on the patch can ask that question. The rest including the politicians, media reporters, academics and law enforcement can only provide suggestions that, even if well-researched or based on government intelligence data, are conjecture. Qualitative data gained from members of such groups are hard to attain given their inherent secrecy. Memoirs from those few who have written about their journey into the world of the outlaw biker proves valuable when considering the question of validity (Campbell & Campbell, 2013, 2014; Menginie & Droban, 2011; Cavazos, 2008; Barger, 2001; Wolf, 1991). Men born into a culture of hyper-masculinity will see the validity of the outlaw biker life in that it may represent a natural progression reflecting their early experiences or pressures to follow family traditions of membership (Menginie & Droban, 2011; Cavazos, 2008). Indeed, there may often be familial connections that ease entry into the outlaw biker scene and even expectations around following fathers, uncles or older brothers (Campbell & Campbell, 2014; Menginie & Droban, 2011; Cavazos, 2008). Men who share broader hyper-masculine values and socialisation may view the outlaw patch as the pinnacle of such a culture which celebrates physical strength and accepts violence as a social currency. Acceptance into the inner circles of the outlaw biker world can act to reinforce such hyper-masculine ideals fitting within Donaldson’s concept of hegemonic masculinity (1993). Joining the outlaw biker scene may be the only path for some young men who gain numerous benefits from deciding to patch into an outlaw biker club (Gilbert, 2013; Andrae, 2004; Wolf, 1991). Just as acceptance into the ancient warband would have placed the individual above most other members of the community, patching into an outlaw biker club, and the socialisation that happens reinforces the validity of such a lifestyle trajectory and the hyper-masculine cultural outlook of the individual; validating that individual’s place in the world and the broader outlaw biker culture in which they have entered.

Persistence-Drawing on a Deeper, Primordial Sense of Belonging? Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands argues for the persistence and cultural continuity of hyper-masculine cultures. Why is it that hyper-­masculine groups such as outlaw bikers persist in modern society? What is it about human society that continues to draw young men to such groups? There

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are more factors than simply ‘belonging’ that have created such persistence in the form of paramilitary hierarchies based on strength and violence. We have seen that there are internal factors that shape an individual’s thought processes and action, individual agency, but what we want to explore is the issue of persistence. In looking at Merton’s typology of change and General Strain Theory, we can begin to measure and critique external factors such as neoliberal policies that see young (and not so young) men joining outlaw biker clubs in increasing numbers. Neoliberal policies have had negative impact on lower socioeconomic and working-­ class communities, depriving social services and attracting punitive legislation. Responses to social and economic marginalisation can be seen within the broader community these men live in and explain why such groups have popular support among the wider milieu (Bradley, 2020a; Kuldova, 2019). Such support can explain the persistence of outlaw bikers today. Groups in working-class communities that encourage outward displays of resistance and defiance, and who view violence as currency it holds, ensure that hyper-masculine groups such as outlaw bikers persist. English philosopher Thomas Hobbes believed that war is not an aberration in the context of human behaviour, but the norm humans returned to once other influences are removed. Potts and Hayden assert that through looking at history and understanding the biology and environmental drivers, Hobbes interpretation is accurate, indeed males seem to return to such violent behaviour with ‘remarkable ease’ (2010, p.  19). Given the role violence plays in the cultural milieu of the outlaw biker, and the continuities of hyper-masculine celebration and ritual seen from the ancient warband societies, the outlaw bikers share the tenets and traditions of fighting that are attractive to groups of males and are therefore persistent in the history and social evolution of our species. Persistence in this context may arguably come from an addiction to violence and the avenues men take to be measured against other groups of men. The motivations to join law enforcement, the military or contact sports clubs go beyond the brotherhood of the outlaw biker and shows that hyper-masculine violence holds a persistent appeal well beyond the outlaw biker milieu. Given the assertions of Potts and Hayden, and the broad corpus of research into the record of violence by our species, it should not be surprising that hyper-masculine attitudes and violence persist for groups such as the outlaw bikers that socialise. Indeed, history shows that small groups of violent men have been traced back to the earliest times, predating the first recorded accounts of the ancient warbands. Representations of

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violence and armed humans from rock art are numerous, reoccurring and arguably a persistent feature of human evolution (Morris, 2014; Kristiansen, 2004). Despite the ability to change our attitudes to social institutions and the way we think about them, small hyper-masculine groups who engage in violence against other small groups do persist and suggest a deeply engrained behaviour that is embedded and primordial.

Old Motifs and Modern Groups Do the names and images outlaw bikers use add to the clubs’ sense of validity and persistence of a warrior and warband ethos? This section will consider this question and suggest that there are both conscious and subconscious links to the ancient warbands and the image that is presented to the world that makes a clear statement that talks of unity and combat cohesion. In Chap. 4, the discussion centred on the socialisation of men into the outlaw biker milieu and how the creation of the sacred masculine helps to explain such cultures based on fictive kinship and brotherhood. Symbolism is important to such creations of culture and while images and symbols help entrench such notions, they also represent an image that the group identify with and want to project out. Rituals of incorporation involve the physical signifier of the outlaw biker in the patch. Linked to this potent symbol of the outlaw biker’s identity is the club name, equally potent and rich in symbolism. Just as ancient warbands would have identifiers and names from which to set them apart, outlaw bikers have adopted old motifs in which to centre the cultural identity of the group. In such symbolic images and names that outlaw bikers wear on their back patches, we can see continuation and awareness of the ancient world with links to the past. What these symbols also provide are the physical manifestation of the cultural image and the validation of the group and individual identity. Club names, patches and other signifiers all work to maintain a persistent narrative that clubs speak to while feeding into the ideals of self and group validation and the longevity of the outlaw biker phenomenon that have links back through time.

Club Names What is in a name? We can discern links to the past in the names and patches outlaw bikers give themselves. Club names and the images on the patch all speak of creating the unique cultural identity of the outlaw biker

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club. When we look at the names outlaw bikers adopt for their club there is a process of identity forming that will enhance the mythology of the club and the sacred ideals of that group. Once a name and patch have been designed, these motifs of the outlaw biker clubs may shape its behaviours, attitudes and outside perceptions. What image comes to mind when you hear the name the Filthy Few, Head Hunters or Gods Garbage? Given the early counter-cultural and anti-social ideals of rebellion that drove the behaviours of early outlaw bikers, a view to shock straight society may have been a prime motivator for such names as Satan’s Choice, the Mothers or the Outcasts. Club names would grow into symbols of individual and group identity that would bind disparate groups of young men together. Names are important for reputation in the world of the outlaw biker, a process and behaviour that can be traced back to the ancient world. Names were important in the ancient world. Celtic-speaking tribes in Iron Age Britain had names attached to fighting abilities and prowess. There is little evidence found within the ancient sources for the names warbands used to identify themselves, but a scan of tribal or clan names have, however, provided evidence of names attached to war-like characteristics or behaviours. Some examples will suffice to identify a tradition of the importance placed on how others name you or you named yourself. The Caledones of modern Scotland means hard fighters; the Corionototae and Coritani (or Coriatani) were known as those of the fighting corp; the Ordovoci of Wales were the hammer fighters; and the Catuvellauni held the descriptor the battle-superiors (Ó hÓgáin, 1999, pp. 120–121). What we can see here are names of people based on their abilities in the strength of arms. It would have been important to the reputation of the group to be strong. Given there are over 5000 Outlaw biker clubs globally (Lauchs, 2020, p. 8), there are many different names, but there are clear groupings of club names that follow themes. A snapshot of outlaw biker club names and patches shows, at least superficially, an awareness of the ancient warrior traditions of the past. Some outlaw bikers are aware of their own family traditions. Colin ‘Caesar’ Campbell understood their Highland Scots lineage, referring to the outlaw lifestyle as being an expression of Highland Scots culture while referring to the outlaw bikers as Vikings (2014, p. 218). In looking at a sample of outlaw biker names across the world, we find a wide range of interesting and thought-provoking names. What we can see in looking at the names bikers choose are themes that seem to appeal to the cultural ideals of the past. Five themes arise from scanning

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the names of outlaw biker clubs; satanic, behavioural, death, animals and warriors (Veno, 2012; Katz, 2011b; Hayes, 2011; Haslett, 2007). Satanic names form the first category (Haslett, 2007). A plethora of satanic names exist that tend to affiliate with Lucifer, gods favourite but fallen archangel. A selection includes the Antarctic Angels, Blue Angels, Devil’s Breed, Devil’s Disciples, Devil’s Henchmen, Diablos, Galgoffa (Galgotha being where Christ was crucified), God’s Garbage, Heavens Angels, Hells Angels, Hell’s Henchmen, Hell’s Outcasts, Lucifer’s Legion, Magogs (apocalyptic horde of the Hebrew Bible and the Quran), Red Devils, Resurrection, Road Angels, Satan’s Cavalry, Satan’s Choice, Satan’s Riders, Satan’s Serpents, Satan’s Sinners, Satan’s Slaves, Satan’s Soldiers, Satan’s Tramps and Sons of Satan. Second, there are names that are behavioural and suggest those living outside the law. Such outlaw biker names make up a smaller number from the sample taken from Veno (2012) and these include Annihilators, Avengers, Boozefighters, Bravados, Dirty Dozen, Evil Ones, Filthy Few, Loners, Lost Breed, Mongrels, Mothers (shortened from a longer, more offensive name), Mother Fuckers, Outcasts, Outlaws, Restless Few, Righteous Brothers, Righteous Ones, Rouges, Rude Brothers, Sadists, The Thugs, Tyrants, Vigilantes and Violators. Third, Death (Haslett, 2007) is a smaller set from which outlaw bikers take names. In this group, we see such names as Coffin Cheaters, Dead Men, Epitaph Riders, Ghost Riders, Grave Diggers, Grim Reapers, Hangmen, Iron Coffin, Life and Death, Reapers, and Undertakers. Next are those that have an attachment to animal motifs. Animals certainly inspire some outlaw bikers when choosing names, and these often include those that have a reputation for fierce tendencies or an attachment to death. Such names include Cobras, Greasy Dogs, Lone Wolf, Mad Dogs, Ravans, Scorpions and War Pigs. Lastly, by far the most popular motif and those most relevant to this study are the names that subscribe to a warrior motif making up the largest inspirations: Andersons Confederates, Axemen, Bandidos, Barbarians, Barons, Black Uhlans, Celtic Brothers, Comancheros, Confederates, Cossacks, Flaming Knights, Fourth Reich, F-Troop, Gladiators, Head Hunters (Polynesian society were head hunters in the same way as Iron Age European Celts were), Henchmen, Highwaymen, Huns, Immortals, Iron Axe Men, Iron Cross, Iron Horesmen, Iron Riders, Iroquois, Kingsmen, Knights, Lone Legion, Lords of Iron, Mercenaries, Militia Riders, Mongols, Night Riders, Nomads, Nordic Henchmen, Nordic

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Knights, Odin’s Warriors, Odin’s Wrath, Queensmen, Rebels, Renegades, Road Barons, Road Knights, Road Pirates, Saracens, Sinn Fein (this has Irish origins but not part of the political movement found in Northern Ireland), Sons of Oden, Southern Vikings, Spartans, Swords of Justice, Tribes, Tribesmen, Vikings, Warlords and Zulus. Various images of warriors adorn the back patch. The Bandidos have a cartoon bandit, while the Mongols have a top-knotted rider on a motorcycle. Other images link to the Scandinavian raiders’ skulls such as the Southern Vikings MC in Aotearoa New Zealand, Odin’s Warriors in Australia or the Vikings in the United Kingdom. Names not only set the foundation for a club’s reputation and history, but also send a clear message to mainstream society. The aforementioned names are a sample of the categories, but they talk of identity attached to reputation. At a deeper level, the name and the patch that displays the club name are also territorial markers to other outlaw biker clubs. With the name comes reputation and an expectation around behaviour attached to club honour and history. We will now look at the patch as a signifier of the hyper-masculine.

The Patch Part of the culture of sacred masculinity is seen in the creation of obvious and overt markers of the outlaw biker. A three-piece patch is such a marker, but it goes well beyond the surface in stating to all that the wearer is an outlaw biker. All outlaw biker clubs have a three-piece patch that states on the top patch or rocker which club they belong to, with a bottom rocker either stating the town, state or country they come from. While social motorcycle clubs, military, law enforcement, veterans and Christian bikers have begun to wear the three-piece patch (Veno, 2012), smaller patches added to the cut signify the outlaw clubs and sets them apart from the rest. Such patches may have the 1% diamond or the number 13 patch. Each outlaw club has numerous smaller patches that identify them out from the social clubs. Some are battle honours or for service to the club. While the back patch is normally uniformed, some clubs allow for highly individualised styles for the front of the cut (Wolf, 1991). Rules around patches exist and indeed, one outlaw biker club in Aotearoa New Zealand has a ‘colour sergeant’ who ensures protocols around the colour are observed (Andrae, 2004). A biker’s patch is also a constant challenge to other bikers and an affirmation of their commitment to the club. There are contradictions

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around wearing a patch and getting attention from law enforcement. Such a situation represents a test to the commitment to the club by the patched member. Within the world of the ancient warband, such groups would have carried signifiers as they rode into battle. Caesar talks about Gallic ‘badges’ as identifiers (1.22) and of ‘friendly’ Gallic cavalry wearing their cloaks on a particular side to identify them as allies in combat (Gallic War, 7.50). Battle standards may have been easily identified markers of a warband on the eve of battle and a rallying point during it. Shield and battle standard designs would be another as seen in the Gododin (i, iii, iv, ix, xvi). A three piece back patch could play a similar role for outlaw bikers. What this all means is that the sacred masculine and the reputation of the group would be enforced by the social bonding and tenets of behaviour, but also by the physical items that expressed the presence and nature of the group. Hence, names and the image of the back patch would reflect the tenets and masculine values of the outlaw biker club, just as they would have within the ancient warbands. Ancient warband such as those of the Celtic-speaking people of North-­ western Europe were head-hunters (Cunliffe, 2008; James, 2012; Aldhouse Green, 2014). When we think of the trophy hunting of the ancient warband in the form of standards and heads, we may view the removal, through conflict, of a biker’s patch as an activity symbolically linked to the headhunting days of the past (Campbell & Campbell, 2014; Wolf, 1991; personal communications to author, name withheld, 30 Sep 2019). Is this a sub-conscious attitude to a warrior past? Indeed, in some cases, patches can be used to seal treaties between warring clubs (personal communications to author, name withheld, 1 Oct 2020). The collecting and display of such trophies were such that this behaviour attracted the attention of the classical writers such as Livy, Strabo and Diodorus Siculus. From such a perspective, one can easily see a thread in attitudes to trophy collecting stretching back to ancient times seen in the de-patching of an enemy club member and in some cases shutting them down (Campbell & Campbell, 2013). Stripping another club’s patches was the ultimate disrespect with enemy patches being displayed on trophy walls in club houses (Wolf, 1991). Removing the patch from an outlaw biker was a focus within inter-club conflict during the early stages of club formation, closing an enemy club down and burning their patches was even better. War standards, which were a visual marker of the Celtic armies of Iron Age Europe, are likely to have been attached to clan-based warbands.

