One True God: Historical Consequences of Monotheism 9780691187853, 9780691115009, 2001021128

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One True God •

ONE TRUE GOD HISTORICAL CONSEQUENCES O F MONOTHEISM

R O D N E Y STARK

PRINCETON

UNIVERSITY

PRINCETON

AND

PRESS

OXFORD

Copyright © 2001 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 4 1 W i l l i a m Street, Princeton, N e w Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 3 Market Place, Woodstock, Oxfordshire O X 2 0 1SY A l l Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Stark, Rodney. One true God : historical consequences of monotheism / Rodney Stark. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN

978-0-691-11500-9

1. Monotheism. 2. God. I . Title. BL221.S75 2001 291.r4—dc21 2001021128 British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available This book has been composed in Sabon w i t h Albertus M T LT Display Printed on acid-free paper. www.pup.princeton.edu Printed in the United States of America 1 3 5 7 9

10

8 6 4 2

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Contents

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List o f Illustrations v i i Acknowledgments Introduction

ix 1

1 God's Nature:

A T h e o r y o f Gods

9

2 God's Chosen: M o n o t h e i s m and M i s s i o n

31

3 God's Wrath: Religious Conflict

115

4 God's Kingdom:

Religious Persistence

175

5 God's Grace: Pluralism and C i v i l i t y Bibliography Index

303

261

219

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Illustrations

Holy

•

xii

City

8

Father of the Gods Buddhist Divine

20

Cafeteria 23

Rain God Pharaoh

13

Polytheism

Amenhotep

30

IV 43

Isis Goes West Monumental

Failure

49

The Winning

Prayer

71 91

Going for God "Enemies "Stubborn

Flaming

156

Bigotry

164 174

the Faith

182 194

Ricci

"Buddies" " C % of Brotherly Ecumenism A Forgotten

145

of Clairvaux

Forms of Prayer Matteo

144

Cities

"Heretic!" Keeping

142

Jews"

Mtfsstfcres in German S£. Bernard

114

of Christ"

218 Love"

232

237

Tragedy

241

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Acknowledgments

•

-J^ooks

are w r i t t e n i n solitude, b u t the scholarly life is n o t entirely solitary. I must especially acknowledge Roger Finke, Laurence Iannaccone, Patrick M a c N a m a r a , and A l a n M i l l e r for so frequently brightening m y day. I t h a n k the f o l l o w i n g for m a n y years of friendship and advice: W i l l i a m Sims Bainbridge, Eileen Barker, James Beckford, D a v i d Bromley, M a r i o n G o l d m a n , A n d r e w Gree­ ley, Jeffrey H a d d e n , Eva H a m b e r g , Phillip H a m m o n d , I r v i n g H e x ­ ham, Dean H o g e , D a n i e l Jackson, Benton Johnson, Graeme Lang, A r m a n d Mauss, G o r d o n M e l t o n , M a n s o o r M o a d d e l , Robert L . M o n t g o m e r y , K a r l a Poewe, Thomas Robbins, D a r r e n Sherkat, W i l ­ l i a m Silverman, W i l l i a m Swatos, M e l i n d a Wagner, R u t h Wallace, M i c h a e l W i l l i a m s , and Bryan W i l s o n . I also t h a n k some scholars of more recent association, including Christopher Bader, U l r i c h Berner, Eli Berman, Sean Everton, Paul Froese, A n t h o n y G i l l , Rose­ m a r y H o p c r o f t , L u t z Kaelber, Julie M a n v i l l e , Susan Pitchford, M a r k Regnerus, M a r e l e y n Schneider, Christian Smith, Pino Luca Trombetta, James W e l l m a n , and Robert Woodberry. I a m especially indebted t o Jeffrey B u r t o n Russell and t o J o h n Simpson, b o t h o f w h o m read the manuscript for the publisher and, having fully grasped w h a t I was t r y i n g t o accomplish, made some splendid suggestions. Brigitta van Rheinberg, editor o f history and religion at Prince­ t o n University Press, has been a constant source o f enthusiastic support and inspired insights, for w h i c h I a m very grateful. For the second time I have h a d the privilege o f w o r k i n g w i t h Princeton's Senior E d i t o r Lauren Lepow, w h o brings taste and an amazing range o f scholarship t o every manuscript she touches. February Corrales,

14, 2001 New Mexico

One True God •

Holy City. Jerusalem

is c r o w d e d w i t h sites regarded as sacred by

each of the three great monotheisms. H e r e Jews pray at the Wailing W a l l , all that remains of the Temple after its destruction by R o m a n s in the year 70. Behind it rises the D o m e of the R o c k , sheltering the spot from w h i c h M u s l i m s believe M u h a m m a d ascended to heaven. Elsewhere in the city is the C h u r c h of the H o l y Sepulchre, believed to cover the tomb where Jesus lay before the Resurrection. © A n n i e Griffiths B e l t / C O R B I S .

•

Introduction

•

The G o d o f the universe is the G o d o f history. — M a r t i n Buber

M

1 l o r e t h a n three thousand years ago, somewhere a g r o u p o f people began t o w o r s h i p One G o d . W h e t h e r they were Jews, Persians, Egyptians, or someone else w i l l p r o b a b l y never be k n o w n , b u t perhaps n o other single i n n o v a t i o n h a d so m u c h i m ­ pact o n history. Consequently, w h i l e m a n y w o n d e r f u l books have made the last decade an exciting time for anyone interested i n b r o a d assessments o f the past, I was p r o m p t e d by their example t o w r i t e a reminder that history is n o t shaped by " m a t e r i a l " factors alone. Granted, germs, geography, p r i n t i n g , sailing ships, steel, and climate have mattered, b u t p r o b a b l y none o f t h e m so m u c h as h u m a n ideas about the Gods.* A l l o f the great monotheisms propose that their G o d w o r k s t h r o u g h history, and I p l a n t o show that, at least sociologically, they are quite right: that a great deal o f h i s t o r y — t r i u m p h s as w e l l as disasters—has been made o n behalf o f One True G o d . W h a t c o u l d be more obvious? W e l l , one t h i n g more obvious is that w r i t ­ ing about the social effects o f Gods just isn't done these days. I t is w i d e l y assumed i n scholarly circles that historical inquiries i n t o such matters as the social consequences o f m o n o t h e i s m are l o n g o u t m o d e d and quite unsuitable. O f course, m a n y w h o h o l d these views are the same ones w h o continue t o express their certainty * Being a traditionalist i n matters of style, I decided i t was appropriate to capitalize " G o d " when referring to the deity of one of the great monotheisms. This proved needlessly invidious, so I have capitalized " G o d " and "Gods" i n all cases (but not "godlings"). I as­ sume that Gods can be of either or no gender, and therefore I have not used the term "God­ dess" except i n several instances where I refer to a specifically female deity such as Isis.

l

I N T R O D U C T I O N

that religion is r a p i d l y d y i n g out, w h i l e shielding their eyes and ears against the obvious signs o f religious v i g o r all a r o u n d t h e m (Stark, 1999c). Invincible biases are regrettable, b u t there is a b r i g h t side t o this one: I t has afforded me the o p p o r t u n i t y t o reopen a subject that has been neglected for m a n y decades d u r i n g w h i c h a great deal o f very i m p o r t a n t new material has been assembled and more p o w e r f u l social scientific tools have been developed. However, rather t h a n just plunge i n t o the tasks at hand, I t h o u g h t it useful t o offer a p r e l i m i n a r y sketch o f the chapters t o come. Chapter 1 is devoted t o a theory o f Gods. W h y do humans care about Gods at all? W h a t sorts o f Gods have the greatest appeal? W h y w i l l people accept an exclusive relationship w i t h One G o d , rather t h a n pursue blessings f r o m a pantheon o f specialized Gods? W h y has each o f the great monotheisms taught n o t o n l y that the One G o d is surrounded by a vast s u p p o r t i n g cast, b u t that there exist very p o w e r f u l evil supernatural beings? I n short, w h a t really constitutes monotheism? B u i l d i n g o n this theoretical base, Chapter 2 explores the missionizing imperative. M a n y faiths spread, b u t o n l y monotheisms are able t o sustain organized efforts by the r a n k and file t o convert others. H o w has this shaped history? W h y d i d B u d d h i s m die o u t i n I n d i a , its l a n d o f origin? W h a t was the impact o f Jewish missionizing o n the Greco-Roman w o r l d ? W h y d i d medieval efforts t o Christianize n o r t h e r n Europe fail? D i d Islam really convert most of the people o f the M i d d l e East and N o r t h Africa i n o n l y a few years, or was this an illusion? H o w d i d images o f G o d enter i n t o the resumption o f C h r i s t i a n w o r l d missionizing i n the nineteenth century, and do they e x p l a i n w h y some denominations have d r o p p e d o u t o f the mission enterprise? A n d w h a t about H i n d u mis­ sions t o the West? Chapter 3 shifts the focus f r o m conversion t o repression. W h e n and w h y does m o n o t h e i s m generate b l o o d y and b r u t a l conflicts? H a v i n g constructed a m o d e l t o predict w h e n monotheisms w i l l at­ tack or tolerate other faiths, I then apply i t t o the sudden outburst of fatal attacks o n Jews that began i n 1096, n o t o n l y i n C h r i s t i a n Europe b u t also i n Islamic societies. I further assess w h y vigorous efforts by the C h u r c h and the State i n this era t o prevent attacks 2

I N T R O D U C T I O N

on Jews were successful i n most o f Europe but failed i n the t o w n s and cities along b o t h sides o f the Rhine River. I also seek the rea­ sons for the "rediscovery" o f heresy that occurred i n Europe at precisely the same t i m e . I f c o m m i t m e n t t o One True G o d makes groups m i l i t a n t i n their efforts to overcome competing faiths, i t makes t h e m equally m i l i ­ tant to retain their faith w h e n they are a m i n o r i t y . Thus Chapter 4 attempts t o explain h o w the Jewish diaspora was possible. H o w were the Jews so often able to w i t h s t a n d all efforts t o convert them? Why,

o n m a n y occasions, d i d entire Jewish communities c o m m i t

suicide rather t h a n convert? Here i t proves especially useful t o ex­ plore circumstances i n w h i c h Jewish communities d i d assimilate (as i n China) or d i d so t o a substantial extent. The chapter concludes w i t h an extended survey o f Jewish assimilation i n the U n i t e d States. Finally, Chapter 5 demonstrates h o w the potential for conflict can be muffled, even a m o n g m i l i t a n t monotheisms, by public norms o f civility. Here the emphasis w i l l be o n the A m e r i c a n experi­ ence w i t h religious p l u r a l i s m . This is the first o f a projected t w o volumes o n the social conse­ quences o f m o n o t h e i s m . B o t h w i l l be very historical, b u t this v o l ­ ume w i l l be more purely historical, and the second w i l l pay greater attention t o slightly more c u l t u r a l matters such as science, w i t c h ­ craft, and the R e f o r m a t i o n . B o t h volumes span sociology, history, and comparative religion. Assuming that few readers w i l l be spe­ cialists i n all three areas, I have w r i t t e n for nonspecialists. A n addi­ t i o n a l reason for m y d o i n g so is that I believe w r i t i n g for the general reader results i n better scholarship. Jargon m a i n l y deludes its users i n t o t h i n k i n g they have said something—if I can't say something i n clear prose, I assume it's because I d o n ' t understand i t . It is appropriate here that I confess I a m n o t a h i s t o r i a n by trade, and no p a r t o f this b o o k is based o n o r i g i n a l historical research. For example, I d i d n o t c o m b medieval manuscripts t o demonstrate that C h r i s t i a n missionizing broke d o w n i n the f o u r t h century, leav­ ing m u c h o f Europe un-Christianized. Instead, I h a d the pleasure of learning this by reading the w o r k o f historians such as M a r c Bloch, Jean Delumeau, Alexander M u r r a y , K e i t h T h o m a s , and m a n y others. As i n that instance, I have depended o n the best histo3

I N T R O D U C T I O N

rians t o educate me about any particular historical topic, and I have usually concurred w i t h their interpretations. M y c o n t r i b u t i o n consists o f assembling these historical pieces i n t o a more compre­ hensive structure as a test o f o r i g i n a l sociological theories, w h i c h , i n t u r n , are meant t o i l l u m i n a t e the history. I t also seems appropriate for me t o acknowledge that u n t i l very recently, nearly all social scientists w h o studied religion d i d so f r o m antireligious motives and premised their w o r k o n atheism—and m a n y still do (Stark, 1999; Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . This was evi­ dent as far back as w h e n Thomas Hobbes, one o f the celebrated "founders" o f social science, dismissed a l l religion as " c r e d u l i t y , " "ignorance," and "lies," and Gods as "creatures o f . . . fancy" ([1651] 1 9 5 6 , 1 : 9 8 ) . A century later, D a v i d H u m e echoed Hobbes, dismissing all miracles as l i m i t e d t o " i g n o r a n t and barbarous na­ t i o n s " ([1748] 1962:123). D u r i n g the nineteenth century antireli­ gious social science was rampant. August Comte coined the w o r d "sociology" t o identify a new field that w o u l d replace religious " h a l l u c i n a t i o n s " as the guide t o morals ([1830] 1896, 2:554). T h e n , L u d w i g v o n Feuerbach "discovered" that humans create Gods i n their o w n image ([1841] 1957), w h i l e K a r l M a r x and Friedrich Engels f o u n d G o d i n the economy, busy sanctifying "wage slavery" ([1844] 1964). A t the start o f the t w e n t i e t h century, the famous French sociologist Emile D u r k h e i m taught that the fun­ damental reality is that society itself is always the true object o f religious w o r s h i p : " g o d . . . can be n o t h i n g else t h a n [society] itself, personified and represented t o the i m a g i n a t i o n " (1915:206). N e x t came Sigmund Freud, w h o explained o n one page o f his celebrated psychoanalytic exposé o f faith, The Future of an Illusion, that reli­ g i o n is an " i l l u s i o n , " a "sweet—or bittersweet—poison," a "neuro­ sis," an " i n t o x i c a n t , " and "childishness t o be overcome" ([1927] 1961:88). Even more recently, no reviewer as m u c h as flinched w h e n , o n the first page o f his b o o k Mystical Experience, Ben-Ami Scharfstein (1973:1) revealed that " m y s t i c i s m is . . . a name for the p a r a n o i d darkness i n w h i c h unbalanced people stumble so confi­ dently," and w e n t o n t o identify the supernatural as a "fairy tale" (ibid.:45). I n similar fashion, O x f o r d ' s distinguished B r y a n W i l s o n (1975:81) identified "supernaturalist t h i n k i n g " as an " i n d u l 4

I N T R O D U C T I O N

gence." A n d f r o m L o u v a i n , Lilliane Voyé and Karel Dobbelaere (1994:95) recently announced that "the successful r e m o v a l by sci­ ence o f a l l kinds o f anthropomorphisms f r o m our t h i n k i n g dooms the concept o f ' G o d as a person.' " O u r having access only t o the h u m a n side o f religion does n o t justify the assumption that religion is but illusion and that the Gods are imaginary products o f " w i s h fulfillment." I t is entirely impossi­ ble for science t o discover the existence or nonexistence o f Gods. Therefore, atheistic and theistic assumptions are equally unscien­ tific, and w o r k based o n either is equally deficient. One is, o f course, entitled t o one's private convictions, b u t i t is i m p o r t a n t t o t r y t o m i n i m i z e their impact o n one's scientific w o r k . The appro­ priate scientific assumption, and the one I have made every effort t o observe, is agnostic: scientifically speaking, we do n o t k n o w and cannot k n o w whether, for example, the Qur'ân was spoken t o M u ­ h a m m a d by an angel or merely by his o w n inner voices. A n d , scien­ tifically speaking, i t doesn't matter! O u r only access is t o the h u m a n side o f religious phenomena, and we can examine this w i t h the standard tools o f social science, without assuming either the real or the illusory nature o f religion. The result w i l l be better science, since b o t h the atheistic and the theistic assumptions are faithdriven and often less t h a n responsive t o evidence. I suspect this was the p o i n t M a x Weber had i n m i n d w h e n , after w r i t i n g that he was "absolutely unmusical religiously," he added, " B u t a t h o r o u g h selfe x a m i n a t i o n has t o l d me that I a m neither antireligious nor irreli­ gious" (his emphasis, i n Swatos, 1998:548).* Finally, even i f they abide by the agnostic assumption, social sci­ entists are unlikely t o grasp the h u m a n side o f phenomena for w h i c h they have no empathy. W h i l e i t obviously isn't necessary that social scientists w h o w a n t t o understand religion be religious, it is necessary that they be able t o sufficiently suspend their disbelief so as t o gain some sense o f the phenomenology o f faith and w o r ­ ship. Even Emile D u r k h e i m seems eventually t o have accepted this. I n remarks made t o a meeting o f "free t h i n k e r s " i n 1914, he ex* The phrase about being "unmusical religiously" is often quoted, but only once have I ever encountered his next sentence.

5

I N T R O D U C T I O N

pressed i t this w a y : " [ W ] h a t I ask o f the free t h i n k e r is that he should confront r e l i g i o n i n the same mental state as the believer . . . [ H ] e w h o does n o t b r i n g t o the study o f r e l i g i o n a sort o f religious sentiment cannot speak about i t ! H e is like a b l i n d m a n t r y i n g t o t a l k about c o l o r " ([1915] 1 9 9 5 : x v i i ) . This was n o t D u r k h e i m ' s v i e w w h e n he was y o u n g , n o r was i t mine. But, just as D u r k h e i m came t o a more mature o u t l o o k , so have I . I t is i n this spirit that I invite y o u t o examine some o f the direct consequences o f m o n o t h e i s m o n our c o m m o n history.

6

Father of the Gods.

T h i s artistic re-creation of the Temple of Z e u s shows h o w

the giant statue of the G o d , seated o n his throne, overwhelmed those w h o came to w o r s h i p . However, the Greeks did not believe this statue to be Z e u s himself but merely his representation. © Christel G e r s t e n b e r g / C O R B I S .

1 God's Nature: A Theory of Gods A n d G o d said u n t o Moses, i AM THAT I AM. —Exod.

3:14

A JYll religions involve conceptions o f the supernatu­ r a l . M o s t people i n a l l societies believe that there is something that somehow is above, beyond, over, or otherwise superior t o the natu­ ral w o r l d . But, beyond this vague generalization, there is unending conflict about w h a t the supernatural is like, and intense disputes concerning w h a t i t does, i f anything. N o t i c e that I have n o t suggested that all religions are based o n belief i n supernatural beings. They are n o t . N o r are a l l systems o f beliefs about the supernatural p r o p e r l y termed religions. Some such systems are merely magic, n o t religion, and w i t h i n magic the supernatural is little more t h a n an exotic p r o p e r t y o f various inani­ mate objects, symbols, incantations, or rites. Moreover, magic fails t o provide any general account o f existence, w h i c h a l l religions do (Stark, 1965c, 1999a; Stark and Bainbridge, 1985; [1987] 1996). But even a m o n g religions there is immense v a r i a t i o n i n conceptions of the supernatural. I n some religions the supernatural is conceived o f as an o m n i ­ present essence or principle governing a l l life, b u t as impersonal, remote, and definitely n o t a being. The Tao is an example. Is i t merely a philosophical principle? Is i t the o r i g i n o f heaven and earth? Nonexistent? A l w a y s existent? Unnameable? The name that can be named? O f y i n or yang? To each, the answer is yes, ac­ c o r d i n g t o the Lao-tzu. W h i c h is w h y the Tao is best described as an essence. However, religions based o n essences are n o t f o u n d only i n the East. M a n y Western intellectuals, i n c l u d i n g some theo9

CHAPTER

1

logians and bishops, have reduced their conception o f " G o d " t o an essence as impersonal as I m m a n u e l Kant's (1724-1804),* of w h i c h he w r o t e : " G o d is n o t a being outside me, b u t merely a t h o u g h t i n me . . . G o d must be represented n o t as substance out­ side me, b u t as the highest m o r a l principle i n m e " ([ca. 1800] 1929:373-74). A l t h o u g h m a n y scholars o f comparative religion are content t o do so, i t strikes me as inappropriate t o identify supernatural es­ sences as Gods. I a m comfortable w i t h the c l a i m that Taoism, for example, is a religion, b u t i t seems unwise t o identify the Tao as a G o d . Indeed, for centuries sophisticated devotees o f B u d d h i s m , Taoism, and Confucianism have claimed that theirs are Godless religions. I agree. But i t must also be noted that Godless religions are unable t o gather a mass f o l l o w i n g , always being l i m i t e d i n their appeal t o small, intellectual elites. The reasons are obvious. N e i t h e r the Tao n o r Kant's " t h o u g h t " n o r any other divine essence is a suitable exchange partner, as i t takes n o notice o f the i n d i v i d u a l or, indeed, o f anything. Because divine essences can do n o t h i n g o n behalf o f humans—provide no benefits or blessings—they are n o t the object o f sacrifices, supplications, or w o r s h i p . Rather, divine essences inspire o n l y m e d i t a t i o n and r i t u a l — o f t e n accompanied by an abundance o f magic. A t a m i n i m u m , the t e r m " G o d " ought t o refer t o beings. Hence: Gods are conscious supernatural beings. I f further justification o f this definition o f G o d is needed, t h r o u g h o u t this volume I w i l l dem­ onstrate that, i n terms o f social consequences, there is n o more p r o f o u n d religious difference t h a n that between faiths i n v o l v i n g divine beings and those l i m i t e d t o divine essences. Indeed, because o n l y divine beings do a n y t h i n g , religions are also distinguished as t o whether they are "revealed" or " n a t u r a l . " T h a t is, some religions derive f r o m truths "discerned w i t h i n the n a t u r a l order," whereas revealed religion "comes f r o m a source other t h a n * During the course of the book we w i l l meander over more than three thousand years of history, all of the major continents, and many subjects. Because I sometimes got confused about w h o was when, it seemed appropriate to ease the burden on readers by providing the dates for every significant person mentioned i n the text w h o lived and did his or her primary w o r k before 1930. Dates w i l l be placed at the first substantial reference to the person, not at the first mention i f it is only incidental.

10

NATURE

GOD'S

that o f the h u m a n recipient, usually G o d " (Bowker, 1997:814). Consequently, there is an immense difference i n the authority at­ t r i b u t e d t o various systems o f religious doctrine: O n w h a t grounds are they regarded as true? The a u t h o r i t y o f Buddhist doctrines, for example, rests o n h u m a n w i s d o m , often stated i n terms o f w h a t a particular master concluded about w h a t i t all means. But i n the T o r a h we read, " T h e L o r d said t o Moses." Or, a further example, Chuang T z u (ca. 369-286 B . C . E . ) * taught w h a t he had intuited about the Tao, w h i l e M u h a m m a d (570?-632) taught w h a t he had been t o l d . Moreover, f r o m the sociological p o i n t o f view, Godless religions are o f far less significance t h a n m i g h t be assumed given the i m ­ mense a m o u n t o f attention p a i d t o their scriptures by scholars o f comparative religion. A l t h o u g h Godless religions are a t t r i b u t e d t o major societies such as China and Japan, as already noted only t i n y elites w i t h i n these societies have ever actually pursued t h e m i n their pure f o r m (Ch'en, 1964; Lester, 1993; Parrinder, 1983; Smart, 1984). I n imperial China, the forms o f Taoism, B u d d h i s m , and Confucianism practiced i n various monasteries and a m o n g court philosophers and other such intellectuals were Godless, b u t most people associated an abundant pantheon o f divine beings w i t h the Taoist, Buddhist, and Confucian ideals. Indeed, even w h e n backed by imperial power, attempts by Chinese philosophers t o exclude all Gods f r o m Taoism failed t o w i t h s t a n d the existential concerns o f the general p u b l i c . A c c o r d i n g t o Geoffrey Parrinder (1983:337): "Whatever the official religion taught, people still sought for per­ sonal relationships w i t h gods and spirits o f a personal and i n d i v i d ­ ual k i n d . A n d belief i n such deities . . . p r o v i d e d for the religious needs w h i c h the philosophers and the official religions had by­ passed." The same is true o f Buddhism. Buddha (563-483 B.C.E.) himself rejected the existence o f supernatural beings, b u t popular * It has become conventional to use B . C . E . (Before the Common Era) rather than B . C . (Before Christ), on grounds that the latter is too "parochial." I have willingly adopted the new usage, although it needs to be recognized that all calendars are parochial i n this sense, and the current year is thousands of years later on the Chinese and Jewish calendars than on the Western calendar, and six centuries earlier on the M u s l i m calendar. I have not used any designation for years in the "Common Era" on grounds that it can be assumed that all years not identified as B . C . E . belong to the era that was once designated as A . D .

H

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Buddhism sustains an impressive array o f Gods (Smart, 1984). For a sociologist, then, the Godless forms o f Taoism, B u d d h i s m , or Confucianism are o f very l i m i t e d interest, for they exist p r i m a r i l y as writings, n o t as h u m a n activities. Indeed, t o say that the religion of i m p e r i a l China was Godless is equivalent t o saying that the reli­ g i o n o f the U n i t e d States is U n i t a r i a n i s m . However, even t h o u g h p o p u l a r Chinese religion abounds i n Gods, do n o t suppose that they m u c h resemble A l l a h or Jehovah. Instead, these Chinese Gods and godlings are o f very l i m i t e d power, scope, and virtue (Shahar and Weller, 1996). By n o w i t should be clear that this chapter is not an exercise i n comparative religion. W h i l e I have read sufficiently i n t h a t litera­ ture and w i l l cite and quote i t often, m y real interest is n o t sacred w r i t i n g s , and I a m n o t at a l l concerned t o create categories t h a t respect all o f the nuances and ambiguities i n the various concep­ tions o f Gods to be f o u n d i n history and a r o u n d the w o r l d . N o ! M y goal is t o construct a theory of Gods t h a t is sociologically useful. I w i s h t o identify aspects o f the human images o f G o d t h a t have differential social results. Consequently, the remainder o f this chap­ ter w i l l examine p r i m a r y aspects o f Gods and o f exchange r e l a t i o n ­ ships between Gods and humans. I w i l l pursue this line o f theoriz­ ing u n t i l I have arrived at conclusions f r o m w h i c h each o f the subsequent chapters can proceed. U n l i k e the other chapters, there w i l l be a m i n i m u m o f historical content here, as I instead pursue relatively abstract theoretical principles.

Supernatural Exchange Relations W h y do humans even care about remote beings i n h a b i t i n g an u n ­ seen w o r l d ? M y answer is u t i l i t a r i a n : Because the supernatural is the o n l y plausible source o f m a n y benefits w e greatly desire. T o say this is not t o say that Gods are the p r o d u c t o f " w i s h f u l t h i n k i n g " (Guthrie, 1996:413). A l t h o u g h I m a y have seemed t o d o so i n some of m y early w o r k , I need n o t and d o n o t address the question o f whether Gods exist. Indeed, one m a y stipulate the existence o f Gods and still ask w h y humans w o u l d care about t h e m , i n w h i c h 12

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Buddhist Polytheism.

O n l y m o n k s a n d intellectuals have been able to sustain

the Godless religion proposed by B u d d a h . T h e popular form of B u d d h i s m i n ­ cludes m a n y G o d s , as c a n be seen i n the m a n y deities represented o n this altar in a Buddhist temple i n Singapore. © E a r l 8 t N a z i m a K o w a l l / C O R B I S .

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case m y answer w o u l d r e m a i n the same: People care about Gods because, i f they exist, they are p o t e n t i a l exchange partners pos­ sessed o f immense resources. F u r t h e r m o r e , u n t o l d billions o f people are certain that Gods do exist, precisely because they be­ lieve they have experienced l o n g a n d satisfying exchange relations w i t h them. I have w r i t t e n at length o n the implications o f exchange relations between humans and the divine (Stark, 1965a, 1996a, 1999a; Stark and Bainbridge, 1980, [1987] 1996; Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . I w i l l summarize and reorient that theorizing here. M y starting p o i n t involves h u m a n r a t i o n a l i t y and reason. We are conscious beings having intentions and desires. We w a n t things. Let's call t h e m "rewards." There also are things we d o n ' t w a n t , or w a n t as little o f as possible. Let's call t h e m "costs." I n pursuit o f rewards, we attempt t o make r a t i o n a l (i.e., effective and efficient) choices—limited, o f course, by our i n f o r m a t i o n , by the available options, and by our understanding o f what's involved. I n a d d i t i o n , of course, our choices are determined by our tastes, w h i c h are, i n t u r n , greatly shaped by culture and socialization. Provision must also be made for character—laziness often influences our choices, and impulsiveness may short-circuit our calculations. Despite the complaints by postmodernists and other opponents o f reason, there is n o t h i n g radical or new about the assumption that h u m a n behavior generally makes sense and is, therefore, rela­ tively predictable. F r o m the m o m e n t our earliest ancestors achieved consciousness, this has been the assumption that a l l h u ­ mans make about others, w i t h d r a w i n g i t o n l y i n clear cases o f m a d ­ ness. Were our behavior substantially i r r a t i o n a l , n o t o n l y w o u l d all o f social science be i n v a l i d , but social life w o u l d be impossible— i f the behavior o f others were utterly unpredictable, we c o u l d n o t interact. Fortunately, w i t h i n the suggested boundaries, humans generally act i n reasonable ways—at least as they see it. This quali­ fying clause reminds us that, as James Coleman (1990:18) p u t i t , " m u c h o f w h a t is o r d i n a r i l y described as n o n r a t i o n a l or i r r a t i o n a l is merely so because observers have n o t discovered the p o i n t o f view o f the actor, f r o m w h i c h the action is r a t i o n a l . "

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Obviously, the capacity t o act i n reasonable ways rests o n the ability t o reason. Indeed, having m e m o r y and intelligence, humans w i l l attempt t o formulate explanations about h o w the w o r l d w o r k s , and h o w they can satisfy their needs and desires. By expla­ nations I mean conceptual simplifications or models of reality that often provide plans designed to guide action. Because explanations help humans maximize rewards and m i n i ­ mize costs, i n and o f themselves explanations constitute rewards and w i l l be sought, valued, and retained by humans. A m o n g the many kinds o f explanations humans w i l l acquire and value are those concerning the supernatural. These may be identified as reli­ gion, w h i c h I define as consisting o f explanations of the meaning of existence based on supernatural assumptions and including statements about the nature of the supernatural. T h a t is, religion tells us the meaning o f life (if any) and w h a t the supernatural is like, whether essences or beings, and i f the lat­ ter, about their character and concerns. Because Gods are con­ scious beings, they are potential exchange partners because all be­ ings are assumed t o w a n t something for w h i c h they m i g h t be i n ­ duced t o give something valuable. Indeed, the core o f G o d l y religious doctrines consists o f explanations about w h a t Gods w a n t and w h a t one must do t o earn their blessings. This aspect o f reli­ gious t h o u g h t is k n o w n as theology and consists o f explanations that justify and specify the terms of exchange with Gods, based o n reasoning about revelations, w h i c h are communications believed to come f r o m Gods. Put another way, theology is the result o f applying reason to revelation i n order t o expand understanding o f divine concerns and desires, and t o increase the range o f applications t o w h i c h that u n ­ derstanding may be applied. This definition is entirely t r a d i t i o n a l . I n Summa Theologiae (pt. 1, q. 1, a. 1), Thomas Aquinas (ca. 1225-1274) referred t o theology as "doctrine about G o d ac­ c o r d i n g t o divine revelation," and K a r l Rahner (1975:1687) stated the authoritative contemporary Catholic view: " T h e o l o g y is the science o f faith. I t is the conscious and methodical explanation and explication o f the divine revelation." A classic example o f such 15

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reasoning is the e v o l u t i o n o f an elaborate theology concerning M a r y despite h o w little is actually said about her i n the N e w Testa­ ment (Pelikan, 1996). Because divine essences are incapable o f exchanges, they may present mysteries, b u t they pose n o tactical questions and thus p r o m p t no effort t o discover terms o f exchange. O f course, the sacred books o f Godless religions also tell us about the divine, but the sacred books o f G o d l y religions c l a i m t o report w h a t the divine has t o tell us. Eisai (1141-1215), the first Z e n master, taught w h a t he h a d intuited about the supernatural realm; Joseph Smith (18051844), the first M o r m o n , taught w h a t h a d been revealed t o h i m . As Avery Dulles (1992:3) p u t i t : "Judaism, Christianity, and Islam . . . profess t o derive their fundamental vision n o t f r o m mere h u m a n speculation, w h i c h w o u l d be tentative and uncertain, but f r o m God's o w n testimony—that is t o say, f r o m a historically given divine revelation." Indeed, the a u t h o r i t y o f the M i s h n a h rests o n the Jewish belief that revelations are granted t o scholars t h r o u g h their close study o f the T o r a h . I t is i m p o r t a n t t o see that this definition does n o t reduce theology (or religion) merely t o a set o f commandments or divine demands. Terms o f exchange w i t h G o d provide the f o u n d a t i o n for religious t h o u g h t , but there w i l l be an extensive collection o f ideas, p r i n c i ­ ples, myths, symbols, images, and other elements o f religious cul­ ture b u i l t u p o n this base. W i t h i n the context o f clarifying w h a t G o d wants, theology explains the fundamental meaning o f life: h o w we got here and where we are going. The crucial aspect o f theology is that i t consists o f a structure o f doctrine created by reasoning u p o n the meaning o f knowledge gained f r o m direct c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h a G o d . T h a t is, G o d l y reli­ gions assume that divine beings n o t o n l y have desires they w i s h humans t o fulfill, b u t that they communicate t h e m . Hence theology begins f r o m revelations and consists o f t r y i n g t o reason o u t the full meaning and implications o f divine desires. I t is true, o f course, that Godless religions also provide state­ ments concerning the meaning o f life, or the lack thereof. But, as noted, these statements constitute wisdom, n o t theology. T h e y

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originate i n introspection and m e d i t a t i o n , n o t t h r o u g h revelation and reasoning. Indeed, religious w i s d o m tends t o place a p r e m i u m on mystery and t o w i t h h o l d full enlightenment f r o m all b u t the few. By comparison, theology seeks clarity, and w h i l e that often is not achieved, obscurity o f expression tends t o be seen as the result of h u m a n l i m i t a t i o n s , n o t as a virtue. I n the ideal theology, all doc­ trines w o u l d be absolutely clear and so utterly reasonable as t o compel belief. I n future w o r k I w i l l pursue this aspect o f theology to challenge the n o t i o n that there is any intellectual i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y between religion and science. Indeed, I w i l l argue that the l o n g heri­ tage o f r a t i o n a l Christian theology was the basis for the Scientific R e v o l u t i o n and the rise o f the West. I f theology, i n effect, tells us w h a t G o d wants, i t is equally i m ­ p o r t a n t that we understand the other side o f this exchange relation­ ship: w h a t do people w a n t f r o m God? To answer, we must ac­ knowledge the most fundamental aspect o f the h u m a n predicament, namely, that rewards are always i n limited supply, and some are entirely unavailable—at least they are n o t available here and n o w t h r o u g h conventional means. The supply o f fame and fortune is l i m i t e d . For someone w i t h a permanent disability or a t e r m i n a l illness, g o o d health is unavailable. N o one possesses the secret o f eternal life. I n response, humans tend t o seek alternative means t o overcome l i m i t e d supplies or complete unavailability. The most c o m m o n o f these involve explanations about h o w the re­ wards may be obtained by recourse to the supernatural. These i n ­ volve three general forms: magic, miracles, and otherworldly re­ wards. M y attempts t o define magic have gone t h r o u g h several versions, but t w o criteria are adequate t o distinguish i t f r o m religion: magic lacks a general perspective o n existence, and i t is n o t an appeal t o the Gods. Rather, magic deals i n impersonal supernatural forces, often i n the belief that such forces are inherent properties o f partic­ ular objects or words—especially w r i t t e n or spoken formulas and incantations (Stark, 1999a; Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . Since this b o o k is about Gods, magic w i l l be o f little interest. Miracles and o t h e r w o r l d l y rewards come only f r o m Gods and so are o f central concern here.

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Miracles H u m a n s approach the Gods for t w o sorts o f rewards: those t o be gained i n the indefinite future and those t o be gained here and n o w . The latter are miracles: desirable effects believed not to have been possible except for the intervention of Gods in worldly matters. Miracles vary f r o m the quite l i m i t e d (a specific person's recovery f r o m cancer or survival o f a seemingly fatal event) t o the immense (the p a r t i n g o f the Red Sea or the sinking o f the Chinese invasion fleet by a "divine w i n d " d u r i n g its voyage t o Japan). A l l o f the major G o d l y religions accept miracles, but they also regard t h e m as problematic. For example, as they offered prayers for victory, priests o f R o m a n temples d i d n o t assure the results o f an i m p e n d i n g battle. They merely sought the support o f their Gods, fully ac­ k n o w l e d g i n g that the Gods retain their a u t o n o m y and freely choose whether or n o t t o grant a request. M o d e r n - d a y pregame prayers take the same form—indeed, athletes seldom ask for vic­ t o r y per se. I t is assumed that, i n deciding t o grant a miracle, Gods must consider larger plans or concerns. M a n y faiths also teach that Gods consider the motives and m o r a l worthiness o f the bene­ ficiaries of requested miracles as w e l l as possible unanticipated consequences o f their request for the supplicants. Thus the saying " G o d answers all prayers, b u t often the answer is n o . " I n this way, even those religious explanations i n v o l v i n g w o r l d l y rewards are relatively i m m u n e t o disproof. Nevertheless, things t h o u g h t t o be miracles happen i n this w o r l d . A n d w h e n something is perceived as a miracle, that greatly reinforces confidence i n the entire reli­ gious system.

Otherworldly Rewards The t r u l y immense rewards sought f r o m Gods are t o be realized o n l y later and elsewhere. Otherworldly rewards are those that are t o be obtained f r o m Gods i n a nonempirical (usually posthumous) context. U n l i k e the case o f miracles, i t is impossible or at least extremely difficult t o k n o w whether o t h e r w o r l d l y rewards are f o r t h c o m i n g

18

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as promised. W h i l e that aspect attaches some degree o f risk t o such rewards, this can be offset by several other crucial features o f other­ w o r l d l y rewards. First o f all, nondelivery cannot be observed. Sec­ ond, o t h e r w o r l d l y rewards typically are o f far greater magnitude t h a n are miracles. Recovery f r o m cancer is rather m i n o r compared w i t h everlasting life. But perhaps the most significant aspect o f o t h ­ e r w o r l d l y rewards is that the realization o f these rewards is post­ poned (often u n t i l after death). Consequently, i n pursuit o f other­ w o r l d l y rewards, humans w i l l accept an extended exchange relationship w i t h Gods. T h a t is, humans w i l l make periodic pay­ ments over a substantial length o f t i m e , often u n t i l death. This is a major factor a l l o w i n g G o d l y religions t o generate the long-term levels o f c o m m i t m e n t necessary t o sustain strong reli­ gious organizations. I n contrast, since magic deals i n very tangible, this-worldly, relatively immediate rewards, magicians cannot i n ­ volve their clients i n extended exchange relations, w h i c h is w h y , as Emile D u r k h e i m accurately noted, "There is no C h u r c h o f magic . . . The magician has a clientele and n o t a c h u r c h " (1915:44). The same l i m i t applies t o Godless religions as w e l l as t o those G o d l y religions having many Gods. Godless religions sustain n o exchange relations, and hence there can be n o C h u r c h o f Tao, a l t h o u g h there are Taoist temples and monasteries, just as there are guilds o f magi­ cians (see Chapter 2 ) . Polytheistic religions sustain o n l y short-term exchanges, as humans seek specific and quite immediate benefits f r o m the Gods and spread their risks by shopping a r o u n d and pa­ t r o n i z i n g m u l t i p l e "suppliers" (Iannaccone, 1995; Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . Thus Egyptian polytheism generated m a n y temples—each w i t h a clientele—but no C h u r c h o f Egypt, or even a C h u r c h o f Osiris. N o r c o u l d there be a C h u r c h o f Rome u n t i l C h r i s t i a n i t y supplanted pagan p l u r a l i s m .

Images o f G o d Whether or n o t people find the prospects o f miracles and other­ w o r l d l y rewards t o be plausible depends greatly o n w h a t they be­ lieve about their source. Consider prayer. O n l y t o the extent that

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Divine Cafeteria. I n the Temple of Five H u n d r e d G o d s , located in C a n t o n , C h i n a (until it w a s destroyed during the C u l t u r a l Revolution), supplicants placed a burning incense stick i n the porcelain container in front of each G o d whose aid they sought—often invoking several G o d s at the same time. © Underwood & Underwood/CORBIS.

the hearer is conscious does prayer represent r a t i o n a l exchange be­ havior, as distinct f r o m superstitious utterances a n d activities d i ­ rected t o w a r d b l i n d fate such as the use o f prayer wheels o r gam­ blers' litanies t o luck. T h e act o f prayer postulates a "hearer"— someone o r something " o u t " o r " u p " there.

Consciousness is thus

the m i n i m a l aspect o f a divine being as a prayer partner. M o r e o v e r , the perceived efficacy o f prayer o r o f any other efforts t o exchange w i t h d i v i n i t y is determined by various other characteristics a t t r i b ­ uted t o this divine consciousness. T h e first o f these is

rationality.

H u m a n s w i l l prefer Gods w h o

tend t o function i n a logical, goal-oriented manner. N o t h i n g is t o be done w i t h o r about i r r a t i o n a l beings; they cannot even be p r o p i ­ tiated. I f the Gods t r u l y are crazy, then r e l i g i o n is futile. B u t i f the 20

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Gods are r a t i o n a l , then there is an immense range o f possibilities. However, even a m o n g Gods conceived o f as conscious, r a t i o n a l beings, these possibilities are contingent o n other characteristics, such as whether they are responsive. As strange as i t may strike people raised i n Judao-Christian or Islamic cultures, Gods may n o t be responsive. M o s t o f the Greeks and Romans believed that their Gods could hear their pleas, but that they mostly d i d n ' t listen and d i d n ' t care. Aristotle taught that the Gods were incapable o f real concern for humans—lust, jeal­ ousy, and anger, yes, b u t never affection. Such Gods may require p r o p i t i a t i o n , and i t may be possible t o sometimes bargain w i t h t h e m for favors. But they are n o t t o be counted o n , and i t is quite uncertain that i t is wise even t o attract their attention, for i f they speak, they m a y or may n o t be t r u t h f u l . I selected "responsive" as the most appropriate t e r m t o sum up many similar attributes ascribed t o Gods, including "personal" (as contrasted w i t h impersonal), " l o v i n g , " " m e r c i f u l , " "close," "ac­ cessible," all o f w h i c h can be summed up as the belief that "there is somebody up there w h o cares." The N u e r often refer t o their G o d as their father and themselves as "'gaatkuj thy children," using these terms n o t literally but t o indicate a relationship that involves "the sense o f care and p r o t e c t i o n parents give t o a c h i l d , " and they c o m m o n l y acknowledge God's care w i t h the remark " G o d is present" (Evans-Pritchard, 1 9 5 6 : 8 - 9 ) . This same sense o f divine responsiveness is f o u n d i n the o r t h o d o x conception o f G o d presented by Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Such a G o d makes an extremely attractive exchange partner w h o can be counted o n t o m a x i m i z e h u m a n benefits. I n a d d i t i o n t o being r a t i o n a l and responsive, Gods w i l l be pre­ ferred as exchange partners t o the extent that they are dependable. Undependable Gods are legion. There is a huge anthropological literature o n " t r i c k s t e r " Gods and spirits (Evans-Pritchard, 1967; Hynes and D o t y , 1993; R a d i n , 1956). Trickster Gods are unusually frequent i n the religions o f N a t i v e N o r t h Americans b u t are c o m ­ m o n a r o u n d the w o r l d . I n D a h o m e y people never k n o w w h a t t o expect f r o m "the lecherous, mischievous, b u t sometimes h u m a n l y

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helpful g o d Legba" ( N o r b e c k , 1961:79) w h i l e Japanese Shinto i n ­ cludes the misbehaving Susa-no-o, w h o is " d i v i n e yet subject t o the most infantile o f h u m a n passions" ( E l l w o o d , 1993:142). Gladys Reichard (1950) reported that the N a v a h o distinguish their Gods according t o their dependability i n giving help. As conceived o f by the ancient Greeks, most o f their Gods were quite undependable, being capricious and a m o r a l . Sometimes they kept their w o r d , and sometimes they p r o v i d e d humans w i t h very valuable rewards. But sometimes they lied, and they often d i d h u ­ mans great h a r m for very petty reasons. As W i l l i a m F o x w e l l A l ­ b r i g h t (1957:265) p u t i t , "the O l y m p i a n deities o f Greece [were] c h a r m i n g poetic figures [but] unedifying examples." I t m a y have been w o r t h w h i l e t o periodically offer such Gods a sacrificial ani­ mal or t w o (especially since the donors feasted o n the offering after the ceremony), b u t they were n o t w o r t h more. Gods can be t h o u g h t o f as responsive and dependable and still be o f very l i m i t e d significance, depending o n the diversity o f their powers and the range o f their influence—their scope. H a v i n g more diverse powers, a G o d o f weather is o f greater scope t h a n a G o d of w i n d or a G o d o f r a i n . A G o d w h o controls weather everywhere is o f greater scope t h a n a G o d w h o controls weather o n l y i n a small t r i b a l territory. A t one extreme are the m i n o r Gods and godlings that a b o u n d i n preliterate societies or o n the periphery o f panthe­ ons, and at the other extreme is the o m n i p o t e n t G o d o f the JewishChristian-Islamic t r a d i t i o n . Gods o f greater scope can provide far more valuable rewards and therefore can require more i n r e t u r n . Indeed, only Gods o f great scope offer rewards so valuable as t o justify a demand for an exclusive exchange relationship, w h e r e i n humans m a y exchange o n l y w i t h one specific G o d (and approved divine subordinates such as angels). N o t o n l y must Jews, Christians, M u s l i m s , and members of several other G o d l y faiths engage i n l o n g - t e r m relationships w i t h the divine, they must do so w i t h o n l y one G o d . H a v i n g identified the reason w h y humans w i l l prefer Gods o f infinite scope, and w h y they w i l l accept exclusive exchange relations w i t h such Gods, we have arrived at the threshold o f monotheism. 22

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Rain God.

T h i s is T l a l o c . Centuries ago he w a s believed to

control the rain in the area a r o u n d V e r a c r u z , M e x i c o . © Danny Lehman/CORBIS.

Dimensions o f Monotheism M a n y scholars have noted the tendency for religions t o evolve i n the d i r e c t i o n o f m o n o t h e i s m ( A l b r i g h t , 1957; Bellah, 1964; C a i r d , 1899; Frazer, 1927; Spencer, 1893; Swanson, 1960; Tylor, [ 1 8 7 1 ] 1958). The fundamental principle is this: " A s societies become older, larger, and more c o s m o p o l i t a n they w i l l tend t o w o r s h i p fewer Gods o f greater scope" (Stark and Bainbridge, [1987] 1996:86). 23

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As w i t h a l l propositions concerning social evolution, this is a general tendency only. Some quite simple societies believe i n few Gods o f great scope (and even i n a H i g h G o d ) , and some quite advanced societies believe i n m a n y Gods o f small scope, as d i d the Greeks and Romans. B u t the generalization holds. Nevertheless, this t r e n d t o w a r d Gods o f greater scope very seldom results i n l i m ­ i t i n g belief t o only one supernatural entity. Absolute

monotheism

is very rare. A c c o r d i n g t o H e r b e r t Spencer (1820-1903),

" O n l y by

unitarians o f the advanced type, and by those w h o are called theists, is a pure m o n o t h e i s m accepted" (1893:748). I n none o f the great monotheisms—Judaism, Christianity, Islam—is there o n l y one supernatural entity. I n each, G o d is surrounded w i t h "a c l o u d o f beings" (Swanson, 1960:55). As Spencer p o i n t e d out: Another fact to be noted respecting the evolution of monotheisms out of polytheisms . . . is that they do not become complete; or at least do not maintain their purity . . . [for example] the Hebrew reli­ gion, nominally monotheistic, retained a large infusion of polythe­ ism. Archangels exercising powers in respect to their respective spheres, and capable even of rebellion, [a]re practically demi-gods . . . [Christian] trinitarian[ism] is partially polytheistic . . . Nay, even belief in a devil, conceived as an independent supernatural being, implies surviving polytheism. (1893:747-48). Spencer's m e n t i o n o f a devil acknowledges that there is a clear dis­ t i n c t i o n a m o n g the various supernatural beings w i t h i n the great monotheisms between those regarded as g o o d and those w h o are evil. Therein lies the l i m i t i n g principle o f m o n o t h e i s m . I n practice, absolute m o n o t h e i s m is possible only w h e n the su­ pernatural is conceived o f as an essence. I f there is only one super­ n a t u r a l being, such a G o d w o u l d o f necessity be irrational

and per­

verse; one G o d o f infinite scope must be responsible for

everything,

evil as w e l l as g o o d , and thus must be dangerously capricious, shift­ i n g intentions unpredictably and w i t h o u t reason. W i t h i n the con­ fines o f absolute m o n o t h e i s m , the only alternative t o such a fear­ some G o d is a divine essence t h a t is responsible for nothing,

being

utterly remote f r o m h u m a n concerns. But such nonbeings have l i t 24

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tie t o offer most people and never supplant supernatural beings, except a m o n g small elites. This necessarily limits m o n o t h e i s m since, i n order for a divine being t o be r a t i o n a l and benign, i t is necessary for the religious system t o postulate the existence o f other, i f far lesser, beings. T h a t is, evil supernatural forces (such as Satan) are essential t o the most rational conception o f divinity. Hence monotheistic religions t y p i ­ cally distinguish between g o o d and evil supernatural beings, the good ones being those w h o intend t o a l l o w humans t o profit f r o m their exchanges, and the evil ones being those w h o intend t o inflict coercive exchanges or deceptions o n humans resulting i n losses for h u m a n exchange partners. Thus Judaism, Christianity, and Islam are dualistic monotheisms—each teaches that, i n a d d i t i o n t o the existence o f a supreme divine being, there also exists at least one evil, if less powerful, supernatural being. As Jeffrey B u r t o n Russell (1977:32) p u t i t , " D u a l i s m posits t w o opposite powers o f g o o d and evil, a t t r i b u t i n g evil t o the w i l l o f a m a l i g n s p i r i t . " The principle o f dualism reflects the necessity that we either conceive o f a single divine essence—one that is above the question o f g o o d or evil by virtue o f being remote f r o m any exchanges w i t h humans (the Tao)—or a d m i t the existence o f more t h a n one supernatural being. However, entirely symmetrical dualism is rare and tends t o be l i m i t e d t o g o o d and evil essences. W h e n Gods are conceived o f as beings, the g o o d ones are typically seen as having greater power, and the ultimate v i c t o r y o f g o o d i n the conflict between g o o d and evil is assumed. Indeed, i n the major dualistic monotheisms, evil is not accorded full G o d h o o d — Y a h w e h , Jehovah, and A l l a h merely tolerate lesser evil beings.* I do n o t mean t o suggest that this p o r t r a i t o f the Gods is the p r o d u c t o f conscious h u m a n " c r e a t i o n . " N o one sat d o w n and de­ cided, Let's believe i n a supreme G o d , s u r r o u n d him/her w i t h some subordinate beings, and postulate an inferior evil being o n w h o m we can blame evil. Rather, this view tends t o evolve over time be* Purists may object to my identifying the Christian deity as Jehovah on grounds that this is merely a poor rendering of Yahweh ( Y H W H ) , just as some w i l l object to Yahweh, or indeed to using "G-d's" name at all. But these names have enjoyed an extensive common usage, and, more important, everyone knows the intended referent.

25

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1

cause i t is the most reasonable and satisfying conclusion f r o m the available religious c u l t u r e . Thus the rise o f Judaic m o n o t h e i s m p r o b a b l y d i d n o t involve a sharp break w i t h or rejection o f the past. Rather, the early monotheists "chose n o t t o reject b u t t o affirm the traditions o f the past as expressions o f true reality that previously h a d o n l y been perceived d a r k l y i n l i m i t e d h u m a n terms" ( T h o m p ­ son, 1996:116). The e v o l u t i o n o f Y a h w e h , as revealed i n the U g a r i tic texts as w e l l as the O l d Testament, seems t o have begun w i t h a four-tiered pantheon. " Y a h w e h " emerged as the supreme G o d f r o m a m o n g the Gods o n the highest tier, "Satan" f r o m the disobe­ dient Gods o f the t h i r d level, and the "angels" f r o m the servant Gods or messengers o f the lowest tier (Handy, 1996). To the extent t h a t one wants t o see this process o f e v o l u t i o n as h u m a n h a n d i ­ w o r k , i t m i g h t best be equated w i t h editing o n behalf o f an increas­ ingly plausible theology. 1

I n any case, there is an immense theological literature o n the p r o b l e m o f evil and considerable agreement that associating evil w i t h subordinate supernatural beings is an attractive solution. I m ­ plicit i n m u c h o f this w r i t i n g (and explicit i n some o f it) is the observation that w i t h i n dualistic m o n o t h e i s m , God underwrites the moral order. I t seems inevitable that i f Gods o f great scope are regarded as g o o d and i n o p p o s i t i o n t o evil, their c o m m i t m e n t t o g o o d w i l l ex­ tend t o h u m a n behavior—hence doctrines concerning sin and d i ­ vine judgment. Elsewhere I have demonstrated that i t is very u n ­ usual for religion t o be l i n k e d t o m o r a l i t y i n polytheistic societies, and that this l i n k is lacking where the supernatural is conceived o f as an essence (Stark, i n press). However, the belief that Gods are concerned w i t h m o r a l i t y is especially appealing because i t depicts the Gods as concerned w i t h the fate o f the i n d i v i d u a l and support­ ive o f the efforts o f each t o achieve a secure and r e w a r d i n g exis­ tence. A l b r i g h t (1957:265) p u t i t w e l l : " F o r the average w o r s h i p ­ per, however, i t is very essential t h a t his g o d be a d i v i n i t y w h o can sympathize w i t h his h u m a n feelings and emotions . . . i t was pre­ cisely the a n t h r o p o m o r p h i s m o f Y a h w e h w h i c h was essential t o the i n i t i a l success o f Israel's r e l i g i o n . " 26

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As w i t h other aspects o f culture, these features o f m o n o t h e i s m do n o t simply appear. They are the result o f the progressive f o r m u ­ l a t i o n and refinement o f ideas. I n m y judgment, the O l d Testament provides us w i t h an i l l u m i n a t i n g record o f this process. As men­ tioned, H e b r e w m o n o t h e i s m evolved gradually f o l l o w i n g the E x o ­ dus. Hence early passages i n Genesis do n o t p r o c l a i m an O n l y G o d . Indeed, even the First C o m m a n d m e n t does n o t deny the existence o f other Gods b u t o n l y demands that Yahweh be acknowledged as their s u p e r i o r — " t h o u shalt have no other Gods before m e . " Judg­ ing f r o m the O l d Testament, i t was o n l y slowly that the existence o f other Gods was denied. 2

I n fact, the rise o f m o n o t h e i s m often does n o t result i n its adher­ ents' defining a l l other Gods as false b u t merely i n their demoting t h e m t o supernatural creatures subordinate t o the Supreme Being, the One G o d . I t is c o m m o n knowledge that as C h r i s t i a n i t y spread t o n o r t h e r n and western Europe, m a n y pagan Gods were redefined as saints; thus their local patronage c o u l d continue w i t h i n a safely o r t h o d o x context. Spencer (1893:748) makes the same p o i n t con­ cerning Islam. Indeed, Sir E d w a r d T y l o r (1832-1917) noted that "[b]eings w h o i n Christian or M o s l e m theology w o u l d be called angels, saints, or demons, w o u l d under the same definitions be called deities i n polytheistic settings" ([1871] 1958:417). However, i f the G o d w h o spoke t o Moses f r o m a b u r n i n g bush was the G o d , his status as a good G o d was n o t yet certain. H e is depicted as fierce, frightening, and extremely dangerous. Thus hav­ ing lost patience w i t h wickedness, Yahweh declared that he "was sorry that he had made h u m a n k i n d , " and announced his intention t o " b l o t o u t f r o m the earth the h u m a n beings I have created—peo­ ple together w i t h animals and creeping things and birds o f the a i r " (Gen. 6:6-7). Thence the F l o o d . I n early days Yahweh also appears to be unpredictable and arbitrary. For example, he struck people dead o n w h a t seem t o be unreasonable grounds—as i n the case o f Moses' nephews N a d a b and A b i h u , w h o m G o d burned t o death because they mistakenly l i t their censers f r o m " u n h o l y fire." I t is reported that Moses chided G o d for some o f these actions, and i n at least some scriptural passages i t is suggested that G o d repented.

27

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1

I n any event, i t has often been noticed t h a t by the end o f the O l d Testament, G o d seems very different—far more understanding, forgiving, and humane. M a n y C h r i s t i a n and Jewish theologians object t o any interpretation suggesting t h a t G o d changed. Thus J o h n C a l v i n (1509-1564) asserted that G o d is unchangeable and hence above a l l repentance. But, C a l v i n continued, God's repen­ tance, like God's anger, is imputed to G o d by humans o n the basis o f their o w n h u m a n experience, as this better enables t h e m t o u n ­ derstand G o d ([1559] 1989, b k . 1, chap. 13). Whatever the theological status o f Calvin's interpretation, i t en­ tirely suffices for social science, w h i c h is fully served by analysis o f changes i n the human images o f G o d , and n o t h i n g more needs t o be assumed. W h a t the O l d Testament reveals is the e v o l u t i o n o f H e b r e w images o f G o d f r o m a m o o d y and touchy " H o l y T e r r o r " i n t o a virtuous Supreme Being. A n d , as noted above, this e v o l u t i o n is i n tandem w i t h the emergence o f a clear conception o f a power­ f u l , t h o u g h ultimately subordinate, E v i l Being (Pagels, 1995; Rus­ sell, 1977). There is no need t o pursue the implications o f dualistic m o n o t h e ­ ism further here, since they are central t o the remainder o f the b o o k . Suffice i t t o note that people tend t o prefer a G o d meeting all o f the aspects noted above t o an impersonal essence or "higher power." They w i l l also prefer few Gods o f great scope t o pantheons teeming w i t h small divinities. The former have greater intellectual and e m o t i o n a l appeal; moreover, the greater the scope o f the Gods, the greater the c o m m i t m e n t they are able t o generate, c u l m i n a t i n g i n the e x t r a o r d i n a r y p o w e r o f dualistic m o n o t h e i s m t o inspire p r o ­ digious undertakings, t o m a x i m i z e the capacity o f religions t o m o ­ bilize h u m a n action.

Conclusion Let me assure readers that this is m y theory o f Gods, n o t m y belief about the nature o f G o d . As t o the true nature o f G o d , I plead ignorance. As for the theory, its w o r t h can be assessed o n l y by re­ sults. Is i t consistent w i t h the facts, and does i t reveal connections

28

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and processes not previously noticed or thought unimportant? In short, does it help us to better understand social processes, and does it illuminate history? We shall see.

Notes 1. N o r a m I prepared to deny that this evolution reflects progressive h u m a n discovery of the truth. 2. I a m aware that there is controversy concerning the actual order in w h i c h the parts of the O l d Testament were written, but I a m comfortable w i t h the as­ sumption that the Pentateuch is rather earlier than the books of various prophets.

29

Pharaoh Amenhotep IV. T h e enigmatic ruler of E g y p t ( 1 3 6 5 to 1 3 4 7 B . C . E . ) w h o embraced monotheism a n d then changed his name to A k h e n a t e n . © Richard T. N o w i t z / C O R B I S .

. 2 . God's Chosen: Monotheism and Mission Praise the L o r d , a l l y o u nations! E x t o l h i m , a l l y o u peoples. —Psalm 117

t h e origins o f m o n o t h e i s m are buried along the misty frontiers o f history. One o f the earliest k n o w n instances occurred i n Egypt where, more t h a n a thousand years before the b i r t h o f Jesus, Pharaoh A m e n h o p t e p I V p r o c l a i m e d Aten t o be the One G o d ( A l b r i g h t , 1957; A l d r e d , 1988; James, 1960; Redford, 1984; R o h l , 1995). A h y m n a t t r i b u t e d t o the p h a r a o h himself begins, O l i v i n g A t e n , creator o f life! The h y m n continues: O Sole God, beside whom there is none! You made the earth as you wished, you alone. A l l peoples, herds, and flocks; A l l upon earth that walk upon legs, A l l on high that fly on wings. You set every man in his place, You supply their needs; Everyone has his food, His lifetime is counted. Their tongues differ in speech, Their characters likewise; Their skins are distinct, For you distinguished the peoples. For you made them for yourself . . . Lord of all lands . . . You are in my heart. (Lichtheim, 1976:96-99)

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A t e n was long t h o u g h t t o have been the first fully developed image o f G o d as a conscious, responsive being o f u n l i m i t e d p o w e r and scope—a G o d w h o created everything and continued t o l o o k after every aspect o f life, everywhere. This led many, i n c l u d i n g Sigm u n d Freud (1856-1939), t o propose that this was the true o r i g i n o f H e b r e w m o n o t h e i s m , learned d u r i n g their bondage i n Egypt ([1939] 1957). However, this seems very unlikely because i t is n o w accepted that the Israelites d i d n o t fully embrace true m o n o t h e i s m u n t i l m a n y centuries after the Exodus, and because their m o n o t h e ­ ism seems t o have emerged f r o m a pantheon that has been traced t o Persian sources, n o t t o Egypt (Edelman, 1996; Niehr, 1996; T h o m p s o n , 1996, 1992). Just where true m o n o t h e i s m first arose remains u n k n o w n . The quest for the origins o f m o n o t h e i s m is a fascinating scholarly undertaking, b u t the sociological importance o f m o n o t h e i s m re­ sides i n its consequences. The lesson I w i s h t o d r a w f r o m this epi­ sode i n ancient Egyptian history concerns the e x t r a o r d i n a r y capaci­ ties o f m o n o t h e i s m t o unite and t o divide. U p o n embracing A t e n as the One G o d , Pharaoh A m e n h o p t e p changed his name t o A k h e n a t e n (the glorious spirit o f Aten) and initiated w o r s h i p o f the solar disk as Aten's visible aspect. This alone w o u l d n o t have unsettled religious life i n Egypt, since the Sun was already w o r s h i p e d as Re and an abundance o f solar tem­ ples existed t h r o u g h o u t the k i n g d o m , side by side w i t h temples devoted t o at least t h i r t y other major divinities. But, u n l i k e Re, A t e n wasn't one o f the Gods; he was the One G o d . As such he required exclusive w o r s h i p . So, i n a d d i t i o n t o b u i l d i n g m a n y splen­ d i d new temples t o A t e n , A k h e n a t e n w i t h d r e w f u n d i n g f r o m the other temples and denounced w o r s h i p o f "false" Gods. O v e r n i g h t , the Egyptians, including the thousands o f priests serving other temples, were expected t o be monotheists. This was rather more t h a n unsettling—it was an attempted r e v o l u t i o n imposed f r o m above and quite lacking i n p o p u l a r support. A semblance o f m o n o ­ theism endured, at least i n p u b l i c , for the remaining ten years that Akhenaten r u l e d , only because o f the unquestioned sover­ eignty o f the pharaoh. But u p o n Akhenaten's death Egyptians re­ belled against the new religion. Akhenaten's son T u t a n k h a m e n 1

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briefly succeeded h i m as pharaoh and was i n t u r n succeeded by his vizier Aye, w h o then restored the t r a d i t i o n a l religions. A l m o s t immediately, all temples o f A t e n were destroyed or rededicated t o other Gods; Akhenaten's name was systematically removed f r o m all monuments and, insofar as possible, f r o m history. The rediscov­ ery o f Akhenaten is an impressive example o f archaeological craft (Aldred, 1988; Redford, 1984).

M o n o t h e i s m and M i s s i o n The rise and fall o f A t e n w o r s h i p illustrates the central themes o f the next three chapters: the ability o f monotheism t o unite and mobilize humans o n behalf o f great undertakings, and t o also plunge t h e m i n t o bitter and often b l o o d y conflict. These are, o f course, aspects o f the same phenomenon as seen f r o m w i t h i n a group or f r o m outside. I n this chapter I w i l l be m a i n l y concerned w i t h the v i e w f r o m w i t h i n — w i t h seeing h o w m o n o t h e i s m unites people and p r o m p t s t h e m t o seek t o convert others t o their G o d . Chapter 3 is devoted t o h o w monotheism inspires bitter religious conflicts, although aspects o f conflict cannot be entirely excluded f r o m this chapter because the t w o are so i n t i m a t e l y l i n k e d . T h e n , Chapter 4 combines b o t h the internal and external effects o f m o n o ­ theism as i t explores the capacity o f monotheistic groups t o stand fast against persecution as w e l l as resist temptations t o assimilate. Stripped t o basics, social science addresses t w o questions about groups: W h a t holds t h e m together? W h a t divides them? W h a t is i t that causes some set o f people t o constitute a group t o w a r d w h i c h they feel a strong a sense o f s o l i d a r i t y — m u t u a l feelings o f c o m m o n identity, purpose, and concerns? Conversely, w h a t is i t that causes groups t o see themselves as p i t t e d against one another—as strang­ ers and enemies? G r o u p solidarity is sustained p r i m a r i l y by a com­ m o n culture—language, traditions, religion, history. These same factors serve as boundaries that set groups apart. The extent t o w h i c h religion enters i n t o either solidarity or conflict appears t o be i n direct p r o p o r t i o n t o the scope o f the Gods involved. The extraor­ dinary episode o f ancient Egyptian history i n v o l v i n g A t e n reveals 33

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that i m p l i c i t i n conceptions o f One G o d is the concept o f One True G o d — w h i c h provides a potent basis for intense solidarity and for equally intense conflict. I f there is only One G o d , this necessitates an exclusive exchange relationship, there being n o logical alternatives.Thus A k h e n a t e n d i d n o t merely ask that everyone also w o r s h i p A t e n , b u t that they w o r s h i p A t e n alone. I t is illogical t o deal w i t h a flock o f specialized Gods i f there is One G o d o f u n l i m i t e d scope and capacity. A n exclu­ sive relationship w i t h One G o d is also an extended relationship— usually lifelong. N o longer are humans able t o go " G o d s h o p p i n g " or t o p i t one G o d against another. This results i n extremely strong organizations possessed o f immense resources, consistent w i t h a G o d o f u n l i m i t e d p o w e r and concern. T h e r e i n lies the key t o the durable and vigorous religious institutions f o u n d i n Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and, t o a somewhat lesser extent, H i n d u i s m . The One G o d referred t o as Y a h w e h , Jehovah, or A l l a h c o m ­ mands lifelong, exclusive obedience i n r e t u r n for rewards " b e y o n d price." N o r u n n i n g o f f t o Baal i f response t o one's requests is n o t immediately f o r t h c o m i n g . Instead, one is asked t o sacrifice and demonstrate steadfastness i n the face o f earthly trials—indeed, m a r t y r d o m is revered as reflecting unusual character, n o t i r r a t i o ­ nality. Such expectations about c o m m i t m e n t can be justified o n l y i f they involve exchange relations w i t h a G o d capable o f keeping t r a c k — o f n o t i n g virtue i n the personal account o f individuals. I f , as I have demonstrated elsewhere (Stark, i n press), no one hesitates t o cheat because o f faith i n an essence, obviously such flimsy con­ ceptions o f G o d cannot inspire anyone t o face lions. N e i t h e r the Tao n o r the " g r o u n d o f o u r b e i n g " warrants significant sacrifice, let alone m a r t y r d o m . A k h e n a t e n d i d n o t really w o r s h i p the Sun— A t e n was n o t an essence b u t was conceived o f as a fully conscious and concerned being. As w i l l be seen, divine essences are able t o inspire monastic movements and schools o f philosophy b u t n o t mass folio wings. Indeed, even w i t h i n faiths presumably based o n essences, such as B u d d h i s m or Taoism, their appeal t o the general public is focused o n the collection o f supernatural beings t h a t have been attached t o these traditions. Even so, there is a w o r l d o f differ­ ence between the ability t o attract a clientele, as the Gods o f poly34

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theisms do, and the capacity t o inspire intense, lifelong dedication and sacrifice o n the part o f the general public. T h a t capacity is l i m i t e d t o dualistic monotheisms. W h e n we examine history, w e find no massive mobilizations o n behalf o f the Gods. Polytheistic societies are capable o f prodigies of effort i n c l u d i n g those o f conquest. But the armies o f Rome, i m ­ perial China, or ancient Egypt d i d n o t m a r c h o n behalf o f divine w i l l — u n l i k e the armies o f Islam or those enlisted by popes for C r u ­ sades t o the H o l y L a n d . Granted, many Christian crusaders and Islamic conquerors also had nonreligious motives, and some may even have been irreligious. But, lacking the p o w e r f u l religious justi­ fication of d o i n g God's W i l l , these events w o u l d n o t have taken place. O n l y One True G o d can generate great undertakings out o f p r i m a r i l y religious m o t i v a t i o n s , and chief among these is the desire, indeed the duty, t o spread knowledge o f the One True G o d : the duty to missionize is inherent in dualistic monotheism. Later i n the chapter I w i l l refine the definition o f missions, but for n o w i t is sufficient t o t h i n k o f i t i n biblical terms: G o therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and teaching them to obey everything that I have commanded you ( M a t t . 2 8 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) . Rather t h a n focus here o n the potential for conflict that lurks w i t h i n directives t o missionize, i n this chapter I w i s h t o stress the admirable aspects o f missions. Imagine a society's discovering a vaccine against a deadly disease that has been ravaging its people and continues t o ravage people i n neighboring societies, where the cause o f the disease is incorrectly attributed t o i m p r o p e r diet. W h a t w o u l d be the judgment o n such a society i f i t w i t h h e l d its vaccine on the grounds that i t w o u l d be ethnocentric t o t r y t o instruct mem­ bers o f another culture that their medical ideas are incorrect, and t o induce t h e m t o adopt the effective treatment? I f one accepts that one has the g o o d fortune t o be i n possession o f the true religion and thereby has access t o the most valuable possible rewards, is one n o t similarly obligated t o spread this blessing t o those less for­ tunate? I see no flaw i n this parallel—other t h a n the objection that the religious claims may n o t be true, w h i c h objection misses the phenomenology o f o b l i g a t i o n .

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The remainder o f the chapter explores the historical record o f missions i n terms o f the theory developed i n Chapter 1. I n part, these explorations are intended as empirical tests o f the theory, and i n p a r t they w i l l show h o w the theory draws attention t o littlenoticed aspects o f some w e l l - k n o w n events. Indeed, t o p r o p e r l y set the stage, I w i l l begin w i t h matters that have been given v i r t u a l l y no explicit attention. First, h o w do polytheistic faiths spread? Second, h o w do religions based o n divine essences spread? Answers t o these questions provide useful comparisons for examinations o f the spread o f monotheisms. I n that connection, I examine missions i n Judaism, i n early Christianity, and i n the rise o f Islam. I then offer an extended analysis o f the m o d e r n era o f Christian w o r l d mis­ sions, s h o w i n g that variations i n their image o f G o d determine w h e n and w h i c h C h r i s t i a n bodies participate. I conclude w i t h a brief account o f H i n d u missions, a subject so neglected that i t has often been claimed that H i n d u i s m is n o t a missionizing faith.

T h e D i f f u s i o n o f Polytheistic Faiths Anthropologists agree that diffusion holds the key t o the origins of most culture w i t h i n any society. As R a l p h L i n t o n (1936:324) explained: 2

the number of successful inventions within . . . any one society . . . is always small. I f every human group had been left to climb upward by its own unaided efforts, progress would have been so slow that it is doubtful whether any society by now would have advanced beyond the level of the Old Stone Age. The comparatively rapid growth of human culture as a whole has been due to the ability of all societies to borrow elements from other cultures . . . This . . . is known as diffusion. O d d l y enough, anthropologists have m o s t l y been content t o label the spread o f culture across societies as diffusion w i t h o u t at­ t e m p t i n g t o identify or analyze specific mechanisms or social path36

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ways t h r o u g h w h i c h diffusion occurs. Nevertheless, five p r i m a r y channels

o f diffusion

seem apparent: conquest, exchanges o f

w o m e n , trade, m i g r a t i o n , and travel.

Simple Societies A m o n g simple societies, conquest, trade (barter), and exchanges of w o m e n p r o b a b l y are the most c o m m o n pathways o f diffusion. Often, one g r o u p has conquered another and i n the process ac­ quired a d d i t i o n a l Gods or rites. Conversely, conquerors have often spread their Gods as they spread their rule. I n a d d i t i o n , even the most p r i m i t i v e groups usually engage i n barter w i t h their neigh­ bors, as the possession o f seashells by groups far i n l a n d demon­ strates. Exchange o f females also is c o m m o n , even among the most p r i m i t i v e groups. Recent studies o f D N A indicate that, over the millennia, w o m e n have been far more geographically m o b i l e t h a n men, having often been exchanged between groups as wives or con­ cubines or k i d n a p p e d for similar purposes (Seielstad, M i n c h , and Cavalli-Sforza, 1998). I t can be assumed that sometimes w o m e n transmitted new Gods t o their new masters or in-laws. I n any event, the fact o f the extensive diffusion o f religious cul­ ture seems obvious i n the immense similarities that exist i n the be­ liefs, myths, rites, and taboos f o u n d n o t only a m o n g neighboring societies but w o r l d w i d e . D o c u m e n t i n g these "universals" o f reli­ gious culture has always been a p r i m a r y activity o f comparative religionists, exemplified by Sir James Frazer's (1854-1941) The Golden Bough ([1890] 1922). Perhaps the most i m p o r t a n t m o t i v a ­ t i o n for w o r k s such as Frazer's has been t o reveal that the central features o f C h r i s t i a n faith and practice are no more t h a n instances of a "generic r e l i g i o n , " typical o f " b a c k w a r d " people everywhere, and l o n g predating C h r i s t i a n i t y (Stark, 1999b). As Thomas W h i t taker (1911:3) p o i n t e d out, "the critical attitude o f a n t h r o p o l o ­ gists" is their determination t o reveal that even "the most distinc­ tive [Christian rituals] are transformations o f w o r l d w i d e savage or barbaric rites." Thus Frazer c o m p i l e d an enormous set o f examples i n order t o argue that tales o f crucifixion and resurrection are stan37

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dards o f w o r l d mythology, and he d w e l t at length o n myths o f Gods or princes w h o died u p o n or next t o a sacred tree—the "golden b o u g h . " A l l is said t o be generic, o c c u r r i n g again and again. Hence i n a d d i t i o n t o " i d e n t i f y i n g " m a n y myths as concerning crucifixion and/or resurrection, Frazer frequently cited such " s i m i l a r i t i e s " as those equating various forms o f r i t u a l cannibalism w i t h the Chris­ t i a n practice o f c o m m u n i o n , and those s h o w i n g that the Christ story is b u t one o f m a n y i n w h i c h a G o d impregnates a h u m a n female. The goal, often openly stated, has been t o demonstrate that all m o d e r n religions are b u t survivals o f more p r i m i t i v e a n d credu­ lous cultures, and equally i n v a l i d . "Each refutes each" has been a c o m m o n refrain i n one branch o f comparative religion for m o r e t h a n three centuries (Allen, 1996; Stark, 1999b). N o sooner had everyone accepted this c l a i m , that the monotheis­ tic religions had evolved f r o m barbaric beginnings, t h a n the evi­ dence let t h e m d o w n . A n d r e w L a n g (1844-1912), famous for his w o r k i n folklore and for his translations o f the Odyssey a n d the Iliad, surveyed the most recent and reliable ethnographic accounts o f religion i n the most p r i m i t i v e societies and concluded that m a n y o f these tribes believed i n H i g h Gods o f the k i n d associated w i t h m o n o t h e i s m . The Making of Religion (1898) should have been a b o l t f r o m the blue. N o t o n l y was the author famous, b u t , being a distinguished student o f Tylor, he also h a d the appropriate creden­ tials. Nevertheless, his conclusion d o o m e d his b o o k t o obscurity for a generation: since a substantial number o f the most p r i m i t i v e societies believe i n one H i g h G o d , m o n o t h e i s m cannot always be the end p r o d u c t o f a linear e v o l u t i o n a r y process. Indeed, L a n g ar­ gued, i t is equally plausible that p r i m i t i v e forms o f a n i m i s m and ghost w o r s h i p represent degeneration f r o m earlier, purer forms o f religion. Even t h o u g h L a n g offered substantially more evidence favor­ i n g his p o s i t i o n i n t w o subsequent books (1899, 1901), his w o r k was very carefully ignored i n the leading a n t h r o p o l o g y journals, either going entirely unmentioned or dispatched w i t h very brief notices o f p u b l i c a t i o n — a G e r m a n notice called i t an "unexpected t h e o r y " and pronounced that i t "has been received w i t h due

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mistrust" (quoted i n Schmidt, 1931:174). Lang (1899:14) h i m ­ self w r o t e , " I must expect t o be t h o u g h t i m p o r t u n a t e , tedious, a fellow o f one idea, and that idea w r o n g . To resent this w o u l d show great w a n t o f humour, and a plentiful lack o f knowledge o f h u m a n nature." Eventually L a n g was vindicated, although posthumously. I n 1924, i n a lecture t o the Jewish H i s t o r i c a l Society o f England, the distinguished A m e r i c a n anthropologist Paul R a d i n remarked that Lang's "insight has been abundantly corroborated . . . T h a t many p r i m i t i v e peoples have a belief i n a Supreme Creator no one today seriously denies" (1924:21). Radin's admission reflected a general reaction against the rather mechanical m o d e l o f social e v o l u t i o n , wherein societies inevitably pass t h r o u g h a set o f c o m m o n stages, as proposed by the previous generation o f social scientists (includ­ ing T y l o r and Spencer). But R a d i n dismissed, as w i t h o u t "the slightest j u s t i f i c a t i o n , " Lang's conclusion that the animistic and ghost-ridden religions most c o m m o n l y f o u n d i n p r i m i t i v e societies c o u l d have occurred by degeneration f r o m higher forms. Radin's dismissal was n o t surprising since by then anthropologists had been made fully aware o f the theological possibilities inherent i n Lang's p o s i t i o n . One leading anthropologist d i d n o t reject Lang's w o r k w h e n i t first appeared. Father W i l h e l m Schmidt (1868-1954) at the Univer­ sity o f Vienna was inspired by Lang's b o o k n o t o n l y t o reconsider the evidence but t o t h i n k seriously about w h a t i t c o u l d mean. Schmidt (1931:262) asked himself, W h a t i f "the Supreme Being o f the p r i m i t i v e culture is really the g o d o f monotheism?" H i s answer required twelve volumes, Der Ursprung der Gottesidee (19121955), and a summary volume was published i n English (1931). This enormous o u t p u t , and Schmidt's extraordinary mastery o f ethnography, made his conclusion impossible t o ignore, and even some o f the most m i l i t a n t atheists among his opponents have w i l l ­ ingly acknowledged the scholarly merit o f his w o r k — A n t h o n y F. C. Wallace (1966:12) f o u n d i n i t "a refreshing objective quality." I n o p p o s i t i o n t o the conventional anthropological w i s d o m that the m a n y similarities among religions show all religions t o be n o t h i n g

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but "just-so" stories o f obvious h u m a n i n v e n t i o n , Schmidt p r o ­ posed that the s t r i k i n g similarities f o u n d i n religions a r o u n d the w o r l d exist because they derive f r o m a "universal r e v e l a t i o n " dat­ i n g t o earliest times. T h a t is, at the d a w n o f h u m a n i t y all religions were alike! Everyone k n e w G o d . Thus i t is the variations f r o m one religion t o another that reveal the insertion o f h u m a n inventions, o f misunderstanding, and o f faulty transmission across the genera­ tions (an a d d i t i o n a l source o f v a r i a t i o n being, o f course, subse­ quent revelations). I n this way, Schmidt showed h o w snugly the anthropological literature fits w i t h i n the Genesis account o f the Creation and the Fall. I t is a b r i l l i a n t counterpoint, massively docu­ mented. A n d a l t h o u g h Schmidt's w o r k is based o n the theistic as­ s u m p t i o n , his conclusion is no more faith-driven t h a n that o f his opponents, all o f w h o m based their w o r k o n the atheistic assump­ t i o n (Stark, 1999b). Neither L a n g n o r Schmidt fully equated the H i g h Gods o f p r i m i ­ tive societies w i t h Y a h w e h , Jehovah, or A l l a h . N o r d i d they argue that religion and m o r a l i t y were necessarily l i n k e d i n these socie­ ties—as, indeed, often they are not. Typically, the H i g h G o d o f a p r i m i t i v e group is acknowledged as the Creator o f a l l things b u t is also seen as remote and unresponsive. Thus, a l t h o u g h i t remains significant that such a G o d is acknowledged i n some quite unso­ phisticated groups, fully developed dualistic m o n o t h e i s m is very u n c o m m o n and does seem t o appear o n l y i n a more c o m p l e x cul­ t u r a l context. Keep i n m i n d , however, that the ancient Hebrews were far f r o m being the most advanced society o f their day. W h y them? T h a t remains one o f the greatest o f a l l historical questions— and one rather unlikely ever t o be fully answered. To r e t u r n t o the m a i n p o i n t : religious culture obviously diffused far and w i d e across even the least sophisticated societies. A n d the p r i m a r y pathways p r o b a b l y were conquest and exchange o f fe­ males, and t o a lesser degree trade, since this often involves very little direct contact. Aside f r o m these modes, there is little traffic a m o n g simple societies. But as societies become larger and more culturally complex, m i g r a t i o n and travel become major pathways o f c u l t u r a l diffusion. 40

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Classical Times There was far more travel i n classical times t h a n most people n o w realize. A grave inscription i n Phrygia attests that a local merchant had made seventy-two trips t o Rome—a one-way journey o f more t h a n a thousand miles (Inscriptiones

Graecae ad Res Romanas

Per­

tinentes 4.841). As Wayne Meeks (1983:17) p u t i t , "the people o f the R o m a n Empire traveled more extensively and easily t h a n any . . . w o u l d again u n t i l the nineteenth century." M u c h o f this fre­ quent travel involved trade, and this, i n t u r n , often led t o the estab­ lishment o f local enclaves o f foreign traders. A l t h o u g h seldom i n ­ tentionally, religion was often one o f the "goods" transmitted back and f o r t h by these t r a d i n g communities, i f for no other reason t h a n that the traders typically b r o u g h t their Gods w i t h t h e m and estab­ lished local temples, as appropriate. Since these traders interacted w i t h locals, the o p p o r t u n i t y existed for their Gods t o spread. M o r e ­ over, being exposed t o the local Gods, traders often t o o k t h e m back to their homeland. The result was n o t merely the spread o f Gods but their r e c o m b i n a t i o n and amalgamation. I n his History,

the Greek historian H e r o d o t u s (ca.

