On the Side of My People: A Religious Life of Malcolm X 9780814721001

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On the Side of My People

On the Side of My People A Religious Lif e o f Malcolm X

Louis A . DeCaro , Jr .

New York Universit y Pres s N E W Y O R

K A N

D L O N D O

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NEW YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y PRES

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New York and Londo n © 199 6 by New York Universit y All rights reserve d Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Dat a DeCaro, Loui s A., 1957 On th e sid e of my people a religious life of Malcolm X / Louis A. DeCaro , Jr . p. cm . Includes bibliographical reference s (p . ) and index . Contents: Black nationalist religio n before th e Nation—Th e Nation befor e Malcol m X— A Garveyite son—Early lif e and religious training—Wayward youth—Crime , imprisonment , an d redemption—Early ministry—Evangelis m an d Nation-building — From Harle m t o the dark world—The makin g of an emissary — Religious apologist—Foreshadowing Mecca : between cult and orthodoxy—Fame an d fury—Banishe d fro m th e Nation—Th e pilgrim convert—Th e realitie s and ideal s of witness—The final year—Religious revolutionist—Fightin g i n the way of God— Closing th e book—Epilogue : no w he' s gone . ISBN 0-8147-1864- 7 (alk . paper ) ISB N 0-8147-1891- 4 pbk . 1. X , Malcolm , 1925-1965 . 2 . Blac k Muslims Biography. 3 . Afro-Americans—Biography . I. Title . BP223.Z8L573334 199 6 297'.87'092—

8 • Introduction Malcolm X the religiou s revolutionis t remains , hi s long legs striding through the page s o f history , hi s legendar y smil e stil l comfortin g friend s an d dis turbing enemies, hi s words still penetrating to the very marrow of our society. Whatever scholarl y o r historica l contribution s On the Side of My People provides, i t i s also a reminde r tha t Malcol m X has strangel y challenge d th e forces o f mortality, a s even Ale x Hale y conclude d i n 1965 . I t is still difficul t to imagine him gone .

1 Black Nationalis t Religio n before th e Natio n A God in our own image.

The organization whic h Malcolm X brought to national atten tion i n th e earl y 1960 s was a fa r cr y fro m th e movemen t a s i t existe d i n it s earliest stages. Indeed, th e Nation ha d significantly change d eve n by the time Malcolm joine d i t as a newly paroled enthusias t in the summer o f 1952 . The Nation began , i n fact , no t i n th e civi l right s era , bu t i n a fa r les s hopefu l time in the thinking of African Americans . The Nation' s philosophy , whic h wa s characteristicall y oppositional , wa s born i n an era when—and a place where—black peopl e were realizing anew the longevity , adaptability , an d extensivenes s o f white people's racism . Tha t era was the Great Depression, an d th e place was the urban ghett o of Detroit, Michigan—one o f many industrial center s where African America n laborer s from th e souther n Unite d State s ha d migrate d i n searc h o f a bette r lif e fo r themselves and their children . While contemporar y Europea n immigrant s wer e abl e t o surmoun t th e native xenophobia o f the Unite d States , Africa n American s invariabl y foun d themselves bot h practicall y an d theoreticall y overlooke d i n th e whit e man' s program o f "Americanization." Nevertheless, African American s were always fundamentally involve d i n th e cultur e o f th e Unite d States— a fac t observ 11

12 • Black Nationalist Religion before the Nation able, fo r instance , i n th e er a jus t befor e th e Grea t Depression , mor e popu larly know n a s "th e Jaz z Age"—a n er a tha t celebrate d th e classical-musi c contribution t o U.S . societ y b y African Americans . Ye t i t was no t "cultura l lag" tha t hindere d th e advancemen t o f blac k migrant s i n th e North , bu t racism. African Americans , i n fact , ha d alread y been migratin g northwar d durin g the year s preceding Worl d Wa r I . Ver y quickl y th e blac k migran t vanguar d saw that racia l line s wer e bein g increasingl y tightened . I n th e Worl d Wa r I era, whe n migratio n o f Africa n American s fro m th e Sout h t o th e Nort h became particularly heav y due to wartime employment opportunities , s o also did th e burde n o f racia l animosit y fro m whites . Blac k migrant s wer e invari ably treate d a s invaders , bein g physicall y assaulte d an d kille d an d blocke d from purchasin g propert y b y whit e realtor s an d so-calle d neighborhoo d im provement associations. The inevitabl e outcom e o f thi s racis t syste m wa s th e developmen t o f the blac k norther n ghetto , whic h becam e increasingl y crowde d a s Africa n American migrant s arrived, finding nowher e t o go besides the "safety" of the urban slum s i n whic h thei r brethre n wer e dwelling . B y 1930 , th e yea r i n which th e Natio n wa s born i n a Detroi t ghetto , 2.2 5 millio n blac k migrant s had lef t souther n farm s an d plantation s fo r th e urba n North . Betwee n 191 0 and 192 0 th e blac k populatio n i n Detroi t increase d b y 611 percent , an d th e overall black population i n the North increase d fro m 75,00 0 to 3 million. When Worl d Wa r I ende d an d whit e northerner s bega n t o retur n fro m the service , th e pang s o f racis m struc k th e Africa n America n communit y even deeper : blac k peopl e suddenl y foun d themselve s losin g thei r job s e n masse to white veterans who had returne d home . Blac k urban dwellers , wh o had fled th e Sout h t o escap e th e peril s o f racia l violenc e an d economi c despair, no w found al l hope of a better life vanish before thei r eyes. The strea m o f blac k migrant s di d no t ceas e t o flow afte r Worl d Wa r I . The ghett o existenc e o f th e Africa n America n migrant s an d thei r familie s was onl y intensifie d wit h th e arriva l o f mor e an d mor e unskille d an d ofte n illiterate souther n blacks—refugee s o f the bitte r sharecroppin g syste m o f the South. "Soon, " on e schola r concluded , "ther e wa s hunge r an d crim e an d delinquency—and troubl e wit h th e police. Th e brigh t promise o f the Nort h had failed . Hop e turne d t o desperation. " I t wa s i n thi s trouble d er a tha t Marcus Garvey appeared o n th e scene, a s James Weldon Johnso n ha s noted , stirring th e imaginatio n o f th e blac k masse s a s n o Africa n America n leade r had done before. * Garvey's organization , th e Universa l Negr o Improvemen t Associatio n

Black Nationalist Religion before the Nation * 1 3 (UNIA), wa s bot h controversia l an d influentia l amon g early-twentieth-cen tury Africa n Americans . Garve y characterize d hi s organizatio n a s a militan t opponent t o whit e supremac y a s wel l a s a n advocat e o f th e unificatio n o f African people s globally. Controvers y surrounde d Garve y and the UNIA , no t only amon g white s (fro m who m Garve y wante d t o separat e completely ) but als o amon g integrationist s suc h a s th e Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Advancement o f Colore d Peopl e (NAACP) . Th e latte r accuse d Garve y an d the UNI A o f being nothin g bu t a black versio n o f the K u Klu x Kla n an d a n "impractical, visionar y an d ridiculous " venture tha t ha d misle d "poor , igno rant negroe s . . . promisin g the m a competenc e fo r lif e fro m thei r invest ments in his enterprises." Marcus Garve y wa s a Caribbea n black , bor n i n Jamaic a i n 188 7 o f humble background . I n hi s yout h h e visite d variou s place s i n th e America s and witnesse d th e dire economic an d socia l conditio n o f the African people s of the West . H e enjoye d a n extende d sta y i n England , an d visite d a variety of European countrie s as well. Garvey' s travel experiences an d hi s reading of various black writers reinforced hi s own blossoming sense of leadership in the struggle fo r blac k liberation . I n 191 4 h e founde d th e UNIA , whic h gre w rapidly amon g Africa n American s onc e Garve y arrive d i n th e Unite d State s in 1916 . In time , Garve y founde d branche s o f th e UNI A no t onl y i n th e Unite d States but amon g scattere d African s i n th e Wester n Hemispher e a s well B y the middl e o f th e 1920 s th e UNI A ha d eleve n hundre d branche s i n ove r forty countries , mos t o f them i n th e Unite d States . Th e fac t tha t th e UNI A appealed t o blac k people s i n man y part s o f th e worl d show s a commo n experience o f racia l oppressio n amon g African s worldwide . Garve y an d hi s followers observe d i n histor y tha t wherever European s an d thei r descendant s confronted blac k peoples, a consistent patter n o f racism evolved . However, i t wa s Garvey' s organizationa l philosoph y an d operation s tha t stirred s o muc h controvers y an d undoubtedl y threatene d th e statu s o f othe r liberation movement s vyin g for the attention o f the black masses. The UNI A was differen t fro m th e integrationist-style d movement s o f tha t era , whic h Garvey chide d a s being th e "tool s o f white people, " in tha t i t departed fro m the establishe d civi l right s strateg y tha t wa s base d essentiall y o n egalitaria n presuppositions. Instead , Garve y an d th e UNI A preached , a s bot h racia l presupposition an d priority , th e total liberatio n o f black people, 2 The blac k nationalist spiri t of the UNI A wa s a revitalization o f the them e of separation an d repatriatio n t o Africa tha t ha d bee n argued—wit h varyin g characteristics—by nineteenth-centur y Africa n America n leader s suc h a s

14 • Black Nationalist Religion before the Nation Martin Delane y an d Bisho p Henr y Turner . Particularl y i n Turner' s cas e there wa s a rebirt h i n th e UNIA' s ide a tha t a successful Africa n stat e woul d win th e respec t o f whites . Bu t unlik e an y o f hi s predecessor s o r nationalis t contemporaries, Marcu s Garvey was able to establish a mass movement . The progra m whic h Garve y himsel f delineated, an d whic h becam e popu larly termed a "back to Africa" philosophy , di d no t call for the repatriatio n o f black people s worldwid e t o th e Africa n continent . Rather , i t subordinate d the national identitie s of colonized blac k peoples worldwide to an Africentri c worldview. Tha t worl d view, whos e mott o Garve y proclaime d a s "One God ! One aim ! One destiny! " was particularly committe d "t o establish a universa l confraternity amon g th e member s o f the Blac k race. " I n Garvey' s thinking , this woul d b e accomplishe d b y strengthenin g continenta l Africa n peoples , building independen t blac k nations , an d promotin g th e wholisti c develop ment of African people s worldwide. Afric a wa s the central concer n o f Garvey and th e UNIA , an d th e liberatio n o f Africa fro m Europea n colonialis m wa s the "prerequisite for the dignity o f Black men al l over the world." "Let n o ma n pul l yo u down , le t n o ma n destro y you r ambition, " Garve y preached. Th e whit e ma n "i s not your lord; he i s not your sovereign master. " Garvey's ideolog y wa s thus bot h nationalis t an d racial : "He advocate d racia l purity, racia l integrity , an d racia l hegemony. " Thi s doe s not , however , suggest tha t Garve y sough t t o realiz e a reversa l o f the statu s quo . I t was no t his dream fo r African people s to dominate Europeans , bu t only to be separate from the m an d buil d a separat e powe r o f thei r own : "I f yo u canno t liv e alongside th e whit e ma n i n peac e . . . then find a country o f your ow n an d rise t o th e highes t positio n withi n tha t country." 5 Garve y believe d tha t b y finding their homelan d an d workin g within it , blac k people worldwide coul d build thei r own place i n the sun. The UNI A di d no t limi t itsel f t o theor y an d rhetoric , bu t sough t t o implement program s o f economic cooperatio n i n an d throug h blac k solidar ity. T o thi s effect , th e organizatio n publishe d it s own internationa l newspa per, th e Negro World, a weekl y tha t carrie d storie s designe d t o advanc e th e movement's philosophy and develop black pride. Whil e the Negro World was essentially Garvey' s voice , i t enjoye d th e contribution s o f some o f the finest African America n editor s an d achieve d a globa l readership . I n tim e i t wa s perceived a s a threat in man y colonial headquarters . Under the umbrella o f the Negro Factories Corporation, th e UNIA sought to develo p factorie s an d businesse s i n al l th e larg e industria l center s o f th e Western world . Grocer y store s an d othe r servic e industrie s wer e developed , as was a publishing house . Perhap s th e best-known busines s venture wa s the

Black Nationalist Religion before the Nation • J 5 Black Sta r Line , a steamshi p company tha t wa s suppose d t o lin k blac k peoples worldwide. Garvey's UNI A expresse d it s racia l solidarit y i n a variet y o f othe r ways , including a black political organization , th e Negr o Politica l Union , tha t was designed t o consolidat e an d appl y blac k politica l powe r i n domesti c politics . Various component s o f the UNIA , whic h functione d a s auxiliaries, touche d every aspec t o f the blac k community , an d di d s o with a touch o f pomp an d circumstance. Auxiliarie s lik e th e Universa l Africa n Legion , th e Universa l Black Cros s Nurses , th e Universa l Africa n Moto r Corps , an d th e Blac k Flying Eagles were all uniformed groups . The progra m an d publi c imag e o f Marcus Garve y wa s thu s a threa t t o black organization s tha t preferre d t o approac h th e problem s o f African Americans i n th e Unite d State s fro m th e standpoin t o f citizenshi p an d th e black wis h t o b e a par t o f society . Garvey' s universa l Africa n approac h undoubtedly exacerbate d th e ba d feeling s o f both whit e an d blac k critic s by the universa l manne r i n whic h h e applied hi s nationalism. Thi s wa s perhaps no more clear than i n his treatment o f the Christian religion . In a rall y o f th e UNIA , Marcu s Garve y proclaimed : "Go d tell s u s t o worship a God i n ou r own image . . . . We are black, an d t o be in our imag e God mus t be black . . . w e have been worshippin g a false god. . , . We mus t create a go d o f ou r ow n an d giv e thi s ne w religio n t o th e negroe s o f th e world." Garve y ha d boldl y inverte d th e orthodo x theologica l premis e o f th e Hebrew an d Christia n scriptures , tha t is , tha t human s ar e t o worship a God in whose imag e they are made. Quite t o th e contrary , Garve y asserted , blac k peopl e mus t "create " thei r own go d an d religion . T o b e sure , Garve y wa s not advocatin g th e inventio n of a n entirel y ne w religion , no r wa s h e proposing—a s th e Natio n woul d later—that th e God o f the Christian religio n b e disclaimed altogether . Wha t Garvey appear s t o have advocated wa s the creatio n o f a "black theology" that would b e manifeste d bot h i n th e exterio r an d inwar d aspect s o f the religiou s lives o f Africans worldwide—thu s actin g a s a correctiv e t o th e whit e man' s religion. Though th e UNI A ha d n o religiou s affiliation , Garve y an d hi s follower s were closely aligned wit h the African Orthodo x Church , ove r which preside d an ordaine d Orthodo x bishop , Georg e Alexande r McGuire . McGuire , wh o carried Garvey' s religiou s ideal s t o thei r logica l conclusion , publicl y urge d black Christian s t o destroy picture s o f white Madonna s an d whit e Christ s i n bonfires. Suc h symbol s o f white religiou s devotio n wer e t o be replace d wit h images mor e appropriat e t o th e spiritua l need s o f th e blac k family : "Le t u s

16 • Black Nationalist Religion before the Nation start our negr o painter s gettin g busy . . . and suppl y a black Madonn a an d a black Chris t fo r th e trainin g o f ou r children/ ' I n anothe r publi c statement , during a rally of the UNIA , McGuir e declared : "If the white ma n i s going to impress on th e childre n o f m y rac e tha t everythin g goo d is white an d tha t everything tha t i s o f th e devi l i s black , the n le t u s her e a t thi s conventio n begin t o rewrite theology." Besides bein g a socia l an d politica l organization , th e UNI A ha d undeni ably establishe d itsel f a s " a spiritua l movement." 4 Garve y an d hi s follower s were clearl y dedicate d t o uprootin g Europea n theolog y i n th e thinkin g o f black people, an d to replace i t with a n Africentric Christia n theology : Our cause i s based upo n righteousness . An d anything that is not righteous we have no respec t for , becaus e Go d Almight y i s our leade r an d Jesu s Christ ou r standar d bearer. W e rely on them on that kind leadershi p that will make us free, fo r it is the same God wh o inspired th e Psalmis t to write "Princes shall come out of Egypt and Ethiopia shall stretch out her hands unto God." 5 However essentia l hi s impact wa s upo n blac k Christia n thinking , i t ap pears tha t Garve y an d hi s follower s ma y hav e inadvertentl y cleare d th e wa y for Isla m amon g black nationalists i n the Unite d States . I n a purely theologi cal sense , Garvey' s persona l religio n wa s ecumenical . No t onl y wa s h e influenced b y Edward Wilmot Blyden' s earlier, positiv e assessment of Islam, 6 but h e seem s t o hav e personall y minimize d th e difference s betwee n Chris tianity an d Islam . Thus , despit e th e clos e tie s betwee n th e UNI A an d th e African Orthodo x Church , Garve y provide d Musli m missionarie s i n th e United State s with a friendly platform . Indeed , som e member s o f the UNI A were themselve s convert s t o Islam ; ther e is , i n fact , testimon y tha t Elija h Muhammad—who woul d late r lea d th e Nation—wa s originall y a membe r of the UNIA . The glor y days of Marcus Garvey i n the Unite d State s peaked i n th e early 1920s, durin g which tim e h e had been abl e to capture massiv e black suppor t from souther n laborer s residin g i n norther n cities , strugglin g smal l busines s owners an d students , an d soldier s wh o ha d recentl y returne d fro m Worl d War I battlefields . Garvey' s powerfu l orator y an d progressiv e agend a ha d captured thei r imaginations and provide d the m hop e at a time when, overall , the experience of blacks in the United State s was one of disenchantment wit h the natio n an d it s recalcitrant racism . The movemen t wa s no t withou t it s problems , however , th e majo r on e being it s inability t o manage it s businesses. Mos t notably, th e Negr o Factor y Corporation an d th e Blac k Sta r Lin e faile d du e t o incompetence , misman -

Black Nationalist Religion before the Nation • 17 agement, an d othe r problems . Th e Blac k Sta r Lin e suffere d i n particular , not onl y fro m crimina l exploitatio n b y employees, bu t fro m th e sabotag e of white engineers . Throughou t hi s caree r i n th e Unite d States , Garve y ha d faced lega l skirmishes , mostl y pertainin g t o libe l suit s filed against him ; bu t these wer e smal l concern s compare d t o th e mor e seriou s lega l problem s h e would fac e ove r matter s pertainin g t o the Blac k Sta r Line . A s in th e cas e of the Natio n year s later, Garve y and th e UNI A were under surveillanc e by the government, whic h entaile d man y form s o f harassment—includin g lega l suits. Thus , th e lega l problem s ove r th e Blac k Sta r Lin e represente d th e climax o f the assault on Marcu s Garvey by the Unite d State s government. 7 Ultimately, Garve y was convicted o f knowingly, an d with criminal intent , using th e mail s t o promot e th e sal e o f Blac k Sta r Lin e stock s wit h ful l knowledge tha t th e Lin e ha d failed . H e wa s convicte d o n th e basi s o f wha t one writer calls "extremely thin " evidence: a single, empt y envelope wit h th e Black Sta r Lin e stam p wa s use d a s proo f o f Garvey' s allege d crime . Afte r Garvey lost an appea l o f his case, h e was imprisoned i n Atlanta i n 1925 , and was deported i n 192 7 after Presiden t Coolidge commuted hi s sentence, Marcus Garvey' s movemen t di d no t en d wit h hi s deportation . A s i n th e case o f Malcolm' s parents , Garvey' s follower s i n th e Unite d State s persiste d in th e UNLV s missio n o f African redemption . However , Garve y wa s neve r able t o re-creat e elsewher e th e succes s know n b y th e UNI A i n th e Unite d States. B y 1940 , whe n h e die d i n London , hi s politica l forc e wa s onl y a shadow o f wha t i t ha d been . Ye t h e ha d irrevocabl y plante d hi s blac k nationalist philosoph y i n th e soi l o f th e blac k liberatio n movemen t o f th e United States . An d perhap s th e boldes t strok e o f tha t contributio n wa s th e creation o f a black religion an d a black God. While the Marcus Garvey movement left a budding black theology among nationalist-oriented Africa n America n Christians , no t al l blac k nationalist s were content t o remain member s o f such a revolutionary blac k Christianity. Dissenters fel t n o theologica l affinit y t o eithe r th e Africa n America n Chris tian churc h o r th e orthodo x tenet s o f Christianity , an d di d no t hesitat e t o deny the divine nature o f Jesus—even tha t of a black Jesus. This theologica l departure fro m blac k Christianit y wa s most pronounce d i n th e developmen t of black nationalis t Musli m an d Jewis h organization s amon g urba n Africa n Americans i n the era of Garvey's movement i n the Unite d States . According t o on e scholar , eve n befor e Marcus Garve y ha d arrive d i n the Unite d State s ther e wa s alread y a spreadin g flame o f "psychologica l emigrationism" movin g throug h th e South , particularl y throug h th e Caroli nas. Thi s wav e emphasize d th e them e o f African American s bein g "th e los t

18 • Black Nationalist Religion before the Nation sheep o f Israel/' Assuming thi s to be correct, the n perhap s ther e was a black Zeitgeist, providing a n alternativ e strea m o f nationalis m tha t eventuall y fe d into th e Garve y movement . Inevitably , suc h a strea m woul d hav e becom e diversified i n a numbe r o f blac k nationalis t religiou s currents—includin g that o f th e non-Christia n movement s tha t blossome d afte r th e UNI A ha d declined.8 Among thes e non-Christia n movements , mos t notabl e wa s th e Mooris h Science Temple , le d b y Nobl e Dre w Ali , wh o wa s born Timoth y Dre w i n North Carolin a i n 1886 . Dre w Ali migrated northwar d an d secure d employ ment o n th e railroad , settlin g i n Newark , Ne w Jersey . Dre w Al i wa s appar ently no t wel l schooled , bu t h e wa s sufficiently self-educate d t o hav e devel oped a tast e fo r religiou s literature , includin g religiou s material s o f a n apocryphal an d exoti c nature . Drew Ali' s belie f wa s tha t black s coul d find salvatio n onl y whe n the y discovered thei r "nationa l origin"—thei r rea l identitie s a s a n "Asiatic " people, th e Moorish American descendant s o f the ancient Moabites of northwest and southwes t Africa . Indeed , h e ferventl y rejecte d reference s suc h a s "Negro," "colored/ ' "African, " o r "Ethiopian. " Dre w Ali' s movemen t sprea d from Newark , wher e i t ha d bee n founde d i n 1913 , an d Mooris h temple s were established i n cities with significant blac k populations such as Pittsburgh and Detroit . Th e Mooris h movemen t eventuall y foun d it s wa y t o Chicag o and wa s registere d wit h th e stat e o f Illinoi s i n 192 6 a s a n organizatio n dedicated t o upliftin g "falle n humanity " an d instructin g "thos e thing s neces sary to make men an d wome n becom e better citizens." 9 Having been establishe d i n Chicago, Dre w Ali now faced bot h hi s greatest hour a s a leade r an d hi s bitteres t tim e o f disappointment , opposition , an d division. Whil e th e movemen t enjoye d success , i t was invariably expose d t o hustlers, opportunists , an d other s seekin g t o exer t thei r persona l interest s i n the guis e o f th e blac k liberatio n movement . Likewise , Chicago' s Mooris h followers wer e much mor e aggressive i n expressin g their racia l dissatisfactio n and bega n t o accos t white s o n th e streets , creatin g mino r disturbance s an d drawing negativ e attentio n fro m th e police . I n hi s own publication , Moorish Literature, Dre w Ali felt obligate d t o issue a "Divine Warning" to his follow ers, urgin g the m t o desis t fro m "radica l agitating " a t wor k o r o n th e streets . "We are for peace and no t destruction," Drew Ali concluded . Unfortunately, peac e di d no t prevai l i n th e Mooris h movement . Whil e Drew Al i apparentl y ha d a number o f rivals, h e face d significan t oppositio n from on e wh o calle d himsel f "Sheikh " an d launche d wha t becam e a bitte r contest for supremacy i n Chicago. However , i n March 1929 , while Drew Ali