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Indeed, oaths were sworn before such standards (Gallic War, 7.2) with early Celtic examples possibly influencing the legionary standards of the Roman Republican army that became infused with deeply religious and potent meanings for the honour of each legion (a practice passed on to the regimental flags of European and North American armies). Other symbols of defeat were the taking of war standards, a practice that carried into the early modern era with fierce battles fought around regimental flags. Fighting would be intense around such symbols of a combat unit. The classical sources and iconography provide examples of the value placed on these standards. In ancient times, the loss of the Eagle standard was the worst kind of defeat for a legion (Wells, 2003), and would have brought shame to a warband if their sacred standard was lost. Taking this metaphor of head-hunting and trophy collection in battle further, the skull image has the symbolic power of those who earn and defend that patch. It should not be surprising that the head or skull is universal with clubs across the world opting for a skull to symbolise their club. One of the most common motifs of the back patch is the skull or head. The main outlaw biker clubs in the United States have skulls as their centre patches, an image adopted by many others globally. The Hells Angels have a skull in a winged helmet, while their main opposition the Outlaws MC has also had a skull. Such outlaw biker clubs include the Devils Henchmen in Aotearoa New Zealand, the Nomads and Gypsy Jokers in Australia, the Blue Angels in Scotland and Rebels in Canada. Centre patch designs, colours and bottom rockers are enough to start inter-club conflict if permission and consent have not been attained from the major club in the area (Cavazos, 2008). Even Christian patch-wearing clubs need to sometimes navigate this area (Veno, 2012). Alongside the club name, the patch makes a clear statement to other outlaw clubs, but they also represent the most sacred of items a club member can display to show his commitment to the outlaw biker values and the club they represent. There are other signifiers that show a person’s pledge to the outlaw biker lifestyle and their club that allows them to express that commitment.

Club Tattoos and Nicknames We have seen above that there are tenets and behaviours of ancient warbands and outlaw bikers that cement and enshrine the new identity. Like trophy hunting, tattooing or body painting is an ancient tradition noted by classical authors, found on bog bodies, seen on coin

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representations and found through reconstruction archaeology (Angel, 2017; Aldhouse-Green, 2006; Carr, 2005). The people of Northern Britain were known to tattoo their bodies (Laing & Laing, 1995, p. 122), with the Cruitheni possibly gaining the moniker Pictii, meaning painted ones, from the Romans (James, 2012). Classical writers, such as Caesar, believed the Britons painted their bodies with blue woad to display a wild appearance (Gallic War 5.14). Research by Carr has shown that a wide variety of colours were used by the Britons and could denote different occasions and situations for use including ritual and warfare (Carr, 2005). The Scandinavian warbands of the era of Beowulf were also known for the practice of tattooing their bodies (Price, 2020; Ferguson, 2010). Body art had potency in the outlaw biker world as well. The patch is the most symbolic marker of this identity but tattooing provides another way to demonstrate commitment by the member to the club and to enhance the sacred masculine that encapsulates validity of the outlaw biker lifestyle. Also, like the patch, tattoos are a clear statement and warning, and tattooing is a marker of the process to become an outlaw biker. This privilege to wear ‘club’ tattoos is granted only after strong rituals of socialisation have been satisfied. To this end, the tattoos remain the property of the club, adding ritual and reinforcing the sacred. Numerous club bylaws address the rules around club tattoos. In some clubs like the Hells Angels, club tattoos will either have an in-date and out-date or completely covered over (Wolf, 1991, p. 356). The Bandidos also stipulate out dates on club tattoos once you leave (Caine, 2009, p.  180). For the Pagans, while tattoos are not explicitly mentioned, on leaving the clubs all items with the club name must be returned (Lavigne, 1996, p. 175). The major difference between the patch and a tattoo as a club marker is in their physical removal. Taking a patch is a relatively easy act; removing tattoos is a much more involved process (Gilbert, 2013). Nicknames or club names are a part of the transformation and socialisation process that appear to be universal (Campbell & Campbell, 2013; Wolf, 1991). Part of the transition from citizen to patched outlaw biker is the issue around names. Names have potency and throughout history the naming of someone, particularly warriors, was attached to actions or behaviours and deeds. The great warrior of Irish legend Cuchulainn was born Sétanta. Through deeds of martial valour as a teenager, he gained the name he was most known by (McKillop, 2005). In many outlaw biker clubs, members are only known by their nick names that also reflect a characteristic or behaviour. In some cases, the members do not even know

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the legal name of their fellow members (personal communication to author, name withheld, 9 Nov 2020). Such a process is important because in renaming a person, one can leave behind the old self and transition into the new identity that is wrapped up in the symbolism and potency of the club, its culture and its history.

Clubhouse In Beowulf, the hall at Heorot is the symbolic centre of Hrothgar’s power which ‘the unworthy dare not approach’ (Enright, 2013, p. 31). Indeed, the mead-hall is central to the story of the hero Beowulf and his quest to confront Grendel. Likewise, alcohol in the halls of the warlords is a reoccurring theme in the Gododin (xxxi, xxxii, lxxxiii, lxxxiv). The outlaw biker clubhouse is also such a symbol of power and territoriality. It swirls with hyper-masculine tension of getting along but also getting ahead in the club, a social behaviour shared through both space and time. Indeed, when discussing the ancient warband, the mead-hall in which the warriors of the comitatus occupied when not raiding was rippling with currents of bitterness and jealousy that gave rise to vindictiveness and even bloodshed (Enright, 2013, p. 20). All of this bitterness and jealousy came from the actions of the warriors who were motivated by the desire to gain status within the warband and favour in the eyes of the chief. Such a situation possibly in a mild form exists within the club house of the outlaw bikers (Campbell & Campbell, 2013; Veno & Winterhalder, 2011; Cavazos, 2008). There is clear evidence that most outlaw biker clubs have factions and cliques with the group. This factionalisation can act as a barrier to autocratic leadership while also distributing power across a flat hetriarchy (personal communications to author, name withheld, 30 Sep 2019). Such barriers to autocratic rule were observed by Caesar in discussing some clan groups in Gaul (Gallic War, 6.11), and Hygelac warns Beowulf on how leaders treat kin in a fair way (Beowulf, 2166–2171). Outlaw clubhouses provide an important link to the community and help enforce the rules of the club and the broader outlaw biker culture while also ensuring control of the socialisation process. Social control can be enforced through the nexus between club bars (run by those outside the club but who have an agreement with the club) and the clubhouse where individuals can enter through invitation (Wolf, 1991).

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The club bars are the first border to cross when engaging with outlaw biker clubs, but the club house is where the club has complete control and directs the socialisation of those who enter. Outlaw biker clubhouses, like the mead halls of Beowulf and The Gododin, allow the potential members to start their journey of validation if they make the grade to prospect for the club. The visual set-up of the clubhouse also enforces the sense of belonging and validation for those patch members. Trophy walls displaying enemy club patches and the photos of lost members all work to create an image of something bigger than the individual. As Wolf states, the clubhouse are symbol of permanence and independence (1991, pp. 178–179). Outlaw bikers have been reliant on proceeds from the club bars in the clubhouse for income (Gilbert, 2013; Haslett, 2007). Alcohol has been an avenue to connect with the wider community to a point, and scope out potential prospects (Wolf, 1991) and women. The use of psychoactives is common among outlaw bikers but such activities among hyper-masculine groups have a long history.

Psychoactives and Hyper-masculinity Drinking alcohol in ancient times was widespread in the indigenous distributions excluding Polynesia and part of North America and remains the most widely spread psychoactive, or conscience-altering, agent in the world (Dietler, 1990). In the ancient warband, alcohol was frequently regarded by the user as a fundamentally important ritual and social artefact, deeply embedded in the cultural fabric (Beowulf; The Gododin; Dietler, 1990). Drinking rituals and equipment found in grave sites such as Vix, Hochdorf and Scythia attest to the attention placed on the rituals and social importance of drinking in ancient society (James, 2012; Cunliffe, 2004; Enright, 2013; Todd, 1992). For the warriors of ancient Gaul, much reverence was shown to alcohol and its religious significance closely tied to kinship, the warrior mentality and the masculine code (Enright, 2013, p. 151). For some Germanic warbands in the Iron Age, alcohol and feasting was used to establish bonds (Tacitus, Germany, 21; Beowulf; Enright, 2013, p. 16). Indeed, Enright states that drinking was a way to create fictive kinship with alcohol substituting blood (Enright, 2013, p. 17). For outlaw bikers, alcohol and other psychoactives are used for such a social bonding aspect of the culture, as being able to drink

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showed ‘class’. Alcohol also allowed opportunities to make money through the establishment of early bars in the club house. Outlaw bikers in the early years in the South Island of Aotearoa New Zealand preferred alcohol to drugs (Haslett, 2007). As outlaw bikers sought to move from counterculture figures to controllers of economic markets in the shadow economy, the drug markets began to become attractive to groups willing to use their paramilitary structure and combat cohesion. Using Merton’s typology of response, some outlaw biker clubs moved from rebellion to innovation while also moving along Barker’s continuum from conservative clubs to radical ones (Bradley, 2020b; Kuldova, 2019). During the 1980s and 1990s, drugs affected club numbers to the extent that there was a ban placed on needle drugs or opiates (Gilbert, 2013; Wolf, 1991). Interestingly, Caesar noted a ban on wine among certain Gallic and Germanic tribes (Gallic War 2.15, 4.2). For Dark Age warriors, the Gododin was as much about the warnings of going into battle after excessive drinking as it was about bravery (possibly denoting the Christian influences of the time. iii, ix). The main reason for the banning of needle drug use was that it was felt that a junkie member could not be relied on and posed a threat to group and combat cohesion. For the Gallic Nervii and Germans, wine made warriors ‘soft’. What needs to be highlighted here is that alcohol, at least, has been part of the warrior tradition from ancient times through to today where a ‘culture of drinking’ can be found among most hyper-masculine groups today, be their law enforcement, the military or sports teams. In this regard, outlaw bikers share a common link with other hyper-masculine groups, a link with alcohol that has a long tradition.

Conclusion Hyper-masculine violence is a persistent behaviour found in many different groups of young men. Outlaw bikers share the urge to test themselves physically against other groups of men with law enforcement, the military and contact sports clubs. For the outlaw bikers, part of the identity they create for their group has strong links to the past. All the motifs of the outlaw biker world can be found in the culture of the ancient warband societies. They work to build up the ritual markers of the outlaw biker club and can act as signifiers of a commitment to that lifestyle. In turn, such clear markers as a patch hold validity for those moving within the outlaw

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milieu. Whether consciously or subconsciously, there are obvious links to the past through some of the names alone. While it may prove a hard task to discover the process of the names chosen by the early clubs, further research would arguably find individuals who were clear on the reasons for choosing club names and the history they were making links to. On face value, club names were used to establish a name and a history. For those clubs which survived the inter-club conflicts, a history borne out of conflict would surround the patch and the club. As such, from its inception, the club name and patch would be tightly linked to the reputation of the outlaw biker club and those who wore the identifying patches and tattoos that represented it. This chapter has also considered the base from which all clubs operate and the presence of psychoactive drugs within the culture of the outlaw bikers, a tradition easily identified in the warband culture of the ancients.

References Aldhouse-Green, M. (2006). Boudica Britannia: Rebel, War Leader and Queen. Pearson Education. Aldhouse Green, M. (2014). Dying for the Gods: Human Sacrifice in Iron Age and Roman Europe. The History Press. Andrae, D. (2004). Flying the Colours: New Zealand Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs, Gangs and Their Patches. Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, Auckland University. Angel, G. (2017). Recovering the Nineteenth-Century European Tattoo: Collections, Contexts, and Techniques. In L. Krutak & A. Deter-Wolf (Eds.), Ancient Ink: The Archaeology of Tattooing (pp.  107–129). University of Washington Press. Barger, R. with Zimmerman, K., & Zimmerman, K. (2001). Hell’s Angel: The Life and Times of Sonny Barger and the Hell’s Angels Motorcycle Club. Fourth Estate. Barker, T. (2014). Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs as Organized Crime Groups. Eastern Kentucky University. Bradley, C. (2020a). Hells Angels, Head Hunters and the Filthy Few: The History of Outlaw Bikers in Aotearoa New Zealand. Deviant Behavior. https://doi. org/10.1080/01639625.2020.1824134 Bradley, C. (2020b). Outlaw Bikers and Patched Street Gangs: The Nexus between Violence and Shadow Economy. National Security Journal, 2(1), 31–48. Caine, A. (2009). Befriend and Betray: Infiltrating the Hells Angels, Bandidos and Other Criminal Brotherhoods. Pan Macmillan.