484-425

B . C . E . ) p a i d extensive attention to c o m p a r i n g Gods and rituals and to tracing h o w they m i g h t have spread, based o n his personal ob­ servations o f about fifty different societies. For example: I will never believe that the rites [of Dionysus] in Egypt and those in Greece can resemble each other by coincidence . . . The names of nearly all the gods came from Egypt to Greece . . . but the making of the Hermes statues with the phallus erect, that they did not learn from the Egyptians but from the Pelasgians, and it was the Athenians first of all the Greeks who took over this practice, and from the Athenians, all the rest. ([Ca. 450 B . C . E . ] 1987:152-53) As this process continued, the Gods proliferated i n classical soci­ eties. I t is difficult t o say h o w many different cults eventually flour­ ished i n the major Greco-Roman cities. Ramsay M a c M u l l e n noted that i n most cities there were fifteen or t w e n t y major Gods "atop

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a mass" o f others (1981:7). B u t whatever the t o t a l , i t was large and the m i x very c o m p l e x . There is considerable controversy over just h o w the Gods o f R o m e became so numerous and diverse. Everyone agrees that as the d o m i n i o n o f Rome spread, Gods f r o m the new territories f o u n d their w a y back t o Rome, as w e l l as t o other major trade and p o p u ­ l a t i o n centers. A n d everyone agrees t h a t these new faiths were spread by migrants—by traders, sailors, and slaves, and by soldiers r e t u r n i n g f r o m l o n g tours o f d u t y i n foreign lands. B u t there is disagreement about w h a t happened next. Franz C u m o n t ([1911] 1956) stressed successful recruitment as the basis for the new cults, such as t h a t o f Isis. Jules T o u t a i n (in M a c M u l l e n , 1981:116) denied this, claiming that Isis w o r s h i p remained " a n exotic cult, t a k i n g n o r o o t i n p r o v i n c i a l s o i l " — a n d M a c M u l l e n agreed. F r o m examina­ t i o n o f collections o f inscriptions, he (1981:116) concluded t h a t " w e can e x p l a i n w h a t favor the cult d i d enjoy by supposing i t t o have been passed o n w i t h i n families, whose members m o v e d about, rather t h a n c o m m u n i c a t e d t o new recruits." O n the other h a n d , M a c M u l l e n (1981:188) does agree t h a t the cults o f Jupiter o f D o l i c h e and o f M i t h r a i s m g r e w and spread "en­ tirely t h r o u g h conversions." I find i t difficult t o quite see h o w f a i t h c o u l d be so solidly ancestral i n o r i g i n as t o preclude widespread acceptance o f Isis, b u t t h a t these ties s h o u l d fail i n comparable instances. Far m o r e i m p o r t a n t , however, is A r t h u r D a r b y N o c k ' s ( 1 9 3 3 : 1 2 - 1 5 ) c a u t i o n that the m o d e r n n o t i o n o f conversion does n o t represent the phenomenology i n v o l v e d i n the acceptance o f n e w Gods i n Greco-Roman times. Rather, these Gods "were as a rule supplements rather t h a n alternatives" and consequently were easily accepted (and easily dropped). N o c k argued further t h a t "[g]enuine conversion t o paganism w i l l appear i n o u r i n q u i r y o n l y w h e n Christianity h a d become so p o w e r f u l that its r i v a l was, so t o speak, made an entity by o p p o s i t i o n and contrast." T h a t is, there really was n o self-conscious c o m m u n i t y o f pagans u n t i l they were so designated by Christians for their collective failure t o embrace the One True G o d . Also i n keeping w i t h N o c k ' s insight, n o t o n l y d i d people n o t convert t o pagan Gods, these Gods were n o t trans42

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Isis Goes West. T h e Goddess Isis originated in E g y p t , a n d her popularity even­ tually spread throughout the G r e c o - R o m a n w o r l d . T h e diffusion of Isis w o r s h i p w a s accompanied by a considerable change in appearance. T h e statue on the left is of E g y p t i a n origin ( © G i a n n i D a g l i O r t i / C O R B I S ) ; the one o n the right is R o m a n ( © A r a l d o de L u c a / C O R B I S ) .

m i t t e d by persons dedicated t o spreading belief i n a G o d . T h a t is, new Gods were adopted o n the basis o f o p p o r t u n i t y and example, not because o f missionizing. Thus i n the t h i r d century B . C . E . w h e n Isis and Serapis spread f r o m Egypt t o the major G r e c o - R o m a n cities, they were b r o u g h t by travelers and i m m i g r a n t s w h o erected and patronized local shrines or temples t o t h e m . G r a n t e d , the es­ tablishment o f n e w Gods often i n v o l v e d the i m p o r t a t i o n o f priests, but they came o n l y t o conduct temple ceremonies, n o t as mission­ aries seeking n e w f o l l o w e r s — a l t h o u g h , o f course, they usually w e l ­ comed newcomers. Missions directed t o w a r d mass conversion seem beyond such Gods. Indeed, even w h e n paganism was collaps43

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ing under the pressure o f C h r i s t i a n missionizing, Greco-Roman polytheism was unable t o generate countermissionaries. A t this p o i n t , m a n y students o f comparative religion w i l l w a n t t o cite the spread o f B u d d h i s m f r o m I n d i a t o China and o n t o Japan as a glaring counterexample. B u t i t isn't.

Essences and M o n a s t i c M o v e m e n t s N o G o d o f the Egyptian, R o m a n , or Greek pantheons was able t o generate the exclusive c o m m i t m e n t o f the general p u b l i c , b u t a l l o f t h e m d i d enlist a priesthood. A n d w h i l e most priests n o d o u b t acknowledged the authenticity o f other Gods, they often made a lifelong and apparently exclusive c o m m i t m e n t t o their particular G o d . The appropriate c o m p a r i s o n here is w i t h magic. D u r k h e i m (1915:44) correctly recognized t h a t "[t]here is n o c h u r c h o f magic." By this he meant that n o "lasting bonds" can be m a i n ­ tained between "the magician and the individuals w h o consult h i m . " Instead, " [ t ] h e magician has a clientele and n o t a church, and i t is very possible that his clients have no other relations be­ tween each other, or even k n o w each other; even the relations they have w i t h h i m are generally accidental and transient; they are just like those o f a sick m a n w i t h his p h y s i c i a n . " However, like physi­ cians, magicians tend t o f o r m guilds w i t h fellow practitioners, and t o pursue a specific and relatively consistent set o f magical teach­ ings and techniques. A n d , like magicians, the priests o f a particular G o d w i t h i n a polytheistic culture also are unable t o sustain a church, i n D u r k h e i m ' s sense o f that t e r m , b u t even more so t h a n most magicians they are u n i t e d i n a g u i l d — a priesthood o f those dedicated t o a specific G o d . I n that sense they resemble m o n o t h e ists; i t is i n this w a y that Gods o f relatively l i m i t e d scope can gener­ ate quite intense levels o f i n d i v i d u a l c o m m i t m e n t . This k i n d and q u a l i t y o f c o m m i t m e n t does n o t develop i n the general p u b l i c , w h i c h continues t o patronize m a n y Gods. Rather, i t is l i m i t e d t o specialists o f the sort M a x Weber ( [ 1 9 2 2 ] 1993:162) referred t o as "religious v i r t u o s i , " w h o devote themselves fully t o the p u r s u i t o f religious fulfillment, and w h o tend t o set themselves apart. I t is 44

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n o t o n l y the great monotheistic faiths or the Gods o f polythe­ ism that are able t o inspire religious virtuosi. This capacity is also present i n religions w h e r e i n the supernatural is conceived o f as an essence—Weber made specific m e n t i o n o f Buddhist m o n k s . I n fact, that is p r o b a b l y w h y some scholars call such essences Gods— because o f their capacity t o serve as the focal p o i n t o f monastic movements. I t was as a monastic movement that B u d d h i s m first gained its success i n I n d i a and subsequently established itself i n China and Japan (Ch'en, 1964; Collins, 1998; D u t t , 1962; Earhart, 1984, 1993; L a m o t t e , 1988; Lester, 1993; Parrinder, 1983; Smart, 1984; Zurcher, [1959] 1972). Siddhartha Gautama (563-483 B . C . E . ) , k n o w n t o history as Bud­ dha, was himself a member o f a w a n d e r i n g group o f ascetics, and after his enlightenment he formed his o w n monastic order. A t first they t o o wandered, and o n l y later d i d they adopt a settled lifestyle, establishing an elaborate system o f large monasteries. As noted i n Chapter 1, Buddha denied the existence o f divine beings (although he d i d report a series o f confrontations w i t h the evil M â n r a ) ; hence his teachings are often identified as a philosophy rather t h a n a reli­ gion. But even philosophies often inspire a contemplative life o f m e d i t a t i o n and pursuit o f enlightenment. Indeed, as R a n d a l l C o l ­ lins (1998:272) explained: At core, Buddhism is an intellectual's religion . . . [consisting of] a hierarchy of meditators. As practitioners of a monastic religion, devoted to withdrawing from the world, its monks were not preachers or administrators of sacraments to lay congregations. This ideal of Buddhist monasticism often slipped away into practices of making a livelihood from preach­ ing, ritualism, or magical display. But the core form, the organization of world-withdrawing meditators, gave Buddhism its central identity. Detached from family life and practical concerns, focusing on the analysis of inner experience, viewing even the . . . gods and ritualism of religion as parts of the world of illusion to be transcended, the Buddhist monk might be regarded as living a life of philosophy to its extreme.

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W h i l e o r t h o d o x B u d d h i s m d i d make some p r o v i s i o n for lay involvement, a n y t h i n g less t h a n full-time m o n k h o o d was consid­ ered an absolute barrier t o enlightenment. Needless t o say, B u d ­ d h i s m was n o t a mass movement, b u t i t d i d have considerable impact o n the p u b l i c — i n order t o devote themselves t o a life o f m e d i t a t i o n , Buddhist m o n k s needed economic support as w e l l as p o l i t i c a l license. The major i n i t i a l basis o f support for Buddhists came f r o m p u b l i c patronage o f t h e m i n the role o f H o l y Men—as organized, highly visible counterparts t o the familiar shamans and magicians. As Buddhist m o n k s began t o circulate i n their distinc­ tive dress, l i v i n g entirely o n charity, and prepared t o teach the p r i n ­ ciples o f their faith, the people o f I n d i a soon came t o believe t h e m t o be "possessed o f special powers . . . t h a t the very presence o f a m o n k w o u l d subdue forces o f misfortune and disease" (Lester, 1 9 9 3 : 8 6 6 - 6 7 ) . A n a d d i t i o n a l advantage enjoyed by Buddhist m o n k s , at least i n the early p e r i o d w h e n they were getting estab­ lished, is that they were o v e r w h e l m i n g l y f r o m privileged back­ grounds. N o t o n l y was Buddha himself a former p r i n c e — o f the first sixty men he a d m i t t e d t o his n e w priesthood, at least fifty-five were " o f p r o m i n e n t families" ( i b i d . : 8 6 7 ) . As these m o n k s inter­ acted w i t h the p u b l i c , their class was apparent, and therefore their self-denial was a l l the more impressive. I n contrast, t r a d i t i o n a l sha­ mans and magicians were o f quite undistinguished origins. Public patronage o f Buddhist m o n k s and o f their shrines soon made the monasteries p o w e r f u l and extremely w e a l t h y — a c c u m u ­ l a t i n g large landholdings, just as C h r i s t i a n monasteries d i d i n m e d i ­ eval Europe (a comparison I w i l l pursue i n the discussion o f early Christian missions). B u t the p u b l i c veneration o f Buddhist m o n k s as H o l y M e n d i d n o t lead t o any decline i n the centrality o f super­ n a t u r a l beings i n the religious life o f the people—in t h a t sense they steadfastly refused t o become Buddhists! To the contrary, p u b l i c c o m m i t m e n t t o supernatural beings led t o the " c o r r u p t i o n " o f or­ t h o d o x B u d d h i s m by associating an amazing array o f Gods a n d godlings w i t h the Buddhist t r a d i t i o n , as practiced. As Father Schmidt (1931:2) p u t i t , "everywhere t h a t i t [Buddhism] has be­ come a p o p u l a r religion, i t has included . . . innumerable personal deities, b r o u g h t i n by a thousand back d o o r s . " Indeed, even t h o u g h 46

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classical B u d d h i s m rejects divine beings, its proponents have "never felt i t necessary t o deny popular r e l i g i o n , " as N i n i a n Smart (1984:182) p o i n t e d out. Rather, "the gods, spirits, and demons that people the w o r l d o f the o r d i n a r y f o l k i n the lands t o w h i c h B u d d h i s m has come . . . are n o t rejected." Thus i t is v i t a l t o distinguish the orthodox or elite Buddhism f r o m popular Buddhism. True t o its founder's rejection o f super­ natural beings, elite B u d d h i s m has maintained its "Godlessness." I n contrast, popular Buddhism l o n g ago erected and began t o ven­ erate, and even pray t o , large statues o f Buddha himself ( G o m b r i c h , 1971). Also, f r o m earliest days, the bodhisattvas, a k i n d o f B u d ­ dhist saint t o w h o m one m i g h t appeal for a l l sorts o f aid, have been included i n the popular pantheon. Even so, the Buddhist pantheon never managed t o become an exclusive faith—the people continued t o recognize many other Gods and spirits, just as they continued t o patronize local shamans and magicians. T h e n , beginning i n about the fifth century, w h e n confronted w i t h a reinvigorated H i n ­ duism's supernatural beings o f immense power and scope, b o t h popular and elite B u d d h i s m failed in Indial By the seventh century, Chinese Buddhist m o n k s w h o visited India discovered that most o f the monasteries were uninhabited, the temples were deteriorating, and there were few Buddhists t o be f o u n d — " [ l ] a y devotionalism [having been] easily absorbed i n t o H i n d u i s m " (Lester, 1993:883). The last gasp came i n the eleventh century w h e n M u s l i m invaders of n o r t h e r n I n d i a destroyed the few remaining monasteries and dis­ persed the m o n k s . By 1200, " B u d d h i s m ha[d] disappeared alto­ gether f r o m I n d i a " (Parinder, 1983:286). M e a n w h i l e , o f course, B u d d h i s m had diffused t o the East. However, just as had been the case i n I n d i a , this d i d n o t involve the conversion o f the masses t o w o r s h i p an essence. A n d here t o o B u d d h i s m originated as monasticism. Indeed, according t o Eric Z u r c h e r ( [ 1 9 5 9 ] 1972:1), i n C h i n a " B u d d h i s m has always remained a doctrine o f m o n k s . " The move eastward began w i t h the f o u n d i n g o f monasteries along the busy trade route f r o m I n d i a and t o C h i n a . By about the first century, Buddhist m o n k s appeared i n C h i n a . A t first they attracted few novices and little notice, b u t then, i n the t h i r d century, the fall o f the H a n dynasty precipi47

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tated a p e r i o d o f " t r a v a i l and d i s u n i t y " (Ch'en, 1964:57) that caused widespread suffering and misery. As Parrinder (1983:285) observed: The unsettled condition in China . . . was such that people were in a receptive mood for the coming of a new religion. Even though upperclass Confucian scholars might view it with contempt, many of the Chinese masses were prepared to welcome a new teaching, especially its message of celestial bodhisattvas to whom appeal might be made for help and salvation from the ills and sorrows of this life. T h a t is, aside f r o m intensification o f a need for religious compensa­ t i o n i n bad times, conditions i n China p r o v i d e d an o p p o r t u n i t y because o f the insistent Godlessness o f Confucianism. For, by this time, the elite and p o p u l a r forms o f Buddhism were sufficiently m i x e d t o be traveling companions, offering different aspects ac­ c o r d i n g t o taste. Thus the o r t h o d o x Buddhist message, that suffer­ ing is intrinsic t o k a r m a and t o be escaped t h r o u g h enlightenment, p r o v e d especially attractive t o Chinese elites—Zurcher ([1959] 1972:4-6) referred t o the d o m i n a n t f o r m o f Chinese B u d d h i s m as "gentry B u d d h i s m " based o n "the f o r m a t i o n o f a w h o l l y new type o f Chinese intellectual élite, consisting o f cultured m o n k s . " By the start o f the seventh century China was finally reunited and pacified by the T ' a n g dynasty, whose emperors professed B u d d h i s m . But w h i l e the court pursued the o r t h o d o x f o r m o f B u d d h i s m , w h i c h acknowledged no divine beings, p o p u l a r Chinese B u d d h i s m de­ pended o n "a bewildering array o f deities" (Bowker, 1997:173). Keep i n m i n d N o c k ' s observation that new Gods enter polytheistic cultures n o t as replacements but as additions. Popular B u d d h i s m d i d n o t ask the Chinese t o change Gods b u t supplemented their current supply. This made i t easy t o become, i n some sense, a B u d ­ dhist, but equally easy t o cease t o be one. Moreover, aside f r o m the m o n k s , v i r t u a l l y no one was exclusively Buddhist. By the n i n t h century, B u d d h i s m had lost m u c h o f its i n i t i a l m o ­ m e n t u m i n China and was forced t o find a niche alongside Taoism and Confucianism. A c c o m m o d a t i o n was accomplished o n l y after a great deal o f conflict and several waves o f anti-Buddhist persecu­ t i o n , led by Confucian or Taoist state officials. I n response, d u r i n g 48

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Monumental Failure. B u d d h i s m began in India and from there swept over most of A s i a . However, it eventually died out in India w h e n confronted w i t h the vigorous G o d s of a renewed H i n d u i s m . By the thirteenth century India's m a n y Buddhist monasteries were empty ruins, like this one in the L a d a k h region. © Craig Lovell/CORBIS.

periods o f increased Buddhist influence o n the state, there were several eras o f anti-Taoist policies. Ultimately, none o f these three religions c o u l d m o b i l i z e sufficient p o l i t i c a l support t o w i n o u t . I t must be recognized t h a t these were conflicts over w e a l t h and power, n o t over religious t r u t h . The Buddhist monasteries, for ex­ ample, amassed great w e a l t h and large landholdings, thus m o t i v a ­ t i n g confiscations by the state. Moreover, each o f these three reli­ gious t r a d i t i o n s has endured i n C h i n a because none has a

religious

basis for o v e r w h e l m i n g the others. U n l i k e H i n d u i s m , a l l three began as "Godless" philosophies and were " c o r r u p t e d " by p o p u l a r demand for supernatural entities—albeit o f large n u m b e r and small scope. Thus Taoism and Confucianism lacked a G o d o f the k i n d needed t o supplant B u d d h i s m as H i n d u i s m had done i n I n d i a . Buddhist penetration o f Japan f o l l o w e d precisely the same fun­ damental p a t t e r n , except t h a t since i t entered f r o m C h i n a i t was regarded

as

"the religion o f a superior c i v i l i z a t i o n "

49

(Lester,

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1993:884). M o n k s arrived i n about the sixth century, and their philosophical ideas h a d particular appeal for the elite (Earhart, 1993:1087); before the century was o u t , the emperor himself p r o ­ fessed Buddhism i n a d d i t i o n t o Shintoism. Indeed, p o p u l a r B u d ­ dhism had m u c h i n c o m m o n w i t h Shintoism i n terms o f a large pantheon o f small Gods, and soon the t w o sets were amalgamated, although the traditions themselves have remained distinctive. Japa­ nese B u d d h i s m has been reinvigorated periodically by schisms and sect f o r m a t i o n (Collins, 1998; Earhardt, 1993, 1984). To sum up: B u d d h i s m traveled as a monastic movement that at­ tracted intellectuals. As for the public at large, elite B u d d h i s m gave an aura o f p r o f u n d i t y and legitimacy t o the " a d d - o n " collection o f small Gods included i n p o p u l a r B u d d h i s m . But B u d d h i s m h a d n o elements o f a mass movement t o save the w o r l d . I t u r n n o w t o such missions.

On Missions Devotees o f particular Gods w i t h i n a pantheon m a y recommend their favorite t o others, b u t i n the expectation o n l y that others m a y benefit f r o m this o p t i o n , n o t that they w i l l convert. Recall N o c k ' s a d m o n i t i o n that i t is inappropriate t o use the w o r d " c o n v e r s i o n " w i t h i n a polytheistic setting. To take up w i t h new Gods does n o t require that one abandon one's o l d Gods any more t h a n enjoying a new soda requires one t o cease d r i n k i n g others, let alone that one must condemn other sodas. The t e r m "conversion" is best reserved for matters o f more serious c o m m i t m e n t . Hence t o convert is to newly form an exclusive commitment to a God? As N o c k knew, conversions happen only w i t h Gods having the qualities needed t o inspire and sustain such commitments. A n d i t is people w h o believe i n One True G o d w h o w i l l undertake missions. Missions are sustained efforts to convert the rank and file. Suc­ cessful missions are n o t the w o r k o f specialized missionaries, i f for n o other reason t h a n the fact that conversion is n o t p r i m a r i l y a response t o religious teachings. People m a y be quite w i l l i n g t o t r y 50

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another G o d because i t is said t o have certain interesting powers, but this is n o t h o w they decide t o c o m m i t their fate exclusively i n t o the hands o f One G o d . Conversions are based o n social n e t w o r k s , on bonds o f trust and i n t i m a c y between those w h o believe and those w h o come t o accept their beliefs. Converts are made t h r o u g h direct, person-to-person influences—people adopt a new faith as a matter o f aligning their religiousness w i t h that o f their friends, relatives, and associates w h o have preceded t h e m i n t o the faith (Lofland and Stark, 1965; Snow and Phillips, 1980; Snow and M a chalek, 1983; Stark, 1996a; Stark and Bainbridge, 1980, 1985, [1987] 1996; Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . It follows that conversion o f the masses w i l l occur only w h e n the r a n k and file o f any religious persuasion feel impelled t o spread their f a i t h — w h e n they believe i t is their d u t y t o G o d t o proselytize. This does n o t mean that there w i l l be no full-time missionaries, or that i n i t i a l efforts t o convert a g r o u p or society w i l l n o t be made by missionaries. Often, the i n i t i a l contacts must be made by mis­ sionaries. But their efforts t o convert a lay f o l l o w i n g w i l l require that they first develop close interpersonal relationships w i t h some members o f the g r o u p t o be missionized and t h r o u g h t h e m gain access t o local social n e t w o r k s . Moreover, once these i n i t i a l attach­ ments have been made, the p r i m a r y "carriers" o f the new faith are n o longer missionaries b u t the r a n k and file, w i t h missionaries n o w l i m i t e d t o p l a y i n g roles as advisers, educators, or supervisors. For example, M o r m o n i s m arrived i n L a t i n America via A m e r i c a n mis­ sionaries. I t t o o k a generation for the missionaries t o slowly gather a local nucleus, after w h i c h conversion began t o spread r a p i d l y t h r o u g h local social networks (Stark, 1998b). Thus even i f one defines Buddhist m o n k s as missionaries, their efforts i n C h i n a d i d n o t constitute a mission, as they made no effort to convert the r a n k and file. I n contrast, ill-conceived t h o u g h i t was, Akhenaten and his followers d i d engage i n a mission. They seem n o t t o have possessed m u c h i n the w a y o f rank-and-file sup­ porters, b u t their a i m was t o force everyone to convert t o A t e n . As w i l l be seen, coercion can stifle dissent, b u t i t seldom produces heartfelt conversions. Where Akhenaten failed, Moses d i d not.

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Missions of the Jews As everyone k n o w s , the O l d Testament teaches that Israel is God's Chosen People, and that this m a y have been the first significant instance o f monotheism. I t is w e l l k n o w n , t o o , that Judaism pos­ sessed immense d u r a b i l i t y i n the face o f various episodes o f captiv­ ity and persecution and was also able t o retain the loyalty o f its adherents t h r o u g h generations o f l i v i n g i n foreign enclaves—the Jewish "diaspora" predated the first R o m a n emperor by centuries. W h a t is far less k n o w n , and sometimes denied, is that the Judaism 4

o f this era was a missionizing f a i t h — p r o b a b l y the "first great mis­ sionary r e l i g i o n " ( M o o r e , 1 9 2 7 , 1 : 3 2 4 ) . There are four m a i n bases for this claim. First, Jewish doctrines set the goal o f saving the en­ tire w o r l d . Second, b o t h Jewish and R o m a n writers testify t o exten­ sive, and often very successful, Jewish proselytism, especially i n the Greco-Roman diaspora. T h i r d , estimated g r o w t h rates o f Jewish populations, especially i n the diaspora, strongly support the as­ s u m p t i o n o f high rates o f conversion. Finally, early C h r i s t i a n w r i t ­ ers frequently reported large numbers o f converts t o Judaism. I t is w o r t h summarizing this evidence, n o t merely t o establish that the ancient Jews d i d missionize, b u t for insights i n t o h o w missionizing faiths w o r k (Bamberger, 1939; B a r o n , a l l volumes; Cohen, 1992, 1990, 1987; Derwacter, 1930; Feldman, 1993; Gager,

1983;

Georgi, 1986; G o o d m a n , 1994; G r a n t , 1973; H a r n a c k , [1908] 1962; L e o n , [1960] 1995; M c K n i g h t , 1 9 9 1 ; M o o r e , 1 9 2 7 - 1 9 3 0 ; Parkes, [1934] 1 9 6 1 ; Schàfer, 1997; S m a l l w o o d , 1981). Despite Shaye J. D . Cohen's (1987:58) r e m a r k that "the motives o f the [Jewish] mission t o the gentiles are obscure," monotheists really have little choice b u t t o missionize. One can h a r d l y condemn everyone else's religion as false and their Gods as i m a g i n a r y and yet w i t h h o l d access t o true religion and the o p p o r t u n i t y t o w o r s h i p the real G o d . O f course, elite-based i n i t i a t i o n religions, such as some gnostic groups, do w i t h h o l d access, b u t no mass monotheistic movements can. A n d , i n fact, w h i l e Scripture identifies the Jews as the Chosen People, i t also reveals Yahweh's i n t e n t i o n t o extend that o p p o r t u n i t y t o the w o r l d , as Isa. 49:6 makes clear: " I w i l l give 52

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y o u as a light t o the nations, that m y salvation m a y reach t o the end o f the earth." A n d later i n Isaiah ( 6 6 : 1 8 - 1 9 ) , G o d reveals his p l a n t o "gather a l l nations and tongues" and t o send missions " t o the coastlands far away that have n o t heard o f m y fame or seen m y glory; and they shall declare m y glory among the nations." O r Psalm 117: "Praise the L O R D , all y o u nations! E x t o l h i m , all y o u peoples!" These and similar passages inspired R a b b i Eleazar ben Pedat (ca. ?-279) t o argue that " G o d sent Israel i n t o Exile among the nations only for the purpose o f acquiring converts" ( i n Grant, 1973:61). The B o o k o f J u d i t h (14:10) reports the conversion o f an A m m o ­ nite general t o the " G o d o f Israel," and R u t h offers a poignant story o f conversion: " [ Y ] o u r people w i l l be m y people, and y o u r G o d m y G o d " (1:16), for, as Moses t o l d the m u l t i t u d e assembled at M o u n t Sinai, the L o r d ' s covenant was " n o t only w i t h y o u w h o stand here today before the L o r d our G o d , but also w i t h those w h o are n o t here w i t h us t o d a y " (Deut. 2 9 : 1 4 - 1 5 ) . Rabbinical writers have long interpreted this t o mean future converts, and include i t among those passages o f Scripture used t o justify the conclusion that "converts are dearer t o G o d t h a n b o r n Jews" (Bamberger, 1939:153). Resh L a k i s h (ca. 200-274) p u t i t thus: "The proselyte w h o converts is dearer t h a n Israel were w h e n they stood before M o u n t Sinai. W h y ? Because h a d they n o t seen the thunders and the l i g h t n i n g and the mountains q u a k i n g and the sound o f the horns, they w o u l d n o t have accepted the T o r a h . But this one [a proselyte], w h o saw none o f these things came, surrendered himself t o the H o l y One and accepted u p o n himself the K i n g d o m o f Heaven. C o u l d any be dearer t h a n he?" (in Bamberger, 1939:155). First-century Jewish writers reported that, i n keeping w i t h this theological imperative, there were missions t o the gentiles. Thus Josephus noted the widespread impact o f Judaism o n the general culture o f the diaspora: " [ T ] h e m u l t i t u d e o f m a n k i n d itself have had a great i n c l i n a t i o n for a long time t o f o l l o w our religious obser­ vances; for there is n o t any city o f the Grecians, n o r any o f the barbarians, n o r any n a t i o n whatsoever, w h i t h e r our custom o f rest­ ing o n the seventh day h a t h n o t come, and by w h i c h our fasts and lighting up the lamps, and m a n y o f our p r o h i b i t i o n s as t o f o o d , 53

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are n o t observed" (Against Apion 2.40). Indeed, a l t h o u g h m a n y gentiles converted, m a n y others i n this era adopted Jewish religious customs, frequented the synagogues, and expressed their faith i n One G o d b u t d i d n o t fully convert, being u n w i l l i n g t o adopt Jewish ethnicity (including adult circumcision). These people were k n o w n as "God-fearers," and their frequent m e n t i o n i n early C h r i s t i a n sources (see Acts) is also indicative o f the successful mission efforts by diasporan Jews (Stark, 1996a). Josephus also reported that d u r i n g the second and first centuries B . C . E . , f o l l o w i n g victories by Maccabean armies, the Jews imposed their religion u p o n the vanquished (The Antiquities of the Jews 13.15.4, also 11.3). H i s claims are confirmed by Strabo and Ptol­ emy (Cohen, 1990; Feldman, 1993). Similarly, i n Esther 9:17 i t is reported that, fearing Jewish militance, " m a n y peoples o f the coun­ t r y professed t o be Jews." Granted, such events seem t o have been u n c o m m o n , b u t so were periods o f Jewish expansionism and m i l i ­ tary power. The fact that forced conversions t o o k place at a l l re­ veals a sense o f mission lacking elsewhere at this t i m e . A l t h o u g h pagan conquerors often butchered or enslaved their defeated ene­ mies, they d i d n o t demand conversion—it being a concept i n c o n ­ gruous w i t h polytheism. Philo (ca. 20 B . C . E . - 5 0 ) , the famous A l e x a n d r i a n Jewish theolo­ gian, w r o t e at length about converts and missions t o the gentiles. He reported that m a n y converts left Egypt as part o f the Exodus (On the Life of Moses 1.27.147). L i k e Josephus, he described the widespread observance o f Jewish religious customs (ibid. 2 . 4 . 2 0 24). H e also often mentioned specific converts and praised their zeal. But o f particular importance is Philo's report that synagogue services were public, that everyone was welcome and that i t was c o m m o n for Jews t o invite gentiles t o attend (The Special Laws 2 . 1 5 . 6 2 - 6 3 ) . This was confirmed by Josephus (The Jewish War 7.44): " A l l the time they were attracting t o their w o r s h i p a great number o f Greeks, m a k i n g t h e m v i r t u a l l y members o f their o w n c o m m u n i t y . " The attendance o f Greek gentiles was facilitated by the fact that the language o f the synagogue i n the diaspora was Greek, n o t H e b r e w , and thus was comprehensible t o everyone i n Hellenistic regions and t o a l l educated Romans ( w h o more c o m 5

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m o n l y spoke Greek t h a n L a t i n ) . Indeed, Dieter Georgi (1986:89) has proposed that mission was the p r i m a r y basis for synagogue sermons: " [ T ] h e n one can understand w h y the synagogue service was open t o w a r d s pagans and w h y the latter felt they were directly addressed, for the c o n t i n u i n g dialogue w i t h paganism was then at the heart o f synagogue w o r s h i p , i n f o r m as w e l l as i n content." Greek and R o m a n writers often mentioned the success o f Jewish mission efforts. D i o Cassius (ca. 163-235) reported that the Jews "were converting m a n y o f the natives [Romans] t o their w a y s " (History 57.18.5a). H e made this comment t o explain w h y i n about 4 0 B . C . E . Emperor Tiberius ordered the Jews expelled f r o m Rome, a claim supported by Josephus, Tacitus, and Suetonius (Smallwood, 1981). This was neither the first n o r the last time Jews were expelled f r o m Rome. They were expelled again i n the reign o f Claudius, and t w o earlier edicts o f expulsion survive, one citing the Jews for i n t r o d u c i n g "their o w n rites to the Romans," the other n o t i n g their efforts t o "infect R o m a n m o r a l s " (in S m a l l w o o d , 1981:129). This led t o frequent complaints such as that o f Seneca (3 B . C . E . - 6 5 ) , about the p o p u l a r i t y o f Judaism—"the customs o f this accursed race have gained such influence that they are n o w received t h r o u g h ­ out all the w o r l d . The vanquished have given their laws to their victors" (quoted by St. Augustine, City of God 6.11). As t o the expulsion o f the Jews f r o m Rome i n the year 19, E. M a r y S m a l l w o o d (1981:208) explained that "the Jews i n Rome, together w i t h the more ardent o f their gentile converts, were driven f r o m their homes . . . because their proselytizing activities had reached dimensions at w h i c h they were regarded as a menace t o R o m a n order." Since Rome was filled w i t h temples, and new Gods were h a r d l y a novelty, w h y a l l the upset about Judaism? Because Y a h w e h was offered n o t as an a d d i t i o n t o the pantheon b u t as r e q u i r i n g its re­ n u n c i a t i o n . I t was for the crime o f "atheism" that Jews (and the Christians after them) were condemned. Tacitus (ca. 55-117) w r o t e o f "[pjroselytes t o J e w r y " that "the very first lesson they learn is t o despise the gods" (The Histories 5.5). Indeed, the R o ­ mans seem t o have been especially hostile t o w a r d converts, for u n ­ like those b o r n i n t o Judaism, converts were traitors t o their o w n

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heritage. D i o Cassius reported that several very h i g h - r a n k i n g R o ­ mans, including a cousin o f Emperor D o m i t i a n , were executed for having converted—"the charge against t h e m was atheism, a charge o n w h i c h m a n y others w h o were d r i f t i n g i n t o Jewish ways were condemned, some t o death and others t o the confiscation o f their p r o p e r t y " (History 6 7 . 1 4 . 1 - 3 ) . I n a d d i t i o n t o t e x t u a l evidence, the arithmetic o f demography testifies t o substantial conversion. A d o l f v o n H a r n a c k (18511930) pioneered this line o f analysis, as he d i d so m a n y others. Based o n the most plausible estimates o f the size and rate o f g r o w t h o f the Jewish populations i n various parts o f the diaspora and i n Palestine, H a r n a c k ([1908] 1962:8) calculated that it is utterly impossible to explain the large total of Jews in the Dias­ pora by the mere fact of the fertility of Jewish families. We must assume, I imagine, that a very large number of pagans . . . trooped over to Yahweh . . . N o w i f Judaism was actually so vigorous throughout the empire as to embrace about seven per cent, of the total population [of the empire] under Augustus, one begins to realize its great influence and social importance. A n d in order to compre­ hend the . . . [rise] of Christianity, it is quite essential to understand that the religion under whose "shadow" it made its way out into the world, not merely contained elements of vital significance but had expanded till it embraced a considerable proportion of the world's population. 6

M o r e recent estimates o f the size o f the Jewish p o p u l a t i o n substan­ tially exceed H a r n a c k ' s , thereby increasing the strength o f his con­ clusions (Georgi, 1986). Finally, many early Christian sources report vigorous Jewish mis­ sion efforts, note the large numbers o f converts and near converts (God-fearers) i n attendance at the synagogues, and often p o r t r a y the Jews as serious competitors t o C h r i s t i a n missions. I n M a t t . 23:15, Jesus is quoted as saying that "scribes and Pharisees" w i l l "cross sea and l a n d t o make a single convert." Acts 2:5 notes the existence o f "devout Jews f r o m every n a t i o n under heaven" and notes that among "visitors f r o m R o m e " t o Jerusalem are " b o t h Jews and proselytes" (converts t o Judaism). Acts 13:43 tells us, 56

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" W h e n the meeting o f the synagogue [ i n A n t i o c h ] broke up, m a n y Jews and devout converts t o Judaism f o l l o w e d Paul and Barnabus, w h o spoke t o t h e m and urged t h e m t o continue i n the grace o f God." Before concluding this section, I must deal w i t h several credible arguments that have recently been made against there having been any substantial rates o f conversion t o Judaism i n antiquity. The first of these is based o n genetic evidence. I n response t o an early draft o f this chapter, E l i Berman suggested that genetic diseases afflicting Jews almost exclusively demonstrate that very little con­ version t o Judaism c o u l d have taken place. The c l a i m that Jews have long constituted a relatively closed genetic p o o l is further strengthened by the very recent discovery o f a characteristic genetic "signature" f o u n d o n l y i n the D N A sequences o f the Y c h r o m o ­ somes o f some Jewish men. A r o u n d 5 percent o f a l l Jewish men (both Ashkenazi and Sephardic) have this signature, and about 50 percent o f those claiming t o be cohanim—the priestly "class" de­ scended f r o m Aaron—have i t (Skorecki et al., 1997; Thomas et al., 1998) . Calculations dating the original m u t a t i o n that produced the D N A signature (based o n its spread t h r o u g h the generations) sug­ gest that i t occurred nearly three thousand years ago, w h i c h c o u l d be interpreted as s h o w i n g that Jews have taken i n very few outsid­ ers since that t i m e . T h e n came an astonishing discovery (Wade, 1999) . Anthropologists have long k n o w n that the Lemba—a Bantuspeaking tribe l i v i n g i n southern A f r i c a — c l a i m t o be Jewish. They practice circumcision, do n o t eat p o r k , and observe the Sabbath. Their traditions tell o f their having come south f r o m a city called Senna i n E t h i o p i a f o l l o w i n g a flood that destroyed their homes. However, given the long history o f misguided, false, or occult claims concerning " L o s t Tribes o f Israel," these traditions were dis­ missed as m y t h i c a l . T h a t began t o change w h e n , ten years ago, T u d o r Parfitt, director o f the Center for Jewish Studies at the School o f O r i e n t a l and A f r i c a n Studies i n L o n d o n , discovered the existence o f a r u i n e d city i n E t h i o p i a that was once called Senna and was destroyed by a flood about a thousand years ago (Kaplan, Parfitt, and Semi, 1995; Parfitt and Semi, 1999). Still, Parfitt's find57

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ings were given little credence u n t i l the sensational announce­ ment by O x f o r d ' s D a v i d Goldstein i n 1999 that Lemba men pos­ sess the Jewish genetic signature as frequently as do other Jewish populations! Moreover, more t h a n 50 percent o f the members o f the Lemba's hereditary priestly clan have i t , i n d i c a t i n g that they t o o are cohanim. Given that the Lemba are otherwise physically indistinguishable f r o m other black Africans, i t is evident that a sub­ stantial a m o u n t o f conversion is compatible w i t h the genetics o f Judaism. A second attempt t o m i n i m i z e the mission o r i e n t a t i o n o f Jews i n the Greco-Roman diaspora is based o n the i n a b i l i t y o f several scholars t o identify "professional Jewish missionaries" ( G o o d m a n , 1994; Cohen, 1992). Cohen (1992:16) claimed that none o f the "priests o f the t e m p l e " or "rabbis o f the M i s h n a h and T a l m u d , none o f t h e m , as far as is k n o w n , organized missions t o the Gen­ tiles." Cohen then quotes Salo B a r o n (1952, 1:173), w h o was also bothered by this observation and met i t by arguing that " [ a l t h o u g h there were n o t professional missionaries," the evidence o f substan­ t i a l conversion requires us t o assume that "[tjhere must have been Jews among the itinerant preachers and rhetoricians w h o voyaged f r o m city t o city." Cohen is correct t o dismiss "must have been" statements as evidence. But he misses the m a i n p o i n t as completely as B a r o n d i d , w h e n he cites (ibid.: 17) the absence o f professional missionaries as a telling p o i n t against "the standard scholarly v i e w " that ancient Judaism was a mission religion. M i s s i o n religions m a y or m a y n o t employ professional mission­ aries. W h a t makes a religion a mission religion is the involvement o f rank-and-file members i n proselytizing their family, friends, neighbors, and associates. As M a x Weber w r o t e i n the first sen­ tence o f the section titled "Proselytism i n the D i a s p o r a " o f his clas­ sic Ancient Judaism ( [ 1 9 1 7 - 1 9 1 9 ] 1952:418), "Jewish [prosely­ t i s m ] , like early C h r i s t i a n o f post-apostolic times, advanced t h r o u g h v o l u n t a r y and private endeavor, n o t t h r o u g h official au­ thorities." A n example can be f o u n d i n Josephus (Antiquities of the Jews 20.2.3), w h o reported that "a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Ananias, got amongst the w o m e n that belonged t o the k i n g [ o f Adiabene], and taught t h e m t o w o r s h i p G o d ac7

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c o r d i n g t o the Jewish r e l i g i o n , " w h i c h led t o the conversion o f the k i n g and the entire r o y a l family. This account notes that, i n addi­ t i o n t o Ananias, t w o other Jews were involved i n proselytizing the r o y a l family, and there is n o h i n t that either o f t h e m was a profes­ sional missionary either. Rather, the appropriate m o d e r n parallel is w i t h efforts by i n d i v i d u a l evangelical Protestants t o witness t o those a r o u n d t h e m . O f course, n o t a l l religions w i l l spread equally w e l l t h r o u g h so­ cial networks. Clearly, monotheism enjoys an immense advantage i n this regard. A n d M a x Weber clearly k n e w w h y . W r i t i n g about the success o f Jewish proselytism ( [ 1 9 1 7 - 1 9 1 9 ] 1952:420), he identified the appeal o f Judaism as t w o f o l d : "the p u r i t y o f the ethic and the p o w e r o f the conception o f G o d . " Yahweh was presented as a conscious, responsive, g o o d , m o r a l l y concerned being o f u n ­ l i m i t e d p o w e r and scope. A n d then Paul asked, Is God the God of the Jews only? Is he not the God of the Gentiles also? Yes, of the Gentiles also, since God is one . . . ( R o m . 3:29).

Early Christian Missions The first mission efforts by the early Christians f o l l o w e d a pattern already w e l l defined by generations o f Jewish proselytism. Being themselves Jews, and regarding theirs as a legitimately Jewish movement, the first Christians d i d n o t h i n g innovative by seeking converts beyond the ethnic boundaries o f Judaism. The o n l y t h i n g novel about Paul's proposals concerning the mission t o the gentiles was that converts c o u l d become Christians w i t h o u t first becoming Jews. Therein lay the decisive difference. W h a t C h r i s t i a n i t y offered the w o r l d was monotheism stripped o f ethnic encumbrances. Peo­ ple o f all nations c o u l d embrace the One True G o d w h i l e remaining people o f a l l nations. I t is necessary t o examine early Christian missions apart f r o m their later mission efforts because soon after the conversion o f C o n stantine there came more t h a n a m i l l e n n i u m d u r i n g w h i c h Chris­ tians no longer sustained missions, their efforts subsiding i n t o little 59

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more t h a n the spread o f monastic movements and the baptism o f kings. Indeed, far more can be learned f r o m the demise and subse­ quent r e b i r t h o f C h r i s t i a n missions t h a n f r o m the obvious fact that i n i t i a l l y Christians set o u t t o save the w o r l d . Weren't Paul and Barnabus, and the other apostles w h o left Pal­ estine t o seek converts t h r o u g h o u t the empire, professional mis­ sionaries? Yes. But unlike Buddhist m o n k s , their a i m was n o t t o recruit other full-time devotees b u t t o enlist the masses t o an exclu­ sive and extended c o m m i t m e n t . F r o m very early o n i t is clear that the apostles saw their role n o t as a settled clergy but as advisers t o a n e t w o r k o f local congregations that were r u n by and recruited by local, part-time amateurs. N o r can the early Christians be confused w i t h i n i t i a t i o n cults based o n arcane w i s d o m , like some o f the socalled gnostic groups (Williams, 1996). L i k e the synagogues, Chris­ t i a n gatherings were open, except for brief times o f intense persecu­ t i o n , w h i c h were far rarer and usually far less intense t h a n has been believed (Frend, 1965, 1984). Indeed, we k n o w so m u c h o f w h a t w e n t o n i n early days because the apostles were n o t secretive, n o r d i d they settle d o w n t o r u n a local mission somewhere. Instead, they traveled f r o m congregation t o congregation and w r o t e letters t o offer advice, theological clarification, and m o r a l e x h o r t a t i o n t o the scattered groups. The most plausible curve o f the first three centuries o f C h r i s t i a n g r o w t h is entirely consistent w i t h conversion's having occurred as a n e t w o r k phenomenon, the faith's having spread t h r o u g h ties o f family and friendship (Stark, 1996a). The movement began w i t h perhaps n o more t h a n a thousand converts i n the year 4 0 ; three centuries later more t h a n half o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f the empire (per­ haps as m a n y as thirty-three m i l l i o n people) had become Chris­ tians. This result can be a t t r i b u t e d t o the w o r k o f missionaries only i f w e recognize a universal mission o n the part o f a l l believers. I have pursued this matter at great length i n m y b o o k o n the rise o f Christianity (1996a). T h e n , just as the wave o f C h r i s t i a n g r o w t h was reaching t i d a l p r o p o r t i o n s , along came Constantine. Very soon thereafter the Christian mission subsided. 60

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The Collapse of Christian Missions For far t o o l o n g , historians have accepted the c l a i m that the conver­ sion o f Emperor Constantine (ca. 285-337) caused the t r i u m p h o f Christianity. I n fact, Constantine's conversion was, i n part, the re­ sponse o f a politically astute m a n t o w h a t was soon t o be an accom­ plished fact—the exponential wave o f Christian g r o w t h had gath­ ered immense height and weight by the time Constantine contended for the throne (Drake, 2000; Stark, 1996a). However, despite a cen­ t u r y o f ill-founded skepticism (Burckhardt, [1860] 1949), there is no reason t o doubt the authenticity o f his conversion (Drake, 2000; Fletcher, 1997). To the contrary, Christianity m i g h t have been far better served had Constantine's faith been pretended. For, i n doing his best to serve Christianity, Constantine destroyed its most vital aspect: its dependence on mass volunteerism. A l t h o u g h there is n o t h i n g factually revisionist i n w h a t follows, many contours are novel. Therefore, i t w i l l be useful t o begin w i t h an overview. F r o m a popular mass movement, supported by member dona­ tions and r u n by amateurs and p o o r l y p a i d clergy, under C o n ­ stantine Christianity was transformed i n t o an elite organization, lavishly funded by the state, and bestowing w e a l t h and power o n the clergy. Thereupon, church offices became h i g h l y sought by well-connected men, whose appointments greatly reduced the aver­ age Christian leader's level o f dedication. Subsequently, the task o f completing the Christianization o f the empire shifted f r o m persua­ sion t o coercion: laws against pagan practice, confiscation o f pagan temples and property, and the use o f the r a p i d l y expanding monas­ tic Christianity to provide shock troops t o stamp o u t the last ves­ tiges o f n o n c o n f o r m i t y — i n c l u d i n g a variety o f Christian heresies. As for t a k i n g the G o o d N e w s t o the "barbarians" beyond the bor­ ders o f the empire, the new leadership sneered at the mere idea o f attempting t o do so; meanwhile, the means t o do so—the missionizing spirit o f the r a n k and file—had been a l l o w e d t o decay. After the fall o f Rome, there was renewed interest i n spreading Christian­ ity—especially t o the p o w e r f u l new " b a r b a r i a n " kingdoms. This

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task was delegated t o professional missionaries, t o Christian m o n k s w h o journeyed i n t o n o n - C h r i s t i a n territories just as Bud­ dhist monks had traveled t o China and Japan, and w i t h precisely the same failure t o convert the masses. But, also as i n the case o f Buddhist monks i n China and Japan, these efforts were quite suc­ cessful among the r u l i n g elites. H a v i n g baptized a k i n g and his court, the Christian missionaries consigned the task o f converting the public m a i n l y t o coercive efforts by the nobility. I n the end, i t is d o u b t f u l that the masses i n northwestern Europe, and especially i n Scandinavia, were ever t r u l y converted. N o w for the details.

The Christian

Establishment

Constantine d i d n o t make Christianity the official religion o f the R o m a n Empire, nor d i d he ban paganism. T h a t came later. C o n stantine's " f a v o r " was his decision t o divert t o the Christians the massive state funding o n w h i c h the pagan temples had always de­ pended. Overnight, Christianity became "the most-favoured recipi­ ent o f the near-limitless resources o f i m p e r i a l f a v o u r " (Fletcher, 1997:19). A faith that had been meeting i n humble structures was suddenly housed i n magnificent public buildings—the new church o f St. Peter built by Constantine i n Rome was modeled o n the basilican f o r m used for i m p e r i a l throne halls. A clergy recruited f r o m the people and modestly sustained by member contributions suddenly gained immense power, status, and w e a l t h as part o f the i m p e r i a l civil service. Consequently, i n the w o r d s o f R i c h a r d Fletcher (1997:38), the "privileges and exemptions granted the Christian clergy precipitated a stampede i n t o the priesthood." Because Chris­ t i a n offices had become another f o r m o f i m p e r i a l preferment, i t was the sons o f the aristocracy w h o usually w o n the race. M a n y contemporary accounts m e n t i o n an extensive traffic i n bishoprics, including payment o f huge bribes. As early as the C o u n c i l o f Sardica (341), church leaders promulgated rules against o r d a i n i n g men i n t o the priesthood u p o n their appointment t o bishop, r e q u i r i n g that bishops have previous service i n l o w e r clerical office. These rules were m a i n l y ignored or were circumvented by a candidate's being rushed t h r o u g h o r d i n a t i o n and a series o f lower clerical ranks 62

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i n a week or t w o p r i o r t o his becoming a bishop (Johnson, 1976). This d i d n o t always result i n the elevation o f an impious o p p o r t u n ­ ist—St. Ambrose w e n t f r o m baptism, t h r o u g h o r d i n a t i o n and the clerical ranks, and then was consecrated a bishop, all i n eight days! But the overall result was a very w o r l d l y , political, and l u x u r y - l o v ­ ing church hierarchy—as Eusebius (ca. 260-339) acknowledged i n his unfinished Life of Constantine, wherein he noted the "hypocrisy o f people w h o crept i n t o the c h u r c h " i n pursuit o f favor. Constantine's lavish support o f Christianity came at the expense of paganism. U n l i k e Christianity, the pagan temples were t o p d o w n rather t h a n b o t t o m - u p organizations i n that they were con­ structed and sustained by state funding and by gifts f r o m a few very r i c h benefactors. Thus w h i l e Christianity had done very w e l l w i t h o u t state or aristocratic support, paganism collapsed rapidly w i t h o u t i t (Bagnall, 1993; M a c M u l l e n , 1984; Stark, 1996a). N e v ­ ertheless, t h r o u g h o u t the f o u r t h century many temples d i d survive, and C h r i s t i a n i t y coexisted w i t h m a n y other faiths. H a d the church been weaker, and especially had i t n o t gained such a potent role i n secular politics, the result m i g h t have been a relatively stable p l u r a l i s m , expanded periodically by the f o r m a t i o n o f new brands o f C h r i s t i a n i t y (see D r a k e , 2 0 0 0 ) . Instead, w i t h the exception o f Judaism, all other religions, including a l l new or less p o w e r f u l brands o f Christianity, were soon suppressed. A t first, C h r i s t i a n attacks o n "false" religions were merely con­ doned by the state; i t was Christian activists w h o d i d the d i r t y w o r k . I n particular, the r a p i d g r o w t h o f monasticism p r o v i d e d local church officials w i t h ardent gangs t o send against their oppo­ nents. Thus d i d the pagan poet Libanus c o m p l a i n t o the emperor Theodosius i n 390: " Y o u d i d n o t order the temples t o be closed, but the men i n black [monks] attack the temples w i t h stones, poles and i r o n crowbars, or even their bare hands and feet. T h e n the roofs are k n o c k e d i n and the walls levelled t o the g r o u n d , the stat­ ues are overturned and the altars demolished. The temple priests must suffer i n silence or die" (in Johnson, 1976:97). O f course, pagans often responded w i t h force and violence t o o . There were riots and street fighting i n A l e x a n d r i a , where a bishop was m u r ­ dered i n 356, w h i l e i n Syria another bishop was lynched by a pagan 63

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m o b f o l l o w i n g the destruction o f a temple ( M a c M u l l e n , 1984:91). However, as their numbers d w i n d l e d , pagans were increasingly the victims o f Christian t e r r o r i s m . T h e n , t o w a r d the end o f the f o u r t h century, even the h o l l o w state policies o f religious t o l e r a t i o n came t o an end. M a n y statutes were enacted against religious nonconfor­ mity, and the state officially assumed responsibility for their en­ forcement. Finally, i n 4 0 7 , i t was proclaimed that i f any pagan i m ­ ages remained, "they shall be t o r n f r o m their foundations," a l l pagan altars "shall be destroyed i n a l l places," and any remaining temples and shrines were t o be confiscated " f o r public use" (in M a c M u l l e n , 1984:101). This edict was no more t h a n a "cleanup" measure, as by then paganism had been driven out o f public expres­ sion—at least w i t h i n the cities o f the empire. However, pagans were n o t the only, or even often the p r i m a r y , targets o f official religious coercion. Rather, by the end o f the f o u r t h century and t h r o u g h o u t the fifth, Christian heretics were the m a i n target, often being the victims o f atrocities. Augustine (Epistle 1 8 5 . 2 7 - 3 0 , also 51.3 and 88.6) reported that many D o n a t i s t bish­ ops and priests were blinded or had their hands and tongues cut off. Constantine himself had issued an edict that anyone possessing any o f the w r i t i n g s o f A r i u s , and w h o d i d n o t t u r n t h e m i n i m m e d i ­ ately, w o u l d be condemned t o death. I n 392 the death penalty was imposed i n some eastern provinces o n anyone w h o celebrated Eas­ ter o n the w r o n g day o f the year ( M a c M u l l e n , 1984). Indeed, more often t h a n they attacked pagans, gangs o f Christian m o n k s were dispatched t o beat up Christian "heretics" and t o threaten opposi­ t i o n factions at church councils. Thus "unscrupulous b i s h o p [ s ] " often t o o k bands o f m o n k s " t o church councils t o b u l l y hostile delegates and t r y t o influence the o u t c o m e " — a n d fatalities often resulted (Johnson, 1976:94). Thus d u r i n g the fifth century i t was firmly and fiercely estab­ lished by l a w and custom that everyone w o u l d w o r s h i p the One True G o d i n precisely the prescribed manner. But n o t really everyone. The n o n c o n f o r m i t y o f the Jews was generally tolerated, i f h i g h l y circumscribed, as w i l l be examined i n depth i n Chapter 3. A n d some others were ignored as beneath salvation. 64

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Initially, Christians had considerable doubts about converting the r u r a l peasantry—the w o r d pagan is, i n fact, simply a f o r m o f the L a t i n w o r d for " r u s t i c " or " c o u n t r y person" (paganus). Shar­ ing the prevalent v i e w o f city-dwelling Romans (since early Chris­ t i a n i t y was an u r b a n movement), the Christians regarded c o u n t r y people as subhuman brutes. Thus "the countryside simply d i d n o t exist as a zone for missionary enterprise. After a l l , there was n o t h ­ ing i n the N e w Testament about spreading the W o r d t o the beasts of the field" (Fletcher, 1997:16). Soon, however, the p r o x i m i t y o f c o u n t r y f o l k p r o m p t e d efforts t o lift t h e m out o f paganism, and the landed aristocrats were given the duty t o do so, even i f they needed t o resort to force. As M a x imus, bishop o f T u r i n , p u t i t i n a sermon: " Y o u should remove all p o l l u t i o n o f idols f r o m y o u r properties and cast out the w h o l e error of paganism f r o m y o u r fields . . . whoever k n o w s that sacrilege takes place o n his estate and does n o t f o r b i d i t , i n a sense orders i t " (reprinted i n H i l l g a r t h , 1986:55). But barbarians—everyone l i v i n g beyond the frontiers o f the em­ pire—were another matter. Educated Romans regarded them as incapable o f even grasping, let alone adhering t o , Christianity. St. Jerome dismissed Germans as cannibals. Even St. Augustine c o u l d n o t see any p o i n t i n missions beyond the empire. Consequently, according t o E. A . T h o m p s o n (1966:xvii), " [ t ] h r o u g h o u t the w h o l e period o f the R o m a n empire n o t a single example is k n o w n o f a m a n w h o was appointed bishop w i t h the specific task o f going be­ y o n d the frontier t o a w h o l l y pagan region i n order t o convert the barbarians l i v i n g there." Nevertheless, i n the f o u r t h century the "center o f the w o r l d " began t o shift n o r t h w a r d i n response t o the increasing pressures imposed o n the empire by these same barbarians. Indeed, Rome had been abandoned by the emperors l o n g before i t was sacked by the Vandals: " N o emperor lived i n Rome after the early f o u r t h century A.D.; indeed after the reign o f Constantine ( 3 0 6 - 3 3 7 ) there were o n l y t w o i m p e r i a l visits t o the city i n the course o f the f o u r t h century" (Beard, N o r t h , and Price, 1998:364). But even t h o u g h the emperors massed their legions i n the n o r t h t o defend their frontiers, it was t o n o avail. A n d as Germans overwhelmed the empire, Rome 65

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was reduced t o the status o f a p r o v i n c i a l city—distant f r o m the Germanic p o w e r centers t o the n o r t h and f r o m the new i m p e r i a l capital o f Constantinople t o the east. The fall o f Rome opened the eyes o f churchmen t o the need t o convert the w i d e r w o r l d or t o once again become just another faith a m o n g m a n y (Fletcher, 1997; R o b i n s o n , 1917). A t first these efforts were directed entirely t o those barbarians w h o t o o k over and settled major areas w i t h i n the empire—Burgundians, Ostro­ goths, Visigoths, and then the Sueves and the Vandals. Obviously, these barbarian invaders d i d n o t arrive t o t a l l y ignorant o f Chris­ tianity. Prior t o this time there h a d been, significant diffusion, or w h a t Fletcher (1997:229) called "seepage," o f C h r i s t i a n i t y across the frontiers. Moreover, the barbarian invaders were as impressed by the religion o f Rome as they were by its buildings a n d other c u l t u r a l achievements, and were rather easy t o c o n v e r t — a l t h o u g h t h a t often involved merely agreement by leaders t o observe the C h r i s t i a n m o n o p o l y o n public practice, and i t is n o t at a l l clear w h e n Christianization extended beyond the elites, or i f i t ever really d i d so. Soon, however, p o w e r shifted f r o m i m m i g r a n t barbarian groups t o the new barbarian k i n g d o m s t o the n o r t h . To make C h r i s t i a n i t y secure i n these circles, more t h a n seepage was needed. Thus m o n k s were sent f o r t h as professional missionaries.

Missionary Monks and the Barbarians Asceticism is a universal religious current, having a m a r k e d "sur­ v i v a l benefit" i n the e v o l u t i o n o f religious culture. As I have dis­ cussed at some length elsewhere (Stark, 1996a, 1999a; Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ; Stark and Iannaccone, 1993), ascetics always have an immense competitive advantage i n terms o f credibility, vis-à-vis other religious leaders. They appear t o have very little t o gain, and m u c h t o lose, t h r o u g h their c o m m i t m e n t . W h o c o u l d be more cred­ ible t h a n someone advocating a faith w h o n o t o n l y has n o apparent material motives for d o i n g so b u t is p a y i n g a h i g h price i n terms o f personal sacrifices t o do so? Thus ascetics are t o be f o u n d i n m a n y polytheisms and even i n response t o divine essences—recall the 66

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credibility o f Buddhist m o n k s , especially o f those w h o had o b v i ­ ously renounced a life o f relative privilege t o pursue enlightenment. But i t is m o n o t h e i s m that seems capable o f inspiring and sustaining the most intense, even extreme forms o f asceticism. A n c i e n t Juda­ ism abounded i n ascetic communities such as the Essenes, w h o ob­ served m a n y forms o f abstinence, performed demanding r i t u a l o b l i ­ gations, and often endured severe physical regimes. F r o m the start, the ascetic strain was strong i n Christianity (Fletcher, 1997; H a n n a h , 1924; Hickey, 1987; Johnson, 1976; Knowles, 1969; M a y r - H a r t i n g , 1993; Smith, 1892). By the m i d d l e o f the t h i r d century, monastic communities had been established i n Egypt, whence they crossed the Mediterranean. By the f o u r t h cen­ tury, Christian monasticism was widespread t h r o u g h o u t the em­ pire, and tens o f thousands o f people were involved i n an extensive and expanding n e t w o r k o f monasteries, each housing dedicated and déployable servants o f the faith. I have already noted h o w these servants were often sent t o attack pagans and heretics i n the f o u r t h and fifth centuries. But as the need arose, they were also available t o go f o r t h t o missionize and t o baptize barbarian kings. I t is i m p o r t a n t t o recognize that missions often require the use o f professionals w h e n the spread o f a faith confronts social b o u n d ­ aries. Since conversion is a n e t w o r k phenomenon, faith ceases t o spread w h e n n e t w o r k s attenuate. This often occurs at the b o u n d ­ aries o f very distinctive subgroups w i t h i n a society—ethnic groups or castes, for example—and i t is typical at the boundaries between societies. Sometimes these boundaries are overcome i f conditions o f trade or resettlement b r i n g ardent amateur missionizers i n t o a p o s i t i o n t o f o r m n e t w o r k bonds t o members o f the g r o u p t o be missionized—as the success o f Jewish proselytism i n the diaspora illustrates. B u t w h e n such special conditions do n o t exist, then i t is necessary t o launch a mission via professionals. As has been men­ tioned, the success o f professionals depends u p o n a two-step p r o ­ cess. First, social bonds must be b u i l t between the missionaries and some members o f the target society, and these attachments must result i n conversions. Second, these i n i t i a l converts must missionize others, spreading the faith t h r o u g h their n e t w o r k s . Thus the u l t i ­ mate success o f a mission depends i n p a r t o n with whom the mis67

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sionaries f o r m their i n i t i a l social bonds—whether t o the general public, t o a special subgroup or caste, or t o a social elite. I n the first case, because the missionaries b u i l d bonds t o rank-and-file members o f the target society (or g r o u p ) , w h e n these people begin t o spread the new faith t h r o u g h their o w n social n e t w o r k s , the result is the conversion o f the masses. But, at least initially, mass conversion does n o t result w h e n missionizing is restricted t o a par­ ticular subgroup or caste. I n the t h i r d case, w h e n the missionaries focus o n social elites i n the target society, subsequent conversion o f the masses is quite problematic. As for efforts t o Christianize the barbarians, the i n i t i a l focus was o n the conversion o f elites; as I a n H a n n a h (1924:178) acknowledged, the m o n k s addressed "themselves i n the first place t o k i n g s . " F r o m the start, Christian m o n k s had many advantages i n their missions t o the barbarians. Foremost was the fact that most o f t h e m were sincere ascetics. They had entered the church n o t i n pur­ suit o f power and glory but t o serve G o d . Their obvious sincerity and their austere lifestyles led m a n y t o believe that, just as Buddhist m o n k s were regarded as H o l y M e n by the non-Buddhist populace, Christian m o n k s possessed magical and curative powers—even posthumously ( M a y r - H a r t i n g , 1993). A n o t h e r advantage was that missionary monks began w i t h "ad­ vanced bases" w i t h i n the barbarian hinterlands. Some o f these consisted o f scattered R o m a n communities established d u r i n g the imperial era that had already been substantially Christianized— some even had bishops. M o r e i m p o r t a n t were the n e t w o r k s o f monasteries that had been extended i n t o pagan territories just as the string o f Buddhist monasteries had crossed the mountains i n t o China. As early as the f o u r t h century, monastic communities had been established i n G a u l , i n c l u d i n g a major complex at Tours. T h a t same century St. Athanasius (ca. 297-373) crossed the Rhine t o establish a monastic c o m m u n i t y at Trier, i n a solidly Germanic pagan region. Athanasius was soon f o l l o w e d by other monastics, and by the eighth century major monasteries flourished i n pagan surroundings at Fulda, Eichstàtt, Utrecht, Echternach, W u r z b u r g , Constance, Salzburg, Freising, and St. G a l l . M e a n w h i l e , British Christian missionaries were active o n the Frisian coast (many E u r o 68

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pean monasteries were founded by m o n k s f r o m B r i t a i n and Ire­ land). The monasteries were closely l i n k e d , and m o n k s traveled back and f o r t h frequently, just as Buddhist m o n k s traveled the Asian trade routes. Also like the Buddhists, C h r i s t i a n monasticism was able t o support itself locally f r o m donations and t o acquire lands, and even t o recruit novices f r o m among the local pagans. A major difference was that, unlike Buddhist m o n k s , w h o were fo­ cused o n their o w n enlightenment and recognized n o divine mis­ sion, the C h r i s t i a n m o n k s felt a p r o f o u n d responsibility t o spread their faith. But, again like the Buddhists, their success tended t o be restricted t o barbarian elites. I n dealing w i t h elites, the missionary m o n k s h a d the advantage o f being educated men. U n l i k e o r t h o d o x Christian monastics i n the East, monasticism i n the West stressed literacy, and m o n k s tended t o be recruited f r o m the privileged classes (Hickey, 1987; Johnson, 1976; K n o w l e s , 1969; M a y r - H a r t i n g , 1993). Consequently, they possessed w h a t their barbarian hosts recognized t o be superior cul­ ture, enabling t h e m t o provide all manner o f sound advice and i n ­ struction, thereby gaining credibility for their religious convictions. Moreover, they represented a religion that was k n o w n t o c o m m a n d the allegiance o f the n o b i l i t y i n many other nearby k i n g d o m s . But I believe that the greatest advantage possessed by the missionary m o n k s was that they presented a far more plausible and valuable image o f divinity. Theirs was no G o d or Goddess o f here or there, or o f this or that, but was the awesome, o m n i p o t e n t Jehovah. Bar­ barian elites f o u n d this image o f G o d very m u c h t o their l i k i n g — a K i n g o f Kings. Still, the conversion even o f Europe's barbarian elites t o o k m a n y centuries. The i n i t i a l target o f missionary m o n k s was the expanding and p o w e r f u l k i n g d o m o f the Franks, occupying most o f G a u l . Late i n the fifth century the great Frankish k i n g Clovis (ca. 466-511) converted t o Christianity, undergoing public baptism i n his capital city o f Rheims. The story o f his conversion has come d o w n t o us i n an account by St. Gregory o f Tours (538-594) i n his History of the Franks ( 2 . 2 0 - 2 2 ) . W r i t t e n nearly a century after the event, Gregory's report was p r o b a b l y based m a i n l y o n the Life of St. Remigius, w h o was the bishop w h o supervised Clovis' conversion, 69

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and o n o r a l traditions (James, 1988). Moreover, as t o l d by Greg­ ory, several o f the most significant aspects resemble the conversion o f Constantine, and, i n its general contours, the story greatly re­ sembles m a n y subsequent accounts o f the conversion o f medieval kings. Historians usually suggest t h a t similarities such as these dis­ credit a l l o f the accounts as " f i c t i o n a l i z e d " according t o a literary f o r m u l a or topos. However, as A l b e r t Baumgarten (1997:52) p u t it, t o p o i "derive their p o w e r because they describe a usual experi­ ence." Indeed, I see historical t r u t h i n the similarities across conversion accounts—they are similar because the behavior they r e p o r t conforms t o well-established principles and precedents. Be­ fore these are identified, i t w i l l be useful t o recount the conversion of Clovis. I t was t h r o u g h his w i f e , C l o t i l d e , t h a t Clovis was l i n k e d t o Chris­ tianity. The o r i g i n o f her conversion was n o t reported, b u t there already was an island o f Christians i n Rheims, and we must assume t h a t the monks h a d been busy instructing n o b l e w o m e n . As the story begins, C l o t i l d e is pushing Clovis t o convert, b u t "the king's m i n d was nowise m o v e d t o w a r d belief." B u t she keeps at i t — " t h e queen w i t h o u t ceasing urged the k i n g t o confess the true G o d , and forsake his idols; b u t i n n o wise c o u l d she move h i m t o this belief, u n t i l at length he made w a r u p o n a t i m e against the A l a m a n n i . " D u r i n g the battle everything goes w r o n g , and Clovis finds himself "being swept t o utter r u i n . " As a last resort, Clovis prays t o the C h r i s t i a n G o d for a i d , promises t o be baptized, and goes o n t o victory. N o w he has p r o o f that this C h r i s t i a n G o d is the real t h i n g . Even so, once secure i n his victory, Clovis procrastinates. But C l o ­ tilde w i l l have none o f i t and arranges for the local bishop t o i n ­ struct h i m . This is done i n secrecy because Clovis is fearful that the Frankish n o b i l i t y w i l l t u r n against h i m i f he forsakes the ancestral Gods—"the people that f o l l o w e t h me w i l l n o t suffer i t t h a t I for­ sake their gods." B u t this is n o t the case. W h e n Clovis announces his decision t o be baptized, m a n y members o f the c o u r t p r o c l a i m t h a t they w i l l do so t o o . Immediately u p o n the p u b l i c baptism o f K i n g Clovis, three thousand o f his armed followers are also bap­ tized. B u t about the C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n o f the several m i l l i o n o r d i n a r y Franks, n o t a w o r d is said. 70

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The Winning Prayer. K i n g C l o v i s w a s losing the battle w i t h the A l a m a n n i w h e n he prayed to the C h r i s t i a n G o d for victory, promising to be baptized. © Bettmann/CORBIS.