Black Nationalist Religion before the Nation • J 9 was ou t o f th e city , hi s riva l wa s murdered ; whe n h e returne d t o Chicago , Drew Al i wa s arreste d an d jailed . Durin g hi s incarceration , h e issue d wha t was apparentl y hi s las t message . I n a "warnin g an d appeal, " Dre w Al i de clared t o hi s follower s tha t h e ha d bee n imprisone d fo r the m an d thei r cause, an d tha t h e ha d redeeme d thos e wh o stil l believe d "i n m e an d m y father, God. " The legac y o f Nobl e Dre w Ali , lik e tha t o f Marcus Garvey , i s vita l t o understanding the development of the Nation. Whil e Garvey contributed th e idea o f a blac k religio n wit h a blac k divinity , Dre w Al i lef t a n alternativ e black religious legacy that harkened back to an "Asiatic" identity in a Moorish homeland. Thus , whil e Garvey benignly opened th e door to Islam, Dre w Ali endeavored t o step through tha t door, leadin g his followers towar d a nominal Islamic religion . Drew Ali's step toward Isla m wa s hardly orthodox—anothe r contributio n to the blac k nationalis t legac y tha t woul d eventuall y blosso m i n th e Nation . Despite the fact that he lauded Isla m and calle d i t the "least appreciated" and "most misunderstoo d o f th e world' s grea t religions, " Dre w Al i onl y adde d misunderstanding b y introducing hi s own cultic errors in th e name of Islam. This i s epitomized i n th e fact tha t hi s organization's Holy Koran was not th e Qur'an o f the Islami c world , bu t rathe r a heavil y plagiarize d versio n o f two documents, The Aquarian Gospel of Jesus the Christ, an d a Tibetan writin g entitled "Infinit e Wisdom. " The Aquarian Gospel was a n apocrypha l docu ment first publishe d i n th e earl y twentiet h century ; apparentl y Dre w Al i merely mad e superficia l modification s i n hi s version, especiall y b y changing "God" to "Allah." Though Dre w Ali apparentl y rejecte d th e divinit y o f Jesus, h e wa s hardly consistent wit h Isla m b y claimin g h e wa s th e thir d reincarnatio n o f th e Prophet Muhammad—wh o wa s himsel f supposedl y th e reincarnatio n o f Jesus Christ. Indeed , eve n Dre w Ali's conception o f God seem s to have been more akin t o the divinity o f classical deism tha n tha t o f the true Muslim . Drew Al i showe d respec t t o the Unite d State s an d it s Constitution fro m a purely nationalisti c standpoint , an d apparentl y h e tende d t o minimiz e ope n condemnation o f whites. A nationalist an d separatist , h e criticize d th e intc grationist black s fo r thei r "sinfu l way s of action," believin g tha t th e bes t way to coexis t wit h white s wa s t o maintai n a strong , separat e nationa l identity , and practic e th e Mooris h religion . However , hi s writing s di d contai n mil d criticism o f the "Europeans," and on e of his catechisms allude to the descendants o f Ada m an d Ev e bein g "Satan , Devil , Drago n an d Beast. " Thes e words may hint at Drew Ali's private analysis of whites within th e confines o f

20 • Black Nationalist Religion before the Nation the Mooris h movement , thoug h the y would ultimatel y b e expanded t o mor e dramatic proportion s i n th e Nation' s teachings . Overall , Nobl e Dre w Ali' s movement clearl y foreshadowe d th e Nation , whic h late r appropriate d hi s notion o f a blac k Islamic-style d religion , a philosoph y o f racia l separatism , and identificatio n wit h an Asiatic nationalism. 10

2 The Natio n befor e Malcolm X I am the one you were expecting.

The histor y o f th e Natio n prio r t o Malcol m i s actuall y tw o stories: th e foundationa l organizatio n o f a mysteriou s peddler-turned prophet, an d th e revisio n o f tha t organizatio n b y a Souther n migran t wit h aspirations t o religiou s preeminence . I n th e thinkin g o f th e Nation , o f course, ther e wa s a n unbroke n continuit y betwee n th e origina l founder, W. D . Fard , an d hi s blac k successor , Elija h Muhammad—jus t a s today' s leading manifestatio n o f th e Nation , unde r Loui s Farrakhan , undoubtedl y sees itsel f i n unbroke n continuit y wit h Elija h Muhammad . However , th e continuity tha t eac h versio n o f th e Natio n ha s enjoye d i s no t s o muc h organizational, bu t ideological . I n th e cas e o f every dominan t versio n ther e was a point o f disintegration—at th e disappearance o r death o f the l e a d e r after whic h th e Natio n wa s reinvented , eac h organizatio n claimin g succes sion to the previous manifestation. 1 The Natio n tha t Malcol m entere d wa s i n fac t th e movement' s predomi nant secon d manifestatio n unde r th e leadershi p o f Elija h Muhammad . B y the lat e 1940 s an d earl y 1950s , Muhamma d ha d prove n himsel f a capabl e administrator an d teacher . Despit e th e diminutiv e siz e o f hi s movement , Muhammad ha d le d hi s Natio n int o a n institutiona l phase , wit h severa l 21

22 • The Nation before Malcolm X temples i n variou s citie s an d a smal l bu t loya l followin g o f minister s an d laypeople. Th e fac t that Malcol m wa s eventually abl e to expand th e Nation' s borders i s not onl y testimon y t o his organizational skills , but als o to the abl e leadership o f Muhammad, wh o was a capable organizer i n hi s own right . When th e first manifestatio n o f th e Natio n occurre d i n Detroi t Elija h Muhammad wa s stil l Elija h Poole , a Georgia-bor n migrant . Havin g wit nessed fro m childhoo d th e brutalit y tha t th e South demonstrate d towar d blacks, Muhamma d ha d develope d a kee n analysi s o f whites . Thoug h inti mately acquainte d wit h th e Baptis t church, Muhamma d ha d earl y displaye d the tendenc y t o rejec t orthodo x Christianity— a tendenc y tha t perhap s hi s father, a n unordaine d "jackleg " preacher , als o shared . Muhammad' s lif e i n the South , a s later i n Detroit , wa s characterized b y hard wor k and a tireless, often agonizing , searc h o f the Bibl e fo r a n answe r t o hi s people' s dilemma . Muhammad's answe r apparently came , o r so he believed, whe n h e attende d one of the Nation' s meeting s i n 1931. 2 The ma n who m Muhamma d ha d com e t o hea r wa s know n amon g hi s black follower s a s W . D . Fard , thoug h thi s nam e seem s t o hav e bee n a distortion o f Farrad . H e wa s als o know n a s Wallace Farra d Muhammad — though Far d seem s to hav e bee n th e preferre d referenc e amon g the Nation' s membership. Fard' s origin s are somewhat mysterious , thoug h i t seems likely he wa s previously involve d i n bot h Garvey' s UNI A an d Dre w Ali' s Mooris h Science Templ e movement . Ironically , b y appearance , W . D . Far d coul d even hav e passe d fo r a whit e ma n o f th e Mediterranea n type . Far d himsel f claimed t o be of the lineag e o f the Prophe t Muhammad , an d tha t hi s origins were i n Mecca . A variety of theories exist as to his descent, an d thoug h Far d may hav e bee n o f Easter n descen t i t i s almos t certainl y th e cas e tha t hi s claim t o Meccan lineag e was bogus. Fard appeare d i n Detroi t i n 1930 , thoug h neithe r a s a n activis t no r a messiah. Rather , lik e the man y Ara b and Syria n salesme n o f Detroit i n tha t era, Far d use d th e peddler' s guis e t o mak e hi s first contacts i n th e migran t black community . Sellin g raincoat s an d silks , Far d apparentl y wo n th e affection o f his clients b y his genuine interes t i n thei r welfar e an d hi s desir e to provide advic e an d information . H e stimulated th e interes t of his custom ers by making repeate d reference s t o their homeland, an d their people's ways and custom s i n tha t homeland . Far d advise d the m especiall y o n matter s of diet , an d hi s concer n fo r the m apparentl y le d t o unorganize d hous e group meetings. During thes e hom e meetings , Far d bega n t o expos e th e peopl e t o deepe r teachings particularl y hi s caustic view of white people, Christianity , an d th e

The Nation before Malcolm X • 2 3 Bible. Despit e th e fac t tha t the y wer e al l to o familia r wit h whit e racism , Fard's audience s wer e shocke d a t hi s drasti c rejectio n o f th e cultura l an d religious norm s o f society. However , Far d wa s soon abl e t o wi n the m over , using i n hi s defens e th e hars h realitie s o f th e racia l statu s quo . Havin g established th e loyalt y o f hi s listeners , Far d forme d th e Nation , whic h wa s also calle d "th e Los t Foun d Natio n o f Islam, " signifyin g hi s teachin g tha t blacks wer e actuall y a los t Asiati c tribe , wanderin g i n th e "wildernes s o f North America. " The Natio n wa s quickl y organize d i n a plac e o f worship an d instructio n that Far d calle d a "temple. " Thi s nomenclatur e wa s a tell-tal e sig n o f th e Nation's dubiou s "Islamic " heritage . Indeed , th e Natio n kep t it s "temples " for thirt y years—unti l Malcol m X an d Elija h Muhamma d wen t t o th e Middle Eas t i n 1959-60 , a n experienc e tha t apparentl y shame d the m int o calling their sanctuaries "mosques. " Fard's operations undoubtedl y reflecte d prio r planning an d experience . I n a shor t tim e h e ha d develope d auxiliarie s fo r me n an d women , a s wel l a s written an d ora l catechism s fo r th e entir e membership . H e appointe d assis tant minister s an d eve n bega n a "University o f Islam," a parochial schoo l fo r the Nation' s children . Far d als o organized th e Frui t o f Islam, a kind o f elite Muslim guar d tha t provided securit y for the temple and it s ministers.' A sampl e o f Fard' s ora l catechism , th e Secret Ritual of the Nation of Islam, provide s som e insigh t int o hi s origina l religiou s teachings : "M e an d my peopl e wh o hav e bee n los t fro m hom e fo r 37 9 year s hav e trie d thi s socalled myster y Go d fo r bread , clothin g an d a home. An d w e receive nothin g but har d times , hunger , nake d an d ou t o f doors. Als o was beat and kille d by the ones that advocated tha t kind o f God."4 I n short, Far d recommende d th e abandonment o f Christianity b y virtue of its supposed failure , an d th e failur e of th e "so-calle d myster y God " t o gran t provisio n an d liberatio n t o blac k people. A t a purel y religiou s level , i t appears Far d sa w n o reaso n t o salvage Christianity a s Garvey ha d done ; his negative allusio n t o the "mystery God, " which Elija h Muhamma d continue d t o ech o fo r decade s afterward , wa s clearly a referenc e t o th e essentia l myster y o f the divin e natur e i n Christia n theology and not just a rejection o f the cultural form o f white Western Chris tendom. Fard understandabl y clashe d with the local black church an d it s ministers. As th e Natio n continue d t o prosper , h e ha d undoubtedl y deprive d th e churches o f members, an d hi s scathing religious criticisms could hardl y have escaped notic e withi n a predominatel y Christia n community . Fard' s rol e i n the communit y wa s not limite d t o religiou s teachings , ye t i t was not merel y

24 • The Nation before Malcolm X racial leadership , either . Fard' s socia l an d racia l teaching s wer e inseparabl y bound u p wit h hi s alternativ e theology , an d everythin g h e taugh t hi s blac k followers wa s premise d o n th e notio n tha t thei r God , Allah , wa s a blac k divinity. Fard wa s abl e t o hol d th e respec t o f hi s followers , eve n whe n h e wa s opposed b y th e community' s Christia n clerg y i n a publi c confrontation . Even thoug h Far d wa s apparently stifle d b y their "baffling questions, " he had at least convinced th e Nation o f his supernatural power s and knowledge ; they believed Fard' s clai m tha t he even kne w the inne r thoughts o f the preachers. He als o claime d t o kno w th e rea l name s o f hi s followers—thei r "Asiatic " identities, whic h h e reveale d t o the m afte r the y ha d pai d a registratio n fe e and signe d ont o th e movement . Th e name s Far d gav e his followers wer e n o more authentic African name s than wer e the European slav e names they had inherited i n th e South . However , the y happil y receive d thei r "original " names, Asiati c names such as Sharrieff, Pasha , Karriem , an d Mohammed. 5 Fard reine d i n hi s followers i n mor e practical way s beyond catechis m an d organizational structure . Th e Natio n ha d a rigorous ethical an d dietar y cod e that restricte d member s t o a strict life-style. Alcoholi c beverage s and tobacc o products wer e forbidden , an d consumptio n o f pork , amon g othe r dietar y regulations, wa s forbidden . Sexua l ethic s wer e likewis e strict , wit h bot h premarital an d extramarita l relation s prohibited . By lat e 1932 , however , Fard' s problem s ha d begu n t o accumulate . H e began t o mak e fewe r publi c appearances , probabl y becaus e o f harassmen t from th e polic e a s wel l a s competitio n fro m othe r "Moslem " an d race oriented leaders . Apparentl y tw o o f hi s assistan t minister s ha d prove n t o b e especially troublesome, an d one of them i n particular tried to lead the Natio n into th e Mooris h movement . I t wa s durin g thi s tim e o f crisi s tha t Far d increasingly turne d t o hi s youn g assistant , Elija h Muhammad , t o maintai n stability i n the Nation' s temple . Unlike th e othe r ministers , i t seem s tha t Elija h Muhamma d ha d a n amazingly credulou s fait h i n W . D . Fard . Thi s wa s undoubtedl y base d o n Muhammad's ow n previou s socia l an d religiou s experiences , an d hi s appar ent hunge r fo r a raciall y messiani c solutio n t o th e blac k man' s situatio n i n the Unite d States . Afte r h e ha d hear d Far d spea k onl y fo r th e secon d time , Elijah—still usin g the last name Poole—approached him , meekl y declaring: "You ar e tha t on e w e rea d i n th e Bibl e tha t h e woul d com e i n th e las t day under th e nam e o f Jesus . . . . Yo u ar e tha t one? " Fard , wh o wa s probabl y taken abac k b y thi s naiv e expectation , responded : "Yes , I a m th e on e tha t you hav e been lookin g for the last two thousand years ; I am the one."

The Nation before Malcolm X * 2 5 Thereafter, a special chemistr y seem s to have developed betwee n th e two, After tha t conversation , i t seem s tha t Far d bega n t o revea l hi s messiani c identity to the movement, assurin g his black followers tha t "I am the one you were expecting. " Muhamma d wa s apparentl y overjoyed . H e bega n t o bea r witness t o Fard' s messiani c advent , announcin g tha t hi s long-awaite d salva tion ha d come . H e woul d eve n g o hom e an d ge t int o hi s closet , wher e h e would pra y t o W . D . Fard , "wh o brough t u s th e trut h tha t I wa s longin g to hear. " In th e temple , Elija h wa s a t first give n th e nam e Karriem , bu t i t wa s eventually changed t o Muhammad. Hi s claims to omniscience notwithstand ing, Far d ha d mistakenl y give n Elija h an d hi s tw o brother s thre e differen t last names. However , i t is probable that Far d gav e Elijah th e name Muham mad later , especiall y afte r h e prove d t o b e hi s mos t faithfu l an d devote d minister. Muhamma d ha d accompanie d Far d t o Chicag o fo r preachin g expeditions, an d ha d eve n begu n t o deif y hi s leade r i n hi s speeches . No t surprisingly, Muhamma d frequente d th e Detroit temple to monitor the other assistant minister s i n th e Nation , reportin g bac k to Fard , wh o b y lat e 193 2 had withdraw n fro m th e movement . In Ma y 193 3 Fard wa s exiled fro m Detroi t after harassmen t b y police tha t resulted i n severa l arrests . H e apparentl y trie d t o rebuil d hi s movemen t i n Chicago, bu t wa s drive n ou t o f tha t cit y b y th e polic e a s well . H e wa s las t seen a t th e Chicag o airpor t i n Februar y 1934 , wher e h e bi d farewel l t o hi s followers. "Don' t worry, " he promised, " I am wit h you ; I will be back to you in th e nea r futur e t o lea d yo u ou t o f thi s hell " However , Far d neve r returned, an d hi s movemen t wa s left t o fragment™ just as Noble Dre w Ali's movement eventuall y succumbe d t o divisive strife from within. 6 After Fard' s banishment, mos t of his Detroit following eithe r went back to the Christia n churc h o r allie d themselve s wit h variou s "Moslem " factions . Probably becaus e o f hi s loyalt y t o Fard , Elija h Muhamma d foun d himsel f opposed, an d eve n threatened , b y othe r claimant s t o th e prophet' s mantle . Muhammad persevere d bu t eventuall y fel t constraine d t o leave Detroi t wit h his family , wh o comprise d th e nucleu s o f hi s temple . Movin g t o Chicago , Muhammad establishe d th e Alla h Templ e o f Islam—Allah , i n thi s case , referring t o W. D . Fard . In Chicag o "th e Templ e People, " a s Muhamma d calle d hi s movement , did no t find grea t success , either . The y soo n discovere d the y coul d no t maintain a stable locatio n fo r thei r templ e an d wer e constantl y bein g force d out o f lease s b y landlords—wh o wer e themselve s probabl y unde r pressur e from la w enforcemen t agencies . Thi s antagonis m wa s likel y heightene d b y

26 • The Nation before Malcolm X the bol d resistanc e t o governmen t an d polic e tha t characterize d Muham mad's followers , especiall y i n Chicago . Dre w Ali' s Mooris h follower s i n Chicago ha d distinguishe d themselve s b y their aggressiv e respons e t o whites; it als o seem s likel y tha t Muhamma d ha d acquire d som e o f Dre w Ali' s followers i n hi s Chicago congregation. No t surprisingly, Muhammad' s Tem ple Peopl e clashe d wit h polic e o n a t leas t tw o occasions , wit h on e fraca s taking place inside a courtroom. Ye t Muhammad's tribulation s were only beginning. Having apparentl y establishe d tw o smal l congregations , Muhamma d wa s still facin g rival s whos e threat s wer e al l to o real . N o longe r saf e eve n i n Chicago, Elija h Muhamma d too k t o th e road , livin g a s a kin d o f leade r i n exile, fleeing fro m cit y t o city an d usin g pseudonym s t o protec t hi s identity . Leaving Detroit' s Templ e No . 1 and Chicago' s Templ e No . 2 in th e hand s of assistants , Muhamma d lef t i n 1935 . Movin g throug h Wisconsi n an d finally settling i n Washington , D.C. , Muhamma d wa s known a s "Moham med Rasool " an d "Gula m Bogans. " Durin g thi s time , matter s worsene d when Muhammad' s assistan t minister s i n Detroi t an d Chicag o seceded , taking followers wit h them . In Ma y 1942 , shortl y afte r th e Unite d State s ha d responde d t o Japan' s attack b y declaring war, Muhamma d wa s arrested i n Washington , D.C. , fo r inciting hi s follower s t o resis t th e draft . Bac k i n Chicago , polic e completel y closed dow n Templ e No . 2 o n th e pretex t tha t th e Templ e Peopl e wer e affiliated wit h th e Japanes e ( a charg e tha t ma y hav e hel d som e trut h wit h respect t o Fard) . Muhammad , a s Gula m Bogans , tol d a gran d jur y i n Washington tha t h e ha d bee n advise d b y Allah t o hav e nothin g t o d o wit h war or fighting. Though Muhammad' s famil y an d follower s eventuall y poste d bai l fo r their leader , h e wa s move d bac k t o Chicag o fo r tria l an d wa s ultimatel y sentenced t o five year s i n a federa l correctio n facilit y fo r encouragin g draf t resistance. I n fact, durin g World War II, more than on e hundred o f Muhammad's follower s serve d jai l sentence s fo r refusin g t o registe r fo r th e draf t according t o thei r leader' s instruction . Th e immediat e effec t o n Muham mad's movemen t wa s devastating; with man y o f its men imprisone d an d th e Chicago templ e shu t down , th e movemen t wa s onc e agai n temporaril y reduced t o a house meetin g format. Havin g lost members through secession , imprisonment, an d intimidatio n b y la w enforcemen t agencies , th e Templ e People persevered . Whil e Muhamma d wa s servin g hi s priso n sentence , hi s followers first rented the n purchase d thei r first property i n Chicago. 7

The Nation before Malcolm X • 27 Ironically, Muhamma d an d hi s organization see m t o have benefited fro m prison life . Durin g hi s incarceration , Muhamma d apparentl y bega n t o pla n economic strategie s wit h hi s followers , whic h the y implemente d upo n re lease. H e emerge d fro m priso n wit h a "new vision"—the convictio n tha t hi s movement ha d t o transform itsel f into an organizatio n tha t was no longe r an underground movement . Withou t renouncin g hi s forme r commitmen t t o W. D . Fard' s deity , Elija h Muhamma d nevertheles s sough t a more progressive agenda. H e encourage d hi s follower s t o expan d thei r thinkin g an d eve n welcomed th e adven t o f th e televisio n int o hi s home . Afte r h e establishe d new businesse s i n th e community , th e movemen t bega n t o cultivat e a friendly presenc e there. In th e teaching s o f the movemen t Muhamma d wa s equally astute . Afte r getting ou t o f prison, h e aggressivel y collecte d th e remainin g material s tha t had bee n produce d b y Fard . "H e too k thos e thing s ou t o f circulatio n an d then h e bega n himsel f t o interpret , t o preach , an d pu t th e emphasi s wher e he wante d th e emphasi s t o be. " Whil e Muhammad' s action s undoubtedl y reflected a genuin e concer n fo r hi s religiou s heritage , i t seem s h e wa s als o exerting a control tha t h e kne w would b e necessar y i f the movemen t wer e to survive and grow. I n this regard, Muhamma d wa s undoubtedly successfu l One knowledgeabl e witnes s wrot e i n 1951 : "Elija h Mohamme d no w follows th e step s o f Far d i n al l th e detail s o f hi s though t an d actions/ ' Muhammad's leadershi p ha d bee n develope d an d established , th e observe r wrote, "b y th e suppor t tha t h e ha s acquired fro m Far d first and b y his exac t imitation o f Far d himsel f late r on. " Thoug h a n imitator , Muhamma d wa s clever enoug h t o centraliz e himsel f a s "th e maintaino r o f th e ideolog y an d morale o f the group." By controlling an d manipulatin g al l the instrumentali ties o f the movement , Elija h Muhamma d becam e th e undispute d "stimula tor o f a kin d o f coordinate d an d collectiv e action. " N o longe r a fleeing, persecuted teacher , Muhamma d wa s no w a religiou s magnat e wit h th e las t word on al l matters of the movement. 8 Muhammad's teaching s remaine d nationalistic , thoug h i n th e sens e tha t his followers perceive d themselve s a s an exclusiv e blac k natio n wit h root s i n the Asiati c cit y of Mecca. Thoug h Far d ha d neve r activel y claime d divinity , Elijah Muhamma d no w expande d th e notio n o f th e Mahd i t o Christia n proportions—applying a divine natur e to Fard a s the Messiah . Upo n joinin g his movement , Muhammad' s follower s di d no t receiv e "Moslem " names from hi m a s Far d ha d done . Instead , ne w member s wer e require d t o dro p their las t names , replacin g the m wit h "X. " Sinc e thei r forme r name s wer e

28 • The Nation before Malcolm X considered th e legacy of slavery, th e "X" was itself a personal rejectio n o f the white man' s worl d an d a demonstratio n o f thei r convictio n tha t someda y Fard woul d retur n t o grant them thei r true names. Separation fro m white s remaine d centra l t o th e teaching s o f Elija h Muhammad's organization , an d th e door s o f th e movemen t wer e opene d only t o blacks , eve n thoug h ther e wa s a non-blac k Musli m presenc e i n Chicago. Unlik e Garvey , Muhamma d di d no t ti e hi s nationalis m t o Africa ; however, neithe r di d h e loo k forwar d t o repatriatin g blac k peopl e t o Asia . When lan d wa s demanded , i t wa s usuall y couche d i n th e languag e o f reparations, no t repatriation . Ultimately , Muhammad' s cal l wa s vague, urg ing black s t o "retur n t o thei r own, " whic h ma y hav e hinte d a t a separat e racial settlemen t i n th e Unite d States , ye t as an ide a remaine d fluid enoug h to fill any black nationalist's cup . The moralis m an d dietary restrictions prescribed by Fard were carried over into Muhammad' s organization . Th e life-styl e o f th e follower s o f Muham mad's "Islam " evidence d a ferven t devotio n t o th e moralit y an d self-hel p philosophy o f th e movement . Indeed , Muhamma d instructe d hi s follower s to ea t onl y on e mea l pe r day . Me n wer e t o dres s i n suit s an d wome n wer e attired i n Musli m outfits , complet e wit h hea d coverings . Childre n wer e strictly reare d an d disciplined , and—i f possible—wer e enrolle d i n Muham mad's version o f the Universit y o f Islam. Muhammad's templ e worship and ritual s were not in accordance with th e prescribed tradition s o f true Islam . I n essence , Muhammad' s meeting s wer e lectures, wit h littl e praye r an d non e o f th e hym n singin g tha t hi s peopl e would hav e know n fro m th e Christia n church . Reading s wer e take n bot h from th e Bibl e an d th e Qur'an , bu t th e greate r emphasi s i n thes e presenta tions seems to have been place d o n th e Bible. Prayer s were conducted i n th e followers' homes , bu t no t i n correspondenc e t o th e five daily prayer s o f th e Muslim world . Later , Malcol m X probably le d th e movemen t towar d mor e authenticity i n thei r worship ; th e Nation' s 195 7 publication , Muslim Daily Prayers, a devotional guide , evidence d a greater inclinatio n towar d orthodo x Islam. Still, ther e wa s a fundamenta l unorthodox y abou t Muhammad' s teach ings, insofa r a s Isla m i s concerned . Al l th e aspect s o f th e movemen t wer e bound u p with the claim that Far d ha d been a divine manifestation, an d tha t Muhammad himsel f wa s Fard' s sol e representative , th e "Messenge r o f Allah." Thi s becam e th e assumptio n unde r whic h bot h th e Bibl e an d th e Qur'an wer e studie d an d interpreted . Similarly , jus t a s Fard' s divin e natur e was intrinsic to Muhammad's program , s o also were the teachings built upo n

The Nation before Malcolm X • 2 9 the prerequisite belie f tha t Sata n wa s not a supernatural bein g but rathe r th e inherently evi l an d inferio r whit e race . Th e theolog y o f Elija h Muhamma d turned completel y o n thi s doctrin e an d upo n th e notio n tha t Alla h (Fard ) was goin g t o unleas h a final, devastatin g catastroph e upo n th e whit e man' s world from whic h onl y his black followers woul d escape . Interestingly, i t wa s onl y afte r hi s new , progressiv e agend a ha d bee n implemented tha t Elija h Muhamma d claime d complet e successio n t o Fard . Probably i n th e lat e 1940s , Muhamma d change d th e nam e o f his organiza tion t o "the Natio n o f Islam," finally appropriating th e ful l identit y o f Fard' s movement. Havin g survived man y crise s and competitiv e attacks, hi s success was apparentl y complete . Elija h Muhamma d no w le d hi s follower s int o a n institutional stag e tha t n o othe r "Moslem " leade r ha d eve r achieve d i n th e realm o f black urba n religion . Th e ne w Natio n ha d gaine d th e stabilit y tha t could allo w furthe r growt h withou t threa t t o it s established leadership. 9 Th e stage was now set for Malcol m X.