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Campbell, C., & Campbell, D. (2013). Enforcer: The Real Story of One of Australia’s Most Feared Outlaw Bikers. Pan Macmillan. Campbell, C., & Campbell, D. (2014). Wrecking Crew: The Brutal True Story of the Bandidos’ Legendary Sergeant-at Arms. Pan Macmillan. Carr, G. (2005). Woad, Tattooing and Identity in Later Iron Age and Early Roman Britain. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 24(3), 273–292. Cavadino, M., & Dignan, J. (2006). Penal Policy and Political Economy. Criminology & Criminal Justice, 6(4), 435–456. Cavazos, R. (2008). Honor Few, Fear None: The Life & Times of a Mongol. HarperCollins. Cunliffe, B. (2004). Iron Age Communities in Britain. Routledge. Cunliffe, B. (2008). Europe between the Oceans: 9000BC–AD 1000. Yale University Press. Dietler, M. (1990). Driven to Drink: The Role of Drinking in the Political Economy and the Case of Early Iron Age France. Journal of Anthrolopolical Archaeology, 9, 352–406. Donaldson, M. (1993). What is Hegomonic Masculinity? Theory and Society, 22(5), 643–657. Enright, M. J. (2013). Lady with a Mead Cup: Ritual, Prophecy and Lordship in the European Warband from La Tène to the Viking Age. Four Court Press. Ferguson, R. (2010). The Hammer and the Cross: A New History of the Viking. Penguin. Gilbert, J. (2013). Patched: The History of Gangs in New Zealand. Auckland University Press. Haslett, D. (2007). Riding at the Margins: International Media and the Construction of a Generic Outlaw Biker Identity in the South Island of New Zealand, circa 1950–1975. Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, University of Canterbury. Hayes, B. (2011). The One Percenter Encyclopedia: The World of Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs from Abyss Ghosts to Zombies Elite. MBI Publishing Company. James, S. (2012). Exploring the World of the Celts. Thames and Hudson Ltd. Katz, K. (2011b). Breaking the Outlaw Biker Code of Silence. Dog Ear Publishing. Kristiansen, K. (2004). The Emergence of Warrior Aristocracies in Later European Prehistory and Their Long-term History. In J. Carman & A. Harding (Eds.), Ancient Warfare: Archaeological Perspectives (pp. 175–190). Sutton Publishing. Kuldova, T. (2019). How Outlaws Win Friends and Influence People. Palgrave Macmillan. Laing, L., & Laing, J. (1995). Celtic Britain and Ireland: Art and Society. The Herbert Press. Lauchs, M. (2020). A Global Survey of Outlaw Motorcycle Gang Formation. Deviant Behavior, 41(12), 1524–1539.

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Lauchs, M., Bain, A., & Bell, P. (2015). Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: A Theoretical Perspective. Palgrave Macmillan. Lavigne, Y. (1996). Hell’s Angels: Three Can Keep a Secret If Two are Dead. Carol Publishing Group. McKillop, J. (2005). Myths and Legends of the Celts. Penguin Group (NZ). Menginie, A., & Droban, K. (2011). Prodigal Father, Pagan Son: Growing up Inside the Dangerous World of the Pagan Motorcycle Club. Allen & Unwin. Morris, I. (2014). War, What is it Good For? The Role of Conflict in Civilisation, from Primates to Robots. Profile Books. Ó hÓgáin, D. (1999). Celtic Warriors: The Armies of One of the First Great Peoples of Europe. Pegasus Publications Ltd. Potts, M., & Hayden, T. (2010). Sex and War: How Biology Explains Warfare and Terrorism and Offers a Path to a Safer World. BenBella Books. Price, N. (2020). Children of Ash and Elm: A History of the Vikings. Basic Books. Todd, M. (1992). The Early Germans. Blackwell Publishers. Veno, A. with Gannon, E. (2012). The Brotherhoods: Inside the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs. Allen & Unwin. Veno, A., & Winterhalder, E. (2011). Biker Chicks: The Magnetic Attraction of Women to Bad Boys and Motorbikes. Allen & Unwin. Wells, P. S. (2003). The Battle that Stopped Rome. Norton & Company. Wolf, D. (1991). The Rebels: A Brotherhood of Outlaw Bikers. University of Toronto Press.

CHAPTER 6

Law Enforcement, Legislation and Outlaw Biker Control

Abstract  Law enforcement agencies have arguably been slow to understand the cultural dynamism and resilience of outlaw bikers and their persistence within contemporary society. This chapter identifies outlaw bikers in the context of folk devils and moral panic. In this, the media/law enforcement/politician nexus is discussed. Issues of hyper-masculinity and the paramilitary culture of the outlaw bikers are viewed within the context of attempts by law enforcement to curtail their existence, a move they view as a direct threat reinforcing outlaw biker resilience and cohesion. This chapter considers global attempts through legislation and assesses their success to combat outlaw bikers locally and globally. The last section of this chapter addresses various crime prevention strategies to develop meaningful approaches to outlaw bikers with a focus on developmental and community-based crime prevention that address the strains of modern society creating the environment in which outlaw bikers thrive. Keywords  Law enforcement • Folk devils • Moral panic • Crime prevention • Developmental • Community-based

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. Bradley, Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75347-4_6

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Moral Panic and Folk Devils Law enforcement, the media and politicians have a ready-made and constant target in which to focus their narratives on law and order, particularly during election times. Fear can often be harnessed to unite a community or the broader society to focus on a group which may challenge most mainstream ideals and cultural norms and values. Cohen (2002) came up with two important concepts (Garland, 2008) in his seminal work Folk Devils and Moral Panic. In this work, Cohen identified the concept of moral panic in which societal norms and values are viewed as coming under attack by an easily identifiable and isolated group of folk devils responsible for such an attack. While criticisms note that Cohen’s concepts were untheoretical, did not address the causes of crime or the broader factors that would unfold through neoliberal economics, or that his case study of a one-off event does not align with the current climate of permanent moral panic (Hopkins Burke, 2019; White et al., 2017), his examples and observation still work within the context of the outlaw biker (Barker, 2017a; Katz, 2011a). When we consider marginalisation, power and the role of the media as one aspect of social storytelling (Hopkins Burke, 2019), the outlaw bikers are a local, regional and international folk devil that can be easily identified to maintain such a climate of an ongoing social and moral decline that harnesses mainstream fears and anxieties to push punitive populism in the realms of law and order and criminal justice. Another factor that can be exploited in maintaining the outlaw biker as folk devil narrative is that in some regards, outlaw bikers are grey institutions; neither fully illegitimate nor legitimate (Gilbert, 2013). With legal ambiguity, outlaw bikers can be further marginalised, supported by an anti-biker narrative. Controlling the narrative is important and will be considered below, suffice to say code of silence that controls communication, and to a degree power, within this milieu and legal ambiguity can provide the media and law enforcement an uneven advantage over forming public opinion. Cohen’s term ‘folk devils’ was new in its title and conceptualisation in the modern context, but the existence of such groups has a tradition stretching back to ancient times. For the Greeks and Romans, the warlords and warbands of the Celtic-speaking peoples of transalpine Gaul provided such ‘folk devils’ and fear of a strong military threat located in the north. Their arrival on the horizon would usually create panic and fear of both a physical and moral nature.

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In 390 BCE, a large Gallic army had crossed the Italian Alps and moved down into the Italian peninsula. They defeated several Roman armies sent to resist them then attacked and sacked Rome. On claiming a sizable amount of loot, they withdrew and split with some returning home or settling in the Po valley, while several bands set off east into Greece and ultimately settling in central Anatolia. These movements have been placed within the context of major upheavals in North western Europe at the time, but the invasion of Italy and the sack of Rome imprinted an idea of a northern menace, Gallic ‘folk devils’ who became the barbarians to the north terror Gallicus (James, 2012). Caesar was able to draw on such a fear of the Gallic menace to justify his invasion of Tran-alpine Gallic north (securing wealth, power, and a well-trained army as a result). The Greeks called them Keltoi and identified these people as barbarians. Known for their valour, the Greek geography Strabo tells the story of a meeting between Alexander and a group of Celts living in the region of the Adriatic in 335 BCE. When during a drinking session Alexander asked these Celts what they feared, they replied that the sky may fall on their heads (Strabo, Geography, 7.3.8). Taking the image and reputation of the horse-riding peoples of the Mongolian Steppes, the outlaw biker club, the Mongols MC has consciously embraced the barbarian image. Following on from the massive movement of the Huns from the East during the collapse of the Roman Empire in the fifth century AD, the Mongols were a continuation of horse-riding folk who swept into Europe using mounted warriors to move swiftly. Another group of raiders who threatened Christian Europe, the Vikings, is also easily identified as an example of the historical folk devil, particularly given that both the historical Mongols and Vikings showed little respect for the dominating social and religious order of the day. Much ink has been spilled describing the energy and tensions of when a pack of outlaw bikers ride into or through a town (Katz, 2011b), and the image is one that taps into some primordial fear that has clear historical links to the past. Popular culture in the form of movies and documentaries also draw on the motif or the wild and menacing ‘other’ who arguably challenge the norms and values of mainstream society. Given the unifying and easily identifiable back patch, often the whole group can be blamed for the actions of the few. The potential for violence and deviance, outlaw bikers could be seen to play into the hands of politicians and law and order lobby and interest groups. Public relations activities aside, it is doubtful that most outlaw bikers really care what others think. As one member has

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articulated ‘when we do right, nobody remembers; when we do wrong nobody forgets’ (Andrae, 2004, p. 101). Such sentiments of wrongdoing play into the hands of the politicians and media who can generate an energy to target outlaw bikers and their communities, particularly during election years. Having an easily identifiable folk devil, and a reoccurring moral panic which fit societies image of the barbarian who must be feared and therefore protected against, has a deep-rooted foundation in Western thought. Like the Gallic threat to the Roman way of life from 400 BCE, attacks on the Lindisfarne monastery by Viking raiders in 793 AD began a series of events that made Christian Europe question its own faith and deal with a crisis of morality, with some believing the Vikings were a punishment for their wickedness (Ferguson, 2010). Likewise, the Mongol incursions into Eastern Europe between 1237 and 1241 would challenge the power structures of the time while providing easily identifiable folk devils (Keegan, 1994). What developed from the concept of the terror Gallicus, through to the raiding activities of the Vikings and Mongols was a communal memory of fear etched into the psyche of those effected (Ferguson, 2010). Such incidents from the historical record can be seen in contemporary society using the optic of the outlaw biker. From the various incidents seen in the United States where bikers flooded into towns who hosted biker events, to the days of Cohen’s observation of the mods and rockers (Cohen, 2002) to the violent clashes between outlaw bikers at Milperra (Simpson & Harvey, 2012), clashes at airports (Barker, 2018), to the shoot-out at Waco (Barker, 2017a), this group can at times fit within the dominant narrative of outlaw biker as folk devil (Katz, 2011a). From the panic seen in Roman and Greek societies through to today, folk devils play a part in isolating and marginalising an easily identified ‘other’ that enables the justification of a common campaign to punish those who do not fit in with accepted ‘values’ of mainstream society. Outlaw bikers represent such a group and folk devils are as persistence of hyper-masculine groups identified in the ancient warbands. Those who write the histories do so from the view of the dominant society seeing any threat as a clear ‘other’ to be feared and resisted when possible. Closer to the time, controlling the narrative is as important as setting down the dominant interpretation of historical events. In this endeavour, power and politics play an important role and the media and law enforcement can be compared to those who wrote with moral outrage as ‘barbarians’ from beyond attacked.

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Media and Law Enforcement To a large extent, we will be moving away from the world of the ancient warband to focus on the contemporary issues of the outlaw biker world and mainstream societies approaches to it. What makes a story news-­ worthy is often arguably related to the shock factor or what the media news values to rate whether to run with an item or not (Jewkes, 2011). These news values include threshold, simplification, and reference to celebrity or high-status persons, graphic imagery, violence, proximity, sex, predictability, individual explanation of crime, risk, children and right-­ winged consensus (Jewkes, 2011; also see Greer & McLaughlin, 2017). What makes a story publishable will include several of such values and often a media outlet will draw a news-worthy story out by manipulating these values. The high-profile and long-running media coverage of the missing child Madeline McCann is one clear example. When considering the values of violence, proximity, individual explanation of crime, and risk, it becomes clear why the outlaw biker makes good news stories. Such values can fit within the context of folk devils and moral panic. Other crimes that may include sex or the growing celebrity of some bikers can provide added spice to outlaw biker stories. Kuldova is clear on the position the media plays in its portrayal of outlaw bikers stating that it is ‘one-sided, negative, and sensationalistic’ (2019, p. xi). Cohen, in the introduction of the third edition of Folk Devils and Moral Panic, states that the importance of the media is how they have developed into a function that has created a permanent moral panic that reproduces and sustains the dominant ideology through ‘collective delusions and urban myths’ that rests on a ‘seamless web of social anxieties’ (2002, pp. xxxiii, xxxvi, 44). While Cohen’s original moral panic was based on his study of a single event, the idea of the permanent moral panic fits the agenda of the moral entrepreneurs who exaggerate events to link them to broader issues of a declining morality and standard (Hopkins Burke, 2019; White et al., 2017). Thomas Barker, in his 2018 book The Outlaw Biker Legacy of Violence, dedicates a full chapter to violent events that he believes triggered moral panics that involved outlaw bikers (71–88). Outlaw bikers represent a constant reminder of a definite other that most in society will have little knowledge of or contact with. Such ignorance allows the media to step into an information vacuum and draw on misconceptions to sell stories about a stigmatised and arguably marginalised group which has little

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power, or willingness, to respond. In this way, the media relies on the news values to provide updates about biker activities and maintains a moral panic. Such an approach can be problematic where the media works along with local and national law enforcement to police outlaw bikers and the communities that host them (Kampmark, 2017; Katz, 2011a). Indeed, it is stated that such a nexus between the media and law enforcement helps engineer moral panic at the behests of, and in the interests of the dominant elites (Hopkins Burke, 2019). In this way, power and inequality can have numerous and nuanced consequences for those state agencies that are trying to address outlaw bikers in the community, and the communities that host them. As such, permanent moral panic arguably coincides with the perceived realities of the threat and risk outlaw bikers pose, and with the professional concerns and interests of the power elite and state agencies (Hopkins Burke, 2019). Media agendas and reporting also play their part to provide a continuous narrative targeting the outlaw bikers. While the media attract negative attention by some criminologists who question the role they play in accurate reporting (Kuldova, 2019; Greer & McLaughlin, 2017), most reporting these days are about entertainment. Media outlets and therefore their interests are driven by financial reward with an institutional need to entertain through generating a good story (White et  al., 2017; Hopkins Burke, 2019). Outlaw bikers make for a good story and entertainment. This situation is problematic in that public opinion, manipulated by the media which drive to sell stories, can create societal attitudes that shape legislative change as politicians seek to appease a voting public (Cavadino & Dignan, 2006; Pratt & Clark, 2005). At this level, the nexus between the media, law enforcement and public opinion can drive law and order agendas of punitiveness characterised by an ideology of penal popularism, a term coined by A. E. Bottoms, that seeks to punish criminal offenders with great severity (Cavadino & Dignan, 2006).