Gregory's account includes six basic elements that occur again a n d again i n medieval accounts o f missions t o pagan societies. Each is consistent w i t h social science as w e l l as g o o d sense. First, profes­ sional missionaries establish a local base. Someone must b r i n g the faith. Second, the i n i t i a l converts are female members o f the elite. The men are reached t h r o u g h their wives, mistresses, sisters, m o t h ­ ers, a n d daughters w h o proselytize a n d arrange for missionaries t o instruct the men. There is a solid social scientific literature o n the extreme overrepresentation o f w o m e n i n n e w religious movements (Stark, 2 0 0 0 ) . T h i r d , the men tend t o resist, often fearing negative responses f r o m their peers a n d followers. Even kings are reluctant t o risk offending their aristocratic allies a n d supporters. F o u r t h , their resistance is overcome w h e n a perceived " m i r a c l e " convinces t h e m t h a t C h r i s t i a n i t y is true. T h i s is entirely consistent w i t h the t r a d i t i o n o f " f o x h o l e " conversions. Keep i n m i n d , t o o , t h a t any k i n g whose emergency prayers f o r v i c t o r y w e n t unanswered is u n ­ likely t o have survived t o leave a record o f the failure. Since medi­ eval kings engaged i n chronic warfare, the spread o f C h r i s t i a n i t y

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a m o n g t h e m c o u l d easily have depended u p o n " m i r a c u l o u s " victo­ ries. Fifth, u p o n the baptism o f the head o f an elite household, the other members o f the household usually convert t o o (or appear t o do so), and, i n the case o f the conversion o f the k i n g , most o f the c o u r t follows suit. Keep i n m i n d that preferment depended u p o n the king's pleasure. Sixth, n o t h i n g is done t o missionize the general public. W h y ? Perhaps because i t was assumed that they w o u l d have n o choice b u t t o f o l l o w the example set by the elite. B u t i t also seems t o have been the case that once the C h u r c h was securely established by r o y a l favor, the actual faith o f the masses seemed rather u n i m p o r t a n t . As E d w a r d James (1988:127) recognized, " c h u r c h m e n [ i n this era] do n o t seem t o have t h o u g h t i n terms o f [religious] i n s t r u c t i o n for the laymen. As far as they were con­ cerned, so i t seems, conversion meant acceptance o f baptism and o u t w a r d observance o f C h r i s t i a n forms . . . rather t h a n o f any inner change i n the s o u l . " Thus Gregory (2.10) noted, w i t h o u t express­ ing m u c h dismay, that a century after the conversion o f Clovis "the people seem always t o have f o l l o w e d idolatrous practices, for they d i d n o t recognize the true G o d . " The p r i m a r y v a r i a t i o n f r o m these six elements i n other accounts o f medieval missions involves a prince's having been converted w h i l e l i v i n g i n a C h r i s t i a n society, often having been sent o f f for schooling, and then r e t u r n i n g home t o take the throne, w h e r e u p o n he introduces Christianity. These instances often were very bloody, as the local aristocrats, l a c k i n g strong bonds t o their n e w k i n g , d i d resist—sometimes quite successfully. The " C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n " o f N o r w a y is illustrative. O l a f Tryggvason, an English-educated Christian convert, seized the throne o f N o r w a y i n 9 9 5 , w h e r e u p o n he attempted t o convert the n o b i l i t y by force, k i l l i n g some w h o resisted and b u r n i n g their estates. These and other repressive mea­ sures aroused sufficient o p p o s i t i o n t o defeat h i m i n the Battle o f Svolder (about the year 1000), d u r i n g w h i c h he was k i l l e d . Fifteen years later, O l a f Haraldsson, w h o h a d been baptized i n France, conquered N o r w a y ; he t o o used fire and s w o r d i n an effort t o compel Christianization. A n d he t o o p r o v o k e d widespread hatred, leading t o rebellion, and was d r i v e n i n t o exile. W h e n he attempted t o r e t u r n , leading a new a r m y raised i n Kiev, he was defeated 72

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and k i l l e d at the Battle o f Stikklestad i n 1030. Despite this, he was soon canonized as St. O l a f and is credited w i t h the Christianization o f N o r w a y , w h i c h seems t o have consisted p r i m a r i l y o f the reimposition o f Olaf's officiai policies o f intolerance (Jones, 1968; Sawyer, 1982). I n neither variant o f the conversion o f barbarian elites is the con­ version o f the masses given significant attention or effort—apart f r o m the sporadic application o f violent coercion. T h i s neglect re­ flects the c o m m i t m e n t o f missionizing m o n k s t o w h a t Fletcher (1997:236) has correctly characterized as the " t r i c k l e - d o w n " the­ ory o f conversion. H a v i n g become dependent o n state subsidies and governed by a privileged establishment, C h r i s t i a n i t y was by this time a t o p - d o w n organization, and n o t h i n g c o u l d have seemed more obvious t o the monastic missionaries t h a n the w i s d o m o f de­ v o t i n g all o f their efforts t o converting the elite. There were several additional reasons for this, safety being perhaps the most i m ­ p o r t a n t . Successful conversion o f a g r o u p o f commoners w o u l d provide the missionary m o n k s w i t h no p r o t e c t i o n , either f r o m the nobility, w h o m a y have feared that the group posed a religious challenge t o their authority, or f r o m other commoners offended by denunciation o f their t r a d i t i o n a l Gods—often enough, monks evangelizing i n barbarian areas were murdered by the locals. I n contrast, successful inroads i n t o the elite—even i f just among the wives—offered substantial p r o t e c t i o n . A n a d d i t i o n a l reason was perceived efficiency. The missions had l i m i t e d personnel, and this "compelled t h e m t o be selective i n their a p p r o a c h " (De Rue, 1998:17). Thus i t seemed t o make more sense t o focus o n the elite and w a i t for their example t o eventually trickle d o w n the ranks u n t i l the peasants were g o o d Christians t o o — a n d i f n o t , there re­ mained fire and s w o r d . As a v a r i a t i o n o n this theme, the Frankish heirs o f Clovis soon attempted t o Christianize their neighbors by conquest. These ef­ forts reached a zenith d u r i n g the l o n g rule o f Charlemagne (ca. 742-814), w h o so extended the Frankish empire that he was c r o w n e d i n Rome by the pope. Under the guidance o f churchmen such as A l c u i n o f Y o r k (735-804), Charlemagne was determined t o make his a t r u l y holy empire. Therefore, as he incorporated new 73

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territories, he demanded the immediate C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n o f their inhabitants. H i s merciless campaign against Saxony ( 7 7 2 - 7 7 5 ) set new standards i n religious brutality. Each v i c t o r y was f o l l o w e d by forced mass baptisms, and thousands o f captives w h o showed re­ luctance were beheaded. Charlemagne's excesses eventually caused A l c u i n t o w r i t e a letter condemning forced conversions (Gaskoin, [1904] 1966). I n partic­ ular, he argued that i t was useless t o baptize people w h o h a d n o idea w h a t Christianity meant, and that conversions were worthless unless they were the result o f persuasion and therefore sincere. The t r u t h o f Alcuin's p o i n t lives o n i n the fact that the masses were n o t actually Christianized i n m a n y parts o f Europe, b u t i t was appar­ ently an unacceptable t r u t h t o those whose zeal was matched by their power. Thus Charlemagne's successors continued t o rely o n forced Christianization, just as the C h u r c h continued t o rely o n the baptism o f kings—an approach c u l m i n a t i n g i n the so-called N o r t h e r n Crusades o f late medieval times, d u r i n g w h i c h C h r i s t i a n rulers gradually conquered and subdued the remaining pagan peo­ ples i n the far n o r t h o f Europe: Norse, Slavs, Baits, and Finns (Christiansen, 1980). Each conquest resulted either i n the baptism o f the defeated rulers or i n their replacement w i t h Christians. As for the c o m m o n people, they soon f o u n d that i t was sufficient t o add Jesus and various saints t o the pantheon o f Gods and spirits they used for their peace and p r o t e c t i o n . To some extent this was i n keeping w i t h church policy. I n a letter dated 6 0 1 and preserved by the Venerable Bede (Ecclesiastical History 1.30), Pope Gregory the Great advised A b b o t M e l l i t u s , w h o was setting o u t t o mis­ sionize i n Britain: [I] have come to the conclusion that the temples of the idols among that people should on no account be destroyed. The idols are to be destroyed, but the temples themselves are to be aspersed with holy water, altars set up in them, and relics deposited there . . . I n this way, we hope that the people, seeing that their temples are not destroyed, may abandon their error and, flocking more readily to their accus­ tomed resorts, may come to know and adore the true God. A n d since they have a custom of sacrificing many oxen to demons, let some 74

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other solemnity be substituted in its place such as a day of Dedication or the Festivals of the holy martyrs whose relics are enshrined there . . . If the people are allowed some worldly pleasures in this way, they w i l l more readily come to desire the joys of the spirit. For it is cer­ tainly impossible to eradicate all errors from obstinate minds at one stroke. One must w o n d e r whether "obstinate m i n d s " were ever changed by such an approach. As the great D a n i s h historian Johannes Brondsted (1965:312) noted, i t was quite easy for C h r i s t i a n i t y t o become the " p u b l i c " faith i n Scandinavia, " b u t far more difficult t o overcome the complex culture beneath that r e l i g i o n . " H e quoted a twelfth-century A n g l o - D a n i s h m o n k : " A s long as things go w e l l and everything is fine, the Sviar and Gautar seem w i l l i n g t o ac­ knowledge Christ and h o n o r h i m , t h o u g h as a pure f o r m a l i t y ; b u t w h e n things go w r o n g , " they t u r n against C h r i s t i a n i t y and revert t o paganism (ibid.:312). Or, as was w r i t t e n i n the Icelandic Landnanabok, H e l g i the Lean "was very m i x e d i n his faith; he believed i n Christ, b u t i n v o k e d T h o r i n matters o f seafaring and dire neces­ sity" (in ibid.:306). Finally, Brondsted suggested that t o the extent it can be said t o have taken place at all, the conversion o f Scandina­ via occurred " o n l y . . . w h e n C h r i s t i a n i t y t o o k over o l d [pagan] superstitions and usages and a l l o w e d t h e m t o live under a new guise" (ibid.:307). This illustrates the principle o f cultural continuity, w h i c h I devel­ oped t o help e x p l a i n variations i n the success o f new religious movements: that they are more likely t o succeed t o the extent that they retain familiar elements o f the religious culture o f the g r o u p being missionized (Stark, 1987, 1996b; Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . I n effect, the more familiar a new religion, the less costly i t is for peo­ ple t o adopt it—the less they must learn and the less they must discard. By t h i n l y overlaying pagan festivals and sacred places w i t h Christian interpretations, the missionaries made i t easy t o become a Christian—so easy that actual conversion seldom occurred. I n ­ stead, i n customary pagan fashion, the people treated C h r i s t i a n i t y as an "add-on r e l i g i o n , " and the p o p u l a r C h r i s t i a n i t y that eventu­ ally emerged i n northwestern Europe was a strange amalgam, i n 75

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eluding a great deal i n the w a y o f pagan celebrations and beliefs, some o f t h e m t h i n l y Christianized, but m a n y o f t h e m n o t Christian­ ized at a l l (Davies, 1996; Jolly, 1996; M i l i s , 1998). Thus the influ­ ential French religious historian Jean Delumeau (1977b) listed m a n y instances d u r i n g the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries w h e n church officials attempted t o suppress obviously pagan festi­ vals and celebrations, n o t o n l y i n northwestern Europe b u t i n Italy and France as w e l l . H e noted that that a m o n g the people there was n o t o n l y "a p r o f o u n d u n f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h the basics o f C h r i s t i a n i t y " b u t also "a persistent pagan m e n t a l i t y " and a persistence o f "preChristian ceremonial" (ibid.:176). Indeed, the "rediscovery" o f pa­ ganism by artists and writers d u r i n g the Renaissance was n o t h i n g o f the sort—the Gods and myths o f paganism had never been for­ gotten. As Jean Seznec ([1953] 1972:3) p u t i t i n his classic w o r k o n the subject: " A b o v e a l l , i t is n o w recognized that pagan a n t i q ­ uity, far f r o m experiencing a ' r e b i r t h ' i n fifteenth-century Italy, h a d remained alive w i t h i n the culture and art o f the M i d d l e Ages. Even the gods were n o t restored t o life, for they had never disappeared f r o m the m e m o r y or i m a g i n a t i o n o f m a n . " T h a t elements o f pa­ ganism survive is one o f the remarkable omissions o f contemporary perceptions o f religion i n Europe. For example, polls show that the m a j o r i t y o f people i n Iceland today (including intellectuals and church leaders) believe i n " h u l d u f o l k " or hidden people, such as elves, trolls, gnomes, and fairies (Nickerson, 1999). People p l a n ­ n i n g t o b u i l d a new house often hire "elf-spotters" t o ensure that their site does n o t encroach o n h u l d u f o l k settlements, and planned highways are sometimes rerouted i n order n o t t o disturb various hills and large rocks wherein these pagan entities are t h o u g h t t o d w e l l (Nickerson, 1999; Swatos and Gissurarson, 1997). M o r e ­ over, the p o p u l a r European r i g h t - w i n g movements that arose dur­ ing the nineteenth and t w e n t i e t h centuries involved "a rejection o f C h r i s t i a n i t y and the affirmation o f paganism" (Lixfeld, 1994; Poewe, 1999:388;). Even today, i n b o t h Germany and France, pa­ ganism "is the heart o f fascism and the N e w R i g h t " (ibid.:397). Keep i n m i n d , however, that I reject contemporary W i c c a n fanta­ sies concerning an active pagan u n d e r g r o u n d stretching back t o pre-Christian times. Paganism d i d n o t linger as an organized or 76

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even a distinctive faith b u t survived only as part o f the semi-Chris­ t i a n f o l k religion o f northwestern Europe. As for the C h u r c h i n these parts o f Europe, u p o n the conversion o f the elite i t became a fully subsidized state i n s t i t u t i o n , and being entirely independent o f p o p u l a r support, the clergy were (and re­ main) quite unconcerned about evangelizing the masses. Thus nei­ ther the exclusive c o m m i t m e n t t o C h r i s t i a n i t y n o r the h i g h levels o f personal piety exhibited by the early Christians ever developed among the m a j o r i t y o f people i n northwestern Europe. M a r c Bloch ([1940] 1 9 6 1 : 8 2 - 8 3 ) described the religion even o f the " f a i t h f u l " as "superficial," adding that "never was theology less identified w i t h popular religion as i t was felt and l i v e d . " Indeed, the D u t c h historian A n t o n Wessels (1994:4) claimed that at least u n t i l the R e f o r m a t i o n , popular religion i n most o f Europe "remained 'pagan animist' . . . and their [Christianity] was an o u t w a r d veneer." I n similar fashion, Delumeau (1977a:26) declared "mediaeval Chris­ t e n d o m " t o be a fiction. Indeed,he w o u l d a l l o w at most that Eu­ rope was "superficially [C]hristianized" (1977b:161), concluding that the de-Christianization o f Europe is b u t illusion (ibid.:227). The French sociologist o f religion Gabriel Le Bras (in Delumeau, 1977b:227) agreed that "[d]echristianization is a fallacious t e r m " and should be rejected as unhistorical. A d m i t t e d l y , D e l u m e a u and some other Catholic historians have t h o u g h t that significant C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n was finally achieved as a result o f the R e f o r m a t i o n , especially by Catholic efforts t o evangelize the masses as part o f the C o u n t e r - R e f o r m a t i o n . T h a t is consistent w i t h the fact that current levels o f religious participa­ t i o n are higher i n southern Europe. But the higher current levels o f religiousness i n southern Europe are also consistent w i t h the e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t i t was o n l y here that early C h r i s t i a n i t y spread as a mass movement; hence this was the o n l y p a r t o f Europe ever t o be Christianized. I n any event, there is little evidence that significant efforts t o Christianize the masses occurred i n Protestant areas d u r i n g the Ref­ o r m a t i o n . Certainly, local rulers mostly seemed able t o shift back and f o r t h between Protestantism and Catholicism w i t h o u t arous­ ing any p o p u l a r objections. Indeed, religion often seemed o f very

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secondary importance d u r i n g the "religious w a r s " associated w i t h the R e f o r m a t i o n , as monarchs made alliances across religious boundaries—for instance, w h e n Catholic France made c o m m o n cause w i t h the Protestants o f H o l l a n d against Catholic Spain. Today, church attendance is extremely l o w i n the Protestant areas o f Europe. A l t h o u g h m a n y have claimed that this represents the final stages o f the secularization o f these societies, such a con­ clusion is based o n bad h i s t o r y — o n the assumption that once u p o n a time religious p a r t i c i p a t i o n was h i g h i n these societies. The t r u t h seems t o be that h i g h levels o f religious p a r t i c i p a t i o n were never achieved because real, person-to-person C h r i s t i a n missions fal­ tered i n the f o u r t h century and never reached these areas. T h i s i n ­ terpretation is supported by the fact that current levels o f c h u r c h attendance i n European nations are strongly predicted by the date at w h i c h they are said t o have been Christianized—the later, the l o w e r their current rate o f attendance. Date o f " C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n " also p o w e r f u l l y predicts whether or n o t an area t u r n e d Protestant (Stark, 1999c; Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . I t is i m p o r t a n t t o see that the d o c t r i n a l imperatives o f m o n o t h e ­ ism were sufficient t o p r o m p t elites t o attempt t o impose religious conformity, even t o the p o i n t o f butchery. However, because reli­ ance o n professional missionaries t o the elites d i d n o t convert and mobilize the r a n k and file, i t can be said that the first era o f real Christian missions ended sometime i n the f o u r t h century. I r o n i ­ cally, a new era o f C h r i s t i a n missions d i d n o t begin u n t i l religious p l u r a l i s m h a d developed w i t h i n C h r i s t i a n i t y t o the p o i n t that the various bodies h a d t o compete w i t h one another i n order t o prosper and, i n d o i n g so, once again became b o t t o m - u p , mass movements. T h a t part o f the story awaits. To m a i n t a i n historical sequence, I t u r n aside briefly t o consider M u s l i m mission movements.

Muslim Missions The essential aspects o f M u s l i m missions are w e l l recorded a n d fully consistent w i t h the principles displayed by Jewish and Chris78

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t i a n missions ( A r n o l d , 1896; Cooley, 1965; Denny, 1993; Farah, 1994; H o d g s o n , 1974; Parrinder, 1983; Payne, 1959; R a h m a n , 1987; Waines, 1995). I t t o o k early C h r i s t i a n i t y more t h a n t w o centuries o f g r o w t h via social networks t o achieve significance, but M u h a m m a d (570?632) b u i l t Islam i n t o a great movement w i t h i n o n l y a few years. This was possible because the flight o f M u h a m m a d and his t i n y band o f f o l l o w e r s — p r o b a b l y n u m b e r i n g o n l y sixty t o seventy (Hodgson, 1974, 1:172; Payne, 1 9 5 9 : 3 2 ) — f r o m their homes i n Mecca t o the oasis c o m m u n i t y o f M e d i n a (Yathrib) soon enabled t h e m t o establish political c o n t r o l over a secure geographic base. This was facilitated by w e a l t h acquired t h r o u g h a series o f success­ ful raids o n caravans. Indicative o f their t i n y numbers, the first attack involved o n l y eight M u s l i m raiders (Payne, 1959:33). But, using the b o o t y and the promise o f future profits, M u h a m m a d was able t o expand his forces. A major breakthrough came w h e n he was able t o increase his ranks very substantially by f o r m i n g alli­ ances w i t h nearby Bedouin tribesmen. I t should be noted that these alliances d i d n o t necessarily involve even n o m i n a l conversion— w h e n the Bedouin agreed t o f o l l o w M u h a m m a d , they d i d n o t adopt his religion, as their defections f o l l o w i n g his death made ob­ vious. Nevertheless, these alliances made Islam a m i l i t a r y as w e l l as a religious movement, enabling M u h a m m a d t o provide the spoils o f w a r t o his followers i n a d d i t i o n t o the promise o f paradise. A n d spoils there were, as M u h a m m a d ' s forces sacked and looted m a n y communities o n the A r a b i a n Peninsula, each success b r i n g i n g more tribes t o his banner. The pattern o f treaty and conquest was repeated again and again, l o n g after M u h a m m a d ' s death, as succes­ sive tribes, cities, and w h o l e societies j o i n e d up i n order t o become m i l i t a r y allies o f the r a p i d l y expanding new power, or they were annexed f o l l o w i n g their defeat. L i k e Christianity, and unlike Judaism, Islam discarded its o r i g i ­ nal ethnic identity, m a k i n g the faith open t o all w h o accepted its teachings and adhered t o its m o r a l code. As w i t h C h r i s t i a n i t y this required some debate, b u t here t o o the decision for universalism was critical for g r o w t h , a l l o w i n g people o f a l l cultures and nations t o become M u s l i m s w h i l e retaining their diversity. 79

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However, as mentioned, relatively little actual conversion was involved i n this massive expansion. Instead, just as was the case d u r i n g the post-Constantinian era o f C h r i s t i a n expansion, conver­ sion was l i m i t e d m a i n l y t o the elites, and the vast Islamic " w o r l d " created by M u h a m m a d and his immediate heirs consisted m a i n l y o f small M u s l i m r u l i n g classes presiding over n o n - M u s l i m p o p u l a ­ tions (Bulliet, 1979; H o d g s o n , 1974). O f course, being m o n o t h e ists, the M u s l i m elites soon attempted t o b r i n g their subjects i n t o the faith as w e l l . These efforts consisted o f various forms and de­ grees o f coercion. Except for those whose religion was also " o f the B o o k " (Jews and Christians), n o n - M u s l i m s were usually classed as "idolaters" and forced t o convert u p o n p a i n o f death, a l t h o u g h sometimes w i t h the o p t i o n o f banishment—this rule was especially carefully enforced w i t h i n A r a b i a . But even Jews and Christians were often exposed t o intense pressures t o convert. Coercion o f n o n - M u s l i m s was facilitated by the fact that t h r o u g h most o f its history, and especially i n the early centuries, Islam was n o t simply the state religion, i t also was the state. Consequently, laws and government policies c o u l d be employed t o produce con­ versions. One popular and effective m e t h o d was t o t a x people very differentially based o n their religion. Usually this approach re­ quired n o n - M u s l i m s t o pay exorbitant rates, w h i l e devout M u s l i m s were exempted f r o m paying all or most o f their taxes (Hodgson, 1974; Payne, 1959). Such schemes were often so effective that they were very short-lived because they resulted i n government revenues' falling so rapidly as t o be "ruinous t o the state" ( A r n o l d , 1896:104). There is considerable evidence, however, that these co­ erced conversions were often insincere (see Chapters 3 and 4 ) . A n o t h e r f o r m o f coercion involved d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and harass­ ment. I t is true that Islamic states have often tolerated some other religions. But i t must be recalled that w i t h i n several years o f M u ­ hammad's death, his successor U n m a r solved the "Jewish ques­ t i o n " by expelling a l l Jews f r o m the A r a b i a n Peninsula. Moreover, even the most tolerant M u s l i m societies soon o u t l a w e d conversion t o any religion other t h a n the local b r a n d o f Islam. Even today i t is a capital offense i n m a n y Islamic nations t o proselytize M u s l i m s or for M u s l i m s t o convert. But even w i t h i n these limits M u s l i m 80

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t o l e r a t i o n has often been grudging at best. M a r s h a l l G . S. H o d g s o n (1974, 1:268) w r o t e that f r o m very early days M u s l i m authorities often exerted themselves t o make n o n - M u s l i m s "feel inferior and to k n o w 'their place' . . . [imposing such laws as] that Christians and Jews should n o t ride horses, for instance, b u t at most mules, or even that they should wear certain marks o f their religion o n their costume w h e n a m o n g M u s l i m s . " I n a d d i t i o n , at various times, n o n - M u s l i m s were p r o h i b i t e d f r o m w e a r i n g c l o t h i n g similar to that w o r n by M u s l i m s , n o r c o u l d they be armed, and i f they were m o u n t e d , they must d i s m o u n t whenever a M u s l i m passed by (Payne, 1959:105). Comparative religion textbooks sometimes contrast a tolerant Islam w i t h an intolerant Christianity, stressing that i n 1492 Chris­ tians expelled the Jews f r o m Spain where, i t is often asserted, they had lived peacefully and prosperously for centuries under M u s l i m rule (Smith, 1991). These same textbooks ignore the fact that i n 1148 M u s l i m s also expelled the Jews f r o m Spain under the same terms as the Christians d i d later, w h i c h surely demonstrates that these comparisons are at least u n i n f o r m e d and often p r o b a b l y dis­ ingenuous. As w i l l be seen i n Chapter 3, M u s l i m history includes its full share o f b l o o d y religious intolerance. For example, d u r i n g his stay i n M e d i n a , M u h a m m a d grew incensed at the unwillingness of the several local Jewish clans t o accept his revelations and at their criticism o f his understanding o f the Bible. The conflict esca­ lated u n t i l i t resulted i n the banishment o f t w o o f these clans. T w o years later, M u h a m m a d accused the remaining Jewish clan o f con­ sorting w i t h their banished coreligionists, w h e r e u p o n he enslaved all the w o m e n and children and murdered a l l the men (Hodgson, 1974; Parrinder, 1983; Payne, 1959). This was b u t the first o f m a n y such massacres. For example, f o l l o w i n g M u h a m m a d ' s conquest o f the r i c h Jewish colony o f Khaybar, there was a general slaughter of the male inhabitants and indiscriminate rape. F o l l o w i n g M u ­ h a m m a d , other M u s l i m conquerors sometimes acted as Charle­ magne d i d w h e n he encountered unbelievers—those u n w i l l i n g t o immediately profess the faith were k i l l e d . A n d this often included Jews as w e l l as Christians. I n the w o r d s o f M a r w a n , an eighthcentury caliph, "Whosoever a m o n g the people o f Egypt does n o t

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enter i n t o m y religion and pray as I pray and f o l l o w m y tenets, I w i l l slay and crucify h i m " (in A r n o l d , 1896:8). N o r were attacks on Jews l i m i t e d t o the early days o f Islam. As w i l l be examined i n detail i n Chapter 3, i n 1 0 3 2 - 1 0 3 3 there were recurring massacres i n Fez, and about six thousand Jews died. I n 1290 the Jews o f Baghdad were massacred, and the butchery spread t h r o u g h o u t the region. Indeed, given the frequent claims about the exemplary treatment o f Jews by M u s l i m s i n Spain, i t must be noted that four thousand Jews l i v i n g i n Granada were murdered i n 1066, and i n 1090 the Jewish inhabitants o f Granada were w i p e d o u t again. A century later there were widespread massacres o f Jews t h r o u g h o u t the remainder o f Islamic Spain. Chapter 3 w i l l examine w h y these and similar massacres (including those by C h r i s t i a n Europeans) oc­ curred w h e n they did. Here i t is sufficient t o recognize t h a t religious intolerance is inherent i n all monotheisms. I n a d d i t i o n , heresy was as c o m m o n and aroused as m u c h v i o ­ lence and bloodshed w i t h i n Islam as w i t h i n Christianity. H o d g s o n (1974, 1:66-67) complained that comparative religionists have greatly exaggerated the prevalence o f sects i n early Islam, confusing the w r i t i n g s o f w h a t m a y w e l l have been a single p r o p o n e n t w i t h a social movement. H e u n d o u b t e d l y is correct, and i n similar fash­ i o n the number o f significant "heresies" i n early C h r i s t i a n i t y has also been greatly inflated, especially those usually identified as gnostic (Williams, 1996). The confusion o f heretical w r i t i n g s w i t h heretical communities or movements does n o t apply, however, w h e n armed conflicts break o u t . Hence just as " D o n a t i s t s " and " A r i a n s " were significant theological factions w i t h i n early Chris­ tianity, and n o t merely dissenting texts (to say n o t h i n g o f " C a t h ars," " L u t h e r a n s " or, indeed, "Papists"), so t o o does Islam have its bitter divisions, i n c l u d i n g "Sufi," " S h i ' a h , " " S u n n i , " " I s m a ' i l i " and m a n y others. Just as C h r i s t e n d o m has often been r i p p e d by religious conflicts, so has Islam, and i f religious divisions w i t h i n Islam have also often i n v o l v e d economic a n d nationalistic c o m p o ­ nents, the same can be said o f those f o u n d i n C h r i s t e n d o m (or any­ where) and does n o t eliminate the importance o f religious m o t i v a ­ tions. Indeed, i t is absurd t o m i n i m i z e the role o f religion i n the m a n y collisions between C h r i s t i a n and M u s l i m armies. 82

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Islam and C h r i s t i a n i t y also used similar tactics i n their conver­ sion efforts by i n c o r p o r a t i n g elements o f local belief and practice. Just as medieval Christians sought t o entice the pagan peasants by reconsecrating their shrines and canonizing their local Gods and spirits, Islam d i d the same. I n fact, all across the once-Christian areas o f N o r t h Africa, where m a n y originally pagan shrines had been Christianized, these were incorporated by Islam. M u h a m m a d had set a precedent for this w h e n he adopted pagan traditions such as an annual pilgrimage t o Mecca and the observance o f the h o l y m o n t h o f Ramadan. As a result, the Islam t o w h i c h the c o m m o n people eventually assented was as amalgamated as the C h r i s t i a n i t y that prospered among northwestern European peasants. As H o d g ­ son (1974, 1:305) p u t i t , " A popular Islam thus arose, complete w i t h its o w n history, ethics, and eschatology, d r a w i n g o n the most striking notions f o u n d i n all o f the earlier traditions [Christianity, Judaism, and paganism] . . . and the mosque became the most lively, and certainly the most cosmopolitan, centre o f all activities." I n similar fashion the medieval Christian parish churches, espe­ cially i n northwestern Europe, served an amazing variety o f social and commercial functions, seldom having any religious significance (Stark, 1999c). I n the end, d i d the coercive and t r i c k l e - d o w n approach t o the conversion o f the masses succeed i n Islam w h i l e failing i n Christian­ ity? I t has certainly been the conventional w i s d o m that the M u s l i m masses l o n g ago became intensely pious. But I t h i n k this character­ ization is as faulty as the one, held w i t h similar c o n v i c t i o n for so long, about the intense piety o f medieval "Christians." A l t h o u g h the M i d d l e Ages were l o n g k n o w n as the Age o f Faith, as noted earlier historians n o w recognize that the average medieval Euro­ pean was, at most, l u k e w a r m about religion (Bossy, 1985; M u r r a y , 1972; Stark, 1999c; Thomas, 1971). There is every reason t o t h i n k that the same was true o f the M u s l i m s . C o m p e l l i n g evidence is p r o ­ vided by R i c h a r d W . Bulliet's (1979) very creative analysis o f the history o f thousands o f names o f p r o m i n e n t people i n Islam. Bulliet used biographical dictionaries ( w h i c h abounded i n medieval Is­ lamic societies) t o code the name o f each entrant as Islamic or n o n Islamic. By sorting names by year o f b i r t h , Bulliet c o u l d estimate 83

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the p r o p o r t i o n o f M u s l i m s i n the p o p u l a t i o n at various dates and thus create curves o f the progress o f conversion i n various societies. However, because o n l y i m p o r t a n t people were included i n these dictionaries, b o t h the extent and the speed o f conversions are very greatly overestimated. Nonetheless, these records trace a very slow rate o f conversion—the curves for various places t y p i c a l l y required m a n y centuries t o pass the 50 percent m a r k and t y p i c a l l y leveled off at about 80 percent. Reality must have fallen far short o f these curves. I n a d d i t i o n , as noted, m a n y o f these conversions w o u l d have been quite literally n o m i n a l , having been o f no greater sig­ nificance t h a n were most conversions t o C h r i s t i a n i t y a m o n g the "barbarians." Thus Bulliet's research provides a very solid basis for the conclusion that M u s l i m efforts t o convert the conquered masses were no more effective t h a n were Christian missions t o the barbarians. O u r contrary perceptions are based o n European stereotypes o f M u s l i m s as fanatics, and o n the very recent emergence o f M u s l i m fundamentalism. I do n o t t h i n k that this is a resurgence o f rankand-file M u s l i m c o m m i t m e n t . I t h i n k i t is something quite new, a reaction against colonialism and t o o - r a p i d , t o p - d o w n moderniza­ t i o n ( M a r t i n , 1991). I t was by recently becoming the focus o f cul­ t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l resistance that Islam has gained m i l i t a n t rankand-file support, just as i n the nineteenth century the previously rather indifferent r a n k and file i n Ireland and i n French Canada became m i l i t a n t Catholics i n reaction against English d o m i n a t i o n (Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . I n contrast, M u s l i m immigrants and traders—especially i n A f ­ rica and parts o f Asia—seem t o have been as effective at person-toperson proselytism as were the Jews o f the diaspora. For example, Indonesia d i d n o t become a M u s l i m society t h r o u g h conquest, treaty, or the conversion o f the elite. I t was A r a b traders w h o founded colonies along the coasts, and w h o b r o u g h t Islam and shared i t w i t h their hosts. I n similar fashion, Islam t o o k firm r o o t i n the southern Philippines and M a l a y s i a . T. W. A r n o l d (1896:369) p r o v i d e d this description o f the conversion o f M a l a y : It is to the proselytising efforts of Arab and Indian merchants that the native Muhammadan population . . . owes its existence. Settling 84

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in the centres of commerce, they intermarried with the people of the land, and these heathen wives and the slaves of their households thus formed the nucleous of a Muslim community which its members made every effort in their power to increase . . . They did not come as conquerors, like the Spanish in the sixteenth century, or use the sword as an instrument of conversion; nor did they arrogate to them­ selves the privileges of a superior or dominant race so as to degrade or oppress the original inhabitants, but [came] simply in the guise of traders. Indeed, the failure o f Islam t o penetrate portions o f Indonesia testi­ fies t o the n e t w o r k , person-to-person character o f the spread o f the faith. The boundaries o f Indonesian Islam are those separating the commercial coastal areas f r o m the agricultural inland—the latter having remained H i n d u t h r o u g h m a n y centuries o f Islamic pres­ ence. Some scholars attribute this t o a special theological c o m p a t i ­ b i l i t y o f Islam w i t h commercial activities ( M u h a m m a d was, after all, a trader), w h i l e H i n d u i s m is said to be more compatible w i t h the hierarchical structure o f agrarian societies (Geertz, 1 9 5 6 , 1 9 6 0 ; Legge, 1965). This seems plausible u n t i l we l o o k beyond this region and notice an abundance o f agrarian M u s l i m s elsewhere and notice t o o the many societies i n w h i c h H i n d u s dominate the role o f mer­ chant. Rather more compelling is the explanation that Islam failed t o spread beyond the commercial areas because M u s l i m s d i d n o t become agriculturists i n Indonesia; hence their social networks never extended i n t o these regions. O n l y where rank-and-file M u s ­ lims formed n e t w o r k ties t o the locals were h i g h rates o f conversion achieved. W h y ? Because o n l y authentic missions get results. W h i c h takes us back t o Christianity and its second era o f real missions.

The Rebirth o f Christian Missions The R e f o r m a t i o n does n o t m a r k the r e b i r t h o f Christian missions. Sectarian rivalries, no matter h o w bitter, are about reaffiliation, n o t conversion. L i k e the Waldensians and other "heretical" groups before them, Protestants were t r y i n g t o convince people n o t to ac85

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cept a new G o d but to w o r s h i p their t r a d i t i o n a l G o d according t o somewhat different assumptions t h r o u g h new organizational ar­ rangements. O f course, to the extent that Protestant sects b r o u g h t the barely Christianized masses t o G o d for the first time, their w o r k may have amounted to missionizing. However, at least i n the case o f Protestantism, i t seems u n l i k e l y that i t d i d actually Christianize any substantial number o f people—rather, o n l y those already hav­ ing significant Christian concerns ever really t o o k part i n the Refor­ m a t i o n . As A n d r e w Greeley (1995:66) p o i n t e d out, that the peas­ ants o f northwestern Europe so often and readily switched back and f o r t h across the Catholic/Protestant divide, according t o the m o m e n t a r y affiliation o f their rulers, suggests the superficiality o f their Christianity. I n any event, efforts by Protestant sectarians or by their Catholic opponents to arouse public enthusiasm t o o k place i n a Christian c u l t u r a l environment and therefore are better identified as evangelism t h a n as missionizing. Evangelism is an effort to intensify public commitment to the conventional religion(s) of a society. Hence w h e n Swami A . C. Bhaktivedanta, founder o f the International Society for K ris hna Consciousness (often referred t o as the H a r e Krishnas), came to the U n i t e d States i n 1965, he initiated a mission. H e attempted t o convince Americans to n e w l y f o r m an exclusive c o m m i t m e n t to a H i n d u G o d . I n contrast, w h e n A m e r i c a n converts t o this move­ ment w e n t to India to seek followers, they were evangelizing, at­ t e m p t i n g to arouse greater c o m m i t m e n t among H i n d u s to their tra­ ditional God. As defined, missions nearly always involve travel to a new society or at least the penetration o f a distinctly different religious sub­ group w i t h i n a society. Thus i t was that the Age o f E x p l o r a t i o n confronted Christianity w i t h an immensely expanded mission op­ p o r t u n i t y to spread the faith t o m i l l i o n s o f "heathen" i n the N e w W o r l d , Asia, and Africa. However, d u r i n g the first several centu­ ries, these mission efforts were variations o n the previously unsuc­ cessful methods o f conversion by conquest and colonization. A n d the results were no better ( D r u m m o n d , 1 9 7 1 ; Eddy, 1945; Grif­ fiths, 1996; Herbert, 1 9 7 1 ; H u t c h i s o n , 1987; M o r a n , 1993; N e i l l , 8

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1986; R o b i n s o n , 1923; Ross, 1994; Stanley, 1992; Traboulay, 1994; Yates, 1994). Initially, missions t o the N e w W o r l d were almost exclusively a Spanish undertaking. The task was consigned m a i n l y t o priests and m o n k s , and although they were often sensible and humane men, final a u t h o r i t y always lay w i t h their p o l i t i c a l masters, most o f w h o m seem t o have believed that coercion c o u l d solve anything (Griffiths, 1996; Traboulay, 1994). The b r u t a l and deadly results of Spanish c o l o n i z a t i o n are w e l l k n o w n . W h a t has been little k n o w n u n t i l recently is the amazing failure o f Spanish efforts t o coerce conversions. Centuries o f illusions t o the contrary, L a t i n America never became a " C a t h o l i c continent." For example, c o m ­ pared w i t h Europe and N o r t h A m e r i c a , the number o f priests serv­ ing L a t i n A m e r i c a n nations has always been extremely small rela­ tive t o the " C a t h o l i c " p o p u l a t i o n (Stark, 1992). I n 1995, for example, one diocesan Catholic priest was said t o serve 29,753 Catholics i n Guatemala, 20,552 i n Bolivia, and 17,835 i n Brazil (as compared t o 1,833 i n the U n i t e d States, 1,956 i n Canada, and 1,861 i n Spain). There is n o t h i n g t o suggest that priests were ever more abundant i n L a t i n America—early Protestant travelers re­ p o r t e d m a n y large areas having no priests at all (Robinson, 1923). The lack o f priests shows several things. First, the general level o f Catholic c o m m i t m e n t is so l o w that very few seek o r d i n a t i o n — indeed, even today a substantial p r o p o r t i o n o f priests i n L a t i n America are foreigners ( M a r t i n , 1990). Second, these small n u m ­ bers o f priests seem t o have been adequate t o meet the very modest demands for their services. Even baptism has been far f r o m univer­ sal (and m a n y w h o do b r i n g their infants t o the font do so p r i m a r i l y t o ensure the child's " g o o d l u c k " ) ; church attendance has always been l o w ; and there has been a widespread persistence o f pre-Co­ l u m b i a n and A f r i c a n religions (Griffiths, 1996; M u r p h y , 1996). As D a v i d M a r t i n ( 1 9 9 0 : 5 7 - 5 8 ) summarized: Curiously, in view of the stereotypical view of Latin America as se­ curely and devoutly Catholic, the culture of the people has been quite resistant to Catholic teaching. This is very understandable in those areas where [indigenous] subject peoples have maintained an under87

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ground resistance to their masters. But it is also evident among the Hispanic and Creole populations, for w h o m such practices as priestly celibacy are unintelligible and who regard actual attendance at church as suitable only for the very young, the old, and the women . . . Perhaps less than 20 percent of Latin Americans are regularly involved in the [Catholic] church . . . Catholic leaders themselves . . . attribute the success of Protestantism to the inertness of conventional Catholicism. I n contrast, Catholic (and especially Jesuit) missionaries had some early success i n Asia, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Japan ( D r u m m o n d , 1 9 7 1 ; M o r a n , 1993; Ross, 1994). B u t , as t o p - d o w n missions, these collapsed w h e n the Christianized elites were destroyed by their enemies. M e a n w h i l e , other European nations began to stake o u t colonies, and they t o o were p r o m p t e d t o undertake some mission efforts i n conjunction w i t h colonial administrations. Hence French priests began w o r k i n g a m o n g the native peoples o f Quebec as early as 1610. A t about the same time the D u t c h sponsored a few mission­ aries t o various places i n Southeast Asia. The first g r o u p sent by the D u t c h made no headway and returned w i t h most o f t h e m hav­ ing failed even t o learn a local language. T h e i r

replacements

adopted a new approach i n w h i c h tens and then hundreds o f t h o u ­ sands were baptized—but w i t h o u t any i n s t r u c t i o n whatsoever as t o w h a t the rite meant (Robinson, 1923). L o c a l chiefs were i n ­ structed t o have the people d r a w n up and ready w h e n the mission­ aries arrived. There were n o i n d i v i d u a l ceremonies; instead, there was a general s p r i n k l i n g o f the c r o w d , and the baptismal l i t u r g y was said o n l y once, n o t that any o f the "recipients" understood D u t c h . T h e n , w i t h their goal accomplished, the missionaries re­ p o r t e d the t o t a l number o f new Christians t o their superiors and were p a i d a fee per baptism. Thus by the end o f the seventeenth century there were alleged t o be more t h a n 300,000 Christians i n Ceylon and 100,000 i n Java. N o t surprisingly, no evidence o f these "conversions" has endured. O n l y i n the nineteenth and early t w e n ­ tieth centuries d i d D u t c h missionaries accomplish m u c h i n Asia (Legge, 1965).

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I n 1733 the Danes sent some M o r a v i a n missionaries t o their Greenland colony, there t o missionize the Eskimos. Unfortunately, the missionaries b r o u g h t smallpox w i t h t h e m and caused a lethal epidemic. The C h u r c h o f England accepted responsibility for the p r o p a g a t i o n o f the gospel i n N e w England, placing i t i n the hands of clergy most o f w h o m had quite discreditable reasons for w i s h i n g t o go abroad (Finke and Stark, 1992). These were n o t missions to authentic "heathen" but were meant to evangelize the unchurched colonists. T h a t fewer t h a n one A m e r i c a n colonist i n five was churched by 1776 is indicative o f the ineffectiveness o f these efforts (ibid.). However, despite being relatively unchurched, colonial America sustained a substantial effort t o convert N a t i v e A m e r i ­ cans. Some missions were quite successful i n actually converting the r a n k and file b u t failed t o be o f lasting value i n preserving the tribe f r o m destruction by disease, e x p r o p r i a t i o n , or defeat. Other missions resembled the D u t c h missions i n Ceylon or the Spanish i n Latin America. D u r i n g this same era m a n y Christians were attracted by the chal­ lenge o f converting the immense populations o f I n d i a , China, and Japan—and Africa soon beckoned t h e m t o o . But actual attempts t o missionize these continents were few and ineffectual. Aside f r o m employing p o o r tactics, m a n y mission efforts i n the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries ended simply because the missionaries were unable t o reach their destinations—as i n the case o f three English Quaker missionaries dispatched t o China i n 1 6 6 1 , w h o never arrived. Given the immense distances involved, and the u n ­ certainties o f sailing ships, the w o n d e r is that missionaries at­ tempted to reach these places at a l l . But then, at the start o f the nineteenth century, something new began (Bainbridge, 1882; Eddy, 1945; H o p k i n s , 1 8 6 1 , Robinson, 1923). I n 1806, five A m e r i c a n students at W i l l i a m s College i n M a s ­ sachusetts met i n a secluded grove for their weekly prayer meeting. A n approaching t h u n d e r s t o r m caused t h e m to seek refuge behind a haystack, w h e r e u p o n Samuel M i l l s (1783-1818), w h o had been studying the geography o f Asia, suggested that w h a t they ought t o do w i t h their lives was take the gospel t o all o f the millions w h o had never had an o p p o r t u n i t y t o learn about Christ. Soon thereaf89

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ter they f o r m e d a secret fraternity called the Society o f Brethren i n a n t i c i p a t i o n o f becoming the first missionaries t o Asia. H a v i n g graduated f r o m W i l l i a m s and entered A n d o v e r Theological Semi­ nary, i n 1810 M i l l s and his friends, n o w joined by several new members, attended the annual meeting o f the Congregational Asso­ ciation o f Massachusetts and offered themselves as foreign mis­ sionaries. The next day the A m e r i c a n B o a r d o f Commissioners for Foreign Missions was founded, and the A B C F M continues t o over­ see all Congregational mission efforts, few as they have become, i n a d e n o m i n a t i o n n o w k n o w n as the U n i t e d C h u r c h o f Christ. A l t h o u g h they were college-educated, these mission volunteers d i d n o t come f r o m privileged backgrounds b u t were f r o m the " l o w e r classes i n an infant college, at a place so secluded that no m a i l f r o m any direction reaches i t oftener t h a n once a week, and [ w i t h ] an ocean and a continent i n t e r v e n i n g " between t h e m and their mission ( H o p k i n s , 1861:16). Nevertheless, i n 1812 these N e w Englanders became the first A m e r i c a n foreign missionaries, as five y o u n g clergymen, three accompanied by their wives, set sail for Bombay, I n d i a . 9

However, these y o u n g Americans were n o t the first Protestant foreign missionaries t o achieve substantial results i n India. T h a t h o n o r may belong t o W i l l i a m Carey (1761-1834), a self-educated former shoe repairman w h o , as a y o u n g British Baptist pastor, con­ vinced his coreligionists t o f o u n d the Baptist M i s s i o n a r y Society. U n w i l l i n g t o w a i t for the society t o raise funding, i n 1793 Carey w e n t o n his o w n t o I n d i a , where he supported himself as manager o f an i n d i g o p l a n t a t i o n and missionized i n his spare t i m e . Later, after several other missionaries h a d arrived f r o m England, Carey m o v e d t o Calcutta, where he earned his l i v i n g by teaching, trans­ lated the Bible i n t o literally dozens o f local languages, founded Serampore College i n 1818, supervised n e w l y a r r i v i n g missionaries, preached, and led m a n y relief efforts (Chatterjee, 1984; Smith, 1885; Walker, 1926). Soon, many other groups i n America and Great Britain organized missionary societies. The British and Foreign Bible Society began its w o r k i n 1804. I n 1812 British Anglicans founded the C h u r c h M i s s i o n a r y Society for Africa and the East, and i n 1815 i t sent its 90

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Going for God.

I n 1812 the first five A m e r i c a n missionaries were ordained

prior to their departure for India. © C O R B I S .

first t w o missionaries abroad. The A m e r i c a n Baptist M i s s i o n a r y U n i o n was founded i n 1814, the A m e r i c a n Bible Society i n 1816. These professional missionaries were n o t the Protestant equiva­ lent o f m o n k s . They were the vanguard o f a real mission movement intending n o t h i n g less t h a n to convert continents—every m a n , w o m a n , and c h i l d . I f these missionaries often w e n t t o places under colonial rule by European powers, usually they had no official standing, and surprisingly often the colonial administrators and Western traders objected t o their c o m i n g . But they came and they stayed. A n d n o t only d i d they preach the gospel, they opened schools, colleges, and hospitals. To sustain these undertakings, they recruited and trained local teachers, doctors, and nurses—and they ordained g r o w i n g numbers o f local clergy. I n the case o f the British and Americans, the money for all o f this came, n o t f r o m government subsidies, but f r o m the freewill offerings o f rank-andfile Protestants (modest mission efforts m o u n t e d at this same time by C o n t i n e n t a l Protestants were financed by state-supported

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churches). The v o l u n t a r y mode o f funding was possible because, i n the U n i t e d States and to some extent i n Great B r i t a i n , Christian­ ity had once again become a b o t t o m - u p organization—or, more accurately, a collection o f b o t t o m - u p organizations. Before I ex­ p l a i n h o w that happened, i t w i l l be helpful for the reader t o gain an overview o f these new mission efforts. D u r i n g the first half o f the nineteenth century, progress was slow, and the number o f Protestant missionaries small. T h e n , the steam­ ship changed everything. Relatively cheap and r a p i d travel made ventures t o distant ports m u c h more attractive, and the number o f missionaries grew proportionately. By 1880, w h e n W i l l i a m F o l w e l l B a i n b r i d g e w e n t a r o u n d the w o r l d t o visit a l l Protestant missions, there were 2,657 British and 1,440 A m e r i c a n Protestant missionar­ ies serving abroad—plus a few h u n d r e d f r o m n o r t h e r n European nations. Together, the British and A m e r i c a n mission schools en­ rolled 365,632 students; the missions employed 2 6 , 0 3 0 local "helpers" and claimed nearly 4 0 0 , 0 0 0 " c o m m u n i c a n t " members (Bainbridge, 1882). I t was possible for Bainbridge t o visit a l l o f the missions d u r i n g his w o r l d t o u r because, initially, the missionaries located their stations o n the coasts, or up navigable rivers. T h e n , the construction o f railways, especially i n China and India, a l l o w e d easy access t o interior areas, and this led t o the organization o f several groups devoted t o " i n l a n d missions." M e a n w h i l e , the ranks o f missionaries grew rapidly. I n 1900, the number o f A m e r i c a n missionaries serving abroad had risen t o 5,278, compared w i t h 5,656 f r o m B r i t a i n and about 2,200 f r o m Continental nations (Beach, 1903). The C o n t i n e n t a l missionaries served almost exclusively i n their nation's colonies—nearly a l l of the D u t c h missionaries were i n the East Indies, the G e r m a n missionaries were massed i n G e r m a n Southwest Africa and i n G e r m a n East Africa, and every one o f the small band o f Belgian Protestant missionaries was i n the Congo. The British also tended t o be i n British colonies, but n o t nearly so exclusively. Collectively, these new mission efforts had p r o v i d e d schools and colleges enroll­ ing more t h a n a m i l l i o n students and about a thousand hospitals, w h i c h employed, i n a d d i t i o n t o missionary physicians, more t h a n 10

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a thousand locally trained doctors (nearly three h u n d r e d o f t h e m women). W o r l d W a r I dislocated the mission effort sufficiently that by 1923 i t had become p r e d o m i n a n t l y an A m e r i c a n u n d e r t a k i n g (Beach and Fahs, 1925)—there were 13,463 missionaries f r o m the U n i t e d States and 8,408 f r o m Britain serving that year. The A m e r i ­ can dominance was n o t l i m i t e d to areas outside the British Empire such as China, where the Americans by then outnumbered the Brit­ ish 4,492 t o 1,351, b u t t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d — e v e n i n India there were 2,675 Americans compared t o 2,455 f r o m B r i t a i n . W o r l d W a r I I , and the postwar collapse o f British and European colonialism, t u r n e d the w o r l d Protestant mission effort i n t o a vir­ tual A m e r i c a n m o n o p o l y . By 1960 there were more t h a n 30,000 full-time A m e r i c a n missionaries abroad. I n 1996 there were more t h a n 40,000 A m e r i c a n missionaries serving commitments o f more t h a n one year (Siewert and Valdez, 1997). I n reality, the current A m e r i c a n mission effort is far greater t h a n even this t o t a l suggests. Earlier i n the century, i n far less affluent times and w h e n travel was, relatively, far more expensive, most missionaries were sustained by denominational mission boards and societies that published full, reliable reports o f their activities. But today there is a substantial (but u n k n o w n ) number o f self-supporting, self-appointed A m e r i ­ can missionaries serving abroad w h o do n o t show up i n the pub­ lished statistics. I n a d d i t i o n , there are very m a n y missionaries w h o are sponsored by a local congregation ( b o t h d e n o m i n a t i o n a l and n o n d e n o m i n a t i o n a l ) , many o f w h o m are n o t included i n the statis­ tics reported by any missionary agency (Barrett, 1998; Siewert, 1998). Moreover, there are m a n y other large and well-tabulated omissions f r o m this t o t a l (Siewert and Valdez, 1997). N o t included are 28,535 persons fully supported by A m e r i c a n funds w h o are serving as full-time missionaries i n their o w n c o u n t r y — m o r e t h a n 10,000 o f them i n India alone. A n a d d i t i o n a l 1,791 foreign n a t i o n ­ als are employed by A m e r i c a n agencies as missionaries i n countries n o t their o w n . Moreover, the 1996 t o t a l does n o t include the 63,995 A m e r i c a n Protestants officially serving shorter-term foreign missions o f a year or less. 93

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So h o w m a n y A m e r i c a n , or American-funded, foreign missionar­ ies are o u t there? N o one k n o w s . But i f we l i m i t the t o t a l t o f u l l time professionals (serving tours o f more t h a n a year), there are more t h a n 70,000, plus perhaps another 15,000 or more n o t re­ p o r t e d t o mission boards. T h e n factor i n another 100,000 v o l u n ­ teers d o i n g tours o f a year or less. This suggests that there currently are about 185,000 A m e r i c a n Protestant missionaries abroad. A n d this t o t a l does n o t include tens o f thousands o f M o r m o n s and Jeho­ vah's Witnesses. O f the millions o f baptisms that these efforts have produced, few have i n v o l v e d kings. Instead, f r o m the beginning, these have been missions t o the people, and they really began t o show results w h e n the actual w o r k o f proselytism shifted f r o m missionary-to-local n e t w o r k s t o entirely local-to-local n e t w o r k s , as the first generation o f converts began t o d r a w i n their relatives, friends, and neighbors. N o w h e r e has this been more dramatically demonstrated t h a n i n the "Protestantization" o f L a t i n A m e r i c a ( G i l l , 1998; M a r t i n , 1990; Stoll, 1990). A t the t u r n o f the t w e n t i e t h century, there was a heated debate a m o n g A m e r i c a n and British mission officials about the p r o p r i e t y o f sending missionaries t o L a t i n A m e r i c a . M a n y believed that mis­ sion efforts ought t o be l i m i t e d entirely t o n o n - C h r i s t i a n nations. Since L a t i n Americans were Christians, albeit Catholics, no mis­ sionaries should be sent. To signal their disapproval o f missionizing L a t i n A m e r i c a , w h e n an i n t e r n a t i o n a l conference o n w o r l d mis­ sions was held i n E d i n b u r g h i n 1909, its organizers excluded those i n v o l v e d i n L a t i n A m e r i c a ( G i l l , 1998:82). I n reaction, various A m e r i c a n evangelical denominations and mission organizations held their o w n conference i n Panama several years later and af­ firmed L a t i n A m e r i c a as a h i g h - p r i o r i t y field o n the grounds that the c l a i m that these were Catholic nations was misleading. Based o n their travels and observations, these mission leaders were sure that the masses i n L a t i n A m e r i c a h a d yet t o be Christianized i n any meaningful sense. A n d so they w e n t . I n 1900 there were already 610 A m e r i c a n Protestant missionar­ ies deployed i n c o n t i n e n t a l L a t i n A m e r i c a . By 1923 the t o t a l h a d 94

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risen t o 1,627, and i n 1996 there were nearly 12,000. To p u t this n u m b e r i n perspective, at present there are substantially m o r e full-time A m e r i c a n missionaries (nearly a l l o f t h e m f r o m evangeli­ cal Protestant denominations) i n m a n y L a t i n A m e r i c a n nations t h a n there are R o m a n Catholic diocesan priests! I n H o n d u r a s there are five missionaries per priest, and missionaries o u t n u m b e r priests t w o t o one i n Panama and Guatemala. T h i s does n o t i n ­ clude thousands o f missionaries o n shorter tours. I t also ignores the fact t h a t n a t i v e - b o r n evangelical Protestant clergy n o w far out­ n u m b e r b o t h missionaries and priests i n m a n y parts o f L a t i n A m e r i c a . Consequently, i n m a n y L a t i n nations today, the great m a j o r i t y o f people i n c h u r c h o n any given Sunday are Protestants (given the very l o w attendance rates o f Catholics), and i n m a n y nations f r o m a t e n t h t o a quarter o f the p o p u l a t i o n are n o w claimed as active evangelical Protestants (Siewert and Valdez, 1997; Stoll, 1990)—as even official C a t h o l i c statistics n o w con­ cede. A generation ago, figures i n the Catholic Almanac placed the percent Catholic i n most L a t i n A m e r i c a n nations i n the very h i g h nineties, a l l o w i n g a percent or t w o for Protestants and C o m ­ munists. The 1999 e d i t i o n o f the Almanac conceded t h a t Chile is " o n l y " 78.2 percent C a t h o l i c , that Brazil is o n l y 86 percent, a n d that o n l y 9 0 . 1 percent o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f A r g e n t i n a is R o m a n Catholic. O f course, these numbers are nearly as absurd as the o l d ones c l a i m i n g 98 percent C a t h o l i c . N o t o n l y do they substantially understate the g r o w t h o f evangelical Protestantism; w h a t is m o r e significant, they are c o m p u t e d o n the assumption that aside f r o m those w h o are e x p l i c i t l y n o t Catholics, everyone else is. Were this true, h a d most L a t i n Americans i n times past actually been C a t h o ­ lics, the immense effects o f Protestant missions w o u l d have been impossible. People are quite reluctant t o shift f r o m one religious c o m m i t m e n t t o another, b u t they are often quite ready t o acquire a c o m m i t m e n t i n place o f none, or t o replace the rather w e a k c o m ­ mitments inspired by p o l y t h e i s m . As w i l l be seen, this p r i n c i p l e has been confirmed o n other continents as C h r i s t i a n missions have gathered r a p i d l y g r o w i n g local conversion n e t w o r k s i n A f r i c a , i n parts o f Asia, and, indeed, i n Europe. 95

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Pluralism and Participation A n obvious question is, W h y was an authentic mission impulse r e b o r n i n Christianity? A n d m y answer is that the development o f relatively free market conditions vis-à-vis religion results i n the emergence o f p l u r a l i s m — o f m u l t i p l e religious organizations, w h i c h must compete for survival—and this always favors b o t t o m up organizations. I have w r i t t e n at length about the conditions gov­ erning religious p l u r a l i s m , and h o w c o m p e t i t i o n among religious " f i r m s " maximizes the overall level o f religious m o b i l i z a t i o n i n so­ cieties, and w i l l pursue these matters i n Chapter 5 (Stark and Finke, 2000). Here i t is sufficient t o note that i n religion as i n anything else, effort is rewarded. Other things being equal, the harder members o f a religious group w o r k t o attract new members, the more their organization grows. N o t h i n g makes a group w o r k harder t h a n k n o w i n g that they are challenged o n all sides by other groups also prepared t o w o r k h a r d t o g r o w — o r t o at least h o l d their o w n . I n contrast, n o t h i n g destroys initiative more r a p i d l y t h a n the elimina­ t i o n o f c o m p e t i t i o n and thereby o f the need t o generate h i g h levels o f member support. Recall the contrast between the enthusiasm o f rank-and-file Christians p r i o r t o the conversion o f Constantine and the r a p i d loss o f this enthusiasm once Christianity became the highly subsidized state church, governed by an affluent and power­ ful clergy w h o catered t o the upper classes. Moreover, the clergy o f any subsidized state religion are, as A d a m Smith p o i n t e d out ([1776] 1981:789), inevitably content t o repose "themselves u p o n their benefices [while neglecting] t o keep up the fervour o f faith and the devotion i n the great body o f the people; and having given themselves up t o indolence . . . become altogether incapable o f m a k i n g any vigorous exertion i n defence even o f their o w n estab­ lishment." A n d that's precisely w h y the state churches o f n o r t h ­ western Europe never exerted themselves t o Christianize and acti­ vate the masses—their privileges and affluence were guaranteed w i t h o u t their d o i n g m u c h o f anything other t h a n t o remain w i t h i n the g o o d graces o f the r u l i n g elites. Indeed, i t was o n l y i n conjunc­ t i o n w i t h the international c o m p e t i t i o n engendered by colonialism, 96

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and by Protestant-Catholic antagonisms, that the subsidized state churches o f continental Europe bestirred themselves t o any foreign mission efforts. W i t h o u t state subsidies, churches must depend o n member sup­ p o r t , and therefore the well-being o f leaders rests u p o n their ability t o satisfy and motivate the r a n k and file—ergo b o t t o m - u p organi­ zations. W h e n b o t t o m - u p groups are also c o m m i t t e d monotheists, they are eager t o proselytize, n o t o n l y locally b u t ubiquitously, t o b r i n g their True Faith t o everyone. I t was the emergence o f religious p l u r a l i s m and o f religious c o m ­ p e t i t i o n i n the U n i t e d States, and t o a somewhat lesser degree i n B r i t a i n , that restored b o t t o m - u p Christian organizations. F r o m the start, these contending Protestant sects eagerly pursued one anoth­ er's members, and i t was inevitable that eventually they w o u l d raise their goals t o the conversion o f the w h o l e w o r l d . Here, t o o , they f o u n d m u c h a d d i t i o n a l m o t i v a t i o n i n c o m p e t i t i o n . N o one p u t this so clearly and succinctly as W i l l i a m F o l w e l l Bainbridge, a leading figure i n A m e r i c a n Baptist foreign missions, u p o n his r e t u r n f r o m the previously mentioned two-year t r i p ( 1 8 7 9 - 1 8 8 0 ) d u r i n g w h i c h he visited all Protestant missions: The frequently-mooted plan of denominational division of labor among foreign mission stations needs reconsideration. Lately it has been proposed in Japan, that all the missions should be represented in a delegation that should map out the country, apportioning to each denomination its sphere of work. Anxieties are frequently felt both by missionaries and their home constituencies lest there be infringe­ ment upon pre-empted territory. But I have observed that, as a rule, those mission stations of whatever church or denomination, which are left entirely by themselves . . . do not show that activity and de­ velop that strength, which are manifested in those mission fields where [there is competition]. It was evident in Yokohama that Pres­ byterians and Methodists were prompting each other to a larger mea­ sure of evangelizing enterprise than either would have commanded with all the responsibility in the hands of a single mission, even though reinforced to the full extent of the other denomination's men and means . . . In Burma the Baptists have never been so stirred up 97

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in regard to their missions as since the advent of the Propagation Society and the Methodists . . . The American mission school work at Beirut has been stirred to still more efficiency by the British Syrian schools and Bible missions. It does seem there are greater advantages than having a mission all to one's dear denominational self. (1882:270-72) Statistical c o n f i r m a t i o n o f Bainbridge's p o i n t o f v i e w appeared i n Mission Frontiers more t h a n a century later. Wayne A l l e n (1999) compared subsidized and unsubsidized mission districts a m o n g the Dayaks o f Indonesia—a society o f preliterate animists w h o live by slash-and-burn agriculture. A m e r i c a n missionaries have been ac­ tive a m o n g the D y a k since shortly after W o r l d W a r I I , and their missions were organized i n t o districts i n 1960. D u r i n g the 1970s some missionaries began t o challenge the policy that indigenous churches be self-supporting and t o campaign for financial subsid­ ies. Soon, subsidies were p r o v i d e d for several o f the districts, where they were used t o provide salaries for native clergy. Elsewhere, na­ tive clergy remained u n p a i d volunteers. Where there were no sub­ sidies, the D a y a k missions grew by an average o f 5.75 new churches a decade ( 1 9 6 0 - 1 9 9 0 ) . Where native clergy were able t o devote full time t o their duties because o f A m e r i c a n mission fund­ i n g , g r o w t h amounted t o 0.5 new churches per decade. That's a l l i t t o o k t o create a "state c h u r c h " m e n t a l i t y among the D a y a k . 11

I n religion, as i n a l l h u m a n endeavors, m o t i v a t i o n is the key t o success, and socialized religious " w o r k e r s " are as u n m o t i v a t e d as those i n socialized industries. I t is no accident o f history that the new era o f Christian missions has been m a i n l y an A m e r i c a n affair. This becomes fully apparent w h e n w e contrast A m e r i c a n religious bodies i n terms o f their p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n missions.

The Collapse

of Liberal

Missionizing

I n the beginning, A m e r i c a n missions were d o m i n a t e d by w h a t have since come t o be k n o w n as the liberal denominations, and w h i c h the press often mistakenly identifies as the " m a i n l i n e " denomina­ tions (Finke and Stark, 1992). The very first Americans sent abroad 98

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w e n t under the auspices o f the Congregationalists. I n 1880, as the missions grew rapidly, the U n i t e d Presbyterian C h u r c h was the leader, w i t h 34.3 percent o f the 1,440 A m e r i c a n missionaries. The Congregationalists were a close second, w i t h 29.8 percent, f o l ­ l o w e d by the U n i t e d Methodists (15.0 percent) and the A m e r i c a n Baptists (12.3 percent). Episcopalians made up 3.3 percent, and the Friends (all meetings) 1.4 percent. Hence 9 6 . 1 percent o f all A m e r i c a n missionaries were f r o m the so-called liberal mainline. Very few missionaries were being sent by evangelical groups—the Southern Baptists had supplied only 19, or 1.3 percent. But soon thereafter, g r u m b l i n g began i n leading d i v i n i t y schools about the p r o p r i e t y o f sending o u t missionaries at a l l . T h a t is, churchmen w h o no longer believed i n One True G o d , or perhaps i n anything more G o d l y t h a n an essence, began t o express doubts as t o whether there was any theological or m o r a l basis for at­ t e m p t i n g t o convert non-Christians. A t first these qualms d i d n o t register i n terms o f absolute numbers o f missionaries. Hence w h i l e the Congregationalists had supplied 429 missionaries i n 1880 (Bainbridge, 1882), they supported 6 6 1 i n 1916. But this was a small increase compared t o the sudden influx o f missionaries f r o m evangelical groups. Thus i n 1916 the Southern Baptist C o n v e n t i o n had 3 0 7 missionaries abroad, and the overall percentage f r o m the liberal mainline h a d dropped f r o m 9 6 . 1 t o 6 7 . 1 percent (U.S. Census, 1919). I n the aftermath o f W o r l d W a r I , liberal condemnations o f mis­ sionizing grew increasingly strident and p u b l i c . Led by D a n i e l Johnson Fleming o f N e w Y o r k ' s U n i o n Seminary and H a r v a r d ' s W i l l i a m Ernest H o c k i n g , liberal Protestants charged that Chris­ t i a n i t y has no greater c l a i m t o religious t r u t h t h a n do other reli­ gions, and that the entire mission effort must accept the v a l i d i t y o f non-Christian religions rather t h a n t r y t o replace them. I n January 1930, a b l u e - r i b b o n commission (funded by John D . Rockefeller, Jr.) was convened t o " r e - t h i n k " Christian missions. W h e n the final report appeared i n 1932 (under the prestigious i m p r i n t o f H a r p e r and Brothers), i t attracted n a t i o n a l attention and was w i d e l y read. W r i t t e n by H o c k i n g , and signed by his wife and thirteen other c o m ­ mission members, Re-thinking Missions charged that " i t is a h u m i l 99

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iating mistake" for Christians t o t h i n k their faith is superior, for there is n o t h i n g unique i n Christianity, and anything i n its teach­ ings that "is true belongs, i n its nature, t o the h u m a n m i n d every­ w h e r e " (1932:49). H o c k i n g w e n t o n t o argue that i f "the O r i e n t is anywhere unresponsive," the fault lies w i t h missionaries w h o attempt t o teach complex doctrines that "are t o o little Christian, t o o m u c h the artifacts o f our western brains" ( i b i d . : 4 9 - 5 0 ) . Several pages later (ibid.:53), the commission w a r n e d against missionizing t o the slogan " O u r message is Jesus C h r i s t , " lest natives fail t o realize that this is merely symbolic language " m a r k i n g l o y a l t y t o a t r a d i t i o n . " The report then proceeded t o denounce a l l teachings that credit "intrusions f r o m the supernatural" i n t o "the realm o f n a t u r a l l a w " — t h a t is, miracles. As can easily be inferred f r o m the report, the basis for H o c k i n g ' s objection t o missions, l o n g shared by his fellow liberal theologians ( A h l s t r o m , 1972), was that he c o u l d no longer acknowledge G o d as an aware, conscious, concerned, active being. Rather, i n his b o o k The Meaning of God in Human Experience: A Philosophic Study of Religion (1912), H o c k i n g devoted nearly six h u n d r e d pages t o dispatching t r a d i t i o n a l conceptions o f G o d , leaving a G o d having only vague, symbolic properties—anticipating Paul Tillich's (1951) n o t i o n o f G o d as a psychological construct, the " g r o u n d o f our being." Indeed, having reduced G o d t o an essence o f i n t e r i o r g o o d ­ ness, H o c k i n g asserted that a l l religions are reflections o f the same G o d , albeit i n somewhat idiosyncratic ways. Despite this, H o c k i n g and his committee felt that, o n the w h o l e , missions were valuable and should continue. But w h a t w o u l d such missionaries do? Perform Christian service! As R a l p h Cooper H u t c h i s o n explained i n the Atlantic Monthly (1927:621), w h o cares i f even " f r o m this day t o the end o f time n o t a single person surrenders his indifference or deserts his o w n faith t o become a Christian . . . [for] service t o needy men requires no pay i n the f o r m o f conversion t o Christianity." I n fact, by this t i m e , a m o n g eastern college students f r o m whose ranks most missionaries had pre­ viously been d r a w n , "[p]hrases like 'evangelization o f the w o r l d ' . . . had become d o w n r i g h t embarrassing," i n the w o r d s o f W i l l i a m H u t c h i s o n (1987:147), H a r v a r d historian and son o f R a l p h C o o -

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per H u t c h i s o n . Henceforth, the y o u n g idealists f r o m the I v y League should go f o r t h o n behalf o f w o r l d l y g o o d deeds—to spread k n o w l ­ edge o f matters such as sanitation rather t h a n salvation. Whatever the theological virtues o f these views, they are socio­ logically naive. As soon became obvious, people w i l l seldom face the hardships o f missionary service merely t o do g o o d deeds. W i t h ­ out the c o n v i c t i o n that they were bringing priceless truths t o those i n need, the mission spirit quickly dissipated i n liberal Protestant circles. M i s s i o n a r y recruitment "flagged" o n college campuses; the "Student Volunteer M o v e m e n t attracted declining numbers to its conventions, t o the signing o f pledge cards, and t o actual mission­ ary service" ( H u t c h i s o n , 1987:147). Indeed, the younger H u t c h i ­ son w o u l d have us believe that this was the end o f the mission era, n o t i n g i n his well-received history o f A m e r i c a n Protestant missions that their "heyday" occurred f r o m 1880 t o 1930. H e made this absurd claim w h i l e fully aware that the mission movement was barely begun by 1930, and that there are far more missionaries i n the field n o w t h a n ever before. But they d o n ' t count! W h y ? Be­ cause, as H u t c h i s o n (ibid.:200) p o i n t e d out, most o f these mission­ aries are n o t h i n g b u t "aggressive soul savers" and "extreme conser­ vatives," w h i l e enlightened Christians long ago gave up such vulgar activities. Indeed, James Reed (1983:197) also claimed that the "Protestant missionary movement began t o wane i n the 1920s," justifying his statement o n the basis that the influx o f evangelicals is merely an " a t a v i s m . " H u t c h i s o n and Reed were correct about at least one t h i n g : the liberals certainly d i d r a p i d l y give up o n missionizing, abandoning the field t o evangelicals. Thus by 1935 barely half o f all missionar­ ies were f r o m liberal denominations (Parker, 1938); this fell t o 26.8 percent by 1948 ( G r u b b and Bingle, 1949), t o 18.0 percent i n 1966 ( C o x i l l and G r u b b , 1967), and t o 4.2 percent i n 1996 (Sie­ w e r t and Valdez, 1997). A n d i t isn't only proselytizing abroad that has become scarce i n these same denominations. A n a t i o n a l sample of Americans was asked i n 1988, " H a v e y o u ever tried t o encour­ age someone t o believe i n Christ or to accept Jesus as his or her savior?" O n l y about one i n five members o f liberal Protestant groups answered yes. But four o f five d i d so among evangelicals

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(Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . I p r o b a b l y need n o t p o i n t out w h i c h de­ nominations are g r o w i n g and w h i c h have l o n g been i n decline (Finke and Stark, 1992).

New

Vistas

Several years ago D a v i d M a r t i n (1989:31) t o l d one o f his English colleagues that he was p l a n n i n g t o w r i t e a b o o k about Protestant­ ism i n L a t i n A m e r i c a n . The response he received was " A very small b o o k , surely." Yet w h e n M a r t i n ' s Tongues of Fire: The Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America appeared i n 1990 i t was i n fact the second b o o k o n the topic that year, preceded by D a v i d Stoll's Is Latin America Turning Protestant? The Politics of Evangelical Growth. U n t i l these books were published, the successful entry o f aggres­ sive Protestant missions i n t o most o f L a t i n America had gone largely unnoticed i n scholarly circles. Indeed, according t o most social scientists, such a t h i n g was impossible. Some c o u l d accept that the Catholic M a r x i s m k n o w n as L i b e r a t i o n Theology had a small future (at least i n the short term) i n L a t i n A m e r i c a , but a successful outbreak o f evangelical Protestantism was dismissed as absurd—hence the haughty reactions M a r t i n experienced w h e n he began his study. Ironically, neither M a r t i n ' s nor Stoll's b o o k was all that timely. A very g o o d study c o u l d have been w r i t t e n t h i r t y years earlier, for evangelical Protestants had already achieved an impressive " l i f t o f f " by 1960. Moreover, m u c h was being w r i t t e n about the r a p i d g r o w t h o f Protestantism i n L a t i n America as early as the 1950s. However, because these reports appeared o n l y i n sec­ t a r i a n publications, the millions o f A m e r i c a n evangelicals w h o reg­ ularly c o n t r i b u t e d funds t o support missions i n L a t i n A m e r i c a n were the o n l y ones w h o knew. I t t o o k the scholarly w o r l d another t h i r t y or forty years t o catch o n . Today, these same evangelical publications are filled w i t h news about "the astonishing g r o w t h " i n sub-Saharan Africa, where local-to-local networks are currently b r i n g i n g i n millions o f con­ verts, and where about half o f the p o p u l a t i o n is n o w Christian (Johnstone, 1993:34). Indeed, there are more t h a n five thousand

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different indigenous Protestant sects, some o f them very large, n o w operating i n sub-Saharan Africa (Barrett, 1968; G i f f o r d , 1998). One w o u l d hope that lessons learned f r o m L a t i n America w o u l d p r o m p t social scientists t o pay attention before another t h i r t y years have passed. One group that has been paying attention is the R o m a n Catholic C h u r c h . I n L a t i n America, local Catholic mission and evangelizing efforts have increased i n direct response t o the success o f local Prot­ estant missions ( G i l l , 1998). Indeed, just as c o m p e t i t i o n resulted i n an extremely aggressive and effective A m e r i c a n Catholicism (Finke and Stark, 1992), so t o o the Catholic C h u r c h i n L a t i n America has recently been energized by Protestant pressures. For example, i n many nations the rates o f seminary enrollments and o f ordinations have been rising—probably for the first time i n history ( G i l l , 1999)—and there has been a quite dramatic outburst o f Catholic evangelizing (Clarke, 1999). I t also needs t o be acknowledged that f r o m the start, Catholic missions i n Africa have been real missions i n the sense that they have been aimed at the masses and based o n persuasion, and w i t h real success—approximately half o f African Christians are Catho­ lics. One reason for this may be that these Catholic missions began m u c h later t h a n missions t o L a t i n America or even t o Asia and thus were influenced by rather different attitudes about coercion. Moreover, unlike the circumstances they faced i n L a t i n America, the Catholic mission orders i n Africa were n o t c o n t r o l l e d by b r u t a l political regimes or by an entrenched c o l o n i a l upper class. Free t o f o l l o w their o w n course, the orders sought t o w i n souls, n o t t o force conformity—as they m i g h t have done i n L a t i n America, t o o , had they been free t o do so. O f immense importance is the fact that Africa was f r o m the start a highly competitive mission field—even i n the Belgian Congo there were Protestant as w e l l as Catholic mis­ sions—and often there was M u s l i m c o m p e t i t i o n as w e l l . As Bainbridge recognized, m o n o p o l y missions always underachieve. The same is true o f m o n o p o l y state churches, w h i c h helps ex­ p l a i n one o f the most telling and least noticed mission develop­ ments since W o r l d W a r I I : Europe has become a very active mission target. As A m e r i c a n soldiers returned f r o m service i n Europe, espe-

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d a i l y service i n the postwar European garrison forces, m a n y o f t h e m enrolled i n evangelical colleges and seminaries, where they made i t c o m m o n knowledge that church attendance is extremely l o w and appreciation o f basic Christian culture is largely lacking i n m u c h o f Europe. Indicative o f this g r o w i n g concern, i n his very influential t e x t b o o k o n Christian missions published i n 1 9 7 1 , J. H e r b e r t Kane (1971:535) quoted Hans Lilje, bishop o f the Ger­ m a n Evangelical C h u r c h and a president o f the W o r l d C o u n c i l o f Churches, as a d m i t t i n g that " [ t ] h e era w h e n Europe was a Chris­ t i a n continent lies behind us." For evangelical Americans, this pre­ sented an irresistible challenge, and f o r t h w i t h "Europe came t o be regarded as a mission field." So, i n the late 1950s and early 1960s, one after another o f the major evangelical mission boards began t o shift resources t o Euro­ pean missions. By 1975 there were 2,363 A m e r i c a n Protestant, fulltime, long-term missionaries i n Europe. By 1985 this t o t a l had g r o w n t o 3,898. T h e n the Berlin W a l l came d o w n and C o m m u n i s t prohibitions o f mission activity collapsed; A m e r i c a n mission boards reacted. I n 1996 there were nearly 5,000 missionaries i n Western Europe and another 2,400 i n the East. This t o t a l does n o t include many thousands o f independents and short-term volunteers. N o r does i t include thousands o f Jehovah's Witnesses. A l t h o u g h mission periodicals express considerable concern about restrictions being imposed o n missionaries i n the former Soviet U n i o n , they are aglow w i t h enthusiasm about Christianizing Europe. The i m p o r t a n t p o i n t is that Christian missionaries today are n o t devoted p r i m a r i l y t o " C h r i s t i a n service." As need dictates, o f course, they b r i n g medical services, schools, basic public health, and sanitation techniques. But that's n o t w h y they go. They go because their conception o f G o d justifies and motivates their mission efforts. U n l i k e liberal Protestants whose vague ideas about G o d no longer let t h e m "presume" t o tell someone else they have the w r o n g reli­ g i o n , evangelical Protestants remain confident that i t is God's plan that " a l l the nations and tongues" shall be Chosen People. Finally, something must be said about efforts t o depict Christian missionaries as servants o f c o l o n i a l capitalism. This is a very o l d refrain. I n his play The Man of Destiny (1897), George Bernard

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Shaw had N a p o l e o n say that w h e n an Englishman "wants a new m a r k e t for his adulterated Manchester goods, he sends a mission­ ary t o teach the natives the Gospel." O f course, n o t only was Shaw a dedicated atheist and socialist, he also w o r k e d h a r d at "of­ fending" the conventional public, m u c h as d i d M a r k T w a i n (1901), w h o made similar charges about ties t o imperialism i n several nasty essays about missionaries. A n y o n e w h o believes the n o t i o n o f mis­ sionaries as the agents o f Western imperialism has p r o b a b l y never met missionaries or read an i n f o r m e d account o f missions (e.g., N e i l l , 1986), and certainly has n o t read any sampling o f the letters, diaries, or autobiographies o f missionaries. Four themes dominate these materials. Love o f G o d . Loneliness for family and friends. The satisfactions o f f o r m i n g attachments t o those t o w h o m they have been sent, and the resentment the missionary feels t o w a r d all Westerners or local rulers w h o exploit or impose o n the people. I t was n o t at all unusual for missionaries to become deeply involved i n bitter conflicts w i t h commercial and colonial leaders i n support of the local populations (Hiney, 2 0 0 0 ) . Even so ardent an opponent of the mission movement as W i l l i a m H u t c h i s o n (1987:92) c o u l d grudgingly a d m i t that the missionaries were quite opposed t o "the e v i l " o f " e x p l o i t a t i o n or c o l o n i z a t i o n , " although he was q u i c k t o characterize any efforts t o Christianize as i m p e r i a l i s m per se. H u t c h i s o n made i t clear that his objections t o missions had t o do only w i t h efforts t o spread the gospel; he approved o f missions modeled o n the Peace Corps. W h a t he failed t o grasp, even t h o u g h efforts by his father and many others t o create such missions were complete failures, is w h a t M o t h e r Teresa made clear w h e n a re­ porter referred to her sisters as social w o r k e r s : "We are n o t social workers. We do this for Jesus!"

Hindu Missions Western devotees o f Eastern religion often quote Ramakrishna Paramahansa's (1836-1886) eloquent claims that all religions are true and all Gods are one and the same, i n order to display the superior tolerance and w i s d o m o f H i n d u i s m . I n the best-selling

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t e x t b o o k ever w r i t t e n for comparative religion courses, H u s t o n Smith ( 1 9 9 1 : 7 4 - 7 5 ) devoted most o f t w o pages t o an excerpt f r o m Ramakrishna, w h i c h included the f o l l o w i n g passages: God has made different religions to suit different aspirations, times, and countries. All doctrines are only so many paths. . . one can reach God if one follows any of the paths with whole-hearted devotion . . . the one Everlasting-Intelligent-Bliss is invoked by some as God, by some as Allah, by some as Jehovah, and by others as Brahman. People partition off their lands by means of boundaries, but no one can partition off the all-embracing sky overhead. The indivisible sky surrounds all and includes all. So people in ignorance say, "My reli­ gion is the only one, my religion is the best." But when a heart is illuminated by true knowledge, it knows that above all these wars of sects and sectarians presides the one, indivisible, eternal, all-knowing bliss. As a preface t o this excerpt, Smith (ibid.:73) expressed his o w n sentiments: " T o c l a i m that salvation is the m o n o p o l y o f any one religion is like claiming that G o d can be f o u n d i n this r o o m b u t n o t i n the next, i n this attire b u t n o t another." A u t h o r s w h o d o n ' t quote Ramakrishna often quote his disciple Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902), especially his lecture at the W o r l d Parliament o f Religions i n Chicago i n 1893, i n w h i c h he proposed that H i n d u i s m is n o t o n l y the most ancient o f the w o r l d religions b u t the " m o t h e r " o f all o f the others and, for that reason, the most tolerant (Hanson, 1894; Seager, 1993). These views, especially the one that all religions are the same religion, have struck a very sympathetic c h o r d a m o n g Westerners seeking alternatives t o the Judeo-Christian religious t r a d i t i o n , espe­ cially w h e n , as Simon W e i g h t m a n (1984:193) explained, they are "coupled w i t h the n o t i o n o f the spiritual East and the materialistic West, as i f there were no spirituality i n the West and n o materialism i n the East." O f particular interest is the a d d i t i o n a l c l a i m that, be­ cause H i n d u s realize that a l l religions and Gods are one, H i n d u i s m is not a missionizing religion. Ironically, this c l a i m is made most often by people w h o are i n the act o f missionizing o n behalf o f 106

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H i n d u i s m , as i n : " Y o u should embrace m y faith because i t is so m u c h wiser and more tolerant t h a n that n a r r o w and disgusting creed o f y o u r s . " C o n t r a r y t o the textbooks, Ramakrishna and Vivekananda actu­ ally represented a very unusual, liberal b r a n d o f H i n d u i s m . As the D a n i s h religious historian Johannes Aagaard p u t i t : T h e n a t u r e o f H i n d u i s m is n o r m a l l y d e s c r i b e d i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the l i b e r a l r e f o r m e r s . . . T h e r e f o r e , the w h o l e n a t i o n a l i s t a n d

revivalist

l i n e is t u n e d d o w n a n d the e x p a n s i o n a n d m i s s i o n o f H i n d u i s m n o t s e e n . T h e r e s u l t is a c o m p l e t e c a r i c a t u r e o f H i n d u i s m

and

is its

n a t u r e a n d m i s s i o n . . . f o r w h i c h the s c h o l a r s a r e to be m a d e r e s p o n ­ s i b l e . . . I t is n o t a m i n o r m i s t a k e . ( I n M a t h e w , 1 9 8 7 : 7 - 8 )

I t w o u l d be appropriate t o identify Ramakrishna, Vivekananda, and their followers as the I n d i a n counterparts o f W i l l i a m H o c k i n g and his colleagues, whose attacks o n Christian exclusivity were w r i t t e n p a r t l y i n response t o the "ecumenical" example set by Ra­ makrishna and Vivekananda. But just as A m e r i c a n missions d i d n o t eschew conversionism w h e n H o c k i n g said they should, the mis­ sionizing spirit o f H i n d u i s m d i d n o t disappear i n response t o asser­ tions o f its nonexistence. Rather, entirely i n keeping w i t h its essen­ t i a l monotheism, H i n d u i s m claims t o possess exclusive religious t r u t h . As M a h a r i s h i M a h e s h Y o g i , founder o f Transcendental M e d ­ i t a t i o n , p u t i t , " I felt a strong desire t o spread the true r e l i g i o n " (in M a t h e w , 1987:6). The very idea that Yahweh, Jehovah, and A l l a h are alternative names for B r a h m a n is anathema even t o most H i n d u intellectuals, let alone t o the r a n k and file ( M a t h e w , 1987). Were i t otherwise, h o w w o u l d one explain the chronic and b r u t a l violence against n o n - H i n d u s that has gone o n so l o n g i n I n d i a , especially since the British left, and the need t o p a r t i t i o n the subcontinent i n t o H i n d u and M u s l i m nations? Should anyone propose that this was entirely i n response t o M u s l i m violence ( w h i c h i t wasn't), one m i g h t ask that person for an account o f the recent attacks o n Sikhs and the desecration o f their most sacred temple, and o f the rash o f anti-Christian violence i n H i n d u I n d i a — c h u r c h burnings and missionary murders. N o ! Conventional H i n d u s regard theirs as the true faith t o the same extent as do M u s l i m s , Christians, and Jews

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and are just as inclined to missionizing. A n d the reason is that H i n ­ duism at least approximates monotheism. There is a general impression among Westerners that H i n d u i s m is polytheistic, and hence relationships w i t h any given G o d are short-term and u t i l i t a r i a n , as is typical i n polytheistic religious economies. But this is a quite erroneous (Fowler, 1997; K n i p e , 1993; Parrinder, 1983; Smart, 1984; W e i g h t m a n , 1984). First o f a l l , the H i n d u Gods really number o n l y t w o : Vishnu and Shiva. Each o f the many other apparent Gods is regarded as an a d d i t i o n a l aspect, avatar, or incarnation o f one o f these t w o . Thus w h i l e there exist m a n y different H i n d u sects devoted to different incarnations, i t is understood that each really is either V i s h n u or Shiva. The popular Krishna, for example, is an avatar o f V i s h n u . Some schol­ ars c l a i m that, i n fact, H i n d u s do not worship both V i s h n u and Shiva (Fowler, 1997; W e i g h t m a n , 1984). F o l l o w i n g a principle k n o w n as ishtadeva, "the chosen deity," the i n d i v i d u a l H i n d u w o r ­ ships one or the other "exclusively as the supreme G o d " : " [ 0 ] n e c o u l d spend a lifetime i n I n d i a and never find a 'polytheist' i n West­ ern terms, because even an unlettered peasant w h o has just made offerings at several shrines w i l l affirm that . . . G o d is one" (Weightman, 1984:212). Indeed, m a n y H i n d u s do n o t really be­ lieve that there are t w o Gods, but o n l y Brahman, the creator o f the universe, w h o can be w o r s h i p e d i n the f o r m o f either V i s h n u or Shiva (Bowker, 1997; Smart, 1984). Thus H i n d u i s m at least ap­ proximates monotheism. I t is w o r t h recalling that once i t got its monotheistic bearings, H i n d u i s m extinguished a t h r i v i n g Buddhist establishment i n I n d i a . I t also sustained missionizing efforts i n Southeast Asia, often t a k i n g the f o r m o f conversion by conquest and colonizing (Kane, 1953; Majumder, 1963). Moreover, just as the Jews have repulsed m a n y centuries o f Christian and M u s l i m efforts t o convert t h e m , H i n d u ­ ism w i t h s t o o d centuries o f conversion efforts by M u s l i m conquer­ ors. As W i l l a r d O x t o b y (1996a:544-45) noted, "the M u s l i m s i n India were m i n o r i t y rulers o f a subcontinent that remained d o m i nantly H i n d u . " But the definitive p r o o f that H i n d u i s m is a missionizing faith is t o be f o u n d i n the presence o f literally hundreds o f H i n d u mission

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organizations and centers i n Europe and N o r t h A m e r i c a — m a n y o f w h i c h frankly include the w o r d " m i s s i o n " i n their names. Just as the steamship made i t feasible for Christian missionaries to go t o I n d i a , H i n d u missionaries were soon b o o k i n g themselves aboard the r e t u r n voyages. By the end o f the nineteenth century, H i n d u missionaries enjoyed a considerable vogue among intellectuals i n Europe and A m e r i c a . Ironically, their w a y had been prepared by Christian missionaries t o India w h o had translated m a n y sacred H i n d u scriptures, including the Bhagavad G i t a , i n order t o better understand the " o p p o s i t i o n . " The circulation o f these scriptures i n Europe and the U n i t e d States had considerable impact, especially among secularists w h o regarded themselves as " t o o sophisticated" t o accept C h r i s t i a n i t y or Judaism (Oppenheim, 1988; Washington, 1995). Thus the N e w England "Transcendentalists" w h o gathered a r o u n d R a l p h W a l d o Emerson (1803-1882), poet and failed U n i ­ tarian minister, were deeply and obviously influenced by H i n d u teachings. The first H i n d u g u r u t o visit America gave his first lec­ ture i n the home o f Emerson's w i d o w i n C o n c o r d , Massachusetts, o n September 2, 1883. F r o m C o n c o r d , Protap Chunder M o zoomdar w e n t o n t o make a number o f appearances i n other parts o f N e w England ( M e l t o n , 1988). O n his w a y t o A m e r i c a , M o zoomdar had stopped i n England, where he also f o u n d a ready audience—Hinduism having attracted some devotees a m o n g those w h o had served as colonial civil servants i n India. Nevertheless, the early days o f H i n d u i s m i n England were d o m i n a t e d by very unauthentic adaptations such as the Theosophy concocted by H e l ­ ena Petrovna Blavatsky (1831-1891). Ten years after M o z o o m d a r ' s A m e r i c a n tour, several H i n d u mis­ sionaries appeared at the W o r l d Parliament o f Religions i n C h i ­ cago, and a m o n g t h e m was, as mentioned, Swami Vivekananda, w h o became the star o f the gathering (Hanson, 1894; Seager, 1993). After the Chicago affair ended, Vivekananda toured America for t w o years and founded the first H i n d u mission move­ ment i n America—the Vedanta Society. Thus began a substantial influx o f H i n d u missionaries t o the West, lasting u n t i l travel be­ came v i r t u a l l y impossible because o f W o r l d W a r I .