PROLOGUE

While Malcolm' s conversio n t o th e Natio n ha d it s dramati c and eve n revelator y aspects , i t wa s reall y no t a sudde n conversion . H e thought tha t th e biblica l accoun t o f St . Paul' s conversio n wa s similar t o hi s own, thoug h h e wrote in hi s autobiography tha t he did not mean t o compare himself wit h th e saint . "But, " Malcol m added , " I d o understan d hi s experi ence." 1 Actually , Malcol m X identifie d wit h Pau l th e Apostl e muc h mor e than h e wa s willin g t o shar e wit h hi s readers . Whil e h e clearl y associate d elements o f his conversion stor y wit h Paul' s dramati c rebirth , Malcol m wa s also quite fond o f Paul's role as an ecclesiastica l leader . In a letter written i n 1960 , Malcolm X told Elija h Muhamma d that , fro m the onse t o f his ministr y i n th e Nation , " I hav e studie d thos e i n th e [BJibl e who did mos t t o hel p sprea d th e 'Gospe l o f Jesus' and trie d m y bes t to copy them o r t o wal k i n thei r footstep s withou t anyon e knowin g it. " O f course , Malcolm mean t tha t h e wa s imitatin g "thei r tactic s an d efforts/ ' no t th e Christian theolog y the y espoused , an d h e wen t o n t o cit e a numbe r o f biblical model s h e sough t t o emulate, suc h a s Aaron, th e pries t an d brothe r of Mose s th e prophet . H e als o note d tha t h e sough t t o avoi d bein g a "doubting Thomas," a "denying Peter," or a "betraying Judas," But Malcol m

33

34 • Prologue made i t clea r tha t h e ha d a particula r attractio n t o th e ministr y o f Pau l th e Apostle: "I'v e secretl y trie d t o b e a Fisherman , a Gospe l spreadin g Paul , a letter-writing (Journalist ) Paul , a travelin g Paul , a diploma t t o al l classe s of people . . . an d ALLA H ha s blesse d me . I woul d neve r tel l thi s t o anyon e but you because n o one else would understan d me." 2 With suc h feeling s abou t emulatin g Paul , i t is no t surprisin g tha t Mal colm minimize d hi s identificatio n wit h th e apostl e i n th e autobiography . These feeling s wer e s o persona l tha t h e share d the m onl y wit h Elija h Mu hammad, an d the n onl y afte r si x year s o f ministr y i n th e Nation' s Ne w York Temple. Apar t fro m revealin g Malcolm' s dee p commitmen t t o Elija h Muhammad, thes e words reflect a number o f important aspects of Malcolm's life an d wor k i n th e Nation . First , the y mak e i t clea r tha t hi s zealotr y i n promoting Elija h Muhamma d an d th e Natio n wa s no t onl y premeditated , but ver y carefull y planne d an d executed . Second , Malcolm' s word s reflec t not onl y ho w he foun d i n th e Natio n a reason an d motivatio n fo r study , bu t how h e appropriate d th e Bibl e fo r th e bettermen t o f Mr . Muhammad' s cause. Finally, thes e word s als o revea l ho w Malcol m perceive d hi s rol e i n th e Nation. Whethe r a n Aaro n o r a Paul, Malcol m X cherished hi s function a s right-hand man . However , h e di d no t aspir e t o usur p Elija h Muhammad' s place, no r t o assume a divinely appointe d headshi p as his successor. Rather , Malcolm X believed hi s rol e i n th e Natio n wa s unique , eve n a s Paul' s rol e was unique t o the foundation o f the Christian church . Neither a messiah no r one of Christ's original disciples , Pau l was the lateborn witness , th e thirteent h apostl e whos e missio n emanate d fro m a revela tory visio n rathe r tha n a three-yea r apprenticeshi p wit h Jesu s o f Nazareth . Unlike th e origina l twelv e disciples , Paul' s missio n wa s inherently different . None o f th e twelv e wer e pron e t o advanc e thei r fait h outsid e th e racial religious sphere of first century Judaism; they were apparently content to keep primitive Christianit y a Jewis h sect . I n contrast , Pau l wante d t o exten d th e boundaries o f Christianity t o include the gentile world, a s well as the distinc t worlds of women an d slaves. Malcolm X seems to hav e bee n quit e consciou s o f these Paulin e aspects , and h e clearl y applie d the m t o hi s ow n ministry . H e wa s no t a n eyewitnes s to the cultic ministry o f W. D . Fard , no r was he present at the foundation o f Elijah Muhammad' s Nation . Whe n h e entere d th e rank s o f th e Nation' s clergy, Malcol m wa s vounger than th e small numbe r o f established minister s in th e movement . Hi s enthusiasm, energy , an d visio n wer e refreshing t o the Nation, whic h b y the earl y 1950 s was settling int o a n institutiona l phas e i n

Prologue • 3 5 the blac k community . Malcol m X wa s dissatisfie d wit h th e Natio n a s h e found it , no t onl y becaus e i t was too small fo r hi s evangelistic appetites , bu t because th e organizatio n ha d apparentl y becom e satisfie d wit h it s margina l but secur e presenc e i n th e urba n blac k setting . Lik e Paul , Malcol m X was determined t o pus h hi s religiou s communit y t o the region s beyond—drive n by hi s zea l fo r Muhammad' s message , hi s lov e fo r blac k people , an d th e enduring force o f his own conversion . In thi s regard , Malcol m undoubtedl y relishe d th e story of the transforma tion o f Saul th e persecuto r t o Pau l th e apostle . H e was particularly draw n t o the crisi s momen t when—a s Malcol m describe d it—Pau l "wa s s o smitte n that h e wa s knocke d of f hi s horse , i n a daze. " Nevertheless , Malcol m wa s not s o muc h focusin g o n th e instantaneou s natur e o f th e conversio n a s h e was on th e crisi s them e o f a sinner facin g divin e light . "Onl y guil t admitte d accepts th e truth, " Malcol m declare d i n th e sam e context . I t seems , then , that this is how he may have understood an d identifie d wit h St . Paul : in thei r former live s bot h ha d committe d si n an d rebelle d agains t th e ver y divinit y who—in th e moment o f religious crisis—was reveale d t o them. Suddenly blinde d b y th e ligh t o f trut h o n th e roa d t o self-destruction , Malcolm identifie d hi s conversio n wit h Paul' s spiritua l arres t o n th e roa d t o Damascus. Malcol m fel t tha t he , lik e Paul, ha d bee n rescue d b y a power fa r greater tha n h e coul d hav e imagined , o r believed , i n hi s forme r life . Th e truth tha t cam e t o him , Malcol m said , "wa s lik e a blindin g light, " an d th e first thin g tha t i t seeme d t o revea l t o hi m wa s hi s ow n guilt . "Th e ver y enormity o f m y previou s life' s guilt, " Malcol m confessed , "prepare d m e t o accept the truth." 3 Accepting th e truth , a s Malcol m woul d com e t o kno w i t i n th e Nation , was an acceptanc e tha t require d a process o f transformation befor e i t would be complete . Thi s process , however , seem s to have been seale d b y a sudden and dramati c momen t o f crisis an d revelation— a momen t tha t woul d serv e to fus e th e youthfu l Malcol m Littl e t o th e Natio n fo r th e nex t sixtee n year s of hi s life . A s such , tha t momen t prove d t o lin k hi m wit h th e movement' s past, present , an d future . Unlik e St . Paul' s momen t o f religiou s crisis , however, Malcol m Little' s momen t cam e neithe r i n broa d dayligh t no r o n an ope n road . The momen t cam e fo r Malcolm , rather , durin g th e night , a s he la y on a bed i n his prison cell . A s he recorded i n his own autobiography, " I suddenly, with a start , becam e awar e o f a ma n sittin g besid e m e i n m y chair, " Mal colm's description o f the apparition i s as vivid as it is eerie: "He had o n a dark suit. I remembe r . . . h e wasn' t black , an d h e wasn' t white . H e wa s light -

36 • Prologue brown-skinned, a n Asiati c cas t o f countenance , an d h e ha d oil y blac k hai r . . . I couldn' t plac e hi m racially—othe r tha n tha t I kne w h e wa s a non European. I had n o ide a whatsoever who he was." 4 Malcolm say s he contin ued starin g throug h th e shadow s int o th e fac e o f thi s figure, wh o wa s apparently sittin g clos e t o hi s bed. " I didn't ge t frightened," Malcol m main tained. " I kne w I wasn' t dreaming. " Fo r thos e fe w moment s Malcol m an d his mysteriou s gues t wer e transfixed , a s i f frozen. Malcol m mad e n o excla mation, an d th e man i n th e chair said nothing . Then , a s suddenly a s he had come, th e silent figure in the chair was gone. Malcolm seem s t o hav e draw n n o immediat e conclusion s fro m th e inci dent. Th e ma n h e ha d see n wa s entirel y unknow n t o him . Yet , a s w e will see, th e visio n occurre d a t a pivota l tim e i n hi s relationshi p t o th e Nation , an almos t mystica l purvie w tha t h e woul d late r believ e ha d give n hi m a glimpse o f someone ye t unknown t o him. Onl y afte r Malcol m ha d solidifie d his role as a devoted followe r o f Elijah Muhamma d di d he claim to know the true identit y o f th e mysteriou s "light-brown-skinned " apparition . H e con cluded i t wa s a "pre-vision"— a visio n "o f someon e who m yo u neve r hav e seen befor e . . . exactl y a s he looks. " He cam e t o believe , i n time , tha t thi s "pre-vision" wa s non e othe r tha n th e mysteriou s "Asiatic " founde r o f th e Nation, W . D . Fard , wh o had been missin g for nearl y two decades. Of the man y exceptiona l scene s in The Autobiography of Malcolm X , thi s scene o f th e mysteriou s apparitio n i s certainly on e o f the stranges t and , no t surprisingly, on e o f th e mos t overlooke d aspect s o f Malcolm' s story . Whe n the ghostl y figure has bee n discussed , however , i t ha s bee n minimized — presented a s a self-induced illusio n o r as some supposed evidenc e o f psychological family weakness. 5 In this religious study, however, neithe r psychological assumptio n i s acceptabl e t o me . I d o no t shar e th e antisupernaturalis t presuppositions o f psychoanalysis an d maintai n tha t Malcol m indee d experi enced som e sort of metaphysical phenomenon , an d tha t hi s narrative shoul d be respected a s testimony o f an authentic religiou s experience . The mysteriou s apparitio n o f th e seate d guest , a s a religiou s event , oc curred a t a critical hou r i n Malcolm' s relationshi p t o the Nation. A s such, i t heavily impacte d upo n hi s worldview , famil y relationships , an d theologica l perceptions. A t first it seemed t o provide him wit h a personal myster y that he sensed wa s somehow sacred , an d late r i t serve d a s proof tha t hi s conversio n had bee n bot h authenti c an d special . Undoubtedly , i t als o provide d Elija h Muhammad wit h th e mean s o f pullin g Malcol m int o th e hear t o f th e movement, convincin g th e young disciple of the divinely inspire d missio n of the Nation .

Prologue • 3 7 This "pre-vision " become s th e ke y t o understandin g th e first momen t o f Malcolm's religiou s sojourn—hi s conversio n t o th e Nation . Certainly , a s a climactic poin t i n hi s life , i t become s th e watershe d i n th e flow o f hi s experiences befor e exposur e t o th e Nation . Likewise , a s a devou t convert , follower, an d servan t o f Elija h Muhammad , th e pre-visio n becam e Mal colm's beatifi c vision . I t authenticated Mr . Muhammad' s claim s an d fuele d Malcolm's ow n increasin g involvemen t i n "Nation-building/ ' This first moment, then , become s the basis for reviewing Malcolm's youth and conversio n an d fo r discussin g hi s quintessential rol e i n transformin g th e Nation fro m a small , marginalize d institutio n t o a n ambitious , expansive , and sometime s notoriou s movement .

3 A Garveyite So n Whenever a black man was outspoken, he was considered crazy or dangerous.

Since childhood, Malcol m Little' s life had been characterize d by al l o f th e essentia l theme s tha t woul d late r underscor e hi s messag e t o a generation o f blac k peopl e engulfe d i n crisis . I n th e particula r sens e o f racism, Malcol m woul d com e t o kno w fro m hi s yout h th e realit y o f whit e racial animosit y an d insoucianc e towar d th e blac k struggle . Tha t realit y would increasingl y pres s i n o n hi s huma n experienc e a s h e gre w fro m childhood int o manhood . Ironically, however , jus t a s Malcolm' s stor y ca n easil y b e sai d t o typif y the blac k experienc e i n th e Unite d States—especiall y th e Norther n urba n experience—his beginning s wer e not a t all typica l i n som e significant ways . In fact, thes e uncommon, eve n unique aspects of his foundational year s gave his work and messag e distinctive feature s tha t became key to his success as a black leader i n a n er a when man y organization s an d leader s were competin g for the devotion o f blacks. Malcolm Littl e wa s bor n o n Ma y 19 , 1925 , i n Omaha , Nebraska—a n unlikely nativity for the ma n wh o would becom e the ico n o f the urba n blac k struggle in the later twentieth century . A t the time of Malcolm's birth, Elija h 38

A Garveyite Son • 3 9 Poole, no t ye t christene d Elija h Muhammad , wa s workin g i n a factor y i n Detroit, stil l searchin g fo r som e kin d o f revelatio n t o appeas e hi s messiani c appetites. A t the sam e time , Nobl e Dre w Ali' s movemen t wa s at it s peak i n Chicago, an d Marcu s Garve y wa s imprisone d i n Atlanta , wher e h e woul d remain unti l hi s deportation i n 1927 . It i s perhaps n o coincidenc e tha t Malcol m wa s born i n thi s er a o f crisis, when th e failur e o f th e Unite d State s t o resolv e it s racia l injustice s i n th e nineteenth centur y ha d bee n passe d int o th e twentieth . Bitte r legac y a s i t was, "th e Negr o problem"—whic h wa s reall y th e nationa l curs e o f whit e racial dysfunction—wa s inherite d b y ye t anothe r generatio n o f white s wh o would no t ow n u p to the truth , an d anothe r generatio n o f blacks who coul d not escap e th e consequence s o f whit e people' s self-deception . Som e blac k men thu s passe d o n t o their son s and daughter s th e hop e o f integration, an d the dream o f acceptance. Othe r blac k men , suc h a s Earl Little , a follower o f Marcus Garvey , passe d o n a differen t legac y t o thei r children . An d thu s i t was the birthrigh t o f Earl' s son , Malcolm , t o embrace a black God , a black aim, an d a black destiny. Malcolm's fathe r wa s J. Earl y (Earl) Little, a native of Reynolds, Georgia , and hi s mothe r wa s Louise (Louisa ) Norto n Little , wh o ha d emigrate d fro m the Caribbea n t o th e Unite d States . Bot h wer e enthusiasti c supporter s o f Marcus Garvey , an d bot h wer e activel y involve d a s organizer s i n Garvey' s UNIA. Ear l Littl e travele d aroun d preachin g Garvey' s ideas , ofte n fro m behind th e pulpit s o f Africa n America n churches—th e memor y o f whic h left th e mistake n impressio n i n th e min d o f a young Malcol m tha t hi s fathe r was an itinerant , unordaine d Christia n preacher . However , Ear l Little , wh o was lauded wit h th e honorar y title s of the "Reverend " and "Elder, " mad e n o claim t o bein g a minister . Hi s frequen t appearance s i n blac k churche s wa s surely a matte r o f politica l expedienc y an d security . "H e mostl y use d th e church a s a mean s o f gettin g t o th e peopl e t o tal k abou t Marcus Garvey' s philosophy," recalled Wilfre d Little. 1 Young Malcol m Littl e wa s inevitabl y immerse d i n th e atmospher e o f his parents' politica l activis m sinc e infancy . I n hi s autobiography , Malcol m writes tha t eve n a s a bo y h e preferre d th e cool , intelligen t behavio r o f th e Garveyites to the excitement and emotio n o f the Christian church , whic h h e said "confuse d an d amazed " him . I n hi s childhoo d memorie s Malcol m clearly recalle d th e Garveyit e meetings , alon g wit h th e UNIA' s slogan s an d trappings. Mor e important , Malcol m als o remembered—undoubtedl y wit h filial pride—th e grinnin g expressio n o f on e elderl y blac k woma n a s sh e

40 • A Garveyite Son lauded hi s father' s Garveyit e speech : "You'r e scarin g thes e whit e folk s t o death!" Scarin g whit e folk s t o death woul d als o becom e Malcolm' s uniqu e birthright. It is probably n o exaggeration t o say that the influence o f his parents, bot h by virtu e o f thei r philosoph y a s wel l a s thei r temperaments , wa s th e majo r factor tha t molde d Malcolm' s future . Certainl y other s woul d influenc e hi m in hi s late r year s an d undeniabl y h e wa s strongl y influence d b y Elija h Muhammad i n particular . Ye t th e hear t o f Malcolm's activis m an d struggl e was formed i n th e characte r an d commitmen t o f Earl an d Louis e Littl e an d his later reflection upo n thei r lives. This i s explicit, fo r instance , i n Malcolm' s word s in a speech delivere d i n April 196 4 about the deaths of blacks killed as a result of racism. H e include d his fathe r alon g wit h slai n Africa n leade r Patric e Lamumb a an d Medga r Evers, th e civil right s activist assassinated i n 1963 . Implicitly, th e force of his mother's valian t struggl e t o kee p he r famil y togethe r withou t he r husband , and unde r great stress, remaine d wit h Malcol m al l of his life. I n the epilogue to Malcolm' s autobiography , Ale x Hale y recalle d hi s ow n initia l difficultie s in assisting Malcolm i n the writing of his story, and note d how deeply moved Malcolm becam e i n recallin g his mother's struggles. 2 The Littl e househol d lai d th e foundatio n fo r th e critica l aspect s o f Mal colm's later ideas, jus t as it gave to him hi s personal characteristic s and traits. For Malcolm , intelligenc e wa s a n especiall y admirabl e trait , an d h e re spected learne d people . N o doub t thi s wa s a reflectio n o f his earl y exposur e to th e Garveyit e meetings , whic h Malcol m remembere d a s intelligent , pur poseful, an d organized—"i t mad e m e fee l th e sam e way. " I n hi s earlies t memories of home, Malcol m recalle d parent s whose first love was to disperse information an d provid e social educatio n t o blacks in the name of liberation. This remain s ke y t o understandin g th e developmen t o f Malcol m a s a social an d politica l leade r i n hi s ow n right . A s w e wil l see , eve n afte r Malcolm brok e wit h th e racialis t presupposition s o f Elija h Muhammad , h e was stil l fundamentall y grounde d i n a Garveyit e worldview . Garveyit e re search o f th e UNIA' s Negro World ha s provide d insigh t abou t th e involve ment o f the Littles in the movement . Earl Littl e was not only a Garveyite organizer, bu t he was president o f the Omaha branc h o f the UNIA , whic h wa s apparently a large enough grou p to create concer n amon g organize d whit e racists . Th e succes s o f Mr . Little' s leadership i n Omah a wa s typifie d b y hi s branch' s abilit y to obtai n it s ow n "Liberty Hall, " which wa s the centra l meetin g plac e designate d fo r Garvey -