Legislation Returning to the idea that outlaw bikers represent a convenient folk devil and how the media and law enforcement deal with them, it is easy to identify a cycle within the moral panic in which a group that is already marginalised and reflects the social norms and values of their host community (but not the wider society) become a targeted group who, through stigmatisation and police attention, become further marginalised

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(Hopkins Burke, 2019). The problem with this dynamic is that once stigmatised as folk devils and marginalised, outlaw bikers can be targeted with legislation that may not gain popular support if used against mainstream society (Kampmark, 2017). Outlaw bikers and their associates (family and community) become the excuse legislators use to challenge civil liberties that can impact on the whole of society and not just the outlaw bikers. If not managed well, such approaches to outlaw bikers and the communities that host them become a deviancy amplification spiral (Hopkins Burke, 2019). Outlaw bikers normally have two enemies at any given time. The first is usually another outlaw biker club which shares many of the tenets that make them who they are, and the violence that erupts between bikers can be swift and fatal. The Outlaws MC have a badge that denotes their onrunning feud with the Hells Angels. The Hells Angels and the Mongols fought a bloody and fatal war over the right to wear the California bottom rocker. The Bandidos and Comancheros fought a war that moved from tit for tat bashings and shooting to a full-scale shoot out in Sydney. The other enemy that all outlaw biker clubs have is local law enforcement, and the antagonism is constant and well-directed, but at times mis-directed (Barker, 2017a, 2018). For most law enforcement, outlaw bikers represent a threat to the monopoly of state power, particularly when the state no longer serves sections of the community. Indeed, most police departments that have an outlaw presence will ordinarily have an established and dedicated unit to police the bikers. As a result, communities that host outlaw biker clubs will also be actively policed as law enforcement use their discretionary powers. This nexus will be explored further below but attempts by law enforcement and government legislation can act like a hammer and anvil trying to crack a ball bearing. Outlaw bikers have a violent potential that is not unlike that of the ancient warbands or other combat units that may find themselves in proximity of civilian populations. The tension between the warband and his community was arguably less problematic when one considers the external threat to the community from other groups who may have limited kinship ties and who want to take scarce resources. For the outlaw biker, the developed world is a larger, interconnected space of individualism that dominates community relationships. This said, the communities that host outlaw biker clubs and chapters may well view the club as a valid defence against the outside influences of other clubs or oppression of state power. Media-generated moral panics targeting outlaw bikers may gain traction

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within mainstream society which has little contact or knowledge of the world these ‘folk devils’ inhabit, but such moral panics can also play into the hands of the outlaw bikers who gain support from those who do share their world and even value their presence. Chapter 7 will explore the outlaw biker/community balance and the future in more detail, suffice to say an attack on the outlaw bikers may be viewed as an attack on the community as a whole. In this, we may see echoes of the relationship formed between the warband and their people who they served, protected, and shared strong bonds of kinship with. In looking at the situation where communities share the space and values of the outlaw biker, a relationship seen with the warbands of ancient society, and the persistence and validity of such groups with growing numbers of those wanting to join outlaw biker clubs, how realistic is law enforcement approaches to dealing with outlaw bikers and how effective are they? While support from the community is an important factor in outlaw bikers resisting legislative attempts to curb their activities, the fact that such groups have strong codes of loyalty means that opposing law enforcement and legislation will be one of numerous threats to their existence, and just another enemy to deal with. In some cases, the routine harassment by law enforcement can harden club membership and attitudes from a cultural perspective as much as inter-club warfare tends to see less committed members leave (Gilbert, 2013; Cavazos, 2008). Loyalty to the club and bravery in the face of pressure are parts of the socialisation processes that bond these men together, forming relationships that would exclude others who did not endure hardship or left during times of conflict and pressure. Higher level legislative pressure can have a unifying effect as seen in Australia where political and state pressure encouraged 17 outlaw biker clubs who shared long histories of violent conflict to join forces and establish the United Motorcycle Council (UMC) to sit face to face and challenge high-level threats to their way of life (Kampmark, 2017; Veno, 2012). Just as warring clans in ancient Gaul and Britain put aside local conflicts to face the threat of Rome (Gallic Wars, 5.11, 7.1), a practice which also occurred East of the Rhine in the first century AD (Wells, 2003; Todd, 1992), outlaw bikers have shown a willingness to act as bikie activists to protect freedom of association from not just themselves, but beyond (Kampmark, 2017). Indeed, any legislation that is designed to target certain groups needs to be critically assessed to ensure that Benjamin

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Franklin’s much quoted assessment on liberties and safety does not come to pass beyond those the law was designed to target. Numerous examples can be found from Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia, North America and Eastern and Western Europe that discuss the worldwide response by different state legislations to outlaw bikers (Geurtjens et al., 2019; Kampmark, 2017; Lauchs et al., 2015; Gilbert, 2013; Ayling & Broadhurst, 2014). Penal populism is underpinned by a punitive attitude towards those who do not fit within the mainstream ideals and values of society (Pratt, 2006). As such, the media and law enforcement will often collude with single policy interest groups to influence public opinion and legislation. The outlaw bikers, as stated earlier, fit well within this target group. Lauchs et al. state that government legislation against outlaw bikers can be viewed as a response to moral panic and quoting Goode and Ben-Yehuda’s elements of moral panic (2015). Such elements are volatility, hostility, measurable concern, consensus and disproportionality and it is this last one element that will often sit at the core of the panic (Lauchs et al., 2015). When considering the embedded and kin-based character of the ancient warbands, and the steady and inevitable move to more fictive kinship bonds, seeing the outlaw biker chapter as an extension of the bonds of shared values and fictive kinship, proportionality needs to be considered. If state legislation is deemed disproportionate against individuals who share the values and concerns of their host community and have tight familial bonds, a community can turn against those who feel committed to tackle the more problematic elements of the outlaw biker milieu. To this end, there needs to be a considered and arguably nuanced approach to outlaw bikers when considering the options based on crime prevention.

Crime Prevention Outlaw biker clubs have been labelled and defined as organised crime groups (Wright, 2011; Albanese, 2015) which centre their criminality around their shared love of large European and American motorcycles (Roth, 2017; Andrae, 2004). This is certainly the view of the larger clubs such as the Hells Angels, Bandidos, Outlaws and Mongols but it would be hard to make this claim for all outlaw biker clubs. Indeed, the label of organised crime group is rejected by most, if not all outlaw biker clubs (Bradley, 2020b; Blokland et  al., 2017). Such a tension and polemic in opinions mean that people can lose sight of the nuances of outlaw biker

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culture and therefore a nuanced response to them by law enforcement. This situation can equally be applied to the media which see outlaw biker stories, particularly those that may include violence or crime involving this ‘dangerous class, prime click bait’ (Katz, 2011b, p. 231). So how do those dealing with outlaw bikers work out who within the milieu constitute part of that ‘dangerous few’, and who do not? Barker provided a framework for plotting the outlaw bikers on a conservative/ radical continuum (Barker, 2014) going further to set out such distinctions along a criminal classification (Barker, 2018). The simple conservative/ radical continuum is a spectrum with little clear points in which to pinpoint any group. Barker’s second Motorcycle Club Criminal Organisation Continuum goes from club/gang to motorcycle club, then moves to social criminal organisation, to outlaw motorcycle club (OMCs), and to the last designation, outlaw motorcycle gang (OMGs) (2018, Table 3.1). Barker’s typology suggests an increasing level of organised criminality that would be supported by most law enforcement agencies which see outlaw bikers as organised crime. As Lauchs et  al. state, this is ‘a consensus amongst authors that OMCGs are participants in organised crime’ but go on to make an important distinction, ‘but they rarely engage with the question of whether they are criminal groups’ (2015, p. 29). Returning to Barker’s typology, the difference in the last two classifications lies in the observation that in the OMC, there are individual members who may commit crimes. The OMGs will see most members engaging in crime for profit with the club leadership driving the planning and support of these criminal operations. Violence is also noted by Barker with there being violence or the potential for violence with OMCs but there being extreme violence and conflict over markets in OMGs (Barker, 2018, p. 10, Table 3.1). Of interest to the evolution from conservative motorcycle clubs to the OMC is the development of the social criminal organisation in which a small group within the club commits crimes with the support through silence from the other members. Such transitions have been seen in some of the conservative Australian outlaw biker clubs (Lauchs, 2017) and a club in Aotearoa New Zealand went through this phase which saw those not interested in crime move aside and eventually leave (Pers Comm; name withheld, 1 November 2018). As crime-related income drives some of the cliques, those who for whatever reason do not engage move on. Such moves into organised criminal engagement centred around the club probably represent an evolution through a different form of socialisation with regard to the shift in culture. Internationalisation and

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the entrenchment of club power locally, regionally and globally can be linked to the validity and persistence discussed in previous chapters and when viewed from a criminal lens raises some issues that law enforcement feels the need to respond to. Criminality cannot be ignored when considering crime prevention and outlaw bikers. But those responding to issues of criminality must also contemplate the community/outlaw biker club contract (see Chap. 7). Understanding how a community that hosts an outlaw biker club views this group is vital to understanding and formulating an approach to managing them. Given that this book argues that outlaw biker groups, just like other hyper-masculine groups, are here to stay, the communities that host outlaw bikers are the key to dealing with any negative consequences that having a club in the neighbourhood may have. But do they see such groups as a negative force? In developing clear and open communications with community and outlaw biker leaders, community-based crime prevention is the most appropriate way to deal with any criminal element within the outlaw biker milieu. Such an approach also helps to identify those elements who do not represent a risk to the community. Just as the conservative/radical continuum helps researchers to attempt to identify the levels of criminality within clubs and chapters (Bradley, 2020a, 2020b), detailed analysis of outlaw bikers’ involvement in the criminal justice system can help construct indicators of trends in criminal behaviours, types of crimes committed, sentencing and prison populations (Lauchs, 2019). Community-based crime prevention provides a wealth of possibilities in addressing the major drivers of social and economic inequality from the local to the global level. Understanding what communities need and where to assign government resources, like in areas such as education, social services, and health care, can help remove the choices that can lead to a life of criminality for individuals and those outlaw biker clubs who have moved down the radical spectrum of the outlaw biker continuum. Directed crime prevention strategies, with state funding, can enable communities to work appropriately to address the negative trajectory of inequality set up through over 35 years of neoliberal policies. This may include directed health-based approaches to drug and alcohol dependencies. Community-based initiatives by outlaw bikers also have a place in such a strategy. While there will always be critics of such endeavours, agency or community oversight can mitigate risk, while engagement with a sympathetic media delivering a clear and accurate message can begin to

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remove the intergenerational stigma and marginalisation these groups have endured. To this end, in helping the poorest and most marginalised of the community helps the broader society. From a law enforcement perspective, using community-based groups and outlaw biker liaison officers, there may be little room left for anti-­ social and radical elements to maintain relevance within a community (and club) who see realistic opportunities in the benefit in building a healthy community. Those clubs which are well down the radical path can be isolated from the community, especially if there are few familial links, and targeted by law enforcement. Radical outlaw biker clubs in Aotearoa New Zealand which have formed partly through global expansion or as a result of mass deportation from Australia of patched members resident in that country, is a case in point. The Rebels, Comancheros and Mongols are recent arrivals to Aotearoa New Zealand with many of their deported members holding senior positions in Australia (Bradley, 2020a, 2020b). While holding New Zealand citizenship, many have long been resident in Australia and as a result, find limited familial or community support from a country they do not know. Given the numbers being deported chapters have been established quickly. In some cases, membership into these new clubs is quick with a limited sense of club loyalty and history (Gilbert, 2013). Both the Comancheros and Mongols have established their radical status within the shadow economy quickly. However, arguably, through limited contacts within the host communities in which they have been able to set up, law enforcement has been able to conduct targeted operations to curtail their participation in the lucrative methamphetamine trade in Aotearoa New Zealand (Bradley, 2017, 2018, 2020b). Like the warbands who were embedded in their communities in the ancient world, outlaw bikers understand their role in the communities that host them. This factor will play a role in the future of outlaw biker clubs and will be discussed in the next chapter.

Conclusion Outlaw bikers provide society with the role of folk devils, an easily targeted group that can be held up as a creator of moral panic. In this way, mainstream society, law enforcement and the media can generate a narrative leading to legislative approaches dealing with a group within society that does not conform to it rules and values. Such a notion can be traced back to ancient times and how the Mediterranean states viewed the

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Gaul of the Late Iron Age or how Christians described Viking raiders of the Dark Ages. This chapter has shown that in creating an easily identifiable folk devil attached to a reoccurring moral panic, the media and law enforcement form an uneasy alliance in their negative narratives around the outlaw biker work. In so doing, law enforcement can inadvertently create a hardened culture within certain clubs while also alienating the communities which host outlaw biker clubs that may arguably share some of their social values. Such approaches in turn make it harder for law enforcement to police certain areas. In some cases, legislative measures can be like using a hammer and anvil to crush a ball bearing. Groups like the UMC in Australia stand as an example of outlaw bikers becoming united and politicised over issues of civil liberties. When considering crime prevention, this chapter has suggested a more nuanced approach to outlaw bikers with community-based policing and consultation. Relationships between local law enforcement liaison officers, community leaders and the clubs themselves need to be established to help target outlaw clubs involved in organised crime, while supporting those that are not. In this approach, Barker’s conservative/radical continuum can be applied. Outlaw biker clubs are a facet of modern society and are embedded in the communities that host them. If some of the negative consequences of club behaviour need to be addressed, it is argued here that a more nuanced, community-based approach is required.