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O f course, t o missionize i n the West, H i n d u s faced m a n y b a r r i ­ ers. I n a d d i t i o n t o c o l o n i a l i s m and ethnic prejudice, t w o devasta­ t i n g wars interfered greatly (as was true for Christian mission ef­ forts t o o ) . There have also been a variety o f legal restrictions. I n m a n y European nations, even Protestant missionizing was illegal u n t i l quite recently, let alone proselytism o n behalf o f "heathen­ i s m " (Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . H i n d u missionaries faced n o such barriers i n the U n i t e d States, i f o n l y they c o u l d get a visa. F r o m the early 1920s u n t i l 1965, i t was almost impossible for H i n d u missionaries (or anyone else f r o m India) t o become residents o f the U n i t e d States, and the swamis and gurus were l i m i t e d t o short stays o n visitor visas. This afforded an o p p o r t u n i t y for local i n i t i a t i v e — the immensely p o p u l a r books o n H i n d u teachings by S w a m i Ramacharacka (some o f w h i c h are still i n p r i n t ) were i n fact w r i t t e n by an A m e r i c a n named W i l l i a m W a l k e r A t k i n s o n , and O o m the O m ­ nipotent, founder o f the T a n t r i c k O r d e r o f A m e r i c a , was an A m e r i ­ can using the name Pierre Bernard, w h o had been b o r n as Peter Coons ( M e l t o n , 1989). Americans posing as Indians were n o t a very effective substitute for the real t h i n g . Thus i t was a matter o f great significance w h e n the i m m i g r a t i o n laws were modified i n 1965 so that once again authentic gurus c o u l d missionize A m e r i c a . Indeed, before the year was out, S w a m i Bhaktivedanta h a d taken up residence i n N e w Y o r k C i t y and h a d begun t o instruct several potential converts t o his I n t e r n a t i o n a l Society o f K r i s h n a C o n ­ sciousness ( I S K C O N ) , and Satguru Sant Keshavadas h a d founded the Temple o f Cosmic R e l i g i o n i n W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . A l s o i n 1965, the first center o f the Society for Transcendental M e d i t a t i o n was founded i n Los Angeles, and M a h a r i s h i M a h e s h Y o g i , leader and founder o f the movement, began the first o f his l o n g stays i n A m e r i c a the next year. Before the 1960s ended, m a n y other H i n d u teachers flocked t o A m e r i c a ; more have come since, i n c l u d i n g Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh, whose c o m m u n i t y i n Antelope, O r e g o n , attracted several thousand devotees, m a n y o f t h e m upper-middleclass professional w o m e n ( G o l d m a n , 1999). 12

I t can be argued that H i n d u i s m i n A m e r i c a is still i n the stage o f missionary-to-local n e t w o r k s , and t h a t real g r o w t h lies ahead w h e n the local-to-local conversion process gains m o m e n t u m .

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However, that ignores the h a r d going faced by missions t o societies having a deeply entrenched m o n o t h e i s m , as is clearly revealed by the very small numbers o f converts thus far t o these various H i n d u missions and the " r e l i g i o u s " backgrounds o f those w h o do j o i n . As t o numbers, there have p r o b a b l y never been more t h a n four thousand members o f I S K C O N (Hare Krishna) i n the U n i t e d States, and most o f the other missions have never attracted more t h a n a thousand. Americans w h o do j o i n are o v e r w h e l m i n g l y f r o m irreligious backgrounds. Y o u n g Americans f r o m "secular" Jewish homes are m a n y times more likely t o be recruited by H i n d u mis­ sionaries t h a n are Americans o f any other b a c k g r o u n d . The other highly susceptible g r o u p consists o f those w h o give their parents' religion as " n o n e " (Judah, 1974; Stark and Bainbridge, 1985). Given the h i g h level o f active religiousness i n A m e r i c a , one w o u l d expect H i n d u missionaries t o have done far better i n Europe, and they have. Proportionate t o p o p u l a t i o n , there are far m o r e H i n d u mission centers operating i n most Western European nations t h a n i n the U n i t e d States (Stark, 1985, 1993). Indeed, they already are quite active i n Eastern Europe (Carden, 1998; K r i n d a t c h , 1995; Ross, 1995; Zagorska, 1998).

Conclusion The c o m m o n element i n all o f these authentic instances o f missions is m o n o t h e i s m . The logic involved is elegant and compelling. I f there is o n l y one G o d , then anyone w h o worships other Gods is p r o f o u n d l y w r o n g . Surely one owes i t t o t h e m , as w e l l as t o G o d , t o b r i n g t h e m the t r u t h . So far, so g o o d . But i t also seems t o f o l l o w that one has an o b l i g a t i o n t o protect people f r o m error and f r o m false prophets. "Here be monsters."

Notes 1. A l s o spelled I k h n a t o n . 2. T h e principle of diffusion should not be confused w i t h the theory k n o w n as diffusionism, that civilization developed in only one center a n d spread from there.

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3. I n previous w o r k I have defined conversion as a long-distance shift i n reli­ gious allegiance—a shift across religious traditions, as w h e n one "converts" from Christianity to Islam. I n doing so, I took a n exclusive commitment, at least to the n e w faith, for granted. H e r e I m a k e that assumption explicit. I n keeping w i t h N o c k , one does not convert from one G o d to another w i t h i n a polytheistic system. T h a t w o u l d constitute w h a t I have previously defined as reaffiliation. A s stated, this n e w definition fully covers conversions across monotheisms as w e l l as conver­ sion to a monotheism from irreligion or polytheism. 4. F o r centuries it w a s anti-Semites w h o denied that Jews once missionized, preferring to cast them as too exclusive a n d selfish to do so. E d w a r d G i b b o n {The Decline and Tall. . . 1.15) is representative, writing of the "Jewish religion" that it w a s of " n a r r o w a n d unsocial spirit, w h i c h , instead of inviting, h a d deterred the gentiles from embracing the l a w of M o s e s . . . T h e sullen obstinacy w i t h w h i c h they maintained their peculiar rites a n d unsocial manners . . . that unsocial people w a s actuated by the selfish vanity . . . that they alone were the heirs of the cove­ nant, a n d that they were apprehensive of diminishing the value of their inheri­ tance, by sharing it too easily w i t h the strangers of the earth." Ironically, today it is Jews w h o deny that ancient J u d a i s m missionized, seemingly i n order to c l a i m that only Christianity w a s capable of such a n inherently arrogant activity. Indeed, M a r t i n G o o d m a n (1994) claims that to the very small extent that Jews ever prose­ lytized, they learned it from Christians a n d d i d so out of self-preservation. I think it not irrelevant that the denial of J e w i s h missions seems to enlist greatest support from less religious a n d "secular" J e w s , while more religious Jews such as L o u i s F e l d m a n (1993) are entirely comfortable writing chapters w i t h titles such as " T h e Success of Proselytism by Jews i n the Hellenistic a n d E a r l y R o m a n Periods." 5. T h e Pentateuch h a d been translated into the G r e e k — t h e Septuagint. 6. T h i s passage inspired me to undertake projections of early C h r i s t i a n growth a n d to infer that Jews probably converted to Christianity i n far greater numbers a n d over a substantially longer period than has been assumed (Stark, 1 9 9 6 a ) . 7. T h e recognition that conversion is a network phenomenon,

spreading

through structures of direct a n d intimate interpersonal attachments, is n o longer limited to sociologists. T h e historian R o b i n L a n e F o x (1987:316) noted, albeit concerning C h r i s t i a n conversion, that "[a]bove a l l w e should give weight to the presence a n d influence of friends. It is a force w h i c h so often escapes the record, but it gives shape to everyone's personal life. O n e friend might bring another to the faith . . . W h e n a person turned to G o d , he found others, n e w 'brethren,' w h o were sharing the same path." Peter B r o w n , also a historian, expressed similar views: "Ties of family, marriages, a n d loyalties to heads of households h a d been the most effective means of recruiting members of the c h u r c h , a n d h a d maintained the continued adherence of the average C h r i s t i a n to the n e w cult" (1988:90). 8. Sometimes this involves missions from a smaller to a larger subgroup (or subculture), as i n the case of M o r m o n missionaries i n the United States, or C h r i s ­ tian missionaries in ancient R o m e .

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9. Samuel M i l l s w a s not among them, having been asked to remain home to recruit others to mission w o r k . I n 1819, at age thirty-five, he died at sea while returning from his first trip a b r o a d — a brief visit to West Africa. 10. Great-grandfather of my colleague and frequent coauthor, W i l l i a m Sims Bainbridge. 11. District 2, w h i c h received subsidies for part of the period, is omitted. 12. Originally named the D a s a s h r a m International Center.

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"Enemies of Christ. "

Knights preparing to leave for the First C r u s a d e attack a

Jewish neighborhood. © Christel G e r s t e n b e r g / C O R B I S .

God's Wrath: Religious Conflict Soldiers o f H e l l , become soldiers o f the l i v i n g G o d ! —Pope U r b a n I I

i ^ = ^ = ^ J ^ e l i g i o u s differences have fueled some o f the most b r u t a l intergroup conflicts i n h u m a n history. Often, even m i n o r variations i n doctrine unleash the dogs o f w a r and " j u s t i f y " mass butchery. Yet, at other times and i n other places, w h a t w o u l d seem t o be immense differences i n religious doctrine and r i t u a l coexist, and potential conflicts are m u t e d by norms o f civility. W h y ? Generations o f social scientists have defined this question i n terms o f prejudice and have sought explanations o f religious con­ flict w i t h i n the h u m a n psyche. The result is a vast literature o n such constructs as a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m , stereotyping, scapegoating, projec­ t i o n , and the like (Taylor and Pettigrew, 1992). But, as should have been clear f r o m the start, the psychological approach t o questions i n v o l v i n g cross-cultural and historical variations necessarily is a cul-de-sac. The causes o f phenomena such as religious conflict are n o t t o be f o u n d p r i m a r i l y w i t h i n the h u m a n head, unless w e make the patently false assumption that basic psychological processes differ greatly by time and place. Ironically, w h i l e literally hundreds o f social scientists have i n ­ vested their careers i n studies o f religious prejudice, elements o f a m o d e l t o e x p l a i n variations i n religious conflict and civility have been available t o economists for more t h a n t w o centuries—clearly expressed by A d a m Smith (1723-1790) i n The Wealth of Nations. Unfortunately, generations o f economists f o l l o w i n g Smith mostly ignored his forays i n t o " p e r i p h e r a l " topics (Radnitzsky and Bernholz, 1987). I n fact, these sections o f The Wealth . . . are o m i t t e d 115

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f r o m most o f the available editions, and o n l y recently has m u c h attention been given t o Smith's w r i t i n g s o n religion (Anderson, 1988; Finke and Stark, 1988, 1992; Iannaccone, 1 9 9 1 ; Stark, 1992; Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ; Stark and Iannaccone, 1994; Stark and M c C a n n , 1993). But i f economists l o n g neglected Smith's i n ­ sightful legacy o n these topics, presumably his w o r k o n religious conflict was available t o noneconomists w h o d i d concern them­ selves w i t h the matter. Yet early i n m y career w h e n I published several well-received books o n religious prejudice, I k n e w n o t h i n g o f Smith's w o r k and encountered no trace o f i t i n that literature (Glock and Stark, 1966; Stark et al., 1971). I d i d n o t discover the critical passages o n religious conflict i n Smith's m a s t e r w o r k u n t i l I was w e l l along o n the theory presented below, l o n g after I had begun t o collaborate w i t h an economist and t o p u b l i s h articles q u o t i n g Smith o n the inefficiency o f established churches (Stark and Iannaccone, 1993, 1994, 1996). I n this chapter I attempt t o isolate essential concepts and l i n k t h e m w i t h theoretical principles sufficient for a theory o f religious conflict—clarifying that some o f the propositions were anticipated more t h a n t w o centuries ago by A d a m Smith. Once the theory o f conflict is i n place, I devote the rest o f this chapter t o a p p l y i n g i t t o some significant historical cases.

A T h e o r y o f M o n o t h e i s m and C o n f l i c t The image o f G o d that is most potent i n terms o f social effects is, for that very reason, the most dangerous. I t is precisely G o d as a conscious, responsive, g o o d supreme being o f infinite scope—the One True G o d as conceived by the great m o n o t h e i s m s — w h o p r o m p t s awareness o f idolatry, false Gods, and heretical religions. Particularism, the belief that a given religion is the only true reli­ gion, is inherent in monotheism. I n Christian Beliefs and Anti-Semitism ( G l o c k and Stark, 1966), I developed the n o t i o n o f p a r t i c u l a r i s m at some length, using i t t o explain n o t o n l y Christian anti-Semitism b u t classical anti-Semi­ t i s m as w e l l . I f salvation comes o n l y t h r o u g h faith i n Christ, then

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Jews are outcasts, b o u n d for hell for practicing a false religion. By the same logic, i f Y a h w e h is the One True G o d , then the ancient Greeks and Romans were idolaters—and even polytheists w i l l take offense w h e n others dismiss their Gods as fantasies or falsehoods. Thus the t w o sides o f particularism: the contempt for other faiths and the reaction by those held i n contempt. But i f monotheists believe there is only One True God, they have been unable t o sustain One True Religion. Rather, f r o m the start all o f the major monotheisms have been prone t o splinter i n t o m a n y True Religions that sometimes acknowledge one another's r i g h t t o coexist and sometimes d o n ' t . Hence internal and external conflict is inherent i n particularistic religion. N o t only d i d the Pharisees denounce Sadducees w h i l e the Essenes condemned t h e m b o t h , the T a l m u d noted the existence o f twenty-four disputatious Jewish theological factions i n this era (Cohen, 1987; Georgi, 1995). So, t o o , d i d the early Christians de­ vote a l o t o f energy t o denouncing one another—among very early Christian documents are catalogs ofheresyl I n about the year 180 (when I estimate the entire Christian p o p u l a t i o n t o have numbered no more t h a n 100,000), Irenaeus produced his famous five-volume attack o n heresy w h e r e i n he lists nearly t w o dozen groups o f Chris­ tians w h o h a d gone astray. A few years later H i p p o l y t u s issued an expanded catalog listing nearly fifty heretical groups (Williams, 1996). Given the l i m i t e d communications o f that time as w e l l as a canon still i n flux and a shortage o f w r i t t e n scriptures, i t p r o b a b l y isn't t o o surprising that i n a substantial number o f places the t i n y local C h r i s t i a n groups drifted i n t o d o c t r i n a l differences. W h a t is striking, however, is that this d o c t r i n a l drifting resulted i n such intense antagonism. N o t content t o call one another names, Chris­ t i a n factions sometimes engaged i n m a y h e m and mass murder o n behalf o f t r u t h . I n similar fashion, Islam has always been plagued by bitter and often violent sectarianism. Conflicts among major factions such as the Sunni, the Shi'ites, and the Sufis are w e l l k n o w n , b u t Islam abounds i n minor, and often very m i l i t a n t , sects as w e l l . Even so, there was far more diversity o f doctrines and practices among the various pagan groups t h a n has ever existed w i t h i n Juda-

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ism, Christianity, or Islam. But i n the absence o f claims t o exclusive t r u t h , these pagan differences produced n o sparks. The priests o f various pagan temples u n d o u b t e d l y regarded one another as c o m ­ petitors for patronage, and I a m sure that sometimes priests o f one temple were a b i t contemptuous o f those serving i n another, b u t this was far more like the feelings a m o d e r n auto dealer has for another dealer d o w n the street. As a perceptive pagan t o l d St. A u ­ gustine (Epistle 16), the temples existed i n a state o f "concordant discord." Moreover, whenever there exist m a n y nonexclusive Gods, each w i t h a religious organization, most people w i l l p a t r o n ­ ize a variety o f divinities since m a n y offer specialized services. I n a d d i t i o n , most people w i l l seek help f r o m m a n y Gods, simply t o hedge their bets. Laurence Iannaccone (1995) has aptly described this as assembling a "religious p o r t f o l i o . " But even polytheistic t o l ­ erance has limits. Just as h a d the " A t e n i t e s " before t h e m , Jews and Christians outraged pagan o p i n i o n by denying all o f their Gods, and consequently they were sometimes severely persecuted for their "atheism." Indeed, Plato advocated solitary confinement and, i n extreme cases, execution for anyone w h o denied the existence o f the Gods (Laws 10). But i t is among those c o m m i t t e d t o the particularistic p r i n c i p l e — that there is only one authoritative belief system—that t r u l y dan­ gerous religious antagonisms arise. Moreover, where p a r t i c u l a r i s m rules, bitter antagonisms are inevitable because theological dis­ agreement is inevitable. Let me stress that d o c t r i n a l differences o f the k i n d cataloged by Irenaeus and by H i p p o l y t u s usually are n o t masks for other, more basic causes such as class. These disputes are the n o r m a l consequences o f theological study, for heresy is i n ­ herent i n the act o f seeking t o fully understand and t o reconcile the deeper meanings o f scriptures and revelations w i t h i n any context wherein there can be only one correct answer. For this reason, even w i t h i n the conflines o f m o n o t h e i s m , p l u r a l ­ ism is the " n a t u r a l " or " n o r m a l " religious state o f affairs—in the absence o f repression, there w i l l be m u l t i p l e religious organizations (Stark, 1983; Stark and Bainbridge, [ 1 9 8 7 ] 1996; Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ; Stark and Iannaccone, 1994). I n a d d i t i o n t o d o c t r i n a l diver­ sity, p l u r a l i s m arises f r o m the apparent fact that i n any n o r m a l

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p o p u l a t i o n people seem t o differ according t o the intensity o f their religious desires and tastes. T h a t is, some people are content w i t h a religion that, although i t promises less, also requires less. Others w a n t more f r o m their religion and are w i l l i n g t o do more t o get i t . M a x Weber expressed this p o i n t by n o t i n g that "people differ greatly i n their religious capacities . . . i n every r e l i g i o n , " and those w h o make the greatest efforts he identified as "religious v i r t u o s i " ([1922] 1993:162). B u i l d i n g o n this observation, I have proposed that the religious diversity i n all societies is r o o t e d i n so­ cial niches, groups o f people sharing particular preferences con­ cerning religious intensity. I argue that these niches are quite stable over time and quite similar i n their fundamental o u t l o o k across societies and history (Stark and Bainbridge, [1987] 1996; Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . Put another way, i n all societies people can be ranked according t o the intensity o f their religious concerns and tastes, and hence i n the level o f demands they are w i l l i n g t o fulfill i n order t o satisfy their needs. M o s t people w a n t some intensity i n their religion and w i l l accept some costs, but n o t t o o m u c h o f either. Some people w i l l have little religious interest and w i l l prefer t o be involved as little as possible. But i n any society, as Weber noted, some people w i l l aspire t o a high-intensity faith. Given the diversity o f religious demand, other things being equal there w i l l be a corresponding diversity i n religious supply: hence p l u r a l i s m , the existence o f m u l ­ tiple religious organizations. Thus i n any society where diversity is n o t suppressed by force, the religious spectrum w i l l include a full range o f religious organizations, f r o m some that demand little and are i n a very l o w state o f tension w i t h their surroundings t o some that offer very high-intensity faith. E n r o l l m e n t i n these groups w i l l tend t o resemble a n o r m a l curve, w i t h the moderate faiths c o m ­ m a n d i n g the largest followings (Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . As w i l l be seen i n Chapter 5, p l u r a l i s m can be quite stable and even civil, so l o n g as there are many religious organizations, none of them very p o w e r f u l . However, i f there exist o n l y a few very p o w ­ erful religious groups, intense conflicts must ensue as each attempts t o suppress the other(s). Yet because o f the inherent forces impel­ ling p l u r a l i s m , no single religious organization can impose a m o -

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nopoly, unless i t is able t o enlist the coercive power of the state o n its behalf. A d a m Smith recognized that no religious organization possesses the means t o impose a m o n o p o l y — t h a t " m o n o p o l y " religious or­ ganizations exist o n l y w h e n i t suits the interest o f a p o l i t i c a l elite t o sustain them. Sometimes this is because the p o l i t i c a l and reli­ gious elites are one, as has often been the case i n Islamic societies. M o r e typically, this occurs d u r i n g a contest for p o l i t i c a l p o w e r w h e n a contending " p o l i t i c a l p a r t y has either f o u n d i t , or imagined i t , for its interest t o league itself w i t h some one or other o f the contending religious sects. But this c o u l d be done o n l y by adopting, or at least by favoring, the tenets o f that particular sect. The sect w h i c h had the g o o d fortune t o be leagued w i t h the conquering party, necessarily shared i n the v i c t o r y o f its a l l y " (Smith, [1776] 1981:792). The result is that the victorious sect successfully appeals t o the victorious r u l i n g elite " t o silence and subdue all its [religious] adver­ saries" (ibid.). This was, o f course, h o w Christianity rose t o become the o n l y licit religion i n the latter days o f the R o m a n Empire. Because religious monopolies depend u p o n state coercion, t o the degree that a religious m o n o p o l y exists, religious conflict w i l l i n ­ volve a political challenge to the state. T h a t is, t o the extent that the p o l i t i c a l elite support the m o n o p o l y faith, t o challenge i t is t o challenge them, so heresy inevitably becomes treason. For example, d u r i n g the reign o f Frederick I I (1194-1250), any person w h o was excommunicated by a German bishop was automatically deprived o f her or his civil rights six weeks later ( H o l b o r n , 1982:23). C o n ­ versely, direct challenges t o the p o l i t i c a l elite w i l l be defined as her­ esy. I t was n o t the C h u r c h that declared the Knights Templars here­ tics. I t was K i n g Philip I V o f France (1285-1314) w h o , fearing the r a p i d l y g r o w i n g p o l i t i c a l and economic p o w e r o f the order, i n i t i ­ ated the heresy charges and rushed G r a n d Master Jacques de M o l a y and Geoffroi de Charney, preceptor o f N o r m a n d y , t o the stake i n defiance o f Pope Clement V (Read, 1999). Subsequently, the pope accepted this judgment and signed a b u l l suppressing the order, b u t o n l y after a satisfactory d i v i s i o n o f the Templars' p r o p ­ erty between C h u r c h and State had been agreed. Thus do p o l i t i c a l

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elites and established churches reinforce one another. This u n i o n has been the cause o f some o f the most v i r u l e n t " r e l i g i o u s " con­ flicts, for, as A d a m Smith ([1776] 1981:791) noted, "times o f v i o ­ lent religious controversy have generally been times o f equally v i o ­ lent p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n . " The m a n y massacres o f dissenting Christian movements were achieved by secular armies o n behalf o f the C h u r c h (although sometimes rulers a l l o w e d the C h u r c h t o employ mercenaries against dissenters), and Luther's R e f o r m a t i o n survived o n l y be­ cause i t was successfully defended by secular forces. Indeed, L u ­ ther's experience demonstrates that n o t o n l y must religious rebels seek secular protectors, political rebels must make c o m m o n cause w i t h religious dissenters i n order t o offset their religious illegiti­ macy. Thus Lutheranism p r o v i d e d n o r t h e r n European princes w i t h a sufficient shield against e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n , w h i l e they, i n r e t u r n , protected Luther f r o m the stake. As A d a m Smith ([1776] 1981:806-7) explained: The success of the new doctrines was almost every where so great, that the princes who at the time happened to be on bad terms with the court of Rome, were by means of them easily enabled, in their own dominions, to overturn the church, which, having lost the re­ spect and veneration of the inferior ranks of people, could scarce make any resistance. The court of Rome had disobliged some of the smaller princes in the northern parts of Germany, whom it probably considered as too insignificant to be worth managing. They univer­ sally, therefore, established the reformation in their own dominions. Given the involvement o f b o t h C h u r c h and State i n all efforts t o impose and sustain a religious m o n o p o l y , the focus o f repression w i l l be m u c h more o n p o w e r t h a n o n theology. Indeed, where a relatively secure m o n o p o l y exists, a substantial a m o u n t o f religious nonconformity w i l l be tolerated t o the extent that dissenters are perceived as posing n o threat t o the p o w e r o f the religious elite. Atenists posed a p r o f o u n d threat t o the other Egyptian temples, as Pharaoh Akhenaten cut o f f their funding. Similarly, by their con­ demnation o f the Greco-Roman Gods, Jews and then Christians made i t clear that they wished for their e l i m i n a t i o n , and the Chris121

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tians eventually made g o o d o n their threats. Conversely, Christian l a x i t y i n r o o t i n g o u t r u r a l paganism or i n evangelizing the rankand-file "barbarians" can be understood as the " l a z y " behavior o f a secure m o n o p o l y . The Christian clergy o f n o r t h e r n Europe served the state church. The elite d i d c o n f o r m . The peasants p a i d their tithes. O u t w a r d signs o f n o n c o n f o r m i t y were m i n i m i z e d . W h a t d i d it matter w h a t people actually t h o u g h t or even w h a t they d i d i n private? Moreover, that Jews posed no i n s t i t u t i o n a l threat t o Chris­ t i a n i t y was an i m p o r t a n t element i n the policies a l l o w i n g Jews t o persist i n their nonconformity, as circumscribed and inconsistent as these policies were. But Donatists—that was another matter altogether. Such danger­ ous heretics must be crushed! W h y ? Because they were led by an elite w h o controlled m u c h o f N o r t h Africa, and w h o posed a direct and serious i n s t i t u t i o n a l threat t o R o m a n d o m i n a t i o n o f the C h u r c h . This is also w h y the English Protestants were so m i l i t a n t i n their h u n t for Catholics—the latter had c o n t r o l l e d the state and meant t o do so again. I n contrast, popes and bishops have often tolerated quite exten­ sive "heresy" so l o n g as i t was clearly contained w i t h i n the i n s t i t u ­ t i o n a l f r a m e w o r k o f the C h u r c h . The founders o f m a n y religious orders were o n l y held t o be i n " e r r o r " for variant theological views that w o u l d have been declared heresy o n the part o f laity. I n this manner, religious orders have often served as an acceptable f o r m o f sect movement. M a n y w h o m i g h t otherwise have b r o k e n away and formed a dissenting religious movement instead founded a new religious order, thereby accepting and acknowledging their submis­ sion t o i n s t i t u t i o n a l authority. This illustrates that p o w e r and au­ t h o r i t y can be more i m p o r t a n t t o the definition o f heresy t h a n v a r i ­ ations i n theology. Finally, we arrive at the t w o theoretical principles o n w h i c h the rest o f the chapter is based. The first notes that religious conflict will be maximized where, other things being equal, a few powerful and particularistic religious organizations coexist. A d a m Smith saw this very clearly. Religious differences, he w r o t e , "can be dangerous and troublesome o n l y where there is,

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either but one sect tolerated i n the society, or where the w h o l e o f a large society is divided i n t o t w o or three great sects" ([1776] 1 9 8 1 : 7 9 2 - 9 3 ) . As Smith realized, the latter tends t o be a very u n ­ stable situation, as one group usually attempts t o w i p e o u t the o t h ­ ers or drives t h e m underground. Moreover, such conflicts w i l l tend n o t t o be restricted t o the m a i n contenders but w i l l generate a cli­ mate of general religious intolerance extending t o m i n o r religious groups that w o u l d o r d i n a r i l y tend t o be tolerated. Hence the sec­ o n d major principle: d u r i n g periods o f substantial religious con­ flict, toleration will be withheld or withdrawn f r o m nonthreatening but nonconforming religious groups. I cannot c l a i m t o have been ignorant o f European history w h e n I initially formulated these principles. I t was m y i n t e n t i o n that they should shed substantial explanatory light o n major religious con­ flicts, especially the religious wars. But i t was n o t u n t i l I actually began t o apply t h e m t o the historical record that I realized h o w efficiently and fully they unite countless b l o o d y events over many centuries i n t o an integrated dynamic process. As I continued t o sift these historical materials, i t became appar­ ent that the most revealing thread t o pursue is that o f anti-Semi­ tism, because w h i l e other "sides" and "factions" came and w e n t (Arians, Waldensians, Cathars, Hussites), the Jews were always present and invariably became deeply, i f u n w i l l i n g l y , involved. I n ­ deed, t h r o u g h an attempt t o explain w h y episodes o f lethal violence against Jews were restricted t o o n l y certain times and places, i t w i l l be possible t o expand the focus beyond the boundaries o f Chris­ t e n d o m and t o show that the same principles apply w i t h i n Islamic history—and, further, that periodic intensifications o f the conflicts between these t w o major faiths brought bad times n o t o n l y u p o n Jews but o n all forms o f religious nonconformity. To sum up: W h e n several p o w e r f u l particularistic faiths threaten one another, conflict w i l l be m a x i m i z e d , as w i l l levels o f intoler­ ance. Whatever degree o f toleration had been f o r m a l l y or infor­ m a l l y extended t o nonthreatening religious nonconformists w i l l tend t o be overridden by the intensification o f particularism gener­ ated by the larger conflict. Hence i n the f o l l o w i n g sections I w i l l test these three p r i m a r y hypotheses:

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First, I propose t o demonstrate that the historical record o f v i o ­ lent attacks o n Jews by Christians reveals that most were "collat­ eral" actions d u r i n g times o f m a x i m u m conflict i n v o l v i n g major contenders for i n s t i t u t i o n a l religious power. Second, I w i l l attempt t o establish that the renewal o f conflicts over Christian heresy i n the eleventh century also began as a " c o l ­ lateral" action t o more distant conflicts w i t h Islam. These i n i t i a l disputes over heresy then generated the era o f religious wars, c u l m i ­ nating i n Luther's R e f o r m a t i o n . Third, I w i l l show that m a n y episodes o f M u s l i m violence against Jews occurred i n unison w i t h those i n Christendom, as each major religious p o w e r responded t o the other. By pursuing these hypotheses, I w i l l have the o p p o r t u n i t y t o ex­ amine revealing aspects o f religious conflicts i n general, i n c l u d i n g the interplay between religious and p o l i t i c a l elites.

A n t i - S e m i t i c V i o l e n c e as " C o l l a t e r a l " C o n f l i c t Let me be clear: m y intentions do n o t include w r i t i n g even a brief history o f anti-Semitism. I w i l l ignore nearly a l l o f the c o m m o n aspects o f prejudice and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against Jews, l i m i t i n g m y analysis t o the outbursts o f fatal violence. I imposed the c r i t e r i o n that an episode involve murders because I w a n t e d , as far as possi­ ble, a complete (thus unbiased) set o f events, and those i n v o l v i n g deaths are far more likely t o have been included i n the contempo­ rary sources t h a n are less severe outbursts. Moreover, I wished t o eliminate commonplace, chronic anti-Semitism and identify peri­ ods o f unusually intense expressions o f religious hatred. The analy­ sis begins i n the year 500 and ends i n 1648, w h e n the Treaty o f Westphalia concluded the era o f Europe's major religious wars. Given Christians' intolerance o f religious n o n c o n f o r m i t y , the ap­ propriate question is n o t w h y they persecuted Jews, b u t w h y they tolerated t h e m at all. For, unlike the Donatists, M o n t a n i s t s , Pelagi­ ans, Waldensians, Cathars, or, indeed, the pagans, Jews were the o n l y sizable, openly n o n c o n f o r m i s t religious group w h o endured other t h a n by force o f arms. As Robert Chazen (1986:29) noted,

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despite negative stereotypes and m a n y forms o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , the "essential fact remained . . . that Jews were t o be p e r m i t t e d t o exist w i t h i n C h r i s t i a n society and t o fulfill their religious obligations as Jews." Christians made an exception for Jews because o f the theo­ logical doctrine that the Second C o m i n g w o u l d be ushered i n by the conversion o f the Jews. T h a t was usually interpreted t o mean that Jewish n o n c o n f o r m i t y was p a r t o f the divine p l a n , and that their eventual conversion was i n God's hands. Thus, as Augustine put i t , "the continued preservation o f the Jews w i l l be a p r o o f to believing Christians." This f o r m u l a must n o t be dismissed as "mere w o r d s , " given the very frequent and vigorous intervention by popes and local bishops to protect Jews. Because several attempts t o condemn the C h u r c h for n o t d o i n g more t o save the Jews d u r i n g the H o l o c a u s t have so misrepresented the p o s i t i o n o f the medieval C h u r c h , i t seems w o r t h w h i l e t o quote the most respected o f all Holocaust historians, Steven T. Katz ( 1 9 9 4 : 3 1 8 - 1 9 ) , o n this matter. Calling " T h o u Shalt Not

A n n i h i l a t e the Jews" the "Eleventh Christian C o m m a n d ­

m e n t , " Katz w r o t e : Though Christendom possessed the power, over the course of nearly fifteen hundred years, to destroy that segment of the Jewish people it dominated, it chose not to do so . . . because the physical extirpa­ tion of Jewry was never, at any time, the official policy of any church or of any Christian state. Rather . . . Christian dogmatics entailed protecting Jews and Judaism from extinction . . . with the quasi ex­ ception of Pope Leo V I I (936-939), no pope permitted the use of force in attempts to convert Jews, whereas Pope John X V I I I (10041009) openly defended Jews against hostile Christian forces. In doing so his protective actions were consistent with by-then ancient papal precedents. As Pope Gregory the Great had written centuries before to the bishops of Aries and Marseille, " I praise your missionary inten­ tions, but you have erred in using force to baptize Jews." O f course, a l t h o u g h the rules varied by time and place, nowhere in Europe d i d Jews enjoy the same freedoms and rights as Chris­ tians, just as they were n o t treated as equal t o M u s l i m s i n Islamic societies. I n general Jews were forbidden t o proselytize, t o have

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Christian slaves or servants ( i n Islam they were forbidden M u s l i m slaves), or t o celebrate Passover earlier i n the year t h a n Easter, and they were excluded f r o m public office, f r o m m i l i t a r y service, and f r o m m a n y professions. Intermarriage was p r o h i b i t e d (and often so was sexual intercourse), and Christians were typically p r o h i b ­ ited f r o m t a k i n g part i n any Jewish celebrations or festivals. I n ­ deed, physical separation soon became the n o r m as i n most cities Jews were segregated i n t o their o w n quarter (eventually t o be k n o w n as the ghetto)—although this arrangement was often v o l u n ­ tary and had as m u c h t o do w i t h protecting Jews as w i t h l i m i t i n g their influence o n Christians. A n d , a d o p t i n g the M u s l i m practice, European Jews were often required t o identify themselves by wear­ i n g a badge or a distinctive hat (Baer, 1 9 6 1 ; Baron, all vols.; Chazen, 1986, 1996; Flannery, 1985; G i d a l , 1988; Graetz, 1895, 1894a, 1894b; K e i t h , 1997; L o n g , 1953; O b e r m a n , 1984; Poliakov, 1965, 1973, 1975). For all that these were onerous impositions, they were endur­ able. M y interest here is w i t h the unendurable, w i t h outbursts o f collective and fatal anti-Semitic violence. I ignore incidents i n v o l v ­ ing Jews w h o were arrested, tried, and executed for crimes, even i f they m i g h t have been innocent. For example, I have excluded Jews executed by the various Spanish inquisitions w h o were tried and condemned for "false" conversions t o Christianity, since these were judicial proceedings, n o t collective outbursts. I have also ex­ cluded murders o f a specific i n d i v i d u a l , such as the assassination o f a Jewish public official, regardless o f the m o t i v a t i o n . Instead, I have attempted t o identify a l l instances i n the historical record for the p e r i o d i n question w h e n groups o f Christians, whether orga­ nized forces or mobs, spontaneously attacked a g r o u p because they were Jews, and b r o u g h t about Jewish fatalities. I w i l l also examine similar attacks by M u s l i m s o n Jews. To assemble a record o f lethal C h r i s t i a n attacks o n Jews, I began w i t h the very valuable list c o m p i l e d by Paul E. Grosser and E d w i n G. H a l p e r n (1983). Because their list included m a n y varieties o f anti-Semitic activities, i t was often difficult t o k n o w whether an event only involved attacks o n p r o p e r t y and/or physical assaults or involved murders as w e l l . Consequently, I assembled a l l o f their

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sources and reassessed each episode (Baer, 1 9 6 1 ; B a r o n , 1952, 1957, 1965, 1967, 1969; D u b n o v , 1920; Flannery, 1985; Graetz, 1 8 9 5 , 1 8 9 4 a , 1894b; M a r c u s , 1969; Poliakov, 1 9 6 5 , 1 9 7 3 ; Raisin, 1949; R o t h , 1965, 1963, 1959, 1930; R u n c i m a n , 1 9 5 1 ; Runes, 1968; W u r m b r a n d and R o t h , 1966). I also consulted other sources, m a n y o f t h e m subsequent t o Grosser and Halpern's study (Barnavi, 1992; Chazan, 1986, 1989, 1996, 2 0 0 0 ; C o h n , 1 9 6 1 ; Eidelberg, 1977; G i d a l , 1988; K e i t h , 1997; L o n g , 1953; O b e r m a n , 1984; Poli­ akov, 1975; T u c h m a n , 1979). M y list differs somewhat f r o m Grosser and Halpern's. I t was necessary t o revise some o f their estimates o f fatalities, and i t was sometimes possible t o be more accurate about the l o c a t i o n or date o f an event. I eliminated several episodes that were included twice w i t h different dates, and I added some episodes they missed. I have also eliminated some episodes i n w h i c h violence was directed at people n o t because they were Jews b u t because they were o n the losing side o f battles or wars. For example, Grosser and H a l p e r n reported that eight thousand Jews were slain i n Toledo i n 1368. However, these deaths were battle casualties or were caused by p r i v a t i o n d u r i n g the siege and conquest o f the city at the c l i m a x o f a civil war. I n the l o n g p o w e r struggle between H e n r y I I and D o n Pedro, the Jews o f Christian Spain supported (and m a n y fought for) D o n Pedro, w h o was k i l l e d i n battle about three months before the city fell, and thousands o f residents, Christians and M u s l i m s as w e l l as Jews, shared the fate of their k i n g (Baer, 1 9 6 1 , 1:367). Grosser and H a l p e r n also offered a very short and p o o r l y docu­ mented list o f M u s l i m attacks o n Jews. I rechecked their sources and consulted other w o r k s devoted i n w h o l e or i n part t o Jews under Islam (Alroy, 1975; Bat Ye'or, 1985; Deshen and Zenner, 1996; Fischel, 1969; G o i t e i n , 1964; Lewis, 1984; Patai, 1986; Spuler, 1968; Stillman, 1979; Siddiqi, 1969), and I d r e w u p o n a substantial number devoted t o J e w i s h - C h r i s t i a n - M u s l i m relations i n Spain (Ashtor, 1973; Assis, 1997; Bendiner, 1983; Fletcher, 1992; L o u r i e , 1990; M o n t a l v o , 1993; Paris, 1995). I a m confident that the historical record o f lethal episodes o f collective C h r i s t i a n violence against Jews i n western Europe is rea­ sonably complete. Unfortunately, i t was impossible t o identify a

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satisfactory set o f episodes for B y z a n t i u m or, subsequently, for east­ ern Europe. I t is k n o w n that some Byzantine emperors were ex­ tremely hostile t o w a r d Jews, b u t very few actual episodes were re­ corded. M a n y attacks o n Jews are k n o w n t o have occurred i n eastern Europe d u r i n g the past several centuries, b u t records are sparse and unreliable for the era w i t h w h i c h I a m concerned. C o n ­ sequently, episodes listed i n the upper sections o f Figure 3.1 are l i m i t e d t o western Europe and t o one instance o f actions taken by western Europeans i n the East. The l o w e r p o r t i o n o f the figure offers a very incomplete record o f episodes i n v o l v i n g M u s l i m attacks o n Jews. One reason that this list is so incomplete is that u n t i l very recently i t was n o t a topic o f m u c h interest t o Western historians. A n o t h e r reason is, as w i l l be seen, that for a considerable time historians displayed a very m a r k e d anti-Christian bias i n contrasting the situations o f Jews under Islam and Christianity. A comparison o f the death tolls f r o m the atrocities listed for M u s l i m s and for Christians makes i t o b v i ­ ous that I have been able t o list o n l y major massacres c o m m i t t e d by M u s l i m s , and I have p r o b a b l y missed some o f these as w e l l . I have grouped i n d i v i d u a l episodes o n the basis o f general precip­ itating events, such as the Crusades, and have tried t o order these by p e r i o d , a l t h o u g h there is overlap. W i t h i n each g r o u p i n g , I have ordered episodes by year and alphabetically. As I assembled episodes, i t soon became clear that historians l o n g recognized the collateral connection o f anti-Semitic violence and major religious conflicts, b u t they recognized this i n a piece­ meal w a y and w i t h o u t fully comprehending w h y . T h a t is, histori­ ans o f the Crusades k n o w that they were accompanied by a wave o f Jewish massacres, and recognize that this was because the antag­ o n i s m t o w a r d Islam somehow expanded t o include Jews. Indeed, Chazan (1986:29) understood that the medieval policy o f "tolerat­ ing Jews was perhaps feasible" i n " u n t r o u b l e d times," b u t that t o l e r a t i o n "was apt t o disintegrate" d u r i n g "periods o f agitation and stress." I n similar fashion, historians o f the C h r i s t i a n reconquest o f Spain k n o w that i t p r o m p t e d violent attacks o n Jews, and some even k n o w that these occurred o n both sides. A n d histori1

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Figure 3.1

Fatal, Collective Anti-Semitic Outbursts ATTACKS BY WESTERN EUROPEAN CHRISTIANS Tranquil Times: 500-1000 554

Clermont: "many" Jews killed and 500 submitted to forced baptism. The Crusades 1095-1099: First Crusade

1096

Cologne: attack thwarted, 2 Jews killed. Several weeks later, a second attack results in the death of perhaps 1,000 Jews. Mainz: 1,000 Jews killed. Metz: 22 Jews killed. Regensburg: some Jews killed, number unknown. Speyer (Spier): 12 Jews killed plus 1 suicide. Worms: 500 Jews killed. Eller, Geldern, Kerpen, Neuss, Wevelinghofen: perhaps 3,000 Jews killed.

1099

Jerusalem: massacre of Muslims, during which a synagogue in which Jews were gathered was burned. 1146-1149: Second Crusade

1146

Cologne: many Jews killed, number not known. Mainz: many Jews killed, number not known. Speyer: 3 Jews killed. Strasburg, Worms, and ojiher communities in the Rhine valley: some Jews killed.

1147

Carenton: Jews massacred, number unknown. Wurzburg: more than 20 Jews killed. 1188-1192: Third Crusade

1188

London: looting of Jewish quarter with 30 deaths. York: looting of Jewish quarter with some deaths.

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Figure 3.1 F a t a l , C o l l e c t i v e A n t i - S e m i t i c O u t b u r s t s (cont'd) ATTACKS BY WESTERN EUROPEAN CHRISTIANS 1188-1192: Third Crusade (cont'd) 1189

Lynn: Jews massacred (number unknown) and Jewish quarter looted and burned. York: murders and mass suicide, 150 to 500 Jewish deaths. Colchester, Lincoln, Ospringe, and Thetford: some Jews killed in each town.

1191

Bray (in France): questionable accounts claim that either 80 or 99 Jews were burned. 1236: Failed Attempt to Organize a Crusade

1236

Angouleme, Anjou, Bordeaux, and Poitou: over 3,000 Jews killed. 1320: The "Shepherd's Crusade"

1320

Southern France: a mob of peasants, many of them shepherds, march from Agen to Toulouse, killing all Jews along the way: number killed is unknown, but 120 communities destroyed. Disorder in Germany

1270

Coblenz, Erfurt, Magdeburg, Weissenberg, and other cities in Germany: Jews murdered "by the thousands."

1283

Mainz: 10 Jews killed. Bacharach: 26 Jews killed.

1285

Munich: at least 180 Jews killed.

1286

Oberwesel: 40 Jews killed.

1298

Beginning in the Rhineland, the "Jew killers" move from city to city, looting, burning, and killing thousands of Jews. Cities specifically mentioned: Augsburg, Heilbroun, Nuremberg, Regensburg, Rôttingen, and Wiirzburg.

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Figure 3.1 Fatal, Collective Anti-Semitic Outbursts (cont'd) ATTACKS BY WESTERN EUROPEAN CHRISTIANS The Reconquest of Spain 1066

French knights kill Jews whenever they encounter them, until ordered to cease by Pope Alexander I I .

1109

Toledo: "murder and pillage of the Jews."

1328

Navarre: 5,000 Jews perish in riots throughout the province.

1366

Briviesca: 200 Jews killed.

1391

Aguilar de Compo and Villadiego: Jewish communities slaughtered. Barcelona: 400 Jews killed. Castille: many Jews slaughtered and others sold to Muslims as slaves. Cordova: many Jews killed, number unknown. Cuenca: many killed, number unknown. Madrid: Jews "slaughtered," number unknown. Majorca: 300 killed. Seville: 4,000 killed. Toledo: a rabbi, his students, and several prominent Jews murdered. Valencia: 230 Jews killed.

1392

Albarracin: several Jews killed. Barcelona: 500 Jews killed. Gerona: 40 Jews killed. Lerida: 78 Jews killed. The Black Death:

1348

1347-1350

Barcelona: 20 Jews killed. Cervera: 18 Jews killed. Catalonia and Aragon: many deaths. Southern France: Jewish congregation burned to death. Basel, Berne, Constance, Freiburg, St. Gall, Zurich: Jewish communities burned, many deaths, numbers unknown.

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Figure 3.1 F a t a l , C o l l e c t i v e A n t i - S e m i t i c O u t b u r s t s (cont'd) ATTACKS BY WESTERN EUROPEAN CHRISTIANS The Black Death: 1347-1350 1349

Erfurt: 3,000 Jews killed. Mainz: 6,000 Jews die when "ghetto" burned. Speyer: some Jews killed, some convert, many commit suicide. Strassburg: 2,000 Jews killed. Augsburg, Cologne, Munich, Nuremberg, Wiirzburg: all or many Jews killed, number unknown. Dresden, Frankfurt, Nordhausen, Oppenheim, Stuttgart, Ulm, Vienna, Worms: Jewish communities commit suicide. Brussels: 500 Jews killed. Revolt in Paris

1380

Paris: mob rioting against high taxes turns on Jews, at least 10 murdered.

1381

Paris: uprising of "Maillotins" includes violence against Jews, at least 15 murdered. Heresy Reborn

1209

Beziers: 200 Jews killed (and perhaps 20,000 Albigensians).

1384

Nordlingen: Jewish community burned, number of deaths unknown.

1421

Rhineland: Jewish communities slaughtered as troops march to fight Hussites. Vienna: 100 Jews killed during campaign against the Hussites; many others commit suicide.

1431

Lindau, Ravensberg, Ueberlingen: anti-Hussite preaching also targets Jews, and the Jewish community in each town is destroyed.

1614

Frankfurt: about 2,000 Jews killed

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Figure 3.1 Fatal, Collective Anti-Semitic Outbursts (cont'd) ATTACKS BY MUSLIMS The Crusades 1291

Acre (Palestine): after a long siege, Muslim forces under al-Ashrif Khalil take the city, and there is a general massacre of Christians and Jews. The Reconquest of Spain

1032-1033

Fez (Morocco): 6,000 Jews killed.

1066

Grenada: 4,000 Jews killed.

1090

Grenada: several thousand Jews massacred.

1447-1460

Morocco and Islamic Spain: widespread massacres.

1148

Islamic Spain: all Christians and Jews required to convert, leave, or die. Many convert. Many pretend to convert. Some leave. Some die.

1465

Fez: Massacre of Jews in Fez and throughout Morocco. Mongol Conquest of Persia

1290-1291

Baghdad: upon death of Grand Khan, Muslim mobs kill Jews and Christians throughout the country.

ans are aware o f the e r u p t i o n o f anti-Semitism d u r i n g the various internal European religious wars. But historians have tended t o ex­ amine each o f these periods o f anti-Semitism i n isolation and have often proposed ad hoc (and t o o often ad h o m i n e m ) explanations or none at a l l . Perhaps this merely reflects the useful division o f labor between the focus o n the particular by historians and the search for the general a m o n g sociologists. Let me readily a c k n o w l ­ edge that, o f course, events are always shaped by the personal i d i o ­ syncrasies o f particular individuals and by particular local circum­ stances, and some events may be due almost entirely t o these factors—including some instances o f anti-Semitic violence. H o w -

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ever, as very similar cases begin t o pile up and t o occur i n various times and places, i t becomes likely that a more general e x p l a n a t i o n is needed. As we v i e w this collection o f cases as a w h o l e , i t w i l l be obvious that most o f t h e m seem t o have a c o m m o n basis.

Tranquil Times: 500-1000 I n accord w i t h Grosser and H a l p e r n (1983) I began m y catalog o f anti-Semitic violence i n the year 5 0 0 , at the start o f the era d u r i n g w h i c h Jewish-Christian relations were quite " t r a n q u i l , " as Robert Chazan p u t i t (1986:29). I c o u l d uncover o n l y one episode o f col­ lective Christian anti-Jewish violence resulting i n fatalities between the years 500 and 1000. This outburst occurred i n 554 i n Cler­ m o n t , a city i n southern G a u l ( n o w France). Fully i n accord w i t h the theory, i t was collateral t o a more major religious conflict. W h i l e Christian missionaries were h a r d at w o r k t o convert the Franks i n n o r t h e r n G a u l (Clovis converted i n about 4 9 7 ) , the V i s i ­ goths w h o c o n t r o l l e d Spain and southern G a u l already were Chris­ tians—but n o t o f the R o m a n Catholic variety. Instead, they ad­ hered t o the Christian heresy k n o w n as " A r i a n i s m . " Arians embraced a highly qualified n o t i o n o f the d i v i n i t y o f Jesus. They d i d n o t believe that he was the "begotten" Son o f G o d , b u t merely that he had been created by G o d and t h a t he achieved d i v i n i t y o n l y t h r o u g h perfect obedience t o G o d . Thus, as Arians were f o n d o f telling T r i n i t a r i a n s , i f Jesus is divine, "there was a time w h e n he was n o t . " Trinitarians w o u l d have none o f this—Jesus was con­ ceived as the Son o f G o d , and A r i a n i s m was condemned as a heresy at the C o u n c i l o f Nicaea i n 325. M e a n w h i l e , however, Ulfilas, a G o t h i c convert t o A r i a n i s m , re­ t u r n e d t o his people w i t h a G o t h i c translation o f the Bible and h a d immense success as a missionary, especially a m o n g the elites. Thus w h e n the Visigoths conquered Spain and l o w e r G a u l i n 4 1 6 , they constituted a p o w e r f u l n a t i o n o f heretics. However, their rule d i d n o t include m a n y o f the cities w i t h i n this area, w h i c h remained under the c o n t r o l o f T r i n i t a r i a n bishops, l o y a l t o Rome. T h i s set the stage for religious conflict. As such things go, the conflict was generally rather m i l d . The Visigoths d i d often confiscate T r i n i t a r i a n

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churches for their o w n use, and some o f the more zealous among t h e m sometimes forcibly rebaptized T r i n i t a r i a n Catholic children. A n d f r o m time t o time fighting d i d break out, and some T r i n i t a r i a n cities were destroyed. But most o f the time relations were merely tense (Johnson, 1976; W o l f r a m , 1997). A t the t u r n o f the s i x t h century, the Christianization o f the Frankish k i n g and court t o the n o r t h o f t h e m encouraged the T r i n i ­ t a r i a n bishops i n their armed opposition t o the A r i a n Visigoths and i n their efforts t o convert t h e m to Catholic o r t h o d o x y . A m o n g these bishops was Avitus o f Averna, w h o c o n t r o l l e d the city o f Cler­ m o n t . I t was w i t h i n the context o f the larger religious power strug­ gle w i t h the Arians that Avitus turned his concerns about religious c o n f o r m i t y t o w a r d the local Jews, demanding that they choose be­ tween Christian baptism and expulsion. W h e n o n l y one Jew ap­ peared for baptism, a Christian m o b attacked the Jewish quarter. " M a n y " Jews were k i l l e d , five hundred accepted baptism, and the rest fled t o Marseilles (Graetz, 1894b). T h a t incident aside, Jewish-Christian relations were so t r a n q u i l that Israeli historian N a c h u m T. G i d a l (1988:30) described the tenth and eleventh centuries i n Europe as the " H a l c y o n D a y s " o f Christian-Jewish relations. I n similar terms, Léon Poliakov, one o f the most respected contemporary historians o f anti-Semitism, w r o t e o f the "favorable status o f Jews" d u r i n g this era: " K i n g s , nobles, and bishops granted Jews a b r o a d autonomy: thus they administered their o w n communities and lived according t o their o w n laws. Talmudic scholarship flowered again o n the banks o f the Rhine and the Seine at the very p e r i o d w h e n i t was falling i n t o decay i n Babylonia . . . they continued t o m i x freely w i t h the Chris­ t i a n populations and t o live o n excellent terms w i t h t h e m " (1965:35). T h e n he added, " [ U ] n t i l the eleventh century, no c h r o n i ­ cles m e n t i o n outbursts o f popular hatred o f the Jews" (ibid.:36).

The

Crusades

I n 1009, at the direction o f F a t i m i d C a l i p h al-Hâkim, M u s l i m s destroyed the C h u r c h o f the H o l y Sepulchre i n Jerusalem—the splendid basilica that Constantine had erected over w h a t was be2

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lieved t o be the site o f the t o m b where Christ lay before the Resur­ rection (Biddle, 1999). As w o r d o f the desecration o f the holiest o f all C h r i s t i a n shrines reached Europe, i t p r o m p t e d several outbursts against Jews—in R o u e n , Orleans, Limoges, M a i n z , " a n d doubtless other Rhenish villages" (Poliakov, 1965:36). The t i m i n g makes i t apparent that anger against " a l l enemies o f C h r i s t " precipitated these episodes. Unfortunately, i n f o r m a t i o n o n these events is so scanty that we do n o t k n o w whether there were fatalities. B u t given the detailed and m u t u a l l y s u p p o r t i n g accounts p r o v i d e d i n b o t h C h r i s t i a n and Jew­ ish chronicles o f events later i n the century (see Chazan, 1986, chap. 2 ) , i t seems reasonable t o assume that the lack o f coverage reflects that little or n o b l o o d was shed. I n any event, the crisis soon passed. Al-Hàkim was k i l l e d by p o l i t i c a l opponents, and religious tolerance was restored i n Jerusalem, thus p e r m i t t i n g r e s u m p t i o n o f the substantial f l o w o f C h r i s t i a n p i l g r i m s . Indeed, the value o f the p i l g r i m traffic was p r o b a b l y a major factor i n the very liberal p o l i ­ cies that had prevailed i n M u s l i m - c o n t r o l l e d Jerusalem t h r o u g h the centuries. Despite the great distances involved and the l i m i t e d means o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , pilgrimages t o Jerusalem were surpris­ ingly c o m m o n . I n the first o f his distinguished three volumes o n the Crusades, Sir Steven R u n c i m a n reported that " a n unending stream o f travellers p o u r e d eastward, sometimes travelling i n par­ ties n u m b e r i n g thousands, m e n and w o m e n o f every age and every class, ready . . . t o spend a year or m o r e o n the [ j o u r n e y ] " ( 1 9 5 1 , 1:49). A major reason for g o i n g t o the H o l y L a n d was the belief that a pilgrimage w o u l d absolve the p i l g r i m o f even the most t e r r i ­ ble sins. Thus m a n y came a l l the w a y f r o m Scandinavia—some even f r o m Iceland. As R u n c i m a n explained, the Norse "were v i o ­ lent men, frequently g u i l t y o f m u r d e r and frequently i n need o f an act o f penance" ( 1 9 5 1 , 1:47). But then, later i n the eleventh century, everything changed. The Seljuk T u r k s , recent converts t o Islam, became the new rulers o f Asia M i n o r , pushing t o w i t h i n a h u n d r e d miles o f Constantinople. Perhaps because they were new t o Islam, or perhaps because they were still seminomadic tribesmen u n t a i n t e d by city d w e l l i n g , the Turks were unflinching particularists. There was o n l y One True

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G o d and his name was A l l a h , n o t Yahweh or Jehovah. Tolerance was at an end. N o t that the Turks officially p r o h i b i t e d C h r i s t i a n pilgrimages, b u t they made i t clear that Christians were fair game. Hence every A n a t o l i a n village along the route t o Jerusalem began to exact a t o l l o n Christian travelers. Far worse, m a n y pilgrims were seized and sold i n t o slavery, w h i l e others were t o r t u r e d , seem­ ingly as m u c h for entertainment as for edification. Those w h o sur­ vived these perils "returned t o the West weary and impoverished, w i t h a dreadful tale t o t e l l " (Runciman, 1 9 5 1 , 1:79). Thus anger and anxiety about the H o l y L a n d grew. I t is i m ­ p o r t a n t to understand just h o w v i v i d was the image o f the H o l y L a n d t o sincere medieval Christians. I t was where Christ and the disciples had lived and, to an almost palpable degree, still d i d . I n the w o r d s o f Robert Payne ( 1 9 8 4 : 1 8 - 1 9 ) , i n Palestine Christians "expected t o find holiness i n a concrete f o r m , something that c o u l d be seen, touched, kissed, w o r s h i p p e d , and even carried away. H o l i ­ ness was i n the pathways t r o d d e n by Christ, i n the mountains and valleys seen by Christ, i n the streets o f Jerusalem where Christ had wandered." I n Jerusalem, a Christian had even been able c l i m b the h i l l o n w h i c h the cross had borne the Son o f G o d . But no longer. L i v i n g "enemies o f Christ, the spawn o f Satan," n o w barred Chris­ tians f r o m w a l k i n g i n Christ's footsteps. I t was i n this climate o f o p i n i o n that Alexius Comnenus, em­ peror o f Byzantium, w r o t e f r o m his embattled capital t o the count of Flanders requesting that he and his fellow Christians i n the West come t o the rescue. I n his letter, the emperor detailed gruesome tortures o f Christians and vile desecrations o f churches, altars, and baptismal fonts. Should Constantinople fall t o the T u r k s , n o t only w o u l d thousands more Christians be murdered, t o r t u r e d , and raped, b u t "the most h o l y relics o f the Saviour," gathered over the centuries, w o u l d be lost: "Therefore i n the name o f G o d . . . we implore y o u t o b r i n g this city all the faithful soldiers o f C h r i s t . . . i n y o u r c o m i n g y o u w i l l find y o u r r e w a r d i n heaven, and i f y o u do not come, G o d w i l l condemn y o u " (in Payne, 1 9 8 4 : 2 8 - 2 9 ) . W h e n Pope U r b a n I I (ca. 1042-1099) read this letter, he was determined that i t be answered i n deeds. H e arranged for a great gathering o f clergy and laity i n the French city o f C l e r m o n t o n

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3

N o v e m b e r 2 7 , 1 0 9 5 . Standing o n a p o d i u m i n the m i d d l e o f a field, and surrounded by an immense c r o w d t h a t included p o o r peasants as w e l l as n o b i l i t y and clergy, the pope gave one o f the most effec­ tive speeches o f a l l time. Blessed w i t h an expressive a n d unusually p o w e r f u l voice, he c o u l d be heard a n d understood at a great dis­ tance. Subsequently, copies o f the speech ( w r i t t e n and spoken i n French) were circulated a l l across Europe. Five major versions o f the speech exist, each incomplete, a n d there are several translations o f each i n t o English (Peters, 1998). I have selected excerpts f r o m several versions i n order t o reveal the means by w h i c h the pope aroused thousands i n attendance t o c o m m i t themselves t o sew a cross o n t o their c l o t h i n g as an emblem that they w o u l d serve. Since the T u r k s had conquered Persia before i n v a d i n g B y z a n t i u m , Pope U r b a n referred t o t h e m as "Persians." H e began: Distressing news has come to us . . . that the people of the Persian kingdom, an accursed race, a race utterly alienated from God . . . has invaded Christian lands and devastated them with sword, pillage, and fire. Some of these Christians have been made captive and taken to Persia, and some have been tortured to death. Many of God's churches have been violated and others have been made to serve their own religious rites. They have ruined the altars w i t h filth and defile­ ment. They have circumcized [sic] Christians and smeared the blood on the altars or poured it into baptismal fonts. It amused them to kill Christians by opening up their bellies and drawing out the end of their intestines, which they then tied to a stake. Then they flogged their victims and made them walk around and around the stake until their intestines had spilled out and they fell dead on the ground . . . What shall I say about the abominable rape of women? On this sub­ ject it may be worse to speak than to remain silent. . . Who shall avenge these wrongs . . . i f not you? You are the race upon whom God has bestowed glory in arms . . . Rise up, then, and remember the virile deeds of your ancestors, the glory and renown of Charlemagne . . . and all your other kings who destroyed the king­ doms of pagans and planted the holy church in their lands. You should be especially aroused by the knowledge that the Church of the Holy Sepulchre is now in the hands of unclean nations and that

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holy places are shamelessly misused and sacrilegiously defiled with their filth. Oh, most valiant knights, descendants of unconquerable ancestors, remember the courage of your forefathers and do not dis­ honor them. A t this p o i n t Pope U r b a n raised a second issue, one t o w h i c h he had already devoted years o f effort—the chronic warfare o f medi­ eval times. The pope had been attempting t o achieve a "Truce o f G o d " among the feudal nobility, many o f w h o m seemed inclined t o make war, even o n their friends, just for the sake o f a g o o d fight. After a l l , i t was w h a t they had trained t o do every day since early c h i l d h o o d . Here was their chance! Christian warriors, who continually and vainly seek pretexts for war, rejoice, for you have today found a true pretext. You, who so often have been the terror of your fellow men, go and fight against the barbarians, go and fight for the deliverance of the holy places . . . If you are conquered, you will have the glory of dying in the very same place as Jesus Christ, and God w i l l never forget that he found you in the holy battalions. T h e n he h i t t h e m w i t h i t : If you must have blood, bathe in the blood of the infidels . . . Soldiers of Hell, become soldiers of the living God! N o w , shouts o f "Dieu li volt!" ( G o d w i l l s i t ! ) began t o spread t h r o u g h the c r o w d . Thereupon the pope raised his crucifix and roared: It is Christ himself who comes from the tomb and presents you with this cross . . . Wear it upon your shoulders and your breasts. Let it shine upon your arms and upon your standards. It w i l l be to you the surety of victory or the palm of martyrdom. It w i l l increasingly re­ mind you that Christ died for you, and that it is your duty to die for him! (In Payne, 1984:33-35) A t once, the c r o w d began t o cut up cloaks and other pieces o f c l o t h t o make crosses and t o sew them o n their shoulders and chests. Everyone agreed that next spring they w o u l d m a r c h t o Jerusalem. A n d they d i d .

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However, i t wasn't o n l y knights and lords w h o marched. I n fact, w e l l before the regular forces set o u t for the H o l y L a n d , t h o u ­ sands u p o n thousands o f peasants ( i n c l u d i n g m a n y w o m e n and children) headed east behind Peter the H e r m i t . This strange figure emerged f r o m obscurity and displayed an immense talent for stir­ r i n g up enthusiasm a m o n g the very p o o r t o reclaim the H o l y L a n d f r o m the heathen. Unfortunately, Peter's a b i l i t y t o attract a f o l l o w ­ ing was n o t matched by any sense o f logistics or tactics. N o r was he able t o m a i n t a i n any discipline i n his ranks. Consequently, his m a r c h east was sustained by his adherents' l o o t i n g the t o w n s and countryside along the way. W h e n Peter's "crusade o f the p o o r " came t o a tragic end, slaughtered by the T u r k s at Civetot, they were u n m o u r n e d . Nevertheless, whatever their other shortcomings, Pe­ ter's followers kept their focus exclusively o n Islam as the enemy. So d i d the other crusader armies o f knights and lords, w i t h several terrible exceptions. A t the start o f 1096, as Godfrey o f B o u i l l o n , duke o f L o w e r L o r r a i n e , began t o assemble his forces at V e r d u n , the r u m o r w e n t a r o u n d t h a t before he marched east, he w o u l d avenge the death o f C h r i s t by k i l l i n g the Jews o f the R h i n e l a n d . A l a r m e d , the chief r a b b i o f M a i n z w r o t e t o H e n r y IV, the H o l y R o m a n E m p e r o r and Godfrey's o v e r l o r d , asking h i m t o prevent the massacre. H e n r y w r o t e t o a l l o f his vassals, i n c l u d i n g Godfrey, c o m m a n d i n g t h e m t o guarantee the safety o f a l l Jews i n their domains. M e a n ­ w h i l e , the Jews o f M a i n z and Cologne p a i d Godfrey five h u n d r e d pieces o f silver t o insure their safety. I n r e t u r n , Godfrey guaranteed their security. B u t then he marched away, leaving b e h i n d a m i n o r R h i n e l a n d count, E m i c h o f Leisingen, t o f o l l o w w i t h a d d i t i o n a l forces. E m i c h had believed the r u m o r about an attack o n the Jews and t h o u g h t i t made sense t o start w i t h the " o r i g i n a l enemies" o f Christ. So, o n M a y 3 , 1 0 9 6 , he led an attack o n the Jews o f Speyer (Spier). However, the bishop intervened and t o o k the local Jews under his p r o t e c t i o n , so Emich's forces c o u l d lay their hands o n o n l y twelve, w h o m they murdered; and one Jewish w o m a n c o m ­ m i t t e d suicide w h e n she realized she was t o be raped. T w o weeks later E m i c h and his followers arrived i n W o r m s . There he launched

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an attack o n the Jewish quarter, k i l l i n g all o f the Jews w h o c o u l d be f o u n d . Here, t o o , the bishop opened his palace t o the Jews. But this time E m i c h w o u l d have none o f it. H i s forces broke d o w n the gates and slaughtered the Jews. A t o t a l o f about five h u n d r e d died. As Emich's c o h o r t m o v e d d o w n the Rhine, the same pattern was repeated the next week i n M a i n z . The archbishop attempted t o protect the Jews b u t was forced t o flee for his life, and another thousand Jews died. T h e n o n t o Cologne: there, Emich's marauders had been t h w a r t e d a few weeks previously w h e n the bishop had protected the Jews, and they were forced t o settle for b u r n i n g d o w n the synagogue and k i l l i n g t w o Jews. This time the local Jews had gone i n t o h i d i n g i n several nearby villages. But they were betrayed, and hundreds were slain. N e x t , i n M e t z , Emich's forces managed t o k i l l t w e n t y - t w o more Jews. W o r d o f Emich's actions spread, soon reaching another band o f crusaders led by a barely remembered person named Volkmar. Entering Prague, V o l k m a r ' s forces immediately launched a massa­ cre o f Jews, unrestrained by the attempts made by the bishop t o stop them. Just behind V o l k m a r came Gottschalk (a disciple o f Peter the H e r m i t ) w i t h a somewhat larger force. U p o n reaching Ratisbon (Regensberg), they massacred the local Jews. M e a n w h i l e , part o f Emich's forces had b r o k e n away f r o m the m a i n c o l u m n at M a i n z t o purge the Moselle valley o f Jews. M o v i n g very rapidly t h r o u g h t o w n s k n o w n t o have Jews, b u t without a resident bishop, they were far more successful, k i l l i n g several thousand. I n volume 4 o f his m o n u m e n t a l fifteen-volume A Social and Reli­ gious History of the Jews, Salo B a r o n (1957:105) cites the six­ teenth-century historian Gedaliah i b n Yahya as estimating that d u r i n g these episodes i n 1096, five thousand Jews were murdered. This is entirely consistent w i t h Figure 3 . 1 . I t must be mentioned that V o l k m a r and his followers were w i p e d o u t i n H u n g a r y w h e n they attempted t o continue their murders o f Jews. Soon thereafter the Hungarians annihilated Gottschalk and his followers t o o . A n d w h e n Emich's c o l u m n finally arrived at the H u n g a r i a n border, they were denied passage, and, attempting to force their w a y t h r o u g h , they t o o were r o u t e d by H u n g a r i a n knights and most o f t h e m k i l l e d . 141

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"Stubborn Jews. "

3

F r o m earliest days, m a n y sincere C h r i s ­

tians have been perplexed by the refusal of the Jews to accept Christ. T h i s illumination from a n early medieval manuscript portrays the Jews covering their ears so as not to "hear the W o r d of G o d . " © G i a n n i D a g l i O r t i / C O R B I S .

R u n c i m a n ( 1 9 5 1 , 1:141) reported that these defeats struck " m o s t g o o d Christians" as "punishment meted o u t f r o m o n h i g h to the murderers o f Jews." T h a t is consistent w i t h the efforts o f local bishops t o preserve the Jews, a n d w i t h the fact that most o f the armies gathered for the First Crusade d i d n o t molest Jews.

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Aside f r o m the actions by E m i c h , V o l k m a r , and Gottschalk, o n l y one other episode o f lethal attacks o n Jews occurred. I n 1099, G o d ­ frey o f B o u i l l o n (he o f the five h u n d r e d pieces o f silver, and whose reinforcements had been led by Emich) t o o k Jerusalem and u n ­ leashed his troops t o massacre n o t only M u s l i m s b u t Jews as w e l l . The account w r i t t e n by the great C h r i s t i a n h i s t o r i a n W i l l i a m , arch­ bishop o f Tyre, estimates the M u s l i m dead as n u m b e r i n g at least t w e n t y thousand and tells o f "headless bodies" everywhere and o f "the victors themselves, d r i p p i n g w i t h b l o o d f r o m head t o foot, an ominous sight" (in B a r o n , 1957, 4:109). As for Jewish casualties, all we k n o w is that a substantial number gathered i n the syna­ gogue, w h i c h the crusaders then set o n fire, k i l l i n g everyone inside. Unfortunately, w h i l e the attacks o n German Jews were the w o r k o f a few, they set a pattern by directing attention t o the issue o f c o n t i n u i n g t o p e r m i t Jews t o reject Jesus i n a context where reli­ gious c o n f o r m i t y was o f g r o w i n g concern. Consequently, by the time o f the Second Crusade, Abbé Pierre o f the great French monas­ tery at C l u n y p o i n t e d out, " W h a t is the g o o d o f g o i n g t o the end of the w o r l d at great loss o f m e n and money, t o fight Saracens, w h e n we p e r m i t a m o n g us other infidels w h o are a thousand times more guilty t o w a r d Christ t h a n are the M o h a m m e d a n s ? " (in Poliakov, 1965:48). Nevertheless, i t was o n l y i n Germany that these views led t o violent actions, and i t was o n l y i n the same p a r t o f the Rhine valley where E m i c h and his killers had set a b l o o d y prece­ dent that massacres t o o k place d u r i n g the Second Crusade—in such cities as Cologne, M a i n z , W u r z b u r g , W o r m s , Speyer, and Strassburg (see m a p ) . The death t o l l w o u l d have been far greater had i t n o t been for the very vigorous i n t e r v e n t i o n o f St. Bernard o f C l a i r v a u x , w h o rode t o M a i n z and ordered an end t o the killings. We have accounts o f this event f r o m t w o chronicles, one by a Chris­ t i a n , the other by a Jew. I t seems useful t o compare t h e m . F r o m the chronicle o f O t t o o f Freising: Meanwhile the M o n k Radulph . . . entered those parts of Gaul that touch upon the Rhine and inflamed many inhabitants of Cologne, Mainz, Worms, Speyer, Strasbourg, and other neighboring cities, towns, and villages to accept the cross [go on the Crusade]. However,

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German Cities in Which Jewish Massacres and Mass Suicides Occurred, 1096-1614. N u m b e r s in parentheses indicate multiple episodes.

he heedlessly included in his preaching that the Jews whose homes were scattered throughout the cities and towns should be slain as foes of the Christian religion. The seed of this doctrine took such firm r o o t . . . that a large number of Jews were killed in this stormy uprising, while many took refuge under the wings of the prince of the Romans [the bishop] . . . But the aforesaid abbot of Clairvaux . . . dispatched messengers and letters to the people [of the Rhineland] . . . to point out clearly by the authority of the sacred page that the Jews were not to be killed for the enormity of their crimes . . . call[ing] attention also to the . . . fifty-seventh Psalm: "God shall not

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St. Bernard of Clairvaux.

A s w i t h m a n y important historical

figures, there is no contemporary likeness of this enormously influential abbot. However, this bust is not a "hypothetical" depiction. Instead, it is a w o r k of forensic science—a recon­ struction made in 1 9 9 9 from the saint's skull. © AFP/CORBIS.

let me see my desire upon mine enemies. Slay them not." . . . Coming to Mayence (Mainz) . . . he summoned [Radulph] and warned him [and]. . . prevailed upon him to the point where he promised to obey and return to his monastery. The people were very angry and wanted to start an insurrection, but they were restrained by regard for Ber­ nard's saintliness. (Chazan, 1980:106-7)

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F r o m the chronicle o f E p h r a i m o f B o n n : [Radulph] went about preaching—he was a preacher in the name of Jesus—that they must go to Jerusalem to battle the Muslims. Wher­ ever he went, he spoke evilly of the Jews in the area . . . He said: "Avenge the Crucified upon his enemies who live among you. After­ wards you shall journey to battle against the Muslims." We heard this and our hearts melted . . . We called out to the Lord saying . . . "Not yet fifty years have passed since our blood was spilled . . . " Then the Lord heard our sigh . . . He sent after the evil priest a decent priest, a great man . . . His name was Abbot Bernard, from the city of Clairvaux . . . Then [the abbot] said to them: " I t is fitting that you go forth against Muslims. However, anyone who attacks a Jew and tries to kill him is as though he attacks Jesus himself. M y pupil Ra­ dulph who advised destroying them did not advise properly. For in the Book of Psalms is written concerning the Jews: ' K i l l them not, lest my people forget.' " Everyone esteemed this priest as one of their saints. Moreover we have found no indication that he took a bribe for speaking up on behalf of Jews . . . Were it not for the mercies of our Creator Who sent the aforesaid abbot. . . there would not have been a remnant or survivor among the Jews. (Chazan, 1980:107-8) T w o things stand out i n each account. First, St. Bernard d i d n o t suggest that the Jewish religion was an acceptable or "alternative" religion. H e preached tolerance, n o t ecumenicity. (Chapter 5 ex­ plores conditions under w h i c h particularistic faiths can be toler­ ant.) Second, the h i g h level o f agreement between the Christian and the Jewish accounts is quite t y p i c a l o f the medieval sources and lends credibility t o Figure 3 . 1 . T h e n came the T h i r d Crusade, and the scene o f attacks o n Jews shifted across the channel t o L o n d o n and Y o r k , i n response t o the c o r o n a t i o n o f R i c h a r d the L i o n - H e a r t e d (1157-1199), w h o was preparing t o lead his forces t o the H o l y L a n d . As R u n c i m a n ( 1 9 5 1 , 3:7) noted about these episodes, "Crusading fervour always p r o ­ vided an excuse for k i l l i n g God's enemies." A l t h o u g h K i n g R i c h a r d punished the perpetrators (hanging several o f them), his p r o t e c t i o n sufficed o n l y u n t i l he left the country. So the next year, as groups of crusaders assembled t o f o l l o w R i c h a r d , the sentiment spread

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that " i t was n o t r i g h t t o a l l o w Jewish infidels t o enjoy their i l l gotten riches undisturbed at home, w h i l e soldiers o f the Cross were facing u n t o l d dangers t o combat M o s l e m infidels overseas: the re­ d e m p t i o n o f the H o l y Sepulchre, and the avenging o f the Crucifix­ i o n , should begin i n England itself" ( R o t h , 1941:20). Jewish sec­ tions i n m a n y t o w n s were looted, and m a n y Jews w h o d i d n o t leave i n time were murdered. A final episode connected t o the T h i r d Crusade is claimed t o have occurred i n France t w o years later. Just days before setting sail t o also j o i n the Crusade, the k i n g o f France is said t o have become enraged at reports concerning a C h r i s t i a n hanged for m u r ­ dering a Jew i n the small t o w n o f Bray, and t o have led a small force thither, where he burned all the Jews above the age o f t h i r ­ teen. B a r o n (1957, 4:129) noted that despite this story's having been reported by b o t h H e b r e w and L a t i n chroniclers, the k i n g o f France was already engaged i n battles i n the H o l y L a n d w h e n this episode is alleged t o have occurred. B a r o n concluded that some­ t h i n g must have happened at Bray, b u t that i t was "magnified o u t o f all p r o p o r t i o n by the contemporary chroniclers." I n 1236 Pope Gregory I X attempted t o raise a new Crusade; i n response, some crusaders gathered i n A q u i t a n i a . N o t enough showed u p , however, and n o Crusade t o o k place. W i t h their hopes dashed, the knights, a t t e m p t i n g to salvage something o f their dreams o f glory before they dispersed, compelled all the Jews i n several t o w n s i n that area t o be baptized. A b o u t three thousand w h o resisted were murdered. Finally, crusader enthusiasm swept t h r o u g h f a r m laborers i n southern France i n 1320. H a v i n g neither money n o r arms, participants i n this "Shepherd's Crusade" de­ cided t o r o b the Jews. R o a m i n g eastward f r o m A g e n , they ended up k i l l i n g a substantial number o f Jews b u t never actually left for the H o l y L a n d . Thus ended Jewish killings directly associated w i t h Crusades t o the H o l y L a n d . Unfortunately, as already noted, these attacks o n the Jews became self-perpetuating. I n some places, the idea o f k i l l ­ ing the Jews, l o o t i n g their c o m m u n i t y , and invalidating a l l debts t o Jewish lenders became a p a r t o f the p o p u l a r culture, especially along the Rhine River, where the massacres p r o m p t e d by the First

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and Second Crusades had been concentrated. As has been seen, most o f the time the religious and p o l i t i c a l authorities were able t o prevent this culture f r o m expressing itself i n action. But n o t always, and seldom i n the fragmented p o l i t i c a l and ecclesiastical jurisdic­ tions along the Rhine.