A Garveyite Son * 4 1 ites, muc h a s th e Natio n woul d late r centraliz e meeting s i n thei r ow n temples or mosques. Malcolm wa s perhaps too young to note the extent of his mother's involvement i n he r husband's Garveyit e labors. Mayb e because of the novelty of the experience, Malcol m wa s abl e t o recal l attendin g UNI A branc h meeting s with hi s father . Bu t hi s elde r brothe r Wilfre d als o remember s tha t becaus e there wa s n o UNI A Libert y Hal l i n thei r hometow n o f Lansing , Ear l Littl e would driv e down t o Detroit, sometime s leadin g other cars . I n hi s autobiography Malcol m neglect s t o mention , probabl y becaus e h e didn' t know , tha t his Caribbean-bor n mothe r contribute d article s t o th e "New s o f Divisions " section o f Negro World. Mrs . Little' s articles , i n fact , verif y Malcolm' s statement tha t hi s parent s wen t t o work i n Milwauke e afte r leavin g Omaha , and the y provide brief glimpses int o Mr. Little' s UNI A activities as well.3 Malcolm wa s the fourth o f Earl an d Louise' s seve n children , thoug h Ear l already ha d thre e childre n fro m a previou s marriage . Ear l an d Louis e wer e married i n Montrea l o n May 10 , 1919 , and live d for a while in Philadelphia , where Wilfred , thei r first child , wa s born . Th e othe r children—Hilda , Philbert, Malcolm , Reginald , Wesley , an d Yvonne—wer e bo m i n Omah a or elsewher e i n th e Midwest , sinc e th e Little s move d fro m Omaha , the n t o Milwaukee, an d finally into the Lansing, Michigan , area . Malcolm describe d hi s fathe r a s " a big , six-foot-four , ver y blac k man/ ' and hi s mothe r a s a slender woma n wit h ver y light ski n an d lon g dark hair . Yet the cultura l contras t betwee n hi s father an d mothe r wa s equally striking . Earl Littl e wa s fro m Georgia , th e environmen t o f whic h mus t hav e bee n intensely racis t and therefore extremel y limitin g to his development—almos t certainly substantiated b y his limited schooling , havin g completed, accordin g to Malcolm , onl y th e thir d o r fourt h grade . Undoubtedl y a ma n o f stron g will and character , Mr . Littl e was largely self-educated an d self-motivate d i n his organizational, professional , an d busines s achievements. 4 Louise Littl e wa s bor n o n "th e isl e o f spice, " Grenada , ninet y mile s northeast of the large r islan d natio n o f Trinidad. Grenad a wa s colonized first by the French , wh o ha d slaughtere d mos t o f the indigenou s Cari b peopl e of the islan d i n th e mid-seventeent h century . Th e islan d wa s cede d b y th e French t o th e Britis h i n th e Treat y o f Versaille s i n 1783 , an d th e Britis h managed t o maintai n contro l o f th e sugar-producin g colon y despit e late r French attempt s t o win i t back. B y the mid-nineteent h centur y Grenad a ha d been transformed int o a cocoa- and spice-producing colony, an d the majorit y black population , whic h ha d bee n emancipate d i n 1838 , wa s augmented b y

42 • A Garveyite Son imported blac k freedme n an d othe r laborer s fro m Portuga l an d th e Mediter ranean islan d o f Malta. Malcolm explaine d i n hi s autobiograph y tha t hi s materna l grandfathe r was a white European , a fact tha t both h e and hi s mother lamented . Louise , unlike he r husband , wa s not onl y wel l schooled , bu t sh e wa s also educate d in th e mor e exactin g Anglican tradition , whic h als o seems t o have include d French languag e lessons . He r wor k as a reporte r fo r th e UNIA' s publicatio n showed that while sharing her husband's zea l for the black struggle, she more than share d i n the burden o f his work. 5 To sa y that Malcol m an d hi s sibling s wer e reare d i n a Garveyite hom e i s no exaggeration . Th e Littl e childre n wer e undoubtedl y accustome d t o hear ing thei r father' s powerfu l bariton e voic e leadin g th e Garveyite s i n prayer s and hymns ; likewise , the y regularl y enjoye d sittin g aroun d th e stov e whil e Louise tol d the m storie s abou t thei r prou d ancestr y a s blac k people . "Sh e told u s w e cam e fro m grea t peopl e tha t wer e onetim e rulers, " Malcolm' s brother Philber t recalled . Indeed , th e influenc e o f Garvey's philosoph y per meated thei r entire family life , particularl y i n two respects. First, th e self-hel p emphasi s o f Marcus Garve y wa s not take n merel y a s a model fo r th e masses , bu t a s a principle o f the household . "W e alway s lived outside o f th e city , wher e w e ha d som e lan d t o b e independent, " Wilfre d Little remembers , addin g tha t "m y fathe r wante d tha t independence. " Inde pendence, especiall y t o a Garveyit e organizer , wa s bot h a n economi c an d political expedient , especiall y sinc e Mr . Little , wh o wa s apparentl y a free lance craftsman, wa s frequently blackballe d becaus e of his political activities . Living i n th e rura l are a o f Lansing , th e Little s raise d thei r ow n food , an d Louise canne d th e produce , bot h fo r th e family' s consumptio n an d fo r th e market. Th e Littles had their own cow for dairy products, an d raised chicken s and rabbit s fo r sal e to th e largel y whit e communit y i n whic h the y lived . What th e childre n coul d no t sel l t o peopl e drivin g b y th e Little' s propert y they would sel l wholesale to produce dealers at the city market . The self-hel p philosoph y wa s integrated int o chores and smal l projects fo r the Littl e childre n a s well. Strictl y disciplined , th e childre n supporte d thei r parents' independen t philosoph y b y workin g i n th e garde n an d doin g othe r chores. Malcol m remembere d askin g hi s mothe r i f h e coul d plan t hi s ow n personal garden , an d h e tende d an d care d fo r i t wit h grea t pride—particu larly at the though t o f adding it s fruits t o the famil y table . Bu t Malcolm wa s no exception : apparentl y al l o f Ear l an d Louise' s childre n wer e allocate d ground fo r persona l gardens . Th e childre n woul d sen d fo r seed s throug h a mail-order catalog , ofte n preferrin g t o experimen t wit h exoti c o r unusua l

A Garveyite Son * 4 3 produce suc h a s banan a mus k melon . I n short , th e whol e famil y wa s ex pected t o participate i n th e economics o f self-help tha t characterised Marcu s Garvey's gospel of black nationalism . A secon d featur e o f Garvey' s influenc e tha t filled th e Littl e home , an d was undoubtedl y roote d i n Malcolm' s thinking , wa s Africentrism, Malcol m stated in his autobiography that his childhood conceptio n o f Africa wa s much like that o f other childre n i n th e Unite d States , picturin g i t as the stereotypi cal dark continent— a plac e o f steaming jungle s filled with native s an d wil d animals. Ye t i n pointin g thi s out , Malcol m wa s underscorin g tha t suc h misconceptions wer e incongruou s t o th e essentiall y Africa n emphasi s o f hi s home life . Though youn g Malcol m ma y no t have had a proper understandin g o f the African continen t fo r a time, h e wa s quickly sensitize d t o black internation alism. Thi s h e knew simply because his mother was a black woman wh o was in som e way s different fro m th e othe r blac k peopl e h e kne w i n Lansing . I n mentioning tha t Louis e Littl e ha d a n accen t tha t "didn' t soun d lik e a Ne gro's," Malcolm wa s showing his childhood exposur e to black cultural diver sity. H e likewis e remembere d hi s mothe r pointin g ou t tha t beside s herself , only a few othe r Caribbea n black s lived i n thei r are a o f Michigan, includin g their good friends, th e Lyons family. 6 The Little s receive d no t onl y Negro World, bu t the y als o regularl y rea d other blac k publications , includin g newspaper s fro m th e Caribbean , A t th e dinner table , th e Little children woul d hea r their parents discuss the philosophy an d concern s o f Garvey' s "scattere d Africa, " undoubtedl y makin g Mal colm sensitiv e t o Africentrism . "S o w e wer e mor e o r les s internationa l typ e of thinkers," Wilfred recall s of those earl y days. "W e grew up thinking i n a n international sens e becaus e w e wer e expose d t o that . W e wer e keepin g u p with wha t wa s goin g o n i n th e Caribbea n are a an d part s o f Africa ; an d w e were keepin g u p wit h wha t wa s happenin g aroun d th e countr y a s far a s th e [Garvey] movemen t wa s concerned." 7 Drawin g fro m thes e root s year s later , Malcolm woul d declar e t o a n audienc e o f blac k people , "That' s wha t w e are—Africans wh o ar e i n America . You'r e nothin g bu t Africans, " Thi s wa s the internationa l blac k perspective nurture d i n th e family o f Earl an d Louis e Little that would, i n full flower, mak e Malcolm a global African . Malcolm's autobiograph y begin s wit h th e disclosur e tha t jus t befor e h e was born , th e famil y hom e i n Omah a wa s attacke d b y th e K u Klu x Kla n (KKK). Accordin g t o Malcolm' s account , hi s fathe r wa s awa y a t th e time , and th e Kla n too k advantag e o f th e situatio n i n a n attemp t t o intimidat e Louise Littl e b y breakin g al l th e window s an d demandin g tha t th e famil y

44 • A Garveyite Son leave town . Th e veracit y o f this inciden t ha s bee n challenged , eve n thoug h Wilfred recalle d th e attac k quit e vividly , sayin g h e an d Hilda , hi s younge r sister, clun g fearfull y t o thei r mother' s skirt s whil e th e soun d o f breakin g window glass and th e shouting of threats filled the night air. 8 It is a historical fac t tha t the KKK was active in the Nort h an d West at the time o f Malcolm' s birth , thoug h i t wa s no t quit e th e sam e a s th e origina l nineteenth-century souther n racis t organization . Still , th e twentieth-centur y version wa s equall y belligeren t towar d blacks , bu t no w thei r hatre d wa s directed a t Roma n Catholi c foreigner s an d Jew s as well. Malcolm' s accoun t of the attack o n hi s home verifie s tha t "th e Klan' s willingness to use coercive means to gain it s ends was its distinguishing characteristic. " There is historical iron y in the fact that the KKK voiced a distorted suppor t of Garvey , bu t onl y i n th e sens e tha t Garvey' s UNI A advocate d racia l separatism. Th e KK K criticized integrationis t blac k leaders such a s A. Phili p Randolph fo r opposing the UNIA , an d a t one point they even tried t o coerce him t o support black separatism. An d though Garve y and hi s UNI A opposed the KKK , Garve y gav e the m a back-handed tribut e b y acknowledgin g the y were "perfectl y hones t an d frank " abou t thei r racism . Garve y assure d th e UNIA that an y effort t o fight the KK K would bring about no change becaus e it represented th e "invisible government" of the white nation . Although ther e was no organizational cooperatio n betwee n th e UNI A and the KKK, Garvey' s integrationis t enemie s rallie d agains t him, callin g him a n ally o f organize d whit e racism . Still , Garve y an d hi s follower s recognize d and acknowledge d wha t the black integrationists did not—tha t "ther e was no clear, categorica l distinctio n betwee n Kla n powe r and lega l authority." 9 Th e Little family becam e aware of this time and time again. By 1929 , th e Little s ha d relocate d t o th e Lansin g are a an d purchase d a three-lot propert y wit h a small, one-and-a-hal f stor y house. Th e dee d t o th e property containe d a racia l exclusio n clause , o f whic h th e Little s see m t o have bee n unaware . Accordin g t o th e Michiga n stat e police , thei r whit e neighbors "resente d th e presenc e o f th e colore d family " enoug h t o initiat e legal proceeding s that resulte d i n a court rulin g requiring their eviction . Before th e evictio n coul d occur , Ear l an d Louis e wer e awakene d i n th e early mornin g hour s o f Novembe r 8 , 1929 , b y a n explosion . The y quickl y discovered tha t thei r hom e wa s se t ablaze . Salvagin g a fe w persona l items , they escape d wit h th e children , thoug h thei r infan t daughte r wa s nearl y lef t behind ami d th e confusion. Malcol m recalle d the incident as "the nightmar e night" an d note d tha t hi s fathe r ha d sho t hi s pisto l a t th e tw o fleeing whit e men wh o ha d apparentl y se t th e fire. Youn g Malcol m wa s amaze d that ,

A Garveyite Son • 4 5 while th e famil y stoo d outside , undresse d an d helples s befor e th e flames, "white polic e an d firemen cam e an d stoo d aroun d watchin g a s th e house burned t o the ground. " It ha s bee n suggeste d tha t th e firemen fro m Lansin g di d no t sho w u p because the fire occurred outsid e the city limits, thoug h th e officia l repor t of the Michigan Stat e Police Departmen t state s merely that the fire department "refused t o come." I n suc h a case, on e woul d hav e to assume tha t ther e was no fire departmen t servic e t o an y o f th e household s outsid e o f Lansing— a notion tha t i s untenable . I t seem s saf e t o assum e tha t th e fire departmen t would no t have refused assistanc e to a white family i n the same situation. *° Even allowin g fo r a degre e o f literar y license , Malcolm' s accoun t o f th e destruction o f his hom e i s essentially correct . Lik e the res t o f hi s childhoo d recollections, thi s scen e mus t b e rea d i n th e contex t o f the racis t societ y i n which h e lived . Th e Little s wer e a black famil y livin g i n a whit e neighbor hood wher e mos t white s mad e n o secre t o f their prejudice . Eve n more , th e Littles wer e blac k activist s wh o refuse d t o conform t o the assume d standard s of either the white or black communities. Given th e thi n lin e tha t separate d man y white s from th e organize d whit e racists o f tha t era , i t i s entirely probabl e tha t whit e official s woul d refus e t o assist th e Littles , an d the y ma y eve n hav e come , unofficially , t o watc h th e house bur n t o the ground . Thi s possibilit y i s given credenc e b y the fac t tha t the Michiga n stat e polic e investigatio n wa s undertake n o n th e premis e tha t Earl Littl e was an arsonist—tha t h e had se t the fire himself. To cas t doubt o n Malcolm' s accoun t p f the incident , a n elaborat e expla nation ha s bee n concocte d b y on e biographer , allegedl y base d o n th e sam e police report . I t suggests that Ear l Littl e ha d ru n throug h hi s sleeping neigh borhood knockin g o n doors , an d the n returne d hom e t o set his house ablaz e in an attempt to give the impression that others had set the fire. Furthermore, the investigator s ar e sai d t o hav e suspecte d thi s deception , an d thu s didn' t believe Earl's claim tha t two white men ha d se t the blaze. I n truth, however , the polic e repor t contain s n o suc h speculatio n o n th e part of the police. Bu t it i s significan t tha t th e polic e di d no t eve n recor d Ear l Little' s statemen t about tw o white men—thoug h Wilfre d Littl e specificall y recalle d hi s fathe r telling the police about them . This wildl y contradictor y an d speculativ e accoun t obviousl y goe s t o great lengths t o try to prove tha t Ear l Littl e was an arsonist . Th e ver y same polic e report reveals that the Littl e family wa s at the time legall y fighting the unjus t eviction, an d tha t thei r lawye r wa s determined t o bring th e cas e t o th e stat e supreme court . Wha t weigh s al l th e mor e heavil y agains t th e concocte d

46 • A Garveyite Son account i s that, a t th e tim e o f the fire, Ear l Littl e ha d n o insuranc e o n hi s home. H e ha d le t th e polic y lapse , eithe r ou t o f forgetfulnes s or—mor e probably—because o f financial stress . Th e mornin g afte r th e fire, Littl e apparently wen t t o th e insuranc e offic e t o mak e a paymen t o n th e policy , making n o mention o f the fire until late r that day. Hi s behavior suggest s that the fire caugh t hi m completel y off-guard , an d h e ha d hope d t o b e abl e t o salvage something after th e disaster by reactivating his insurance policy . The stat e polic e repor t abou t th e inciden t show s tha t th e authoritie s ha d far mor e interes t i n th e gun tha t Ear l Littl e had use d t o shoot at the arsonists than i n th e fire itself. They asked hi m virtuall y no questions about the details of the fire, yet , accordin g t o Malcolm , the y aske d hi m repeatedl y abou t th e gun an d searche d fo r it—whic h i s verified b y the state police transcript. Ear l had temporarily give n the weapon t o a neighbor whom h e must have trusted, and late r he transferred i t to a hiding place. I t is clear that the police trumped up th e charg e o f "suspecte d arson " b y Ear l t o cove r u p thei r searc h fo r th e black man' s gun . "I t wa s a typica l actualizatio n o f th e Kla n mentality , a mentality no t limite d t o thos e wh o wer e member s o f th e KKK, " sinc e b y searching for the handgun th e police "evidently hoped t o disarm the defende r and thereby to defend hi s attackers." ll Indeed, th e attack s o n th e Littl e famil y i n Omah a an d Lansin g wer e no t isolated incidents , bu t "they mus t be understood a s skirmishes in a n ongoin g war between Garveyite s and member s o f the Klan." Other Garveyite organizers endured simila r attack s and, alon g with thei r families , wer e forced t o live under grea t stres s becaus e o f organize d racis m a s wel l a s individua l whit e prejudice. I n fact , th e Klan-lik e "Blac k Legion " referre d t o b y Malcol m i n the autobiograph y wa s active i n Michiga n a year before th e Littl e home was burned down . Bombing s an d murder s wer e par t o f it s progra m o f racia l warfare i n Ohi o an d Michigan , an d thei r infiltratio n int o polic e an d fire departments, a s well as other agencies, i s a matter of record. Not surprisingly , i t i s a t thi s poin t i n th e stor y tha t Malcol m recalle d increased "friction " i n th e family's hom e life , especiall y betwee n hi s parents. Though th e Little s wer e abl e t o rebuil d thei r live s i n anothe r par t o f th e Lansing area , i t i s likel y tha t whateve r domesti c problem s th e coupl e ma y have had , the y were dealing with pressure s Malcol m di d no t yet understand . Wilfred Littl e woul d late r recal l tha t hi s Garveyit e parent s live d unde r th e stigma o f bein g "oddballs"—ofte n th e target s o f il l feeling s o f bot h white s and black s becaus e o f their politica l activism . Reader s o f Malcolm' s autobi ography probabl y d o no t kno w enoug h o f "the tremendou s outsid e pressure s

A Garveyite Son • 47 impinging upo n th e domesti c tranquillit y o f th e familie s o f activist s o f tha t time." Things proceede d fro m ba d t o wors e fo r th e Littl e family . I n 1931 , Ear l Little wa s killed , purportedl y i n a streetca r accident . Th e blac k communit y in Lansing , however , wa s whisperin g tha t Littl e ha d actuall y bee n brutall y attacked an d wa s left o n th e track s t o be ru n ove r b y a streetcar. A coroner's inquest established tha t Little' s death wa s an accident . Accordin g to the state police report , Littl e wa s foun d lyin g o n th e streetca r tracks , bleedin g pro fusely bu t stil l conscious ; polic e note d "bloo d unde r th e rea r truc k o f Ca r No. 624." u Malcolm woul d late r freel y spea k o f hi s father' s deat h a s a raciall y moti vated murder . Malcolm' s assistan t ministe r recall s tha t Malcol m sai d hi s father ha d bee n foun d wit h a gag in hi s mouth . However , whe n h e spoke at Michigan Stat e Universit y i n 1963 , Malcol m preferre d t o refe r t o th e inci dent a s an accident , perhap s becaus e i t ha d occurre d i n tha t vicinity . How ever, i t seem s tha t Malcol m wasn' t certai n abou t th e circumstance s o f hi s father's deat h an d suspecte d tha t hi s death ha d bee n mad e t o loo k lik e a n accident. I n 1963 , a t th e heigh t o f hi s caree r i n th e Nation , h e informe d Elijah Muhamma d tha t he had retaine d bot h a lawyer and a private detective to investigate the incident. 13 Like th e res t o f hi s family , Malcol m viewe d hi s father' s tragi c deat h through th e len s o f a racis t system . H e pointe d ou t t o Kennet h Clark : "Whenever a black ma n wa s outspoken, h e wa s considered craz y o r danger ous. An d th e police department an d various branches of the law usually were interwoven wit h tha t Kla n element , s o th e Kla n ha d th e backin g o f th e police, an d usuall y the police ha d the backing of the Klan, sam e as today." 14 Interviewing Malcol m i n 1964 , a n Ebony write r dre w a simila r conclusio n about Malcolm's thoughts regarding his father's death: "The killing, Malcol m says, was officially liste d as a traffic accident . ' I was only six years at the time, but I had alread y learned tha t being a Negro i n this country wa s a liability/ " Malcolm recalle d tha t th e blac k community , which—politicall y speak ing—had n o grea t lov e fo r hi s father , stil l whispere d thei r suspicion s abou t the tragic death. Th e accident repor t itself is suspect i n its lack of Earl Little' s testimony regardin g th e even t eve n thoug h h e wa s conscious a t the tim e h e was foun d b y th e police. 15 Wer e Ear l Little' s word s abou t th e suppose d accident disregarde d i n th e polic e report , a s was his previou s insistenc e tha t two white men ha d se t his house on fire?

4 Early Lif e an d Religious Trainin g A brainwashed black Christian.

For Malcolm t o state "I was born i n trouble" l wa s no exaggeration. Hi s childhood wa s directly and indirectl y affected b y white racism an d the troubles o f his Garveyite family . Nevertheless , Malcol m wa s still a child seeking th e thing s tha t childre n seek , gettin g i n troubl e an d learnin g th e lessons o f lif e throug h adventure s an d misadventures . An d thoug h i t migh t not b e so obvious i n The Autobiography of Malcolm X , i t appears tha t som e of his boyhood adventure s involved hi s first religious experiences. One o f Malcolm' s mor e thoughtfu l adventure s wa s hi s discover y o f con templation, whic h h e seeme d t o find a t onc e comfortin g an d affirming . Many year s later , h e recalle d wit h a grea t dea l o f reflectio n wha t h e ha d considered a significant contemplativ e aspec t o f his youth: "Out behin d ou r house, ou t i n th e countr y fro m Lansing , Michigan , ther e was an old , grass y 'Hector's Hill/ w e called it . . . . I used to lie on the top of Hector's Hill, an d look u p a t the sky , a t the clouds , movin g ove r me , an d daydream , al l kind s of things/' 2 Malcolm , wh o say s he wa s about eigh t o r nin e whe n h e bega n to visi t Hector' s Hill , ha d alread y foun d simila r contemplativ e moment s working in hi s little garden. H e recalle d tha t after h e had carefull y tende d t o 48

Early Life and Religious Training * 4 9 it, h e would ofte n li e down o n his back between th e rows, "and I would gaz e up in the blue sky at the clouds moving and thin k all kinds of things." Like man y children , Malcol m wa s sensitiv e an d meditative . Bu t a s a n adult h e attribute d thes e event s o f reflectio n unde r th e daytim e sky , a s well as other reflective moment s i n later life, wit h a religious significance. Indeed , though Malcol m woul d refe r t o hi s reflection s a s "daydreaming/ ' h e men tioned the m specificall y i n the context of what he called "pre-visions/ ' Malcolm's youthfu l moment s o f meditation ma y have entailed mor e tha n simple childhood fantasy . I n contemplation, bot h before an d after hi s father' s death, h e bega n t o fee l th e stirrin g o f a certai n sens e o f purpose i n hi s life . His continuin g fascinatio n wit h th e sk y an d clouds , thoug h certainl y a childlike characteristic , hel d fo r Malcol m a deepe r meanin g tha t h e carrie d with hi m throughou t life , an d eve n sough t t o explain i n th e closing pages of his autobiography . A religiou s educatio n theoris t ha s note d tha t whe n w e "pas s fro m earl y childhood int o a stage of self-reflective consciousness , th e religiou s mysterie s of th e univers e recede. " Malcolm' s earl y years , a s i n th e cas e o f al l youn g children, wa s likely "one of unending mystery and unalloyed wonder," where the divine seemed to be everywhere, manifeste d eve n in "daily miracles/' His growing contemplativ e sens e o f himsel f seem s t o suggest , then , tha t youn g Malcolm ha d passed into the youthful stag e of "self-reflective consciousness/ ' and ha d begu n t o experience a more matur e stag e of religious development , "Religious" her e suggest s "thos e attitude s an d activitie s tha t challeng e th e limits o f experience, " includin g eve n th e thing s tha t on e ma y no t under stand. The particula r religiou s natur e of Malcolm's reflectiv e "precisions " seems to b e wha t som e scholar s cal l th e "prima l experience, " on e o f a variet y o f unusual experience s tha t ar e fairly common . Prima l experience s rang e fro m "occult" events and metaphysica l phenomen a t o dreams, a sense of presence, and notion s o f destiny . The y ar e ofte n kep t secre t becaus e secula r societ y tends t o den y tha t the y ar e real . "An d becaus e prima l experience s ar e un usual, medica l an d psychiatri c establishments identif y the m a s abnormal an d classify th e people who have them a s disturbed o r mentally ill. " Malcolm referre d t o these early childhood reflection s a s "personal memo ries," and when reviewin g all of his "pre-vision" experiences since childhood , he stated that to speak to anyone about his personal notion s of destiny "would have sounded crazy . Eve n I didn't have , myself , th e slightest inkling. " Malcolm thu s confesse d tha t hi s first prima l experience s challenge d th e