References Albanese, J. S. (2015). Organized Crime: From the Mob to Transnational Organised Crime. Routledge. Andrae, D. (2004). Flying the Colours: New Zealand Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs, Gangs and Their Patches. Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, Auckland University. Ayling, J., & Broadbent, R. (2014). Organized Crime Control in Australia and New Zealand. In Oxford Handbook of Organized Crime (pp. 621–633). Oxford University Press. Barker, T. (2014). Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs as Organized Crime Groups. Eastern Kentucky University. Barker, T. (2017a). Massacre at Waco: Biker Violence and Police Overreaction. American Journal of Criminal Justice, 42, 668–681. Barker, T. (2018). The Outlaw Biker Legacy of Violence. Routledge. Blokland, A., Soudjin, M., & van der Leest, W. (2017). Outlaw Bikers in the Netherlands: Clubs, Social Criminal Organizations or Gangs? In A.  Bain &

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M. Lauchs (Eds.), Understanding the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: International Perspectives (pp. 91–114). Carolina Academic Press. Bradley, C. (2017). Outlaw Motorcycle Club, Organised Crime and National Security. In New Zealand National Security: Challenges, Trends and Issues (pp. 272–288). Massey University Press. Bradley, C. (2018). Outlaw Bikers, Methamphetamine and Cultural Change. International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Science Studies, 4(1), 4–12. Bradley, C. (2020a). Hells Angels, Head Hunters and the Filthy Few: The History of Outlaw Bikers in Aotearoa New Zealand. Deviant Behavior. https://doi. org/10.1080/01639625.2020.1824134 Bradley, C. (2020b). Outlaw Bikers and Patched Street Gangs: The Nexus between Violence and Shadow Economy. National Security Journal, 2(1), 31–48. Cavadino, M., & Dignan, J. (2006). Penal Policy and Political Economy. Criminology & Criminal Justice, 6(4), 435–456. Cavazos, R. (2008). Honor Few, Fear None: The Life & Times of a Mongol. HarperCollins. Cohen, S. (2002). Folk Devils and Moral Panic. Routledge. Ferguson, R. (2010). The Hammer and the Cross: A New History of the Viking. Penguin. Garland, D. (2008). On Moral Panic. Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal, 4(1), 9–30. Geurtjens, K., Nelen, H., & Vanderhallen, M. (2019). From Bikers to Gangsters: On the Development of and the Public Response to Outlaw Biker Clubs in Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium. In T.  Kuldova & M.  Sánchez-­ Jankowski (Eds.), Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs and Street Gangs: Scheming Legality, Resisting Criminalization (pp. 93–122). Palgrave Macmillan. Gilbert, J. (2013). Patched: The History of Gangs in New Zealand. Auckland University Press. Greer, C., & McLaughlin, E. (2017). News Power, Crime and Media Justice. In A.  Liebling, S.  Maruna, & L.  McAra (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Criminology. Oxford University Press. Hopkins Burke, R. (2019). An Introduction to Criminological Theory. Routledge. James, S. (2012). Exploring the World of the Celts. Thames and Hudson Ltd. Jewkes, Y. (2011). Media and Crime. Sage. Kampmark, B. (2017). Bikies and Civil Rights: Legal Activism, Police States and Liberties in Australia. International Journal of Motorcycle Studies. https:// motorcyclestudies.org/volume-13-2017/bikies-and-civil-rights-legal-activismpolice-states-and-liberties-in-australia-binoy-kampmark/ Katz, K. (2011a). The Enemy Within: The Outlaw Motorcycle Gang Moral Panic. American Journal of Criminal Justice, 36, 231–249. Katz, K. (2011b). Breaking the Outlaw Biker Code of Silence. Dog Ear Publishing. Keegan, J. (1994). A History of Warfare. Pimlico.

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Kuldova, T. (2019). How Outlaws Win Friends and Influence People. Palgrave Macmillan. Lauchs, M. (2017). Nike Bikies. In A. Bain & M. Lauchs (Eds.), Understanding the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: International Perspectives (pp.  115–138). Carolina Academic Press. Lauchs, M. (2019). Are Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs Organized Crime Groups? An Analysis of the Finks MC. Deviant Behavior, 40(3), 287–300. Lauchs, M., Bain, A., & Bell, P. (2015). Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: A Theoretical Perspective. Palgrave Macmillan. Pratt, J. (2006). The Dark Side of Paradise: Explaining New Zealand’s History of High Imprisonment. British Journal of Criminology, 46, 541–560. Pratt, J., & Clark, M. (2005). Penal Populism in New Zealand. Punishment and Society, 7(3), 303–322. Roth, M.  P. (2017). Global Organized Crime: A 21st Century Approach. Routledge. Simpson, L., & Harvey, S. (2012). Brothers in Arms: Bikie Wars. Allen & Unwin. Todd, M. (1992). The Early Germans. Blackwell Publishers. Veno, A. with Gannon, E. (2012). The Brotherhoods: Inside the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs. Allen & Unwin. Wells, P. S. (2003). The Battle that Stopped Rome. Norton & Company. White, R., Haines, F., & Asquith, N. L. (2017). Crime and Criminology. Oxford University Press. Wright, A. (2011). Organised Crime. Routledge.

CHAPTER 7

Future Trends

Abstract  Given the cultural continuity and persistence of hyper-masculine groups such as outlaw bikers, what is the future likely to hold within the context of contemporary warband societies? With an arguably widening gaps of inequality, increased social tension and an ongoing COVID-19 epidemic, how will young men and women respond? This chapter explores the future for outlaw biker clubs through the concept of the outlaw biker/ community contract, and socioeconomic inequality. It will explore the trends of internationalisation and posit the increased trajectory of the American-styled bikers and Australian clubs impacting the major groups in Europe and post-Soviet Eastern Europe, Aotearoa New Zealand, and Asia. This chapter will discuss territoriality and the violence that often follows such moves of internationalisation and assess the implications for conflict. Lastly, there will be some discussion on the outlaw biker/military nexus where clubs are actively recruiting combat veterans and current serving military personnel. Keywords  Outlaw biker/community contract • Socioeconomic inequality • Neoliberalism • Internationalisation • Territoriality • Outlaw biker/military nexus • COVID-19

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. Bradley, Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75347-4_7

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Outlaw Biker/Community Contract One of the main arguments of this book is that small hyper-masculine groups have a long history and tradition that, in Western society, has continued to exist since early written record, and probably well before these early writings. Given the persistence of such groups as a phenomenon from ancient to modern times, can we expect outlaw bikers to continue to play a role in the communities that host them? This chapter will look at this question and ask what is it that may see that Outlaw biker communities thrive. Outlaw bikers have been a part of society and have existed in our community since the late 1950s and early 1960s. They are a common aspect of the families who have a generational link to the club scene. For the outlaw biker, there is a nuanced relationship with the host societies. All members are linked to the communities they live in. These points of contact may be the club bar, workplaces, sports clubs or direct family engagement where the club does not have complete control over who it interacts with. There are, however, clear examples of where the outlaw biker stands apart from its host community, such as the clubhouse or club events, where admission is strictly controlled. Such touch points make for a continuum of contact with some stronger than others. Gilbert has provided a classification of the gang/community relationship through three levels of contact which can be applied to the outlaw biker clubs: (1) associates (support within the community/takes part in club-­ organised event); (2) incidental associates-nondeliberate contact (share neighbourhood); and (3) the wider public or work associations (2013, p. 167). Further to this, Gilbert offers the concept of the gang/ community balance. The gang/community balance emerged where communities accepted (willingly or grudgingly) that gangs were a permanent fixture in their midst (Gilbert, 2013; Sánchez Jankowski, 1991). Communities with a strong outlaw biker presence share with its members many social and economic experiences and therefore, similar values, troubles, and outlooks, but there is a need to maintain more than an outlaw biker/community balance to ensure clubs do not live up to the hype that surrounds them. Taking this idea further and conceptualising an outlaw biker/community contract changes the narrow focus of just a balance between clubs and their host communities. Balance suggests a binary of polemic position that does not fully recognise the fluidity that exists in communities with a high outlaw biker presence. In such communities

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where an outlaw biker/community nexus exists, the concepts of the warrior/community contract is important. Whether this contract is verbal or implied, it allows for a deeper understanding of the outlaw biker/community dynamic. For some communities, outlaw biker clubs represent a pro-social function (sense of belonging/family/brotherhood) and there is a need to recognise the significant social function they provide (Gilbert, 2013; Katz, 2011a). Acknowledging the existence of such an arrangement allows for a deeper understanding of the outlaw biker/community dynamic. But given the spectre of violence, can outlaw biker membership be a positive force in society? Such an area calls for further research but stands as an important feature of the outlaw biker trajectory in the future. Barker’s conservative/radical continuum can be applied to this context. Given the widening gap in socioeconomic inequality on a global level, the relevance and persistence of the outlaw biker seems a reality with a need to explore and support any move they take to improve their communities. Kuldova discusses the concept of the outlaw bikers creating the sacred order, something beyond the mundane or routine (2019). Moving forward with this concept, hyper-masculinity, and its role in creating the sacred mystique of the outlaw biker appears important both on an individual basis and as part of the group in the ideological landscape of neoliberalism where group solidarity seen in the outlaw biker clubs stands against the drive for individualism. While this idea will be considered further below, suffice to say that ritual and the sacred play an important socialisation role in the creation of both the ancient warband and the outlaw biker club. As stated in previous chapters, hyper-masculine behaviour and attitude have a central role in creating the sacred mystique of the outlaw bikers and can be traced back down through the ages with clear examples offered in the ancient world. Such behaviours are driven by masculine prowess in fighting and an ability to defend the group and oneself. This, in turn, leads to group combat cohesion as the need to defend or attack extends out over the group’s perceived territory. Such ideals seem at odds with the perceived stability of the developed world, but when considering the negative impacts of inequality and structural violence, the outlaw biker phenomenon and its increased appeal begins to make sense. For the outlaw biker, they view the world outside their 1% as mundane. A desire to join this 1% world can be attached to a feeling of disenchantment linked to the diminishing valorisation of heroes and heroism (Kuldova, 2019, p. 128). As such, outlaw biker membership and club numbers are rising globally as young men look for meaning and

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financial reward not offered in mainstream society (Bradley, 2020a; Lauchs, 2020; Europol, 2019). In Aotearoa New Zealand, there is a move by some patched street gangs to establish an outlaw biker chapter, a situation not seen since the Head Hunters evolved from a patched street gang into an outlaw biker club in the 1970s (Bradley, 2020a). Further research is needed to understand this development, but these new clubs are coming out of marginalised communities that are dealing with socioeconomic inequality. These communities provide the prospects for outlaw biker clubs and such a state can be explained through a critique of the current ideological system of neoliberalism.

Neoliberalism and Socioeconomic Inequality Human conflict can be linked to economically induced desperation and fear with more likelihood of inter-personal violence being linked to poverty, low socioeconomic status, lack of education and exclusion (Joseph, 2017). Under the current neoliberal economic system, poverty is not just about being poor, but about feeling poor with extreme poverty having serious health issues for those caught in a trap of intergenerational inequality and marginalisation (Joseph, quoting Sapolsky, 2017, p. 206). Such a situation has been described as an economy of scarcity that is controlled by those in power who are able to accrue vast amounts of wealth (Frase, 2016). An attitude of scarcity can be traced back to the Neolithic revolution where settled agriculture and the creation of a surplus slowly replaced traditional hunter-gathering societies. The move away from gathering saw an over-reliance on smaller numbers of crops, and a risk attached to weather changes. Just as the global financial crisis (GFC) caused economic hardship across the world, Ancient Europe was also prone to boom/bust cycles of wealth, poverty, and inequality. During the Early Iron Age, archaeological remains attest to a period of strong trade between Temperate Europe and the Mediterranean regions; however, a decline of trade in the Early Iron Age (Hallstatt) saw this economy collapse with the rise of the warlord from 500 BCE (La Tene) (Enright, 2013; Cunliffe, 2008). Contact between the chiefs and communities’ leaders of Temperate Europe and the Mediterranean city states of Greece and the Etruscans established a network of trade relationships and routes from the Early Iron Age (Enright, 2013; Wells, 2004; Kristiansen, 2004; Randsborg, 2004). Settlements at Heuneburg and Biskupin all suggest close ties and even trade colonies that saw a shift in wealth distributions and less egalitarian structures in Central Europe, as

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testified by the archaeological remains found in wealthy graves at Vix and Hochdorf (Enright, 2013; Wells, 2004; Shepherd, 2004; James, 1993). Just as economic crises have unsettled the global economic stability impacting millions of people, the wealth and security of the Early Iron Age period came to a dramatic end with the collapse of the wealthy ‘feudal’ princeling polities of the Hallstatt, giving way to the increase in defending dwellings, signs if incessant warfare and poorer grave dispositions over large areas of Temperate Europe (Enright, 2013). What followed was a decline in the Hallstatt culture and the rise of the La Tene, with the movement of large groups of people based on warband culture (who thrived on raiding) into the Mediterranean peninsulas of Italy and Greece from 400 BCE (Enright, 2013; Cunliffe, 2008). Several factors have been posited for this collapse, some human and others environmental (Cunliffe, 2008). In the south, trade contacts between the northern kingdoms and the Mediterranean world began with the establishment of the Greek colony at Massalia and the earlier work done by the Etruscans. These contacts were a two-way system where raw materials made their way south with processed trade items and wine flowing north. Dependence on and control of the scarce trade items from the south allowed feudal Hallstatt leaders to acquire wealth, but this was based on the ability to control the inflow of such items. The agrarian base for these wealthy polities remained with the luxury items from the south allowing for further socioeconomic divisions within society. With the collapse of these early economic trade links and the routes that saw the flow of goods both north and south, the power and wealth collapsed. In the north, the weather played a role in the movement of large numbers of people seeking new lands to live. The mass migration of the Cimbri and Teutones in the late second century BCE was one of the last such movements until the Romans moved across the Alps and attacked Gaul. Before the Cimbri and Teutones, Northern Italy had been invaded and settled by Gallic people, with others moving east to settle in the Danube and in Northern Greece and Asia Minor. From 400 to 52 BCE, Transalpine Europe was a dynamic place. Likewise, in AD407 when the Roman legions withdrew from Britannia and the trade links to the markets on the Rhine disappeared leaving no place for surplus grain production, the Romano-British population reverted to more stock-based farming (Pryor, 2004), localised protection and the redefending of Iron Age hillforts. The rise of the warband developed out of a response to the arrival of sea raiders of Germanic origins in the Channel, or to repulse increased raiding by Irish, Northern British

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Picts and Scotti that had become more frequent around the late fourth century AD (Cunliffe, 2013; Pryor, 2004). Like contemporary times where attitudes to economic and environmental security are coming under increased pressure, the impact on societies across the globe stand as evidence that the world is moving further into a trajectory of instability and increasing socioeconomic inequality. The COVID-19 pandemic has only added stress to systems and communities that were already suffering, and the future appears grim. The occurrence of economic and environmental degradation and collapse has a long history (Diamond, 2005), and COVID-19 has exposed the latest stressor in a series of modern failings characterised by a cycle of boom/bust. Economic degradation is important to the discussion on ancient warbands and outlaw bikers because, in some regards, their survival is closely tied to such cycles of economic crises. Today, we can see a climate of uncertainty and upheaval after decades of neoliberal polices that have been continually exposed as a major driver of socioeconomic inequality. COVID-19 is the last crisis to show how precarious this system is, and in this climate, we can see echoes of events within the rise of the warbands of ancient Europe and the persistence and upsurge in outlaw biker membership and the number of clubs to choose from. In an economy that preaches the ideology of scarcity, either the feudal princelings of Hallstatt Europe or the neoliberal marketplace of the twenty-first century, the way to control the population is through structural and cultural violence. Peter Joseph defines structural violence as ‘preventable violence, death, and suffering resulting from human-generated institutions, specifically socioeconomic inequality’ (2017, p. 361). Peter Frase, in his work The Four Futures, suggests that if society keeps going down a profit-motive-driven economic system, the prospects do not look good for those currently at the bottom of the socioeconomic hierarchy (2016). Frase provides four possible futures and in one, based on the current trajectory, he describes a dystopian future where the elite 1% who control much of the world’s wealth maintain the economic and environmental degradation as they live apart in heavily guarded communities (an environment seen in gated communities and secure islands of the wealthy today, 2016). Following the logic of scarcity, that could be remedied through the humane use of technologies and withdrawing profit-motivated patents and copyright, the majority will be left to fight over what scrapes the ruling elites distribute. In such a dystopian world, an alternative power will easily step into a power vacuum left by an apathetic and far-removed elite benefit from growing inequality.