Disorder

in

Germany

I n 1250, Frederick I I , the H o l y R o m a n Emperor, died unexpectedly f o l l o w i n g his m a n y years o f intense conflicts w i t h the C h u r c h and w h i l e engaged i n a civil w a r i n Germany. After his death his "em­ p i r e " broke apart, ushering i n "a l o n g p e r i o d o f p o l i t i c a l chaos and contested succession" (Duffy, 1997:116) or w h a t H o l b o r n de­ scribed as a century o f "anemic and at times defunct central gov­ ernment" (1982:24). A d d i n g t o the confusion, this was also a pe­ r i o d o f extreme crisis and disorder i n the Church—between 1252 and 1296 there were thirteen popes. W i t h i n this p o w e r v a c u u m , the m i l i t a n t anti-Semitic t r a d i t i o n o f the Rhineland reasserted itself as local rabble-rousers, w h o p r o u d l y claimed t o be descendants of "Judenbreter" (Jew-roasters), stepped f o r w a r d (Graetz, 1894b, 3:611). So, i n 1270, once again thousands perished, i n the same places as before. I n 1283, the m i l i t a n t anti-Semites i n M a i n z got o u t o f h a n d at Easter and k i l l e d 10 Jews before the archbishop c o u l d reach the scene and disperse t h e m . T h a t same day i n Bacharach, 26 Jews were murdered as revenge for the C r u c i f i x i o n . T w o years later i n M u n i c h the r u m o r that the Jews had purchased a Christian baby t o sacrifice at Passover p r o m p t e d a m o b t o b u r n about 180 Jews t o death by setting fire t o the synagogue. I n 1286, i n Oberwesel, 40 Jews died i n a similar event. But the w o r s t still lay ahead. I n 1298, i n the t o w n o f Rôttingen, a m a n named Rindfleish organized a lethal attack o n the local Jews, k i l l i n g a l l o f t h e m . Rindfleish is identified as a m i n o r noble i n some accounts, as a butcher i n others (his name means "beef flesh" i n German), and a p r o u d butcher o f Jews was he. Rather t h a n disband once they had k i l l e d a l l the Jews i n Rôttingen, Rindfleish and his followers adopted the name Judenschachter (Jew killers) and set off o n a s i x - m o n t h orgy o f k i l l i n g Jews and l o o t i n g and b u r n i n g

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their communities—all across the same o l d area along the Rhine and then east i n t o Bavaria. The death rate was huge—the Memorbuch (memory b o o k ) o f the Jews i n N u r e m b e r g lists more t h a n 5,000 victims k i l l e d between A p r i l and October, 1298, i n forty-one different communities, and there must have been thousands more (Poliakov, 1973:316). N o r , sad t o say, was this the last time Chris­ tians i n this part o f Germany became Jew killers. O f course, these massacres cannot be claimed as directly collat­ eral t o the Crusades. I n m y view, i t seems v a l i d t o assume that they w o u l d n o t have occurred had there been no Crusades t o the H o l y L a n d and no intensification o f intolerance for religious nonconfor­ m i t y generated thereby. Alternatively, one can propose other expla­ nations or simply settle for the assumption, hated by those o f us w h o seek generalizations but apparently true: some things just seem t o happen. M e a n w h i l e , the l o n g campaign against the M u s l i m s i n Spain had also begun t o precipitate attacks o n Jews.

The Reconquest

of

Spain

M u s l i m invaders seized Spain f r o m the Visigoths early i n the eighth century, and, having ventured n o r t h i n t o Frankish territory, they were defeated at the Battle o f Tours i n 732. M a n y later historians elevated Tours i n t o one o f the " w o r l d ' s most decisive battles." Ed­ w a r d G i b b o n ([1788] 1994, 3:336) believed that had the Franks n o t t r i u m p h e d at Tours, "the K o r a n w o u l d n o w be taught i n the schools o f O x f o r d , " w h i l e Frederick v o n Schlegel believed that Tours "delivered the Christian nations o f the West f r o m the deadly grasp o f all-destroying I s l a m " (in Creasy [1852] 1987:158). Even a generation ago, every schoolchild i n A m e r i c a (and p r o b a b l y i n Europe) learned that Charles M a r t e l had saved Western civilization by w i n n i n g at Tours. Indeed, no " h i s t o r y o f E u r o p e " w r i t t e n dur­ ing m y c h i l d h o o d w o u l d have failed t o devote many pages t o Tours, but N o r m a n Davies (1996) d i d n o t m e n t i o n either the Battle o f Tours or even Charles M a r t e l i n his immense History of Europe; and, even i n a l o n g paragraph summarizing M a r t e l ' s m i l i t a r y ca­ reer, T i m o t h y Reuter (1999:14) barely mentioned Tours. This is

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because i t is n o w understood that Tours was actually o f m i n o r stra­ tegic importance and remains o f interest o n l y t o historians o f m i l i ­ tary technology for being the first major engagement o f a r m o r e d knights. As was understood by the Franks at the time, the Saracen push n o r t h was far more o f a r a i d t h a n an invasion (Becker, 1913). Moreover, i t was the w o r s t sort o f anachronism w h e n G i b b o n and other historians i m p u t e d a p r o f o u n d religious dimension t o a con­ flict n o t so defined by those w h o actually t o o k part. Whatever the Saracens may have t h o u g h t , the Franks d i d n o t see themselves as the defenders o f Christianity: the Frankish n o b i l i t y were barely Christianized at this time, and the r a n k and file had n o t given up open paganism (see Chapter 2 ) . I n fact, most o f the other battles i n v o l v i n g M a r t e l and his Frankish host were w i t h pagan European opponents, and issues o f conversion by conquest had n o t yet arisen. N o r d i d religion play a leading role i n Frankish confrontations w i t h M u s l i m invaders i n Italy, w h i c h occurred i n this same era. " H o l y W a r s " take serious, particularistic religious convictions, and these h a d n o t yet taken r o o t a m o n g the Franks. F o l l o w i n g their defeat at Tours, the M u s l i m s soon w i t h d r e w be­ h i n d the Pyrenees. Subsequently, Frankish forces periodically began slowly t o push i n t o Spain, and for several centuries the ad­ vantage swung back and f o r t h as the Franks made m i n o r inroads o n l y t o retreat. But even these conflicts lacked religious interpreta­ t i o n , and for that reason they did not generate any collateral reli­ gious intolerance. But then, i n the eleventh century, as the Christianization o f the Frankish n o b i l i t y h a d progressed and as concern grew about M u s ­ l i m abuses i n the H o l y L a n d , things changed. Religious sentiments t o drive the infidel f r o m Spain became ascendant at the immense monastic center at C l u n y (in France), and f r o m there m o n k s w e n t f o r t h t o campaign for a H o l y W a r i n Spain—the concept o f H o l y W a r was p r o b a b l y adopted f r o m Islam. Urged by the abbot o f Cluny, i n 1063 Pope Alexander I I announced " a n indulgence [for­ giveness for sins] for a l l w h o fought for the Cross i n Spain" (Runci­ m a n , 1 9 5 1 , 1:90). I n 1066 a few French knights responded, the largest g r o u p being led by Guy-Geoffrey, count o f A q u i t a i n e . U p o n their a r r i v a l i n

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n o r t h e r n Spain, the French knights directed their efforts against all infidel and were inclined t o slay b o t h M u s l i m s and Jews. W h e n he learned o f this, Pope Alexander I I ordered t h e m t o let the Jews alone, and they obeyed. However, this expedition accomplished very little i n terms o f reconquest. Hence ten years later Pope Greg­ o r y V I I promised that i n a d d i t i o n t o heavenly rewards, C h r i s t i a n knights w h o served i n Spain w o u l d be entitled t o all o f the w e a l t h and "lands that they conquered f r o m the i n f i d e l " ( R u n c i m a n , 1 9 5 1 , 1 : 9 1 ) . Nevertheless, o n l y a few m i n o r nobles responded, and little or n o t h i n g was achieved. Let me pause here t o emphasize h o w the i n a b i l i t y o f t w o popes t o generate a "Spanish Crusade" is a devastating c o u n t e r p r o o f o f materialist claims concerning the basis for the Crusades. T h r o u g h ­ o u t the t w e n t i e t h century, m a n y social scientists, n o n - M a r x i s t s and w e l l as M a r x i s t s , maintained that the knights crusaded n o t for G o d b u t for l a n d and l o o t . For example, having summarized m a n y eco­ nomic problems said t o be facing Europe i n the eleventh century, i n c l u d i n g the increasing p o p u l a t i o n pressures and l a n d shortages that supposedly beset the k n i g h t l y class, the p r o m i n e n t Hans Eberhard M a y e r ( 1 9 7 2 : 2 2 - 2 5 ) stressed the "lust for b o o t y " and the "hunger for l o o t " that m o t i v a t e d the crusaders: " O b v i o u s l y the crusade acted as a k i n d o f safety valve for a k n i g h t l y class w h i c h was constantly g r o w i n g i n numbers." H e w e n t o n t o empha­ size the need t o recognize "the social and economic situation o f a class w h i c h l o o k e d u p o n the crusade as a w a y o f solving its mate­ r i a l p r o b l e m s . " M a y e r ' s materialist interpretation is w r o n g i n all respects. I f the k n i g h t l y class had really been squeezed financially at this time, about the last t h i n g they w o u l d have done was m a r c h o f f o n Crusades t o the M i d d l e East. As Peter E d b u r y explained, "Crusad­ ing was expensive, and the costs were borne by the crusaders them­ selves, their families, their lords and, increasingly f r o m the end o f the t w e l f t h century, by taxes levied o n the C h u r c h i n the West" (1999:95). Even the n e t w o r k o f crusader castles and the garrisons by w h i c h Christians held the H o l y L a n d for t w o centuries were sustained n o t by local extractions b u t by funds sent f r o m Europe. Indeed, the great w e a l t h o f the k n i g h t l y crusading orders—the H o s 3

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pitallers and the Templars—was n o t l o o t b u t came f r o m donations and legacies i n Europe (Edbury, 1999; Read, 1999). A l l t o l d , "large quantities o f Western silver flowed i n t o the crusader states" (Edbury, 1999:95). The Crusades were possible only because this was n o t a p e r i o d o f economic decline b u t one o f growth, " w h i c h p u t more resources and money i n t o the hands o f the r u l i n g elites o f Western E u r o p e " ( G i l l i g h a m , 1999:59). Moreover, as hundreds o f surviving letters and eyewitness ac­ counts u n i f o r m l y testify, the crusaders believed they were g o i n g because G o d w i l l e d i t , and that their success was n o t h i n g less t h a n miraculous. As Jonathan Riley-Smith (1987:38) p u t i t : " T h e c r u ­ saders were n o t fools. They . . . k n e w h o w m u c h at a disadvantage they were. They lacked provisions and had constantly t o forage. They lost their horses and h a d t o fight m u c h o f the time o n foot. They h a d n o f i r m leadership and at times their a r m y disintegrated i n t o anarchy. Yet still they w o n t h r o u g h . There c o u l d be n o satisfac­ t o r y explanation o f this other t h a n that they had experienced God's interventionary m i g h t . " O f course, materialists w i l l argue that i t doesn't really matter w h a t the crusaders believed, since they w o u l d have been victims o f false consciousness. I t m a y be ungracious o f me t o suggest i t , b u t perhaps i t is claims o f false consciousness that are the best example thereof. I n any case, even i f we ignore these c o m p e l l i n g objections t o the materialist claims, there remains a devastating counterproof. U n ­ like the H o l y L a n d , M o o r i s h Spain was extremely wealthy, pos­ sessed an abundance o f fertile lands, and was close at hand. But hardly anyone responded t o the call t o crusade against the M o o r s . Yet, only t w e n t y years later, tens o f thousands o f Europeans set o f f for the d r y wastes o f faraway Palestine—and d i d so again and again. W h y ? Because Spain was n o t the H o l y L a n d ! Christ h a d n o t w a l k e d the streets o f Toledo, n o r was he crucified i n Seville. M e a n w h i l e , as the Crusades t o the H o l y L a n d r a n their course, the struggle for Spain was at a standstill. T h e n , more t h a n t w o centuries after Pope Alexander's efforts t o p r o m o t e a Crusade t o Spain, C h r i s t i a n forces launched successful offensives and began t o seize new territories having substantial Jewish populations.

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W h e n a p e r i o d o f political disorder occurred ( M o n t a l v o , 1993), there was a major outburst o f anti-Semitic violence. But i t lasted for o n l y t w o years ( 1 3 9 1 - 1 3 9 2 ) . Thereafter, o w i n g t o vigorous actions taken by the n o b i l i t y (Baer, 1 9 6 1 , 2 : 9 5 - 1 6 9 ) , w i t h support f r o m the bishops and the pope, murderous outbursts by Christians against Jews ceased i n Spain, never t o resume—even t h o u g h the expulsion o f all unconverted Jews f r o m Spain and the executions o f people convicted o f being insincere converts w h o still secretly practiced Judaism were yet t o come.

The

"Black

Death"

I n 1347 the bubonic plague broke o u t i n Sicily and then i n several Italian p o r t cities. W i t h i n a year i t had spread across Europe, reach­ ing England i n 1349. By the time i t was over i n 1350, about a t h i r d of the p o p u l a t i o n had died. Pope Clement V I (1291-1352) added up reports indicating that 23,840,000 had perished (Tuchman, 1978), and m o d e r n historians estimate the t o t a l at 30 m i l l i o n (Cartw r i g h t , 1972; Ziegler, 1971). 4

I t is difficult t o comprehend such a disaster. Everyone lost rela­ tives and friends. Everyone must have w o n d e r e d whether he or she w o u l d be next. W o r s t o f a l l , no one k n e w w h y i t was happening. O f course, various "explanations" prospered. One o f the earliest and most w i d e l y accepted o f these explanations was that G o d was punishing h u m a n i t y for their sins. Perhaps the "cure" was t o be f o u n d t h r o u g h penance. Thus i n 1348 there r a p i d l y arose a mass movement o f flagellation. Tens o f thousands o f Christians orga­ nized themselves i n companies and began t o travel f r o m t o w n t o t o w n , beating themselves and one another as atonement for sins. A t first the C h u r c h supported the flagellants, and, i n hopes o f w a r d ­ ing o f f the plague, Pope Clement I V ordered public flagellations i n A v i g n o n (where he was i n exile f r o m Rome). A l t h o u g h the flagel­ lants d i d n o t stem the plague, often they d i d have rather p r o ­ nounced m o r a l effects o n communities t h r o u g h w h i c h they passed, as locals became stricken w i t h guilt: adulterers made public confes­ sions; thieves returned stolen goods (Ziegler, 1971).

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Soon, however, the flagellants' concern w i t h sins began t o i n ­ clude the sins o f the clergy and o f the C h u r c h hierarchy. U n o r dained leaders o f the movement began t o hear confessions, grant absolution, and impose penances, w h i l e others seized churches and even stoned priests w h o resisted t h e m . As Barbara T u c h m a n (1978:115) explained, " G r o w i n g i n arrogance, they became overt i n antagonism t o the C h u r c h . . . and [soon] aimed at t a k i n g over the C h u r c h . " I n 1349 the pope responded by c o n d e m n i n g the flag­ ellants as a heretical sect, w h e r e u p o n m a n y o f their leaders were seized and executed. M e a n w h i l e , the plague continued. I n the midst o f this incredible epidemic, and fed by the violent conflict w i t h i n the C h u r c h , suspicion t u r n e d t o groups w h o m i g h t have motives t o inflict such a vengeance (Ziegler, 1971). Thus i n C h r i s t i a n areas o f Spain the story spread t h a t the M u s l i m s were behind i t a l l , p o i s o n i n g wells w i t h the plague. I n southern France the English were accused. Even pilgrims came under suspicion. But, inevitably, a t t e n t i o n t u r n e d t o the Jews. The story began t o circu­ late t h a t the Black D e a t h was being spread by the Jews, w h o were seeking revenge against Christians by secretly p o i s o n i n g the wells. T h e story had the r i n g o f t r u t h because i t was obvious t o a l l t h a t the Jews had a l o t t o be angry about. I t appears t h a t the idea o r i g i ­ nated i n Spain (adapted f r o m the charge against the M u s l i m s ) , and the story spread f r o m there. A n d n o t surprisingly, that's where the first attacks o n Jews t o o k place. W h a t is surprising is that the at­ tacks i n Spain were so few, as were the deaths they caused. T h i s was due t o effective i n t e r v e n t i o n by local bishops, supported by Pope Clement IV, w h o issued a b u l l directing the clergy t o protect the Jews, denouncing the claims about poisoned wells, and direct­ i n g t h a t those w h o spread that r u m o r , as w e l l as those w h o h a r m e d Jews, be excommunicated. But papal a u t h o r i t y failed i n some Germanic areas. There the massacres began i n the area a r o u n d Lake Geneva. I n the small t o w n o f C h i l l o n the charge o f w e l l p o i s o n i n g was leveled against several Jews. They were arrested, and under t o r t u r e they confessed, i m p l i c a t i n g all Jews i n the area, w h e r e u p o n a l l the Jews were r o u n d e d up and burned. F r o m there, once again a wave o f massa-

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cres swept d o w n the Rhine t h r o u g h the familiar list o f cities: Speyer, M a i n z , W o r m s , Cologne. A n d , i n at least seven G e r m a n t o w n s , the Jews c o m m i t t e d mass suicide. I t strikes me as significant that, aside f r o m events i n Spain, Jew­ ish massacres d u r i n g the Black Death were l i m i t e d t o the area along the Rhine River. I n p a r t this reflected the terrible g r i p o f t r a d i t i o n — where else i n Europe d i d families identify themselves as Jew-roast­ ers? But i t also reflected the prevailing weakness o f b o t h C h u r c h and State a u t h o r i t y i n this region. I n her b r i l l i a n t reconstruction o f the Jewish c o m m u n i t y o f Cologne, Shulamit S. M a g n u s (1997:18) described the Rhine basin as "the most politically fractured area" o f Germany, p o r t i o n s o f w h i c h were sometimes p a r t o f France. The area consisted o f a p a t c h w o r k o f t i n y p o l i t i c a l units (at times t o t a l ­ ing more t h a n seventy) ruled by independent princes or, i n many instances, by "prince-bishops," the latter being bishops and abbots appointed by the German emperor and whose "double l o y a l t y " t o b o t h pope and emperor made t h e m " w e a k allies" o f either ( H o l b o r n , 1982:21). The weakness o f a u t h o r i t y i n this region is clearly demonstrated, n o t o n l y i n the frequency w i t h w h i c h secular and religious authorities were unable t o prevent mobs f r o m k i l l i n g Jews ( M a i n z and Cologne b o t h had prince-bishops), b u t also i n the con­ centration o f Christian heretical movements i n these same Rhinel a n d communities—as w i l l be seen. A very useful essay c o u l d be devoted t o w h y the n o b i l i t y and the Catholic hierarchy d i d so consistently attempt t o suppress violence against Jews. I n m y judgment, there were t w o p r i m a r y reasons. First, elites are usually more tolerant o f diversity, having expanded horizons and a greater range o f experience. Second, and more i m ­ p o r t a n t , r u l i n g elites fear disorder—particularly spontaneous pop­ ular outbursts. Once the "people" take affairs i n t o their o w n hands, there m a y be no stopping t h e m . I f mobs are a l l o w e d t o l o o t , b u r n , rape, and m u r d e r their w a y t h r o u g h the Jewish quarter, where m i g h t they strike next? I t is instructive that m a n y recent historians believe that a major reason for the creation o f the I n q u i ­ sition was that i t "substituted the rule o f l a w for m o b violence" ( H a m i l t o n , 1981:57). For, as R i c h a r d Southern (1970:19) noted,

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Flaming Bigotry.

3

T h i s w o o d c u t made in 1496 of a m a n carrying logs to t h r o w

on the fire consuming a group of Jews reflects the virulent anti-Semitism that developed along the R h i n e R i v e r where m a n y families claimed the title of "Jew-roasters." © B e t t m a n n / C O R B I S .

" o n the w h o l e the holders o f ecclesiastical a u t h o r i t y were less prone t o violence, even against unbelievers, t h a n the people w h o m they r u l e d " (also see Kieckhefer, 1989:112).

Revolt

in

Paris

Brief m e n t i o n must be made o f violence against the Jews o f Paris that t o o k place i n 1380 and 1 3 8 1 . This appears n o t t o have stemmed f r o m a larger religious conflict b u t f r o m a revolt by the p o o r against high taxes. D u r i n g the i n i t i a l riots i n 1380, members o f the n o b i l i t y intervened t o blame poverty and h i g h taxes o n the Jews, w h e r e u p o n the m o b attacked the Jewish quarter, causing at least ten deaths. The next year, the p o o r rose again; armed w i t h heavy mallets (hence becoming k n o w n as the " M a i l l o t i n s " ) , this

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time they t u r n e d against the Jews w i t h o u t any coaching, and per­ haps fifteen were k i l l e d (Tuchman, 1978).

Heresy Rediscovered I n his fine study Medieval Heresy, M a l c o l m L a m b e r t (1992:25) suggested that after the Visigoths were converted away f r o m A r i a n ­ ism late i n the sixth century, heresy essentially disappeared f r o m Christendom for many centuries. H e explained that the circum­ stances by w h i c h "the heresies o f early centuries had once spread" no longer applied, and heresy " o f the o l d pattern v i r t u a l l y ceased t o exist." But then, i n the eleventh century, heresy "reappeared i n the West after a long gap." L a m b e r t is surely correct that something very i m p o r t a n t hap­ pened at this t i m e . But w h i l e he and other historians have blamed such things as chronic warfare and the lack o f "a cultivated l a i t y " for the absence o f heresy, I t h i n k that w h a t really happened, and needs t o be explained, is the sudden rediscovery o f heresy. I w i l l argue that this was a direct result o f the r a p i d increase i n religious intolerance, p r o m p t e d by men preaching the Crusades. Let me summarize the analysis t o follow. Just as the n o n c o n f o r m i t y o f the Jews was ignored for more than five h u n d r e d years, so was that o f Christian heretics, and for the same reason: they posed no institutional threat. A n d just as the n o n c o n f o r m i t y o f the Jews suddenly became an issue, at that same m o m e n t so t o o d i d Christian n o n c o n f o r m i t y . Furthermore, w h e n the demands for c o n f o r m i t y and o r t h o d o x y were applied to the Church itself, as was b o u n d t o happen, mass heretical movements were b o r n i n protest against the official heresies. T h a t is, the new heresies reflected a sudden, mobilized intolerance o f the remark­ able n o n c o n f o r m i t y o f the official C h u r c h t o its o w n standards. I n that sense, the heretics were the victims o f their o w n intolerance. Slim t h o u g h i t is, the historical record reveals that d u r i n g the eighth and n i n t h centuries there were some quite pronounced i n ­ stances o f heresy that aroused very little concern (Lambert, 1992;

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3

M o o r e , 1976, 1985; Russell, 1965, 1971). For example, i n the eighth century a certain A l d e b e r t attracted large crowds as he trav­ eled i n n o r t h e r n France p r o c l a i m i n g himself a saint and d i s t r i b u t ­ ing his hair and n a i l clippings t o his followers. H e was so p o p u l a r that, after the bishop o f Soissons p r o h i b i t e d h i m f r o m preaching i n churches, he set up crosses i n the countryside and preached beneath t h e m t o large crowds. As Jeffrey B u r t o n Russell (1965:103) re­ p o r t e d , eventually his followers b u i l t h i m churches, " w h i c h A l d e ­ bert himself consecrated, so that his support a m o n g the p o p u l a t i o n must have been w i d e and enthusiastic." Eventually, several C h u r c h synods demanded that A l d e b e r t cease preaching, and threatened t o excommunicate h i m , b u t he c o n t i n u e d and n o t h i n g was done. Three centuries later he m i g h t have been burned. O r consider the case o f Claudius, w h o , d u r i n g his tenure as bishop o f T u r i n f r o m 814 t o 820, denounced the use o f a l l images i n w o r s h i p , o r d e r i n g t h e m removed f r o m all his churches. H e p a r t i c u l a r l y opposed ven­ eration o f the cross, denounced the cult o f saints, dismissed the value o f pilgrimages, and questioned the pope's authority. C l a u ­ dius' contemporary, A g o b a r d , bishop o f L y o n , held similar views about images, w r i t i n g , "Whosoever adores a picture or a statue, whether carved or cast, does n o t w o r s h i p G o d , n o r does he w o r s h i p angels or saints; he is an i d o l a t e r " ( i n Russell, 1965:14). T w o centu­ ries later, b o t h bishops w o u l d p r o b a b l y have been defrocked, or worse, b u t i n the n i n t h century their " p u r i t a n " heresies were toler­ ated. D u r i n g that same century a w o m a n named Theuda attracted m a n y followers by claiming t o have received special revelations f r o m G o d , i n c l u d i n g the date o f the Second C o m i n g . As w i t h A l d e ­ bert, the C h u r c h a l l o w e d her t o proceed for a considerable t i m e before o r d e r i n g her t o stop. W h a t these events demonstrate is t h a t the heretical impulse w a s n ' t dead, b u t t h a t this was an era i n w h i c h the religious a n d secular authorities (and hence the chroniclers) d i d n ' t perceive her­ esy as a significant matter. I n fact, L a m b e r t (1992.:25) noted t h a t d u r i n g this era, "outbreaks o f d o c t r i n a l dissidence that d i d occur were treated m i l d l y by the authorities, presumably because they presented n o significant challenge t o the c h u r c h . " Hence, exactly as predicted, n o n c o n f o r m i n g groups were tolerated t o the extent

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that they were perceived t o pose no institutional threat. Neither the Jews n o r w a n d e r i n g Christian mystics c o u l d conceivably chal­ lenge the religious establishment; hence the centuries w i t h o u t attacks o n heresy were the same centuries that historians o f antiSemitism have identified as " t r a n q u i l . " T h e n suddenly, i n the elev­ enth century, there was substantial violence against b o t h heretics and Jews. This is fully i n accord w i t h the p r o p o s i t i o n that religious toleration w i l l be w i t h h e l d or w i t h d r a w n even f r o m nonthreaten­ ing n o n c o n f o r m i n g groups d u r i n g periods w h e n p o w e r f u l religious groups collide.

Two

"Churches"

W h e n the eleventh century began, there had long been t w o major religious elements, or "churches," i n Christendom—their existence being the inevitable result o f niches i n the religious " m a r k e t , " as discussed earlier i n the chapter. The first o f these, w h i c h I w i l l name the Church of Power, was by far the largest and consisted o f most of the official R o m a n Catholic hierarchy, f r o m parish clergy t h r o u g h popes, and the masses o f n o m i n a l Catholics. Since the days of Constantine, the m a j o r i t y o f clergy (especially at the higher lev­ els) consisted o f w o r l d l y , ambitious, and often quite flagrantly i m ­ m o r a l men (Cheetham, 1983; Duffy, 1997; M u r r a y , 1972). As for the masses, they were at best " s l i g h t l y " Christianized (Stark, 1999c). M o s t w o u l d have professed their belief i n Jesus, but as part o f a supernatural pantheon including all manner o f spirits and godlings. Since very few medieval priests c o u l d even list the sins forbidden by the Ten Commandments, let alone actually recite the commandments (Thomas, 1971), obviously most laymen h a d little awareness o f sin. Few ever attended mass, and w h e n they d i d , i t was often conducted by a priest w h o was k n o w n t o lead a dissolute life. As for bishops, cardinals, and popes, many were openly de­ voted t o opulent l i v i n g and vice (Cheetham, 1983; Duffy, 1997). But, o f course, there were also devout Christians i n medieval times, and they constituted a second, i f far smaller, element, w h i c h I w i l l call the Church of Piety. A t the head o f this church were the m o n k s (and sometimes nuns played leading roles as w e l l ) . A n

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immense structure o f monasteries crisscrossed medieval Europe as monasticism continued t o attract the most ardent Christians f r o m each generation. M o s t m o n k s d i d n o t lead a sequestered life b u t were a very influential social force—in the eleventh century they were still busy missionizing the pagan p o l i t i c a l elites o f n o r t h e r n Europe. M o n k s also served as chaplains and even as pastors t o various groups o f laity, for the fact is that w h i l e the people as a w h o l e were quite lacking i n piety, there were significant numbers o f devout laypersons, m a n y o f w h o m h a d been led t o serious c o m ­ m i t m e n t t h r o u g h i n s t r u c t i o n f r o m a m o n k . Indeed, periodically m o n k s embarked o n preaching tours—an early f o r m o f revival campaign that added t o the " m e m b e r s h i p " o f the C h u r c h o f Piety.

Preaching

the Crusades

and

Heresy

T h r o u g h the centuries there had always been tension between the t w o "churches," b u t the chronic criticisms by the C h u r c h o f Piety h a d been kept under c o n t r o l by the official clerical hierarchy's a l l o w i n g a p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f new orders that functioned as encapsu­ lated sect movements, by occasional reforms, and simply by supe­ r i o r political power. T h e n , i n t o this delicate balance o f forces, sud­ denly along came several popes w h o w a n t e d t o inspire an enormous outburst o f popular piety—the Crusades. I n fact, a l l o f the popes o f the second half o f the eleventh century were m o n k s w h o wished t o reassert the C h u r c h o f Piety, and w h o themselves often stressed the m o r a l shortcomings w i t h i n the C h u r c h . So w h e n Pope U r b a n I I w a n t e d knights t o fight for the H o l y L a n d , he d i d n o t t r y t o hire mercenaries. Instead, he stood i n the field at Cler­ m o n t and challenged "[s]oldiers o f H e l l , [to] become soldiers o f the L i v i n g G o d . " Preaching the Crusade was n o t a onetime t h i n g . Rather, h u n ­ dreds and then thousands o f preachers t o o k up the pope's message (Maier, 1994). A p p e a r i n g i n every hamlet, village, and t o w n , they preached the d u t y t o serve or help finance the l i b e r a t i o n o f the H o l y L a n d . A n d , as had the pope, they d i d more: they stressed the evil of nonbelief—"Bathe i n the b l o o d o f the infidels," the pope h a d thundered t o the thousands i n C l e r m o n t . " K i l l the unbelievers"

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and "Avenge C h r i s t , " echoed those w h o preached the Crusade all across Europe. Moreover, these preachers (and those w h o preached all o f the Crusades that were t o f o l l o w ) were n o t clergy o f the C h u r c h o f Power—overwhelmingly, they were the m o n k s o f the C h u r c h o f Piety (Lambert, 1992; Maier, 1994; M o o r e , 1976, 1985). A n d the longer they thundered about the infidel, the more they began t o include as infidel all w h o were insufficiently faithful t o C h r i s t — i n c l u d i n g u n w o r t h y priests and bishops! Just as some had noted that i t made no sense t o m a r c h all the w a y to the H o l y L a n d t o r i d the w o r l d o f infidels w h i l e leaving behind w h o l e communities o f Jews, so t o o the revivalists preaching the Crusades also began t o denounce infidels w i t h i n the bosom o f the C h u r c h . This was n o t the preaching o f some dissenting sect; i t was that o f men w h o were so deeply c o m m i t t e d t o Catholic o r t h o d o x y that they c o u l d see n o t h i n g controversial i n their calls for r e f o r m . Indeed, the most influential o f these early "reformers" had been specifically commis­ sioned by Pope U r b a n I I t o preach the Crusade. Robert o f Arbissel, Vitalis o f M o r t a i n , and Bernard o f T i r o n had each t u r n e d away f r o m successful clerical careers t o live as ascetics i n the Forest o f C r a o n . A t the i n v i t a t i o n o f the pope, each emerged f r o m seclusion t o preach the First Crusade but soon t u r n e d most o f his attention t o denouncing the sins o f the clergy i n the most graphic fashion. These three, soon joined by m a n y others, traveled f r o m village t o village for years, preaching against the sins o f the clergy more t h a n i n support o f the Crusades, never being reluctant t o name dissolute local clergy. Despite the anger they aroused a m o n g the regular clergy, n o t o n l y d i d these three m o n k s survive, b u t each became a successful founder o f a monastic order ( M o o r e , 1976, 1985). Nevertheless, each must have ended his days k n o w i n g that he had failed t o r o o t o u t even most o f the w o r s t clerical offenders. By then, however, hundreds more were preaching r e f o r m . Slowly, and o u t o f frustration, the reformers begin t o venture t o w a r d the o l d D o n a t i s t p o s i t i o n that sacraments are o f n o value i f received f r o m u n w o r t h y priests. The o r t h o d o x v i e w is that no matter h o w sinful y o u r local priest, all sacraments received f r o m h i m are v a l i d , so l o n g as his o r d i n a t i o n was v a l i d . To those c o m m i t -

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ted t o f o l l o w i n g i n Christ's footsteps, such legalisms failed t o sat­ isfy—many asked, h o w can one be absolved o f sins by an insincere, venal libertine d o o m e d t o hell? Thus C h u r c h " r e f o r m and heresy were t w i n s " (Lambert, 1992:390). The increasingly vigorous efforts t o b r i n g r e f o r m h a d t w o potent consequences. First, they v o i d e d the previous general t o l e r a t i o n o f Christian n o n c o n f o r m i t y . Attacks by clergy o f the C h u r c h o f Piety o n " s i n f u l " clergy p r o m p t e d counterattacks o n clerical "heretics," since the latter n o w posed a very serious institutional threat t o the official hierarchy. Indeed, m a n y critics h a d begun t o preach that there should be n o hierarchy at a l l , and that o n l y those w i l l i n g t o lead lives o f absolute chastity and abject poverty should be a l l o w e d t o administer the sacraments. N o w o n d e r they were condemned. But, as a result, the C h u r c h o f Piety gave rise t o organized and t r u l y threatening dissent: Waldensians, Cathars (called Albigensians i n southern France), Lollards, Hussites, Lutherans, and Calvinists— t o name only some major movements i n w h a t eventually came t o be k n o w n as Protestantism. O f course, the C h u r c h o f Power responded t o each o f these chal­ lenges w i t h fire and s w o r d , t o the fullest extent possible. B u t i n the end an unlikely c o a l i t i o n o f pious religionists and opportunistic politicians secured the survival o f Protestantism. The Catholic re­ sponse was the Counter-Reformation, d u r i n g w h i c h m a n y o f the "sins" condemned by the heretics were corrected as the C h u r c h purged unobservant clergy and began serious efforts t o Christian­ ize its remaining laity. Collateral

Conflicts

N o t o n l y was the rediscovery o f heresy collateral t o the larger reli­ gious conflict w i t h Islam, b u t some lethal attacks o n Jews occurred as side effects o f these religious wars. I n 1209 French forces over­ w h e l m e d the fortress city o f Beziers, the center o f the massive A l b i gensian heresy i n France. D u r i n g the subsequent massacre a p p r o x i ­ mately 2 0 , 0 0 0 died, a m o n g t h e m 2 0 0 Jews. There is n o evidence, however, that the troops were concerned w i t h k i l l i n g Jews, since they h a d been instructed t o k i l l a l l inhabitants. T w o centuries later,

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the Jewish c o m m u n i t y at N o r d l i n g e n was burned by a C h r i s t i a n m o b ; H e i n r i c h Graetz (1894b: 162) blamed this o n the "passionate strife" that had divided "the w h o l e o f C h r i s t e n d o m i n t o t w o huge, bitterly hostile camps." The w a r against the Hussites produced new massacres o f Jews i n the same o l d places—communities along the Rhine. As Graetz (1894a:222) p u t i t , "The crusades against the Hussites, like those against the M a h o m e t a n s and the Waldenses, commenced w i t h mas­ sacres o f Jews." As they marched up the Rhine valley t o attack the Hussites i n Bohemia, an a r m y o f German and D u t c h mercenaries was p r o m p t e d by locals t o deal w i t h Jewish heretics t o o . "We are m a r c h i n g afar t o avenge our insulted G o d , and shall those w h o slew h i m be

spared?"

said

one

mercenary

leader

(Graetz,

1894b:225). So they laid waste the Jewish communities o n their route. T h a t same year, other soldiers m a k i n g w a r o n the Hussites attacked the Jewish c o m m u n i t y i n Vienna, k i l l i n g about a h u n d r e d and causing others t o c o m m i t suicide. As the conflict continued, m a n y D o m i n i c a n s "thundered against heretics and Jews a l i k e " (ibid.:226), w i t h the result that i n 1 4 3 1 , i n the same area where massacres p r o m p t e d by the Black Death had begun, the Jewish communities i n three t o w n s were murdered. O f course, the D o m i n i c a n s had g o o d reason t o be concerned w i t h heretics i n the Rhineland. For, as already mentioned, i n addi­ t i o n t o being the area where Jewish massacres were concentrated, this was also the area where, i n the very same era, heresy flourished i n Germany. I t was i n M a i n z that Theuda gathered followers and proclaimed the date o f the Second C o m i n g . I t was o n l y i n the Rhineland, i n Cologne and M a i n z particularly, that the Cathars gathered G e r m a n congregations d u r i n g the t w e l f t h century, and i t was also p r i m a r i l y i n the R h i n e l a n d that the G e r m a n Waldensians f o u n d support d u r i n g the thirteenth century—especially i n M a i n z , Strassburg, Speyer, W o r m s , and W i i r z b u r g (Kieckhefer, 1989). D u r i n g the t h i r t e e n t h and fourteenth centuries i t was i n these same Rhenish t o w n s that the heresy o f the Free Spirit flourished—in about 1320 there may have been t w o thousand members o f the Béguines, a female Free Spirit g r o u p , l i v i n g i n Cologne (Bynum, 1982; C o h n , 1 9 6 1 ; Johnson, 1976; Kieckhefer, 1989; M c D o n n e l l ,

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"Heretic!

33

3

O n July 6, 1 4 1 5 , J a n H u s w a s burned at the stake for his

advocacy of C h u r c h reform. H e soon became the martyred hero of a movement demanding both religious and political reforms that resulted in the Hussite W a r s . © A r c h i v o Iconografico, S . A . / C O R B I S .

1954). A g a i n i n the fifteenth century, i t was here that the Hussites f o u n d receptive Germans, and such cities as N u r e m b e r g , M a i n z , W o r m s , Speyer, and Ratisbon were sites o f conflict (Kieckhefer, 1989). A n d , o f course, i t was i n Speyer that the t e r m "Protestant" was first applied t o the followers o f M a r t i n L u t h e r (1483-1546), and i n W o r m s that L u t h e r t o l d the D i e t , "Here I stand, G o d help me. A m e n . " T h e n , i n the next century, i t was o n l y i n the R h i n e l a n d that Calvinism gained a f o o t h o l d against L u t h e r a n dominance ( H o l b o r n , 1982). Whatever else a l l this heretical activity m a y i n d i ­ cate, i t clearly reveals the same lack o f p o l i t i c a l and ecclesiastical c o n t r o l that failed w h e n faced w i t h anti-Semitic mobs. Indeed, i n w o r k presently underway, I have f o u n d that w i t c h - h u n t s , sustained by m o b violence, were concentrated here t o o . I t also seems significant that as Luther's defiance led t o a new and t r u l y major religious conflict, i t t o o k i n d l e d the fires o f collateral

WRATH

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intolerance. Early i n his career, Luther was a vigorous defender o f Jews. But as the conflict w i t h Catholics heated up, he became increasingly hostile t o w a r d all nonconformists: " B u t n o w I a m n o t astonished at the T u r k s ' or the Jews' blindness, obduracy, w i c k ­ edness. For I see that same i n the holiest fathers o f the C h u r c h , pope, cardinals, bishops" (in O b e r m a n , 1992:296). Soon he began repeatedly t o accuse the Jews o f various sorts o f blasphemy, such as calling M a r y a w h o r e and Christ a bastard, and charged that " i f they c o u l d k i l l us a l l , they w o u l d gladly do so" (in ibid.:293). A l t h o u g h Luther was unflinching i n his o p p o s i t i o n t o any m o b ac­ tions against Jews, that his charges d i d n o t p r o m p t L u t h e r a n mas­ sacres o f Jews was fortunate. Furthermore, i n 1614 about t w o thousand Jews were massacred by members o f a dissident Protes­ tant sect i n F r a n k f u r t , k n o w n as the Reformers, w h o sought t o demonstrate that their virtue was superior t o that o f the Lutherans, w h o only talked about the Jews but d i d n o t h i n g about t h e m . I t must be noted that just as massacres o f the Jews were concen­ trated i n the t o w n s and cities o f the Rhineland, that's also where there were substantial Jewish populations. Indeed, N a c h u m T. G i d a l (1988:30) identified "the cities o f Speyer, W o r m s , and M a i n z " as " s p i r i t u a l centers for the Jews o f central E u r o p e " i n the tenth and eleventh centuries. T h a t these same cities were especially notorious as the sites o f Jewish massacres, starting i n 1096, c o u l d suggest a sort o f opportunity thesis: that the local availability o f Jewish victims was a major cause o f Christian violence. However, aside f r o m the obvious fact that massacres o f Jews c o u l d n o t occur where there were no Jews, the evidence is contrary t o such an expla­ n a t i o n . Gidal's fine map shows 102 significant Jewish communities i n Germany i n this era. W h i l e m a n y o f these were i n t o w n s and cities along the Rhine, most were not. W h y d i d Christian mobs n o t f o r m and attack the Jewish communities i n most other German towns? W h y weren't there periodic slaughters o f Jews i n the h u n ­ dreds o f Jewish communities elsewhere i n Europe? Probably be­ cause local elites were sufficiently p o w e r f u l t o prevent a t r a d i t i o n o f Jew k i l l i n g f r o m ever getting started. For, once begun, traditions of religious and ethnic violence are e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y lasting: M u ­ nich, where the Jews were massacred i n 1285 and again i n 1349,

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is less t h a n t w e n t y miles f r o m Dachau, site o f one o f the most n o t o ­ rious N a z i death camps. This seems the appropriate p o i n t t o discuss w h y lethal attacks o n Jews ended early i n the fifteenth century, except for the episode i n F r a n k f o r t i n 1614. T w o major factors can be cited. First, there was a massive m i g r a t i o n o f the Jews f r o m western t o eastern Eu­ rope. By the middle o f the fifteenth century there were very few Jews left i n those areas o f western Europe where the attacks had been concentrated. Indeed, i n 1424 Cologne expelled all Jews, and the other p r i n c i p a l cities along the Rhine soon f o l l o w e d suit; Jews were n o t p e r m i t t e d t o r e t u r n u n t i l the m i d d l e o f the nineteenth century! The second reason is that heretic h u n t i n g absorbed most of the attention and animosity t o w a r d religious nonconformists that had been directed against Jews. Indeed, as I w i l l demonstrate at length i n future w o r k , as heresies grew i n t o serious p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y challengers o f the C h u r c h , the result was the appearance of a new group o f collateral victims: the seemingly endless supply o f local witches.

Heresy

and

"Class

Struggles"

M a n y historians w h o are o f sociological i n c l i n a t i o n , M a r x i s t s and n o n - M a r x i s t s alike, have claimed that these great heretical move­ ments were n o t p r i m a r i l y about doctrines and morals, if, indeed, religious factors were o f any real significance at a l l . Instead, they argue, the religious aspect o f these movements masked their real basis, w h i c h was, o f course, class struggle. Friedrich Engels (in M a r x and Engels, 1 9 6 4 : 9 7 - 1 2 3 ) identified some o f these move­ ments, including the Albigensians, as u r b a n heresies i n that they represented the class interests o f the t o w n bourgeoisie against the feudal elites o f C h u r c h and State. But most o f the other heretical movements were, according t o Engels, based o n the proletariat, w h o demanded restoration o f the equality and c o m m u n a l i s m o f early C h r i s t i a n i t y (Engels and m a n y other M a r x i s t s have claimed that the early Christians briefly achieved true c o m m u n i s m ) . Engels granted that these class struggles were embedded i n religious and

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mystical rhetoric, but dismissed this as false consciousness. F o l l o w ­ ing Engels, many other M a r x i s t historians have "exposed" the ma­ terialism behind the claims o f religious dissent. Thus i n 1936 the Italian historian A n t o n i n o de Stefano claimed that, " [ a ] t b o t t o m , the economic argument must have constituted, more t h a n any dog­ matic or religious discussions, the principle motive o f the preaching of heresy" (in Russell, 1965:231). Even many historians n o t com­ m i t t e d t o o r t h o d o x M a r x i s t reductionism have detected material­ ism behind medieval dissent. For example, the n o n - M a r x i s t histo­ r i a n N o r m a n C o h n (1961:xiii) reduced medieval heresies to "the desire o f the p o o r t o improve the material conditions o f their lives," w h i c h "became transfused w i t h phantasies o f a new Paradise." A n d , t o be honest, some years ago I expressed similar views (Stark and Bainbridge, 1985, chap. 2 2 ) . I t is hardly necessary t o deny that class conflicts existed i n medi­ eval times, or t o suppose that people participating i n heresy never p a i d any heed t o their material interests, t o reaffirm that religion was at the heart o f these conflicts. H a d their p r i m a r y concerns been w o r l d l y , surely most heretics w o u l d have recanted w h e n this was the o n l y w a y out. I t was, after a l l , only their religious notions they had t o give up, n o t their material longings. But large numbers o f them chose death instead. Moreover, these movements drew p a r t i ­ cipants f r o m all levels o f the class system. For example, contrary t o Engels the Albigensians enlisted most o f the n o b i l i t y as w e l l as the clergy o f southern France along w i t h the "masses" (Costen, 1997; Lambert, 1992; M u n d y , 1985). T h i r d , claims that the major­ ity o f participants i n any given heresy were p o o r are quite lacking i n force, even i n the instances for w h i c h i t m i g h t be true. A l m o s t everyone i n medieval Europe was poor. Gauged against this stan­ dard, i t appears that the " p r o l e t a r i a t " was ^ ^ / r e p r e s e n t e d i n most o f these movements (Lambert, 1992). Finally, the emphasis these groups often placed o n the virtues o f poverty was not, as Russell (1965:234) pointed out, reflective o f "a trades-union p r o ­ gram or a grange" but f o u n d expression i n calls for " h o l y p o v e r t y " i n opposition t o the w o r l d l y c o r r u p t i o n o f the C h u r c h . Indeed, I cannot improve o n Russell's conclusion:

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It is of course possible to press materialist interpretations farther and maintain that though the program of the dissenters was explicitly religious it was implicitly social. The "real" motivations are social, the materialists say, but in their naivete the dissenters could do no more than express their discontent in religious terms. These histori­ ans make an a priori philosophical assumption about what is "real," an assumption that may or may not be justified. And in this question of medieval dissent, the burden of proof lies with the materialists who, in almost gnostic fashion, seek the esoteric explanation in pref­ erence to the simple one.

M u s l i m A t t a c k s o n Jews For generations, scholars identified the s i t u a t i o n o f Jews i n M u s l i m Spain as a " G o l d e n A g e " (Cohen, 1996; G o i t e n , 1964). N o one disagreed w i t h Stanley Lane-Poole w h e n i n 1 8 9 7 he claimed t h a t " [ t ] h e history o f Spain offers us a melancholy contrast. For nearly eight centuries under her M o h a m m e d a n rulers, Spain set a l l E u ­ rope a shining example o f a civilised and enlightened state . . . Whatever makes a k i n g d o m great and prosperous, whatsoever tends t o refinement and civilisation was f o u n d i n M o s l e m Spain" (in Fletcher, 1992:172). Lane-Poole w e n t o n t o contrast this shin­ i n g example w i t h the cruel and fanatical Spain that expelled the Jews f o l l o w i n g the final defeat o f the M o o r s by Ferdinand a n d Isabella i n 1492. N o r d i d anyone challenge the celebrated Jewish h i s t o r i a n H e i n r i c h H i r s h Graetz (1894b, 3:214) w h e n he asserted, "Judaism ever strove t o w a r d s the light, w h i l s t monastic C h r i s t i a n i t y remained i n darkness. Thus i n the t e n t h century there was o n l y one c o u n t r y t h a t offered suitable soil for the development o f Judaism, where i t c o u l d blossom and f l o u r i s h — i t was M a h o m e t a n Spain." I n the m i d d l e o f the t w e n t i e t h century, R u d o l f Kayser (1949:50) still ex­ ulted, " I t is like a historical miracle t h a t i n the very same era o f h i s t o r y " i n w h i c h "orgies o f persecution" against Jews occurred i n C h r i s t i a n Europe, the Jews i n M o o r i s h Spain "enjoyed a golden

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age, the like o f w h i c h they had n o t k n o w n since the days o f the Bible." As recently as 1 9 9 1 , A n t h o n y Burgess w r o t e that after the fall o f Granada "the magnificent Emirate o f C o r d o b a , where beauty, tolerance, learning and order prevailed, was only a m e m ­ o r y " (in Fletcher, 1992:171). I n a distinguished volume c o m m e m o r a t i n g the five h u n d r e d t h anniversary o f the expulsion o f the Jews f r o m Christian Spain, V i v ­ ian B. M a n n (1992:xi) noted that the " G o l d e n Age o f Spanish Jewry . . . was personified above a l l by M a i m o n i d e s . " But despite the intellectual achievements o f Moses M a i m o n i d e s (1135-1204), his biography makes a travesty o f claims concerning a " G o l d e n A g e " o f Judaism i n M o o r i s h Spain. As G i l C a r l A l r o y (1975:185) pointed out, " M a i m o n i d e s fled t o E g y p t — n o t f r o m Christian per­ secution, but f r o m M u s l i m terror i n Spain—and was later forced t o hide his Judaism f r o m the M u s l i m s o f A r a b i a and other places so as n o t t o endanger his safety." Indeed, i n 1148 the M a i m o n i d e s family pretended t o convert t o Islam w h e n the Jews o f C o r d o b a were t o l d t o become M u s l i m s or leave, o n p a i n o f death. After eleven years, fearing that their double life had become t o o danger­ ous, the family m o v e d t o Fez i n M o r o c c o — s t i l l pretending t o be M u s l i m s . T h e i r story clearly demonstrates that, as R i c h a r d Fletcher (1992:173) p u t i t , " M o o r i s h Spain was n o t a tolerant and enlight­ ened society even i n its most cultivated epoch." Indeed, i t should be noted that w h e n the M a i m o n i d e s family and other Jews were required t o convert or leave M o o r i s h Spain, m a n y Jews migrated t o the Christian areas o f n o r t h e r n Spain—something that is seldom mentioned. Aside f r o m anti-Christian motives, a major reason that so many have celebrated w h a t M a r k Cohen (1996) has frankly identified as the " m y t h " o f the Golden Age is that f r o m the i n i t i a l M u s l i m conquests i n Spain i n 7 1 1 u n t i l the second half o f the eleventh cen­ tury, there were no massacres o f Spanish Jews by M u s l i m s , and Jews often held h i g h government posts, especially as t a x collectors. These peaceful days are contrasted w i t h the brutalities inflicted o n the Jews i n Christendom. However, this comparison w o r k s only i f one ignores the calendar. For the peaceful era i n Spain occurred at

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precisely the same time as the one k n o w n as the " t r a n q u i l " p e r i o d i n Christian-Jewish relations. T h a t is, o n both sides o f the Pyrenees the Jews were reasonably secure d u r i n g these centuries. Even more compelling is the fact that the alleged Golden Age o f Jews i n M o o r ­ ish Spain ended i n a massacre i n 1066, the very same year that Jews were first massacred i n C h r i s t i a n Spain! T h a t four thousand members o f the Jewish c o m m u n i t y o f Gra­ nada were butchered by M u s l i m s i n 1066, the same year i n w h i c h Pope Alexander had t o intervene t o stop French knights f r o m k i l l ­ i n g M u s l i m s and Jews i n n o r t h e r n Spain, was n o t a coincidence. N o r was i t coincidental that a successful new C h r i s t i a n offensive, w h i c h resulted i n the fall o f Toledo, was soon f o l l o w e d i n 1090 by the second massacre o f the Jews o f M o o r i s h Granada. W h a t these events demonstrate is that M u s l i m - C h r i s t i a n collisions escalated religious intolerance o n b o t h sides. I n similar fashion, fatal M u s l i m attacks o n Jews i n the M i d d l e East coincided w i t h the M u s l i m con­ quest o f the crusader fortress city o f Acre i n 1 2 9 1 . N e w circumstances for religious conflict were created by the M o n g o l conquest o f Persia i n 1260. The M o n g o l s were pagans and, as such, n o t m u c h concerned about religious conformity. However, G r a n d K h a n A r g u n chose t o exclude M u s l i m s f r o m offi­ cial positions, relying instead o n local Christians and Jews t o help h i m govern, placing a Jew named Saad-Addaula i n charge. As Graetz (1894b, 3:648) described the situation: " T h e M a h o m e t a n s , w h o were shut o u t o f every office, beheld, w i t h deep v e x a t i o n , that Jews and Christians, w h o m they were accustomed t o despise as infidel dogs, were i n possession o f the government. They were, moreover, urged by their priests and learned men t o a most violent hatred o f the Jewish statesman [Saad-Addaula], t o w h o m they i m ­ puted their h u m i l i a t i o n . " Soon the incredible r u m o r spread that Saad-Addaula planned t o p r o c l a i m the k h a n as a religious lawgiver and head o f a new religion, and t o send an expedition t o Mecca t o establish i t as the center o f a new paganism t o w h i c h all M u s l i m s w o u l d be forced t o convert. I n 1290 A r g u n died suddenly, and Saad-Addaula's enemies (including m a n y p o w e r f u l M o n g o l s ) seized the o p p o r t u n i t y t o have h i m executed. M e a n w h i l e , the M u s -

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l i m p o p u l a t i o n "fell u p o n the Jews i n every city o f the empire" (Graetz, 1894b, 3:649). N o t far away, M u s l i m s forces also butch­ ered the Jews and Christians i n Acre.

Conclusion O v e r a l l , i t seems t o me that the historical record is very consistent w i t h the three hypotheses o u t l i n e d earlier i n this chapter. B o t h C h r i s t i a n and M u s l i m attacks o n Jews, as w e l l as the rediscovery of heresy w i t h i n C h r i s t e n d o m , can be l i n k e d t o a c o m m o n , under­ l y i n g social process. Even such highly particularistic faiths as C h r i s t i a n i t y and Islam were able t o accommodate religious n o n ­ c o n f o r m i t y as l o n g as i t posed n o significant i n s t i t u t i o n a l threat. But w h e n confronted w i t h significant threats f r o m one another, M u s l i m s ' and Christians' tolerance evaporated, and Jews and here­ tics p a i d the price. I t w o u l d be w r o n g t o conclude that d u r i n g this era o n l y the M u s ­ lims and Christians were m i l i t a n t monotheists ready t o go t o ex­ treme lengths i n behalf o f their True Faith. As a weak and scattered m i n o r i t y , Jews were seldom i n a p o s i t i o n t o attack unbelievers. But they fully demonstrated their unrelenting p a r t i c u l a r i s m by their u n ­ relenting resistance. I t was the p o w e r o f p a r t i c u l a r i s m that made it possible for the Jews to resist assimilation despite their being a dispersed m i n o r i t y for more t h a n t w o m i l l e n n i a . O f course, many Jews i n the diaspora d i d convert, i n c l u d i n g some whose descen­ dants became Christian kings or even popes. W h a t is remarkable is that identifiably Jewish communities endured at a l l . I t must also be recognized that i n v i r t u a l l y all o f the b l o o d y episodes reported i n Figure 3 . 1 , any Jew w h o w o u l d convert was spared. I t is no surprise that m a n y t o o k that o p t i o n . W h a t requires explanation is that thousands u p o n thousands remained steadfast, choosing death over conversion. Indeed, again and again w h o l e Jewish enclaves opted for mass suicide rather t h a n be baptized or embrace Islam. 5

Thus, t o r e t u r n t o the discussion that opened Chapter 2, m o n o ­ theism has t w o social sides: the power t o inspire conflict among

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groups and the p o w e r t o sustain intense solidarity w i t h i n groups. I t is t o this issue—the capacity o f religion t o generate u n w a v e r i n g l o y a l t y — t h a t the next chapter is devoted.

Notes 1. In the new Macmillan Encyclopedia of World Religions (1998), A l a n Davis largely dismissed M u s l i m anti-Semitism as a n "infiltration of C h r i s t i a n a n d West­ ern influences" (38). But there is no record that the Prophet invoked charges of Jews' being "Christ-killers" w h e n he attacked J e w i s h communities. Rather, he accused them of affronts to his divine mission. 2. A l - H â k i m w a s undoubtedly insane a n d also persecuted Jews a n d all M u s ­ lims w h o openly doubted his claims to semidivinity. 3. M a y e r is the classic intellectual moderate w h o agrees w i t h everyone's theo­ ries, accepting the religious causes of C r u s a d e s on one page a n d the materialist causes on the next. 4. It w a s not called the "Black D e a t h " until several centuries later (Ziegler, 1971). 5. Q u e e n Isabella's h u s b a n d K i n g F e r d i n a n d I I ( 1 4 5 2 - 1 5 1 6 )

was Jewish

through his mother, a n d "most Spanish noblemen [at this time] h a d J e w i s h blood" ( T h o m a s , 1979:493). T h e very powerful R o m a n family the Pierleonis were of J e w i s h origins, a n d several of them became popes ( C h e e t h a m , 1983:84).

172

Keeping the Faith.

Father and son participate in Simchat T o r a h (Festival of the

Bibles) in the synogogue on D j e r b a Island, off the coast of Tunisia. T h e Jewish settlement on D j e r b a predates both C h r i s t i a n and M u s l i m rule. © Hulton-Deutsch Collection/CORBIS.

. 4 . God's Kingdom: Religious Persistence A n d ye shall be u n t o me a k i n g d o m o f priests and a h o l y n a t i o n . — E x o d . 19:6

^ J r o v e s that once sheltered D r u i d rites are empty, the Parthenon is merely a tourist attraction, and o n l y archaeolo­ gists frequent the sacred caverns o f M i t h r a . The supernatural be­ ings w h o once prevailed i n these places have l o n g since fled t o the graveyard o f the Gods, but there are no headstones there for Yah­ weh, Jehovah, or Allah—each lives o n i n the hearts o f millions. W h y do some religions survive for m i l l e n n i a , w h i l e others come and go? Or, t o b o t h n a r r o w and intensify the question: H o w do m i n o r i t y religions persist} T h a t is, h o w does a m i n o r i t y religious group resist the pressures and temptations t o assimilate} M a n y m i n o r i t y groups are sects, w h i c h I define as n o n c o n f o r m i n g religious bodies surrounded by a majority w h o adhere t o the same religious tradition. The A m i s h are a sect i n Christian societies, just as the Sufis are a sect w i t h i n Islam, and the Karaites a Jewish sect. Sects are nourished by their agreement o n the fundamentals o f reli­ gious culture w i t h those a r o u n d them, although this doesn't always spare t h e m f r o m persecution even t o the p o i n t o f mass murder. The theory developed i n this chapter applies fully t o sects, but the emphasis is o n explaining the survival o f groups whose noncon­ f o r m i t y lies outside the conventional religious t r a d i t i o n , thus plac­ ing t h e m i n fundamental opposition t o their religious environment, as the Jews have stood firmly as religious outsiders a r o u n d the w o r l d . Indeed, because the diaspora is the quintessential example of religious persistence, I w i l l give i t m y full attention i n the histori­ cal p o r t i o n o f the chapter, confident that the lessons learned gener­ alize t o a l l monotheistic faiths under similar circumstances.

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A Theory of Religious Persistence Key elements o f a theory o f religious persistence are already i n place, having been postulated i n previous chapters. The most basic premise concerns the conception o f G o d . People do n o t risk i t all for " a d d - o n " Gods o f l i m i t e d scope and dubious character. Rather, the extreme capacity for persistence w i t h w h i c h this chapter is con­ cerned requires belief i n a God of infinite scope such as Yahweh, Jehovah, or A l l a h : Belief in One True God maximizes to mobilize

human actions on behalf of

the

capacity

religion.

As we have seen, missionizing is a p r i m a r y aspect o f religious m o b i l i z a t i o n . But sometimes missionizing is unavailing or even i m ­ possible, and the p r i m a r y focus o f a group's m o b i l i z a t i o n is t o en­ dure—to keep the faith. Their ability t o do so depends u p o n the ability o f their G o d t o c o m m a n d the extended

exchange

relations

necessary t o sustain u n w a v e r i n g loyalty. Hence religious persis­ tence is p r o p o r t i o n a l t o the scope o f the Gods and the expected duration

o f exchange relations w i t h the Gods.

M a x I . D i m o n t ([1962] 1994) argued that the Jews have per­ sisted t h r o u g h o u t three m i l l e n n i a o f w a n d e r i n g and tribulations because they broke w i t h t r a d i t i o n and conceived o f Y a h w e h as a "portable G o d . " U n l i k e pagan Gods w h o ruled a specific l o c a t i o n , Y a h w e h accompanied the Jews wherever they went, sustaining their faith and defining their c o m m u n i t y . Hence Judaism became a religion that c o u l d be practiced faithfully anywhere.

Soon, h o w ­

ever, i t was unnecessary t o believe merely that Y a h w e h traveled w i t h them, because the Jews came t o regard H i m as o f infinite scope, being equally and entirely present

everywhere.

As noted, the p o w e r t o produce o t h e r w o r l d l y rewards is associ­ ated w i t h Gods o f infinite scope, and this, i n t u r n , justifies n o t o n l y an exclusive exchange relationship w i t h the One True G o d b u t an extended

exchange relationship. T h a t is, the hope o f o b t a i n i n g re­

wards o f immense value and everlasting benefit requires the i n d i ­ v i d u a l (and the group) t o accept a lifelong o b l i g a t i o n t o make peri­ odic payments (usually i n the f o r m

o f sacrifices,

rites,

and

c o n f o r m i t y ) . Thus the key t o religious persistence lies i n extended

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exchange relationships w i t h G o d s — w i t h the need t o m a i n t a i n a lifelong favorable balance i n one's religious account. The most valuable o t h e r w o r l d l y r e w a r d is eternal life. Christian­ ity and Islam offer very explicit and attractive promises o f a para­ dise that ensues at the m o m e n t o f death. The t r a d i t i o n a l Jewish view has been less immediate, p r o v i d i n g for the resurrection o f the faithful f o l l o w i n g the advent o f the Messiah ( G i l l m a n , 1997). N o d o u b t this is w h y Judaism has always been so prone t o messianic movements—people become impatient for fulfillment o f the other­ w o r l d l y r e w a r d (Sharot, 1982). Even so, the promise o f a messiah has always been sufficient t o sustain u n w a v e r i n g c o m m i t m e n t . I n his classic study The Pursuit of the Millennium, N o r m a n Cohn (1961:61) explained the d u r a b i l i t y o f the Jewish diaspora: [T]he solution to this sociological puzzle is to be found in Jewish religion which not only—like Christianity and Mohammedanism— taught its adherents to regard themselves as the Chosen People of a single omnipotent God, but also taught them to regard the most overwhelming communal misfortunes—defeat, humiliation, dis­ persal—as so many tokens of divine favour, so many guarantees of future communal bliss. What made the Jews remain Jews was, it seems, their absolute conviction that the Diaspora was but a prelimi­ nary expiation of communal sin, a preparation for the coming of the Messiah and a return to a transfigured Holy Land. N o t i c e , however, C o h n is discussing n o t the beliefs o f Jewish individuals but the shared beliefs o f a Jewish community. People do n o t remain loyal t o a particular religion p r i m a r i l y because o f the appeal o f specific doctrines. Rather, they find these doctrines appealing because they share t h e m w i t h an intimate n e t w o r k o f believers. Religious persistence is a group phenomenon, because religion itself, and especially monotheism, is a group affair. O t h e r w o r l d l y rewards are impervious t o disproof, but by the same t o k e n they cannot be demonstrated t o exist. Therefore, ex­ changes i n v o l v i n g long-term expenditure o f tangible costs here and now, i n hope o f o t h e r w o r l d l y rewards t o come, involve substantial risk. Hence the universal p r o b l e m o f religion is one o f confidence. N o exchanges w i t h a G o d w i l l occur u n t i l or unless people are

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sufficiently confident that i t is wise t o expend the costs required. I n polytheistic societies, risk is dealt w i t h by diversification—a p o r t f o l i o pattern w h e r e i n people seek religious benefits f r o m a v a r i ­ ety o f Gods simultaneously (Iannaccone, 1995). But even w h e n one must choose a single divine supplier, or choose n o t t o exchange w i t h any G o d , people w i l l still behave like a l l investors: they w i l l seek assurance. N o t surprisingly, they are able t o o b t a i n i t i n a number o f ways, b o t h secular and sacred. Q u i t e simply, an individual's confidence i n religious explana­ tions concerning o t h e r w o r l d l y rewards is strengthened t o the ex­ tent that others express their confidence i n t h e m . As D a r r e n Sherkat (1997:68) p u t i t , "Religious goods are n o t simply 'experience' goods w h i c h must be consumed i n order t o be evaluated; rather, these goods must be experienced i n communities w h i c h direct us on h o w t o evaluate t h e m . " T h r o u g h o u t our lives we rely o n the w i s d o m and experience o f others t o help us make g o o d choices. I n a d d i t i o n t o testifying t o their personal certainty about other­ w o r l d l y rewards, people often enumerate miracles—how they re­ covered f r o m cancer, h o w they overcame alcoholism or d r u g abuse, h o w they became reliable and faithful spouses, h o w they survived a catastrophic accident, h o w their prayers for a d y i n g c h i l d were answered, or h o w v i c t o r y was snatched f r o m defeat. Thus do peo­ ple demonstrate that a religion " w o r k s , " that its promises come true. Sometimes they also testify about their o w n mystical experi­ ences as p r o o f that religious explanations are v a l i d . I n the case o f groups that engage i n various forms o f collective "ecstatic" experi­ ences, they offer one another direct demonstrations o f the existence of a G o d or Gods (Poloma, 1987). Testimonials are especially effec­ tive w h e n they come f r o m a trusted source. Thus friends are more persuasive t h a n acquaintances, and the testimonials even o f ac­ quaintances are more persuasive t h a n those o f strangers. Participation i n r i t u a l and prayer are also sources o f confidence i n religious expectations. I do n o t suggest that this is the p r i m a r y reason that people engage i n these religious activities—I t h i n k they do t h e m m a i n l y because they are believed t o be proper forms o f exchange w i t h the divine. But neither do I suggest that the confi­ dence these activities provide is an unconscious " f u n c t i o n " that

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escapes i n d i v i d u a l notice. I t is very c o m m o n for people t o pray for strengthened f a i t h — " L o r d , I believe; help t h o u mine unbelief" ( M a r k 9:30)—and the "peace o f m i n d " gained t h r o u g h these activ­ ities is w i d e l y remarked, hence the principle: Confidence i n reli­ gious explanations concerning o t h e r w o r l d l y rewards increases t o the extent that people participate i n religious rituals. I t is quite astonishing, but although " r i t u a l " is one o f the mostused terms i n social scientific w r i t i n g o n religion, i t is a concept badly lacking i n definitional efforts. D u r k h e i m , for example, re­ garded r i t u a l as the elementary f o r m o f the religious life, and claimed t o k n o w w h a t i t does, but never said w h a t i t is. N o r d i d M a l i n o w s k i . A collection o f outstanding anthropological studies was published under the title Gods and Rituals ( M i d d l e t o n , 1967), but " r i t u a l " does n o t appear i n its index (although there are eleven entries under the heading "chickens, sacrifice o f " ) . M y definition was influenced by Randall C o l l i n s ' (1998) discussion o f "interac­ t i o n rituals." Rituals are collective ceremonies having a common focus and mood. I define ceremonies as formal acts, usually based o n custom, having a preset pattern or script. Finally, religious rituals are part o f a specific religious culture. By l i m i t i n g r i t u a l to collective ceremonies, I have excluded p r i ­ vate, personal " r i t u a l s , " as w h e n a Catholic says the Rosary alone, but I include groups o f Catholics saying the Rosary. By designating some rituals as religious, I exclude rituals associated w i t h magic or nonreligious ceremonies, such as N a z i Party rallies. I have also o m i t t e d any claims that religious rituals are conducted i n pursuit o f divine favor, because w h i l e such motives are always at least i m ­ plicit, they are n o t always explicit. T h a t is, rituals may be experi­ enced p r i m a r i l y as celebrations and festive occasions, n o t as a time for s u b m i t t i n g petitions. For example, among the D i n k a o f the southern Sudan, even w h e n "the occasion for a sacrifice may be a sad one . . . the ceremony itself is regarded by the D i n k a as essen­ tially a happy one, and they behave at such ceremonies as t h o u g h they enjoyed themselves, and indeed attend i n order t o do so. Every sacrifice has a festive atmosphere" (Lienhardt, 1961:281). A n o t h e r instance: Christmas services held i n most Christian churches cele-

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brate the b i r t h o f Jesus w i t h o u t reference t o the blessings o f faith. Similarly, the feast u p o n the breaking o f the fast o f R a m a d a n is an occasion o f j o y and thanksgiving i n M u s l i m communities, as is the Passover seder among Jews. H o w e v e r the t e r m is defined, social scientists are unanimous that p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n rituals builds f a i t h — " R i t u a l actions . . . [give] the members o f a society confidence" is h o w George H o m a n s (1941:172) p u t i t i n his y o u t h f u l days as a functionalist. A n d Kingsley Davis (1949:534) advised that " [ r j i t u a l helps t o r e m i n d the i n d i v i d u a l o f the h o l y realm, t o revivify and strengthen his faith i n this r e a l m . " Even D u r k h e i m (1915:226) admitted that the "ap­ parent function [ o f r i t u a l ] is t o strengthen the bonds attaching the believer t o his g o d . " O f course, he q u i c k l y added that w h a t r i t u a l "really" does "is strengthen the bonds attaching the i n d i v i d ­ ual t o society, since g o d is o n l y a figurative expression o f society" (my italics). I a m entirely w i l l i n g t o give D u r k h e i m and the functionalists their due o n the observation that social rituals do generate g r o u p solidarity and, i n that sense, social integration. However, as I have demonstrated elsewhere (Stark, i n press), r i t u a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n does n o t contribute t o c o n f o r m i t y t o g r o u p norms unless such confor­ m i t y is explicitly l i n k e d t o their conception o f G o d . Thus a crucial element o f solidarity is c o m m i t m e n t t o the central ideas and ideals o f the group. A n d w h a t religious social rituals produce is agreement about the value o f religious ideas and ideals. For exam­ ple, Christmas services assert the t r u t h o f all Christian teachings by affirming that Jesus was b o r n the "son o f G o d . " I n that sense, affirmation becomes integration. However, t o entertain functionalist assertions about h o w reli­ gious rituals contribute t o group solidarity is hardly t o accept their extraordinary c l a i m that rituals n o t o n l y c o n f i r m b u t produce religious beliefs. Radcliffe-Brown (1952:155) rejected the n o t i o n that religion is " p r i m a r i l y a matter o f belief" as hopelessly Eurocen­ tric and b a c k w a r d . H e argued that beliefs arise after the fact t o explain rites and rituals: " [ I ] t is sometimes held that funeral and m o u r n i n g rites are the result o f a belief i n a soul surviving death . . . I w o u l d rather h o l d the v i e w that belief i n a surviving soul is n o t 1

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the cause but the effect o f the rites." Radcliffe-Brown then quoted Robertson Smith (1907), w h o rejected the " m o d e r n habit [ o f l o o k ­ ing] at religion f r o m the side o f belief rather t h a n that o f practice" because m a n y participants i n a given r i t u a l w i l l e x p l a i n i t " i n differ­ ent w a y s . " N o d o u b t m a n y people i n all societies are hazy about the doc­ trines o f their religion. A n d i t is certainly true that m a n y people do learn the doctrines f r o m p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n rituals once the system is in place. But i t is absurd t o argue that a group first staged the r i t u a l and then originated the beliefs that give meaning and purpose t o the r i t u a l . Thus no d o u b t m a n y Christians learn the Apostles' Creed by reciting i t d u r i n g w o r s h i p services, b u t this is n o t t o sup­ pose that the religious explanations summed up by the creed were developed after the fact t o explain w h y services are held. Can we really imagine that the H o p i learned f r o m doing their rain-dance r i t u a l that there is a r a i n God? There can be no d o u b t , however, that the H o p i gained confid­ ence i n the existence o f a r a i n G o d by dancing. I n his w o r k o n the sociology o f the w o r l d ' s philosophical schools, R a n d a l l Collins (1998) asks w h a t makes particular ideas and texts sacred. H e an­ swers, n o t i n terms o f contents or meanings, b u t i n terms o f the rituals i n w h i c h these ideas or texts are embodied. Indeed, a given individual's sense o f a text's sacredness is usually far less intense d u r i n g solitary reading t h a n w h e n i t is read or recited as part o f a social r i t u a l . Prayer is a communication addressed t o a G o d or Gods, and a major consequence o f prayer is to build bonds o f affection and confidence between humans and the Gods. Prayers may be silent or spoken o u t l o u d , i m p r o m p t u or regular, formulaic or spontaneous, m a n d a t o r y or voluntary, and they may express need, praise, hope, joy, or even despair. People may pray i n private, i n small groups (formal, as i n the case o f the Jewish m i n y a n , or i n f o r m a l , as i n the case o f the family devotion), or as part o f a collective ceremony. But i n a l l cases prayers are meant to be heard. As F i r t h (1996:169) p u t i t , "prayer is ostensibly a manifestation o f a personal tie w i t h the transcendent. . . [and] con­ stitutes an act o f faith or hope that i t w i l l reach its m a r k . " As i n

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Forms of Prayer. T h e immense difference between praying to an "essence" a n d to a " G o d " is revealed by these photographs. T h e upper photo shows prayers written on paper a n d w r a p p e d around the wires of a fence next to a Shinto shrine in K y o t o , Japan; the destination of these pleas is quite vague ( © J o h n T . Y o u n g / C O R B I S ) . But the British w o m e n kneeling in Westminster C a t h e d r a l , s h o w n in the lower photo, k n o w to w h o m they are praying a n d assume that their pleas for peace (in 1939) w i l l be heard (© Hulton-Deutsch Collection/CORBIS).