50 • Early Life and Religious Training limits o f hi s ow n huma n lif e a t th e time , defyin g th e ver y boundarie s an d definitions tha t wer e supposedl y immovabl e an d unchangeable . I t wa s per haps fo r thi s reaso n tha t h e graspe d fo r himsel f th e identit y o f th e "sevent h child," whic h Malcolm' s psychobiographer s hav e aptl y underscored , thoug h their appreciatio n o f it s significanc e i s bogge d dow n i n psycho-speculation. 3 As a traditiona l symbo l o f divinel y endowe d charismati c leadership , Mal colm's embrac e o f th e "sevent h child " self-imag e ver y likel y expresse d hi s own childhoo d prima l experiences—experience s tha t nurture d withi n hi m a sense o f destiny . Researchers hav e note d tha t a significan t numbe r o f peopl e wh o hav e undergone prima l experience s ar e peopl e wh o hav e ha d minima l contac t with churche s an d organize d religions , promptin g som e t o conclud e tha t there exist s a "poo l o f religiosity " tha t establishe d religion s hav e no t tapped . This poin t ma y likewis e b e significan t i n considerin g Malcolm' s religiou s background a s a child . It i s importan t t o not e tha t despit e Malcolm' s assertio n i n hi s autobiogra phy, an d i n othe r autobiographica l statements , tha t hi s fathe r wa s a Baptis t preacher, th e Littl e famil y wa s neve r give n t o traditiona l Baptis t beliefs . I t has alread y bee n note d tha t Ear l Littl e spen t a goo d dea l o f tim e i n th e church, an d ha d occasion—a s a Garveyite—t o utiliz e th e pulpit . N o doub t he buil t hi s appeal s upo n th e biblica l text . However , th e religiou s life-styl e o f the hom e was , eithe r befor e o r afte r Earl' s death , neve r give n t o denomina tionalism o r traditiona l religiosity . In Wilfre d Little' s memory , hi s mothe r Louis e taugh t he r childre n neve r to giv e themselve s t o an y religion . Sh e encourage d the m t o cultivat e thei r own persona l belie f i n God , an d t o establis h thei r ow n privat e spiritualit y rather tha n submi t t o denominationa l divisiveness. 4 The religio n o f the Littl e household, then , wa s a kin d o f persona l theis m whic h wa s religiousl y an d theologically eclectic : Sometimes they' d hav e u s rea d th e Bible , an d we' d tal k abou t that . Bu t m y mothe r would alway s tak e u s t o different places . She' d tak e u s to the Sevent h Da y Adventis t [church], becaus e sh e wante d u s t o b e expose d t o al l thes e variou s things , becaus e each o f the m ha d somethin g sh e fel t tha t w e migh t wan t t o hea r an d accept . . . . She' d tak e u s t o th e Sevent h Da y Adventis t [church] , becaus e sh e like d thei r dietary rules. 5 Malcolm noted , i n fact , tha t Louis e Littl e ha d observe d simila r dietar y rule s in th e famil y cooking , whic h exclude d muc h o f th e "sou l food " tha t hi s father Earl , " a rea l Georgi a negro, " love d s o much . Thi s harmonize s wit h

Early Life and Religious Training • 5 J Malcolm's recollectio n o f being brought t o a virtually all-whit e Sevent h Da y Adventist church , wher e th e peopl e wer e kin d bu t thei r foo d wa s seasone d blandly, an d they themselves smelled different fro m blac k people. 6 She'd take us to the Jehovah's Witnesses, so we [could] hear them, because she liked the way they interpreted som e of the things i n regard to prophecy and things of that kind. Sh e would take us to the Baptists—she even took us to the Church of God [in Christ], the ones that do all this jumping and shouting and hollering, 7 Just a s th e Littl e famil y religio n emphasize d persona l theism , i t wa s als o ecumenical—including no t onl y mainlin e Christia n churches , bu t also sectarian group s suc h a s the Sevent h Da y Adventists and culti c o r new religiou s movements suc h a s the Jehovah's Witnesses . Growin g up , Malcol m an d hi s siblings were directed t o follow th e biblical Golde n Rul e and the Mosaic Ten Commandments, an d t o obe y Go d withou t conformin g t o th e doctrine s o f any on e religio n o r denomination. I t is possible, then , t o consider th e Littl e family's religiou s lif e t o b e ver y muc h a par t o f society' s untappe d "poo l o f religiosity." While the Littles were well exposed to denominational Christian ity, t o sects , an d eve n cults , the y remaine d independent , believin g i n Go d but largely remaining indifferen t t o established religiou s groups. Louise Little , whos e formativ e year s i n Grenad a include d significan t exposure t o th e spiritua l practice s o f th e indigenou s Caribs , wa s hersel f accustomed t o prima l experiences , a s were a good man y other s i n th e Littl e family. Th e uniqu e approac h t o theis m characterize d b y Louis e Little' s personal religiou s teaching s an d experience s no t onl y se t th e pac e fo r he r children's religiou s education , bu t i t apparentl y shape d Malcol m an d hi s siblings i n way s tha t woul d prov e significan t fo r thei r late r attractio n t o th e Nation—at leas t i n on e majo r respect : "W e neve r se t Jesu s apar t fro m th e other me n wh o ha d divin e inspiration, " says Wilfred Little . Whe n Malcol m spoke abou t visitin g th e blac k Christia n churc h a s a boy , h e recalle d tha t the animate d worshi p an d praye r o f th e churc h servic e wa s somewha t dis turbing t o him . Bu t h e adde d a mos t revealin g insight : "Eve n a t tha t youn g age, I jus t couldn' t believ e i n th e Christia n concep t o f Jesu s a s someon e divine. . . . I ha d ver y littl e respec t fo r mos t peopl e wh o represente d re ligion." Without understandin g th e religiou s educatio n o f th e Littl e househol d and th e majo r impac t Malcolm' s mothe r ha d o n he r children's religiou s life , Malcolm's state d disbelie f i n th e divinit y o f Jesu s an d disrespec t fo r clergy men migh t seem inappropriat e fo r a boy who presented hi s father a s a Baptist preacher. Hi s comment s ar e bette r understoo d whe n on e take s int o accoun t

52 • Early Life and Religious Training that his family religio n uphel d Jesu s only as a prophet and eschewed denomi nationalism. Understanding Malcolm's actual religiou s background wil l help the reader to b e mor e critica l i n assessin g Malcolm' s late r inclinatio n t o refe r t o hi s pre-Nation religiou s lif e a s "Christian. " Fo r Malcolm' s unusua l religiou s orientation wa s Christian onl y i n a very limited sense . Becaus e he was reared in a communit y wher e mos t peopl e wer e Christians , h e wa s quit e familia r with blac k Christianity, bu t hi s family's religio n wa s eclectic and i t was quite inexact fo r Malcol m t o refe r t o himsel f late r a s having bee n " a brainwashe d black Christian." 8 As Malcol m approache d adolescence , condition s i n th e Littl e hom e worsened. Louis e wa s unabl e t o find o r kee p employment . Mayb e thi s wa s because sh e wa s no t onl y blac k bu t als o th e wido w o f a controversia l blac k man wh o i n death ma y have been eve n mor e disparage d b y both white s and blacks. Accordin g t o Malcolm , i t wa s eve n rumored tha t Ear l Littl e ha d committed suicide— a rumo r th e lif e insuranc e peopl e gladl y seize d upon . Welfare assistanc e brought some relief, bu t i t also introduced intrusive , racis t welfare agent s into their home . Louise Little, wh o was a capable, independen t Garveyite , deepl y resente d the involvemen t o f welfare agent s i n he r domestic life . Bu t Malcolm di d no t realize unti l late r ho w importan t i t was for hi s mother t o maintain he r pride, since pride "was just about all we had to preserve." However, b y 1934 , during the dept h o f th e Grea t Depression , Malcolm' s hom e lif e bega n visibl y t o fragment. Makin g ever y effor t t o kee p he r independence , Louis e too k i n sewing an d rente d ou t garde n spac e an d eve n th e dum p tha t Ear l ha d kep t on th e bac k o f their property . Sh e wa s fighting a losin g battle , an d i t seems that he r whit e neighbor s mad e n o significan t effor t t o assis t th e fatherles s Little family. Indeed , som e ma y hav e been eage r to see them leave . Wilfre d recalled that somebody even shot their pet dog, jus t to give the Littles a "hard time." 9 This perio d becam e th e first phase o f Malcolm's waywar d years , th e tragic detour hi s life woul d tak e on th e roa d t o religious activism . Ironically , however, i t would b e this same tragic detour tha t would lea d Malcol m Littl e into the first moment o f conversion. Poverty was an enemy of the Littles, but they faced ye t another formidabl e foe. Whil e th e increasin g scarcit y o f food an d clothin g pained Malcol m an d his siblings , th e psychologica l deterioratio n tha t wa s taking plac e insid e th e family prove d t o b e a n insurmountabl e barrie r towar d thei r recover y o f a healthy famil y life . Th e Littl e family , onc e fundamentall y independen t a s well as critical o f the white man's system, wer e now at the mercy of the state. Welfare agent s responde d t o Louise Little' s visible animosity towar d the m

Early Life and Religious Training * S3 by usin g thei r officia l powe r t o ente r he r hom e an d intervie w th e children , Malcolm fel t late r tha t thi s wa s thei r wa y o f plantin g "seed s o f division " i n their minds . Lik e his younger sister Yvonne, Malcol m probabl y was thinking of hi s mother' s angr y word s t o th e welfar e agents : "Yo u kno w wha t you'r e doing t o me. " Withou t a stron g father , an d wit h thei r mothe r unde r in creased pressure , Malcol m an d hi s sibling s acte d ou t thei r ow n frustration s by gettin g int o mischief . Thi s i n tur n brough t increase d pressur e o n Louis e from th e welfare people, wh o were apparently building a campaign to remove the seven Littl e children fro m thei r hom e and place them i n foster care , These welfar e agents , who m Malcol m characterize d a s "viciou s a s vul tures, " verbally accuse d Louis e o f bein g "crazy " fo r refusin g a blac k neigh bor's gif t o f butchere d pork , eve n thoug h sh e ha d don e s o fo r religiou s reasons rather than pride . Wit h virtuall y n o alternatives left , an d n o apparent resources fro m whic h t o dra w provisio n fo r he r family , Mrs . Littl e found herself unde r a great deal o f stress. Sh e briefly sough t hope and respit e i n a n intimate relationshi p with a man, bu t h e soon backe d awa y from th e respon sibility o f he r children . Th e breaku p lef t Louis e shocked , broken-hearted , and eve n mor e burdened . When hi s mothe r bega n t o sho w visibl e sign s o f menta l an d emotiona l decline, th e "stat e people " place d Malcol m i n th e hom e o f som e blac k Christians named Gohannas . H e seems to have found comfor t i n the stability of this foste r home , bu t foun d th e religiou s environmen t o f the Gohannas' s church t o b e quit e "spooky, " sinc e i t wa s tha t o f th e "sanctifie d Hol y Roll ers"—the blac k Pentecosta l church : "Th e preacher s an d congregation s jumped eve n highe r and shoute d eve n loude r tha n th e Baptists I had known . They sang at the top of their lungs , an d swayed bac k and fort h an d crie d an d moaned an d bea t on tambourines an d chanted. " Later, afte r Malcol m wa s transferre d t o a county-sponsore d detentio n home i n the largely white community o f Mason, Michigan , h e regularly had to atten d a whit e church . H e woul d late r not e tha t whit e peopl e i n tha t church "jus t sa t an d worshipe d wit h words, " whil e al l th e blac k peopl e h e had ever seen in church "thre w their souls and bodies wholly into worship." 10 Malcolm ha d been transferre d t o the detention hom e because his behavior had worsened ; bu t i n Maso n h e trie d t o tur n ove r a ne w lea f Accordin g t o his ow n account , h e wa s wel l like d b y th e all-whit e staf f o f th e detentio n home an d hi s white classmates . O n weekend s h e wa s allowed t o spend tim e with hi s sibling s i n Lansing , bu t a t th e sam e tim e h e als o develope d a n interest i n Lansing' s livel y blac k bar s an d nightclubs—foreshadowin g hi s imminent transformatio n int o a creature of the urban underworld . Malcolm's experienc e i n Maso n the n becam e increasingl y bitte r fo r him ,

54 • Early Life and Religious Training particularly afte r h e spent the summer o f 1940 in Boston wit h hi s older half sister, Ella . Fre e to explore the black world o f Boston, h e discovered tha t the juke-box club s an d othe r nigh t spot s i n Lansin g wer e nothin g compare d t o the nigh t lif e o f Boston' s blac k neighborhood , Roxbury . " I couldn' t hav e feigned indifferenc e i f I ha d tried, " Malcol m said . H e was not simpl y im pressed b y the flashy nightlife, bu t by the experience o f being withi n a vast black population fo r the first time. After summe r vacation , Malcol m returne d t o Mason feeling "restless " and increasingly irritate d b y th e unbridled , insulting , an d insensitiv e racia l re marks tha t wer e commonplac e i n hi s white surroundings . Th e racis t com ments of his teachers, especiall y one who had advised hi m to limit his career plans t o carpentr y sinc e i t wa s " a realisti c goa l fo r a nigger " rathe r tha n attempt t o becom e a lawye r a s h e wished , wer e no w mor e tha n Malcol m could bear . Th e chas m betwee n th e increasingl y race-consciou s Malcol m and hi s paternalistic white guardians became unbridgeable , an d after th e end of the eighth grade , h e move d t o Boston, t o live unde r th e care o f his halfsister, Ella . Ella ha d alread y mad e a grea t impressio n o n Malcol m whe n sh e had visited hi m an d th e res t o f he r younge r half-sibling s i n Lansin g earlier . According to Malcolm , hi s father ha d boaste d a grea t dea l tha t Ell a wa s a strong an d capabl e woman , an d tha t sh e als o share d i n hi s racia l pride . Malcolm's first impression o f her, whic h mad e a major impac t o n him, was that Ell a "wa s the first really prou d blac k woman " he had known. "Sh e wa s plainly prou d o f her very dar k skin, " Malcol m said , addin g tha t suc h prid e was "unheard o f among Negroe s i n those days, " especially amon g th e black people of Lansing. From th e beginning , whe n Malcol m first cam e t o th e bus y street s o f Boston's Roxbur y section , h e savore d th e nigh t lif e o f th e blac k urba n community. Bu t Ell a ha d bigge r plan s fo r him . Sh e fel t tha t he r brigh t half-brother migh t prov e t o b e a grea t lawyer , perhap s eve n a great , blac k Clarence Darrow . To tha t end, Ell a enrolle d Malcol m i n an all-boys' school i n Boston. H e later recalle d tha t whe n h e sa w tha t ther e wer e n o girl s i n th e class , h e walked ou t and neve r se t foot i n a school again . H e was also no t impressed with th e "Hill Negroes " of Roxbury—the upwardl y mobil e black s whom h e considered snooty , pretentious , an d out of touch wit h th e mas s o f Boston's black population . T o Ella' s disappointment , Malcol m preferre d th e "tow n ghetto section" which, t o Malcolm, "seeme d t o hold a natural lure." 11 Malcolm quickl y mad e hi s wa y int o th e clubs , poo l halls , bars , an d

Early Life and Religious Training • 5 5 dance hall s of Roxbury. H e als o began t o experiment wit h alcohol , tobacco , marijuana, an d gambling . H e adapte d easil y t o th e lif e o f th e streets , an d began t o dres s i n th e popula r ghett o "zoo t suits " worn b y young blac k men . These wer e brightl y colore d outfit s wit h pant s tha t wer e unusuall y wid e a t the kne e an d cu t ver y narro w a t the bottom ; the accompanyin g jacket s were long, pinche d a t th e waistline , an d flared ou t a t th e bottom . Wit h thes e outlandish suits , youn g me n donne d feathered , broad-brimme d hat s an d sported gold-plate d chain s fo r th e final touch , An d invariably , th e styl e necessitated tha t the men "conk " their hair . Malcolm's first exposure to the "conk" style was when h e came to Boston. He later recalle d that , a t the time, h e couldn't stop marveling at how straight and shiny—an d ho w much lik e a white person's hair— a blac k person' s hai r could becom e wit h thi s stylin g process . Alon g wit h hi s zoo t suit , th e ne w Malcolm Littl e also sported, quit e proudly, a new conk, Later, a s a spokesma n fo r th e Natio n an d writin g i n hi s autobiography , Malcolm emphasize d tha t th e "conk " wa s a tragi c aspec t o f hi s youthfu l waywardness, hi s "firs t reall y bi g ste p towar d self-degradation. " B y conkin g his hai r h e ha d "joine d th e multitude " o f Africa n American s wh o wer e "brainwashed int o believing" the superiority o f whites, eve n t o the poin t tha t they would "eve n violat e and mutilat e their God-created bodie s to try to look 'pretty' b y whit e standards. " Fo r Malcolm , thi s hairstyle , whic h coul d b e attained onl y b y th e painfu l applicatio n o f a ly e an d starc h mixture , thu s became the ultimat e shame . It is possible, however , tha t i n retrospec t Malcol m simplifie d th e comple x issue o f blac k hai r style—especiall y fo r th e sak e o f th e Nation . H e note d that man y amon g th e "uppe r class " an d entertainmen t circle s o f th e blac k community engage d i n thi s "self-defacing" hair-straightenin g process . Bu t in speaking o f th e "conk, " on e Africa n America n essayis t ha s note d tha t blac k men wh o wer e mos t incline d towar d integratio n an d assimilatio n "seldom if ever have processed hair. Indee d the y hav e alway s been th e majo r opponent s of th e process. " Th e essaysis t conclude d tha t Malcolm , i n hi s ow n self reflective commentary , wa s trying to "politicalize" the conk. T o the contrary, the con k wor n b y Malcol m an d hi s streetwis e peer s wa s n o imitatio n o f whiteness, bu t wa s actually a "Negro-idiom " tha t wa s directly influence d b y the wavy-haire d Lati n "dandy " rather tha n th e straight hai r o f the pale-face d "Anglo-Saxon o f the power elite." Many black s wearing the conk were either in sho w busines s o r identifie d wit h black s "i n th e worl d o f show business — which, o f course , include s stylis h prizefigh t promoters , gamblers , pimps , racketeers, an d s o on . Fo r mos t Negroe s th e proces s goe s wit h certai n

56 • Early Life and Religious Training manners i n clothes, speech , music , an d even movement , whic h are anything but ofa y oriented." 12 T o b e sure , Malcolm' s day s o n th e street s o f Boston' s Roxbury, jus t as his activities in Ne w York City's Harlem section , wer e never "ofay"—white—oriented. Malcol m Littl e wa s no t pursuin g th e way s o f white people , no r wa s h e seekin g thei r love . Quit e t o th e contrary , h e wa s perhaps reveling in the images of the black vanguard o f the urban underworl d and th e stylish , "hip " masculinit y o f blac k entertainers , musicians , an d pimps. Once Malcol m ha d embrace d th e teaching s o f Elija h Muhamma d an d committed himsel f t o the Fard-Muhamma d dialecti c o f the blac k thesi s and the white antithesis, h e mus t have felt compelle d t o impute to his former lif e an absolute race shame that reflected non e of its more human characteristics , exceptions, o r ambivalences. I t is possible, then , tha t young Malcolm Little , zoot sui t an d all , wa s no t fleeing hi s Garveyit e root s a s muc h a s h e wa s naively lookin g i n th e wron g plac e fo r th e kin d o f succes s an d recognitio n that his personal sens e of destiny seemed t o promise. Malcolm's closes t frien d i n hi s Roxbur y days , th e musicia n Malcol m Jarvis, recalle d tha t Malcol m alway s sough t ou t th e company o f celebrities, and "alway s wanted t o be next to famous an d notoriou s people"—especiall y singers, musicians , an d entertainers . Accordin g to Jarvis, Malcol m wa s seeking a sense of self-importance. "Thes e feelings tha t h e had about importanc e and bein g somebod y i n th e worl d too k plac e lon g befor e h e lande d i n prison." To man y i t might hav e seeme d tha t Malcol m wa s seeking vicarious glory by associatin g wit h celebrities . Bu t Jarvi s seem s t o hav e realize d tha t Mal colm's ques t for recognitio n wa s deeply roote d i n hi s life. Perhap s Malcolm , still immatur e an d lackin g i n mora l strength , ha d sough t th e importanc e h e believed t o b e hi s destin y b y pursuin g th e mor e earth y subcultur e o f th e hustler movin g on the fringes o f the entertainment world . Malcolm apparentl y ha d a n aversio n t o wha t h e perceive d t o b e preten sions o f the up-and-comin g black s of Lansing an d Boston . H e disliked the m for thei r posturin g i n imitatio n o f thei r whit e patron s an d supervisors , an d considered the m a s "status-symbol-oriented. " N o doub t thi s wa s no t onl y Malcolm's impression , bu t par t o f hi s politica l legac y a s a Garveyit e child , whose parent s surel y foun d thes e preten d "successful " black s t o b e amon g their worst critics. It i s possible tha t Malcolm , i n choosin g t o become wayward , ha d sough t the onl y sincer e approac h h e though t wa s lef t fo r him . Whe n h e wa s late r asked b y a reporte r wha t h e ha d bee n befor e h e wa s a blac k nationalist ,

Early Life and Religious Training • 5 7 Malcolm responded , " I wa s a bum. I was a misfit. I was an outcast , I was a black man i n America." n Malcolm' s statement mus t be understood a s a selfanalysis refracte d throug h th e len s o f Mr . Muhammad' s Nation . Neverthe less, i t i s likel y that , a s a n adventuresom e teenager , Malcol m chos e th e "honesty" of open rebellio n agains t the statu s quo over playing a hypocritica l role to please the enemies o f his parents and thei r black cause. On a retur n visi t t o Lansing , probabl y whe n h e wa s wel l adapte d t o th e hustling lif e o f th e streets , Malcol m recalle d th e word s o f a n elderl y blac k Christian woman , whic h h e receive d a s a bitterswee t salute : "Malcolm , there's on e thin g I like about you . You'r e n o good, bu t you don' t tr y to hid e it. Yo u are not a hypocrite." Malcolm kne w that he was bad, bu t for himself, even as a delinquent youth , hypocris y was the unpardonabl e sin . I f there is a deeper meanin g behin d Malcolm' s referenc e t o hypocrisy , however , i t i s perhaps related to the motivation behin d writin g the autobiography itself. Hi s eagerness to highlight th e religiou s hypocris y o f white and blac k "Christians " was ver y muc h a functio n o f hi s rol e a s chie f advocat e an d propagandis t o f the Nation . Thi s i s particularl y ke y t o understandin g hi s comment s abou t Christianity an d Christian s i n his autobiography . Malcolm inevitabl y foun d tha t lif e o n th e stree t wa s no t withou t it s own brand o f pretensions . However , h e wa s no t pretendin g t o b e white , no r wa s he likel y t o b e a s obliviou s t o th e blac k struggl e a s he depict s himsel f i n hi s autobiography. On e mus t remembe r tha t mos t o f The Autobiography of Malcolm X wa s writte n wit h Malcolm' s consen t an d cooperatio n fo r th e express purpos e o f enhancin g an d upliftin g Elija h Muhamma d an d th e Nation. I t i s therefore bot h a brilliant demonstratio n o f Malcolm's abilit y t o propagandize o n behal f o f th e Nation , an d a tribut e t o hi s unmatchabl e devotion t o Elijah Muhammad . Malcolm expresse d hi s religiou s motivatio n t o Alex Hale y fro m th e onse t of the project: "I think m y life story may help people to appreciate better how Mr. Muhamma d salvage s blac k people. " I t wa s therefor e expedient , i f no t altogether necessary , fo r Malcol m t o portra y himself—prio r t o hi s involve ment i n the Nation—not onl y as a "sinner" but as Christian wit h a minima l amount o f race-consciousness. I n truth , however , Malcol m Littl e was never really a Christian, an d h e wa s probably always—a t leas t to some degree— a race critic . I n fact , whe n Malcol m wa s runnin g th e street s o f Boston , h e showed interes t i n th e blac k caus e b y attendin g communit y forum s a t St , Mark's Congregationa l Church , togethe r wit h som e o f hi s teenag e peers , "There wer e a lot o f rough youn g fellow s wh o use d t o come t o the meeting s and Malcol m Littl e wa s on e o f them," Rev . Samue l L a viscount, th e pasto r

58 • Early Life and Religious Training of St . Mark' s recalled . "H e wa s a prett y fine youn g chap , bu t h e wa s misguided." Ye t a s misguide d a s th e streetwis e youn g Malcol m ma y hav e been, h e wa s evidentl y enoug h o f a "rac e man " t o as k a guest speake r fro m Scandinavia abou t the treatment o f blacks in hi s country. 14 In anothe r incident , a somewha t mor e dramati c moment , Malcol m an d his friend s wer e gathere d a t a Bosto n nightspo t calle d "Wally' s Paradise " when a whit e policema n wa s attemptin g t o remov e a n intoxicate d blac k woman fro m th e premises . Whe n th e woman , wh o ha d stumble d t o th e floor, resisted the officer, h e got rough an d began t o pull he r out by her hair. Malcolm spran g t o he r defense , tellin g th e policema n h e ha d a gun. "Tak e your hand s of f tha t woman! " Malcol m yelled . "I f sh e wer e you r mothe r o r your sister , yo u wouldn' t manhandl e he r lik e that." The policeman , intimi dated b y Malcol m an d th e surroundin g crow d o f angry people , retreate d t o call for backup. Malcol m quickl y squired th e woman int o a cab and paid he r fare. Then , i n a moment, Malcolm , hi s friend Malcol m Jarvis , an d anothe r associate sped off in their ow n car. 15 This inciden t raise s a n interestin g point , agai n wit h referenc e t o th e purpose behind th e writing of The Autobiography of Malcolm X . I f Malcolm deliberately overlooke d thi s heroi c momen t i n recountin g hi s pre-Natio n days, i t ma y b e tha t h e di d s o becaus e i t di d no t fit th e scenari o h e wa s constructing—that is , th e stor y o f a youn g ma n to o bogge d dow n i n th e muck an d th e mir e o f "the whit e man' s Christia n world " to save himself, le t alone stan d u p o n behal f o f blac k people . Malcol m th e autobiographe r wished t o impute to Elijah Muhammad , no t just his own moral reformation , but als o hi s zea l fo r th e blac k struggle . I n fact , though , Malcolm' s zea l was not Mr. Muhammad' s doing . Though Malcolm' s life-styl e ma y hav e morall y decline d a s he descende d into th e lif e o f ghett o hustling , hi s race-consciousnes s remaine d intact . " I turned int o a complet e atheist, " Malcol m woul d late r recal l o f hi s day s o n the streets. 16 This atheism wa s more practical tha n philosophical , convenien t as i t wa s t o hi s emergin g crimina l life-style . Eve n so , i t woul d prov e t o b e fleeting. O n th e othe r hand , h e neve r trie d t o shed hi s black consciousness : it was already too much a part of him.