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Politics and leadership within the ancient warband societies was generally based within a small social setting and geographically bound. Leadership had direct impact and meaning for those communities. Today, the connection between state leadership and the people is arguably weak and fragile as a result of larger populations and city sizes. To this end, non-­ government entities play a role similar to the ancient warband leaders with intimate and familial connections, and as such can gain power. Outlaw biker clubs have the hierarchy and organisation to step into such an environment. This book is not the place to discuss appropriate responses to the issues of global and local inequalities, but there is room to discuss where outlaw bikers may fit within this changing climate of economic pressure and rising inequality. Band-aid policies and approaches such as bank bailouts after the GFC in 2008 or the wage subsides of the current COVID-19 crisis (which work to move public money into private hands) will only slightly ease the crisis that has been building for some time. For those genuinely concerned with communities that host outlaw biker clubs and the recruits who are flocking to the colours, understanding non-state power and where it sits is vital. If COVID-19 results in a deep financial crisis beyond which has already unfolded as states respond to combating the infection rates, there may be a deep need by communities to look for the support of outlaw biker groups. Their presence may become entrenched as state power either declines through financial pressures or intensifies as agents of state power seek to maintain firmer control over increasingly marginalised and disadvantaged populations as they become restless. There may be a time to look at the perceived negative issues of the outlaw bikers and ask a different question around their role in the post-COVID future through a recognition of their potential to do good. For the contemporary environment, outlaw bikers represent an unofficial counter to state violence which is a symptom of structural violence. On the other hand, it would be argued by politicians and law enforcement that outlaw biker clubs offer the safety of an arguably authoritarian regime that provides ‘security’ for the group, a retreat from democracy. Using a broad lens, the Neolithic revolution launched humankind into a trajectory of an economy of scarcity and neoliberal, market-driven economic ideologies that intensified with the industrial revolution of the mid-eighteenth century. But within an economic system that relies on the profit motive exists a shadow economy of non-taxed wealth that is a mirror of the main system. Shadow economics reflect the current neoliberal ideology and as such, those radical outlaw biker clubs which have entered the shadow economy

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may be placed to move into the power vacuum that is growing. Some outlaw biker entrepreneurs may also simply have strong business acumen in the legal economy. Again, there needs to be an understanding of the outlaw biker/organised crime nexus to establish a clear articulation of risk to future communities. Working in or setting up a legitimate business can be interpreted in several ways like the definitions given to the criminality of outlaw bikers. One view normally held by law enforcement is that outlaw bikers involved in legitimate businesses are simply trying to establish fronts for cleaning money gained through illegal means (Savage, 2020; Barker, 2017b; Lauchs et al., 2015). Another view is that legitimate business is a way to move away from illegal activities based on the profit from crime (Gilbert, 2013). Lastly, members are simply following the paths any other citizen is entitled to do in taking advantage of the legal economic system that financially rewards those who succeed (Gilbert & Martin, 2019; Simpson & Harvey, 2012; Marsden & Sher, 2006). Indeed, in places like the United States, most outlaw bikers have legitimate employment (Smith, 2019, p. 102). All these avenues are probably being utilised within the outlaw biker milieu; however, we need to be careful that legislation that labels all outlaw bikers and clubs as criminal does not further marginalise legal ventures that provide positive outcomes to the communities they serve. A punitive approach could result in further socioeconomic inequality. Looking to the future, appropriate crime prevention approaches will be vital for law enforcement and community groups to navigate the space of outlaw bikers and all business dealings that may survive the possible economic downturn in response to COVID-19. With a continued state of social disintegration characterised by poverty and marginalisation, there is a risk of continued intergenerational outlaw biker club membership. Do patched members wake up and want their children to follow down the path they have trodden? Since the 1960s and 1970s, there has been a clear pattern of intergenerational membership (Campbell & Campbell, 2014; Cavazos, 2008). Obvious notions of loyalty to the cultural milieu of the outlaw biker see sons of patched members seeking to follow fathers and uncles into the club. Recruitment of family members is also an effective barrier to infiltration by law enforcement. As with the kinship nature of the ancient warbands, outlaw bikers also offer familial support as young men transition from childhood to adulthood. Links between socioeconomic inequality and outlaw biker membership will also make incorporation into the outlaw biker club ‘family’ potentially the best option for young members of marginalised groups. Attitudes towards intergenerational membership and given that such groups have

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been a facet of society for thousands of years suggest that the future of the outlaw biker legacy may become even more familial. In this regard, such behaviour is like those families that have a tradition of intergenerational membership in other hyper-masculine groups such as law enforcement or the military.

Treatment of Women In these intergenerational traditions, we again see subterranean values based around hyper-masculine culture, and with that an acceptance of violence across many layers of society. If indeed we accept that outlaw bikers present a shadow to mainstream society and that their attitudes of hypermasculinity reflect subterranean values, then until society changes its attitudes around masculinity, patriarchy and misogyny, there is little likelihood that outlaw bikers will change. Societal attitudes towards woman can also be assessed here in relation to values held in society towards women. Violence against women is a global issue and as noted earlier, it is easy to focus on outlaw bikers and their hyper-masculine attitudes and values to make comment on issues of patriarchy. Modern society is skilled at looking at the few to ignore the many when it comes to violence against women. Looking at the examples of Boudica and Cartimandua from the ancient historical record, or the burial remains that show armed women across temperate Europe, there is a tradition of females holding their own in the world. With some outlaw clubs passing rules that attempt to address family violence and poor treatment of women, we see the age-old situation of men making decisions on behalf of women. Indeed, Boudicca and the Iceni people revolted against Roman administrators in AD 60–61 as a result of poor decision-making by men on behalf of women which led to brutal treatment of her and her daughters (James, 2011; Cassius Dio LXII, 7, 1–3). Clearly, protocols existed among the Iron Age Iceni for transference of power and land to women which appeared to be well beyond the comprehension of the Romans governing Britain at the time. Sexual violence started a revolt that nearly caused the Romans to withdraw from this young province. Closer to our time there are far too many examples of sexual violence that show a deep-rooted attitude that degrades women (Lamb, 2020; Hill, 2019; Potts & Hayden, 2010). When considering the future of outlaw bikers and women, there is an interesting development in the establishment of female motorcycle clubs such as the Devil Dolls MC and Chrome Divas (Veno & Winterhalder, 2011). Affiliation to the Hells Angels is clearly displayed on the vests of

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some of the Devil Dolls members which suggests support by this club. And while property patches exist in some outlaw biker clubs (Veno & Winterhalder, 2011), there are no cases of women being allowed to wear the patch of any of the male outlaw biker clubs. Such a development is unlikely given that the outlaw biker clubs base many of their values around brotherhood and the sacred masculine. This said, women have always made up a part of the outlaw biker world and as society slowly changes to address gender inequality, there may well be a shift in attitudes. While not an outlaw biker club, the Mongrel Mob Kingdom in Aotearoa New Zealand has made moves to set up a female, patch-wearing chapter; however, the response from other chapters was swift, vocal and unsupportive. This development and the rise of clubs such as the Devil Dolls in the United States shows a shift in attitudes within the hyper-­ masculine world of the outlaw biker.

Internationalisation When we consider the creation of the outlaw biker culture based on the hyper-masculine tenets and values of the warrior of ancient times, the internationalisation of the large United States and Australian-based clubs has a deeper resonating force beyond the club’s patch. As clubs such as the Hells Angels, the Bandidos, Comancheros and Rebels bring their brand to the world, they successfully fill their ranks as young (and not so young) men join the world of the outlaw biker. In considering Kuldova’s concept of the sacred masculine, the outlaw biker clubs tap into that yearning to be something more, a part of something bigger not found in the institutions of mainstream society that may be blocked. Brotherhood and the celebration of hyper-masculine capabilities of looking after oneself and defending the patch has an enduring appeal and persistent history linked through time to the ancient past. This deeper yearning and resonance have evolved into moves of internationalisation that speaks of a two-way relationship between United States or Australian clubs and local clubs across the globe which seek out the bigger organisations. This international outlaw biker phenomenon is increasing and following a logical trajectory, encouraged by further socioeconomic inequality, will continue to do so. Globalisation has resulted in some unexpected consequence. Far from creating meaningful bonds and understanding between diverse communities, there is a rise in race and faith-based violence. Aotearoa New Zealand witnessed such violence when a lone terrorist with far-right ideologies attacked two mosques in the city of Christchurch killing 51

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people in 2019. Given the conservative and nationalistic leanings of many outlaw bikers (Barger, 2001; Wolf, 1991), where will they sit if nationalistic tensions rise? A Russian outlaw biker club the Night Wolves MC has shown the potential to support nationalistic leaders and resist not just non-Russian outlaw biker clubs but perceived national enemies as well (Harris, 2018). Nationalistic sentiments have also been voiced by British outlaw biker leaders (Marsden & Sher, 2006). From a clearer understanding of the nuances found within outlaw biker culture, and of the existing and previous measures by law enforcement and legislation, there is an opportunity to offer ways forward in managing the outlaw biker/community balance. Such an analysis can provide options for positive engagement between club and chapter leaders, law enforcement, politicians and the broader host communities. Further, understanding the developing politics within the outlaw biker world, we can seek to understand how internationalisation is shaping the current outlaw biker landscape and boundaries, and how such factors will shape the trajectory of outlaw bikers globally, regionally, and locally. Increasing numbers of members and clubs are a trend across the world. The outlaw biker phenomenon is a global one. The Big Four outlaw biker clubs have been increasing their global reach, and two clubs, the Rebels and Comancheros, are also expanding their presence beyond the Australian border. With the COVID-19 pandemic, understanding the dynamics of outlaw biker culture, social strain and potentially negative consequences across many levels may help shape a better future for all involved whether patched members or their families. The world may be standing on a knife edge as we see outlaw bikers move further along the radical spectrum and engage in more organised criminality or recalibrate along the conservative ideals of the older, smaller clubs. Entrenchment of an older way of the outlaw biker may prove hard to maintain if the larger international clubs expand at a time of increased global financial pressures. The ‘Great Nordic War’ of the mid-1990s’ Scandinavia provides a stark example of how internationalisation of the American-based clubs generates outlaw biker violence that goes beyond targeting members only and generates community opposition. Like elsewhere that saw the arrival of the American-based clubs, Scandinavia had an active outlaw biker scene. As seen in North America, Australia, Aotearoa New Zealand, Europe and the United Kingdom, outlaw biker clubs grew in the Nordic countries in the 1960s and 1970s (Geurtjens et al., 2019; Silverstone & Crane, 2017; Blokland et al., 2017; Gilbert, 2013; Marsden & Sher, 2006). Karen Katz makes the point that clubs like the Hells Angels are not constrained by

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issues of sovereignty of state borders (2011b). Indeed, inter-jurisdictional strategies are problematic when considering the transnational contacts and global reach. Political state systems like the Commonwealth of Australia and the United States also create issues dealing with groups who do not respect such borders. Of the biker wars, Barker claims that some of the major conflicts between the larger American-based clubs such as the Hells Angels and Bandidos are over power and profit (2017a, p. 71). Scandinavia was one such conflict zone. In 1997, the Scandinavian leaders of the Hells Angels and the Bandidos met in to bring an end to the ‘Great Nordic War’ that had escalated to include over four hundred violent incidents over three years including fatalities of both outlaw bikers and innocent civilians (Marsden & Sher, 2006). While the outlaw bikers were growing tired, their fighting was beginning to lose them the support of the local communities. Following Barker’s argument, the war was hurting business and the pact represented a move by the two major clubs to define territories in which they would hold power and the markets they would control (Marsden & Sher, 2006).