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the case o f r i t u a l , people do n o t always pray for something; often prayer is an experience o f sharing and e m o t i o n a l exchange m u c h like that between humans having a long, intimate relationship, for i n fact many people have come to regard their prayer relationship as long and l o v i n g (Poloma and G a l l u p , 1991). This is entirely t o be expected. H o m a n s ' (1974) l a w o f l i k i n g reads that the longer people interact, the more they w i l l come t o like one another. Prayer, then, can have m a n y purposes, but an i m p o r t a n t result is to reas­ sure humans that religious phenomena are real. Granted, we may n o t assume that prayer really is interactive, that there really is a second party. But that doesn't matter / / t h e h u m a n experiences prayer as a t w o - p a r t y affair, i f the divine seems t o hear and to care. Thus w h e n the N u e r address their G o d as "madb" "a w o r d w h i c h has for them the sense o f intimate friendship" (EvansPritchard, 1 9 5 6 : 8 - 9 ) , this reflects a relationship established and ex­ perienced t h r o u g h prayer. Likewise, w h e n Christians speak of " k n o w i n g the love o f Christ," they do so n o t as a figure o f speech but as an accurate description o f their devotional life. Confidence i n prayer is increased by p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n group prayer; thus does prayer become r i t u a l . W h e n a g r o u p o f M u s ­ l i m men gather for prayer, f o r m lines facing Mecca, and press their foreheads t o the g r o u n d , each is reinforced by the actions o f the others. Participation i n religious rituals builds group solidarity. I t is w e l l k n o w n that i t requires months o f constant d r i l l and practice ma­ neuvers t o produce reliable and effective m i l i t a r y units. D r i l l n o t only accustoms troops to acting together i n immediate response t o orders; more i m p o r t a n t , i t affords the circumstances for l i n k i n g the i n d i v i d u a l soldiers t o one another by strong bonds o f trust and friendship. I t is these bonds, n o t idealism, that enable soldiers t o face death—the role o f idealism is t o shape the expectations they impose i n j u d g i n g one another. I n his masterpiece o n m i l i t a r y c o m ­ m a n d , S.L.A. M a r s h a l l ([1954] 1978:153) noted that because fear affects everyone i n battle, t r a i n i n g should be designed to foster friendships a m o n g the ranks: " W h e n a soldier is u n k n o w n to the men w h o are a r o u n d h i m , he . . . has relatively little reason to fear losing the one t h i n g he is likely to value more highly t h a n life—his

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r e p u t a t i o n as a m a n a m o n g other m e n . " M a r s h a l l w e n t o n t o p o i n t o u t that " i t is the m a n w h o . . . is w e l l k n o w n t o his fellows" w h o w i l l stand fast. Participation i n religious rituals is a f o r m o f d r i l l that is w e l l suited t o foster strong bonds. Moreover, the bonds f o r m e d a m o n g participants include bonds t o the divine being t o w a r d w h o m the rituals are oriented. Just as d r i l l m a y n o t be i m p o r t a n t for troops w h o w i l l never be sent i n t o battle, so t o o p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n religious " d r i l l s " m a y n o t be needed t o sustain uncontested faiths. But they are v i t a l for the persistence o f embattled minorities. This entire discussion o f prayer and r i t u a l can be summed up: Religious persistence is a function o f the frequency and exclusivity o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n religious rituals. I n polytheistic cultures, r i t u a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n is typically rather i n ­ frequent, usually being l i m i t e d t o special occasions. Furthermore, these r i t u a l events are spread a m o n g m a n y rites and Gods. I n con­ trast, an observant M u s l i m male prays t o A l l a h five times a day (usually i n unison w i t h others), and an observant Jewish male joins nine others t o f o r m a m i n y a n each m o r n i n g . Participation i n occa­ sional rituals t o various Gods m a y result i n some generalized sense o f c o m m o n a l i t y b u t does n o t b u i l d strong bonds t o specific coreli­ gionists and therefore cannot generate the t r u l y intense solidarity that results w h e n people frequently w o r s h i p the same G o d i n the company o f the same people. O f course, for the latter t o occur, there must exist a c o m m u n i t y o f believers. I have defined religious persistence i n terms o f a m i n o r i t y reli­ gious group subject t o pressures and temptations t o assimilate. B o t h factors lie m a i n l y outside a group's c o n t r o l . For a l l that a religious m i n o r i t y m a y be provocative, i t remains the o p t i o n o f the m a j o r i t y whether t o exert pressures o n the g r o u p t o c o n f o r m or t o make i t easy and r e w a r d i n g t o assimilate. The i r o n y is that, short o f genocide, the pressures imposed by the m a j o r i t y tend t o increase solidarity a m o n g the m i n o r i t y . Indeed, religious persistence is facili­ tated by the social encapsulation o f the g r o u p . Social encapsulation means that members o f the g r o u p are con­ centrated i n specific locations and are impeded f r o m having n o r m a l

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associations w i t h outsiders. Q u i t e aside f r o m increasing the cohe­ sive capacity o f the g r o u p , encapsulation may prevent a g r o u p f r o m disappearing via assimilation by m a k i n g i t nearly impossible. The barriers t o association between Jews and Christians i n medieval Europe or between the M u s l i m majority and the Jewish and Chris­ t i a n minorities were sketched i n Chapters 2 and 3. M o s t o f these restrictions were intended by the majorities t o coerce conversion, w h i l e preventing c o n t a m i n a t i o n . But by excluding the m i n o r i t y f r o m n e t w o r k ties t o the majority, encapsulation effectively pre­ vents assimilation. Because members o f the m i n o r i t y are often aware o f this fact, encapsulation is sometimes a t w o - w a y street. For example, just as the majority may p r o h i b i t conversion t o the m i n o r i t y faith or intermarriage, the m i n o r i t y may impose similar p r o h i b i t i o n s . The result is m u t u a l l y exclusive n e t w o r k s that pre­ clude the spread o f faith. The effectiveness o f social encapsulation is greatly increased by g r o u p visibility, by physical and/or cultural markers that make i n d i ­ viduals identifiable as members o f the m i n o r i t y g r o u p . I have al­ ready mentioned the items o f dress and demeanor that made Chris­ tians and Jews highly visible i n M u s l i m societies and w h i c h identified Jews i n C h r i s t i a n societies, t o w h i c h must be added l i n ­ guistic differences. C u l t u r a l markers such as these can, at least i n principle, be shed or disguised, b u t m a r k e d physical differences are another matter. N o d o u b t racial differences greatly c o n t r i b u t e d t o the encapsulation o f Jews and European Christians i n Asia. Finally, i t seems n o t t o be a coincidence that Judaism, Christian­ ity, and Islam are religions " o f the B o o k . " Religious persistence requires relatively accurate and complete c u l t u r a l transmission, and w h i l e humans have displayed remarkable capacities for o r a l transmission o f culture, there is far less drift and accretion w h e n the religious culture is w r i t t e n (Miller, 1994). As has often been remarked, the ancient Jews were unique n o t o n l y for their m o n o ­ theism b u t for their c o m m i t m e n t t o male literacy—required for proper p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n rituals. I a m u n w i l l i n g t o claim that literacy is a requirement for persistence, b u t i t is a very significant c o n t r i b ­ u t i n g factor. Literacy is, i n this context, the ability t o read and w r i t e

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i n the language i n w h i c h a group's sacred texts are w r i t t e n , and w h i c h is used i n rituals and ceremonies. As w i l l be seen, once the Chinese Jews had lost their Hebrew, they were illiterate even t h o u g h they read and w r o t e Chinese—for they h a d n o translations o f their scriptures. I n the remainder o f the chapter, I utilize this theory t o i l l u m i n a t e the persistence o f the Jews.

Jewish Persistence and A s s i m i l a t i o n I n w h a t follows I first briefly sketch the rather e x t r a o r d i n a r y extent and d u r a t i o n o f the Jewish diaspora, s h o w i n g h o w w e l l this aspect o f Jewish history fits the theory. T h e n I devote considerably more attention t o Jewish assimilation i n order t o apply the principle o f reversibility t o the theory. T h a t is, i f I have correctly identified the factors that sustain the Jewish faith, then i t ought t o f o l l o w t h a t w h e n and where these factors shift, there should be a substantial decline i n the ability o f the Jews t o resist assimilation. Briefly, as their conception o f G o d shifts f r o m that o f a conscious, all-power­ ful being t o an essence, as Jews cease t o participate regularly i n rituals and religious ceremonies, as they shed the c u l t u r a l markers and practices that encapsulate t h e m , a l l o f this i n c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h their g r o w i n g acceptability i n the s u r r o u n d i n g societies, then h i g h rates o f Jewish assimilation should ensue. M a n y groups migrated far and w i d e i n ancient times, but, lack­ i n g a durable c u l t u r a l m a r k , they left few traces and no identifiable descendants. I n contrast, as Jews m i g r a t e d all across Europe and t o m a n y parts o f Asia, they established distinctive and enduring settlements, m a n y o f w h i c h remain. H a d the Jews been polytheists like everyone else i n ancient times, they w o u l d be just another barely remembered people, far less i m p o r t a n t b u t just as extinct as the Babylonians, H i t t i t e s , and Parthians. They r e m a i n o n l y because they w o r s h i p e d the One True G o d and sustained elaborate prac­ tices and c u l t u r a l norms predicated o n that belief. So l o n g as this was true, they d i d n o t blend.

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Elements of Jewish Persistence I n all parts o f the diaspora the Jews were a relatively encapsulated group. I n the West they were set apart by the antagonism o f their neighbors and the d i s c r i m i n a t o r y laws imposed o n t h e m by their host societies. I n the East, the levels o f conflict were far lower, and the external aspects o f encapsulation were p r i m a r i l y a response to racial and c u l t u r a l differences. But everywhere the Jews also tended to be encapsulated by their o w n religious and social exclusiveness. I t is absurd t o c l a i m that Christians originated anti-Semitism, as many scholars do (e.g., Gager, 1983; Isaac, 1964, 1 9 7 1 ; Ruether, 1974). O f course, religious conflict tends t o be far less intense w h e n only one o f the participants is particularistic (and w h e n this group is m u c h less p o w e r f u l t h a n the others), b u t anti-Semitism was fully developed i n the Greco-Roman w o r l d w e l l before the b i r t h o f Jesus (Schàfer, 1997; S m a l l w o o d , 1981). Indeed, classical anti-Semitism was sufficiently intense to cause Jews t o be expelled repeatedly. It was n o t an early Christian w r i t e r but Seneca, the distinguished R o m a n , w h o denounced the Jews as an "accursed race" and con­ demned their influence. I t was the great R o m a n historian Tacitus w h o railed against the Jews because they "despise the gods." I t was R o m a n l a w that p r o h i b i t e d the conversion o f non-Jewish slaves and servants. A n d i t was i n pre-Christian Rome that f r o m time to time converts t o Judaism, even members o f the upper class, risked e x p r o p r i a t i o n , banishment, and even death. Moreover, as seen i n the previous chapter, anti-Semitism is n o t lacking i n Islam. Rather, beginning w i t h M u h a m m a d himself, M u s l i m s have imposed severe restrictions o n Jews and periodically have done their share o f "eth­ nic cleansing." 2

I t is equally absurd t o propose that encapsulation was a one-way street—that Jews respected religious differences and, aside f r o m the s o r r o w and p a i n they felt because o f their mistreatment, generally sustained benign feelings t o w a r d gentiles. Such a p o r t r a i t o f Jews places polemical opportunities above c o m m o n sense. Jews are h u m a n beings, n o t crash-test dummies. W h e n subjected to hatred and contempt, Jews tend t o respond i n k i n d . I n fact, as true m o n o -

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theists, Jews despised the pagan Gods, l o o k e d d o w n o n those w h o h o n o r e d them, a n d were n o t reluctant t o say so. As for relations w i t h Christianity, d u r i n g the first several centuries Jewish attacks on Jesus were as l u r i d as those associated w i t h the more extreme members o f the current Jesus Seminar: he was depicted as a m a g i ­ cian, a bastard, son o f a harlot, a c r i m i n a l rebel, a n d an associate of Satan (Stow, 1992). Indeed, a phrase calling for the destruction of C h r i s t i a n i t y was introduced i n t o the daily prayers said i n the synagogue ( H o r b u r y , 1 9 8 2 ; K a t z , 1984; Stow, 1992). A n d w h y not? I f one rejects that Jesus was the Messiah, then f r o m the Jewish perspective he w i l l f u l l y c o m m i t t e d e x t r a o r d i n a r y blasphemy. N o r did the Jews' attitudes t o w a r d C h r i s t i a n i t y m e l l o w as they settled i n t o the life o f a stigmatized, a n d reviled, subculture w i t h i n Chris­ t i a n lands. W r i t i n g i n about 1140, the Jewish chronicler S o l o m o n bar Samson described the crusaders as going " t o seek the grave o f their disgrace[d] one," called the cross "a f o u l sign," a n d referred t o Christian churches as " a b o m i n a t i o n [ s ] " (Stow, 1 9 9 2 : 1 0 2 - 3 , 1 0 8 ) . Indeed, at about this same time M a i m o n i d e s dismissed Jesus as one w h o "imagined that he w o u l d be the Messiah." H e w e n t o n t o charge that Jesus fulfilled the prophesy o f D a n i e l that " m e n o f v i o ­ lence among y o u r o w n people shall lift themselves u p i n order t o fulfill the vision; b u t they shall f a i l . " M a i m o n i d e s added, "Is there then a greater failure t h a n this?" ( i n V i t a l , 1999:104). T o w h i c h D a v i d V i t a l (ibid.) added, " N o Jew i n Christian Europe w h o ven­ t u r e d t o reflect o n the subject t h o u g h t otherwise." I t w o u l d t r u l y have been a miracle h a d Jews n o t expressed such opinions o f Chris­ t i a n i t y among themselves. T h e same is true o f Jewish attitudes t o ­ w a r d Islam—indeed, M a i m o n i d e s was anxiously posing as a M u s ­ l i m w h e n he w r o t e these comments about Jesus (see Chapter 3 ) . Contemptuous views o f outsiders are necessary for the survival of a stigmatized g r o u p . I t is o n l y b y teaching their c h i l d r e n t o l o o k d o w n o n outsiders that groups like the A m i s h are able t o retain g r o u p loyalty a n d thereby t o persist i n a w o r l d that looks d o w n o n t h e m . A m i s h w h o defect are shunned—their family a n d friends never speak t o t h e m again. T h e same was true o f Jews i n ancient and medieval days—and remains so for very O r t h o d o x Jews today. I t is quite impossible f o r groups t o keep their attitudes t o w a r d o u t -

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siders secret. All groups have defectors. I n a d d i t i o n t o having defec­ tors reveal their secrets, groups w i l l reveal their attitudes t o w a r d outsiders by their reaction t o those w h o j o i n the majority. Thus w h e n a group holds a funeral for someone w h o has assimilated, their views are clear. I n this way, encapsulation is continuously re­ inforced f r o m b o t h sides. The same applies t o visibility. B o t h M u s l i m and Christian socie­ ties often required that Jewish identity be visible—that Jews wear something distinctive such as a badge or hat t o reveal their group membership. But stigmatized groups often choose t o be visible too—consider the A m i s h or the H a r e Krishnas. As w i l l be dis­ cussed, f o l l o w i n g the political emancipation o f Jews i n Europe, m a n y Jewish communities became very concerned about the temp­ tations t o assimilate and therefore adopted the dress codes that are n o w associated w i t h the u l t r a - O r t h o d o x . Few realize that Jews o n l y recently began t o wear side-curls, black hats and clothing, and the like. These were n o t t r a d i t i o n a l : i n ancient and medieval times Jews dressed and g r o o m e d like everyone else, apart f r o m items re­ quired o f t h e m by law. Those responsible for the v o l u n t a r y new visibility o f Jews were quite candid about w i s h i n g t o increase con­ sciousness o f k i n d . However, m a n y t r a d i t i o n a l Jewish practices also serve t o encap­ sulate them. Keeping kosher n o t o n l y limits where Jews may shop but greatly restricts their social relations w i t h gentiles. Strict rules of Sabbath observance also make Jews very visible, and these (such as the p r o h i b i t i o n against r i d i n g t o the synagogue), as w e l l as the l i m i t e d availability o f kosher f o o d , impose a need t o live i n Jewish neighborhoods. V i e w e d as a w h o l e , the extent, d u r a t i o n , and militance o f Jewish persistence is breathtaking. Masada was hardly a unique event. I n Y o r k , England, i n 1189, faced w i t h m o b violence, the Jewish c o m m u n i t y consisting o f f r o m 150 t o 2 0 0 people c o m m i t t e d mass suicide rather t h a n convert t o Christianity. T h e n i n 1349, d u r i n g the attacks o n Jews as the Black Death raged, the Jewish c o m ­ munities i n at least nine German cities chose suicide, a l t h o u g h con­ version w o u l d p r o b a b l y have caused the mobs t o spare t h e m (see Figure 3.1).

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A g a i n and again, Jews were ordered t o convert or leave C h r i s t i a n or M u s l i m areas, w h e r e u p o n the vast m a j o r i t y abandoned most o f their possessions and a l l o f their property, a l t h o u g h they h a d no attractive destinations. As celebrated r a b b i Leo Baeck noted i n 1930, Jewish migrations "have been v i r t u a l l y always migrations for the sake o f faith. The Jew c o u l d have stayed i f he h a d departed f r o m his religion, b u t he departed because he was determined t o stay w i t h his r e l i g i o n " (in M o r g a n t h a u , 1967:47). Moreover, m a n y Jews w h o d i d c o m p l y i n order t o stay made o n l y sham conversions and secretly remained steadfast. As mentioned i n the previous chapter, large numbers o f Jews i n Spain, i n c l u d i n g the M a i m o n i d e s family, were w i l l i n g t o risk death by c o n t i n u i n g t o practice their religion i n secret w h i l e pretending t o be M u s l i m s or Christians, and these communities o f "crypto-Jews" endured for centuries (Alroy, 1975; G i t l i t z , 1996; N e t a n y a h u , 1999). Keep i n m i n d that these Jews were n o t content merely to secretly retain Jewish beliefs, or even to silently reject their pretended conversion. They c o n t i n u e d t o actively practice their faith t h r o u g h g r o u p rituals and surrepti­ tious observance o f the L a w . Often they were f o u n d o u t because their observance o f the Sabbath and unwillingness t o eat p o r k were noticed by C h r i s t i a n neighbors. But i t was only by m a i n t a i n i n g an active religious life that these communities endured. I t seems unnecessary t o describe Jewish persistence i n greater detail. Instead, considerably more can be learned about their persis­ tence t h r o u g h a close analysis o f instances w h e n Jewish c o m m u n i ­ ties failed t o w i t h s t a n d the pressures and temptations t o assimilate.

T h e Successful C h r i s t i a n M i s s i o n to the Jews W e l l before the start o f the C h r i s t i a n era, the Jews i n the Hellenic parts o f the diaspora had adjusted t o local lifestyles i n ways t h a t set t h e m apart f r o m Judaism as practiced i n Jerusalem. Jews had been residents o f cities such as A l e x a n d r i a , A n t i o c h , Sardis, and C o r i n t h for centuries, and they h a d g r o w n w e a l t h y and acculturated. As early as the t h i r d century B . C . E . their H e b r e w had decayed t o the p o i n t that very few c o u l d read the T o r a h . Indeed, Jews i n

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these communities were so Hellenized that most had Greek names, and the more educated among them were w e l l trained i n Greek philosophy. I n an effort t o overcome the language barrier, the T o r a h was translated i n t o Greek—the Septuagint. I n the process, n o t o n l y Greek w o r d s but Hellenic ideas crept i n t o the text. For example, E x o d . 22:28 was rendered " Y o u shall n o t revile the gods," w h i c h C a l v i n Roetzel (1985) interpreted as a gesture o f ac­ c o m m o d a t i o n t o w a r d pagans. Indeed, the most revered Jewish leader and w r i t e r o f the time devoted most o f his efforts t o accom­ m o d a t i n g Judaism t o Greek philosophy. Thus Philo o f A l e x a n d r i a (ca. 20 B . C . E . - 5 0 ) described G o d i n ways that Plato w o u l d have f o u n d familiar: "the perfectly pure and unsullied M i n d o f the u n i ­ verse, transcending virtue, transcending knowledge, transcending the g o o d itself and the beautiful itself" (in C o r r i g a n et al., 1998:88). Philo was also very concerned t o justify the L a w o n the basis o f r a t i o n a l explanations. I t was n o t sufficient for h i m that G o d had forbidden Jews t o eat the flesh o f birds o f prey or o f car­ nivorous mammals. The reason he had done so was t o emphasize the virtue o f peace. W h a t Philo c o u l d n o t rationalize, he recast as allegories having no literal application t o real life. As John Collins (1983:9) p u t i t , "The allegorical interpretation o f scripture by Philo and others is an evident m e t h o d for reducing the dissonance be­ tween Jewish scriptures and philosophical r e l i g i o n . " W . H . C . Frend made the same p o i n t , arguing that Philo attempted t o interpret the L a w "exclusively t h r o u g h the m i r r o r o f Greek p h i l o s o p h y " (1984:35). As a result, the clear religious and historical meaning of m u c h o f the T o r a h was "lost among the spiritual and m o r a l sentiments whereby Philo sought t o demonstrate the h a r m o n y and r a t i o n a l i t y o f the universe" (ibid.). Philo's was n o t a lonely voice. H i s was perhaps the most celebrated Jewish voice o f the time, and his views clearly reflected the concerns o f many. Thus d i d the image of G o d sustained by the Hellenist Jews shift f r o m that o f the au­ thoritative Yahweh t o a rather remote, abstract Absolute Being. To sum up: As their image o f G o d became increasingly vague, the basis for their t r a d i t i o n a l particularism eroded, and the Helle­ nist Jews became increasingly tolerant o f paganism. This greatly reduced religiously based antagonism t o w a r d them, since this was

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m a i n l y a pagan response t o Jewish p a r t i c u l a r i s m . I n tandem w i t h these religious trends, the Jews o f the diaspora (especially i n the eastern part o f the empire) became very acculturated and o n l y slightly encapsulated. They spoke and t h o u g h t i n Greek. They asso­ ciated w i t h Greeks and were uncomfortable w i t h the more visible and l i m i t i n g aspects o f the L a w ; hence most o f t h e m seem t o have been only superficially observant. Moreover, m a n y (perhaps most) o f these Hellenist Jews f o u n d i t degrading t o live a m o n g Greeks and embrace Greek culture and yet t o r e m a i n "enclosed i n a spiri­ t u a l Ghetto and be reckoned a m o n g the ' b a r b a r i a n s ' " (Tcherikover, 1958:81). Put another way, as the " p u l l " o f Jewish solidarity was greatly reduced, so was the " p u s h " o f pagan ill-feelings. Nonetheless, for a l l their respect for Greek p h i l o s o p h y and cul­ ture and their relative lack o f p a r t i c u l a r i s m , the Jews o f the dias­ p o r a d i d n o t embrace paganism. Even t h o u g h m a n y o f t h e m were quite uncomfortable w i t h the ethnic aspects inherent i n Judaism, they clung t o some semblance o f their faith as, indeed, the syna­ gogue continued t o attract m a n y pagan "God-fearers" (see Chap­ ter 2 ) . Pantheons o f small Gods are never a m a t c h for a G o d o f u n l i m i t e d p o w e r and scope, n o t even one w h o has been somewhat depersonalized. So, despite w i s h i n g t o be fully accepted i n t o the Greco-Roman w o r l d , the Jews were n o t ready t o convert i n order t o assimilate. However, w h e n presented w i t h a v i v i d monotheistic o p t i o n stripped o f a l l Jewish ethnicity, m a n y o f t h e m t o o k i t , thus swelling the ranks o f the new C h r i s t i a n movement. I n The Rise of Christianity I attempted t o show that theory, c o m ­ m o n sense, and the b u l k o f surviving evidence strongly suggest that the mission t o the Jews d i d n o t fail, and that, rather t h a n ceasing late i n the first or by the m i d d l e o f the second century, substantial rates o f Jewish conversion t o Christianity p r o b a b l y continued w e l l i n t o the fifth century. As I noted then, there were enough Jews i n the diaspora t o have p r o v i d e d an ample f l o w o f converts for a very l o n g time—historians estimate that Jews made up about 10 percent o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f the empire d u r i n g the early days o f C h r i s t i a n ­ ity (Georgi, 1986; Meeks, 1983). W h e n I w r o t e that b o o k , I was unaware that historians n o w estimate that Jews constituted n o more t h a n 1 percent o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f Europe i n the M i d d l e

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Ages (Baron, 1952; Stow, 1992). Granted, i n R o m a n times the Jew­ ish p o p u l a t i o n was larger i n areas subsequently ruled by Islam. Thus i t w o u l d be quite misleading t o propose that the Jewish p o p u ­ l a t i o n had shrunk by a factor o f 10 d u r i n g the centuries and t o attribute that t o conversion. Nevertheless, these figures suggest a considerable decline i n the Jewish p o p u l a t i o n before the end o f the " t r a n q u i l t i m e " i n Christian-Jewish relations, and such a decline is consistent w i t h a substantial rate o f conversion. N o r should this be surprising i n light o f the religious and social situation o f the Hellenist Jews d u r i n g the rise o f Christianity. Here was a faith that was presented as the next step i n God's p l a n for Jews, and w h i c h imposed no ethnic encumbrances. However, even t h o u g h Christianity attracted large numbers o f Jewish converts, its impact o n the remaining Jews was t o revive and transform their Judaism. As Israel Y u v a l (in B o y a r i n , 1999:2) noted, i t is a d i s t o r t i o n o f history t o suppose that being the older faith, Judaism influenced Christianity, but n o t the reverse. Rather, "early Christianity and the Judaism o f the M i s h n a are, i n a manner of speaking, sister religions that were crystallized i n the same pe­ r i o d . . . having arisen more or less together historically." For all that the M i s h n a variety o f Judaism emphasized rabbinical thought and authority, there was n o t h i n g tepid or accommodating about its views, and thus was the power t o persist fully restored. The synagogues that survived the Christian mission t o the Jews had become fully encapsulated bastions o f o p p o s i t i o n wherein G o d was no Absolute Being but was once again the G o d o f A b r a h a m , n o t i n g each and every t h o u g h t and action, and about whose Laws there was n o t h i n g allegorical. Thus d i d Western Judaism r e b o u n d f r o m its first era o f substantial assimilation.

Assimilation of the Chinese Jews Historians d o n ' t k n o w w h e n Jews first reached China, or w h e n they established a durable c o m m u n i t y there ( A b r a h a m , 1999; Baron, 1952; Eber, 1999; Goldstein, 1999; K u b l i n , 1 9 7 1 ; Leslie, 1972; Perlmann, 1909; Plaks, 1999; Pollak, 1998; Rhee, 1973;

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Matteo Ricci (1552-1610).

4

T h e illustrious Jesuit scholar

and missionary to C h i n a is s h o w n in Chinese clothing. H e reported the existence of a sizable J e w i s h community in C h i n a . © A r c h i v o Iconografico, S . A . / C O R B I S .

Ross, 1982). A g o o d case can be made that this occurred i n the first century, p r o b a b l y subsequent t o the R o m a n destruction o f Je­ rusalem (Leslie, 1972). W h a t is clear is that Jewish communities were w e l l established i n C h i n a by the n i n t h century, w h e n their presence was reported by A r a b travelers and geographers, a n d M a r c o Polo encountered Jews i n K h a n b a l i q (Beijing) i n 1286. Jew­ ish communities are also m e n t i o n e d i n official Chinese documents w r i t t e n i n the fourteenth century. O f these Jewish c o m m u n i t i e s , o n l y the one i n Kaifeng survived t o be discovered by the famous

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Jesuit missionary M a t t e o Ricci i n 1605. Inscriptions indicate that the first synagogue was b u i l t i n Kaifeng (then the i m p e r i a l capital o f China) i n 1163 and was subsequently reconstructed several times. A t its peak i n about 1500, the Jewish c o m m u n i t y i n Kaifeng p r o b a b l y included more t h a n ten thousand members. A century later w h e n Father Ricci arrived, membership was d o w n t o perhaps a thousand (Leslie, 1972). By early i n the nineteenth century the Kaifeng synagogue lacked a r a b b i , and knowledge o f their faith was quite defective among the few w h o still regarded themselves as Jews (Eber, 1999). F o l l o w i n g his visit i n 1867, the A n g l i c a n bishop Samuel Schereschewsky reported: " T h e y have entirely lost their re­ l i g i o n and are scarcely distinguishable i n any w a y f r o m the C h i ­ nese. They have idols i n their houses, and ancestral tablets . . . They i n t e r m a r r y . . . and have ceased t o practice circumcision. I n fea­ tures, dress, habits, religion, they are essentially Chinese . . . They cannot read the Law, although the manuscripts are still i n their possession" (in M u l l e r 1 9 3 7 : 6 9 - 7 3 ) . By the t w e n t i e t h century, the "Jews" o f Kaifeng—the handful o f people w h o recollected that their ancestors had been Jewish—were

mere

curiosities

w h o granted interviews t o a series o f Western academics ( A b r a ­ h a m , 1999). The Jewish experience i n China is an e x t r a o r d i n a r y example o f religious persistence—authentic,

o r t h o d o x Jewish enclaves en­

dured for m a n y centuries. B u t then they assimilated, retaining o n l y vague notions about their Jewish past. W h a t happened? First, their conception o f G o d became increasingly vague, and their religious practices grew progressively syncretized—an

amalgamation o f

Chinese and H e b r e w concepts and customs. Second, the various bases for their encapsulation attenuated. T h i r d , they were highly rewarded i n secular careers that required mastery o f Confucian philosophy. O u r knowledge o f the theological ideas and religious practices of the Jews i n China is based o n several very lengthy inscriptions (dated 1489, 1512, 1663, and 1679) f o u n d i n the c o u r t y a r d o f the synagogue at Kaifeng, and o n reports w r i t t e n by Jesuit visitors d u r i n g the seventeenth century. The synagogue inscriptions were w r i t t e n i n Chinese, n o t Hebrew, and according t o D o n a l d D a n i e l

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Leslie, the preeminent a u t h o r i t y o n the Kaifeng Jews, they clearly reveal that Chinese ideas h a d "crept i n t o the beliefs and attitudes o f the [Jews]. Confucian and Taoists influences are u n d o u b t e d l y present i n the . . . inscriptions, and m a n y quotations f r o m the C o n ­ fucian classics are used. The terms for G o d and for the L a w are those used by the educated Chinese for his o w n religious beliefs, and some o f the mysticism is clothed i n Taoist t e r m i n o l o g y " (1972:7). Thus the 1489 i n s c r i p t i o n noted: Truly in the matter of honouring Heaven, i f a man did not ven­ erate his ancestors he could not then properly offer sacrifices to the forefathers. Thus in the spring and autumn [as] sacrifices to the ancestors . . . he offered oxen and sheep, and seasonal food, and did not fail to honour the ancestors. (Ibid.:87) W r i t i n g i n 1704, the Jesuit missionary Jean-Paul Gozani noted that the Jews o f Kaifeng h o n o r e d the dead i n their " H a l l o f Ances­ tors, w i t h the same ceremonies as are employed [generally] i n C h i n a . " But he added that they d i d so w i t h o u t tablets c o m m e m o ­ r a t i n g the dead, as these constituted "images" and therefore were p r o h i b i t e d (ibid.:88). Moreover, they still circumcised male infants, observed the Sabbath, d i d n o t eat p o r k , celebrated Passover, and gathered t o recite o r t h o d o x prayers. However, they also referred t o the L a w as the Tao, or the Way, burned incense t o their ances­ tors, and, as noted o n the 1663 i n s c r i p t i o n , " I n matters concerning capping [a ceremony m a r k i n g the passage i n t o a d u l t h o o d ] , mar­ riage, deaths, and funerals, the Chinese custom is f o l l o w e d " (ibid.:102). As t o G o d , the inscriptions do n o t acknowledge a " G o d w h o punishes or makes promises . . . The inscriptions i m p l y t h a t the G o d o f the Jews and the [Way of] Heaven o f the Chinese [the Tao] are one and the same" (Eber, 1999:32). Indeed, as noted o n the 1663 i n s c r i p t i o n : Although there are some minor discrepancies between Confucian doctrine and our own, in their main focus of ideas and established practices both are exclusively concerned w i t h honoring the Way of Heaven, venerating ancestors, valuing the relations of ruler and

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subject, obedience to parents, harmony with families, correct order­ ing of social hierarchies, and good fellowship among friends: nothing more than the "five cardinal relations" of mankind. (In Plaks, 1999:38) I t is impossible t o catch any glimpse o f Y a h w e h here. As the inscriptions also report, as late as the fifteenth century m a n y o f the Jews o f Kaifeng c o u l d still read Hebrew. However, by the eighteenth century, Jesuit visitors f o u n d that very little k n o w l ­ edge o f H e b r e w still survived: the c o m m u n i t y was illiterate insofar as their sacred texts were concerned. China has had periods o f extreme xenophobia. Hence one o f the very earliest references t o Jews i n China is an account o f a rebellion i n 879 that resulted i n the destruction o f C a n t o n after a l o n g siege and the massacre o f its inhabitants. Based o n Chinese t a x records, the dead are reported t o have included thousands o f M u s l i m , Jew­ ish, and Christian merchants (Leslie, 1972). But for most o f the existence o f the synagogue at Kaifeng, relations between Jews and other local Chinese seem t o have been quite amicable. W i t h the establishment o f the M i n g dynasty ( 1 3 6 8 - 1 6 4 4 ) policies were insti­ tuted t o m i n i m i z e foreign influences. Thenceforth, foreigners were required t o m a r r y native Chinese. Religious groups such as the Jews and M u s l i m s were regarded as foreigners, a l t h o u g h they had been residents for countless generations. I t is n o t clear, however, that these new policies had m u c h impact o n the Jews o f Kaifeng, since they had often i n t e r m a r r i e d f r o m early days. I n any event, by the end o f the sixteenth century intermarriage was pretty m u c h the rule (ibid.). Intermarriage n o t o n l y attenuated Jewish encapsulation by l i n k ­ ing Jews t o w h o l e n e t w o r k s o f Chinese in-laws, i t also changed h o w they l o o k e d ! A n d , i n a d d i t i o n t o no longer being racially visi­ ble, they had adopted Chinese names (ibid.). However, the clearest i n d i c a t i o n that Jewish encapsulation had b r o k e n d o w n is that members o f the Kaifeng c o m m u n i t y began t o have illustrious ca­ reers as government officials. Song N a i Rhee (1973) a t t r i b u t e d the assimilation o f the Chinese Jews t o their very successful entry i n t o the Chinese i m p e r i a l civil

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service. For m a n y centuries, China staffed its state a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o n the basis o f merit, as established by performance o n examina­ tions devoted entirely t o knowledge and understanding o f the C o n ­ fucian classics. Candidates devoted m a n y years t o intensive study, transforming themselves i n t o Confucian scholars. Those w i t h the highest grades were a d m i t t e d t o the ranks o f the mandarins, w h o administered a l l state functions. As i t happened, Chinese Jews excelled at Confucian scholarship, and "beginning i n the fourteenth century a large number o f Jews f r o m K'ai-feng d i d j o i n the scholar-official class i n increasing n u m ­ bers as years w e n t b y " (Rhee, 1973:120). Thenceforth the c o m m u ­ nity's "most b r i l l i a n t and a m b i t i o u s " y o u n g men spent l o n g years i n " C o n f u c i a n i n d o c t r i n a t i o n , " t o the detriment o f their o r t h o d o x y (Pollak, 1998:341). These were the y o u n g men f r o m whose ranks rabbis w o u l d have come. Instead, their d e v o t i o n t o Confucian study resulted i n their ignorance o f Hebrew, and i n their being very inclined t o reinterpret Judaism according t o Confucian concepts. To make matters worse, even t h o u g h they were barely Jewish, these mandarins d i d n o t sever their ties w i t h the Kaifeng c o m m u n i t y . To the contrary, they transposed their h i g h secular status i n t o equally h i g h status w i t h i n their home c o m m u n i t y . I t was they w h o p a i d for expanding or r e b u i l d i n g the synagogue. I t was they w h o commis­ sioned the inscriptions. I t was they w h o pressed syncretized Juda­ ism o n their fellows, and i t was they w h o overcame local opposi­ t i o n t o such heterodoxy (Plaks, 1999; Pollak, 1998; Rhee, 1973). The similarities between the Hellenist Jews and the Jews o f China are very striking. I n b o t h situations, changes i n religious con­ ceptions mitigated their p a r t i c u l a r i s m and paved the w a y for an end t o encapsulation. B o t h groups lost their Hebrew, adopted the local language, and t o o k local names; b o t h groups began t o shed their religious identity i n pursuit o f economic and social rewards. The Hellenist Jews, o f course, already l o o k e d like their GrecoR o m a n neighbors, w h i l e i t t o o k m a n y centuries before the Chinese Jews l o o k e d Chinese. But the key aspect i n b o t h instances was the demise o f external pressures vis-à-vis encapsulation. The decline began as Jews modified their fundamental religious concepts, thereby reducing their o p p o s i t i o n t o external religions, r e m o v i n g

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a major basis o f conflict w i t h their surrounding societies. The result was an extreme increase i n the ease and rewards o f assimilation. Sad t o say, the persistence o f religious and cultural minorities seems t o depend o n hostility between t h e m and outsiders—within limits, solidarity thrives o n oppression. This is h a r d l y an original idea. A t the t u r n o f the t w e n t i e t h cen­ tury, the scholar-merchant S. M . Perlmann, having interviewed sev­ eral Kaifeng Jews, proposed that the survival o f Jewish c o m m u n i ­ ties was gravely threatened w h e n outsiders d i d n o t treat t h e m as pariahs. Hence Perlmann (in K u b l i n , 1 9 7 1 : 2 0 0 - 2 1 1 ) saw the C h i ­ nese Jews as examples o f w h a t was happening wherever Jews were given the same regard and "privileges as the d o m i n a n t people." I n contrast, he w r o t e , Judaism remains strong " i n those countries where the hostility t o the Jews is still strong and effective, because they w i l l fight there and conserve themselves." Perlmann's was n o t a lonely voice; his views were representative o f one side i n an i m ­ mense dispute that broke o u t i n Europe at the start o f the nine­ teenth century, as t o h o w Jews should deal w i t h their rapidly i m ­ p r o v i n g circumstances.

Europe: Emancipation and Assimilation O n January 2 8 , 1790, the French N a t i o n a l Assembly extended "the rights o f active citizens" t o the Jews o f southwestern France— a p p r o x i m a t e l y four thousand Jews o f Spanish origins. T h e n , o n September 2 7 , 1 7 9 1 , the assembly emancipated a l l o f the re­ m a i n i n g Jews i n France—numbering about t h i r t y thousand, most of t h e m living near the German border (Baron, 1969; M a g n u s , 1997; Mendes-Flohr and Reinharz, 1995; V i t a l , 1999; W i n o c k , 1998). Immediately f o l l o w i n g the second decree, the Jewish banker Berr Isaac Berr w r o t e t o all the Jews o f France: At length the day has come when the veil, by which we were kept in a state of humiliation, is rent; at length we recover those rights which have been taken from us more than eighteen centuries ago . . .

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We are now, thanks to the Supreme Being, and to the sovereignty of the nation, not only M e n and Citizens, but we are Frenchmen! (Complete text in Mendes-Flohr and Reinharz, 1995:118-21) As i t t u r n e d out, Berr's embrace o f n a t i o n a l i s m was a b i t prema­ ture, for N a p o l e o n soon reimposed severe limits o n Jewish liberty. H i s decree o f 1806 reiterated the t r a d i t i o n a l c o n d e m n a t i o n o f the Jews for their involvement i n usury. Thus i t w o u l d be necessary t o rehabilitate "sentiments o f civic m o r a l i t y " a m o n g the Jews; N a p o ­ leon acknowledged that these sentiments "have been stifled . . . by the abject state i n w h i c h they have l o n g languished and w h i c h i t is n o t o u r i n t e n t i o n either t o m a i n t a i n or renew" ( i b i d . : 1 2 3 - 2 4 ) . N a p o l e o n then summonsed an assembly o f Jewish notables t o ad­ vise h i m o n m a n y questions concerning Jewish doctrine and cul­ ture. Finally, o n M a r c h 17, 1808, N a p o l e o n issued a decree meant t o " r e f o r m " Jewish life. The N a p o l e o n i c decree began by r u l i n g that no debts o w e d t o Jews c o u l d be collected except under supervision o f the French courts, subject t o stringent restrictions. I t then decreed

that

"thenceforth, no Jew shall be p e r m i t t e d t o devote himself t o any business, negotiation, or any type o f commerce w i t h o u t h a v i n g a specific license f r o m the prefect o f the department i n w h i c h he re­ sides," and this license w o u l d need t o be renewed annually. " A n y commercial action undertaken by an unlicensed Jew shall be n u l l and v o i d , " i n c l u d i n g any mortgage or contract. N e x t , i t was de­ creed t h a t Jews were p r o h i b i t e d f r o m further m i g r a t i o n i n t o the area along the Rhine River—the longtime hotbed o f anti-Semitism. N o r w o u l d Jews be a d m i t t e d t o any other area unless they became farmers and avoided a l l commercial or business activities. Jews were also f o r b i d d e n t o hire someone t o take their place i n the m i l i ­ t a r y draft b u t must serve i n person. Finally, the decree was t o re­ m a i n i n effect for ten years and then be assessed i n the hope that by then "there w i l l no longer be differences between t h e m [Jews] and other citizens" (ibid.: 1 3 9 - 4 0 ) . W i t h the defeat o f N a p o l e o n , the o r i g i n a l terms o f emancipation were restored i n France. However, the area along the Rhine re­ verted t o Prussian c o n t r o l , and the decree remained i n force w h i l e 200

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the Prussians sorted things out w i t h local authorities. Actually, Prussia had granted its Jews "equal civil rights and liberties w i t h Christians" i n 1775. But this applied o n l y t o Jews o f means (the Schutzjuden), w h i l e the great m a j o r i t y o f Prussia's t h i r t y - t w o t h o u ­ sand Jews remained i n the "undesirable" or "useless" category and suffered under an array o f repressive regulations (Vital, 1999). A t the Congress o f Vienna held i n 1815 t o redraw boundaries and impose peace terms o n France and its allies f o l l o w i n g Napoleon's final defeat at W a t e r l o o , the German Confederation (a unified Ger­ m a n state d i d n o t yet exist) adopted a resolution directing the i n d i ­ v i d u a l states t o effect " a n a m e l i o r a t i o n " o f all those w h o confessed "the Jewish faith i n G e r m a n y " (complete text i n Mendes-Flohr and Reinharz, 1995:143). This was easier said t h a n done. Indeed, Prus­ sian plans t o suspend the Napoleonic decree i n the Rhineland faced intense local resistance. I n her fine study o f Jewish emancipation i n Cologne ( 1 7 9 8 1871), Shulamit S. M a g n u s (1997) detailed the city's l o n g battle w i t h Prussia for local a u t h o r i t y over the Jews. Recall that Cologne was the site o f murderous attacks o n the Jews d u r i n g b o t h the First and the Second Crusades and again i n 1349 d u r i n g the "Black D e a t h . " T h e n , i n 1424 Cologne expelled its Jews, as d i d m a n y o f the other p r i n c i p a l cities i n the Rhineland—although some o f the expelled Jews d i d n o t go very far, settling i n the smaller t o w n s and villages o f the area. For nearly four centuries, o n l y an occa­ sional Jew was a l l o w e d a temporary stay i n Cologne—Jews were n o t a l l o w e d even t o pass t h r o u g h the city unless escorted by the police. I n 1784 Jews petitioned the city council for permission t o pass w i t h o u t police escort and were t u r n e d d o w n . Ten years later, w h e n the city fell t o the a r m y o f the r e v o l u t i o n a r y French Republic, French laws w e n t i n t o effect, including the emancipation decree, and Jews began t o move back i n t o the city. But they were n o t welcome. N a p o l e o n seems t o have taken this i n t o account w h e n he decreed that Jews c o u l d n o t move i n t o the Rhine area. A n d that is precisely w h y local authorities demanded that the Napoleonic decree remain i n effect, rather t h a n the Prussian policy as expressed i n a new Edict o f E m a n c i p a t i o n proclaimed i n 1812.

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The reintegration o f the Rhine cities i n t o Prussia posed m a n y problems beyond those i n v o l v i n g Jews. Hence the r o y a l cabinet appointed an Immédiat Justiz Kommission t o oversee the process. The Kommission decided that French l a w should be retained i n this region. However, because Napoleon's decree o n the Jews was set t o expire i n 1818, agitation broke o u t for and against its re­ newal. The anti-Jewish side w o n , and the decree remained i n effect u n t i l i t was modified i n 1845 and then abolished 1847 (Magnus, 1997; V i t a l , 1999). M e a n w h i l e , emancipation was proceeding i n western Europe. " B y the last decades o f the nineteenth century the settled German, A u s t r i a n , H u n g a r i a n , French, D u t c h , Italian, and British Jews h a d all achieved legal e m a n c i p a t i o n " ( V i t a l , 1999:310). A n d only i n the Rhineland had there been significant local protests and organized resistance. This surely is n o t t o say that anti-Semitism was l i m i t e d to the Rhineland at this or any other t i m e . But p r o b a b l y nowhere else had i t burned itself so deeply i n t o the local culture as i n the Rhineland, where the legacy o f the "Jew-roasters" lived o n . As D a v i d V i t a l (ibid.:125) p u t i t , " T h e history o f Rhineland Jewry h a d been a long and unhappy one, an exceptionally dismal chronicle o f persecution, massacre, m o b violence, expulsion, and e x t o r t i o n . " Indeed, i t was deputies f r o m the (sometimes) French area along the Rhine w h o had been the p r i m a r y opponents o f emancipation w h e n it was debated and passed by the French N a t i o n a l Assembly (Kahler, 1967; W i n o c k , 1998).

The Assimilation Crisis Just as Berr Isaac Berr was delighted t o be a Frenchman, m a n y other European Jews were equally delighted finally t o be English, D u t c h , Austrians, or Prussians. Nevertheless, the question soon arose: Were the roles o f citizen and Jew fully compatible? The major issue was that i n m a n y ways o r t h o d o x y encapsulated Jews as fully as d i d preemancipation restrictions. One simply c o u l d not fully observe the L a w and participate fully i n the external soci­ ety. For example, strict observance o f the Sabbath made i t very 202

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difficult, i f n o t impossible, t o pursue m a n y crafts and occupations, including f a r m i n g and m i l i t a r y service. Kosher excluded some o f the most i m p o r t a n t social activities w i t h gentiles. Moreover, m a n y self-styled "Enlightened Jews" (maskilim), such as Moses Mendels­ sohn, f o u n d t r a d i t i o n a l Jewish doctrines and forms o f w o r s h i p i n ­ tellectually isolating and proposed reforms that w o u l d " f i t i n " bet­ ter w i t h the d o m i n a n t , Christian religious culture, and especially w i t h "enlightened" m o d e r n i t y (Katz, 1 9 6 1 ; V i t a l , 1999). I n the w o r d s o f Mendelssohn, " I recognize n o eternal truths other t h a n those that are n o t merely comprehensible t o h u m a n reason, but can also be demonstrated and verified by h u m a n p o w e r s " (com­ plete text i n Mendes-Flohr and Reinharz, 1995:97). A l t h o u g h Mendelssohn was a deist, he managed t o remain w i t h i n the sphere of Berlin Judaism, even i f he was hated by many o f those o f more t r a d i t i o n a l faith. However, most Jews w h o ignored religious re­ strictions o n their behavior or expressed irreligious views faced swift retaliation: e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n grew increasingly frequent, and w i t h i t came complete isolation f r o m family and friends. W h a t was w a n t e d was a collective solution offering the shelter o f a "Jew­ i s h " religious c o m m u n i t y , w h i l e granting the freedom t o partici­ pate freely i n secular life.

The Reform

Movement

O u t o f this need came the R e f o r m movement, w h i c h was first housed i n a " p r i v a t e " synagogue opened i n Berlin i n 1814 (al­ t h o u g h the t e r m " R e f o r m " was n o t yet i n use). Here, among other innovations, men and w o m e n were seated together, and hymns were sung and prayers said i n German. W h i l e the more religious Jews o f Berlin were scandalized by these goings-on, i t was n o t they but K i n g Frederick W i l l i a m I I I w h o ordered this synagogue closed—possibly because i t was feared that i t " m i g h t prove attrac­ tive t o Christians" (Vital, 1999:114). Three years later a similar synagogue, n o w referred t o by its members as a " t e m p l e , " opened i n H a m b u r g . Its w r i t t e n c o n s t i t u t i o n noted "the ever decreasing knowledge o f the language" i n w h i c h Jewish w o r s h i p had been conducted, and promised that sermons and songs w o u l d be i n Ger-

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m a n . The temple soon made more t h a n g o o d o n these promises by installing an organ and h i r i n g a gentile t o play i t . N o t content t o create a service t h a t resembled those i n G e r m a n Christian churches, the reformers also made very significant m o d i ­ fications i n doctrine (Katz, 1961). They deleted f r o m the benedic­ tions and prayers a l l references t o a r e t u r n t o the H o l y L a n d . As for references t o the "Redeemer o f Israel," i n 1818 Eliezer L i e b e r m a n n ( w h o m a y eventually have become a Catholic) w r o t e i n his p o p u l a r treatise supporting the new H a m b u r g temple that " [ w ] h a t is re­ ferred t o here is n o t actual r e d e m p t i o n , b u t merely o u r deliverance f r o m the troubles o f E x i l e " ( i n Mendes-Flohr and Reinharz, 1995:165). These were m i n o r changes compared w i t h the alter­ ations t o the fundamental conception o f G o d and the a u t h o r i t y o f the L a w w r o u g h t by the increasingly influential maskilim. L i k e their secular counterparts w h o were hostile t o all religion, b u t were especially contemptuous o f Judaism (Voltaire had dismissed i t as " i g n o r a n t and barbarous"), the maskilim were determined t o re­ place "legends and superstitions" w i t h a "reasonable" and p h i l o ­ sophically "respectable" creed and practice. Indeed, just as h a d Philo nearly t w o millennia before t h e m , they sponsored a remote and abstract conception o f G o d and p r o c l a i m e d that "divine l a w " was subject t o amendment. W h e n a R e f o r m temple was once again opened i n Berlin, Samuel H o l d h e i m was selected as its r a b b i and proceeded t o teach that the L a w is entirely situational: " A law, even t h o u g h divine, is potent o n l y so l o n g as the conditions and circumstances o f life, t o meet w h i c h i t was enacted, continue; w h e n these change, however, the l a w also must be abrogated, even t h o u g h i t have G o d for its a u t h o r " ( i n Blau, 1964:137). Thus R a b b i H o l d h e i m ' s " G o d " seems unable t o anticipate the f l o w o f history or t o reveal amendments as needed—an i n a b i l i t y t o be expected o f a divine essence, b u t n o t o f a conscious, all-powerful being. T h a t H o l d h e i m believed religion t o be the p r o d u c t o f h u m a n reflection seems clear. The R e f o r m movement was soon exported t o the U n i t e d States, w i t h results t o be examined later. Here i t is appropriate t o note t h a t i n Europe i n the nineteenth century, some Jews h a d n o p r o b l e m reconciling their religious and secular life because their ties t o Jew204

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ish religion or t o the Jewish c o m m u n i t y were very tenuous or n o n ­ existent. I t was t o people w h o were somewhat more "Jewish" and w h o also wished t o enjoy emancipation fully that R e f o r m Judaism appealed, having been stripped o f all the theological and ethnic aspects that hindered free association w i t h gentiles. But, as the the­ ory o f persistence w o u l d predict, this solution was n o t w i t h o u t con­ siderable peril. Assimilation

and

Conversion

The assimilation o f Jews i n Germany and other nations o f western Europe progressed quite rapidly t h r o u g h o u t the nineteenth cen­ tury. Just as the Hellenist Jews t o o k Greek names, and the Jews o f Kaifeng t o o k Chinese names, so t o o the Jews o f western Europe began r a p i d l y t o give their children non-Jewish names. For exam­ ple, i n 1846 i n Cologne, fifty-one o f s i x t y - t w o Jewish children had non-Jewish first names including M o r i t z , Juliana, Sibilla, and A d o l f — " a clear sign o f acculturation and hopes for i n t e g r a t i o n " (Magnus, 1997:172). Far more i m p o r t a n t t h a n changing their names, Jews responded t o their new circumstances w i t h r a p i d l y rising rates o f intermar­ riage ( R u p p i n , 1934). I n Berlin, d u r i n g the 1870s, 13.1 percent o f all marriages i n v o l v i n g a Jew were m i x e d marriages (15.7 percent for Jewish men and 12.0 percent for Jewish w o m e n ) . By 1929 this had risen t o nearly a t h i r d (29.1 percent). For Germany as a w h o l e the intermarriage rate was 22.8 percent i n 1929. However, these rates were m u c h lower i n eastern Europe: a minuscule 0.8 percent i n Galicia i n 1929; 6.8 percent i n European Russia and 4.6 percent i n the U k r a i n e d u r i n g 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 2 6 . 1 r e t u r n t o these regional differ­ ences shortly. Also like the Jews i n the Greco-Roman diaspora and i n China, the Jews o f western Europe were rapidly forgetting Hebrew. I n ­ deed, this is w h y the R e f o r m movement shifted its service i n t o the local languages: German, French, and English especially. Given the t u g between faith and assimilation that existed even for R e f o r m Jews, whose Sabbath remained o n the " w r o n g " day, whose holidays were quite unfashionable, and whose identity was 205

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still burdened w i t h anti-Semitic stereotypes, m a n y Jews simply opted out. As is w e l l k n o w n and w i d e l y analyzed, substantial n u m ­ bers o f European Jews c o m m i t t e d themselves t o the antireligious Left, m a n y o f t h e m even accepting the m i l i t a n t anti-Semitism that flourished there, i n c l u d i n g K a r l M a r x ' s ferocious a n t i c i p a t i o n o f A World without Jews, t o quote the title o f his often excused or " o v e r l o o k e d " but b r u t a l l y anti-Semitic tract published i n 1843. 3

N o t a l l Jews w i s h i n g t o assimilate t u r n e d t o the Left. Substantial numbers d i d w h a t the Hellenist Jews h a d done before them: they became Christians. O f course, i t was the most assimilated and "en­ lightened" Jews w h o d i d so. Thus w h i l e Moses Mendelssohn re­ mained a Jew, o f his six children, four converted; and o f his nine grandchildren, eight were Christians, i n c l u d i n g Felix, the composer (Barnavi, 1992:173). I n recent years, m a n y scholars have collected and analyzed an enormous trove o f i n f o r m a t i o n o n Jewish conversion t o Christian­ ity (Endelman, 1987; H e r t z , 1987, 1992; H o n i g m a n n , 1989; Riff, 1 9 8 1 ; Rozenblit, 1983). These studies are possible because i n m a n y places i t was necessary t o register one's religious status w i t h the local government, and also because conversions t o C h r i s t i a n i t y re­ quired official admission t o a specific Christian body and became p a r t o f local church records. Based o n these data, very substantial rates o f conversion t o C h r i s t i a n i t y have been demonstrated for m a n y areas. This research has offended some Jewish historians, w h o seem t o find the very idea quite distasteful, and w h o tend t o emphasize flaws i n various data sources. But, given the religious and social conditions just described, and the very substantially i m ­ proved prospects for advancement inherent i n conversion, i t w o u l d have been strange had a l o t o f conversions not occurred. T h a t is, as the " h o l d i n g p o w e r " o f the Jewish c o m m u n i t y had g r o w n rela­ tively weak, the " p u l l i n g p o w e r " o f the external societies h a d g r o w n strong. Whatever the actual magnitude o f Jewish conversion rates, i t is the existence o f geographical variations i n the rates o f conversion that are most pertinent t o the theory. As w i t h intermarriage rates, p r o b a b l y the highest rates o f a l l prevailed i n Berlin, where about 1.3 percent o f resident Jews converted each year d u r i n g the p e r i o d 206

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1820 t h o u g h 1840. Given that Berlin attracted the most ambitious and "emancipated" o f each new generation o f G e r m a n Jews, this is n o surprise ( H o n i g m a n n , 1989). For similar reasons, d u r i n g the p e r i o d 1898 t o 1907, about 0.5 percent o f Vienna's Jews converted annually, as d i d more t h a n 0.3 percent o f those i n Prague (Riff, 1981). M a n y scholars have claimed that the vast m a j o r i t y o f these conversions were w i t h o u t religious m o t i v a t i o n , that they were merely acts o f o p p o r t u n i s m (Endelman, 1987), and the same has been said about intermarriage (Hertz, 1987, 1992). But that, o f course, is the p o i n t . Religious persistence is sustained by obstinacy, not opportunism. I n any event, like intermarriage rates, conversion rates were n o t h i g h everywhere. I n the Rhineland conversion was rare. I n Co­ logne, for example, only t w e n t y Jews converted between 1830 and 1850, for an annual conversion rate o f less t h a n 0.1 percent ( M a g ­ nus, 1 9 9 7 ) . Conversion was even less c o m m o n i n eastern Eu­ rope—the annual rate was perhaps 0.01 percent (Vital, 1999:124). T h a t defection was so very l o w i n eastern Europe where "about six m i l l i o n persecuted and miserable wretches r e m a i n steadfastly f a i t h f u l " was, according t o an English observer, a " m i r a c l e " (ibid.). The lack o f conversion i n the Rhineland can be understood o n grounds that a l t h o u g h Jews i n that area were p r o b a b l y rather eager to assimilate (recall their penchant for Christian names), their Christian neighbors were n o t prepared t o welcome t h e m . N o w h e r e i n western Europe d i d anti-Semitism b u r n so brightly. As for eastern Europe, b o t h intermarriage and conversion were rare there because the religious factor retained its uncompromised vigor among Jews, and, i f anything, Jewish encapsulation was even greater t h a n i n previous eras—not merely because intense persecu­ t i o n continued, but because Jews chose t o remain a highly visible, closed subculture. 4

Eastern

Encapsulation

Reaffirmed

F r o m the start, the more o r t h o d o x voices o f Judaism had w a r n e d that the theological and social aspects o f the R e f o r m movement and a l l other forms o f acculturation spelled disaster for the persis207

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tence o f a Jewish c o m m u n i t y . This was m o r e t h a n a battle between liberals and conservatives; i t was p r i m a r i l y a battle between eastern and western Europe. The Jewish populations o f western European nations were very small. A t the end o f the nineteenth century, there were o n l y slightly m o r e t h a n 80,000 Jews i n France, 35,000 i n Italy, and about 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 i n Great B r i t a i n (most o f t h e m i n L o n d o n ) . Even i n Ger­ m a n y there were fewer t h a n half a m i l l i o n Jews. I n fact, by t h a t time more Jews lived i n N e w Y o r k C i t y t h a n i n a l l the nations o f western Europe c o m b i n e d . M o s t o f Europe's Jews lived i n the East. There were 5.2 m i l l i o n Jews i n the Russian Empire (including w h a t became Poland), and another 2 m i l l i o n resided i n the A u s t r o - H u n garian E m p i r e , most o f t h e m i n Galicia ( w h i c h also became p a r t o f Poland). Thus assimilation was affecting o n l y a small p r o p o r t i o n o f European Jewry, for the vast m a j o r i t y o f those i n the East heeded the unanimous r a b b i n i c a l appeal t o h o l d fast, and the rest headed west, most o f t h e m t o A m e r i c a . A n g r y denunciations o f everything connected t o R e f o r m Juda­ ism and any other manifestation o f assimilation began as soon as the leading rabbinical scholars i n eastern Europe heard w h a t was t a k i n g place. A m o n g the first t o respond was the esteemed Moses Sofer (also k n o w n as "the H a t a m Sofer"). H e a d o f a T a l m u d i c school i n H u n g a r y , Sofer w a r n e d , " D o n o t t o u c h the books o f [Moses] Mendelssohn . . . Be w a r n e d n o t t o change y o u r Jewish names, speech, c l o t h i n g — G o d f o r b i d . " Sofer w e n t o n : "Never say: 'Times have changed!' We have an o l d Father—praised be H i s n a m e — w h o has never changed and w i l l never change." Sofer was appalled that Jews i n H a m b u r g n o t o n l y had discontinued the prac­ tice o f m o r n i n g prayers i n the synagogue and revised the text o f prayers, b u t that they were p r a y i n g i n German! H e b r e w "is the language o f the H o l y One, Blessed be H e , i n w h i c h H e gave us H i s T o r a h and i t is inconceivable t o speak before H i m i n o u r everyday language" (complete text i n Mendes-Flohr and Reinharz, 1995:169-73). Sofer's most famous student, A k i b a Joseph Schlesinger, w a r n e d Jews against changing their names or their language. I f a man's "first name is A a r o n , he should n o t be called A d o l f " ; he reminded 208

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his readers o f Sofer's assertion that one o f the most i m p o r t a n t rea­ sons " [ o ] u r ancestors were redeemed f r o m E g y p t " was that "they did n o t change their names." Schlesinger argued that Jews should not learn or use Western languages except as necessary for pur­ poses o f t r a d i n g w i t h outsiders, as all languages are p r o h i b i t e d ex­ cept "Hebrew, Greek, A r a m a i c and A r a b i c " because "the T o r a h was given t o Israel i n these four languages." I n a d d i t i o n , " Y i d d i s h is, f r o m the v i e w p o i n t o f Jewish law, just like H e b r e w . " I n this regard, Schlesinger noted that although i t is forbidden t o translate the T o r a h i n t o the languages o f other nations, this does n o t apply to Y i d d i s h , since this is a language exclusive t o Jews and n o t spoken i n any other n a t i o n . As for the R e f o r m Jews, they w i l l "descend to Gehenna and w i l l be punished there for m a n y generations" (complete text i n Mendes-Flohr and Reinharz, 1 9 9 5 : 2 0 2 - 5 ) . 5

O r t h o d o x spokesmen w a r n e d n o t only against non-Jewish lan­ guages b u t also against dressing i n the current fashion o f gentiles. Soon they began t o advise that one should dress like a Jew and t o condemn abandoning "Jewish dress." But, as noted earlier i n this chapter, for most o f history there was no Jewish dress (aside f r o m identifying symbols required o f Jews by gentile laws). W h a t these rabbis were referring t o , and w h a t we take t o be Jewish dress today, was entirely an artifact o f the refusal t o adopt m o d e r n styles. Once it was p r o h i b i t e d that Jews adopt m o d e r n fashions, Jewish clothing (and g r o o m i n g ) froze i n place, and that style became the dated, " t r a d i t i o n a l " fashion n o w associated w i t h the u l t r a - O r t h o d o x . Hence the style we n o w associate w i t h Jews is n o t h i n g more t h a n the style o f dress that was conventional t w o centuries ago i n eastern Europe. Nevertheless, as this style became "Jewish dress" i t served as a highly visible marker o f identity. To sum up: Jews persisted i n the East because Jewish encapsula­ t i o n persisted, even increased. A n d eastern Jews chose t o remain a distinctive, socially isolated c o m m u n i t y because G o d ordained i t . M e a n w h i l e , Judaism was lagging i n the West. A l t h o u g h the membership rolls o f the R e f o r m temples grew rapidly, they asked very little o f their members and received less. Attendance was poor, and members seldom did a n y t h i n g religious. The temples were n o t open for m o r n i n g w o r s h i p , so no minyans gathered. Seders were 209

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"out-of-date." I t was a k i n t o superstition t o light candles o n the eve o f the Sabbath, and kosher was unnecessary. As for G o d , Jews i n western Europe increasingly inclined t o w a r d an impersonal H i g h e r Power. The end o f this story w i l l never be k n o w n ; the Nazis destroyed this entire w o r l d . East and West, f r o m the most fully assimilated Jews t o the most O r t h o d o x , gone. Ironically, after nearly t w o t h o u ­ sand years o f conflict w i t h their C h r i s t i a n neighbors, w h e n the H o ­ locaust came, i t w o r e a pagan face and spoke the language o f race and blut, n o t faith.

The Condition of American Jews As recently as 1820 the Jewish p o p u l a t i o n o f the U n i t e d States was insignificant—numbering perhaps 4 , 0 0 0 . T h e n , i n 1840 began the first substantial wave o f Jewish i m m i g r a t i o n , and by 1880 there were about 2 8 0 , 0 0 0 A m e r i c a n Jews. N e a r l y all o f these Jews came f r o m German areas o f Europe, and they b r o u g h t the R e f o r m move­ ment w i t h t h e m . Indeed, by the 1870s " R e f o r m Judaism was al­ most synonymous w i t h A m e r i c a n Judaism. O f almost t w o h u n d r e d congregations, fewer t h a n a dozen were O r t h o d o x " (Danzger, 1989:21). Moreover, i n America the R e f o r m movement soon made an even more radical break w i t h t r a d i t i o n t h a n h a d occurred i n Europe. I n 1885 a conference o f R e f o r m rabbis met i n Pittsburgh and adopted a remarkable eight-point p l a t f o r m , m u c h o f w h i c h c o u l d as w e l l have been w r i t t e n by W i l l i a m Ernest H o c k i n g (see Chapter 2 ) . I t began, "We recognize i n every religion an attempt t o grasp the Infinite O n e , " and then recommended the " G o d - i d e a " o f Judaism as "developed and spiritualized by Jewish teachers i n accordance w i t h the m o r a l and philosophical progress o f their respective ages." N o t i c e that the p l a t f o r m does n o t refer simply t o G o d b u t t o the "God-idea," a f o r m u l a t i o n that w o u l d have pleased any deist. T u r n i n g t o the Bible, the R e f o r m rabbis noted that i t , o f course, reflects "the p r i m i t i v e ideas o f its o w n age." As for Jewish forms

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of w o r s h i p , we "reject all [ceremonies] as are n o t adapted t o the views and habits o f m o d e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n . " As for the Law, the p l a t f o r m dismissed i t as having " o r i g i n a t e d i n ages and under the influence o f ideas altogether foreign to our present mental and spiritual state . . . observance i n our day is apt rather t o obstruct t h a n t o further m o d e r n spiritual elevation." N e x t , the conference declared, "We consider ourselves no longer a n a t i o n b u t a religious c o m m u n i t y , and therefore [do n o t ] expect . . . a r e t u r n to Palestine." Indeed, Judaism is "a progressive reli­ g i o n , ever striving t o be i n accord w i t h the postulates o f reason." A t the end, the p l a t f o r m rejected b o t h " H e l l and Paradise" as hav­ ing no part i n Judaism (complete text i n Mendes-Flohr and Reinharz, 1 9 9 5 : 4 6 8 - 6 9 ) . W h e n several m i l l i o n Jews i m m i g r a t e d t o the U n i t e d States f r o m eastern Europe late i n the nineteenth and early i n the t w e n t i e t h cen­ tury, this was the d o m i n a n t f o r m o f Judaism they encountered— w e l l established and m u c h admired by Protestant intellectuals. A l ­ t h o u g h the f o r m o f Judaism they had left behind was resolutely o r t h o d o x , i t must also be understood that the most o r t h o d o x chose not t o abandon the intensely Jewish enclaves o f Russia and Poland. Leaving was, i n and o f itself, a modest f o r m o f assimilation. Assimilation Large numbers o f these eastern newcomers were content w i t h an entirely secular Judaism consisting o n l y o f associating w i t h other Jews, reading Y i d d i s h newspapers, and observing some Jewish cus­ toms, but w i t h o u t any involvement i n organized religious expres­ sion. Others were devoted leftists, eager to p u t an end t o all forms of religion. Indeed, Jewish-dominated "Socialist and labor groups at times held marches and balls o n Y o m Kippur, specifically choos­ ing t o desecrate t o the utmost this h o l y day o f fasting" (Danzger, 1989:21). As for those o f more religious i n c l i n a t i o n , organized A m e r i c a n Judaism continued t o be dominated by the R e f o r m movement as eastern Jews associated i t w i t h A m e r i c a n ways. They had, after a l l , i m m i g r a t e d n o t o n l y t o escape poverty and anti-Sem­ itism but i n pursuit o f " m o d e r n i t y . " So the consensus soon arose

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that O r t h o d o x y had no future i n America, being an anachronism d o o m e d t o die out i n another generation or t w o (Danzger, 1989; Glazer, 1957; Sklare, 1971). I n apparent c o n f i r m a t i o n o f this judgment, A m e r i c a n Jews began t o display very h i g h rates o f assimilation. Names changed. Sey­ m o u r and M o r t o n were i n ; Solomon and Moses were o u t (Lieberson, 2 0 0 0 ) . Rates o f intermarriage soared. By the mid-1960s about one o f every five Jews w h o m a r r i e d w e d a non-Jew. T h i s , along w i t h the l o w fertility o f A m e r i c a n Jews, p r o m p t e d E l i h u Bergman (1977) t o calculate that by the year 2 0 7 6 there w o u l d be o n l y 20 percent as many Jews i n the U n i t e d States as i n 1976. Even secular journalists began t o w r i t e stories about "the vanishing A m e r i c a n Jew" (Wertheimer, 1993). Since then, the intermarriage rate has continued t o rise, and the fertility rate has kept going d o w n (Goldstein, 1 9 8 1 ; W a x m a n , 2 0 0 0 ) . Even the rise o f Conservative Judaism, instituted as a more m o d ­ erate alternative t o the R e f o r m movement and having enjoyed a considerable b o o m i n the 1940s and early 1950s (Wertheimer, 1993), has done very little t o stem the tide o f decline—nor, indeed, has awareness o f the Holocaust. The fact remains that today A m e r ­ ican Jews are n o t very "Jewish." Table 4 . 1 is based o n a large national survey o f A m e r i c a n Jews. I t was conducted o n the basis o f an elaborate and effective m e t h o d for locating everyone having a Jewish background, rather t h a n re­ l y i n g o n the more c o m m o n , and very biased, m e t h o d o f sampling membership roles o f synagogues and o f Jewish organizations (Stark and Roberts, 2 0 0 1 ) . I n constructing this table, I eliminated all persons w h o d i d n o t c l a i m Jewish as their current religious pref­ erence. Even so, the data show that o n l y 33.2 percent have ever belonged t o a synagogue, and o n l y one i n ten attends weekly. Q u i t e i n keeping w i t h R e f o r m teachings, few Jews (14.2 percent) agree that the Bible is the actual w o r d o f G o d . O n l y 11.6 percent o f A m e r i c a n Jews keep kosher; n o t m a n y more (18.9 percent) usually light candles o n Friday night. Granted, 68.8 percent usually light H a n u k k a h candles, but the religious significance o f this seems somewhat offset by the fact that nearly a t h i r d (30.6 percent) p u t up a Christmas tree. 6

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Table 4.1 H o w Jewish Are American Jews? 0/ /o

who have ever belonged to a synagogue

33.2

% who usually attend synagogue weekly

10.0

% who agree the Bible is the actual word of God

14.2

/o

11.6

who keep kosher

% who usually light candles on Friday night

18.9

% who usually light Hanukkah candles

68.8

% who sometimes have a Christmas tree

30.6

% who sometimes attend a non-Jewish religious service

39.4

Source: T h e N a t i o n a l Jewish Population Survey, 1990. Note: Includes only those w h o gave Jewish as their current religious preference. N = 1,713.

I t must n o t be t h o u g h t that these findings merely reflect a gener­ ally "secularized" A m e r i c a n culture. I t is only the Jewish faith, n o t faith i n general, that has eroded i n the U n i t e d States; A m e r i c a n Christians are notable for their high levels o f religiousness.

Conversion Table 4 . 1 also shows that t w o o f five A m e r i c a n Jews acknowledge that they sometimes attend non-Jewish services. Students o f new religious movements have l o n g k n o w n that people f r o m nonpracticing Jewish backgrounds are by far the best candidates for recruit­ ment. For example, the sons and daughters o f "secular" Jews are m a n y times overrepresented i n I S K C O N (Hare Krishna), Scientol­ ogy, W i c c a (modern witchcraft), the Unification C h u r c h ( M o o n ies), and a variety o f Eastern groups such as A n a n d a and Satchidananda A s h r a m (Stark and Bainbridge, 1985). I n her engaging b o o k o n the Rajneesh movement, w h i c h d r e w several thousand A m e r i ­ cans t o a c o m m u n a l village i n central O r e g o n d u r i n g the 1980s,

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M a r i o n S. G o l d m a n (1999:231) reported that "Jews were stun­ ningly overrepresented." However, because these movements are very small, the t o t a l Jew­ ish membership o f all o f t h e m added together w o u l d n o t a m o u n t t o any substantial number o f Jewish defectors. Moreover, the c o m ­ m o n w i s d o m has been that A m e r i c a n Jews seldom convert t o Chris­ t i a n i t y — a n d certainly n o t Jews raised i n secular homes. I n fact, only Jews raised i n secular homes or i n a highly accommodated f o r m o f Judaism ever convert t o a n y t h i n g . Studies o f converts do n o t t u r n up persons f r o m O r t h o d o x Jewish backgrounds. As for the claim that Jews rarely convert t o Christianity, the re­ sults o f the N a t i o n a l Jewish P o p u l a t i o n Survey conducted i n 1990 (and discussed above) show otherwise. A m e r i c a n Jews currently exhibit a very h i g h rate o f conversion. O f the 6,840,000 Americans o f Jewish parentage, o n l y 61.5 percent (4,210,000) acknowledge their current religious preference as Jewish (an a d d i t i o n a l 185,000 A m e r i c a n Jews are converts f r o m another faith). Thus more t h a n a t h i r d o f b o r n Jews have abandoned Judaism—16.4 percent have embraced irreligiousness, and 1,325,000 (or 19.4 percent) have converted t o another faith, nearly a l l o f t h e m t o C h r i s t i a n i t y (Kosm i n et al., 1991). Despite many unfounded and sometimes disingenuous efforts t o arouse anxiety among A m e r i c a n Jews about threats f r o m the " C h r i s t i a n R i g h t , " n o t o n l y has anti-Semitism become an insig­ nificant aspect o f A m e r i c a n culture, evangelical Christians are those least given t o prejudice against Jews and are the Americans most c o m m i t t e d t o supporting Israel (see Chapter 5). A m e r i c a n Jews cannot depend u p o n bigots t o provide t h e m w i t h solidarity. Clearly, most A m e r i c a n Jews have lost all religious basis for sus­ taining a distinctive identity, and the protective encapsulation once p r o v i d e d by their Jewishness has collapsed. Thus contemporary concerns over the persistence o f a Jewish c o m m u n i t y w o u l d seem w e l l founded—but o n l y u n t i l one looks beyond the assimilated Jews, t o the uncompromised w o r l d o f O r t h o d o x y ! Here are t i g h t l y k n i t , r a p i d l y g r o w i n g communities o f Jews w h o wholeheartedly embrace the G o d o f Israel, w h o carefully observe the L a w , w h o wear "Jewish" dress, whose H e b r e w is fluent, w h o do n o t inter-

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marry, whose fertility is abundant, and w h o do n o t attend n o n Jewish services, p u t up Christmas trees, or study Asian scriptures. It is entirely plausible that the O r t h o d o x w i l l soon become the Jewish c o m m u n i t y by default, n o t only because o f their h i g h fertil­ ity and l o w rate o f defection, but because they have begun t o attract converts f r o m the ranks of Jews raised i n secularity (Danzger, 1989; D a v i d m a n , 1991). Thus does an authentic Judaism n o t o n l y persist but prosper. I n a d d i t i o n , there are signs o f an authentic religious revival going o n i n n o n - O r t h o d o x A m e r i c a n Jewish circles (Wertheimer, 1993). Consider that R e f o r m rabbis have begun t o pray i n Hebrew, and that the men i n m a n y o f their congregations n o w wear

yarmulkes w i t h i n the synagogue, that some R e f o r m congregations have installed mikveh baths, that m a n y younger members are keep­ ing kosher, and t h a t i t has become quite respectable t o discuss God's w i l l . Since I have w r i t t e n about this at some length recently (Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) , I shall n o t pursue i t here, except t o suggest that the insight seems t o be g o i n g a r o u n d that t o be Jewish, one must be a Jew.

Conclusion Religious persistence is possible o n l y for those w i t h a v i v i d concep­ t i o n o f a G o d w h o calls u p o n t h e m t o endure. But is that enough? M u s t persistent religious groups also rely o n conflict t o m a i n t a i n their solidarity? Is a harmonious, monotheistic p l u r a l i s m impossi­ ble? We shall see.

Notes 1. " I n E u r o p e a n countries, and more particularly since the Reformation, reli­ gion has come to be considered as primarily a matter of belief. T h i s is itself a phenomenon w h i c h needs to be explained, I think, in terms of social development. We are concerned here only w i t h the effects on the thinking of

anthropologists.

A m o n g m a n y of them there is a tendency to treat belief as primary: rites are consid­ ered the results of beliefs" (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952:155).

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2. Attempts to identify pre-Christian prejudice against Jews as "merely" antiJudaism i n order to define anti-Semitism as peculiar to Christians are polemics having no scholarly w o r t h . 3. I n a preface to the first "unexpurgated E n g l i s h " edition of A World without Jews ( 1 9 6 0 ) , Dagobert D . R u n e s noted in his f o r w a r d "that most of M a r x ' s antiSemitic references, in his correspondence, his journalistic writings a n d his books, were entirely eliminated by his various editors." It seems appropriate that the full texts were made available by the State Publishing H o u s e in M o s c o w , whose edi­ tors shared the virulent anti-Semitism of the Soviet regime a n d therefore s a w no reason to suppress M a r x ' s views. Western leftists d i d not follow suit. H e n c e the British M a r x i s t academic D a v i d M c L e l l a n devoted a n entire book to reciting M a r x ' s "critique" of religion without using the w o r d Jew, let alone discussing M a r x ' s anti-Semitism ( M c L e l l a n , 1 9 8 7 ) . 4. M y calculations, based o n population data provided i n M a g n u s , 1 9 9 7 . 5. Y i d d i s h is a mixture of medieval G e r m a n dialects developed i n the J e w i s h ghettos of central E u r o p e a n d w a s expanded by borrowings from H e b r e w a n d Slavic. Subsequently, Y i d d i s h w a s the source of m a n y w o r d s used i n A m e r i c a n E n g l i s h , as amusingly documented by L e o R o s t e n i n The Joys of Yiddish ( 1 9 6 8 ) . 6. A combination of t w o items, one o n kosher meat, the other o n kosher dishes a n d kitchen utensils.

216

"Buddies."

Gravestones in the U . S . A r m y cemetery near O m a h a B e a c h ,

where m a n y soldiers died during the landings at N o r m a n d y , m a r k J e w i s h graves w i t h the Star of D a v i d and those of C h r i s t i a n soldiers w i t h a C r o s s . © T i m Page/CORBIS.

. 5 . God's Grace: Pluralism and Civility I n the name o f G o d , the M e r c i f u l , the Compassionate —The Qur'ân

Just

as the U n i t e d States proved that p l u r a l i s m invigo­ rates religion, i t has demonstrated that particularistic faiths can observe norms o f public civility. I n this final chapter I explain h o w this is possible. I t is useful t o begin w i t h the social question: H o w can fundamen­ tally selfish creatures be induced to live i n harmony? U n t i l quite recently the answer was always f o u n d i n collective means o f repres­ sion, typically the state. Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) concluded that i n the absence o f a p o w e r f u l state, h u m a n selfishness w o u l d result i n a life that was "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short" ([1651] 1968:186). To prevent this dismal state o f affairs, Hobbes (ibid.:223) advised that i t is necessary for humans t o impose "a restraint u p o n themselves" i n the f o r m o f "some Power . . . con­ t r a r y t o their natural Passions . . . the C o m m o n w e a l t h . " I n the con­ text o f the p r o b l e m at hand, Hobbes advised that religious t r a n ­ q u i l l i t y required the state t o t h w a r t all outbursts o f religious dissent—at least u n t i l such time as humans outgrew their "credu­ l i t y " and "ignorance" and finally rejected all Gods as "creatures of their o w n fancy" (ibid.:167, 168). M e a n w h i l e , there should be a single authoritative church wherein the " C i v i l Sovereign is the Supreme Pastor, t o whose charge the w h o l e flock o f his Subjects is c o m m i t t e d , and consequently i t is by his authority, that all other Pastors are made, and have the power to teach, and p e r f o r m all other Pastoral offices" ( i b i d . : 5 6 9 ) . 1

D a v i d H u m e (1711-1776) also saw social d i s r u p t i o n and v i o ­ lence as inherent i n religious diversity and believed that o n l y where

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5

there is a m o n o p o l y religion can there be religious t r a n q u i l l i t y . H e reasoned that w h e n there are m a n y sects w i t h i n a society, the lead­ ers o f each w i l l express "the most v i o l e n t abhorrence o f a l l other sects," causing no end o f trouble for the governing elite, and there­ fore wise politicians w i l l support and sustain a single religious orga­ n i z a t i o n and w i l l repress a l l challengers (1754, 3:30). H u m e ' s m o d e l was, o f course, an idealized remembrance o f the " C a t h o l i c centuries" d u r i n g w h i c h relative religious t r a n q u i l l i t y h a d prevailed as C h u r c h and State prevented any challenges t o the Universal Faith. I n fairness, i t must be acknowledged that the C a t h ­ olic C h u r c h p r o b a b l y demonstrated the highest degree t o w h i c h a m o n o p o l y church can serve diverse demand. I t achieved w i d e ­ spread appeal by offering a spectrum o f religious options ranging f r o m a very undemanding Christianized f o r m o f t r a d i t i o n a l p o l y ­ theism t o a very high-tension monastic o p t i o n for those seeking m a x i m u m religious expression. I n a d d i t i o n , by basing its parishes on geographic boundaries and by p e r m i t t i n g substantial v a r i a t i o n as t o styles o f w o r s h i p and levels o f intensity across nearby par­ ishes, the C h u r c h accommodated a range o f preferences, catering especially t o niches r o o t e d i n class and ethnicity. Even i n m o d e r n times, there are remarkable differences i n the intensity and style o f Catholic parishes i n different parts o f the same city (Finke and Stark, 1992). Nevertheless, w h i l e religious conflict was often muffled by the Catholic m o n o p o l y , the potential for v i o l e n t outbursts was ever present and often realized. Moreover, even w h e n n o n c o n f o r m i t y was tolerated, this was done w i t h o u t civility. For example, the sec­ ond half o f the first m i l l e n n i u m m a y have been a p e r i o d o f t r a n q u i l ­ l i t y i n Christian-Jewish relations, b u t the era was still m a r k e d by v i r u l e n t anti-Semitism. The same i n c i v i l i t y existed wherever Islam was the m o n o p o l y faith. By its very nature, the diversity o f religious demand requires p l u ­ ralism. O n l y specialized " f i r m s " can adequately serve each o f the niches inherent i n any religious " m a r k e t " because efforts directed t o w a r d a lower-tension niche always destroy credibility vis-à-vis higher-tension niches. For example, as described i n Chapter 3, the l a x i t y o f the mass appeal o f the C h u r c h o f Power was seen as n o t h 220

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ing less t h a n sinful heresy f r o m the perspective o f the C h u r c h o f Piety. I n the absence o f p l u r a l i s m , unserved niches always foster dissent. B u t i f p l u r a l i s m is a l l o w e d t o respond t o demand, w h a t then? Given the existence o f m a n y particularistic faiths, h o w is con­ flict t o be managed and civility achieved? Here again, A d a m Smith had an answer.