5 Wayward Yout h It was while I was a Christian that I was evil.

Malcolm wa s neve r th e seasone d underworl d figure h e like d to portray , an d thos e followin g hi s lea d probabl y embellishe d hi s stor y a s well. Whil e hi s autobiograph y concentrate s a grea t dea l o n hi s waywar d years, i t i s importan t t o not e tha t Malcol m wa s intereste d i n characterizin g his pre-Natio n lif e i n th e mos t sensationa l term s i n orde r t o bette r enhanc e Elijah Muhammad' s redemptiv e claims. This i s not t o suggest that Malcol m di d no t know crime an d debauchery . However, b y hi s lat e teens , h e wa s operatin g onl y "o n th e fringe s o f th e Harlem underworld " an d no t a t th e center . "Malcolm, " write s hi s first biographer, "ma y a t time s hav e exaggerate d hi s pas t i n th e retelling-—ma y have added a few bill s to hi s bankroll, a few employees t o hi s private staff, a few degree s extr a t o th e prestig e o f his clientel e an d t o his ow n statu s i n th e world o f th e Harle m hustle. " Malcol m ha d n o polic e recor d i n Ne w Yor k City, "no t eve n a traffic ticket. " Earl y on , journalist s mad e attempt s t o find out more about his criminal career . The sheer lack of information abou t him on th e street s seems significant; on e elderl y racketee r who did remembe r th e youthful Malcol m Littl e said that "he never got nowhere," 1 "Nowhere" doe s no t sugges t tha t Malcol m wa s lyin g abou t th e depth s o f 59

60 • Wayward Youth his degradation. I t does suggest, however , tha t his particular role in the urba n underworld wa s tha t o f th e commo n hustler—no t gangster , vic e lord , o r even mo b lieutenant . A s a hustler , Malcol m learne d t o bounc e bac k an d forth betwee n legitimat e an d illegitimat e means o f acquirin g money . I n Boston, a s late r i n Harlem , youn g Malcol m th e hustle r worke d bot h part time an d full-tim e jobs , thoug h neve r fo r ver y long . An d whil e h e wa s working thes e legitimat e jobs , o r "slaves," as they were called, Malcol m an d his hustlin g peer s wer e frequentl y involve d i n a variet y o f illici t activitie s as well. One journalis t describe d th e urba n hustle r a s a perso n wh o manage s t o earn th e financial reward s supposedly enjoye d onl y by the "God loving , har d working, whit e middl e class. " I n doin g so , th e hustle r violate s al l o f th e middle-class laws , an d doe s s o "wit h a gle e tha t inform s th e whit e middl e class precisel y wher e the y ca n shov e thei r valu e system. " T o b e sure , thi s description coul d easil y describ e hustler s o f an y hue . However , a s fa r a s urban blac k hustler s ar e concerned—socia l irresponsibilit y an d spiritua l weakness notwithstanding—the racia l situation canno t be ignored. This sam e journalis t kne w Malcol m X an d fel t h e wa s a brillian t ma n with great potential. "H e didn't want to make it; he wanted to outwit it." This was undoubtedly tru e t o a larg e extent . Malcol m late r admitte d tha t h e ha d taken th e eas y wa y ou t i n becomin g a hustler , droppin g ou t o f school a s h e did: " I jus t gav e up, " h e tol d a n interviewer . Bu t wit h a youn g ma n wh o believed h e ha d th e capabilit y t o b e a goo d lawyer , i t i s har d to kno w jus t how muc h o f hi s criminalit y wa s surrende r t o th e seductiv e power s o f th e underworld, an d ho w muc h wa s submission t o th e powers-that-be . Towar d the end o f his life, Malcol m tol d an interviewer : "They didn't hav e too many Negro doctors o r lawyers , especiall y wher e I grew up. . . . They didn' t eve n have any Negr o firemen whe n I was a youth. Whe n I was a youth, th e onl y thing yo u coul d drea m abou t becoming wa s a good waite r o r a good busbo y or a good shoeshin e man . I mean, that' s th e American dream." 2 Ironically , it wa s onl y later , whe n Malcol m bega n t o attac k th e "America n dream " head-on instea d o f tryin g t o escap e fro m it , tha t h e gaine d th e attentio n o f the Ne w Yor k Cit y Polic e Department . Whil e h e wa s still a young hustler , the so n o f Ear l an d Louis e Littl e wa s plante d lik e a seed i n th e darknes s o f the urban underworld . Whe n h e finally began to blossom, i t was the "Islamic dream" of Elijah Muhamma d tha t he would embrac e wholeheartedly . Malcolm wrot e that fro m hi s early days in Lansing , h e had wante d t o see Harlem, Ne w Yor k City' s grea t cente r o f blac k lif e an d culture . Late r on , when h e live d i n Boston , h e woul d hea r storie s abou t "th e Bi g Apple" fro m

Wayward Youth • 61 black musicians, merchan t marines , an d hustler s who had already visited th e city. Fo r Malcolm , however , Harle m wa s no t jus t "th e Bi g Apple/ ' th e glamorous have n fo r blac k musicians , celebrities , an d hustlers , Harle m wa s also th e heartbea t o f Africa-in-America . Fo r Malcolm , makin g th e tri p t o Harlem wa s a kind o f Garveyite pilgrimage, a way of reaffirming hi s belief in the blac k gospe l tha t ha d bee n preache d b y hi s parents . "I n fact/ ' Malcol m reflected, "m y fathe r ha d describe d Harle m wit h pride , an d showe d u s pictures o f the huge parades by the Harlem follower s o f Marcus Garvey/ ' When Garve y was reigning in Harlem , i t was still a young black metropolis. Accordin g t o Jame s Weldo n Johnson , befor e Harle m wa s transforme d into a center fo r Ne w York City's black population, mos t African American s in Manhatta n ha d live d aroun d Wes t 53r d Street . Whil e th e housin g wa s good, th e growin g population ha d turne d th e privat e home s int o apartment s in order to maximize housin g availability. By the earl y 1900s , however , black s were looking for even bette r housing , and on e blac k rea l estat e businessma n i n particular , Phili p Payton , bega n t o focus on Harlem—which wa s a white neighborhood. Payto n mad e his initial move into Harlem by persuading white landlords to allow some black tenants to mov e int o a fe w newl y built , vacan t apartment s tha t wer e considere d undesirable b y whites becaus e o f their uptow n location . Wit h thi s achieved , Payton bega n t o expand hi s rea l estat e goals, an d mor e blac k tenant s move d into Harlem . Onc e a tren d wa s established , th e whit e resident s countere d with restriction s enacte d throug h speciall y devise d realt y organizations . Bu t the blac k mov e ha d gaine d enoug h impetu s t o persever e despit e resistanc e from whites , who called the influx an "invasion." Whites began t o move out, With th e outbrea k o f World Wa r I , th e nee d fo r black laborers drew increasing number s o f migrant s t o Harle m fro m th e South , an d Harle m becam e permanently black . B y the time Marcus Garvey arrived ther e i n 1916 , i t was a ripe, blac k fruit, read y for hi m to pick. When Malcol m arrive d i n Ne w Yor k City , eage r t o explor e Harlem , i t was no t th e gloriou s blac k Mecc a i t ha d bee n a t th e tim e o f Garvey , o r during th e 1920s , whe n blac k painters , sculptors , poets , novelist s an d othe r creative individual s joine d togethe r i n a n artisti c outpourin g tha t wa s a selfannounced cultura l renaissance . Whe n Malcol m arrived , probabl y i n th e summer o f 1941 , blac k Ne w Yor k i n genera l wa s stil l recoverin g fro m th e pangs of the Depression . Only five years before , a terrible huma n explosio n ha d occurre d i n Har lem becaus e o f the pent-up resentment s an d frustration s o f the unemployed . Millions o f dollar s wort h o f propert y wa s destroyed , an d a commissio n wa s

62 • Wayward Youth set up by state and loca l government t o deal with the problems of unemployment and housing. B y this time, th e housing shortage in Harlem ha d becom e acute, sinc e heav y migratio n fro m th e Sout h an d fro m th e Caribbea n ha d caused th e population t o swell. As World Wa r I I wa s exploding o n th e Europea n continent , factorie s i n the Unite d State s received hug e contracts to produce militar y equipment bu t refused t o hir e blac k workers . Pressur e fro m blac k organization s lik e th e Brotherhood o f Sleepin g Ca r Porters , th e Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Ad vancement o f Colore d Peopl e (NAACP) , an d th e Nationa l Urba n Leagu e eventually resulte d i n th e issu e o f Executiv e Orde r 8802 , whic h banne d discrimination i n industries holding government contracts. A t the same time, these blac k organization s wer e fighting segregatio n i n th e arme d service s as well.3 Malcolm's ticke t t o Harle m cam e throug h a job he obtaine d o n th e Ne w Haven Railroad , whic h ra n alon g th e easter n seaboar d betwee n Bosto n an d Washington, D.C . H e worke d o n th e kitche n staff , servin g foo d t o passen gers. However , fo r Malcolm , th e jo b wa s onl y a way t o reac h Harlem . Hi s employment recor d show s tha t h e worke d fo r th e railroa d thre e differen t times betwee n 194 1 and 1943 , being discharged fo r insubordinatio n a t leas t once. On e dinin g ca r waite r wh o worke d wit h Malcol m late r recalled : "A t that time Malcolm' s energ y was not directed towar d har d work . H e was wild. He ha d onl y a n eighth-grad e education . I coul d hav e predicte d h e woul d eventually get into trouble." Malcolm ha d discovere d o n on e o f hi s first jobs i n Boston , workin g a s a shoeshine i n a danc e hall , tha t "al l yo u ha d t o d o wa s giv e whit e peopl e a show an d they' d bu y anythin g yo u offere d them. " H e foun d that , similarly , when h e was selling sandwiches an d othe r refreshment s t o white passengers, if h e entertaine d an d playe d u p t o the m h e woul d mak e plent y o f sales . However, Malcol m apparentl y bega n t o tir e o f "Uncl e Tomming, " a s h e called it . I t seems , i n fact , tha t th e mor e familia r h e becam e wit h Harle m and it s environment, th e less inclined h e was to patronize white passengers. Though Malcol m claime d t o hav e ha d a politically "steril e mind " at tha t time, i t is probably th e cas e that being i n Harle m increasingl y sharpene d hi s race-consciousness, jus t a s hi s initia l tri p t o Bosto n ha d don e whe n h e wa s still an adolescen t livin g in Lansing . Thus , whil e he was seemingly obliviou s to the messag e of the black Communists hawkin g copies of the Daily Worker in Harlem , h e wa s not blin d t o the politic s o f race i n th e Unite d States . Hi s attitude towar d whit e passengers became flip, and h e began to flaunt himself as "an uncouth , wil d youn g Negro, " most likel y t o annoy th e whit e passen -

Wayward Youth • 6 3 gers. T d eve n curs e th e customers, " Malcol m late r admitted , Malcol m ha d a particular dislik e for whit e servicemen, fo r whom h e would sav e his foules t language and sarcasm . "It wa s inevitabl e tha t I was goin g t o b e fired soone r o r later, " Malcol m said, an d eventually "an angry letter" from a passenger did get him fired. And though Malcol m wa s only abou t sixtee n year s old , h e kne w tha t becaus e o f his heigh t h e coul d agai n easil y pas s for a n adul t an d acquir e anothe r jo b in the bus y wartime economy . Wha t reall y mattere d t o him wa s that h e wa s in Harlem—which h e describe d a s bein g bot h "Sevent h Heaven " an d a nar cotic for him. 4 In between hi s legitimate jobs , Malcolm wa s exploring the money-makin g possibilities o f hustling. Hi s autobiography give s vivid descriptions o f accomplished hustlers , pimps , house s of prostitution, dru g dealers, an d other seamy sides o f th e Harle m underworld . Malcol m portray s himsel f a s bot h a dru g dealer an d a "steerer"—th e intermediar y betwee n prostitute s an d thei r cli ents. However , whil e h e illegall y earne d dollar s playin g thes e roles , h e als o became adep t a t gleanin g financial suppor t fro m wome n whos e confidenc e he won . At on e woman' s home , Malcol m woul d si t aroun d an d rea d "everythin g from Nic k Carte r thriller s t o th e Hol y Bible"—a n ironi c glimps e tha t sug gests tha t Malcol m wa s no t entirel y a s "illiterate " a s h e woul d late r portra y his yout h whe n representin g th e Nation : " I wa s a ver y waywar d criminal , backward, illiterate , uneducated-typ e o f person unti l I heard th e teachings of the Honorabl e Elija h Muhammad. " Malcolm th e hustle r wa s no t ye t driven t o scourin g throug h volume s o n philosophy, history , an d religion , a s h e woul d late r i n prison , Discourage d and withou t motivation , Malcolm' s intellectua l flame wa s reduce d t o a flicker. His interes t i n th e Bibl e was still a n ineffectiv e spark ; his immaturit y and lac k of discipline kept his reading diet limited t o what he would late r call "cowboy books." However, wit h his Garveyite background, hi s mother's good education an d religiou s eclecticism , hi s religiousl y experience d notion s o f destiny, an d hi s academi c succes s i n junio r hig h school , Malcol m coul d never hav e bee n languishin g i n th e kin d o f ignoranc e tha t typifie d th e live s of th e pushers , pimps , hustlers , an d prostitute s wit h who m h e associated , Malcolm himsel f acknowledge d tha t th e averag e hustle r an d crimina l wa s "too uneducate d t o writ e a letter . I hav e know n man y slick , sharp-lookin g hustlers, wh o woul d hav e yo u thin k the y ha d a n interes t i n Wal l Street ; privately, the y would get someone else to read a letter i f they received one," 5 Malcolm's ol d friend , Clarenc e Atkins , ha s noted tha t i n Harle m " a lot of

64 • Wayward Youth guys, stree t guys , fancie d themselve s a s pimps . . . the y woul d tr y t o find a girl or two or three that the y could pla y on , fo r whatever benefits. " Malcol m was, afte r all , hustling . An d accordin g t o Atkins, becaus e Malcol m wa s tall, handsome, an d red-complexioned—an d sportin g a long, reddis h conk—h e could easil y draw women int o his lure. Hi s relationships with wome n i n thi s period o f hi s lif e coul d no t hav e bee n thos e o f a norma l teenage r simpl y because hi s lif e wa s no t tha t o f a norma l teenager . Malcol m wa s livin g a life tha t pretende d manhood , on e tha t tragicall y disavowe d an y sens e o f commitment excep t t o one' s ow n gratification : "H e wa s jus t wild , man, " Atkins continued, "h e didn't give a shit about nothing." Malcolm's treatmen t of women , lik e th e res t o f hi s lif e a t thi s time , wa s completel y self-servin g and impulsive . "Whateve r h e though t wa s th e thin g fo r hi m t o d o a t tha t particular time , that' s what he would do. " In The Autobiography of Malcolm X thi s is perhaps no more clear than i n Malcolm's relationshi p wit h a whit e Bostonia n who m h e identifie s a s "Sophia." Hi s relationshi p wit h he r ha d begu n befor e h e ha d take n th e railroa d job, an d i t continue d whil e h e wa s commuting bac k an d fort h fro m Bosto n to New York City, an d eve n after h e moved t o Harlem. Whe n Malcol m tol d her how excited he was about New York, Sophia , a Negrophile who probably shared simila r sentiments , tol d Malcol m h e woul d neve r b e satisfie d any where but i n Ne w York. "Sh e was right," Malcolm recalled . In Harlem , Sophia , wh o was actually a n Armenian America n name d Be a Caragulian, becam e Malcolm' s statu s symbol , jus t a s sh e ha d bee n i n Bos ton's blac k nightspots. 6 The fac t tha t Be a marrie d a white ma n i n th e mids t of he r interracia l relationshi p onl y verifie d fo r Malcol m wha t h e ha d bee n told about "the black man an d white woman psychology" : The whit e woma n wante d t o b e comfortable , sh e wante d t o b e looke d upo n wit h favor by her own kind, bu t she also wanted t o have her pleasure. S o some of them just married a white man for convenience and security, and kept right on going with a Negro.7 "It wasn't tha t they were necessarily i n lov e with the Negro , bu t they were in love with lust—particularl y 'taboo ' lust," according to Malcolm. Malcolm wa s introduced t o "the black man and white woman psychology " by his friend an d associat e "Sammy th e Pimp, " whose real name was Sammy McKnight. Sammy , wh o figures as a major characte r i n Malcolm's autobiog raphy, apparentl y employe d a n interracia l tea m o f prostitutes . Thus , whe n later unde r th e influenc e o f the Nation , Malcol m foun d ampl e evidenc e i n his ow n experienc e wit h whit e wome n t o propoun d Muhammad' s teachin g

Wayward Youth • 6 5 that white people were naturally immoral : "I got my first schooling about th e cesspool moral s o f th e whit e ma n fro m th e bes t possibl e source , fro m hi s own women. " Even more , Malcol m sa w that Harlem wa s the white man's "sin-den" and "fleshpot," wher e blac k flesh wa s markete d fo r th e satisfactio n o f whites . Moving i n an d throug h thi s "black-whit e nethe r world, " Malcol m sa w how race an d se x mixe d wit h business , an d ho w th e customer s wh o coul d affor d to pa y fo r th e us e o f blac k flesh wer e considere d abov e reput e withi n tha t netherworld. Malcol m ha d apparentl y been aware of the dynamics of interracial se x sinc e hi s yout h i n Lansing , bu t i n Harle m h e sa w thos e dynamic s translated int o a business. I t i s no wonde r tha t Elija h Muhammad' s ba n o n interracial relations—especiall y intermarriage—-woul d late r appea l t o Malcolm. Undoubtedly, Malcolm' s experienc e i n th e interracia l se x marke t ha d convinced hi m o f wha t Hernto n call s "th e sexualizatio n o f racism " i n th e United States . H e inevitably came to believe that it was impossible for whites and black s t o respec t eac h othe r a s long a s they interacte d alon g th e line s of the racial-sexua l exploitatio n tha t ha s historicall y bee n a par t o f th e whit e man's socia l order , eve r sinc e th e day s o f slavery . Further , in lookin g bac k over thes e experience s i n Harlem , Malcol m sai d h e becam e suspiciou s o f any whit e perso n wh o wa s "anxiou s t o han g aroun d Negroes , o r t o han g around i n Negr o communities. " Thi s reminiscenc e probabl y include d So phia, wh o Malcolm sai d "still came to New York whenever I called her. " As a hustler, therefore , Malcol m apparentl y involve d himsel f i n behavio r in whic h h e allowe d himsel f t o b e sexuall y exploited . Thi s degradatio n ha s been muc h use d by those who have wanted t o reduce Malcolm's masculinit y to a fragil e facade , o r t o appropriat e hi m a s a ga y hero . I n eithe r case , however, ther e i s onl y on e sourc e o f allege d proo f tha t Malcolm' s hustle r activity include d homosexua l behavior—an d eve n her e i t i s acknowledge d that such encounters were both infrequen t an d financially motivated. 8 These shabby , self-servin g attempt s t o homosexualiz e Malcol m hav e tended t o negate hi s genuine religiou s growth an d transformatio n i n hi s later life. Thos e who knew Malcolm wel l deny any youthful homosexualit y o n his part, ye t h e stil l owne d u p t o th e fac t tha t hi s lif e i n th e street s ha d bee n degrading. I n 1964 , reflectin g o n hi s youth, Malcol m tol d on e journalist :* T was a huma n zombie . M y min d an d m y sou l wer e i n chains. " To another , Malcolm declared : "Moving through th e street s of Harlem . . . I disregarded religion completely." 9 Malcolm th e hustler' s definition o f atheism wa s not philosophical . Whil e