Territoriality Territoriality is defined as ‘the ability and desire of legitimate users of an area to lay claim to the area’ (Lab, 2020, p. 377), but such an attitude can easily be applied to outlaw bikers despite law enforcements’ reluctance to acknowledge territorial claims by clubs (Bradley, 2020b). Concepts of identity and reputation in the outlaw biker world are driven by, and embedded in, the ideas of territorial imperatives. With this dynamic comes inter-club conflict. Warfare in the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age was small-scale raiding conducted by warbands under the control of a dominant warrior against other warbands (Harding, 2007, p.  94; Cunliffe, 2004, p. 541). There were clear territorial markers from which warbands were drawn and that they would defend against other groups (Harding, 2007, p. 160), and such territories would be a demonstration of group power (Cunliffe, 2004, p. 541). Rituals of raiding were used to uphold group and personal honour (Gallic War, 6.15). In the duties of the warband and actions seen in raiding, it is easy to draw parallels with the outlaw biker clubs and their attitude to honour, territory and outside groups (Kuldova, 2019, p. 129). Raiding sums up inter-club conflict well. While warfare in the time of warband societies was what Cunliffe calls a ‘self-adjusting system’ that allowed for the establishment of individual and

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group status (Cunliffe, 2003, p. 75), such a statement can easily be applied to the warrior mentality of the outlaw biker club. Another clear role of the warband was to play a dominant role in the protection and maintenance of the border, a trait found in most Indo-European societies (Shepherd, 2004). Consideration for the potential for conflict must be given when understanding the future environment occupied by outlaw biker clubs. Indeed, law enforcement in the United States certainly monitors conflict between outlaw biker clubs (ATF, 2014). The increased sharing of territory has developed over the past ten years with some areas hosting multiple clubs with little sign of violence. Risk of inter-club conflict are now managed and not necessarily a flash point for spontaneous violence over transgressions of border agreements, possibly from organisations like the UMC in Australia or through peace agreements between clubs in Europe. Indeed, the move by the major clubs to fly regional or national bottom rockers on their three-piece patches may be a part of the evolution and less of an attachment to territory. However, in the United States, side tabs/flashes that denote cities have been seen as a move designed to infuriate opponents (ATF, 2014). There is also the ­possibility that clubs are less likely to resist other clubs who display criminal or outrageous behaviours as it deflects law enforcement attention from them to carry on with their own business interests. Such a situation of territorial flexibility is being seen in Aotearoa New Zealand as Australian clubs establish a presence while attracting the attention of police. It appears that in some regions of the world, the movement from one club to another is tolerated more than in other areas (Geurtjens et al., 2019, pp.  105, 106). Club hopping can be a sensitive and dangerous move as such an act shows little regard to the codes of brotherhood. Local networks and relationships are important for international clubs to set up in a location. They will often prospect local clubs as a means of hiring ‘local’ to ensure and secure local connections and networks. However, those who choose not to patch into the international club may move on to other clubs and in turn create tensions (Campbell & Edwards, 2013; Marsden & Sher, 2006). This said, a 2014 report by the ATF stated that territorial conflict is rising in the United States where the larger clubs attempt to encroach on areas long held by others (ATF, 2014). As territory becomes crowded, the hyper-­masculine values of club honour and violent reputation may see increased inter-club conflict.

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Veterans Linked to internationalisation and moves by outlaw bikers to expand and control more territory is the recruitment of individuals who share and espouse the notions of the warrior. In veterans, outlaw biker clubs have a pool of men who closely share their ethos. The recruitment of combat veterans into outlaw biker clubs is a trend in the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia (Smith, 2019; Lauchs et  al., 2015; ATF, 2010, 2014; Marsden & Sher, 2006; Veno, 2012), a practice that is also taken by local law enforcement agencies in the United States through the Community Oriented Policing Service (Balko, 2013). Social and government apathy coupled with the brotherhood experienced in the military, and the potential for some being ambiguous about killing (a societal taboo) or violence could make the gangs a logical choice (Lauchs et al., 2015). Their training and martial capabilities would not be lost on the highly masculine and paramilitary nature of gangs. Indeed, through basic training in most modern militaries, recruits would have already gone through a liminal process of socialisation and the forging of a new identity that aligns to the model of the state soldier; they may just not see it as such. As we have seen, prospecting to join an outlaw biker club and going through initial training in the military or other state-controlled paramilitary organisations (police, fire service) share ritualised processes of creating the ideal member. The number of outlaw bikers who are actively serving or have served in combat units in the armed forces shows a clear and deep connection that is arguably based on the same values and tenets of the warrior (Smith, 2019; NGIC, 2015; Marsden & Sher, 2006). There are similar aspects of socialisation seen in the process of joining a gang and the place patched members hold within the club and among their community. There are also shared values based on the age-old warrior ethos that has resonance among military groups of hyper-masculine males in the military as well as within outlaw biker clubs. In these values sit another shared worldview based on violent potential to a level that both outlaw biker and military combat veterans view their environment from a shared culture that may be not so evident to the casual observer. Future trends may see more veterans of the successive wars of the twenty-first century being drawn into the outlaw biker milieu. Deep feelings of self-­actualisation experienced on the battlefields of Afghanistan and Iraq can be continued into the outlaw biker clubs scene. For some veterans, the outlaw biker community may allow them to find their ‘tribe’ lost once they return home. Also, the skill sets of the combat veterans in leadership, tactical or strategic

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thinking and weapons competency will be useful to those clubs entering the competitive shadow economy where the currency of violence allows for the control of markets and supply of illegal products. Gaining access to military grade weapons by outlaw bikers is also a concern throughout for authorities in North America, Scandinavia, Australia and the United Kingdom (Smith, 2019; Coulthart & McNab, 2008; Marsden & Sher, 2006). When considering the potential economic down-turn due to COVID-19, returning combat veterans have already shown the potential to join outlaw biker clubs. With no possible employment and a set of skill and combat experience, the close hyper-masculine culture of the outlaw biker clubs may appeal to the veteran community. In this dynamic, the outlaw biker clubs may become more confident and aggressive if state power withdraws because of financial cutback. The warrior ethos and the proliferation of military and veteran motorcycle club create a slipstream in which to recruit veterans from general motorcycle clubs into outlaw biker clubs. Some such clubs already hold the status of prospect club for the larger outlaw biker clubs, performing duties during high-profile runs and club events (ATF, 2010, 2014). What we may see is an outlaw biker scene that becomes even more militant with the military capabilities of veteran members being used to secure territory against opposition clubs. There may also be a move to become even more disciplined.

Conclusion Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands: Hyper-masculinity and Cultural Continuity has argued that there is a cultural continuity of hyper-­ masculinity that has been identified from numerous sources. Outlaw biker clubs and membership numbers are on the rise and as such show signs that they have become entrenched in certain communities and are here to stay. Communities that host outlaw biker clubs, and the members that make up such clubs negotiate a contract along shared values and experiences. Over 30 years of neoliberal policies and the increasing gaps in socioeconomic inequality, further exacerbated by COVID-19, are major factors in the appeal of outlaw biker club membership. This chapter has posited that outlaw bikers are well placed to step into the growing power vacuum left as the state withdraws financial support for the most depressed communities. Until mainstream society can address the issues of socioeconomic inequality (at the macro and micro levels), the disintegration of communities through consistent neoliberal ideologies will continue. Part of the discussion addressed the treatment of women by outlaw bikers and while they represent a clear example of hyper-masculine culture, they

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reflect a broader culture of patriarchy that needs to change if we can expect further moves by bikers to change. Internationalisation and territoriality will become bigger issues when dealing with outlaw bikers in the future. Global trends show a trajectory of growth by some of the large US and Australian outlaw biker clubs. With such moves come the potential for conflict and as some international clubs move to establish global markets, local clubs will respond. Violence is a key tenet to the outlaw biker culture and by way of strengthening combat capabilities, outlaw bikers are recruiting combat veterans. This final chapter has highlighted the growing nexus between veterans and current serving members of the military. In an environment of socioeconomic inequality, outlaw bikers will become more embedded in their communities that will arguably look to these groups for protection and income for the necessities of life.

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Cavazos, R. (2008). Honor Few, Fear None: The Life & Times of a Mongol. HarperCollins. Coulthart, R., & McNab, D. (2008). Dead Man Running: An Insider’s Story on One of the World’s Most Feared Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs…The Bandidos. Allen & Unwin. Cunliffe, B. (2003). Danebury Hillfort. Tempus Publishing Ltd. Cunliffe, B. (2004). Iron Age Communities in Britain. Routledge. Cunliffe, B. (2008). Europe between the Oceans: 9000BC–AD 1000. Yale University Press. Cunliffe, B. (2013). Britain Begins. Oxford University Press. Diamond, J. (2005). Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed. Viking. Enright, M. J. (2013). Lady with a Mead Cup: Ritual, Prophecy and Lordship in the European Warband from La Tène to the Viking Age. Four Court Press. Europol. (2019). Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs Are Considered a National Threat and a National Policing Priority in 17 EU Member States and Six Europol Partner States. Europol. https://www.europol.europa.eu/crime-areas-and-trends/ crime-areas/outlaw-motorcycle-gangs FBI. (2015). 2015 National Gang Report (NGR). National Gang Intelligence Center. Frase, P. (2016). Four Futures: Life After Capitalism. Verso. Geurtjens, K., Nelen, H., & Vanderhallen, M. (2019). From Bikers to Gangsters: On the Development of and the Public Response to Outlaw Biker Clubs in Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium. In T. Kuldova & M. SánchezJankowski (Eds.), Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs and Street Gangs: Scheming Legality, Resisting Criminalization (pp. 93–122). Palgrave Macmillan. Gilbert, J. (2013). Patched: The History of Gangs in New Zealand. Auckland University Press. Gilbert, J., & Martin, S. (2019). A Rebel in Exile: The Extraordinary Story of Sane ‘Kiwi’ Martin and His Battle to Return to His Home and Family. Hardie Grant Books. Harding, A. (2007). Warriors and Weapons in Bronze Age Europe. Archaeolingua. Harris, K. (2018). Russia’s Fifth Column: The Influence of the Night Wolves Motorcycle Club. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 1–15. https://doi.org/1 0.1080/1057610X.2018.1455373 Hill, J. (2019). See What You Made Me Do: Power, Control and Domestic Violence. Black Inc. James, S. (1993). Exploring the World of Celts. Thames & Hudson. James, S. (2011). Rome and the Sword: How Warrior & Weapons Shaped Roman History. Thames & Hudson. Joseph, P. (2017). The New Human Rights Movement: Reinventing the Economy to End Oppression. BenBella Books. Katz, K. (2011a). The Enemy Within: The Outlaw Motorcycle Gang Moral Panic. American Journal of Criminal Justice, 36, 231–249. Katz, K. (2011b). Breaking the Outlaw Biker Code of Silence. Dog Ear Publishing.

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Kristiansen, K. (2004). The Emergence of Warrior Aristocracies in Later European Prehistory and Their Long-term History. In J. Carman & A. Harding (Eds.), Ancient Warfare: Archaeological Perspectives (pp. 175–190). Sutton Publishing. Kuldova, T. (2019). How Outlaws Win Friends and Influence People. Palgrave Macmillan. Lab, S. P. (2020). Crime Prevention: Approaches, Practices, and Evaluations. Routledge. Lamb, C. (2020). Our Bodies Their Battlefields: What War Does to Women. William Collins. Lauchs, M. (2020). A Global Survey of Outlaw Motorcycle Gang Formation. Deviant Behavior, 41(12), 1524–1539. Lauchs, M., Bain, A., & Bell, P. (2015). Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: A Theoretical Perspective. Palgrave Macmillan. Marsden, W., & Sher, J. (2006). Angels of Death: Inside the Bikers’ Global Crime Empire. Hodder & Stoughton. Potts, M., & Hayden, T. (2010). Sex and War: How Biology Explains Warfare and Terrorism and Offers a Path to a Safer World. BenBella Books. Pryor, F. (2004). Britain AD: A Quest for Arthur, England and the Anglo-Saxons. Harper Perennial. Randsborg, K. (2004). First Millennium A. D. in Europe and the Mediterranean: An Archaeological Essay. Cambridge University Press. Sánchez Jankowski, M. (1991). Islands in the Street: Gangs and American Urban Society. University of California Press. Savage, J. (2020). Gangland: New Zealand’s Underworld of Organised Crime. HarperCollins. Shepherd, D. J. (2004). The Elusive Warrior Maiden Tradition: Bearing Weapons in Anglo-Saxon Society. In J. Carman & A. Harding (Eds.), Ancient Warfare: Archaeological Perspectives (pp. 219–243). Sutton Publishing Limited. Silverstone, D., & Crane, P. (2017). Mapping and Conceptualizing Organized Motorcycle Gangs: The British, German and Spanish Experience. In A. Bain & M. Lauchs (Eds.), Understanding the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs: International Perspectives (pp. 67–90). Carolina Academic Press. Simpson, L., & Harvey, S. (2012). Brothers in Arms: Bikie Wars. Allen & Unwin. Smith, C. F. (2019). Gangs and the Military: Gangsters, Bikers, and Terrorists with Military Training. Rowman & Littlefield. Veno, A. with Gannon, E. (2012). The Brotherhoods: Inside the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs. Allen & Unwin. Veno, A., & Winterhalder, E. (2011). Biker Chicks: The Magnetic Attraction of Women to Bad Boys and Motorbikes. Allen & Unwin. Wells, P. S. (2004). Beyond Celts, Germans and Scythians: Archaeology and Identity in Iron Age Europe. Gerald Duckworth. Wolf, D. (1991). The Rebels: A Brotherhood of Outlaw Bikers. University of Toronto Press.

CHAPTER 8

Conclusion

Abstract  This conclusion summerises the chapters of the book. Through a comparative approach Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands: Hyper-­ masculinity and Cultural Continuity demonstrates a cultural continuity that is part of human society, identified since prehistory. Warband values and outlaw biker tenets of hyper-masculinity has been defined and measured. Issues of hyper-masculinity and domestic violence have been assessed while also conceptualising the creation of the sacred masculine culture that underpins the values of the outlaw biker. Neoliberalism and socioeconomic inequality have been critiqued to explain why groups such as outlaw bikers exist. This book concludes that outlaw bikers are just one group within modern society that prioritise hyper-masculinity in the formation, socialisation and enforcement of hegemonic masculinity. Outlaw biker clubs are here to stay, and as the socioeconomic gap grows, there needs to be serious consideration as to what role they will play in their communities and in the post-COVID-19 environment. Keywords  Warband values • Outlaw biker tenets • Hyper-masculinity • Neoliberalism • Hegemonic masculinity Starting with an overview of the outlaw bikers and locating them within the contemporary context, the discussion turns to the tenet of brotherhood and comparisons to the ancient warband. Drawing on written sources © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. Bradley, Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75347-4_8

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such as Caesar, Tacitus, Aneurin and Beowulf that deal with ancient warband and an analysis of the archaeological records have allowed for the testing of the notion of cultural continuity in hyper-masculine groups from the warbands of the Late Iron Age to the outlaw bikers. Tenets of the ancient warband were identified and successfully applied to the cultural milieu of the outlaw bikers. With an overarching notion of brotherhood, the ancient warbands and outlaw bikers socialise new members into a world of reputation, honour, bravery, loyalty and violence. From conducting such a comparative study, kinship and fictive kinship links are important in the creation of hyper-masculine groups with strong forms of socialisation based on violence and inter-group conflict. Violence is one of the major factors that underpins groups like the ancient warbands of Late Iron Age Europe and outlaw bikers of contemporary times. While such a focus can be seen across many cultures and has persistence in most groups of hyper-masculine men, the tenets from the ancient world allow for a deeper understanding of the nuanced nature and behaviour of men in the outlaw biker milieu. This comparison between the ancient warband and the outlaw biker clubs highlights the trajectory from male behaviour to hyper-masculine values outlined in Chap. 3. Definitions of hyper-masculinity provide major characteristics in behaviour that can be traced back to the ancient world and within the cultural constructs of the outlaw biker. In such attitude, we see how women are treated in this space. The typologies of hyper-masculinity have been developed from the major scholarship and provided here to measure the ancient warband and outlaw biker tenets. Further links have been made to the gradual relegation of women in the hyper-masculine culture of the outlaw biker that priorities a small group of men over women and other men not in the clubs. This hegemonic masculinity sees men outside the club as mundane and the women within the scene valued on their availability to the members. When considering violence within the outlaw biker scene and the issues of domestic violence, Chap. 3 recognises that such attitudes and violence towards women reflect the broader social attitudes towards women and the outlaw bikers make an easy target to focus on while ignoring the need to have a much broader and open conversation about how women are treated globally in the contemporary environment. In recognising that such attitudes towards women in the outlaw biker milieu mirrors the persistent subterranean values of masculinity in the dominant patriarchal society means that we can locate within the mainstream attitudes towards women, but in no way excusing it.