A T h e o r y o f P l u r a l i s m and R e l i g i o u s C i v i l i t y A d a m Smith's great insight about social life is that cooperative and socially beneficial outcomes can result f r o m each i n d i v i d u a l h u ­ man's acting t o m a x i m i z e his or her selfish interests. " [ A l t h o u g h the i n d i v i d u a l ] intends o n l y his o w n gain . . . he is . . . led by an invisible h a n d t o p r o m o t e an end w h i c h was no p a r t o f his i n t e n t i o n . . . By pursuing his o w n interest he frequently promotes that o f society more effectively t h a n w h e n he really intends t o p r o m o t e i t " (Smith, [ 1 7 7 6 ] 1 9 8 1 , 1:456). For example, as each person t r y i n g to sell a specific i t e m seeks t o m a x i m i z e her or his gain, the result w i l l be that buyers benefit f r o m the lowest price sufficient t o m o t i ­ vate others t o produce and sell that item. This is because w h e n faced w i t h c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m other sellers, i n order t o make a sale each seller w i l l reduce his or her price relative t o others u n t i l the lowest price is reached. Or, t o use Smith's metaphor, as each i n d i ­ v i d u a l reaches o u t for gain, there is created a collective "invisible h a n d " o f the marketplace forcing prices d o w n . O f course, this re­ quires an unregulated m a r k e t w h e r e i n each seller is free t o set a sale price, and each buyer is free to seek the lowest price. For this c o n d i t i o n t o exist—for there t o be a "free m a r k e t " — n o seller can c o n t r o l so m u c h o f the supply o f the item as t o be able t o influence its price. To the degree that the m a r k e t is n o t free, buyers are prey to price-fixing—in the extreme situation there is o n l y one supplier, w h o can demand the m a x i m u m price that buyers are able t o pay. I n very rare situations, monopolies can exist i f there is b u t one potential source o f supply o f the item. Generally, however, m o n o p ­ olies require coercion t o prevent c o m p e t i t i o n . T h i s is n o t the place to debate the virtues o f Smith's economic theories. Instead, I w i l l

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5

show that w h e n applied t o religious economies, his "invisible h a n d " principle explains h o w p l u r a l i s m can generate civility. As w i t h most other kinds o f firms, m o n o p o l y churches can exist o n l y w h e n backed by the coercive powers o f the state, for there can be no l i m i t t o the ability t o formulate and offer religious culture. Thus the " n a t u r a l state" o f the religious economy is for there t o exist a large number o f suppliers. B o t h Hobbes and H u m e accepted this view, seeing the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f religious bodies as i n c o m p a t i ­ ble w i t h tranquillity, and concluding that i t is therefore necessary for the state t o sustain a m o n o p o l y church. But w h e n Smith's no­ tions about the "invisible h a n d " are applied t o a free religious mar­ ket, as each body pursues its selfish interest, religious civility is the likely result. Responding to the conclusions o f his friend H u m e that religious t r a n q u i l l i t y necessitated one church, Smith argued ( [ 1 7 7 6 ] 1 9 8 1 : 7 9 3 - 9 4 ) that this was the most "dangerous and trouble­ some" situation, and that conflict can be avoided o n l y where the society is divided into two or three hundred, or perhaps as many [as a] thousand small sects, of which no one could be consid­ erable enough to disturb the publick tranquillity. The teachers of each sect, seeing themselves surrounded on all sides with more adversaries than friends, would be obliged to learn the candour and moderation which is so seldom to be found among the teachers of great sects . . . The teachers of each little sect, finding themselves almost alone, would be obliged to respect those of almost every other sect, and the concessions which they would mutually find it both convenient and agreeable to make to one another . . . [would result in] publick tranquillity. T h a t is, as each weak firm seeks t o secure itself f r o m attack, selfinterest w i l l lead to the collective observance o f civility. Put m o r e formally: Where there exist particularistic religions, norms of reli­ gious civility w i l l develop t o the extent that the religious economy achieves a pluralistic equilibrium. By norms o f civility I mean pub­ lic behavior governed by mutual respect a m o n g faiths, hence p u b l i c m o d e r a t i o n o f particularism. A pluralistic e q u i l i b r i u m exists w h e n 222

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power is sufficiently diffused

among a set o f competitors that con­

flict is n o t i n anyone's interest.

Arithmetic

of

Pluralism

The question arises, H o w m u c h p l u r a l i s m is required to generate norms o f civility? Clearly, Smith's prescription o f hundreds o f weak religious bodies w i l l suffice. But i t seems likely that a rather smaller number w i l l suffice t o o — a l t h o u g h i t may w e l l be that eventually unregulated religious economies w i l l always generate Smith's "hundreds." Unfortunately, despite decades o f mathematical anal­ yses o f coalitions, there is no firm theoretical basis for concluding h o w many independent religious bodies are needed t o constitute a p l u r a l e q u i l i b r i u m . However, by c o m b i n i n g some o f the mathemat­ ical results w i t h empirical examples, and m i x i n g i n some c o m m o n sense, we may arrive at some arithmetic guidelines. Consider the m i n i m a l case: the coexistence o f two particularistic groups. To the extent that they perceive one another as equally matched, they w i l l be reluctant t o risk violent conflict, b u t relations w i l l always be shaped by barely concealed hatred and contempt. I n the absence o f other restraints, whenever one side thinks i t has sufficiently greater power, i t can be expected to attack the other— even after centuries o f "peace." M u s l i m s and H i n d u s i n India are an example, as are M u s l i m s and O r t h o d o x Catholics i n the Bal­ kans. Sometimes, w h e n there is a great disparity i n power, the weaker group may be tolerated for various specific reasons, as Jews were tolerated by Christians—but w i t h o u t any pretense o f civility. It seems certain that t w o are t o o few t o develop norms o f civility. M a t h e m a t i c a l studies o f triads as w e l l as empirical examples sug­ gest that sometimes as few as three groups may achieve an equilib­ r i u m wherein civility m i g h t arise ( A x e l r o d , 1984; Caplow, 1968; De Swann, 1973). A necessary c o n d i t i o n is that any c o m b i n a t i o n of t w o groups be more p o w e r f u l t h a n the t h i r d group alone—other­ wise, the strongest g r o u p w i l l simply crush the others. N o t w o w i l l combine t o eliminate the t h i r d , however, because that w o u l d leave the weaker survivor i n subsequent peril. The result is a "standoff" 223

CHAPTER

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or e q u i l i b r i u m . Should this continue for a sufficient t i m e , i t seems conceivable that the perception o f m u t u a l dependency w o u l d give rise t o some semblance o f public civility. A second triadic possibility is that i f t w o o f the groups are so utterly weak as t o pose n o threat t o the t h i r d , they m i g h t be toler­ ated. But as w i t h the Jews and Christians w i t h i n Islamic societies, this w o u l d n o t give rise t o civility. Whether or n o t three groups can achieve an e q u i l i b r i u m , that four can do so has been demonstrated by the events i n the Nether­ lands (Bakvis, 1 9 8 1 ; Barrett, 1982; M a r t i n , 1978; M o n s m a and Soper, 1997; Tash, 1991). The L o n d o n Conference o f 1839 left the Netherlands divided between a d o m i n a n t Protestant n o r t h and a sullen Catholic south, b o t h sides being burdened w i t h bitter m e m o ­ ries o f the religious wars. The D u t c h Protestants were o v e r w h e l m ­ ingly o f the Calvinist persuasion and used their d o m i n a t i o n o f the government t o establish themselves as the state church: the Nether­ lands Reformed C h u r c h (Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk, N H K ) . A n emerging and politically very p o w e r f u l t h i r d religious faction consisted o f the most liberal elements w i t h i n the N H K and a secu­ lar elite o f irreligious intellectuals, most having a predilection for leftist politics. Finally, f r o m the earliest days o f the N H K , a f o u r t h religious faction r a p i d l y f o r m e d as conservative Protestants began t o w i t h d r a w and organize a dissenting, more o r t h o d o x , Calvinist d e n o m i n a t i o n , n o w k n o w n as the Reformed C h u r c h (Gereformeede Kerken, or G K ) . Thus the religious economy o f the Nether­ lands comprises four major groups: the N H K , the R o m a n Catho­ lics, the liberals, and the o r t h o d o x Calvinists. L i m i t e d b o t h by treaty and by more p o w e r f u l Catholic neigh­ bors, the N H K c o u l d n o t resort t o violence t o deal w i t h either the Catholics or the dissenting Calvinists. So, i n c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h the liberals, the N H K sought t o eradicate dissent t h r o u g h the schools. Thus i n 1878 the D u t c h parliament passed a new school l a w that w o u l d i n effect have shut d o w n d e n o m i n a t i o n a l schools, r e q u i r i n g all children t o attend secular schools. I t was n o secret that the l a w was intended t o erase religious sectarianism and disagreement by " l i b e r a t i n g " the younger generation f r o m " o u t m o d e d C h r i s t i a n be­ liefs" ( M o n s m a and Soper, 1997:56). A p r o m i n e n t liberal and 224

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N H K leader explained that i n this w a y " o p i n i o n a t e d and fanatical i d i o t s " can be excluded f r o m teaching, and " r u r a l y o u t h " can be freed f r o m the "prejudices" that are " a l l t o o apparent i n these days o f civil dissension" (in Glenn, 1987:47). Five days later, the impossible happened. The o r t h o d o x Calvinists and the R o m a n Catholics, having long histories o f intense oppo­ sition, formed w h a t liberal observers called a "monstrous alliance" t o protect their schools ( M o n s m a and Soper, 1997:57). This alli­ ance soon c o n t r o l l e d parliament and repealed the offensive legisla­ t i o n . K n o w n today as the Christian Democratic A p p e a l , the Catholic-Calvinist coalition remains a major force i n D u t c h politics. Obviously, w h e n the t w o most particularistic religious groups i n the Netherlands f o u n d i t necessary t o f o r m a coalition t o w i t h s t a n d liberal oppression, they c o u l d n o t continue t o express hostile o p i n ­ ions o f one another—at least n o t i n p u b l i c . Consequently, an a d m i ­ rable level o f public religious civility prevails a m o n g religious groups i n the Netherlands, albeit liberals and secularists often do n o t observe these courtesies—as is true o f their A m e r i c a n counter­ parts as w e l l . Pseudo-Pluralism N o t a l l societies h a v i n g several religions are pluralistic. A society m a y appear t o have m u l t i p l e religions, even m u l t i p l e particularis­ tic religions, b u t because there is little or no i n t e r a c t i o n a m o n g members, the actual s i t u a t i o n more closely resembles separate so­ cieties—each w i t h its o w n r e l i g i o n — t h a n a pluralistic society. C o m p e t i t i o n is the essential feature o f true p l u r a l i s m . Religious groups must missionize, and individuals must be free t o shift faiths accordingly. I t is quite possible for a number o f particularistic faiths t o exist w i t h i n a society, b u t where they are based o n isolated social net­ w o r k s such as regions or castes, there may be no c o m p e t i t i o n . For example, faith A may be based o n a high-status caste and deny membership t o anyone n o t also a member o f the caste; faith B may impose similar rules o n a lower-status caste, and so o n . A n example is India, where for m a n y centuries M u s l i m rulers were distin225

CHAPTER

5

guished f r o m their H i n d u subjects by ethnicity as w e l l as religion. O r residents o f one region may be members o f faith A , w h i l e those i n other regions m a y be members o f faiths B, C, and D . This is not p l u r a l i s m but analytically should be treated as an instance o f neighboring societies, each w i t h a different faith. A n example is Indonesia, where M u s l i m s , H i n d u s , Christians, Buddhists, and syncretistic variants o f each are based o n different areas (often islands) and ethnolinguistic groups. These are instances o f pseudo-plural­ ism, w h e r e i n conflict tends t o be m u t e d by simple lack o f contact and does n o t result i n civility.

Faith

and

Civility

I t is rather easy for nonexclusive faiths t o live i n peace. Similarly, w i t h i n pluralistic societies, civility w i l l come more easily t o those having l o w levels o f intensity and/or whose image o f G o d has drifted t o w a r d deism. Recall f r o m Chapter 2 that i t was because he conceived o f G o d n o t as a being b u t as an essence that W i l l i a m H o c k i n g t h o u g h t i t was beyond the bounds o f civility t o missionize to non-Christians and u n t h i n k a b l e for Christians t o compete w i t h one another for members. Indeed, the idea that religious groups ought t o respect one another seems obvious t o those w h o believe that one religion is as unfounded as another. Thus i t was n o t the Puritan fathers i n Massachusetts, the Anglicans i n N e w Y o r k , or even the Baptists i n N o r t h C a r o l i n a w h o opposed religious estab­ lishment i n the new A m e r i c a n n a t i o n , or w h o advocated the free expression o f religion; i t was deists such as Thomas Jefferson w h o did so. It follows that w i t h i n pluralistic societies, norms o f c i v i l i t y w i l l develop most rapidly a m o n g the least religious and those w h o con­ ceive o f the supernatural as an essence. Consequently, as norms o f c i v i l i t y develop, the most intense public religious conflicts w i l l occur between the least and the most religious. Recall that i n the Netherlands i t wasn't the case that the o r t h o ­ dox Calvinists tried t o close Catholic schools; i t was the secularists and religious liberals w h o attempted t o use the schools t o "reedu­ cate" b o t h the Calvinists and Catholics. Ever since, the major fault 226

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line separating D u t c h religious factions has been between the reli­ gious and the irreligious or less religious. As w i l l be seen, that is the p r i m a r y division i n contemporary America t o o .

Cleavages

and

Civility

As mentioned, true p l u r a l i s m may n o t exist where different reli­ gions constitute very isolated social networks. W i t h i n t r u l y p l u r a l ­ istic societies, conflicts among particularistic religions w i l l be am­ plified to the degree that the lines o f religious separation are concurrent w i t h other significant social cleavages w i t h i n the soci­ ety, such as caste, ethnicity, or region. Conversely, civility w i l l pre­ vail t o the degree that lines o f religious separation crosscut other significant social cleavages w i t h i n the society. By social cleavages, I mean recognized divisions w i t h i n a society based o n stratification, culture, and/or region. A l t h o u g h I have introduced i m p o r t a n t qualifiers, the major theo­ retical p o i n t is that the conflict inherent i n monotheism w i l l be overcome by norms o f civility w h e n religious freedom results i n the proliferation o f religious groups to the extent that i t is i n the inter­ est o f each to support norms o f civility. I n light o f this p r o p o s i t i o n , consider w h a t m i g h t have happened had Constantine n o t given state preference t o Christianity and had n o t supported those w h o demanded adherence t o a universal o r t h o d o x y . M o s t pagan tem­ ples w o u l d still have failed, although i t w o u l d have taken far longer, and a few o f t h e m m i g h t even have survived by m o v i n g t o w a r d monotheism or by specializing i n magic. But, regardless o f the fate o f paganism, religious p l u r a l i s m w o u l d still have flour­ ished. There already were several competing, well-organized " b r a n d s " o f Christianity, and the n o r m a l process o f sect f o r m a t i o n w o u l d have continued t o produce more. Judaism w o u l d have re­ mained a significant factor, and i t t o o w o u l d have generated new sects. Thus by perhaps the seventh century, the religious landscape of Italy m i g h t have resembled that o f the U n i t e d States today, and the religious climate m i g h t have been as civil as i n the days w h e n no temple claimed t o w o r s h i p the O n l y G o d . To pursue these mat­ ters, let us examine the A m e r i c a n case i n detail. 227

C H A P T E R

5

The Rise of American Religious Civility A p p a r e n t l y unaware o f A d a m Smith's analysis, R o b i n M . W i l ­ liams, Jr. (1951:320) a t t r i b u t e d "the rise o f religious freedom and t o l e r a t i o n " i n A m e r i c a t o the fact that "there was no cleavage be­ tween t w o or o n l y a few opposing religious groupings, b u t rather a fragmented diversity o f numerous small sects"; hence "conflict c o u l d n o t be massive or u n i t a r y . " W i l l i a m s also p o i n t e d o u t that n o attempt at establishment was possible because no religious group " h a d the o p p o r t u n i t y t o seize a d o m i n a n t political p o s i t i o n " (see Table 5.1). Thus d i d an array o f exceedingly particularistic sects give rise t o religious freedom and t o l e r a t i o n , even t h o u g h , as W i l l i a m s (ibid.:321) recognized, " n o b o d y intended i t . " I t is i m p o r t a n t t o keep i n m i n d that exclusive, particularistic reli­ gious groups do n o t learn tolerance by having been persecuted. Thus, for example, a l t h o u g h they fled persecution i n England and were barely tolerated d u r i n g their stay i n H o l l a n d , the Puritans gained insights n o t i n t o the virtues o f t o l e r a t i o n but o n l y about the need for power. The Massachusetts Bay C o l o n y was, f r o m the very start, c o m m i t t e d t o an exclusive religious establishment that perse­ cuted any h i n t o f nonconformity. For example, w h e n Quakers were detected, even if they were merely i n transit aboard a ship i n Boston H a r b o r , they were subject t o public w h i p p i n g s before being ex­ pelled f r o m the colony. Between 1659 and 1 6 6 1 four Quakers w h o h a d previously been w h i p p e d and driven out o f Massachusetts were hanged for having returned. W h e n religious civility eventually came t o Massachusetts, i t d i d so more as the result o f a drift i n t o deism t h a n as the p r o d u c t o f civic enlightenment. By the m i d d l e o f the eighteenth century, U n i tarianism began t o attract Massachusetts' clergy; by the end o f the century Unitarians held m a n y o f the most influential and desirable Congregational pulpits, and H a r v a r d was securely i n their grasp. Despite various disingenuous claims t o the contrary, this b r a n d o f U n i t a r i a n i s m was n o t simply a matter o f having demoted Christ t o mere humanity, or having dispensed w i t h the concept o f the H o l y Spirit; i t was a more significant matter o f shifting the conception 228

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Table 5.1 American Pluralism, 1776 Denomination

Number of Congregations

Congregational

668

Presbyterian

588

Baptist

3

497

b

Episcopal

495

Quakers

310

German Reformed

159

Lutheran

150

0

Dutch Reformed

120

Methodist

65

Roman Catholic

56

Moravian

31

Separatist and Independent

27

Dunker

24

Mennonite

16

Huguenot

7

Sandemanian

6

Jewish

5

Total Source: Finke and Stark,

3,228 1992.

i n c l u d e s all divisions, such as N e w Light, O l d Light, Associate R e ­ formed, etc. i n c l u d e s all divisions, such as Separate, Six Principle, Seventh Day, Rogerene, etc. i n c l u d e s all synods.

229

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5

of G o d f r o m an active being t o an essence—the " A r c h i t e c t o f the Universe," b u t a remote, i f benign, power. The f o u n d i n g o f an explicitly U n i t a r i a n Association d i d n o t produce a very impres­ sive body (essences never d o ) , and most Unitarians, especially a m o n g the clergy, chose t o r e m a i n w i t h i n the more influential de­ nominations—especially the Congregationalists, Presbyterians, and Episcopalians. As for H a r v a r d : " T h e d i v i n i t y school w h i c h gradually t o o k shape between 1 8 1 1 and 1819 professed t o be simply Christian; b u t its faculty and students were U n i t a r i a n and remained so w i t h few exceptions d u r i n g the entire nineteenth cen­ t u r y . . . moreover, the entire university was pervaded by the spirit o f the movement. M o s t o f its presidents and faculty were U n i t a r i ­ ans" ( A h l s t r o m , 1972, 1:483). Indeed, the first D a r w i n i a n o n the H a r v a r d faculty was n o t i n the b i o l o g y or geology department, b u t i n the d i v i n i t y school, announcing soon after his a p p o i n t m e n t i n 1880 that he should n o t be referred t o as a Christian (Finke and Stark, 1992). Given the prevailing theological views, there was little reason for d e n o m i n a t i o n a l conflicts i n N e w England except, o f course, w i t h those "benighted souls" w h o still clung t o t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n i t y and needlessly stirred up the people. I t was this latter concern that caused the clergy o f Massachusetts and Connecticut t o respond t o George Whitefield's revival campaigns by causing their c o l o n i a l legislatures t o o u t l a w " I t i n e r a n t Preaching" (Finke and Stark, 1992). Similar concerns led the Presbyterians and Congregational­ ists t o enter i n t o the 1 8 0 1 Plan o f U n i o n , under w h i c h they w o u l d sustain n o n c o m p e t i n g missionary efforts t o the western frontier areas. I n a d d i t i o n , the Presbyterians v o w e d n o t t o m a i n t a i n churches n o r t h o f the Connecticut border, and the Congregational­ ists ceded t h e m everything t o the south. I n the end, this cartel ar­ rangement resulted merely i n the r a p i d decline o f b o t h denomina­ tions as evangelical Methodists and Baptists overwhelmed t h e m (Finke and Stark, 1992). By d o i n g so, however, the evangelicals deeply offended those c o m m i t t e d t o the new, noncompetitive, " n o n j u d g m e n t a l " liberalism. A Congregationalist clergyman sent t o Arkansas w r o t e home t o his superiors i n 1846: " A f t e r a m i n u t e e x a m i n a t i o n and mature and prayerful deliberation I have come t o 230

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the settled c o n v i c t i o n that i t w o u l d be decidedly for the religious interests o f Arkansas i f every minister and preacher o f the above denominations [Methodists and Baptists] were o u t o f the State" (in Sweet, 1964:698). But w h i l e they complained about i n c i v i l i t y and made efforts t o ­ w a r d ecumenicity, A m e r i c a n intellectuals, religious and irreligious alike, l i m i t e d their concerns t o Protestantism. F r o m the most l i b ­ eral Congregationalists t o the most t r a d i t i o n a l Baptists, anti-Ca­ tholicism was rife, particularly among clergy. Thus o n Sunday, A u ­ gust 10, 1834, L y m a n Beecher, one o f the most p r o m i n e n t Congregational liberals o f the day (and whose daughter w r o t e Uncle Tom's Cabin) gave three thunderous sermons i n Boston churches d u r i n g w h i c h he voiced the theme soon t o appear i n his tract A Plea for the West, i n w h i c h he w a r n e d against a p l o t by the pope to seize the Mississippi valley. Freewill offerings taken after each sermon raised a t o t a l o f four thousand dollars, a very sizable amount for that time, indicative o f the fact that these were wealthy congregations (Finke and Stark, 1992). Nevertheless, i n Beecher's day anti-Catholicism lacked reality, consisting m a i n l y o f "tales f r o m the O l d C o u n t r y " as the Reforma­ t i o n was replayed i n Protestant sermons, and the grievances against the " W h o r e o f R o m e " were reiterated. A l t h o u g h most Americans accepted this v i e w o f Catholicism, most tended t o regard these as European issues, having no greater relevance t o t h e m t h a n disputes over r o y a l succession. Given the small number o f A m e r i c a n Catho­ lics, charges about Vatican plots against the U n i t e d States lacked plausibility. Later i n the nineteenth century this began to change as m i l l i o n s o f Catholic immigrants arrived f r o m Ireland, Italy, and eastern Europe and soon t o o k political c o n t r o l o f many large cities. I t was i n response t o this new, threatening reality that serious " n a t i v i s t " movements arose t o preserve America as a Protestant n a t i o n . I t was o n l y then that signs reading " N o Popery" appeared i n shop w i n d o w s across the n a t i o n (if n o t i n the C a t h o l i c - d o m i ­ nated cities). As for Jews, p a r t l y o w i n g t o their very small numbers and their full assimilation i n t o the nonreligious culture, anti-Semitism was relatively latent, and "the prevailing temper [ t o w a r d Jews] was

231

CHAPTER

"City of Brotherly Love."

5

A n anti-Catholic mob of Philadelphians rioted in

1844. W h e n the militia fired into the c r o w d , the rioters fired back—first w i t h handguns and then w i t h a c a n n o n — a n d mob rule prevailed in the city for the next three days, during w h i c h the two largest C a t h o l i c churches were burned to the ground. © B e t t m a n n / C O R B I S .

overwhelmingly t o l e r a n t " d u r i n g most o f the nineteenth century ( H a n d l i n , 1951:541). Jews posed n o threat t o Christian d o m i ­ nance, n o r was there any substantial Catholic threat t o cause any collateral intolerance. Anti-Semitism became a significant aspect o f A m e r i c a n life late i n the century w h e n the arrival o f m i l l i o n s o f Catholic i m m i g r a n t s d i d arouse Protestant anxieties, w h i c h were exacerbated by the arrival at that same time o f waves o f i m m i g r a n t , eastern European Jews. The nativist groups soon opposed the ad­ mission o f b o t h Catholics and Jews. By 1922, even the Unitarians o f H a r v a r d f o u n d i t appropriate t o impose strict quotas o n Jewish enrollment—as d i d all o f the I v y League schools. These quotas re­ mained i n force u n t i l the 1960s, as b o t h anti-Semitism and antiCatholicism p r o v e d t o be long-lived. As recently as the 1950s, Paul Blanshard's American Freedom and Catholic Power, w h i c h sought t o rouse the n a t i o n against the inextricable l i n k between R o m a n Catholicism and political dicta232

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torship, was a best-seller. I n 1960, d u r i n g his presidential cam­ paign, J o h n F. Kennedy had t o swear that i f elected he w o u l d n o t obey orders f r o m the pope. W h e n I began m y career, religious prej­ udice was still sufficiently prevalent to p r o m p t massive research efforts, and none o f m y teachers or peers w o u l d have t h o u g h t i t possible that w i t h i n a few years our graduate students w o u l d be puzzled by these concerns. N o t only have anti-Semitic, anti-Catho­ lic, and anti-Protestant attitudes become u n c o m m o n , b u t their pub­ lic expression by anyone respectable is u n t h i n k a b l e (of course, i t remains fashionable t o vilify "fundamentalists" and "cultists"). But i f the t r i u m p h o f religious civility t o o k m y generation by sur­ prise, i t was still a l o n g time c o m i n g . C i v i l i t y was imposed o n particularistic faiths by the extensive p l u r a l i s m o f A m e r i c a and the correspondingly high costs inherent i n conflict. N o t only were there literally hundreds o f Protestant denominations; even the large Protestant bodies were separated by theology and enthusiasm i n t o disputatious camps. I n a d d i t i o n , by the end o f the nineteenth century, R o m a n Catholics had become a major factor i n A m e r i c a n diversity. Jews had also become a signifi­ cant factor because, despite their small numbers, they were concen­ trated i n a few influential cities—indeed, by early i n the t w e n t i e t h century Jews outnumbered b o t h Protestants and Catholics i n N e w Y o r k City. I n these days, t o o , A m e r i c a abounded w i t h secular intel­ lectuals—rationalists, freethinkers, and village atheists—who also claimed a place i n the negotiations over religious relations. O f all these religious groups, the Catholics had the most difficult theologi­ cal problems t o solve i n order t o proceed along the r o a d t o civility. However, i t t u r n e d o u t to be the secular intellectuals w h o proved least able t o achieve c i v i l i t y — t h e n and now.

Taming

Catholic

Particularism

The first step t o w a r d civility faced by A m e r i c a n C a t h o l i c i s m i n ­ volved acceptance o f the principle o f the separation o f C h u r c h and State. For many centuries the C h u r c h had taken the p o s i t i o n that, because i t was the One True C h u r c h , governments were required 233

CHAPTER

5

t o sustain the C h u r c h and scatter its enemies. I n Europe, even early i n the t w e n t i e t h century, this remained the official Catholic view, but i t was entirely discordant n o t o n l y w i t h the p o l i t i c a l c i r c u m ­ stances o f the A m e r i c a n C h u r c h b u t w i t h the philosophical o u t l o o k o f Catholics reared i n this t r u l y pluralistic setting. Thus t o w a r d the end o f the nineteenth century, m a n y p r o m i n e n t Catholics, i n c l u d ­ i n g James Cardinal Gibbons and A r c h b i s h o p John Ireland, empha­ sized and affirmed the w i s d o m o f the First A m e n d m e n t , arguing that state involvement i n religious affairs was i l l suited for the A m e r i c a n situation. T h e i r views were b o t h misunderstood and mis­ represented i n Europe and eventually led t o the condemnation o f " A m e r i c a n i s m " i n an apostolic letter f r o m Pope Leo X I I I t o C a r d i n a l Gibbons i n January, 1899 ( A h l s t r o m , 1972; Hennesey, 1 9 8 1 ; M a y n a r d , 1941). The pope's letter actually said little or n o t h i n g about separation o f C h u r c h and State but attacked notions about leaving decisions concerning spiritual choices i n the hands o f the i n d i v i d u a l , guided by the H o l y Spirit rather t h a n by the a u t h o r i t y o f the C h u r c h . Since no influential A m e r i c a n Catholic ever had expressed such an a n t i institutional view, the condemnation was irrelevant. I n fact, h o w ­ ever, the anger over the loss or potential loss o f a favored relation­ ship w i t h the state i n some European nations lay behind the condemnation, and this remained a cause o f concern for m a n y Catholic leaders for several decades. However, b o t h C a r d i n a l G i b ­ bons and A r c h b i s h o p Ireland k n e w that the Church-State question was m i n o r compared w i t h the p r o b l e m presented by the fundamen­ t a l Catholic principle: Outside the C h u r c h there is no salvation (extra ecclesiam nulla salus). Thus even the most w o r s h i p f u l Prot­ estants, let alone Jews, were b o u n d for H e l l . O n this rested the entire edifice o f Catholic legitimacy, and i t was n o t t o be compromised t o the slightest extent, as evidenced by centuries o f m i l i t a n t attempts t o suppress a l l heretics and schismat­ ics. A p p l i e d t o the A m e r i c a n circumstance, this doctrine o u t l a w e d v i r t u a l l y a l l overt acts o f civility. Indeed, Catholics (clergy as w e l l as laity) were forbidden even t o enter non-Catholic religious struc­ tures. This practice dated back t o the days o f Christian martyrs w h o died rather t h a n enter pagan shrines or participate i n any 234

GOD'S

GRACE

pagan rite, entirely i n keeping w i t h the belief that there is b u t One True C h u r c h i n service t o the One True G o d . But i n the A m e r i c a n situation this rule was painfully divisive. For example, w h e n Prot­ estants died, their Catholic friends and even relatives c o u l d n o t , i n g o o d conscience, attend the funeral, although Protestants c o u l d attend the funerals o f their Catholic friends and relatives. This may have been a t r i v i a l matter i n Europe, b u t i n America large numbers of Catholics had Protestant friends and relatives, and the p r o b l e m was especially acute i n small t o w n s , where absences f r o m funerals and weddings were obvious. For generations, therefore, Catholic efforts at religious civility foundered o n the r o c k o f Peter as various attempts were made t o sail a r o u n d i t . Perhaps the first modestly successful effort was made i n 1942 by the immensely influential Jesuit John Courtney M u r r a y . W r i t i n g i n Theological Studies, he suggested transforming the nega­ tive f o r m , " n o salvation outside the c h u r c h , " i n t o a positive ver­ sion: " I t is by the C h u r c h alone that salvation has come t o h u m a n ­ ity, and by the C h u r c h alone i t comes t o the i n d i v i d u a l . " M u r r a y believed that this r e w o r d i n g c o u l d be justified i n the interests o f "practical tact" and as constituting an act o f "courteous charity." A n d , i n fact, many leading liberal Protestant theologians d i d notice and welcome the tactfulness intended by this f o r m u l a t i o n . However, even such a m i n o r shift i n emphasis upset many Catho­ lics, w h o saw i t as a first step i n the surrender o f Catholic exclusiv­ ity. The most i m p o r t a n t o f these critics was the w e l l - k n o w n Jesuit poet L e o n a r d Feeney, w h o had been serving as director o f the Cath­ olic student center at H a r v a r d since 1 9 4 1 . Father Feeney believed that the issue here was a matter not o f courteous expression but o f honesty: one must either tell the t r u t h , w h i c h is that salvation comes o n l y t h r o u g h the C h u r c h , and thereby be discourteous, or deny one o f the most central tenets o f the faith i n the interests o f harmony. O p t i n g for t r u t h , Feeney began t o thunder the t r a d i t i o n a l f o r m u l a i n sermons and i n the periodical he founded i n 1946 for the purpose o f attacking his liberal Catholic opponents. Feeney's efforts soon began t o attract considerable attention i n the secular press, w h i c h embarrassed the Catholic academic and ecclesiastical establishments, i n c l u d i n g the archbishop o f Boston, all o f w h o m 235

CHAPTER

5

urged h i m t o adopt a tactful silence. " I a m n o t overtactful i n t a k i n g i n t o account w h a t non-Catholics w i l l t h i n k , " Father Feeney admit­ ted (in Clarke, 1950:177). U n b e k n o w n s t t o h i m , or apparently t o his A m e r i c a n opponents, Father Feeney's campaign had been lost even before i t got going. A g o n i z i n g over w h a t he was being t o l d about the onset o f the N a z i death camps, i n June 1943 Pope Pius X I I issued an encyclical that, i n attempting t o mitigate the spirit o f exclusivity, opened the d o o r t o the acceptance o f p l u r a l i s m . I n Mystici Corpus Cbristi ( O n the M y s t i c a l Body o f Christ), Pius reasserted the Catholic c l a i m t o be the "true C h u r c h o f Jesus C h r i s t , " the " O n e , H o l y , Catholic, Apos­ tolic R o m a n C h u r c h , " b u t at the end he introduced a subtle p o i n t , relating i t t o the p o s i t i o n taken by the C o u n c i l o f Trent (15451563) that God's mercy w o u l d extend t o persons o f i m p l i c i t faith (fides in voto) among peoples t o w h o m the gospel message had n o t yet been brought. The pope w e n t a step beyond, extending the doctrine t o those w h o had heard b u t were unable t o accept because of sincere error. As he p u t i t , some people outside the C h u r c h may still be w i t h i n its sphere o f salvation because they display an " u n ­ conscious yearning and desire" t o genuine faith and therefore are Catholics, although they are unaware o f i t . This statement, w h i c h came eventually t o be referred t o as the doctrine o f the "unconscious C a t h o l i c , " offended some n o n - C a t h ­ olics, but i t set the C h u r c h o n a course that eventually made i t impossible n o t t o extend some degree o f respect t o any sincerely religious person. I t also sealed the fate o f Father Feeney. I n August 1949 the H o l y Office (also k n o w n as the Inquisition) w r o t e a letter t o the archbishop o f Boston that spelled o u t the full implications of the doctrine: Therefore, that one may obtain eternal salvation, it is not always required that he be incorporated into the Church actually as a mem­ ber, but it is necessary that at least he be united to her by desire and longing. However, this desire need not always be explicit, as it is in catechumens; but when a person is involved in invincible ignorance, God accepts also an implicit desire, so called because it is included in that good disposition of soul whereby a person wishes his w i l l to be conformed to the w i l l of God. 236

GOD'S

Ecumenism.

GRACE

Pope J o h n P a u l I I a n d R a b b i M e i r L a u

confer d u r i n g the pope's v i s i t t o Israel i n 2 0 0 0 . © AFP/CORBIS.

As for Father Feeney, the letter announced that for his conscious unwillingness t o submit t o the C h u r c h (to be quiet after having been t o l d by his bishop t o desist), Feeney was excommunicated. T w e n t y years later, Vatican I I t o o k ecumenism further. I t ceased all reference t o Protestants as heretics or t o the O r t h o d o x as schis­ matics, substituting the phrase "separated b r e t h r e n . " I n the " D e ­ cree o n E c u m e n i s m " issued i n N o v e m b e r 1964, the c o u n c i l reas­ serted the p r i m a c y o f the C h u r c h b u t acknowledged that m a n y elements o f t r u t h "can exist outside the visible boundaries o f the Catholic c h u r c h " (Baum, 1966:184). "The brethren divided f r o m us also carry o u t m a n y liturgical actions o f the C h r i s t i a n religion 237

CHAPTER

5

. . . [and] these most certainly can t r u l y engender a life o f grace, and, one must say, can aptly give access t o the c o m m u n i o n o f salva­ t i o n " (ibid.). But perhaps the greatest concession made by this de­ cree was the official w i t h d r a w a l o f p r o h i b i t i o n s against entering non-Catholic churches or p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n some religious ceremo­ nies w i t h non-Catholics. T h i s permission was n o t " t o be used indis­ criminately," b u t judgments o n these matters were consigned t o local authorities ( i b i d . , 1 9 2 - 9 3 ) . A l m o s t immediately, a l l across America Catholics began t o attend n o n - C a t h o l i c funerals and w e d ­ dings, and soon after that Catholic and Protestant

pentecostals

began t o h o l d j o i n t prayer sessions.

Protestant Approaches Theologically, at least, Protestants had less difficulty accommodat­ ing Catholics, having already begun t o accommodate one another. T h a t is, as various denominations began t o a d m i t the fundamental Christianity o f other denominations (even i f their theology was flawed), this necessarily included Catholics—however grudgingly. Thus i n 1813 the president o f H a r v a r d remarked i n a p u b l i c lecture t h a t members o f his generation h a d overcome " m u c h o f that abhor­ rence o f papists w h i c h our fathers felt themselves obliged t o m a i n ­ t a i n , " and a d m i t t e d that " i t m a y be t h o u g h t l a w f u l for us t o believe i n the c o m p a t i b i l i t y o f the R o m i s h faith w i t h a capacity for salva­ t i o n and a d m i t the possible, nay m o r e , the presumptive Christian­ i t y o f a v i r t u o u s and devout R o m a n C a t h o l i c " (in Hennesey, 1981:117). Thus i t was that nineteenth-century A m e r i c a n a n t i - C a t h o l i c i s m was based far less o n religious differences t h a n o n p o l i t i c a l issues, p a r t i c u l a r l y o n issues concerning democracy and the separation o f C h u r c h and State. As he w a r n e d against " R o m a n i s m , " as men­ t i o n e d previously, L y m a n Beecher thundered i n 1834: " T h e Catho­ lic C h u r c h holds n o w i n darkness and bondage nearly half o f the civilized w o r l d . . . I t is the skillful, p o w e r f u l , dreadful system o f c o r r u p t i o n t o those w h o w i e l d i t , and o f slavery and debasement t o those w h o live under i t " (1835:36).

238

GOD'S

GRACE

A n d , o f course, i t was attempts t o lay such charges t o rest that led t o the A m e r i c a n heresy. But as time passed and Catholic political machines c o n t r o l l i n g the large eastern cities d i d n o t infringe o n anyone's liberties, the political suspicions o f Catholicism began t o wane—albeit t o a lesser degree i n those parts o f the n a t i o n having no local experience t o guide them. Even so, A l Smith's Catholicism may have cost h i m the 1928 presidential election, but i t d i d n o t prevent h i m f r o m being the Democratic nominee or f r o m receiving the votes o f millions o f Protestants and carrying six states i n the southern "Bible Belt."

Jews

and

Civility

But i f Protestants had no serious theological i n h i b i t i o n s concerning Catholics as Christians, b o t h had problems concerning the salva­ t i o n o f the Jews. The doctrine o f the unconscious Catholic had initially been p r o m p t e d by Pope Pius X I I ' s concerns about Europe's Jews and was w i d e l y interpreted i n that light. Concerns about antiSemitism also p r o m p t e d the Vatican I I C o u n c i l t o condemn the idea that the Jews were responsible for the C r u c i f i x i o n (Nostra Aetate, October 1965). The Vatican has continued t o issue statements rec­ ognizing the religious legitimacy o f Judaism. I n June 1986 Pope John Paul I I made an official visit t o the m a i n synagogue i n Rome, where he participated i n an eighty-minute service. D u r i n g his ad­ dress, the pope said that his visit was "meant t o make a decisive c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the consolidation o f the g o o d relations between our t w o communities i n i m i t a t i o n o f the example o f so many men and w o m e n w h o have w o r k e d and are still w o r k i n g today o n b o t h sides t o overcome o l d prejudices and t o secure an ever w i d e r and fuller recognition o f that ' b o n d ' and that ' c o m m o n spiritual p a t r i ­ m o n y ' that exists between Jews and Christians" (Foy and A v a t o , 1987:37). It is i m p o r t a n t t o recognize that the R o m a n Catholic C h u r c h has n o t renounced its c l a i m t o exclusivity. The "Decree o n Ecumen­ i s m " quoted above clearly asserted Catholic p r i m a c y as the "one and o n l y C h u r c h o f G o d " (Baum, 1966:183), asserting that " i t is t h r o u g h Christ's Catholic C h u r c h alone, w h i c h is the all-embracing 239

C H A P T E R

5

means o f salvation, that the fullness o f the means o f salvation can be o b t a i n e d " (ibid.:185). A n d w h e n the pope spoke i n the syna­ gogue, he noted the c o m m o n origins that b i n d C h r i s t i a n i t y and Judaism b u t d i d n o t even i m p l y that the t w o faiths are equally v a l i d — a n "unconscious C a t h o l i c i s m " is n o t the equivalent o f the conscious variety. Thus w h e n Catholics emphasize c o m m o n bonds and a l l o w that some other faiths have elements o f t r u t h , they dis­ play civility, n o t a c c o m m o d a t i o n . I n matters o f sincere faith, n o more can be asked. L a c k i n g a doctrine o f the "unconscious C h r i s t i a n , " Protestants faced a l o n g struggle t o deal w i t h the question o f Jewish salvation. I n a d d i t i o n , concerns about centuries o f anti-Semitism must n o t obscure the fact that Jews also have several theological problems concerning the religious legitimacy o f Christians. The first involves Jesus. As M a r t i n Buber summed u p , " T o the Christian, the Jew is a stubborn fellow w h o is still w a i t i n g for the Messiah; t o the Jew, the Christian is a heedless fellow w h o i n an unredeemed w o r l d declares that redemption has somehow or other taken place" (in Niebuhr, 1958:98). The second p r o b l e m involves the question o f just who are God's Chosen people. These matters became espe­ cially pressing i n N e w Y o r k City, and i t was there that they were eventually dealt w i t h . New

York

Pluralism

One o f the first moments o f true public religious civility occurred i n 1904 at St. M a r k ' s German Evangelical L u t h e r a n C h u r c h i n M a n h a t t a n , f o l l o w i n g the d r o w n i n g o f more t h a n a thousand o f its Sunday school students, teachers, and choir members w h e n their t o u r boat caught fire and sank o n l y several miles o f f shore. D u r i n g the huge m e m o r i a l service held at St. M a r k ' s , a message was read f r o m the Catholic archbishop o f N e w Y o r k : " M a y the Giver o f all strength c o m f o r t y o u and yours i n this dreadful h o u r o f y o u r s o r r o w . " A n d at the end, several h u n d r e d L u t h e r a n , M e t h o d i s t , Episcopal, and Presbyterian clergy joined w i t h a number o f Jewish rabbis t o sing (in German) " W h o k n o w s h o w near m y end m a y be?" (Bainbridge, 1997). 240

GRACE

GOD'S

A Forgotten Tragedy. O n June 15, 1904, the paddle-wheel excursion boat General Slocum took the Sunday school students and teachers of N e w Y o r k City's St. M a r k ' s G e r m a n Evangelical L u t h e r a n C h u r c h on a harbor tour. T h e ship burst into flames and sank, killing 1,021 persons—many c h u r c h families lost all of their children. T h e aftermath produced the first interfaith service in the city's history. © B e t t m a n n / C O R B I S .

N o t i c e that Catholic priests d i d n o t actually attend the m e m o r i a l service at St. M a r k ' s for the d r o w n e d Lutheran children. Possibly they m i g h t have done so had i t been held i n a secular b u i l d i n g such as a sports arena. But, as already noted, i n those days, Catholics were forbidden t o enter non-Catholic religious structures. M o r e ­ over, some Catholics (especially prelates i n Europe) m i g h t have been quite offended that the archbishop o f N e w Y o r k had referred merely t o the "Giver o f all strength," rather t h a n t o A l m i g h t y G o d or t o Jesus Christ, suspecting that his vague reference was meant t o conciliate Jews and liberals. I f so, this was the very essence of civility—which is to not fully say what one truly believes, but to modify one's remarks out of deference to what others present truly believe. T h a t this event occurred i n N e w Y o r k C i t y is no surprise; efforts at public religious civility ought t o have first appeared where there

241

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Table 5.2 Religious Membership in New York City, 1926 Unchurched

34.2%

3

Jewish

28.5%

Roman Catholic

28.0%

Protestant

8.7%

Liberal

7.9%

Conservative

0.8%

Eastern Orthodox

0.4%

New Religions

0.2%

15

a

N o t enrolled as members of any local congregation.

b

C h r i s t i a n Science, Spiritualist, Theosophy, E t h i c a l Culture, M o r m o n , etc.

was the most extensive p l u r a l i s m . Indeed, N e w Y o r k ' s religious composition was (and remains) unique. Like many A m e r i c a n cities, by the end o f the nineteenth century, N e w Y o r k had a very h i g h percentage o f Catholics. But unlike any other A m e r i c a n city i t had an equally high percentage o f Jews. Protestants have l o n g been ex­ tremely underrepresented i n N e w Y o r k , and evangelical Protestants are hardly t o be f o u n d . Table 5.2 shows the religious c o m p o s i t i o n of N e w Y o r k C i t y according to the U n i t e d States Census o f Reli­ gious Bodies for 1926—at the time w h e n local religious leaders had begun serious efforts to present a united front o n public occasions. These membership statistics were c o m p i l e d by the census f r o m forms submitted by each i n d i v i d u a l parish and congregation i n the n a t i o n , each r e p o r t i n g its t o t a l membership as w e l l as m a n y other significant facts (such as the languages i n w h i c h services were con­ ducted). Therefore, i n order t o be counted as a church member, an i n d i v i d u a l had t o be listed o n the membership rolls o f a specific congregation or parish. As was true everywhere i n A m e r i c a , the largest g r o u p (34.2 per­ cent) consisted o f those w h o were n o t o n a local church r o l l and thus are classified as " u n c h u r c h e d , " even t h o u g h most w o u l d have 242

GOD'S

GRACE

stated a religious preference i f asked. Jews (28.5 percent) made up the second largest g r o u p , and R o m a n Catholics (28.0 percent) the t h i r d largest. N e w Y o r k ' s Protestant p o p u l a t i o n was small, a m o u n t i n g t o fewer t h a n one i n ten, and v i r t u a l l y none o f t h e m belonged t o more conservative, evangelical denominations. I have n o t counted Baptists (0.4 percent) or Methodists (0.9 percent) a m o n g the conservatives because all o f the w h i t e Baptists were af­ filiated w i t h the N o r t h e r n Baptist C o n v e n t i o n , w h i c h was by then quite liberal, as was the M e t h o d i s t C h u r c h (Finke and Stark, 1992). Indicative o f the liberalism o f N e w Y o r k C i t y Protestants at this time is that the Unitarians outnumbered every conservative body except for the M i s s o u r i Lutherans. As for n o n c o n f o r m i t y , there were twice as m a n y Spiritualists as Unitarians. By comparison, i n the n a t i o n as a w h o l e , i n 1926 the R o m a n Catholics made up only 16 percent o f the p o p u l a t i o n , Jews made up 3.6 percent, 36 percent were Protestants (about 40 percent o f t h e m belonging t o conserva­ tive denominations), and 44 percent were unchurched—most o f the " u n c h u r c h e d " t h o u g h t o f themselves as Protestants (Finke and Stark, 1992). I n w e i g h i n g the religious factions i n N e w Y o r k City, we must note that a l t h o u g h greatly outnumbered, the Protestants were the most p o w e r f u l group—their local social and economic dominance was enhanced by their huge numerical advantage i n the n a t i o n . Thus the search for civility i n N e w Y o r k C i t y was negotiated among four major factions: liberal Protestants, R o m a n Catholics, Jews, and secular intellectuals—some o f w h o m presumed t o speak o n behalf o f the unchurched. A n d the most p r o m i n e n t early Protes­ tant sponsors o f civility were o f the deistic persuasion. Recall f r o m Chapter 2 that beginning i n the 1920s liberal Chris­ tians disavowed missionizing. A l o n g w i t h H a r v a r d ' s W i l l i a m Er­ nest H o c k i n g , D a n i e l Johnson Fleming (1925) o f N e w Y o r k ' s U n i o n Seminary asserted that C h r i s t i a n i t y has no c l a i m t o any spe­ cial t r u t h beyond that contained i n all o f the w o r l d ' s major faiths. Consequently, w h e n they denounced all efforts t o convert others as "a h u m i l i a t i n g mistake," this included missions t o the Jews, w h i c h were a significant part o f the Christian mission efforts o f the late nineteenth and early t w e n t i e t h centuries. By 1900 there were 243

C H A P T E R

S

more t h a n 850 full-time A m e r i c a n and British Protestant mission­ aries " t o the Jews" w o r l d w i d e , 78 o f t h e m devoted t o Jewish i m m i ­ grants i n N e w Y o r k C i t y (Beach, 1903). A b o u t the same number were at w o r k i n 1920 (Robinson, 1923). H o c k i n g and his friends were n o t alone; many liberal Protestants called for the end o f such missionizing, identifying i t as an intolera­ ble affront t o Jews. N o t surprisingly, m a n y Jewish leaders agreed. This led t o the f o r m a t i o n i n 1923 o f the Commission o n G o o d W i l l Between Jews and C h r i s t i a n s — w i t h headquarters i n N e w Y o r k City. I n 1928 this group was replaced by the N a t i o n a l Conference o f Christians and Jews, for the purpose o f p r o m o t i n g "justice, amity, understanding, and cooperation among Protestants, Catho­ lics, and Jews." I n 1934 this organization established B r o t h e r h o o d Week i n February, and by the 1950s N e w Y o r k C i t y had an official Interfaith Day, featuring public ceremonies i n v o l v i n g Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish clergy. Soon, T h a n k s g i v i n g D a y became an­ other annual occasion for interfaith ceremonies i n N e w Y o r k (Herberg, [1955] 1960). However, even i f the issues o f the d i v i n i t y o f Jesus and o f the salvation o f the Jews were irrelevant t o leading Protestant liberals, these were still matters o f great concern t o more conventional Christians and Jews. For them, the goal was c i v i l i t y — t o find a basis for courtesy and respect that d i d n o t depend o n rejecting the core o f their respective faiths. A n d i t came t o pass that by t a k i n g part i n public expressions o f faith, N e w Yorkers helped t o evolve something that eventually came t o be k n o w n as the A m e r i c a n civil religion. Civil

Religion

and Religious

Civility

I n the 1930s a new school o f social theory began t o develop a m o n g social scientists at H a r v a r d , under the leadership o f Talcott Par­ sons. Calling themselves structural-functionalists, they dominated sociology and a n t h r o p o l o g y i n A m e r i c a (and t o a lessor extent else­ where) t h r o u g h the 1960s. The distinctive structural-functionalist v i e w p o i n t was t o regard societies as highly integrated social systems, and t o attempt t o ex244

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p l a i n the presence o f any major social structure or i t e m o f culture o n the basis o f its c o n t r i b u t i o n (function) t o the effective mainte­ nance o f the social system (structure). I n postulating the basic re­ quirements o f all social systems, these social scientists proposed the need for m o r a l integration—that i n order for a society t o h o l d together, members must share a c o m m o n set o f values, a concep­ t i o n o f m o r a l i t y and m o r a l purpose. This aspect o f structural-functionalism derived f r o m Emile D u r k h e i m , for w h o m religious beliefs were but the reflection o f society itself, w i t h religious r i t u a l being the means by w h i c h group solidarity was reinforced, and faith i n the m o r a l order reaffirmed. I t was for this reason that Parsons ([1937] 1949:427) interpreted D u r k h e i m as saying n o t merely that " r e l i g i o n is a social phenomenon," but that "society is a religious phenomenon." Hence the basic structural-functionalist a x i o m : Re­ ligion functions to integrate social systems. F r o m there i t was but a t i n y step t o the conclusion that i n order t o function, societies require "religion." As R o b i n M . W i l l i a m s , Jr. (1951:312), one o f Parsons' most accomplished students, expressed i t : "Every func­ t i o n i n g society has t o an i m p o r t a n t degree a common religion. The possession o f a c o m m o n set o f ideas, rituals, and symbols can sup­ ply an overarching sense o f u n i t y even i n a society r i d d l e d w i t h conflicts." Peter Berger captured this overarching function o f religion i n the title o f his b o o k The Sacred Canopy (1969). Berger argued that the "sacred" (religion) stands i n opposition t o chaos, t o the collapse o f social order: "The sacred cosmos emerges out o f chaos and con­ tinues t o confront the latter as its terrible c o n t r a r y " (ibid.:26). Lodged w i t h i n a religious i n s t i t u t i o n , the sacred cosmos serves as a "sacred canopy" that gives meaning, plausibility, and legitimacy t o the norms and social arrangements w i t h i n the society "beneath" its shelter. T h a t is, "the classical task o f r e l i g i o n " is t o construct "a c o m m o n w o r l d w i t h i n w h i c h all o f social life receives ultimate meaning b i n d i n g o n everybody" (ibid.:133—34). This c l a i m that societies must have religion i n order to be inte­ grated is no longer credible i n light o f the evidence that i n many societies there is no l i n k between religion and m o r a l i t y (Stark, i n press). O f course, t h r o u g h the many years w h e n functionalists 245

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(structural or otherwise) were unaware o f this, the p r o p o s i t i o n was affirmed w i t h confidence, and, t o be sure, religion may integrate monotheistic societies having a m o n o p o l y or at least very d o m i n a n t religious organization (if i t doesn't p r o m p t religious rebellions). I n any case, i t was obvious f r o m the start that the U n i t e d States pre­ sented a difficult challenge: pluralism. H o w can a society be m o r ­ ally integrated i f the p o p u l a t i o n is splintered i n t o many competing faiths w i t h diverse m o r a l visions, and having a l o n g history o f m u ­ t u a l antagonism? Berger was d o u b t f u l about the long-term capac­ ity o f any such society t o survive because religious p l a u s i b i l i t y structures are "inherently precarious" and "hang . . . o n a t h i n t h r e a d " (ibid.: 17). Therefore, religions lose credibility w h e n they must compete ( i b i d . : 5 0 - 5 1 ) . Berger concluded that religion was essentially doomed by p l u r a l i s m , and that t o survive, m o d e r n socie­ ties w o u l d have t o develop new, secular, canopies. However, Berger's pessimism was dismissed by more o r t h o d o x structural-functionalists, w h o claimed that w h e n a society holds t o ­ gether despite internal religious conflicts, as American society has done, its "sacred canopy" must n o t be associated w i t h any specific religious faction but must transcend and overarch them a l l , thereby being i m m u n e f r o m m u t u a l contradiction. Thus W i l l Herberg at­ t r i b u t e d the m o r a l integration o f the U n i t e d States to "the A m e r i c a n W a y o f L i f e . " I n his immensely influential Protestant—Catholic— Jew ([1955] 1960:75) he w r o t e : " I t is the American W a y o f Life that supplies A m e r i c a n society w i t h an 'overarching sense o f u n i t y ' a m i d c o n f l i c t . . . The American W a y o f Life is, at b o t t o m , a spiritual structure, a system o f ideas and ideals, o f aspirations and values, o f beliefs and standards; i t synthesizes all that commends itself t o the American as the right, the good, and the true i n actual life." Others acknowledged the existence o f c o m m o n sacred values i n rather more invidious t e r m s — M a r t i n E. M a r t y (1958:78) decried A m e r i c a n "state Shinto." Finally, Parsons' disciple Robert Bellah identified civil religion as the basis for the m o r a l integration o f p l u ­ ralist A m e r i c a . Bellah (1967:3-4) argued that one can identify " c o m m o n ele­ ments o f religious o r i e n t a t i o n that the great m a j o r i t y o f Americans share." These " p r o v i d e a religious dimension for the w h o l e fabric 246

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of A m e r i c a n l i f e . " Moreover, this is a " p u b l i c religious d i m e n s i o n " ; hence he called i t the " A m e r i c a n civil r e l i g i o n . " I n the body o f his essay, Bellah drew excerpts f r o m many A m e r i c a n presidential speeches t o isolate the principle elements o f the civil religion as expressed o n such ceremonial occasions as inaugurations or at m o ­ ments o f great social stress—"references t o G o d are almost invari­ ably t o be f o u n d i n the pronouncements o f A m e r i c a n presidents o n solemn occasions" (ibid.:2). John F. Kennedy concluded his inaugu­ r a t i o n address: " W i t h g o o d conscience our o n l y rewards, w i t h his­ t o r y the final judge o f our deeds, let us go f o r t h t o lead the land we love, asking H i s blessing and H i s help, but k n o w i n g that here o n earth God's w o r k must t r u l y be our o w n . " Bellah p o i n t e d out that Kennedy " d i d n o t refer t o Jesus Christ, or t o Moses, or t o the Chris­ t i a n church . . . his o n l y reference was t o G o d , a w o r d w h i c h almost all Americans can accept but w h i c h means" different things t o dif­ ferent people (ibid.:3). I t is this civil religion that Bellah proposed as fulfillment o f the functionalist religious imperative. As the concept o f civil religion matured, i t has come t o stand for far more t h a n the religious beliefs and sentiments most Americans h o l d i n c o m m o n . M a n y authors have suggested that w h a t m i g h t otherwise be regarded as secular aspects o f A m e r i c a n culture, such as the C o n s t i t u t i o n and the Declaration o f Independence, the flag, and various historical stories, have been infused w i t h sacredness and therefore are components o f the civil religion. W i t h Phillip H a m m o n d (1989), I suggest that this is m u c h t o o b r o a d a definition and neglects the fact that to the extent that i t is useful t o propose the sacred status o f these aspects o f culture, they are made sacred only by association w i t h things seen as intrinsically sacred—reli­ gious things. Hence I l i m i t discussion t o civil religion. N o d o u b t civil religion often serves the n a t i o n a l unity. A t times o f great peril or symbolic importance, i t seems appropriate to most Americans that their leaders and opinion-makers invoke G o d and ask for everyone's prayers, and no d o u b t this produces a far more p o w e r f u l appeal t h a n does one l i m i t e d t o secular values. However, it is i m p o r t a n t t o recognize that w h a t Bellah called civil religion is largely the p r o d u c t o f religious civility, as John M u r r a y C u d d i h y (1978) very perceptively pointed out. T h a t is, the religion i n v o k e d 247

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o n public occasions is expected t o c o n f o r m t o the m i n i m u m stan­ dards o f c i v i l i t y — t o say n o t h i n g more t h a n that t o w h i c h all (or nearly all) can assent. For example, one is expected t o invoke G o d , n o t Jesus Christ. Better yet, one should f o l l o w the example o f the archbishop o f N e w Y o r k and refer t o "the Giver o f all strength." Recognize that, being constrained by norms o f civility, the civil religion is the religion o f v i r t u a l l y no one beyond a few deists. Rather, i t holds the p o w e r t o move people because i t triggers a response i n each i n d i v i d u a l based o n his or her o w n far more v i t a l and distinctive faith. Put another way, different people hear quite different things w h e n the civil religion is i n v o k e d . This gives it universal appeal, but the civil religion is n o t itself a sacred can­ opy. I t m i g h t better be described as a rhetorical weather b u l l e t i n that causes individuals t o u n f u r l their o w n "sacred u m b r e l l a s " — t o invoke Christian Smith's (1998:106) w o n d e r f u l image. Smith continued: Canopies are expansive, immobile, and held up by props beyond the reach of those covered. Umbrellas, on the other hand, are small, handheld, and portable—like the faith-sustaining religious worlds that modern people construct for themselves . . . In the pluralistic, modern world, people don't need macro-encompassing sacred cos­ moses to maintain their religious beliefs. They only need "sacred um­ brellas" . . . religious reference groups . . . "under" which their be­ liefs can make complete sense. I cannot overstate the importance o f the realization that people can both make c o m m o n cause w i t h i n the conventions o f religious civility and retain full c o m m i t m e n t t o a particularistic umbrella. But w h i l e most people seem able t o enjoy the shelter o f their o w n umbrella, confident that i t is superior t o all others, and still n o t be offended by other umbrellas, m a n y intellectuals seem t o find this impossible—Reinhold N i e b u h r being a classic instance. The fa­ mous Protestant theologian struggled for years t o find a w a y t o reconcile his a d m i r a t i o n o f Judaism and his vigorous Z i o n i s m w i t h his equally vigorous Christianity, eventually m o d i f y i n g the latter by concluding that Jews are exempt f r o m the need t o accept Christ (Niebuhr, 1958). I r v i n g K r i s t o l (1949) suggested that N i e b u h r ' s 248

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failure t o "keep the f a i t h " lay i n his i n a b i l i t y t o separate the need for i n h i b i t i o n s o n public religious expression f r o m the need t o fully express one's private convictions. T h a t is, N i e b u h r felt i t indecent only t o treat other faiths as / / t h e y were legitimate. Rather, honesty required that he first accept t h e m as equally inspired. I n this regard, N i e b u h r reflected (and p r o b a b l y was influenced by) a celebrated essay o n prejudice w r i t t e n by the most influential A m e r i c a n liberal p u n d i t o f the first half o f the t w e n t i e t h century. I n A Preface to Morals ([1929] 1 9 6 4 : 7 0 - 7 1 ) , Walter L i p p m a n n w r o t e : As a consequence . . . of religious freedom the churches find them­ selves in an anomalous position. Inwardly, to their communicants, they continue to assert that they possess the only complete version of truth. But outwardly, in their civic relation with other churches and with civil power, they preach and practice toleration . . . [This] involves deep psychological difficulty for members of the congrega­ tion. As communicants they are expected to believe without reserva­ tion that their church is the only true means of salvation . . . But as citizens they are expected to maintain a neutral indifference to the claims of all sects. This is the best compromise that human wisdom has yet devised, but it has one inevitable consequence which the superficial advocates of toleration often overlook . . . The human soul is not so divided in compartments that man can be indifferent in one part of his soul and firmly believing in another . . . The exis­ tence of many churches in one community weakens the foundations of them all. Fifty years later, having quoted this section o f L i p p m a n n ' s dis­ cussion at far greater length t h a n I have done, John M u r r a y C u d dihy (1978) pursued this tension between public and private con­ victions to explain w h y N i e b u h r and so many other advocates o f civility balanced their psychological accounts by m o d i f y i n g their faith, and t o condemn them for having done so. But C u d d i h y seemed t o express even greater contempt for people o f faith w h o are civil despite their fundamental differences. To C u d d i h y ( i b i d . : 2 1 0 - l l ) this was mere " f o r m a l i s m , " a "fiction o f c i v i l i t y . " W a r m i n g more fully t o his critique, C u d d i h y demanded more than that people should merely " s h o w respect for." They must somehow 249

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t r u l y embrace and achieve unreserved solidarity, and this w i t h o u t betraying their faith. T h e n , i n his brief closing paragraph, C u d d i h y laid the final blame: "The Protestant ethic deferred c o n s u m p t i o n . The Protestant esthetic defers ostentation. The Protestant eti­ quette—or, bourgeois civility—defers c o m m u n i t y . " N o mere c i v i l ­ ity here, at least. L i p p m a n n ' s analysis p r o b a b l y captures the inner life o f intellec­ tuals and, i n this case, especially o f theologians. They are given t o seeking "cognitive balance." But most people d o n ' t intellectualize their faith, and, i n m y experience, religious Americans are fully able n o t merely t o respect but t o genuinely like others o f a different faith, w h i l e remaining confident that theirs is the Best o f A l l U m ­ brellas. C o n t r a r y t o C u d d i h y (ibid.:210), such civility is far more t h a n "a solidarity o f the surface." I t is, i n fact, the most sophisti­ cated solidarity o f a l l : t o live i n respectful h a r m o n y w h i l e m a i n ­ t a i n i n g p r o f o u n d l y conflicting faiths.

Southern

"Incivility"

The emergence o f vocal religious liberals and o f a highly secular mass media has exposed the A m e r i c a n South t o considerable abuse concerning religious incivility. The c o m p l a i n t is that the civil reli­ g i o n does n o t prevail i n the southern "Bible Belt," n o t even o n public occasions. Instead, unabashed references to Christ and t o Christianity as the key t o salvation are made openly—even i n the press and o n local r a d i o and television. C o n d e m n a t i o n o f this state o f affairs takes t w o forms. First, southerners are characterized as uneducated fundamentalists, so ignorant that they believe i n Chris­ t i a n particularism. O f this, more i n a m o m e n t . The second stresses that southerners are bigots w h o d o n ' t have the civility n o t t o say these things. Efforts t o discover the "Bible Belt" o n the basis o f i n d i v i d u a l behavior have always failed! Survey studies i n v a r i a b l y show that people i n the South do n o t pray more often or go t o church more often, nor are they more apt t o h o l d basic religious beliefs t h a n are people i n many other parts o f the n a t i o n (Stark and Bainbridge, 1985). But i t is true that w h e n one is d r i v i n g t h r o u g h the South, i t 250

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does seem like a m u c h more religious area o f the n a t i o n because religious expression is frequent, open, and seemingly u n i n h i b i t e d by norms o f civility. W h y ? Because, lacking significant p l u r a l i s m , southerners have n o t had t o w o r r y about offending Catholics or Jews, or even liberal Protestants, for that matter. The reason the South lacks Catholics and Jews has t o do w i t h patterns o f i m m i g r a ­ t i o n . W h e n the major waves o f Catholic and Jewish immigrants arrived, there was n o t h i n g i n the South to attract them—they were not interested i n exchanging a life o f poverty i n Europe for life i n a South smashed by the C i v i l W a r and m i r e d i n extreme poverty. Thus, t o a considerable extent, the South has remained the "Protes­ tant society" that once included the rest o f the n a t i o n . Hence an " i n t e r f a i t h " public ceremony i n m u c h o f the South w i l l usually i n ­ volve the presence o f seven varieties o f Baptists, five species o f Methodists, four brands o f Presbyterians, nine kinds o f Pentecostals, and sometimes an Episcopalian. O n such an occasion, local norms o f civility insist that n o t h i n g be said concerning such contro­ versial matters as infant versus adult baptism, or about the merits of full i m m e r s i o n , and certainly there w i l l be no discussion o f gifts of the spirit. But everyone w i l l t a l k about " O u r L o r d and Savior Jesus C h r i s t . " I f that sounds like a Bible Belt, it's because A m e r i ­ cans elsewhere are constrained t o l i m i t such talk t o the privacy o f their o w n services. As for southerners as ignorant fundamentalists, that brings me t o the w o r s t current offenders o f norms o f civility: secularists, b o t h churched and unchurched.

Secular Incivility Recently, the local media expressed approval w h e n the chief o f po­ lice o f Seattle p r o h i b i t e d his officers f r o m wearing their uniforms t o take part i n a " M a r c h for Jesus." The media were equally agreeable w h e n , the next day, the chief w o r e his u n i f o r m t o m a r c h i n the "Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Parade." I n similar fashion, protest vigils against capital punishment held outside prisons w h e n an execution is scheduled are invariably treated w i t h respect, but vigils outside a b o r t i o n clinics are not. W h e n a n i m a l rights activists berate and abuse w o m e n i n public for w e a r i n g furs, their media

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treatment is favorable i n comparison t o that given demonstrations against clubs featuring w o m e n w e a r i n g n o t h i n g . W h e n 1960s leftists are caught after years o f l i v i n g u n d e r g r o u n d i n order t o a v o i d punishment for p l a n t i n g bombs or k i l l i n g policemen, the press encourages and condones very m i l d or even suspended sen­ tences for such " y o u t h f u l idealism." But there is n o h i n t o f sympa­ t h y for those w h o have b o m b e d an a b o r t i o n clinic or shot an abor­ tionist. Every Christmas the media help t o uncover some "tasteless" public school chorus director w h o included "sectarian" carols i n a concert, meanwhile expressing outrage that religious "fanatics" protest against the use o f government funds t o subsidize or display virulently antireligious " a r t " such as Serrano's Piss Christ, consisting o f a crucifix i n a tube o f urine. The clear standard used by most o f the media is that m o r a l engagement is w o n d e r f u l so l o n g as i t is entirely secular. As for religious morality, or indeed any deeply felt religious expression, n o t h i n g c o u l d be more mis­ guided or even dangerous. Indeed, the media c o u l d n o t even r e p o r t the death o f M o t h e r Teresa w i t h o u t p r o v i d i n g "balance" by solicit­ ing nasty attacks o n her sincerity and m e r i t f r o m various profes­ sional atheists. 2

A m a z i n g l y enough, i t is deists w i t h i n the churches—most o f t h e m c l e r g y — w h o are the most vociferous opponents o f p u b l i c ex­ pressions o f t r a d i t i o n a l Judeo-Christian values, typically o n grounds o f "fundamentalism." Moreover, this is n o t h i n g new. Re­ call h o w the liberal churchmen i n N e w England i n the eighteenth century responded t o George Whitefield's revivals by o u t l a w i n g t h e m , or h o w Congregational and Presbyterian clerics condemned the enthusiasm o f Baptists and M e t h o d i s t s i n the nineteenth cen­ t u r y — h o w dare they pray i n "language o f unbecoming f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h G o d ? " thundered the eminent Congregationalist divine Asahel N e t t l e t o n (Beecher and N e t t l e t o n , 1828:91). Ironically, by the start o f the t w e n t i e t h century i t was the M e t h ­ odists, n o w become dignified liberals, w h o expelled m a n y clergy (and congregations) because they supported the Holiness M o v e ­ ment. But i t was d u r i n g the 1920s that t r u l y vicious attacks by the liberal clergy o n "sectarians" came i n t o full blossom, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n N e w Y o r k C i t y and at the I v y League d i v i n i t y schools. For exam252

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pie, the collection o f nonpracticing clergy o n the staff o f the Insti­ tute o f Social and Religious Research, funded by Rockefeller money and located i n N e w Y o r k City, were w i t h o u t any restraint i n their published condemnations o f evangelical Protestants as "a p o o r class o f m i x e d b l o o d and m o r o n i c intelligence," "a backwash of sectarianism . . . i n . . . the more b a c k w a r d sections o f the na­ t i o n , " the p r o d u c t o f " i n f e r i o r m i n d s " ; they asserted that sound religious practice w o u l d require that the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f c o u n t r y churches be taken " o u t o f the hand o f the weak brother and the silly sister" (Finke and Stark, 1992:234). I n 1959, u p o n c o m p l e t i o n o f his t e r m as president o f the N a ­ t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f Churches (headquartered o n Riverside D r i v e i n N e w Y o r k C i t y ) , the Reverend Eugene Carson Blake lamented that church u n i t y was prevented by the " c u l t u r a l crudities" o f evangeli­ cal Protestant beliefs (1959:76). T h e n , i n w h a t he seems to have t h o u g h t was a conciliatory tone, he urged his colleagues t o help " t o b r i n g these sincere men out o f theological isolation and personal provincialism." I n an essay i n i t i a l l y published i n the Jesuit magazine America, Father Patrick M . A r n o l d o f St. Louis University denounced " f u n ­ damentalism" (including the Catholic variety) as a f o r m o f " r e l i ­ gious disease" (1990:174) m a r k e d by "extreme fanaticism" and "fear of, and o u t r i g h t hostility t o , m o d e r n values and t h o u g h t " (ibid.:181). This so impressed the very liberal N o t r e Dame theolo­ gian Father R i c h a r d P. O ' B r i e n that he reprinted excerpts f r o m A r ­ nold's essay i n one o f his weekly newspaper columns. One must, o f course, cite John Shelby Spong, u n t i l recently the Episcopalian bishop o f N e w a r k , n o t o n l y because o f his e x t r a o r d i ­ nary incivility, b u t because he gets t o express i t so frequently o n television—the media can't resist an actual bishop w h o says G o d is n o t conscious and Christ d i d n o t rise, and w h o is w i l l i n g to attack those w h o do believe these " m y t h s " as captives o f " i r r a t i o n a l reli­ gious anger," and o f beliefs used only " t o bolster deeply insecure and fearful people" ( 1 9 9 2 : 4 - 5 ) . A n o t h e r member o f the choir is the Reverend Peter J. Gomes, professor o f Christian morals at H a r v a r d D i v i n i t y , w h o edified readers o f Harvard Magazine (the a l u m n i pe­ riodical) t o the effect that the grip o f evangelical Protestantism lies 253

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i n "paranoia more t h a n a p o l i c y " (1996:36). N o t t o be outdone by his Christian colleagues, M o r t i m e r O s t o w (1990:113), psycho­ analyst and faculty member o f the Jewish Theological Seminary o f America, diagnosed "the fundamentalist [as] regressing t o the state o f the m i n d o f the c h i l d w h o resists differentiation f r o m its mother. The messiah and the group itself represent the r e t u r n i n g mother." L i t t l e wonder, then, that writers i n the secular press offer similar libels. W r i t i n g i n the Washington Post, M i c h a e l Weisskopf (1993:A10) characterized evangelical Protestants as "poor, unedu­ cated and easy t o c o m m a n d . " "Fashionable" o p i n i o n " k n o w s " that t r a d i t i o n a l believers, and especially those w h o conceive o f G o d as an active, all-seeing being w h o actually hears prayers, are stupid, crazy, ignorant, and dangerous. But competent social scientists k n o w that these are lies, entirely equivalent t o fantasies concerning Jewish conspiracies or orgies i n Catholic convents. N o r are these beliefs about evangelicals t o be excused o n grounds o f " i g n o ­ rance." I have t o o often acquainted reporters w i t h the facts, o n l y t o find n o trace o f t h e m i n the final article or film segment. Once again, let i t be noted that there is an immense b o d y o f research refuting these efforts t o denigrate religious people. I t even turns o u t that religious people are rather superior i n terms o f their mental and physical health. Since I have c o n t r i b u t e d t o and summarized this literature extensively i n other w o r k , I shall n o t repeat i t here (Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . As things n o w stand, secularists campaign even against the civil r e l i g i o n — n o religious expression is inclusive, all being an affront t o the nonbeliever. Therefore, i t is urged, all public expressions o f religion should be suppressed—no prayers o f any sort, n o matter h o w interreligious, should even be uttered at public events—and all " r e l i g i o u s " holidays should be sanitized i n t o secularity: "Jingle Bells," yes; "Silent N i g h t , " n o . T h a t this is an affront t o the major­ ity seems t o count for n o t h i n g . T h a t this conflict is between secu­ larity and religion, rather t h a n a m o n g religions, is apparent i n the fact that most religious Jews do n o t support protests against Christ­ mas h o l i d a y displays, for example, but merely ask for an equal o p p o r t u n i t y for H a n u k k a h displays. 3

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Success and Civility A p r i m a r y reason for the constant effort t o associate faith w i t h ignorance and poverty is t o convince the public that n o t o n l y m a y "these people" differ f r o m t h e m o n religious grounds b u t they are located o n the far side o f other significant social cleavages. Thus current media images o f ignorant "rednecks" m a r c h i n g t o the beat of the Religious R i g h t add class cleavages t o i m p u t e d ideological shortcomings i n precisely the same w a y as was done w i t h Catholics back i n the 1840s: " I r i s h m e n fresh f r o m the bogs o f Ireland are led up t o vote like d u m b brutes . . . t o vote d o w n intelligent, honest, native A m e r i c a n s " (in Hennesey, 1981:119). Indeed, a major factor i n the demise o f anti-Catholicism was their u p w a r d m o b i l i t y — w h e n i t became obvious that Catholics matched Protestants i n terms o f income and education, their acceptance was ensured. Since television news n o w dominates, i t is w o r t h m e n t i o n that a major m e t h o d o f i m p u t i n g shortcomings t o religious people (or t o anyone w i t h w h o m they disagree) is the ability o f the media t o select w h o m t o show d o i n g w h a t . Ever since the i n v e n t i o n o f the camera, newspeople have biased their presentations by p i c k i n g u n ­ flattering photos o f their opponents and flattering photos o f their friends. I n coverage o f social movements, i t l o n g has been their practice t o bias reports by selecting w h i c h persons t o offer as repre­ sentative o f a g r o u p . O l d - t i m e news photographers used t o brag that they had never taken a picture o f an attractive p r o h i b i t i o n i s t or o f a goofy or sinister-looking " w e t . " The lesson was n o t lost o n contemporary p h o t o and T V journalists—compare film o f p r o choice and pro-life demonstrators sometime, and discover that usu­ ally the w o m e n representing the latter o u t w e i g h their opponents by an average o f a h u n d r e d pounds. A great i r o n y is that i n recent times, w h i l e the media have been very concerned t o falsely identify evangelical Christians as poor, uneducated, and southerners, they have been equally concerned t o present t h e m as l i l y - w h i t e (hence racists)—this is especially true o f coverage given t o groups such as the Promise Keepers. I n fact, the Promise Keepers and m a n y similar C h r i s t i a n organizations, most 255

CHAPTER

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Pentecostal groups, and the Jehovah's Witnesses are unusually i n ­ terracial (Everton, 1999; Stark and Iannaccone, 1997). But one sel­ d o m sees that o n television or reads about i t i n the press, since most media people " k n o w " that these groups are racist—no matter w h o shows up. Thus the Village Voice ( i n Leo, 1997) denounced the Promise Keepers for their " p o l i c y o f racial diversity so overt t h a t it reeks o f insincerity." O f course, c o m m i t t e d Christians sometimes respond i n k i n d . Re­ markably, however, for all that the Christian Right preoccupies secu­ larist publications, secularists, i n t u r n , are rarely even mentioned i n evangelical publications. W h e n they are, the responses are usually soberly issue-oriented or consist o f complaints about the falsity or inappropriateness o f the condemnations. Seldom, however, do these responses violate norms o f religious civility. Indeed, there is far greater emphasis o n interfaith ties and o n ecumenical conversations and cooperation i n publications such as Charisma, Christianity Today, or First Things t h a n i n liberal periodicals such as Christian Century or America. A n d , as even the New York Times has ac­ knowledged, i t is the Reverend Jerry Falwell, n o t Bishop John Shelby Spong or the Reverend M a r t i n E. M a r t y , w h o has been dec­ orated by the government o f Israel. This is entirely consistent w i t h the results o f national surveys, w h i c h show that evangelical Chris­ tians, including persons w h o identify themselves as supporters o f the Religious Right, are substantially more favorable t o w a r d Israel, and somewhat more favorable t o w a r d Jews i n general, t h a n are l i b ­ eral Christians or the irreligious (see, e.g., Smith, 1999)—despite the fact that evangelicals continue t o support missions t o convert Jews t o Christianity! Moreover, a new study has demonstrated that the only significant f o r m o f religious prejudice i n America is " A n t i - F u n ­ damentalism," and i t is concentrated among highly educated people w i t h o u t an active religious affiliation (Bolce and D e M a i o , 1999).

The Globalization

of

Civility?

However, even at its w o r s t , A m e r i c a n religious i n c i v i l i t y is tepid compared w i t h w h a t prevails i n most o f the rest o f the w o r l d . D u r ­ ing the past decade M u s l i m s have k i l l e d more t h a n a m i l l i o n Chris256

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tians i n the Sudan, and the m o u n t i n g death t o l l i n Indonesia shows no signs o f abating. Religious violence occurs daily i n India. I n M e x i c o , Protestant converts still risk being murdered i n the more remote villages. Recently, the Russian O r t h o d o x C h u r c h has pre­ vailed i n the passage o f repressive laws against "foreign faiths," w h i c h apply even t o some o f the more t r a d i t i o n a l factions w i t h i n O r t h o d o x y . I n L i t h u a n i a i t is the R o m a n Catholic hierarchy w h o have p r o m p t e d government repression o f Protestants. M e a n w h i l e , as they have for m a n y centuries, O r t h o d o x Catholics, R o m a n Catholics, and M u s l i m s i n the Balkans continue t o k i l l one another. O f course, missionizing by "unbelievers" still carries the death pen­ alty i n most Islamic nations. I n contrast, the Chinese government is quite evenhanded, m u r d e r i n g , t o r t u r i n g , and i m p r i s o n i n g everyone having any f o r m o f serious religious c o m m i t m e n t . Even i n western Europe there is a constant stream o f virulent, official condemnations o f n o n c o n f o r m i n g religious groups, accom­ panied by policies o f open harassment and repression o f all compet­ itors t o the recognized, and usually subsidized, churches. I n p r i n c i ­ ple, most nations o f western Europe assert freedom o f w o r s h i p , but i n reality they p e r m i t almost u n l i m i t e d discretion t o bureaucrats and parliaments concerning specific policies and decisions t o i m ­ pose sanctions o n m i n o r i t y religions. I have recently published a substantial account o f h o w most European governments are using their powers t o repress religious p l u r a l i s m , often very severely (Stark and Finke, 2 0 0 0 ) . Here i t is sufficient t o note that these are democratic nations w h i c h c l a i m t o respect h u m a n rights. I f even they remain i n t o l e r a n t and repressive o f religious n o n c o n f o r m i t y , can we ever expect b r u t a l religious repression t o stop i n nations m a k i n g no pretense about respecting h u m a n rights? Since so m u c h religion has diffused a r o u n d the w o r l d , isn't i t possible that one day norms o f religious civility w i l l diffuse too? A c c o r d i n g t o m a n y enthusiastic proponents o f " g l o b a l i z a t i o n the­ ory," travel, trade, and the mass media expose people i n m a n y na­ tions t o one another's culture, and the expected result is a substan­ tial degree o f sociocultural amalgamation (Beyer, 1994; Meyer, 1980; Robertson, 1 9 8 5 , 1 9 9 2 ; Robertson and Garrett, 1 9 9 1 ; Simp­ son, 1996; Wallerstein, 1 9 7 4 , 1 9 8 4 ) . Some presume that globaliza257

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5

t i o n w i l l end religious conflict because i t w i l l destroy or simply bypass a l l t r a d i t i o n a l religions (Lechner, 1991a, 1991b; W a l lerstein, 1974, 1984), leaving, at most, a "universalisée" residue w h e r e i n a l l religions are regarded as the same (Turner, 1991). T h i s is, o f course, merely the o l d secularization thesis i n n e w clothes, and equally unfounded (Stark, 1999c). But a rather more moderate c l a i m is that the g l o b a l i z a t i o n o f religious norms more compatible w i t h m o d e r n i t y and tolerance w i l l be speeded by the fact t h a t so m a n y religious institutions already are i n t e r n a t i o n a l . T h u s , for ex­ ample, i t can be argued that given the presence o f the R o m a n C a t h ­ olic C h u r c h i n so m a n y nations, and given that recent popes have taken significant steps t o w a r d religious civility, t h a t c h u r c h can serve as a vehicle for the spread o f legal t o l e r a t i o n and n o r m s o f c i v i l i t y (Roberts, 1995). This is h a r d l y the place t o register m y skepticism concerning globalization. I t seems sufficient t o register m y doubts that reli­ gious intolerance and i n c i v i l i t y w i l l be overcome by the diffusion or globalization o f liberal enlightenment. A n esteemed Irish-American p o l i t i c i a n loved t o e x p l a i n that " a l l politics is l o c a l , " and I t h i n k this t r u t h fully applies t o the " p o l i t i c s " o f religious civility. Hence w h i l e presenting a m o d e l o f c i v i l i t y i n the U n i t e d States, locally i n various parts o f Europe the R o m a n Catholic C h u r c h has encour­ aged the repression and persecution o f "dissenting" religious groups. I f Pope J o h n Paul I I has several times directed quite concil­ i a t o r y remarks t o w a r d Jews, he has also consistently attacked local Protestant "sects and new religious groups w h o sow c o n f u s i o n " i n every L a t i n A m e r i c a n n a t i o n he has visited (Sywulka, 1996:94). W h a t I t h i n k this shows is that norms o f civility depend o n local conditions. Societies w i l l n o t e x h i b i t religious c i v i l i t y unless, or u n t i l , they develop a t r u l y pluralistic religious situation o f their o w n — l i k e Americans before t h e m , other societies w i l l n o t develop religious c i v i l i t y u n t i l they must. Thus before there w i l l be religious c i v i l i t y i n Europe, for example, there must first be significant p l u r a l ­ ism, w h i c h may, i n fact, soon exist because o f t w o current trends. First, rising levels o f i m m i g r a t i o n are b r i n g i n g substantial numbers of R o m a n and O r t h o d o x Catholics as w e l l as M u s l i m s t o nations having Protestant state churches ( H a m b e r g , 1995, 1999). Second, 258

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the immense American-based mission t o " C h r i s t i a n i z e " Europe portends a diversity o f evangelical Protestant groups, as outlined i n Chapter 2 . If these trends do produce p l u r a l i s m , then we m a y observe the appearance o f religious civility i n European nations. As for the rest o f the w o r l d , i t seems very unlikely that people w i l l learn the lessons o f tolerance merely by observing events abroad. 4

Conclusion For generations, the prevailing social scientific o r t h o d o x y about religious p l u r a l i s m has been strangely contradictory. O n the one hand, w i t h A d a m Smith as the unrecognized dissenter, everyone has believed that p l u r a l i s m weakens all faiths as each undercuts the plausibility o f all o f the others. O n the other h a n d , i t has been regarded as equally certain that these implausible and w a n i n g faiths w i l l nevertheless be able t o generate such intense partisan­ ship as t o cause deadly conflicts. N o t only were these views contra­ dictory, b u t each is clearly w r o n g . N o w h e r e does religious apathy and alienation prevail so widely, and nowhere is there a greater potential for violent religious conflict, t h a n i n societies where one religious b o d y attempts t o m a i n t a i n a m o n o p o l y . The key t o high levels o f local religious c o m m i t m e n t and o f religious civility, is n o t fewer religions, but more.

Notes 1. I have imposed modern spelling. 2. See the incredible piece by Germaine Greer in Newsweek, September 8, 1997. 3. Presented w i t h overwhelming evidence to the contrary, the editors of the Post published a retraction concerning poverty and education, letting "easy to c o m m a n d " stand. 4. I n keeping w i t h the theory, religious civility already seems well on its w a y in several L a t i n A m e r i c a n nations such as C h i l e , where Protestant groups have gained large memberships.

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301

•

Index

•

Following page references, / indicates illustration; p indicates photograph; t indicates table; and m indicates map. A m e r i c a n religious civility: A m e r i c a n

A a g a a r d , Johannes, 1 0 7 Abihu, 27

civil religion a n d , 2 4 4 - 5 0 ; Bible

absolute monotheism, 2 4 - 2 5

Belt Southern, 2 5 0 - 5 1 ; C a t h o l i c par­

Africa: C a t h o l i c missions i n , 1 0 3 ;

ticularism a n d , 2 3 3 - 3 8 ; cognitive

growth of Protestant sects i n , 1 0 2 - 3

balance of, 2 5 0 ; globalization of,

Age of E x p l o r a t i o n , 8 6 - 8 7

2 5 6 - 5 9 ; Jews a n d , 2 3 9 - 4 0 ; of N e w

A g o b a r d , bishop of L y o n , 158

Y o r k pluralism, 2 4 0 - 4 4 ; origins/de­

Akhenaten (Amenhotep IV, E g y p t i a n

velopment of, 2 2 8 - 3 3 ; Protestant

p h a r a o h ) , 3 0 p , 3 1 , 3 2 - 3 3 , 5 1 , 121

approaches to, 2 3 8 - 3 9 ; secular inci­

A l a m a n n i , 7 0 , 71

vility a n d , 2 5 1 - 5 4 ; separation of

Albigensian heresy, 1 6 7

c h u r c h and state a n d , 2 3 3 - 3 4

Albright, W i l l i a m F o x w e l l , 2 2 , 2 6

Amish, 175, 188, 189

A l c u i n of Y o r k , 7 3 , 7 4

Ananias, 5 8 - 5 9

Aldebert, 158

angels, 2 6

Alexander I I , Pope, 1 5 0 , 1 5 1 , 1 5 2 ,

anti-Catholicism (U.S.), 2 3 1 , 2 3 2 / - 3 3 ,

170

238-39

Alexius C o m n e n u s (Byzantine em­

"Anti-Fundamentalism" prejudice,

peror), 1 3 7

256

A l l a h : evil of lesser beings a n d , 2 5 ; ex­

anti-Semitism: Beziers massacre

clusive obedience/rewards relation

(1209) as, 162; Black D e a t h ( 1 3 4 7 -

w i t h , 3 4 - 3 5 . See also I s l a m

1350) a n d , 131/"-32/", 1 5 3 - 5 6 , 189;

A l l e n , W a y n e , 98

collateral conflict of, 1 2 4 - 2 8 , 129/*-

Alroy, G i l C a r l , 1 6 9

33/", 134; as collateral to C h r i s t i a n -

A m b r o s e , St., 6 3

I s l a m conflict, 1 6 2 - 6 6 ; during the

America (Jesuit magazine), 2 5 3 , 2 5 6

Crusades, 129f-30f

A m e r i c a n Baptist M i s s i o n a r y U n i o n ,

G r e c o - R o m a n w o r l d , 187; historic

9

91

135-48; in

evidence of, 8 1 - 8 2 , 1 2 1 - 2 2 ; as insig­

A m e r i c a n Baptists, 9 9 , 2 3 0 , 2 3 1

nificant i n A m e r i c a n culture, 2 1 4 ;

A m e r i c a n B o a r d of C o m m i s s i o n e r s for

of Judenbreter (Jew-roasters), 1 4 8 ,

Foreign M i s s i o n s ( A B C F M ) , 9 0

156/; during M o n g o l Conquest of

A m e r i c a n civil religion, 2 4 4 - 5 0

Persia ( 1 2 9 0 - 1 2 9 1 ) , 133/*, 1 7 0 - 7 1 ;

American Freedom and Catholic Power (Blanshard), 2 3 2

ticularism explanation of, 1 1 6 - 1 7 ;

American Jews, 2 1 0 - 1 5 , 213f

principles of causation of, 1 2 3 - 2 4 ;

A m e r i c a n Protestant missions: col­

as revenge against Crucifixion, 1 4 7 ,

opportunity thesis of, 165-66; par­

lapse of liberal missionizing i n , 9 8 -

148; during revolt i n Paris ( 1 3 8 0 -

102; denominations participating

1381), 1 3 2 / , 1 3 4 , 1 5 6 - 5 7 ; i n Spain

in, 99; to E u r o p e , 104; origins a n d

by Christians, 131/", 1 4 9 - 5 3 ; i n

development of, 9 2 - 9 8

Spain by M u s l i m s , 133/", 1 6 8 - 7 0 ; i n

303

INDEX

anti-Semitism: (cont'd)

beliefs: civility relation to religious,

United States (nineteenth century),

2 2 6 - 2 7 ; incorporation of local, 8 3 ;

2 3 1 - 3 2 . See also J e w i s h - C h r i s t i a n

religion as matter of, 2 1 5 n . l ; rituals

relations; J e w i s h people; religious

as producing, 1 8 0 - 8 1 ; i n scope of

conflict

God, 176

A q u i n a s , T h o m a s , 15

Bellah, R o b e r t , 2 4 6 , 2 4 7

Argentine C a t h o l i c population, 9 5

Berger, Peter, 2 4 5 , 2 4 6

A r g u n , G r a n d K h a n , 170

Berman, Eli, 5 7

A r i a n heretics, 8 2 , 1 3 4

Bernard, Pierre (Peter C o o n s ) , 1 1 0

Aristotle, 21

Bernard of C l a i r v a u x , St., 1 4 3 , 145p, 146

Arius, 64 A r n o l d , Father Patrick M . , 2 5 3

Bernard of T i r o n , 161

Arnold, T. W., 8 4 - 8 5

Berr, Berr Isaac, 1 9 9 - 2 0 0 , 2 0 2

asceticism: of Buddhist m o n k s , 4 5 ; of

Beziers massacre (1209), 1 6 2

C h r i s t i a n m o n k missionaries, 6 8 ; of

Bhagavad G i t a , 1 0 9

clergy promoting C r u s a d e s , 161; of

Bhaktivedanta, S w a m i A . C , 8 6 , 1 1 0

J e w i s h Essenes, 67; religious cul­

Bible Belt "incivility," 2 5 0 - 5 1

tural role of, 66-67

Black D e a t h ( 1 3 4 7 - 1 3 5 0 ) ,

ropean countries, 8 8 - 8 9 ; Society of Brethren, 9 0

131/-32/",

153-56, 189

Asian/Southeast A s i a n missions: by E u ­

Blake, Rev. Eugene C a r s o n , 2 5 3 B l a n s h a r d , Paul, 2 3 2

assimilation. See Jewish assimilation

Blavatsky, H e l e n a Petrovna, 1 0 9

Aten (One G o d ) w o r s h i p , 3 1 - 3 3 , 3 4 ,

Bloch, M a r c , 3, 77

51 Athanasius, St., 68 A t k i n s o n , W i l l i a m Walker, 110

Atlantic Monthly, 100 Augustine, St., 6 4 , 6 5 , 1 1 8 , 1 2 5 Avitus of Averna, 1 3 5 Baeck, L e o , 190 Bainbridge, W i l l i a m F o l w e l l , 9 2 , 9 7 -

bodhisattvas, 4 7 B o o k of Judith ( O l d Testament), 5 3 B r a h m a n ( H i n d u G o d ) , 1 0 7 , 108 Brazilian C a t h o l i c population, 9 5 British and Foreign Bible Society, 9 0 Brondsted, Johannes, 75 Brotherhood Week ( 1 9 3 4 ) , 2 4 4 Buber, M a r t i n , 2 4 0 B u d d h a (Siddhartha G a u t a m a ) : m o ­ nastic order formed by, 4 5 ; super­

98, 103 Bainbridge, W i l l i a m Sims, 1 1 3 n . l 0 B a l k a n religious intolerance, 2 5 7

natural beings rejected by, 11 Buddhism: authority of doctrines i n , 11; claimed as Godless religion, 10;

Baptist M i s s i o n a r y Society, 9 0

disappearance of from I n d i a , 4 7 ,

Baptists, 9 9 , 2 3 0 , 2 3 1

49p; monastic movement of, 4 5 - 5 0 ;

Barnabus, 5 7 , 60

orthodox vs. popular, 4 6 - 4 7 ; pene­

B a r o n , Salo, 5 8 , 141

tration of J a p a n by, 4 9 - 5 0 , 62; as

Battle of Stikklestad (1030), 73

philosophy, 4 5 ; polytheism of popu­

Battle of Svolder (1000), 7 2

lar, 13/; priesthood of, 4 5 , 4 6 , 4 7 ,

Battle of Tours (732), 1 4 9 - 5 0

50; spread into C h i n a of, 4 7 - 4 8

Baumgarten, Albert, 7 0

Buddhist monastery (India), 4 9 p

Beecher, L y m a n , 2 3 1 , 2 3 8

Buddhist monks: compared to C h r i s ­

Beguines (female Free Spirit group),

tian m o n k s , 69; missionary efforts

163

by, 4 7 - 5 0 , 62; origins of, 4 5

304

INDEX

Bulliet, R i c h a r d W , 8 3 - 8 4

of, 125; secular outrage at public ex­

Buber, M a r t i n , 1

pressions of, 2 5 1 - 5 6 ; transforma­

Burgess, Anthony, 1 6 9

tion of from mass to elite move­

Calvin, John, 28

Western, 1 5 9 - 6 2

ment, 6 1 - 6 2 ; t w o "churches" of Carey, W i l l i a m , 9 0

Christianity Today, 256

Catholic Almanac, 95

Christian missions: A m e r i c a n Protes­ tant, 9 2 - 1 0 2 , 104; collapse of early,

C a t h o l i c C h u r c h . See R o m a n C a t h o l i c

6 1 - 7 8 ; collapse of liberal, 9 8 - 1 0 2 ,

Church

2 4 3 ; depicted as serving colonial

Center for J e w i s h Studies at the

capitalism, 1 0 4 - 5 ; early history of,

School of O r i e n t a l and African Stud­

5 9 - 6 0 ; early Protestant, 8 9 - 9 7 ;

ies ( L o n d o n ) , 5 7

Charisma, 2 5 6

early Spanish N e w W o r l d , 8 6 - 8 8 ;

Charlemagne, 7 3 - 7 4 , 81

evangelical Protestantism, 9 5 , 1 0 1 -

Charles M a r t e l , 1 4 9 , 1 5 0

2, 104; evangelism compared to, 86;

Charney, Geoffroi de, 1 2 0

from E u r o p e to N e w W o r l d , 8 8 - 8 9 ;

Chazan, Robert, 124-25, 128, 134

impact of fall of R o m e on, 66; into

C h i l e a n C a t h o l i c population, 9 5

L a t i n A m e r i c a , 8 7 , 9 4 - 9 5 , 102, 1 0 3 ;

Chinese Gods/godlings, 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 0 p

by missionary m o n k s to barbarians,

Chinese J e w i s h communities, 1 9 3 - 9 9

6 6 - 78; network of monasteries sup­

C h o s e n People: evangelical Protestants

porting, 6 8 - 6 9 ; rebirth of, 8 5 - 9 8 ;

on, 104; J e w i s h people as, 52; ques­

success w i t h Jewish people of, 1 9 0 -

tion of w h o are, 2 4 0

93; targeting of mass vs. elite by,

Christian Beliefs and Anti-Semitism

6 7 - 68. See also missionizing impera­

( G l o c k and Stark), 1 1 6

tive; professional missionaries

Christian Century, 2 5 6

C h r i s t i a n monasteries, 6 8 - 6 9

C h r i s t i a n D e m o c r a t i c A p p e a l (Nether­

C h r i s t i a n monks: compared to B u d ­

lands), 2 2 5

dhist m o n k s , 69; divinity image pre­

C h r i s t i a n heretics. See heresy

sented by early, 69; as missionary

Christianity: as "add-on religion" to

network, 6 8 - 6 9 ; w o r k among bar­

paganism, 75-77; during Age of E x ­

barians by, 6 6 - 7 8

ploration, 8 6 - 8 7 ; attacks against p a ­

C h r i s t i a n Right, 2 5 6

ganism/heretics by, 6 3 - 6 4 ; catalogs

Christmas services, 1 7 9 - 8 0

of heresy w i t h i n , 117; dualistic

C h u r c h M i s s i o n a r y Society for Africa

monotheism of, 2 5 - 2 8 ; establish­

and the E a s t , 9 0 - 9 1

ment of as elite organizations, 6 2 -

C h u r c h of E n g l a n d , 89

66; forced Islamic conversion from,

Church of Piety (Catholic Church),

80; generic religion features in, 3 7 38; G r e c o - R o m a n conversion to,

159-62, 221

Church of Power (Catholic Church),

4 2 - 4 3 ; H o l y W a r concept adopted by, 1 5 0 - 5 1 ; incorporation of local

1 5 9 - 6 0 , 162, 2 2 0 - 2 1 C h u r c h of the H o l y Sepulchre (Jerusa­

belief/practice by, 83; infusion of polytheism in, 2 4 - 2 5 ; missionizing

imperative of, 35; Re-thinking Mis­ sions questioning superiority of, 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; Second C o m i n g doctrine

lem),

135-36

civility. See religious civility civil religion, 2 4 4 - 5 0 classical era religion. See Greek/ R o m a n religion

305

INDEX

C l a u d i u s ( R o m a n emperor), 5 5

M a l a y through A r a b trade, 8 4 - 8 5 ;

C l a u d i u s , bishop of T u r i n , 158

miracle role i n , 7 1 - 7 2 ; organization

Clement IV, Pope, 1 5 3 , 1 5 4

benefits through, 9 6 - 9 8 ; rates of for

Clement V , Pope, 1 2 0

A m e r i c a n Jews, 2 1 3 - 1 5 ; R e f o r m

Clement V I , Pope, 153

movement a n d J e w i s h , 2 0 5 - 7 ; so­

Clotilde (wife to C l o v i s ) , 7 0

cial network, 5 1 , 6 0 , 6 7 - 6 8 , 7 1 ,

C l o v i s ( F r a n k i s h king), 6 9 - 7 1 / , 7 2

112n.7; targeting mass vs. elite, 6 7 -

cohanim (Jewish hereditary priest

68; "trickle-down" theory of, 7 3 -

clan), 5 7 , 58

74, 8 3 - 8 4 ; of the Visigoths, 1 3 4 -

Cohen, M a r k , 169

3 5 , 157; through w o m e n , 7 1 . See

C o h e n , Shaye J . D . , 5 2 , 58

also military conversion; missioniz-

Cohn, Norman, 167, 177

ing efforts

C o l e m a n , James, 14

costs: interest i n supernatural a n d ,

C o l l i n s , J o h n , 191

1 4 - 1 8 ; rationality of, 1 4 - 1 5

C o l l i n s , R a n d a l l , 4 5 , 1 7 9 , 181

C o u n c i l of Sardica (341), 6 2 - 6 3

C o m m i s s i o n o n G o o d W i l l Between

C o u n c i l of Trent ( 1 5 4 5 - 1 5 6 3 ) , 2 3 6

Jews a n d Christians (1923), 2 4 4

Counter-Reformation conversions,

C o m t e , August, 4

77-78

confidence: building belief a n d , 1 7 7 -

Crucifixion: anti-Semitism as revenge

79; i n prayer, 183

against, 1 4 7 , 148; mythological

conflict. See religious conflict

basis of, 3 7 - 3 8 ; V a t i c a n I I C o u n c i l

Confucianism: B u d d h i s m as alterna­

on, 2 3 9

tive to, 4 8 - 4 9 ; Chinese Jews' schol­

"crusade of the poor," 1 4 0

arship of, 198; as Godless religion,

Crusades: anti-Semitic outbursts dur­

10, 1 1 , 4 8

ing, 129f-30f

9

Congregationalists, 9 9 , 2 3 0 , 2 3 1

1 3 5 - 4 8 ; called to

protect Constantinople, 1 3 7 - 3 9 ;

Congress of V i e n n a ( 1 8 1 5 ) , 2 0 1

C h u r c h of Piety's promotion of the,

Conservative J u d a i s m , 2 1 2

1 6 0 - 6 2 ; examining materialist inter­

Constantine ( R o m a n emperor): C h r i s ­

pretation of, 1 5 1 - 5 3 ; failure to gen­

tian conversion by, 5 9 , 6 0 , 6 1 ;

erate "Spanish C r u s a d e " a n d , 1 5 0 -

C h r i s t i a n establishment promoted

5 3 ; First ( 1 0 9 5 - 1 0 9 9 ) , 129/", 1 3 7 -

by, 6 2 - 6 3 , 2 2 7

4 3 , 161; rediscovery of heresy a n d ,

Constantinople: Crusades called to

1 5 7 - 5 9 ; Second ( 1 1 4 6 - 1 1 4 9 ) , 129/",

protect, 1 3 7 - 3 9 ; Seljuk T u r k i s h con­

1 4 3 - 4 6 ; Shepherd's C r u s a d e

trol over, 1 3 6 - 3 7

( 1 3 2 0 ) , 130/", 147; T h i r d ( 1 1 8 8 -

conversion: C h r i s t i a n elite, 6 7 - 6 9 ,

1 1 9 2 ) , 129/-30/", 1 4 6 - 4 7 ; violence

7 2 - 7 3 , 7 7 - 7 8 ; Christianity a n d so­

against J e w i s h people during, 114/

cial network, 6 0 ; of Constantine to

Cuddihy, J o h n M u r r a y , 2 4 7 , 2 4 9 - 5 0

Christianity, 5 9 , 6 0 , 6 1 ; defining, 5 0 , 112n.3; of F r a n k i s h king C l o v i s , 6 9 - 7 1 / , 72; geographical variations

cultural continuity principle, 75-76 cultural identity markers, 112n.4, 185, 2 0 9

of J e w i s h , 2 0 6 - 7 ; illumination o n J e w i s h refusal of C h r i s t i a n , 142/;

culture: asceticism role i n religious,

J e w i s h assimilation through, 2 0 5 - 7 ;

66-67; civil religion a n d A m e r i c a n ,

of J e w i s h people to early C h r i s t i a n ­

2 4 7 - 4 8 ; diffusion of, 3 6 - 3 7 ; diffu­

ity, 1 1 2 n . 6 , 1 9 3 - 9 4 ; Judaism's mis-

sion of religious, 3 7 - 4 0 ; globaliza­

sionizing efforts for, 5 2 - 5 9 ; of

tion theory o n spread of, 2 5 7 - 5 8 ;

306

INDEX

elite conversion: C h r i s t i a n C h u r c h

group solidarity and c o m m o n , 33; Jewish killings as part of popular,

focus on, 7 7 - 7 8 ; diffusion through

1 4 7 - 4 8 ; religious persistence and

household by, 72; missionary

transmitted, 1 8 5 - 8 6 ; survival of p a ­

m o n k s ' success i n , 69; N o r w a y ' s re­ sistance to C h r i s t i a n , 7 2 - 7 3 ; reli­

ganism, 7 5 - 7 7

gious conflict supported by, 120; tar­

Cumont, Franz, 42

geting mass vs., 6 7 - 6 8 D a n i s h missionary efforts, 89

E m e r s o n , R a l p h W a l d o , 109

Davies, N o r m a n , 149

E m i c h of Leisingen, 1 4 0 - 4 1

D a v i s , Kingsley, 180

Engels, Friedrich, 4, 166, 1 6 7

D a y a k s missions (Indonesia), 98

E p h r a i m of B o n n , 146

"Decree on E c u m e n i s m " of 1964 (Vat­

essence: G o d reduced to, 100; praying

ican I I ) , 2 3 7 - 3 8 , 2 3 9

to G o d vs., 182/?

D e l u m e a u , Jean, 3, 76, 7 7

essences-based religions: described, 9 -

diffusion pathways: during classical

10; monastic movements and, 4 4 - 5 0

times, 4 1 - 4 4 ; five p r i m a r y channels

Essenes, 67, 1 1 7

of, 37; of religion in simple socie­

Europe: A m e r i c a n evangelical mis­

ties, 3 6 - 4 4

sions to, 104; C h r i s t i a n missions to

diffusion principle: clarification of,

N e w W o r l d from, 8 8 - 8 9 ; H i n d u i s m

l l l n . 2 ; of culture, 3 6 - 3 7 ; of poly­

vogue among intellectuals in, 109;

theistic faiths, 3 6 - 4 4

historical record of anti-Semitism

D i m o n t , M a x I . , 176

in, 1 2 4 - 3 4 ; history of Christianiza-

D i n k a ceremonies, 179

tion of, 6 6 - 7 8 ; J e w i s h emancipation

D i o C a s s i u s , 5 5 , 56

granted i n , 1 9 9 - 2 0 2 ; religious intol­

divine judgment doctrine, 2 6

erance in modern, 2 5 7 ; success of

Dobbelaere, K a r e l , 5

H i n d u missionizing i n , 111

doctrine of unconscious C a t h o l i c ,

evangelical Protestantism: clergy at­

236, 239, 240

tacks against, 2 5 2 - 5 6 ; conflict

D o m i t i a n ( R o m a n emperor), 56

w i t h i n early, 2 3 0 - 3 1 ; L a t i n A m e r i ­

Donatist heretics, 64, 82, 122, 161

c a n mission by, 95; liberal abandon­

D o n Pedro (Spanish m o n a r c h ) , 1 2 7

ment of missionizing to, 1 0 1 - 2 ; sent

dualistic monotheism: missionizing i m ­

to E u r o p e from United States, 104;

perative of, 2 , 3 3 - 3 6 ; partial poly­

sub-Saharan A f r i c a n growth of,

theism of, 2 5 - 2 8

102-3

Dulles, Avery, 16 D u r k h e i m , E m i l e , 4, 5 - 6 , 19, 4 4 , 179,

evangelism: C a t h o l i c L a t i n A m e r i c a n / African, 103; clergy attacks against,

180, 2 4 5

2 5 2 - 5 6 ; compared to missionizing,

D u t c h missionary efforts, 88, 89

86

evil ofnonbelief, 1 6 0 - 6 1

Eastern religions: C o n f u c i a n i s m , 10, 11, 4 8 - 4 9 , 198; as Godless reli­

evil supernatural beings, 2 5 - 2 6

gions, 10, 1 1 - 1 2 , 4 9 - 5 0 ; Shintoism,

exchange relationship ( G o d / h u m a n ) : O n e G o d and exclusive, 3 4 - 3 5 ,

50; T a o i s m , 9, 10, 1 1 - 1 2 , 4 8 - 4 9 .

See also Buddhism

1 7 6 - 7 7 ; otherworldly rewards through, 19; prayer representation

Edbury, Peter, 151 E d i c t of E m a n c i p a t i o n (1812), 201

of rational, 1 9 - 2 1 ; religious persis­

E i s a i , 16

tence a n d , 176

307

INDEX

F a l w e l l , Rev. Jerry, 2 5 6

10; conversion commitment to new,

Feeney, Father L e o n a r d , 2 3 5 - 3 6 , 2 3 7

50; defined as being, 1 0 - 1 1 ; G r e e k

F e r d i n a n d I I (Spanish m o n a r c h ) ,

philosophy's image of, 191; H i n d u ­

172n.5

ism w o r s h i p of one, 108; images of,

Feuerbach, L u d w i g v o n , 4

1 9 - 2 2 , 2 7 - 2 8 ; J e w i s h R e f o r m move­

First C r u s a d e ( 1 0 9 5 - 1 0 9 9 ) , 129/*,

ment o n image of, 2 1 0 - 1 1 ; m i r a ­

1 3 7 - 4 3 , 161

cles/rewards from, 1 7 - 1 8 ; omnipo­

First Things, 2 5 6

tence of J e w i s h - C h r i s t i a n - I s l a m i c ,

F i r t h , R a y m o n d , 181

2 2 ; praying to essence vs., 182/?; as

flagellations, 1 5 3 - 5 4

presented by early C h r i s t i a n m o n k s ,

Fleming, D a n i e l J o h n s o n , 9 9 , 2 4 3

69; reduced to psychological con­

Fletcher, R i c h a r d , 6 2 , 6 6 , 7 3 , 1 6 9

struct/essence, 100; religious persis­

France: anti-Semitism disorder i n

tence a n d conception of, 1 7 6 - 7 7 ;

Paris, 132/", 1 3 4 , 1 5 6 - 5 7 ; A r i a n i s m /

theology as c o m m u n i c a t i o n from,

Trinitarian conflict i n , 1 3 4 - 3 5 ; J e w ­

17. See also G o d s ; monotheism;

ish emancipation granted i n , 1 9 9 -

O n e True G o d

2 0 0 ; reported Bray massacre i n , 1 4 7 Frazer, Sir James, 3 7 - 3 8

"God-fearers," 5 4 Godfrey of Bouillon, duke of L o w e r

Frederick I I ( G e r m a n m o n a r c h ) , 120

Lorraine, 140

Frederick W i l l i a m I I I ( G e r m a n m o n ­

G o d - i d e a (Jewish R e f o r m movement),

arch), 2 0 3

210-11

F r e n c h missionary efforts, 88

Godless religions: Eastern religions as,

F r e u d , Sigmund, 4, 3 2

10, 1 1 - 1 2 , 4 9 - 5 0 ; exchange rela­

Friends ( Q u a k e r s ) , 9 9 , 2 2 8

tionships lacking i n , 19; sacred

fundamentalism. See evangelism

books/wisdom of, 16

The Future of an Illusion (Freud), 4

G o d l y religions: extended exchange re­ lationship i n , 19; miracles of, 1 7 -

G e d a l i a h ibn Y a h y a , 141

18; theology of, 1 5 - 1 7

gentiles. See pagan societies

G o d s : adopted/transmitted during clas­

Georgi, Dieter, 5 5

sical times, 4 1 - 4 4 ; Chinese, 1 1 - 1 2 ,

G e r m a n Confederation "ameliora­

20p; of Chinese B u d d h i s m , 4 8 ; con­

tion" ( 1 8 1 5 ) , 2 0 1

ceived as rational and responsive,

G e r m a n Evangelical C h u r c h , 1 0 4

2 1 - 2 2 ; First C o m m a n d m e n t o n

G e r m a n y : anti-Semitism disorder (thir­

other, 2 7 ; H i n d u , 108; h u m a n ex­

teenth century) in, 130/", 1 4 8 - 4 9 ;

tended exchange relationship w i t h ,

J e w i s h emancipation granted i n ,

19; otherworldly rewards from, 1 8 -

2 0 0 - 2 0 2 ; Second C r u s a d e massa­

19; revelation communications

cres i n , 1 4 3 - 4 6 , 144m; social disor­

from, 15; scope of powers by, 2 2 -

der during Black Plague i n , 1 5 4 - 5 5 ,

2 4 , 3 3 - 3 4 ; "trickster" literature o n ,

189

2 1 - 2 2 ; as undependable, 2 1 - 2 2 . See also G o d ; polytheistic faiths

Gibbon, Edward, 149, 150 G i b b o n s , James C a r d i n a l , 2 3 4

Gods and Rituals (Middleton), 179

Gidal, N a c h u m T., 135, 165

"golden bough" m y t h , 38

global religious civility, 2 5 6 - 5 9

Goldstein, D a v i d , 58

G o d : civil religion and meanings of,

G o m e s , Rev. Peter J . , 2 5 3

2 4 7 ; concept of reduced to essence,

Gottschalk, 141

308

INDEX

G o z a n i , Jean-Paul, 196

H i n d u G o d s , 108

Graetz, H e i n r i c h H i r s h , 163, 168, 170

H i n d u i s m : compatible w i t h agrarian societies, 85; ishtadeva (chosen

G r e e k / R o m a n religion: diffusion of

deity) practice of, 108; missionizing

classical, 4 1 - 4 4 ; unresponsive G o d s

spirit/monotheism of, 1 0 7 - 9 ; per­

of, 2 1 , 2 2

ceived tolerance of,

Greeley, Andrew, 86

105-7

Gregory V I , Pope, 151

H i n d u missions, 1 0 5 - 1 1

Gregory I X , Pope, 1 4 7

Hippolytus, 1 1 7

History (Herodotus), 41 History of Europe (Davies), 149 History of the Franks (St. Geogory of

Gregory of T o u r s , St., 6 9 , 70, 71, 72 Gregory the G r e a t , Pope, 7 4 - 7 5 ,

125

Grosser, Paul E . , 126, 1 2 7

T o u r s ) , 69

group solidarity culture, 33

Hobbes, T h o m a s , 4, 2 1 9 , 2 2 2

Guy-Geoffrey, count of Aquitaine,

H o c k i n g , W i l l i a m Ernest, 9 9 , 100,

150

107, 2 1 0 , 2 2 6 , 2 4 3 , 2 4 4 H o d g s o n , M a r s h a l l G . S., 81, 82, 83

al-Hâkim, Fatimid, 1 3 5 - 3 6 , 172n.2

H o l d h e i m , Samuel, 2 0 4

" H a l c y o n D a y s " (tenth-eleventh cen­

Holiness M o v e m e n t (twentieth cen­

turies), 135

tury), 2 5 2

H a l p e r n , E d w i n G . , 126, 127

H o l o c a u s t (World W a r I I ) , 125, 2 1 0 ,

H a m m o n d , Phillip, 2 4 7

212, 236

H a n n a h , I a n , 68

H o l y L a n d image, 137

H a r e K r i s h n a s ( I S K C O N ) , 86, 110,

H o l y L a n d pilgrimages, 136, 1 6 0 - 6 1 .

See also Crusades

111, 1 8 9 , 2 1 3 H a r n a c k , A d o l f v o n , 56

H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e , 148

H a r v a r d Divinity School, 2 3 0

H o l y W a r concept, 1 5 0 - 5 1

Harvard Magazine, 2 5 3

H o m a n s , George, 180, 183

H e b r e w language, 1 9 6 - 9 7 , 2 0 8 - 9

H o p i rain G o d , 181

Hellenist Jews, 1 9 1 - 9 2 , 1 9 8 - 9 9 , 2 0 6

"huldufolk" (hidden people; Iceland),

H e n r y I I (English m o n a r c h ) , 1 2 7

76

Henry I V (Holy R o m a n Emperor),

h u m a n behavior: commitment of

140

G o d s to m o r a l , 26; rationality of,

Herberg, W i l l , 2 4 6

14-18

heresy: Albigensian, 167; anti-Semit­

H u m e , D a v i d , 4, 2 1 9 - 2 0 , 2 2 2

ism triggered by, 132/; A r i a n , 82,

H u s , J a n , 164/

134; catalogs of C h r i s t i a n , 117;

Hussites, 163, 164

C h u r c h of Piety reform considered,

H u t c h i s o n , R a l p h Cooper, 100, 1 0 0 101

162; class struggle explanation of, 1 6 6 - 6 8 ; Crusades and rediscovery

H u t c h i s o n , W i l l i a m , 100, 105

of, 1 5 7 - 5 9 ; Donatist, 64, 82, 122, 161; of the Free Spirit, 163; Islamic,

Iannaccone, L a u r e n c e , 118

82; limits of C a t h o l i c tolerance of,

Iliad ( L a n g translation), 38

122; as treason under state c h u r c h ,

India: M u s l i m m i n o r i t y / H i n d u major­

120-21

ity in, 108; pseudo-pluralism of,

Herodotus, 41

2 2 5 - 2 6 ; religious violence i n , 107,

H i g h G o d s concept, 4 0

257

309

INDEX

India missions: failure of B u d d h i s m ,

Jehovah's Witnesses: media portrayal

4 7 , 49p; first Protestant efforts, 9 0 ;

of, 2 5 6 ; missionaries of, 9 4 , 1 0 4

first U . S . missionaries ordained for,

Jerome, St., 6 5

91*

Jesus C h r i s t , 188

Indonesia, 8 4 - 8 5 , 2 5 7

Jesus Seminar, 188

Institute of Social and Religious R e ­

J e w i s h assimilation: i n C h i n a , 1 9 3 - 9 9 ;

search, 2 5 3

through conversion, 1 9 0 - 9 3 , 2 0 5 7; crisis over, 2 0 2 - 3 ; i n eastern vs.

Interfaith D a y ( N e w Y o r k City,

western E u r o p e , 2 0 7 - 1 0 ; E u r o p e a n

1950s), 2 4 4 intermarriage: of A m e r i c a n Jews, 2 1 2 ;

emancipation a n d , 1 9 9 - 2 0 2 ; J e w i s h

geographical variations of J e w i s h ,

persistence a n d , 186; R e f o r m move­

2 0 6 , 2 0 7 ; M i n g D y n a s t y laws o n ,

ment a n d , 2 0 3 - 5 ; i n the United States, 2 1 1 - 1 3

197; rates of E u r o p e a n J e w i s h , 2 0 5 International Society of K r i s h n a C o n ­

J e w i s h - C h r i s t i a n relations: collateral

sciousness ( I S K C O N ) , 86, 1 1 0 , 1 1 1 ,

conflict of, 1 2 4 - 2 8 , 129/"-33/", 134;

189,213

early C h r i s t i a n tolerance a n d , 64;

Ireland, A r c h b i s h o p J o h n , 2 3 4

" H a l c y o n D a y s " (tenth-eleventh

Irenaeus, 1 1 7

centuries) of, 135; intolerance dur­

ishtadeva (chosen deity) practice, 108

ing, 8 1 - 8 2 , 1 2 1 - 2 2 ; social encapsu­

Isis (Egyptian Goddess), 43/?

lation element of, 185; tolerance ex­

Islam: conversion of M a l a y to, 8 4 - 8 5 ;

tended during, 1 2 2 , 1 2 4 - 2 6 ; tranquil times ( 5 0 0 - 1 0 0 0 ) of, 1 3 4 -

conversion of Seljuk T u r k s to, 1 3 6 37; dualistic monotheism of, 2 5 - 2 8 ;

35; W o r l d W a r I I grave markings re­

essential aspects of missions i n , 7 8 -

flecting, 2 1 8 p . See also anti-Semit­ ism

79; heresy w i t h i n , 82; incorporation

J e w i s h D i a s p o r a : evidence of mission

of local belief/practice by, 83; infu­ sion of polytheism in, 2 4 - 2 5 ; mili­

orientation during, 58; J e w i s h p o p u ­

tary conversion to, 7 9 - 8 5 ; modern

lation during, 1 9 2 - 9 3 ; J u d a i s m du­

fundamentalism of, 84; M o h a m ­

rability during, 5 2 , 177; persistence during, 1 8 6

med's building up of, 79; religious factions w i t h i n , 117; trickle-down

J e w i s h genetic pool, 5 7

conversion approach by, 8 3 - 8 4 . See

J e w i s h H i s t o r i c a l Society of E n g l a n d , 39

also A l l a h ; M u s l i m s

J e w i s h identity markers: "Jewish

Islamic states: anti-Semitism by, 1 3 3 / ;

dress" as, 1 8 5 , 2 0 9 ; rites/social m a n ­

religious discrimination by, 8 0 - 8 2

nerisms as, 112n.4

Is Latin America Turning Protestant? The Politics of Evangelical Growth

J e w i s h languages ( H e b r e w / Y i d d i s h ) : loss of by Kaifeng Jews, 1 9 6 - 9 7 ; so­

(Stoll), 1 0 2

cial encapulation through, 2 0 8 - 9 ; Yiddish, 216n.5

James, E d w a r d , 7 2 J a p a n : Buddhism's penetration of, 4 9 5 0 , 62; early success of C a t h o l i c mis­

Jewish migrations, 1 9 0 Jewish missionizing efforts: debate

sion i n , 88

over, 112n.4; evidence against, 5 7 59; evidence of, 5 2 - 5 7

Jefferson, T h o m a s , 2 2 6 Jehovah: evil being tolerated by, 2 5 ;

J e w i s h - M u s l i m relations: i n M o o r i s h

exclusive obedience/rewards rela­

Spain, 133/", 1 6 8 - 7 0 ; social encapsu­

tion w i t h , 3 4 - 3 5

lation element of, 1 8 5

310

INDEX

Jewish people: A m e r i c a n attitudes to­

Judaism: appeal of, 59; dualistic mono­

w a r d , 2 3 1 - 3 2 ; A m e r i c a n religious

theism of, 2 5 - 2 8 ; G r e e k philosophy

civility a n d , 2 3 9 - 4 0 ; assimilation i n

incorporated into, 1 9 1 - 9 2 ; infusion

C h i n a of, 1 9 3 - 9 9 ; attitudes t o w a r d

of polytheism i n , 2 4 - 2 5 ; messianic

outsiders by, 1 8 7 - 8 9 ; blamed for

movements w i t h i n , 177; M i s h n a v a ­

Black D e a t h , 131f-32f,

riety of, 193; as missionizing faith,

153-56;

C h r i s t i a n Second C o m i n g doctrine

5 2 - 5 9 ; modern state of O r t h o d o x ,

and, 125; condition of A m e r i c a n ,

2 1 4 - 1 5 ; origins of H e b r e w mono­

2 1 0 - 1 5 , 2 1 3 £ ; conditions for toler­

theism of, 3 2 , 5 2 ; R e f o r m move­

ance t o w a r d , 122; conversion to

ment of, 2 0 3 - 1 1 ; reinterpreted

early Christianity by, 112n.6; C r u ­

using C o n f u c i a n i s m , 198; rise of

sade violence against, 114/; E u r o ­

Conservative, 2 1 2 ; theological fac­

pean emancipation granted to, 1 9 9 -

tions w i t h i n , 1 1 7

2 0 2 ; forced Islamic conversion of,

Judeo-Christian public expressions, 251-56

80; freedoms/rights granted to, 1 2 5 - 2 6 ; illumination o n conversion

Jupiter of Doliche cult, 4 2

refusal by, 142/'; intermarriage of, 197, 2 0 5 ; Islamic treatment of, 8 0 ,

Kaifeng J e w i s h community ( C h i n a ) , 194-97

8 1 - 8 2 ; migrations of, 190; overrepresented i n modern minority reli­

Kaifeng synagogue,

gions, 2 1 3 - 1 4 ; protected by C a t h o ­

K a n e , J . Herbert, 1 0 4

lic clergy, 1 4 0 - 4 3 ; successful

K a n t , I m m a n u e l , 10

C h r i s t i a n mission to, 1 9 0 - 9 3 ; volun­ tary visibility of, 189. See also antiSemitism Jewish persistence: of A m e r i c a n Jews, 2 1 0 - 1 5 ; assimilation a n d , 1 8 6 - 2 0 7 ; Chinese Jews' experience w i t h , 1 9 3 - 9 9 ; elements of, 1 8 7 - 9 0 ; Helle­ nist Jews' experience w i t h , 1 9 1 - 9 2 , 1 9 8 - 9 9 , 2 0 6 . See also religious per­ sistence theory Jewish R e f o r m movement: eastern/

195-97

Karaites, 1 7 5 K a t z , Steven T . , 1 2 5 Kayser, Rudolf, 1 6 8 - 6 9 Kennedy, J o h n E , 2 3 3 , 2 4 7 Keshavadas, Satguru Sant, 110 K h a n b a l i q (Beijing), 1 9 4 Knights Templars, 1 2 0 K r i s h n a (Vishnu avatar), 108 K r i s t o l , Irving, 2 4 8 L a k i s h , R e s h , 53 L a m b e r t , F r a n k , 158

western E u r o p e participation i n ,

Lane-Poole, Stanley, 168

2 0 8 - 1 0 ; exported to A m e r i c a , 2 0 4 -

Lang, Andrew, 3 8 - 3 9

5, 2 1 0 - 1 1 ; G o d - i d e a of, 2 1 0 - 1 1 ;

Lao-tzu, 9

J e w i s h intermarriage/conversion

L a t i n A m e r i c a : C a t h o l i c Spanish mis­

and, 2 0 5 - 7 ; origins/development of,

sions, 87; growing religious civility

203-5

in, 2 5 9 n . 4 ; Protestantization of,

J e w i s h Theological Seminary of America, 254

Jew-roasters (Judenbreter), 148, 156/, 202

9 4 - 9 5 , 1 0 2 , 103 L a u , R a b b i Meir, 2 3 7 p L e Bras, G a b r i e l , 7 7 Legba (Dahomey people's G o d ) , 2 1 -

J o h n Paul I I , Pope, 2 3 7 p , 2 3 9 , 2 4 0 , 258 Josephus, 5 3 - 5 4 , 5 5 , 5 8 - 5 9

22 L e m b a (African tribe), 5 7 - 5 8 Leo X I I I , Pope, 2 3 4

311

INDEX

Leslie, D o n a l d D a n i e l , 1 9 5 - 9 6

Memorbuch (memory book), N u r e m ­

L i b a n u s , 63

berg, 1 4 9

liberal missionizing, 9 8 - 1 0 2

Mendelssohn, M o s e s , 2 0 3 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 8

L i b e r a t i o n Theology, 1 0 2

Methodists, 2 3 0 , 2 3 1 , 2 5 2

L i e b e r m a n n , Eliezer, 2 0 4

military conversion: condemnation of

Life of Constantine (Eusebius), 63 Life of St. Remigius, 6 9

C h r i s t i a n , 7 4 - 7 5 ; to I s l a m , 7 9 - 8 5 ;

Lilje, H a n s , 1 0 4

3 5 , 5 4 ; of S a x o n y by C h a r l e m a g n e ,

O n e True G o d commitment to, 2 - 3 ,

Linton, Ralph, 36

7 3 - 7 4 , 8 1 . See also conversion

L i p p m a n n , Walter, 2 4 9

M i l l s , Samuel, 8 9 , 9 0 , 113n.9

literacy, 1 8 5 - 8 6

minority religions: overrepresentation

L o n d o n Conference of 1 8 3 9 , 2 2 4

of Jews i n modern, 2 1 3 - 1 4 ; reli­

Luther, M a r t i n , 1 2 1 , 1 6 4 , 1 7 5

gious persistence context of, 1 8 4 -

Lutherans, 164-65

86; social encapsulation of, 1 8 4 - 8 5 . See also religious nonconformity

M a c M u l l e n , Ramsay, 4 1 - 4 2

miracles: conversion role by, 7 1 - 7 2 ;

M a g n u s , Shulamit S., 1 5 5 , 2 0 1

otherworldly rewards c o m p a r e d to,

Maimonides, Moses, 169, 188, 190

1 8 - 1 9 ; as rewards from G o d , 1 7 -

The Making of Religion (Lang), 38

18

M a l i n o w s k i , Bronislaw, 1 7 9

Mission Frontiers (Allen), 98

M a n n , V i v i a n B . , 169

missionizing efforts: atheism charge re­

The Man of Destiny (Shaw play),

sponse to J e w i s h , 56-57; benefits to

104-5

religious organizations by, 9 6 - 9 8 ; el­

M a r s h a l l , S . L . A . , 183

ements of genuine, 51; H i n d u i s m ,

Martin, David, 87-88, 102

1 0 7 - 1 1 ; J e w i s h , 5 2 - 5 9 , 112n.4; lib­

M a r t y , Rev. M a r t i n E . , 2 4 6 , 2 5 6

eral C h r i s t i a n disavows, 2 4 3 - 4 4 ;

M a r w a n (caliph), 8 1 - 8 2

M u s l i m , 7 8 - 8 5 ; to pagan societies,

M a r x , K a r l , 4, 166, 2 0 6 , 2 1 6 n . 3

6 6 - 7 8 ; religious p l u r a l i s m a n d re­

Masada, 189

newed, 9 6 - 9 8 . See also C h r i s t i a n

Massachusetts B a y C o l o n y , 2 2 8

missions; conversion; military con­

mass conversion: C o u n t e r - R e f o r m a ­ tion efforts t o w a r d , 7 7 - 7 8 ; tar­ geting elite vs., 6 7 - 6 8

version missionizing imperative: conversion objective of, 5 0 - 5 9 ; of early J u d a ­

M a x i m u s , bishop of T u r i n , 65

ism, 5 2 ; a n d H i n d u i s m , 1 0 7 - 9 ;

Mayer, H a n s E b e r h a r d , 1 5 1 , 172n.3

The Meaning of God in Human Expe­ rience: A Philosophic Study of Reli­ gion (Hocking), 100 M e c c a pilgrimage, 83 media: secular incivility of, 2 5 1 - 5 4 ; unflattering portrayal of religious

by, 255-56 Medieval Heresy (Lambert), 1 5 7 M e d i n a , 7 9 , 81

monotheism's promotion of, 2 , 3 3 36, 111 M i t h r a i s m cult, 4 2 M o l a y , Jacques de, 1 2 0 monastic movements: Buddhist, 4 5 50; essences a n d , 4 4 - 5 0 M o n g o l C o n q u e s t of Persia ( 1 2 9 0 1291), 133f 170-71 monotheism: A t e n origins of, 3 1 - 3 3 ; conflict a n d particularism inherent

M e e k s , W a y n e , 41

in, 1 1 6 - 2 4 ; evolution t o w a r d , 2 3 -

Mellitus, A b b o t , 7 4

312

INDEX

New York Times, 256

28; examining nature of, 2; H i n d u ­ ism as, 1 0 7 - 8 ; missionizing impera­

Niebuhr, R e i n h o l d , 2 4 8 - 4 9

tive of, 2 , 3 3 - 3 6 , 111; nature of ab­

Nock, Arthur Darby, 4 2 - 4 3 , 4 8 , 50

solute, 2 4 - 2 5 ; nature of dualistic,

nonconforming religious bodies. See

2 5 - 2 8 , 35; O l d Testament re­

minority religions; religious noncon­

cording of evolving, 27; origins of

formity

J u d a i s m , 3 2 , 52; religious intoler­

Nordlingen massacre (fifteenth cen­

ance inherent in, 82; tendency to

tury), 163

splinter by, 117; w o r l d impact of, 1.

N o r t h e r n C r u s a d e s , 74

See also G o d ; polytheistic faiths

N o r w a y Christianization, 7 2 - 7 3

M o o r i s h Spain " G o l d e n Age" m y t h ,

the Nuer, 21

168-70 O ' B r i e n , Father R i c h a r d P., 2 5 3

M o r m o n missionaries, 5 1 , 9 4 , 112n.8 Moses, 2 7

Odyssey ( L a n g translation), 38

M o z o o m d a r , Protap Chunder, 1 0 9

O l a f H a r a l d s s o n (St. O l a f ) , 7 2

Muhammad, 79, 80, 81, 83, 187

O l a f Tryggvason, 72 O l d Testament: o n C h o s e n People, 5 2 ;

M u n i c h massacres ( 1 2 8 5 , 1 3 4 9 ) , 1 6 5

conversion directives/stories in, 5 2 -

M u r r a y , Alexander, 3

53; depiction of Y a h w e h i n , 2 7 - 2 8 ;

M u r r a y , J o h n Courtney, 2 3 5

order of, 2 9 n . 2 ; progression of

M u s l i m s : attacked during First C r u ­

monotheism recorded i n , 2 7

sade, 143; attacks by against Jews

One True C h u r c h (Catholic C h u r c h ) ,

in Spain, 133/", 1 6 8 - 7 0 ; blamed for

233, 235

Black Plague, 154; the Crusades

O n e True G o d : Christianity's new ver­

and, 1 3 6 - 3 9 ; history of early mis­

sion of, 59; exclusive exchange rela­

sions by, 7 8 - 8 5 ; modern fundamen­

tionship w i t h , 3 4 - 3 5 ; militant com­

talism of, 84; violence by modern-

mitment to, 2 - 3 , 3 5 , 5 4 ; missionary

day, 2 5 6 - 5 7 . See also Islam

efforts and doubts about, 99; mis­

Mystical Experience (Scharfstein), 4 Mystici Corpus Christi (Pope Pius

sionizing imperative of, 2 , 3 3 - 3 6 , 5 0 - 5 9 ; mobilization of h u m a n ac­

XII), 236

tions m a x i m i z e d by, 176. See also God

Nadab, 27 Napoleon, B., 200, 2 0 2 N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l of C h u r c h e s , 2 5 3 Navaho Gods, 22 Netherlands Reformed C h u r c h (NHK), 224-25 Netherlands religious equilibrium, 224-25,

226-27

O n e True Religion, 1 1 7 Oom

the Omnipotent (Pierre Ber­

nard), 110 opportunity thesis, 165-66 Orthodox Judaism, 2 1 4 - 1 5 Ostow, Mortimer, 2 5 4 otherworldly rewards: confidence in, 1 7 7 - 7 9 ; described, 1 8 - 1 9

Nettleton, A s a h e l , 2 5 2

O t t o of Freising, 1 4 3 - 4 4

N e w W o r l d missions: during Age of

Oxtoby, W i l l a r d , 108

E x p l o r a t i o n , 8 6 - 8 7 ; Spanish under­ taking of, 8 7 - 8 8

pagan societies: Christianity as "add­

N e w Y o r k City: first interfaith service

on religion" i n , 75-77; C h r i s t i a n

(1904) in, 2 4 0 - 4 1 ; religious mem­

missionizing to, 6 6 - 7 8 ; collapse of,

bership (1926) in, 2 4 2 J - 4 3

6 3 - 6 4 ; cultural survival of, 7 5 - 7 7 ;

313

INDEX

pagan societies: (cont'd)

priesthood: Buddhist, 4 5 , 4 6 , 4 7 , 5 0 ;

diversity of doctrines w i t h i n , 1 1 7 -

C o u n c i l of Sardica o n C h r i s t i a n ,

18; J e w i s h missionizing efforts

6 2 - 6 3 ; Donatist position o n u n w o r ­

among, 5 2 - 5 9 ; medieval accounts

thy, 161; L a t i n A m e r i c a n C a t h o l i c ,

of missions to, 7 1 - 7 3

87; nature of medieval C a t h o l i c , 1 5 9 - 6 2 ; of polytheistic faith, 4 4 - 4 5

Parfitt, Tudor, 5 7

primitive society: development of reli­

Parrinder, Geoffrey, 11, 4 8

gion i n , 3 7 - 4 4 ; H i g h G o d s of, 4 0

Parsons, Talcott, 2 4 4 particularism: A m e r i c a n religious civil­

professional missionaries: absence of

ity a n d C a t h o l i c , 2 3 3 - 3 8 ; as anti-Se­

J e w i s h , 5 8 - 5 9 ; C h r i s t i a n m o n k s as

mitism explanation, 1 1 6 - 1 7 ; dual

early, 6 6 - 7 8 ; increasing number of

commitment to civility a n d , 2 4 8 -

Protestant, 8 9 - 9 3 ; social networks vs., 6 7 - 6 8

4 9 ; inherent i n monotheism, 1 1 6 -

Promise Keepers, 2 5 5 , 2 5 6

24

"Proselytism i n the D i a s p o r a "

particularism principle, 1 1 6 - 2 4

(Weber), 58

Passover, 1 8 0

Protestant/Catholic/Jew (Herberg),

Paul, 57, 59, 60

246

Payne, Robert, 1 3 7

Protestant missionaries: increasing

Pedat, R a b b i Eleazar ben, 53 Perlmann, S. M . , 1 9 9

number of, 8 9 - 9 3 ; i n L a t i n

Peter the H e r m i t , 1 4 0

America, 94-95; post-World War I

Pharisees, 1 1 7

A m e r i c a n dominance i n , 9 3 - 9 5 ;

Philip I V (French m o n a r c h ) , 1 2 0

sent to E u r o p e from A m e r i c a , 104;

Philo, 5 4

U.S./British/Continental, 9 2 - 9 3 Protestants: approaches to A m e r i c a n

Philo of A l e x a n d r i a , 191 Pierre, abbé of C l u n y , 143

civility by, 2 3 8 - 3 9 ; living i n N e w

Pius X I I , Pope, 2 3 6 , 2 3 9

Y o r k C i t y (1926), 242*, 2 4 3 ; new re­

Plan of U n i o n ( 1 8 0 1 ) , 2 3 0

ligious assumptions of, 8 5 - 8 6 ; reli­

Plato, 1 1 8 , 191

gious civility of, 2 5 0 Prussian J e w i s h emancipation, 2 0 0 -

A Plea for the West (Beecher), 231

201

pluralism. See religious pluralism

pseudo-pluralism, 2 2 5 - 2 6

Poliakov, L é o n , 135 politically correct incivility, 2 5 1 - 5 6

Ptolemy, 5 4

Polo, M a r c o , 194

public flagellations, 1 5 3 - 5 4

The Pursuit of the Millennium

polytheistic faiths: Chinese B u d d h i s m

(Cohn), 177

as, 4 8 ; diffusion of, 3 6 - 4 4 ; lack of massive mobilization o n behalf of, 35; priesthood of, 4 4 - 4 5 ; ritual par­

Q u a k e r missionaries, 89

ticipation in, 184. See also G o d s ;

Q u a k e r s (Friends), 9 9 , 2 2 8

monotheism prayer: confidence in, 183; forms of,

Radcliffe-Brown, A . R . , 1 8 0 , 181

182p; function as ritual, 1 8 1 - 8 3 ; of­

Radin, Paul, 39

fered by K i n g C l o v i s , 7 0 , 71/; ratio­

Radulph, Monk, 143-46

nal exchange represented by, 1 9 - 2 1

Rahner, K a r l , 15

A Preface to Morals (Lippmann), 249 Presbyterians, 2 3 0

R a i n G o d (Tlaloc G o d ) , 23p Rajneesh, B h a g w a n Shree, 1 1 0 Ramacharacka, 110

314

INDEX

and principles of, 123; coexistence

Ramadan, 83, 180

of two groups a n d , 2 2 3 ; collateral

Ramakrishna Paramahansa, 105, 106,

to Christianity-Islam conflict, 1 6 2 -

107

66; conditions allowing for m a x i m i ­

rationality/reason: of C h r i s t i a n theol­ ogy, 1 6 - 1 7 ; G o d s conceived as re­

zation of, 1 2 2 - 2 4 ; monotheism's

sponsive a n d , 2 1 - 2 2 ; monotheism

particularism a n d , 1 1 6 - 2 4 ; opportu­

limits a n d G o d ' s , 2 5 ; of prayer, 1 9 -

nity thesis of, 165-66; pluralism

2 1 ; rewards/costs a n d , 1 4 - 1 5 ; theol­

and arising, 1 1 9 - 2 0 ; as political

ogy as applied, 1 5 - 1 6

challenge to state, 1 2 0 - 2 2 ; search­

R e (Egyptian Sun G o d ) , 3 2

ing for causes of, 1 1 5 - 1 6 ; three pri­

R e e d , James, 101

m a r y hypotheses o n , 1 2 4 , 1 7 1 - 7 2

Reformation: Christianization during,

religious doctrines: A r i a n i s m , 134; au­

7 7 - 7 8 ; new religious assumptions

thority of various, 11; divine judg­

of, 8 5 - 8 6 ; secular defense a n d suc­

ment, 2 6 ; inevitable disagreement over, 118; o n origin of sin, 26; plu­

cess of, 121

ralism arising from diversity i n ,

the Reformers sect, 1 6 5

1 1 8 - 1 9 ; Second C o m i n g , 125; T r i n i ­

R e f o r m movement. See J e w i s h R e f o r m

tarian, 1 3 4 - 3 5 ; unconscious C a t h o ­

movement

lic, 236, 239, 240. See also theology

Reichard, Gladys, 2 2

religious freedom, 2 4 9 . See also reli­

religion: based o n essences, 9 - 1 0 ; con­

gious civility; religious tolerance

ceptions of supernatural i n , 9 - 1 2 ;

religious intolerance: exercised by Puri­

defining, 15; evolution t o w a r d monotheism by, 2 3 - 2 8 ; Godless,

tans, 2 2 8 ; expressed by secular inci­

10, 1 1 - 1 2 ; as having m a n y paths,

vility, 2 5 1 - 5 6 ; global condition of,

1 0 5 - 7 ; as matter of beliefs, 2 1 5 n . l ;

256-57; impact of C r u s a d e s o n , 1 5 7 - 5 9 . See also anti-Semitism

secular incivility t o w a r d , 2 5 1 - 5 6 ; simple societies' development of,

religious mobilization. See missioniz­

3 7 - 4 4 ; social science approach to,

ing efforts

4 - 6 ; societies as requiring, 2 4 5 - 4 6 ;

religious movements: cultural continu­

structural-functionalism theory o n ,

ity principle a n d , 7 5 - 7 6 ; missionary

2 4 4 - 4 6 . See also religious persis­

efforts a n d pluralism of, 9 6 - 9 8 ;

tence theory; theology

overrepresentation of w o m e n in, 71

religious civility: A m e r i c a n , 2 2 8 - 4 4 ;

religious nonconformity: attention o n

amount of pluralism required for,

C a t h o l i c C h u r c h , 1 5 7 - 5 9 ; defining

2 2 3 - 2 5 ; enforced by the state, 2 1 9 ;

minority sects as, 175; Second C o m ­

globalization of, 2 5 6 - 5 9 ; level of

ing doctrine a n d J e w i s h , 125. See

faith a n d , 2 2 6 - 2 7 ; link between so­

also minority religions

cial cleavages a n d , 2 2 7 ; societal de­

religious persistence theory: concep­

velopment of, 2 5 8 - 5 9 ; theory of plu­

tion of G o d a n d , 1 7 6 - 7 7 ; cultural

ralism a n d , 2 2 1 - 2 3 ; through

transmission requirement of, 1 8 5 -

religious monopoly, 2 2 0 - 2 1 . See

86; exchange relationship a n d , 176;

also religious tolerance

individual's confidence a n d , 1 7 7 -

religious coercion: of Christianity

79; J e w i s h D i a s p o r a durability as,

against paganism, 6 3 - 6 4 ; supported

5 2 , 177; i n minority religion con­

by state, 1 2 0

text, 1 8 4 - 8 6 ; ritual participation and, 1 7 9 - 8 4 . See also J e w i s h

religious conflict: anti-Semitic violence

persistence

as collateral, 1 2 4 - 3 4 ; anti-Semitism

315

INDEX

religious pluralism: in A m e r i c a

Rindfleish, 148

( 1 7 7 6 ) , 113t; amount for norms of

The Rise of Christianity

civility, 2 2 3 - 2 5 ; benefits of, 9 6 - 9 8 ,

ritual participation: benefits of, 1 7 9 -

(Stark), 192

2 5 9 ; conditions for conflict due to,

81; group solidarity through, 183—

1 1 9 - 2 0 ; doctrinal diversity a n d ,

84; in polytheistic cultures, 184;

1 1 8 - 1 9 ; of N e w Y o r k , 2 4 0 - 4 4 ; reli­

prayer as, 1 8 1 , 183

gious civility a n d theory of, 2 2 1 - 2 3 ;

R o b e r t of Arbissel, 161

social/religious diversity a n d , 2 2 0 -

Roetzel, C a l v i n , 191

2 1 ; societies w i t h pseudo-pluralism,

R o m a n C a t h o l i c C h u r c h : A m e r i c a n re­ ligious civility a n d particularism of,

225-26 Religious Right, 2 5 6

2 3 3 - 3 8 ; A r i a n i s m / T r i n i t a r i a n dis­

religious rituals. See ritual participa­

pute w i t h i n , 1 3 4 - 3 5 ; C h u r c h of Piety reform attempts a n d , 162;

tion

Counter-Reformation mass conver­

religious sects: anti-Semitism a n d con­ flict between, 123; benefits of plural­

sion efforts by, 7 7 - 7 8 ; evangelizing

ism/competition to C h r i s t i a n , 9 6 -

efforts by, 103; global presence of,

98; defined as nonconforming, 175;

2 5 8 ; H o l o c a u s t a n d , 125; Jews pro­

Islamic, 117; tolerance a n d equal co­

tected by clergy of, 1 4 0 - 4 3 ; L i b e r a ­

existence of, 1 2 2 - 2 3

tion Theology of, 102; limits of tol­ erance for heresy by, 122; N e w

religious tolerance: conditions allowing for, 1 2 1 - 2 2 , 1 5 7 - 5 9 ; to­

Y o r k C i t y population members of,

w a r d J e w i s h people, 1 2 4 - 2 6 . See

2 4 2 £ , 2 4 3 ; n o n - C a t h o l i c religious at­

also

tendance forbidden by, 2 3 4 - 3 5 ,

religious civility

2 3 8 ; as O n e True C h u r c h , 2 3 3 ,

religious virtuosi, 119

2 3 5 ; orthodoxy demands on, 1 5 7 -

repentance ( C a l v i n i s m ) , 28 repression, 2 - 3 .

See also

59; performance as religious m o n o p ­

religious

oly, 2 2 0 ; Spanish missionizing of,

conflict

8 7 - 8 8 ; two "churches" of, 1 5 9 - 6 2 ;

resurrection mythology, 3 7 - 3 8

Re-Thinking Missions

( H o c k i n g et

al.), 9 9 - 1 0 0

V a t i c a n I I C o u n c i l of, 2 3 7 - 3 8 , 2 3 9 R o m a n E m p i r e : Christianity mission throughout, 5 9 - 7 8 ; Constantine

Reuter, Timothy, 149

promotion of Christianity in, 6 2 -

revelations: defining, 15; theological

63, 2 2 7 ; fall of the,

rationality of, 1 5 - 1 6 revolt i n Paris ( 1 3 8 0 - 1 3 8 1 ) , 132/", 134,156-57 rewards: confidence in otherworldly, 1 7 7 - 7 9 ; gained through supernatu­ r a l , 1 7 - 1 8 ; interest in supernatural

65-66; J e w i s h

missionizing efforts i n , 5 4 - 5 9 ; J e w ­ ish population during, 1 9 2 - 9 3 R u n c i m a n , Sir Steven, 136, 1 4 2 , 146 Russell, Jeffrey Burton, 158, 1 6 7 Russian Orthodox Church, 257

and rationality of, 1 4 - 1 5 ; limited supply of, 17; O n e G o d a n d

S a a d - A d d a u l a , 170

exclusive relationship a n d , 3 4 - 3 5 ,

The Sacred Canopy

176- 77; otherwordly, 1 8 - 1 9 ,

Sadducees, 1 1 7

1 7 7 - 78

St. M a r k ' s G e r m a n Evangelical L u ­ theran C h u r c h (1904 m e m o r i a l

R i c c i , Father Matteo, 194/, 195

srvice), 2 4 0 - 4 2 / ?

R i c h a r d the L i o n - H e a r t e d (English monarch), 1 4 6 - 4 7 Riley-Smith, J o n a t h a n , 152

(Berger), 2 4 5

Samson, Solomon bar, 188 Satan, 2 6

316

INDEX

Scandinavian conversion, 7 4 - 7 5

language, 2 0 8 - 9 ; of minority reli­

Scharfstein, B e n - A m i , 4

gions, 1 8 4 - 8 5 social network conversion: C h r i s t i a n

Schereschewsky, Samuel, 1 9 5 Schlegel, Frederick v o n , 1 4 9

use of, 6 0 ; described, 5 1 , 112n.7;

Schlesinger, A k i b a Joseph, 2 0 8 - 9

diffusion through w o m e n , 71; pro­ fessional missionaries vs., 6 7 - 6 8

Schmidt, Father W i l h e l m , 3 9

social science: o n causation of reli­

Scientific R e v o l u t i o n , 1 7

gious conflict, 1 1 5 - 1 6 ; o n ritual par­

scope of the G o d s : religious persis­

ticipation, 180; structural-function-

tence and belief i n , 176; rewards/ w o r s h i p link to, 2 2 - 2 4 ; solidarity

alism theory of, 2 4 4 - 4 6 ; study of

or conflict and, 3 3 - 3 4

group dynamics by, 3 3 - 3 4 ; study of religion by, 4 - 6

Second C o m i n g doctrine, 1 2 5

societies: civil religion of A m e r i c a n ,

Second C r u s a d e ( 1 1 4 6 - 1 1 4 9 ) , 129/",

2 4 6 - 5 0 ; diffusion of religion i n sim­

143-46 Second Vatican C o u n c i l , 2 3 7 - 3 8 , 2 3 9

ple, 3 6 - 4 4 ; H i g h G o d s of primitive,

sects. See religious sects

40; H i n d u i s m compatibility w i t h

secular incivility, 2 5 1 - 5 6

agrarian, 85; pseudo-pluralism i n ,

Seneca, 1 8 7

2 2 5 - 2 6 ; religious civility developed

Senna (Ethiopian ruin), 5 7

by, 2 5 8 - 5 9 ; religious development

Septuagint, 191

in primitive, 3 7 - 4 4 ; as requiring reli­

Serapis (Egyptian Goddess), 4 3

gion, 2 4 5 - 4 6 ; structural-functional-

Seznec, Jean, 7 6

ism theory o n , 2 4 4 - 4 6 . See also pagan societies

Shaw, George Bernard, 1 0 4 - 5 Shepherd's C r u s a d e (1320), 130/",

Society of Brethren, 9 0

147

Sofer, M o s e s , 2 0 8 , 2 0 9

Sherkat, D a r r e n , 178

Song N a i R h e e , 1 9 7

Shintoism, 5 0

Southern, R i c h a r d , 155-56

Shiva ( H i n d u G o d ) , 108

Spain: anti-Semitism by Christians

Siddhartha G a u t a m a (Buddha), 1 1 , 4 5

in, 1 3 1 / , 1 4 9 - 5 3 ; anti-Semitism

Simchat T o r a h (Festival of the Bibles),

by M u s l i m s in, 133/", 1 6 8 - 7 1 ; m y t h

174p

of " G o l d e n Age" of M o o r i s h ,

sin doctrines, 2 6

168-70

Smallwood, E . Mary, 55

"Spanish C r u s a d e , " 1 5 0 - 5 3

Smith, A d a m , 9 6 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 , 1 2 0 , 1 2 1 ,

Spencer, Herbert, 2 4 , 2 7

122-23, 221, 222, 223, 259

Spong, Bishop J o h n Shelby, 2 5 3 , 2 5 6

Smith, A l , 2 3 9

state: defense of Reformation by E u r o ­

Smith, C h r i s t i a n , 2 4 8

pean, 121; Islamic, 8 0 - 8 2 , 1 3 3 / ; reli­

Smith, H u s t o n , 1 0 6

gious coercion supported by, 120;

Smith, Joseph, 16

religious conflict as challenge to,

Smith, R o b e r t s o n , 181

1 2 0 - 2 2 ; social order through repres­

A Social and Religious History of the Jews (Baron), 141

sion by, 2 1 9 state churches: A m e r i c a n religious ci­

social cleavages: media promotion of

vility a n d separation of, 2 3 3 - 3 4 ; co­

religion as, 255-56; religious civility

ercive state power available to, 120;

linked to, 2 2 7

heresy as treason under, 1 2 0 - 2 1 ; re­ ligious nonconformity tolerated by,

social encapsulation: i n eastern vs. western E u r o p e , 2 0 7 - 1 0 ; through

1 2 1 - 2 2 ; religious pluralism vs.,

317

INDEX

state churches: (cont'd)

T h i r d C r u s a d e ( 1 1 8 8 - 1 1 9 2 ) , 129 f30/", 1 4 6 - 4 7

9 6-9 S; under achievement of monop­

Thomas, Keith, 3

oly, 1 0 3 - 4 Stefano, A n t o n i n o de, 1 6 7

Thompson, E . A . , 65

Stoll, D a v i d , 1 0 2

Tiberius ( R o m a n emperor), 5 5

Strabo, 5 4

Tillich, Paul, 100

structural-functionalism theory, 2 4 4 -

Tongues of Fire: The Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America

46

(Martin), 102

Suetonius, 5 5 Sufis, 1 7 5

T o r a h , 1 1 , 191

Summa Theologiae (Aquinas), 15

Toutain, Jules, 4 2

supernatural: absolute monotheism

Transcendental Meditation, 1 0 7

and essence, 2 4 - 2 5 ; evil forces of

Treaty of Westphalia ( 1 6 4 8 ) , 1 2 4

the, 2 5 - 2 6 ; h u m a n interest i n ex­

"trickle-down" theory of conversion:

ploring the, 1 2 , 1 4 - 1 8 ; religion as

failure of C h r i s t i a n , 7 3 - 7 4 ; success of Islamic, 8 3 - 8 4

explanation of, 15; religious concep­ tions of, 9 - 1 2 ; rewards gained

"trickster" literature, 2 1 - 2 2

through, 1 7 - 1 8

Trinitarian doctrine, 1 3 4 - 3 5

Susa-no-o (Japanese Shinto G o d ) , 2 2

Tuchman, Barbara, 154

synagogue services: convert atten­

T u t a n k h a m e n (Egyptian p h a r a o h ) , 32-33

dance at, 56-57; as missionary ef­ fort, 5 4 - 5 5

Twain, M a r k , 105 Tylor, Sir E d w a r d , 2 7 , 38

Tacitus, 5 5 , 1 8 7 Talmud, 117 Tantrick O r d e r of A m e r i c a , 1 1 0 T a o i s m : compared to B u d d h i s m , 4 8 -

unconscious C a t h o l i c doctrine, 2 3 6 , 239, 240 U n i o n Seminary ( N e w Y o r k C i t y ) , 243

4 9 ; as Godless religion, 10, 1 1 - 1 2 ;

Unitarians, 2 2 8 , 2 3 0 , 2 3 2

supernatural as essence i n , 9

United C h u r c h of C h r i s t , 9 0

Temple of C o s m i c Religion, 1 1 0

United Methodists, 9 9

Temple of Five H u n d r e d G o d s ( C a n ­

United Presbyterian C h u r c h , 9 9

ton), 2 0 p

United States: a n t i - C a t h o l i c i s m i n ,

Temple of Z e u s , 8/

2 3 1 , 2 3 2 Z - 3 3 , 2 3 8 - 3 9 ; anti-Semit­

Teresa, Mother, 105, 2 5 2

ism as insignificant in, 2 1 4 ; c h u r c h

Theological Studies (Murray), 2 3 5

and state separation i n , 2 3 3 - 3 4 ;

theology: C a t h o l i c view of, 15; defin­

condition of J e w i s h population i n ,

ing, 1 5 - 1 6 ; doctrine structure of,

2 1 0 - 1 5 , 2131; early anti-Semitism

1 6 - 1 7 . See also religion; religious

in, 2 3 1 - 3 2 ; H i n d u i s m missionizing

doctrines

in, 1 1 0 - 1 1 ; H i n d u i s m vogue a m o n g

theory of G o d s : constructing useful,

intellectuals i n , 109; J e w i s h / C h r i s ­

12; dimensions of monotheism a n d ,

tian graves of W o r l d W a r I I soldiers

2 3 - 2 8 ; images of G o d element of,

of, 218/?; politically correct incivil­

1 9 - 2 2 ; supernatural exchange rela­

ity i n , 2 5 1 - 5 4 ; R e f o r m movement

tions element of, 1 2 - 1 9

exported to, 2 0 4 - 5 , 2 1 0 - 1 1 ; reli­

Theosophy, 1 0 9

gious pluralism (1776) i n , 229t. See

T h e u d a , 1 5 8 , 163

also A m e r i c a n religious civility

318

INDEX

United States Census of Religious B o d ­

witch-hunts, 1 6 4 , 1 6 6

Unmar, 80 U r b a n I I , Pope, 1 1 5 , 1 3 7 - 3 9 ,

W i l l i a m s , R o b i n M . , Jr., 2 2 8 , 2 4 5 Wilson, Bryan, 4

ies (1926), 2 4 2 161

w o m e n : diffusion through exchange

Der Ursprung der Gottesidee

of, 37; overrepresented in new reli­ gious movements, 71

(Schmidt), 39

W o r l d C o u n c i l of C h u r c h e s , 104 Vatican I I C o u n c i l , 2 3 7 - 3 8 , 2 3 9

W o r l d Parliament of Religions ( C h i ­

Vedanta Society, 109 Venerable Bede (601), 74

cago, 1 8 9 3 ) , 106, 109 W o r l d W a r II: C a t h o l i c response to

Village Voice, 2 5 6

H o l o c a u s t during, 2 3 6 ; H o l o c a u s t

V i s h n u ( H i n d u G o d ) , 108

of, 125, 2 1 0 , 2 1 2 ; J e w i s h / C h r i s t i a n

Visigoths, 1 3 4 - 3 5 , 157

graves from, 218/?

Vital, David, 1 8 8 , 2 0 2

A World without Jews ( M a r x ) , 2 0 6

Vitalis of M o r t a i n , 161 V i v e k a n a n d a , 106, 107, 109

Y a h w e h ( Y H W H ) : anthropomor­

Volkmar, 141

phism of, 26; appealing image of,

Voyé, Lilliane, 5

59; conceived as "portable G o d , "

Wallace, A n t h o n y R C , 3 9 - 4 0

lution of, 26; exclusive obedience/re­

Washington Post, 2 5 4 The Wealth of Nations (Smith), 1 1 5 -

w a r d s relation w i t h , 3 4 - 3 5 , 55-56;

176; evil being tolerated by, 2 5 ; evo­

Hellenist Jews image of, 1 9 1 - 9 2 ;

16

missionizing imperative by, 5 2 - 5 3 ;

Weber, M a x , 5, 4 4 , 4 5 , 5 8 , 5 9 , 119

O l d Testament depiction of, 2 7 - 2 8

Weisskopf, M i c h a e l , 2 5 4

Y i d d i s h language, 2 1 6 n . 5

Wessels, A n t o n , 7 7

Y o g i , M a h a r i s h i M a h e s h , 107, 110

Whitefield, George, 2 3 0 , 2 5 2

Y u v a l , Israel, 193

Whittaker, T h o m a s , 3 7 W i l l i a m , archbishop of Tyre, 143

Zurcher, E r i c , 4 7 , 48

319