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Violence and combat cohesion play an important role in socialisation within both the ancient warbands and the outlaw biker clubs. Chapter 4 outlines the need to teach and enforce the rules and values of the group which expect total obedience and observance. Linked to these values around violence and combat cohesion is the creation of status and reputation of the individual and the group. In-group/out-group dynamics play a role in creating bonds of brotherhood that can be based on kinship or fictive kinship bonds and it is through conflict with other hyper-­ masculine groups that these bonds become strong. In both the ancient warbands and the outlaw biker clubs, warrior ideologies work to create a cult of sacred masculinity and the mystique of such a cult is shown to appeal to young men who feel marginalised by mainstream society and neoliberal economics. The socialisation processes help create the cult of the sacred masculine and do so through a series of symbolic rituals and rite. Through rites of separation, the prospect loses their identity and becomes ambiguous within the outlaw biker milieu. It is only through the rite of incorporation that they gain a name and identity that are tightly connected to the club. From the point of gaining the patch, a member continues to abide by, and reinforce the values and tenets of the outlaw biker culture. Rite of incorporation validates the symbolic status within the cult of the sacred masculine. Image plays a role in the creation and reputation of the outlaw biker clubs. Part of their identity can be based on the past with a motivation to establish name based on behaviour or groups of people from times before. Like the names of the ancient peoples of Iron Age Gaul and Britain who chose names attached to fighting prowess or reputation, the image outlaw bikers take are overtly displayed in their club name and designs of the patch they wear on their back. The back patch and club names are the symbolic markers that signify an outlaw biker’s commitment to the lifestyle and culture, and it holds deep ritual significance to the club and member. Through a scan of outlaw biker club names, one can discern five main themes that have links to the past which are satanic, behavioural, death, animals and the largest, warriors. Such names found on the back-patch hold history and a deep reverence. Chapter 5 has discussed other identifiers such as tattoos and nicknames which all commit the member to the club and to defend the name and reputation of the club and patch. The name and patch are where the history of a strong club starts. More research is needed to explore the process of how clubs chose their names. Chapter 5

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has also considered the role psychoactive drugs play in the outlaw biker world, a tradition that has a strong continuity from the ancient past. Outlaw bikers are the perfect “folk devil” of contemporary society who can be easily identified and targeted by the media and politicians to explain the moral decline of society. Drawing on Cohen’s ideas around the mods and the rockers of England in the 1970s, outlaw bikers have become the continuous folk devils that are repeatedly discussed in the media. Drawing on the image of the terror from the north in ancient times, or the Viking and Mongols of Medieval times, Chap. 6 has demonstrated that society needs its scapegoats that can be rolled out to push certain political agendas or law and order policies. The outlaw bikers represent a group who has traditionally not conformed to the rules and values of mainstream society. In approaching outlaw biker clubs, law enforcement agencies around the world use the media to perpetuate a negative image of bikers and target them but in doing so marginalise them more, and the communities that support outlaw biker clubs. Law enforcement, and their approach to outlaw biker clubs that thrive on conflict, can be seen as a hammer trying to crack a ball bearing. Hard and aggressive policing of outlaw bikers create a hardened culture with some clubs uniting to confront legislation in the legal system. When considering crime prevention and outlaw bikers, different approaches have been discussed that focus more on community-­ based initiatives. A more nuanced approach has been argued involving police, community leaders and outlaw bikers. A clearer identification process that accurately places outlaw bikers on the conservative/radical continuum can be applied to tackle the clubs who are involved in organised crime. It has been asserted here that outlaw biker clubs are deeply embedded in their communities sharing many of the values and hardships. If the negative consequences of outlaw biker criminality are going to be addressed, community-based crime prevention is required. Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands: Hyper-masculinity and Cultural Continuity has argued that there is a cultural continuity of hyper-masculine groups and that such groups are here to stay. Indeed, the numbers of clubs are rising with a global trend of increasing membership. When considering future trends and the issues of outlaw biker groups, Chap. 7 has highlighted the part neoliberal ideologies have created with an environment of socioeconomic inequality and marginalisation that arguably provide young men who join outlaw biker clubs. COVID-19 has exacerbated such financial inequality and is placing further demands on the state to address inequality. In considering power, there is a warning for those who make

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policy decisions that work to degrade social services to the communities most in need. Is the state prepared to allow any power vacuum to be filled by groups such as the outlaw bikers who, as posited here, are well placed to do so? If such a situation builds up momentum, what role can we expect outlaw biker clubs to play? Another issue discussed in Chap. 7 is the role outlaw biker clubs will play in the global issue of violence against women. With more women joining the biking community, some female clubs are forming clear relationships with some outlaw biker clubs. If there is an expectation that outlaw bikers need to change their attitudes, it is fair to ask the broader society to start talking seriously around meaningful ways to tackle these issues of patriarchy, misogyny and violence against women. When considering the future trends of outlaw biker clubs, global growth, issues of internationalisation and territoriality have been discussed here. With violence being a major tenet of the outlaw biker clubs, we can expect to see territorial interests defended. As a result, there has been an increasing trend of outlaw biker clubs recruiting combat veterans or even serving members of the armed forces in the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom. Indeed, in identifying the nexus between outlaw bikers and the military, Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands: Hyper-masculinity and Cultural Continuity recognises that the cross-over between such groups has a natural appeal to men who seek the age-old small group cohesion found in hyper-masculine units. The future will be an interesting time to observe the outlaw biker milieu and tract their trajectory as they evolve to meet the changing environment.

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Index1

A Agnew, Robert, 51 America, 12–14, 17, 72, 84, 104, 106, 108–110, 112, 119 Ancient warband codes, 16, 23, 26, 30, 42, 57, 58 society, 6, 15, 16, 21, 25, 26, 32, 52, 55, 65, 66, 75, 84, 85, 88, 103, 108, 117 tenets, 2, 4–6, 12–16, 19–26, 29, 30, 35, 42, 54, 58, 66, 71, 72, 106, 115, 116, 119 values, 2, 14, 16, 18, 19, 24, 29, 71, 72, 84, 85, 88, 89, 106, 116 Ancient warlords, 18 Ancient warriors, 4, 18, 19, 23, 26, 41, 42, 54, 68 Aneurin, 5, 16, 34, 116 Aotearoa New Zealand, 6, 12–14, 13n1, 42, 47, 70, 72, 76, 89, 90, 92, 100, 106, 107, 109

Australia, 12–14, 20, 38, 49, 70, 72, 88, 89, 92, 93, 107, 109–111, 119 B Bandidos, 12–14, 17, 20, 23, 49, 69, 70, 73, 87, 89, 106, 108 Behaviour anti-social, 3, 51, 68 violent, 3, 47, 66 Beowulf, 21, 22, 24, 53, 54, 74 Big Four (Big 4), 107 Boudica, 105 Britain, 12, 16, 32–34, 47, 88, 105, 117 Bronze Age, 5, 6, 34 Brotherhood, 2, 4, 5, 13, 18–20, 24, 26, 29, 32, 37, 42, 49, 52, 59, 64, 66, 67, 99, 106, 109, 110, 115–117

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. Bradley, Outlaw Bikers and Ancient Warbands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75347-4

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INDEX

C Caesar, Julius, 5, 15, 21–26, 21n4, 32, 47, 68, 71, 73, 74, 76, 83, 116 Canada, 12, 14, 64, 72 Cartimandua, 105 Chrome Divas, 105 Clubhouse, 2, 23, 25, 32, 56, 74–75, 98 Club names, 54, 67–70, 72, 73, 77, 117 Comancheros, 12, 13, 20, 69, 87, 92, 106, 107 Combat cohesion, 2, 19, 20, 22, 46–60, 64, 67, 76, 99, 117 Commius, 22 Covid-19, 8, 64, 102–104, 107, 111, 118 post-Covid, 103 Crime prevention community, 91, 104, 118 developmental, 91 Cultural continuity, 7, 8, 15, 26, 65, 111, 116, 118 Culture, 3–8, 12–15, 13n1, 17, 22, 23, 29–43, 46–55, 58, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70, 74–77, 83, 90, 93, 101, 105–107, 110–112, 116–118 D Dark Ages, 16, 26, 33, 76, 93 Devil Dolls, 106 Devils Henchmen, 47, 69, 72 Discipline ancient warbands, 47 outlaw bikers, 47, 50 E East Asia, 14 Eastern Europe, 84 Europe, 6, 12, 14, 16, 17, 25, 26, 64, 71, 83, 102, 105, 107, 109, 116

F Filthy Few, 68, 69 Future trends, 8, 98–112, 118, 119 G Gallic War, 15, 21, 23, 48, 59, 71–74, 76, 88, 108 General Strain Theory, 7, 51, 66 Germany, 15, 17, 75 Gododin, 5, 21–25, 71, 74–76 H Head Hunters, 68, 69, 71, 100 Hells Angels, 12–14, 13n1, 17, 38, 42, 69, 72, 73, 87, 89, 105–108 Hochdorf, 75, 101 Hrothgar, 22, 23, 54, 74 Hygelac, 22, 24, 74 Hyper-masculine, 2–8, 12, 13, 15, 16, 19, 20, 24–26, 29–43, 46, 47, 50, 53, 54, 58, 65, 66, 70, 74–76, 91, 98, 105, 106, 109–111, 116–119 Hyper-masculinity, 2, 4, 7, 26, 29–35, 37–42, 47, 51, 65, 75–76, 99, 105, 111, 116 I Identity, 4, 17, 20, 24, 30–32, 35, 37, 46, 47, 56, 58, 59, 67, 68, 70, 72–74, 76, 108, 110, 117 Internationalisation, 12–14, 90, 106–108, 110, 112, 119 Iron Age Early, 100, 101 Late, 7, 22, 26, 55, 93, 108, 116

 INDEX 

K Kinship familial, 17, 89, 104, 105 fictive, 4, 17–20, 26, 29, 37, 42, 48, 49, 52, 59, 67, 75, 89, 116, 117 L Law enforcement, 3, 6, 7, 20, 25, 30, 35, 37, 41, 48, 65, 66, 70, 71, 76, 82–93, 103–105, 107–110, 118 motorcycle clubs (MCs), 70, 83, 87, 90 M Mertons, Robert, 7, 51, 66, 76 Military motorcycle clubs (MCs), 70, 111 and outlaw bikers, 3, 40, 50, 58, 66, 110, 111, 119 Mongols, 12, 69, 70, 83, 84, 87, 89, 92, 118 motorcycle clubs (MCs), 12, 53, 70, 83, 87 N Neoliberalism consequences, 52 policies, 51, 52, 102, 103 New Zealand, see Aotearoa New Zealand Nicknames, 72–74, 117 The Night Wolves, 107 O Outlaw bikers conservative/radical continuum, 90, 91, 93, 99, 118

133

outlaw biker/community contract, 55, 98–100 The Outlaws MC, 12, 53, 72, 87 P Paramilitary, 7, 37, 47, 48, 54, 55, 57, 64, 66, 76, 110 Patch, 2, 12, 14, 19, 20, 30, 32, 38, 46, 47, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55–60, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70–73, 75–77, 83, 106, 109, 117 Patched street gangs, 13, 100 Persistence, 3, 4, 7, 25, 55, 64–77, 84, 88, 91, 98, 99, 102, 116 President (club), 2, 13, 18, 21, 23, 49 Psychoactives alcohol, 75, 76 banning of, 76 drugs, 76, 77 R Rebels Australia, 12, 70, 72, 92 Canada, 12, 64, 72 Rites of incorporation, 58, 59 Rites of separation, 51, 54, 59, 117 Ritual, 5, 7, 18, 32, 46, 48, 49, 52–59, 64, 66, 67, 73, 75, 76, 99, 108, 117 Ritualism, 54 Ritualistic, 52, 54, 57 S Sacred masculine, 51, 52, 54, 60, 64, 67, 71, 73, 106, 117 Sergeant at arms (club), 2, 21, 51 colour Sgt (NZ), 70 Satudarah, 12

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Scandinavia, 14, 25, 38, 107, 108, 111 Scotland, 34, 68, 72 Shadow economy, 7, 51, 76, 92, 103, 111 Socialisation, 8, 19, 26, 35, 37, 41, 42, 46–60, 64, 65, 67, 73–75, 88, 90, 99, 110, 116, 117 South America, 14 Strain theory, 7, 51 Subterranean values, 3, 30, 43, 105, 116 Symbolism, 7, 54, 58, 67, 74 T Tacitus, 5, 15, 16, 21–26, 33, 55, 75, 116 Tattoos ancient, 72, 76, 77, 117, 118 outlaw bikers, 72, 73, 77, 118 Territoriality, 5, 17, 19, 74, 108–109, 112, 119

U United Kingdom, 70, 107, 110, 111, 119 United Motorcycle Council (UMC), 88, 93, 109 United States (US), 13, 14, 17, 72, 84, 104, 106, 108–110, 112, 119 V Validity, 7, 50, 64–77, 88, 91 Veterans, 3, 13n1, 55, 64, 70, 110–112, 119 Vikings, 34, 50, 68, 70, 83, 84, 93, 118 Violence as currency, 50, 51, 64–66, 111 as socialisation, 26, 35, 37, 41, 46–60, 65, 116 Vix, 75, 101 W Warlord, 15–18, 21, 22, 24, 54, 70, 74, 82, 100 Women, 16, 19, 25, 30–35, 37–40, 42, 75, 105–106, 111, 116, 119