66 • Wayward Youth he woul d continu e t o identif y himsel f a s an atheist , i t was only late r tha t h e realized tha t genuin e atheism , lik e religiou s though t itself , require d som e sort o f intellectua l "framework. " Hi s atheis m consiste d o f a fundamenta l disregard fo r th e mora l principle s h e ha d hear d expounde d b y white s an d blacks alike , especiall y thos e h e perceive d a s religiou s hypocrites—suc h a s the Sunda y mornin g evangelists , who m h e sa w onl y a s hustler s "peddlin g Jesus." At one point Malcolm note d ho w his half-sister Ell a "couldn' t believ e how atheist, ho w uncouth" he had becom e while i n Harlem . N o one, then , should doub t the reality of Malcolm's mora l and spiritua l lapse . While h e woul d late r exaggerat e certai n aspect s of that laps e an d perhap s omit other s fro m hi s autobiography , Malcolm' s stor y i s stil l no t primaril y that o f a black rebe l fighting agains t a n evi l whit e empire . Thoug h a majo r theme o f threadin g throug h Malcolm' s lif e wa s certainl y whit e racis m an d his respons e t o it, th e Natio n stoo d t o benefit fro m thi s way of modeling hi s life story . Thi s interpretation , whic h wa s expresse d i n hi s determinatio n t o Christianize an d whiten al l of his former sin s was, of necessity, th e influenc e of Elijah Muhamma d upo n Malcolm' s story. The rea l stor y of Malcolm X is actually a conversion story . Indeed , i t is a double conversio n story , no t unlik e that o f St. Augustine , wh o escaped fro m "abominable things " an d th e mora l "havo c o f disruption. " Augustine , lik e Malcolm Little , escape d mora l degradation onl y to enter the redemption o f a cult i n whic h th e chain s o f moral abominatio n wer e traded fo r the chain s of religious bondage . I n lik e manner , bot h eventuall y foun d religiou s freedo m outside their respectiv e cults. By the early 1940s , Malcol m Littl e was known a s "Detroit Red, " a streetwise young hustler who despite his height and good looks had to be differenti ated fro m tw o other red-complexione d Harlemite s wit h who m h e share d th e streets. Th e first was a professional arme d robbe r wh o hailed fro m St . Loui s and wa s thus tagge d "St . Loui s Red. " The other , a friend o f Malcolm's, wa s from Chicago , an d bor e th e appropriat e name , "Chicago Red. " Malcol m preferred t o identif y himsel f b y th e best-know n cit y o f hi s hom e state , Detroit,10 rathe r than hi s hometown o f Lansing. "Chicago Red, " whos e rea l nam e wa s Joh n Elro y Sanford , ha d com e t o Harlem severa l years before Malcolm . Sanford , wh o had come from Chicag o via Philadelphia , wa s a natural-bor n comi c wh o lef t hom e wit h hope s o f attaining sho w busines s fame . Probabl y no t lon g afte r Malcol m arrive d i n Harlem, th e tw o me t i n a poo l hal l an d struc k u p a warm friendship . A s it turned out , th e tw o red-complexione d youth s worke d i n a famou s Harle m eatery calle d "Jimmy' s Chicke n Shack, " wher e Malcol m waite d o n tables ,

Wayward Youth • 67 and Sanfor d was , i n Malcolm' s words , "th e funnies t dishwashe r o n thi s earth." Whe n time s go t toug h an d the y wer e withou t mone y durin g col d weather, th e tw o glory-seekin g youth s slep t o n a Harle m rooftop , usin g a s much newspape r a s the y coul d find fo r insulatio n an d warmth . Year s later , after Detroi t Re d ha d becom e th e nationall y famou s Muslim , Ministe r Malcolm X , h e woul d briefl y b e reunite d wit h hi s ol d frien d Chicag o Red , who had succeede d i n the world of comedy as Redd Foxx . According t o Foxx , i n hi s Harle m day s Detroi t Re d wa s no t give n t o "talking" th e "stuff " o f blac k nationalis m an d th e whit e devi l anthropology . However, accordin g t o Clarence Atkins , wh o perhaps kne w Malcol m better , having likewise me t hi m a t Jimmy's Chicke n Shack , Malcol m mad e tim e i n their youthfu l discussions—whic h usuall y revolve d aroun d jaz z music—t o talk abou t hi s Garveyit e background : "H e woul d tal k ofte n abou t ho w hi s father use d t o ge t brutalize d an d bea t u p o n th e corne r sellin g Marcu s Garvey's pape r an d h e woul d tal k a lo t abou t Garvey's concepts in terms of how they could benefit us as a people." Atkins als o remembere d tha t Malcol m ofte n rehashe d th e eighth-grad e incident i n whic h hi s racis t teache r ha d trie d t o discourage hi m becomin g a lawyer. "Yo u know . . . that had to have some kind of impact on his thinking for him t o be constantly speaking on this in our presence," Atkins concluded . In fact , despit e Malcolm' s indifferenc e t o th e politica l activis m o f Harlem' s prominent blac k organization s i n thos e days , "H e wa s always political, eve n in th e mids t o f all tha t stree t hustlin g an d everythin g els e h e wa s doing , h e was political." In contrast , however , Atkin s di d no t recall , eve n once , hi s frien d Detroi t Red speakin g eithe r goo d o r il l abou t th e church . Malcol m ha d trul y shunned religion—h e coul d no t envision , a s h e woul d later , tha t ther e existed a n undeniabl e connectio n betwee n religiou s fait h an d th e liberatio n of blacks . I t seems , a t best , tha t Malcol m sa w religio n a s par t o f th e worl d from whic h h e wa s tryin g t o escape . A t worst , h e though t religio n wa s for whites—an d fo r blac k peopl e wh o ha d resigne d themselve s t o livin g submissively i n th e whit e man' s world . Malcolm' s appreciatio n fo r Garve y and th e blac k nationalis m o f th e UNI A wa s genuine, bu t h e seem s t o hav e been obliviou s t o Garvey' s blac k Christianity , whic h ha d perhap s bee n los t in th e array of Louise Little's religiou s eclecticism . Later, i n a loyal attemp t t o enhance Elija h Muhammad' s clai m o f influ ence upo n him , Malcol m X minimize d hi s youthfu l blac k consciousnes s both i n hi s ow n autobiographica l portraya l an d i n interview s wit h reporter s and journalists . Mayb e also out of loyalty to Elijah Muhammad , Malcol m X

68 • Wayward Youth tended t o attribute his own youthful immoralit y t o Christianity rathe r than t o the practica l atheis m h e ha d personall y chose n t o follow . Thus , i n a 196 0 interview, a smilin g Malcol m X declared , "I t wa s whil e I wa s a Christia n that I was evil." 11 "He ha d n o regar d fo r la w an d orde r an d th e syste m an d government — none o f that, " Atkin s sai d o f Malcolm' s day s i n Harlem . Thi s i s consisten t with Malcolm' s autobiographica l image. Ther e wa s apparentl y n o lin e o f demarcation betwee n lega l and illega l i n hi s money-making activities . Jus t as easily a s Malcol m waite d o n table s i n Harle m o r peddle d sandwiche s o n trains runnin g fro m Ne w England t o Florida , h e peddle d marijuan a an d directed "clients " into brothels. In fact , accordin g t o hi s brothe r Wilfred , youn g Malcol m woul d "g o ou t to Californi a o r whereve r the y woul d sen d hi m an d com e bac k wit h tw o of the bigges t suitcase s yo u eve r saw , ful l o f tha t stuf f . . . marijuan a presse d into bricks , yo u kno w . . . bu t the y woul d pa y hi m a thousan d dollar s a trip." A clos e Bosto n frien d als o remember s Malcol m arrivin g fro m Ne w York City, wher e he obviousl y ha d a connection, ofte n returnin g hom e wit h marijuana sewe d int o the lining of his heavy overcoat. "Sometime s h e had as much a s a quarter t o a hal f a poun d o f it , an d the n h e woul d packag e i t u p himself, rol l i t up into joint s and sel l them fo r a dollar apiece." When Malcol m coul d no t mak e mone y i n independen t endeavors , h e might ge t temporar y work , a s he di d a t Jimmy's Chicke n Shac k i n Harlem . He claim s t o hav e worke d ther e briefl y a s a waiter , bu t Clarenc e Atkin s suggested tha t Malcolm' s affiliatio n wit h th e restauran t wa s fa r mor e exten sive—perhaps reflectin g Malcolm' s dependenc y i n thos e days : "H e wa s flunking for Jimmy . . . doing anything, lik e washing dishes, mopping floors, or whatever , yo u kno w . . . becaus e h e coul d eat , an d Jimm y ha d a plac e upstairs over the place where he could sleep. " Malcolm's prison file confirms that h e worke d a t th e popula r Harle m restauran t fo r abou t tw o years , fro m 1942 through 1944 , afte r whic h h e returne d t o Boston. Rathe r tha n empha sizing hi s mor e extended , an d perhap s humbling , dependenc y o n Jimmy' s Chicken Shack , i t is interesting that Malcol m focuse d heavil y on hi s job as a waiter at Small's Paradise, a famous Harle m nightspot . Malcolm admitte d tha t h e di d no t wor k very lon g a t Small's , an d tha t h e lost hi s jo b afte r h e attempte d t o stee r a customer t o a prostitute—an d th e customer turne d ou t t o b e a vic e officer . However , Malcol m mad e Small' s Paradise th e centerpiec e o f hi s stree t schooling—th e plac e wher e sophisti cated, big-tim e hustlers taught him abou t a more urbane level of professional crime. I t is not clear if Malcolm worke d a t Small's steadily or shifted betwee n

Wayward Youth * 69 it and othe r jobs , bot h lega l an d otherwise. 12 I n any case, i t is certain tha t h e spent a great deal of time there. For a while , Malcol m worke d fo r a "downtown jew/ ' a nightclu b entre preneur who m h e calle d "Hymie. " Accordin g t o Malcolm , h e an d Hymi e got along prett y well , an d Hymi e wa s sympathetic t o th e blac k struggl e i n a racist society . Fo r Hymie , Malcol m processe d an d delivere d bootle g alcoho l until th e operatio n fel l through . H e wrot e i n hi s autobiograph y tha t h e thought hi s Jewis h bos s ha d bee n kille d unde r mysteriou s circumstances . However, i t seem s Hymie , whos e rea l nam e wa s Ab e Goldstein , wa s stil l alive b y th e tim e Malcol m wa s imprisoned i n 1946 , Goldstei n remembere d his youn g blac k assistan t a s bein g " a bi t unstabl e an d neuroti c bu t unde r proper guidance, a good boy." Unfortunately, Goldstei n ha d no t been willin g or able to give young Malcolm suc h proper guidance. Another time , Malcol m create d hi s ow n travelin g dru g dealershi p b y using his old railroa d employe e I.D . t o gain acces s to the train. Wit h a large supply o f marijuana , Malcol m move d throughou t th e Eas t Coast , caterin g especially t o th e peripateti c jaz z bands . H e apparentl y enjoye d associatin g with thes e musicians , no t onl y becaus e h e wa s a jaz z enthusias t himsel f bu t because h e undoubtedl y hungere d fo r th e kin d o f publi c recognitio n the y received. On e sense s a hint o f pleasure i n Malcolm' s recollectio n tha t he was sometimes mobbe d b y jaz z fan s alon g wit h th e ban d members . Eve n more , Malcolm enjoye d th e succes s o f hi s nove l lin e o f work ; "Nobod y ha d eve r heard o f a traveling reefer peddler. " Malcolm's evolutio n int o a n outla w wa s steady , though } a s Clarenc e Atkins said , T m sur e tha t h e wa s neve r n o bi g tim e racketee r o r thug/ ' H e dabbled i n gambling , numbers , "littl e cons—littl e confidenc e game s o n people." Otherwise, h e and hi s friend Samm y "Pretty Boy " McKnight woul d periodically burglariz e on e o f Harlem' s popula r nightspots , suc h a s LaFa mille, an d the n divid e th e spoils . Throug h Samm y i n particular , Malcol m seems t o hav e customize d hi s criminality . A s Malcolm' s closes t frien d i n Harlem, i t wa s apparentl y Samm y wh o encourage d hi m t o specializ e i n peddling marijuana , a s well a s to snor t cocaine—especiall y befor e commit ting arme d robbery . I n an y case , accordin g t o Atkins , Sammy' s apartmen t was probabl y th e closes t thin g t o a traditiona l hom e tha t Malcol m ha d in Harlem . Atkins recalle d tha t Malcol m an d hi s associate s woul d regularl y gathe r a t Sammy's apartment , ofte n i n a spontaneous "communio n gathering, " where Sammy woul d coo k and wher e the y woul d rela x and smok e marijuana . Thi s was perhap s th e onl y famil y Malcol m kne w whe n h e wa s a hustle r i n

70 • Wayward Youth Harlem. Typically , whil e som e at e and fel l aslee p on th e couch , o r listene d to th e lates t bebo p record s o f Charli e Parke r an d Dizz y Gillespie , other s frequently swappe d thei r girlfriends fo r sexua l relations . "Samm y would cook and w e had music, " Atkins recalled, "an d ther e were always girls, always. " It was probably on e o f the fe w secur e moment s a t a time whe n Malcolm' s lif e was otherwis e essentiall y a continuous , an d sometime s dangerous , stree t contest o f "liberties an d chances. " "It was a time," Clarence Atkin s recalled , "when yo u did whateve r i t was necessary fo r yo u to do in orde r t o persevere. And that' s all he did, wa s what he had t o do at that time to persevere." 13 Key t o tha t perseverance , fo r Malcolm , wa s minimizin g o r avoidin g altogether th e necessit y o f a full-tim e job , a jai l sentence , o r a ter m o f service i n th e military . H e ha d bee n abl e to keep full-time employmen t t o a minimum b y hustling and movin g from jo b to job. H e was also able to avoid going to jail . Bu t i n 194 3 Malcolm receive d "Uncl e Sam' s greetings," which came t o hi m i n Harle m b y wa y o f hi s siste r Ell a i n Boston . H e wa s deter mined no t to serve in th e military—particularly no t in wartime . Malcolm agree d with his friend Shorty , an d many other "ghetto Negroes," who objecte d t o servin g i n th e wartim e military : "White y own s everything . He want s u s t o g o an d blee d fo r him ? Le t hi m fight." S o whe n hi s draf t notice came , Malcol m wa s determine d t o find a wa y no t t o serve . I n hi s autobiography, h e explaine d ho w h e began t o hustle extensivel y i n th e hop e that hi s reputatio n woul d rende r hi m persona non grata i n th e eye s o f th e draft board . Malcolm , assumin g tha t Harle m wa s filled wit h blac k arm y intelligence agents , bega n t o make a public spectacl e o f himself—hoping t o get their attention ; he began "noisin g around" that h e was a Japanese sympathizer an d deliberately acte d "hig h an d crazy " in public places. On th e da y o f hi s review , Malcol m appeare d a t Loca l Boar d #5 9 i n Manhattan "costume d lik e an actor," wearing a garish zoo t suit, yello w knobtoe shoes , an d hi s hai r frizzle d int o a "reddis h bus h o f conk. " Hi s accoun t suggests tha t h e trie d t o com e acros s a s a kind o f lunatic , "'Harle m jigaboo ' archetype," knowin g tha t h e woul d eithe r horrif y o r amus e th e white s int o thinking he was unfit fo r military duty. H e saved his best performance fo r the psychiatrist, wh o Malcol m sai d ha d trie d hi s bes t t o remai n objectiv e an d professional throughou t hi s review. H This ma y hav e bee n Malcolm' s bes t hustle: he evaded an d toye d wit h th e psychiatrist's questions , al l th e whil e jerkin g around a s if preoccupied b y the belief tha t h e wa s being observe d fro m outsid e th e room . "Suddenly, " Mal colm recounted , " I spran g u p an d peepe d unde r bot h doors , th e on e I' d entered an d anothe r tha t probabl y wa s a closet." H e continued : "An d the n I

Wayward Youth • 7 J bent an d whispere d fas t i n hi s ear . 'Daddy-o , no w yo u an d me , we'r e fro m up Nort h here , s o don't yo u tel l nobod y . . . I want t o get sent down South , Organize the m nigge r soldiers , yo u dig ? Stea l u s som e guns , an d kil l u p crackers!' " ,:; H e wa s immediatel y dismissed , an d late r receive d hi s 4- F disqualification car d i n the mail. The FB I repor t of the intervie w verifie s Malcolm' s succes s i n hustling th e psychiatrist at the draft board . I t does not contain th e picturesque descriptio n of Malcolm' s revie w outline d i n hi s autobiography , bu t i t does reflec t Mal colm's intent : "Subjec t wa s rejecte d fo r militar y servic e i n 194 3 fo r menta l reasons at which tim e the y were found t o be psychopathic personalit y inade quate, sexua l perversio n an d psychiatri c rejection. " Malcolm' s performanc e apparently include d aspect s tha t h e di d no t mentio n i n hi s ow n account , including reference s to sexual perversion . Fo r Malcolm , however , th e goa l was to avoid militar y inductio n a t any cost. According t o Malcolm, h e lef t Harle m i n 194 5 because h e tire d o f living under th e threat s o f criminal s an d polic e officer s alike . Althoug h ther e ar e some variation s o f Malcolm's accoun t o f this time, 16 there i s agreement tha t Malcolm lef t Harle m a t a tim e o f crisis . Hi s associat e Clarenc e Atkin s suggests that while Malcol m ma y have been facin g dismal circumstances , h e and hi s friends gathere d togethe r o n th e nigh t o f his departure fro m Harlem . He recalle d tha t non e o f Malcolm' s Harle m friend s wante d hi m t o leave , leading Atkin s t o suspec t tha t Malcol m wa s no t i n th e kin d o f dange r h e portrayed i n his autobiography . [Malcolm] ma y very well hav e been i n danger— I don' t thin k h e was in dange r of getting killed; he might have been in danger in terms of him getting hurt . . . he may have bee n i n danger , bu t I don't thin k so . Thi s muc h I know: the severit y o f the circumstance was not enough for us in that gathering to want to encourage him to get out o f town . Becaus e i t wa s unanimous—excep t th e gir l ["Sophia"] , an d Jarvi s ["Short)'"], because Jarvis lived in Boston." 1, Probably persuade d b y hi s Bosto n friend s a s muc h a s b y hi s ba d luc k i n Harlem, Malcol m decide d t o retur n t o Bosto n wit h hi s whit e woma n an d Jarvis. Perhap s hig h o n drugs , h e talke d incessantl y throughou t th e whol e trip. Hi s criminal caree r i n Harle m ended , a s it would als o end i n Bosto n — quite ingloriously , eve n b y crimina l standards . However , th e nex t tim e Malcolm Littl e would com e t o Harlem, thing s would b e different .

6 Crime, Imprisonment , and Redemptio n Into the ocean of blackness where I was .

"Looking back , I think I reall y wa s at leas t slightly ou t o f my mind," Malcol m woul d sa y later regardin g hi s lif e o n th e streets . Returnin g to Boston di d not , i n itself , brin g any great change i n hi s life. Afte r a mont h of "laying dead," as Malcolm calle d it , hi s restlessness returned; his excessive use o f cocain e an d hi s whit e girlfriend' s faithfu l suppl y o f mone y di d no t calm him, o r keep him from lookin g for new hustles. H e turned to gambling, and the n forme d a burglary ring. Malcolm sai d in his autobiography tha t he thought of burglary because h e felt i t would provid e extra mone y fo r bot h himsel f an d hi s friend Shorty . H e recalled tha t th e formatio n o f the burglar y rin g took a great deal o f care an d planning—based o n wha t h e ha d learne d i n Harle m "fro m som e o f th e pros." H e no t onl y include d Short y bu t Shorty' s half-Italian , half-blac k friend, Rudy . Also , Malcol m note d tha t Sophi a an d he r younge r siste r als o joined th e burglary ring . Th e whit e women, accordin g to Malcolm, acte d as advance agents , enterin g unsuspectin g household s unde r fals e pretext s while scouting for the best targets and providin g a layout sketch o f the homes. "W e quickly go t i t down t o a science, " Malcolm conclude d o f his las t venture a s an outlaw . 72

Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption * 73 In fact , muc h o f Malcolm' s accoun t seem s t o b e fictitious. I t i s true tha t Sophia—Bea—was involved , alon g with he r younge r sister , Joyce . Anothe r Armenian America n woman , Kor a Marderosian , who m Malcol m di d no t mention i n hi s autobiography , als o joine d in . Anothe r gangste r appear s t o have been "Rudy, " an Africa n America n actuall y name d Franci s E . Brown , also known a s "Sonny." Shorty—Malcolm Jarvis—als o participated , thoug h not i n the first two burglaries. According to Malcolm's extensive statement to the police, i t was Brown— and no t he , wh o ha d devise d th e whol e burglar y scheme , thoug h Malcol m brought alon g th e thre e whit e women , wh o neve r lef t thei r ca r whil e th e burglaries too k place . Thei r burglar y operatio n wa s hardl y dow n t o a sci ence—essentially Brow n di d th e breakin g in , the n le t Malcol m an d Jarvi s into th e home s whil e th e wome n waite d outside . Mos t o f th e stole n good s were not sold to a fence i n exchang e fo r cash , a s Malcolm claimed , bu t were actually kept . Eve n whe n Malcol m an d hi s fellow burglar s forayed int o Ne w York City on Decembe r 16 , 1945 , they sold onl y enough o f the stolen good s to cove r thei r expenses . The y wer e no t a s efficient a t thei r craf t a s Malcol m claimed i n hi s autobiography , jus t a s the y wer e no t a s experience d o r sea soned. Hi s burglar y rin g seem s t o hav e emerge d b y accident—an d i n th e same manner, i t came to an end . According t o Malcolm' s autobiographica l account , h e wa s arreste d afte r he brough t a n expensiv e stole n watc h int o a repair shop . Th e officia l recor d corroborates Malcolm' s clai m o n thi s point—he ha d accidentall y broke n a n expensive watch an d brought i t to a Roxbury jewele r for repairs . Wha t h e did not sa y was that he ha d carelessl y given anothe r stole n watc h t o a relative fo r Christmas; th e relativ e sol d i t t o a jewele r wh o suspecte d i t wa s stole n an d informed th e police. Thus , th e polic e alread y ha d a lea d o n th e stole n merchandise whe n Malcol m brough t th e watc h i n fo r repair . Whe n h e returned t o pic k i t u p o n Januar y 12 , 1946 , h e wa s immediatel y arrested . The arrestin g detective s promise d Malcolm , wh o wa s carryin g a weapon , that the y woul d dro p th e gu n charge s i f he name d hi s accomplices. Funda mentally a hustle r wit h n o loyalt y excep t t o himself , Malcol m turne d i n al l of hi s partners, who , excep t fo r th e elusiv e Brown , wer e apprehende d b y the police. Since Malcol m an d Jarvi s could no t afford t o pay the te n thousan d dolla r bail se t b y th e court , the y wer e literall y cage d insid e th e courtroo m durin g their tria l o n Februar y 27 , 1946 . Bot h pleade d guilty 7 and wer e sentenced t o the Massachusett s Stat e Priso n fo r eigh t t o te n years . Sinc e Malcol m ha d committed crime s bot h i n Middlese x an d i n Norfol k countie s h e ha d tw o

74 • Crime , Imprisonment, and Redemption different trials . Th e tria l h e recounte d i n hi s autobiograph y wa s th e first, which too k plac e o n Februar y 27 , 1946 , i n Middlese x Count y Court . H e was sentenced t o four concurren t eight - t o ten-year terms . Th e secon d trial , in Norfol k Count y Superio r Court , too k plac e o n Apri l 10 , 1946 . Her e h e was given thre e concurrent six - to eight-year sentences. In 194 6 Malcol m wa s no t guarantee d a defens e attorne y b y th e stat e o f Massachusetts, s o he had none . Sittin g inside their cage on a wooden bench , the youn g blac k me n quickl y realize d tha t the y wer e o n tria l fo r mor e tha n burglary. Thei r involvemen t with three white women ha d angered spectators , attorneys, an d courtroo m officers , an d indee d som e o f th e spectator s mad e blatantly racis t remarks . Whe n Malcol m commente d t o one o f the attorney s that the y seeme d t o b e o n tria l fo r havin g bee n wit h whit e women , h e wa s scolded outright : "Yo u ha d n o busines s wit h whit e girls! " Years later , Mal colm tol d a journalist : "Whe n th e judg e sentence d me , h e tol d me , Thi s will teach yo u to stay away from whit e girls/ I took him a t his word." * Malcolm serve d abou t seve n year s o f a n eight - t o ten-yea r sentenc e i n three differen t Massachusett s stat e priso n facilities . A t first h e wa s sen t t o Charlestown Stat e Prison , les s tha n five mile s fro m th e rente d roo m a t Harvard Squar e where many of the stolen goods had been stashed. Accordin g to Malcolm , Charlestow n Priso n wa s a n archai c facility , buil t i n 180 5 an d modeled afte r th e Bastille . "I n th e dirty , crampe d cell , I could li e on m y cot and touc h bot h walls, " he recalled . Thes e smal l cell s ha d n o runnin g water , and inmate s ha d onl y covere d pail s fo r toilets . Th e ol d facility , whic h la y just acros s th e Charle s Rive r fro m Boston , wa s plague d b y rodents , whit e lice, an d th e continuous stenc h o f human excrement . Malcolm wa s now a "fish"—a ne w inmate . Hi s autobiographical descrip tion o f himself as a newly incarcerated youth—lik e hi s description o f himself as a skille d burglar—wa s exaggerated . However , n o on e shoul d doub t tha t Malcolm wa s "physicall y miserabl e an d a s evil-tempere d a s a snake, " as h e chose to describe himself. Ye t it appears that his dramatic characterizatio n o f himself a s an unyieldin g convic t wh o preferre d t o pay for hi s aggressive act s of rebellion i n solitar y confinement i s a fabrication. H e may have paced "like a cage d leopard , viciousl y cursin g aloud, " bu t hi s priso n recor d suggest s h e did s o in hi s own smal l cell , no t i n solitar y confinement . A s one biographe r has pointe d out , i f Malcolm ha d bee n suc h a n aggressiv e inmate , hardene d by solitary confinement , h e would no t have been allowe d t o transfer to & les s restrictive facility afte r on e year at Charlestown. Nevertheless, Malcol m Littl e wa s clearl y miserabl e an d bitte r i n suc h bleak an d filthy surroundings . Hi s animosit y an d rebellio n ma y hav e bee n acted out , bu t no t aggressively . H e continue d t o pursu e hi s forme r pastim e

Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption • 7 5 of getting high, sometime s b y purchasing nutme g (which , i n th e righ t quan tity, woul d produc e a "high " comparabl e t o th e us e o f marijuana) , an d sometimes b y obtainin g drug s tha t wer e smuggle d i n an d sol d b y correctio n officers. I n addition , i n hi s variou s job s h e prove d t o b e a poo r worker . Hi s record show s tha t a t bes t h e wa s considered cooperative , bu t mor e ofte n h e was evaluate d a s "lazy " an d "no t incline d t o d o an y work. " On e forema n noted tha t Malcol m receive d hi s wor k assignment s "seemingl y i n silen t disgust." H e ma y also hav e rebelle d i n a more subtl e wa y by giving exaggerated, false , an d misleadin g information t o various interviewers. There i s certainl y n o evidenc e tha t Malcol m verball y abuse d th e priso n psychologist, a s h e claime d i n hi s autobiography . Hi s intervie w fo r th e State Priso n Psychometri c Report , fo r instance , note s tha t hi s cooperation , attention, effort , an d emotiona l stabilit y wer e good . Still , h e wa s unwillin g to tel l hi s interviewer , o n Marc h 8 , 1946 , abou t hi s family background . H e claimed tha t hi s parent s ha d bee n missionarie s an d tha t hi s mothe r wa s a white Sco t whose marriage to a black man resulte d i n racist opposition i n th e various desirabl e whit e neighborhood s wher e the y ha d lived, 2 Whethe r h e hoped t o wi n favo r b y suc h description s o r simpl y wante d t o kee p hi s Garveyite parent s a secre t i s unknown . Hi s first interviewe r sense d h e wa s being "calculating an d cautious " and observe d tha t h e "has fatalistic views , is moody, cynical , an d ha s a sardonic smile which seem s to be affected becaus e of his sensitiveness t o his color. T o offse t thi s he seems to assume a noncha lant, complacent , superio r attitude. " Malcolm's approac h towar d hi s interviewers, fa r fro m bein g explosive and vulgar, wa s played ou t in low-ke y rebellion. H e exhibited a hustler's indiffer ence towar d authority , lace d wit h a kin d o f sarcas m tha t wa s probabl y a s much a n expressio n o f racia l contemp t a s i t wa s a disguis e fo r hi s actua l anxieties. "I'v e bee n headin g here a long time, " he cooll y assure d hi s inter viewer. Malcol m als o claimed tha t i f he ha d know n h e wa s going t o receiv e an eight - t o ten-yea r sentenc e h e woul d hav e gon e i n fo r arme d robber y instead o f burglary . Hi s interviewe r conclude d tha t Malcol m wa s "worldly wily and amoral. " Malcolm likewis e sough t t o cultivat e th e "amoral " impressio n amon g hi s fellow inmates . H e acte d ou t som e o f this demeano r i n hi s cynicis m towar d religion which , i n Charlestow n Prison , seem s t o hav e blossome d int o a militantly "antireligiou s attitude. " Considerin g himsel f "beyon d atheism, " Malcolm no w too k specia l prid e i n hi s flamboyant irreverenc e towar d Go d and th e Bible , soo n earnin g hi m th e nicknam e "Satan " amon g hi s peers. % Imprisoned an d wit h nowher e t o go , Malcol m ma y hav e bee n makin g hi s last stand agains t the religious sensitivity that haunted hi m dee p inside.

76 • Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption "As a n atheist, " Malcol m woul d late r tel l a Britis h interviewer , "m y atheism wa s a rejectio n o f al l tha t I ha d hear d abou t religio n u p t o tha t point." H e continue d tha t suc h religio n "didn' t follo w what , t o me , wa s a logical pattern . Plus , al l o f thos e wh o belonge d t o on e o f thes e differen t religions, I go t t o kno w the m intimatel y an d personall y an d I didn' t se e anybody livin g accordin g t o th e religio n tha t the y wer e talkin g about , s o i t lost it s appea l fo r me." 4 Thi s analysi s o f hi s ow n atheis m i s ver y revealing . First, h e note d tha t th e religion s h e ha d observe d unti l th e tim e o f hi s imprisonment di d no t see m t o follo w a "logica l pattern. " I n al l probabilit y Malcolm's referenc e t o "differen t religions " suggests onl y th e variou s Chris tian denomination s t o whic h h e ha d bee n expose d throughou t hi s life , especially durin g hi s childhood . Ther e i s n o evidenc e tha t h e go t t o kno w any non-Christia n religion s "intimatel y an d personally"—excep t perhap s the cul t o f th e Jehovah' s Witnesses , whic h is , however , stil l muc h lik e fundamentalist Christianit y i n man y respects. Malcolm's contentio n wa s probably that Christian group s did no t follow a "logical pattern, " an d h e probabl y allude d t o issue s bot h o f theolog y an d practice. Th e Christia n belie f i n the divinity o f Jesus was never acceptable to him—and certainl y no t logical . Th e notio n o f an y ma n bein g a divin e incarnation wa s as absurd t o hi m a s i t had bee n t o hi s mothe r an d siblings . In addition , h e mus t hav e foun d hypocris y i n th e Christia n denominations ' inability t o integrat e theolog y int o th e live s o f peopl e beyon d a "Sunda y morning" experience . Hi s concep t o f religion , a s h e reveale d i n th e sam e 1964 interview , wasn' t limite d "jus t t o praying, [and ] things o f that sort , bu t my concept o f religion wa s that whic h include d ever y aspect o f one's life — economic, political , an d social. " Malcolm's idea of religion wa s heavily influenced b y the kind of politically sensitive religio n h e ha d know n i n hi s family a s a boy. Althoug h h e becam e rebellious an d turne d t o a lif e o f crim e an d debauchery , h e nevertheles s carried wit h hi m th e dee p convictio n tha t religio n mus t b e wholistic . I f religion di d no t addres s th e political , social , an d economi c need s tha t ha d been s o central t o th e live s o f his parents, the n i t was not wort h embracing . In essence , then , i t seem s Malcol m fel t tha t an y religio n tha t di d no t truly benefi t people , especiall y blac k people , wa s no t logical , an d thu s no t believable. Finally , Malcol m als o note d tha t hi s observation s o f religiou s people themselve s undermine d an y appea l tha t religio n migh t hav e ha d for him . It is no surprise, then , tha t Malcol m di d no t happily receiv e his first letter from home , whic h cam e fro m hi s olde r brothe r Philbert , wh o ha d becom e

Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption * 77 involved i n a fundamentalist "holiness " church i n Detroit . Philbert' s promis e that th e churc h wa s goin g t o pra y fo r hi m onl y serve d t o antagoniz e Mal colm. " I scrawled hi m a reply I'm ashame d to think of today/' Malcol m late r recalled. Eve n afte r h e woul d becom e a deepl y religiou s man , Malcol m could neve r tolerate a religion tha t used prayer as a substitute for action, In th e Nation , Malcol m invariabl y portraye d hi s intellectua l growt h an d transformation t o b e th e direc t resul t o f hi s conversio n t o th e teaching s o f Elijah Muhammad . I n 1959 , fo r instance , h e tol d a journalist , "Al l I hav e learned ha s bee n fro m th e Islami c influenc e o f Mr . Muhammad. " I n a n interview with Alex Haley for Playboy several year s later, Malcol m declared , "Whatever I am tha t i s good, i t i s through wha t I have bee n taugh t b y Mr , Muhammad." This was, however, th e rhetoric of religious loyalty. 5 To be sure, Elijah Muhamma d greatl y influenced Malcolm , bu t Muham mad canno t b e credited wit h investin g i n Malcol m eithe r hi s native intellec t or hi s intellectua l rebirt h whil e i n prison . Eve n Malcolm' s ow n autobio graphical accoun t inadvertentl y reveal s that befor e Malcol m ha d eve n hear d of Elija h Muhamma d h e ha d alread y begu n th e metamorphosi s o f intellec t that woul d tur n hi m int o a stunnin g speaker , debater , an d apologis t fo r th e Nation. An d ke y to this metamorphosis wa s another inmat e whom Malcol m met at Charlestown Stat e Prison. In hi s autobiography , Malcol m referre d t o thi s inmat e onl y a s "Bimbi, " whom h e me t i n 1947 . Lik e Malcolm , Bimb i wa s a tall , light-skinne d African America n wit h a reddis h complexion . H e wa s a seasone d burglar , and i t i s possibl e tha t i t wa s actuall y Bimbi' s expertis e i n burglar y tha t i s described i n Malcolm' s autobiograph y a s par t o f hi s ow n career . Neverthe less, i t wa s no t hi s competenc e i n crim e tha t impresse d youn g Malcol m about Bimbi . Rather , accordin g t o Malcolm , "Bimb i ha d alway s take n charge o f any conversatio n h e wa s in," an d "h e wa s the first man I had eve r seen comman d tota l respect . . . with his words." Because Bimbi was so widely read and knowledgeable, h e kept a respectfu l following o f inmates—a s wel l a s a few correctio n officers—wh o listene d t o him expoun d o n a variet y o f topics . Th e respec t Bimb i commande d wa s stunning to Malcolm, especiall y in a prison society where vulgarity and insul t were common : "Nobod y curse d Bimbi. " Bu t wha t reall y dre w Malcol m t o Bimbi wa s somethin g fa r deeper : "Wha t mad e m e see k hi s friendshi p wa s when I hear d hi m discus s religion. " Bimb i ha d no t ye t sai d muc h t o Mal colm, whos e stree t atheis t rol e was still largel y base d o n hi s "viciou s cursin g attacks on God. " Malcolm kne w tha t Bimb i wa s a n atheist , too . Ye t Bimbi' s atheis m wa s

78 • Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption cool, confident , an d wa s expresse d intellectually— a trai t tha t ha d alway s impressed Malcolm , eve n whe n h e wa s a smal l bo y attendin g Garveyit e meetings wit h hi s father . No t surprisingly , h e broache d th e discussio n o f religion wit h Bimbi—whos e rea l nam e wa s Joh n Elto n Bembry—th e ver y first time the y spoke . Bembr y recalle d tha t on e day , whil e h e an d anothe r inmate wer e playin g dominoe s i n th e priso n yard , Malcol m bumpe d int o him ye t continue d walkin g withou t sayin g a word . H e returned i n a shor t time, starin g a t Bembry , apologizing , the n blurtin g out : "Do yo u believ e i n God? God th e father, Go d th e son, Go d th e Hol y Ghost, an d al l that crap?" It is apparent tha t Malcol m fel t tensio n ove r the fac t tha t Bembry , who m he greatl y admired , ha d alread y handle d th e topi c o f theolog y wit h confi dence an d assurance . Tensio n wa s created precisel y becaus e Malcolm' s ow n "antireligious" thinkin g wa s probably neve r a s atheistic a s h e ha d though t i t to be . Indeed , i t appears tha t Malcolm' s "Satan " facad e ha d actuall y begu n to crumble—ironically i n the face o f a genuine atheist . Bembry's atheis m wa s self-assure d an d reasoned ; Malcolm' s atheis m wa s only anger , contempt , an d rebellion . Bembry' s atheis m wa s a confiden t abandonment o f all form s o f theism, includin g Christianity; Malcolm' s wa s only a street-hardene d contemp t fo r th e Christia n churc h an d its members. Bembry had , a s Malcol m said , " a framework " fo r hi s atheism ; Malcolm' s had n o intellectua l o r philosophica l framewor k because , i t seems, Malcol m actually believe d i n Go d enoug h t o fight him. Malcolm' s desperat e outburs t before Bembr y i n th e priso n yar d reveale d hi s ow n anxiet y ove r th e natur e and existenc e o f God . Apparentl y Malcol m wa s no t attracte d t o Bembry' s atheism, bu t h e wa s certainl y stimulate d b y it . Dee p inside , Malcol m ma y even hav e been bothere d b y it. I n any case, Bembry' s influenc e o n Malcol m has bee n greatl y underestimated , probabl y becaus e o f th e Nation' s mor e popular legen d o f Malcolm' s priso n educatio n tha t i s expounde d i n hi s autobiography. O n close r examination , i t becomes clea r tha t tw o importan t facts hav e been overlooke d i n order to maintain th e Nation' s legend . First, whil e Malcol m entere d priso n intellectuall y underdeveloped , b e was neve r illiterate , no r wa s h e academicall y strande d a t a basi c leve l o f learning. Accordin g t o the result s o f a test h e took i n th e first few month s of his incarceration , hi s readin g abilit y wa s evaluate d a s "good " an d hi s arith metical abilit y (eve n thoug h h e seem s t o hav e dislike d math ) wa s "hig h average." It i s also significant tha t both hi s abstract reasonin g an d hi s "rang e of information " skill s were rate d "superior. " I t i s obvious, then , tha t despit e Malcolm's clai m tha t "th e street s ha d erase d everythin g I' d eve r learne d i n

Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption * 79 school," h e wa s exaggerating. H e probabl y mean t onl y tha t hi s Englis h an d writing skills in particular ha d suffered. 6 Second, an d equall y important , Malcolm' s proces s of self-instruction an d intellectual disciplin e wa s alread y underwa y whe n h e me t th e Natio n i n prison. Elija h Muhamma d gav e hi m a higher, perhap s mor e rigorou s moti vation fo r learning , bu t i n realit y i t wa s th e Natio n tha t benefite d fro m Malcolm's persona l intellectua l revolution . Accordin g t o Malcolm , i t wa s Bembry's influenc e tha t was fundamental: "H e started m e readin g myself; in fact, hi s influenc e turne d m e fro m readin g wha t yo u migh t cal l cowbo y books, whic h wa s my diet at that time, int o a higher level of reading." Even i n hi s autobiography Malcol m note s tha t Bembry , alon g with Mal colm's eldes t siste r Hilda , urge d hi m t o tak e academi c course s throug h th e prison educatio n program . Takin g this advice, Malcol m complete d a univer sity extensio n cours e i n Plai n Englis h Par t I , Elementar y German , an d Elementary Latin , Part s I-IV , scorin g "wit h excellen t marks" ' i n th e latte r two languag e courses . H e als o bega n t o orde r an d rea d book s o f interes t t o him durin g that first year of prison. "Afte r abou t a year, I guess, I could writ e a decen t an d legibl e letter, " Malcol m said . However , hi s no w legendar y fascination wit h etymolog y an d linguistic s wa s alread y blossoming , an d hi s personal lif e o f study—still unguide d an d withou t purpose—had bee n quit e successfully realize d lon g before hi s exposure to Elijah Muhammad . Still, Malcol m wa s hardl y intereste d i n th e notio n o f persona l reforma tion. Bimbi' s goo d influenc e di d no t preclud e o r eve n discourag e Malcol m from engagin g i n small hustle s among his fellow prisoners , suc h a s "cigarette and mone y bet s o n bal l games. " H e maintaine d hi s tough , cynical , an d moody manner—especiall y i n th e presenc e o f priso n authorities , on e o f whom note d tha t Malcolm' s "tene t o f racia l injustice s loom s largel y i n hi s mind." Despit e th e awakenin g o f Malcolm' s intellectua l life , h e stil l lacke d moral purpose . H e ha d probabl y abandone d hi s bran d o f atheis m fo r n o other reaso n tha n ou t o f embarrassmen t befor e th e superio r intellectua l atheism o f Bimbi. Bu t Malcolm wa s miserable i n prison , an d hi s supervisors feared tha t incarceratio n woul d onl y harde n him . "Prognosi s i s poor, " th e same officia l wrot e o f Malcolm, concludin g tha t "hi s presen t 'hard ' attitud e will n o doubt increas e i n bitterness ; the possibilit y o f amelioration throug h a good marriag e bein g preclude d b y thi s incarceration . Seekin g positiv e guid ance, th e picture for the future i s not hopeful a s seen at this time/' 7 Malcolm remaine d a t Massachusett s Stat e Prison fo r abou t on e year . Hi s first yea r of prison was not as dramatically rebelliou s as he chose to portray in

80 • Crime, Imprisonment , and Redemption his autobiography. Bu t there i s little doubt that he felt unhappy , restless , an d without purpose , an d tha t hi s attitud e an d behavio r wer e reflecte d i n hi s cynical an d fatalisti c comments . Durin g thi s time , however , hi s sibling s continued t o show their lov e and concer n fo r their incarcerate d brother , wh o was actually o n th e dramatic roa d to conversion. Malcolm wa s transferre d t o Concor d Reformator y i n Januar y 1947 , an d remained ther e fourtee n months . I t wa s no t th e transfe r h e ha d requested , and h e continued t o maintain hi s indifferenc e t o life, expressin g i t especially by his unwillingness t o work. Bu t he was told that if he kept his record clean , he coul d reappl y fo r transfe r t o anothe r facility . I n 1948 , whil e stil l a t Concord, h e receive d anothe r enthusiasti c lette r fro m hi s brother , Philbert . This time , however , Philber t wa s no t writin g o n behal f o f a "holiness " Christian church ; bu t rather , h e explaine d tha t h e ha d discovere d "th e natural religio n fo r th e blac k man. " Malcolm' s respons e wa s eve n harshe r than t o Philbert's first religious letter—"although i n improve d English. " Malcolm di d no t realiz e a t th e tim e tha t Philber t wa s writin g no t onl y for himself , bu t o n behal f o f th e entir e family , whic h ha d alread y joine d Muhammad's organization . The y ha d entere d th e Natio n followin g th e lead of Wilfred , th e eldes t sibling , wh o ha d joine d u p i n 1947 . Give n thei r upbringing a s religiou s eclectics , non e o f Malcolm' s sibling s wer e give n t o joining religious movements—wit h th e exception o f Philbert, wh o Malcol m said "was forever joinin g something." However, whateve r it was that attracted Wilfred an d th e other s t o Muhammad' s teaching , i t eventuall y dre w i n Philbert a s well. N o doubt they wer e attracted t o the Natio n becaus e i t was a black movement . Accordin g t o Wilfred , "I t was a progra m designe d t o hel p black people. An d the y had th e best program going. " At th e family' s request , Malcolm' s younge r brothe r Reginal d wrot e a nonreligious letter , bu t wit h a n irresistibl e challenge : "Malcolm , don' t ea t any mor e pork , an d don' t smok e an y mor e cigarettes . I'l l sho w yo u ho w t o get ou t o f prison. " Malcol m accepte d thi s challenge , bu t apparentl y onl y because i t hel d ou t th e mysteriou s hop e o f gettin g ou t o f prison . Still , th e family's pla n t o induct Malcol m int o the Nation wa s forestalled. Wilfre d an d the others knew that Malcolm's letters would be read by the prison censor, s o they temporaril y avoide d extensiv e discussio n abou t th e Natio n i n th e mail , though the y di d no t abando n thei r intentio n o f inductin g Malcol m int o Muhammad's organization . Wilfre d i n particula r kne w tha t hi s family' s unique backgroun d an d Garveyit e orientatio n woul d mak e all o f them asset s to thi s black-oriente d movement , includin g Malcolm : "I t woul d b e some thing eas y fo r hi m t o adopt , becaus e i t fit the philosoph y w e ha d grow n u p

Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption • 81 under." Wilfre d wa s als o certai n tha t Malcol m woul d benefi t fro m th e Nation's disciplin e onc e he was a free man. 8 Meanwhile, Ell a wa s tryin g t o arrang e fo r anothe r priso n transfe r fo r Malcolm, eve n a s Malcolm himsel f wrot e a letter t o the officia l i n charg e of transfers t o th e Norfol k Priso n Colony . Th e lette r show s tha t Malcolm' s race consciousnes s an d hi s desir e fo r educatio n wer e alread y a vita l par t o f his thinking: My sole purpose for wanting to go to Norfolk was the educational facilities that aren't in these other institutions. If I had completed my education I never would have been in prison today. I'm serving ten years for burglary on my firstoffense—my first crime. That doesn't hurt so because, being a Negroe [sic], I' m use d to heavier punishment than usual . But , I hav e lon g ag o realize d m y mistake s an d canno t se e ho w a n educated man would break into other peoples' houses.9 It i s clear tha t Malcolm' s interes t i n furthe r educatio n wa s alread y a par t of his life, eve n before h e converted t o Muhammad's Islam : Since m y confinemen t I'v e alread y receive d a diplom a i n Elementar y Englis h through th e Stat e Correspondenc e Courses . I' m ver y muc h dissatisfied , though . There are many things that I would like to learn that would be of use to me when I regain m y freedom . . . . Al l I' m askin g yo u fo r i s a chanc e t o ammen d [sic] m y mistakes. Then, i f I fail, I have no one to hate but myself.10 Through th e assistance of Shag Taylor, a Roxbury ward boss, Ell a succeede d in securin g Malcolm' s transfe r fro m Concor d Reformator y t o Norfolk Priso n Colony a t the end o f March 1948 . Norfolk Priso n Colon y serve d a s the idea l plac e for Malcolm' s conversio n to come to fullness. Her e the environment wa s dramatically differen t wit h its program o f "experimenta l rehabilitation. " Ope n fo r les s tha n tw o decade s when Malcol m arrived , th e facilit y wa s spacious, suburban , an d fairl y mod ern—and i t had wall s instea d o f prison bars . I t was an intermediate-securit y facility housin g onl y "well-behave d transfers. " Malcol m sai d Norfol k ha d a high number o f inmates who sought out "intellectual" activities instead of the usual priso n pastime s o f graft, gossip , an d perversion . Crucia l t o Malcolm' s development, however , wa s th e fac t tha t Norfol k gav e it s inmate s privat e quarters and mad e an extensively stocked librar y available to them. In Norfolk , Malcol m wa s visited b y his younger brother , Reginald , whos e trip from Michiga n wa s sponsored b y Wilfred i n orde r to expose Malcolm t o the teaching s the y preferre d no t t o send b y letter. Malcolm' s famil y fel t tha t Reginald wa s bes t abl e t o introduc e Muhammad' s Isla m t o him : "H e ha d been o n th e streets with Malcol m fo r a short time and s o he knew Malcolm ,

82 • Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption and h e kne w things Malcol m ha d bee n involve d i n an d all , s o he knew ho w to talk Malcolm's language. " Malcolm sai d late r tha t Reginal d kne w ho w hi s min d operated , an d therefore cam e wit h a n effectiv e approach—on e tha t containe d n o religiou s rhetoric. Wilfre d agreed : "I f h e ha d wen t t o hi m talkin g religion , h e neve r would hav e got to him." Instead, Reginal d appeale d t o Malcolm's experienc e with whit e people , remindin g hi m ove r an d ove r agai n tha t non e o f th e whites h e ha d encountere d ove r th e year s ha d eve r show n an y genuin e interest i n hi s welfare . Malcol m thu s counte d hi s experience s wit h whites , from hi s yout h i n Michiga n unti l now , an d foun d tha t h e coul d no t den y Reginald's insistenc e that "the white man i s the devil." Reginald's appeal was strongly geare d towar d blac k interes t a s well ; fo r hi s poin t wa s t o sho w Malcolm tha t no t onl y ha d white s use d hi m personally , bu t the y ha d use d him ofte n t o exploit his own people. H e was cornered b y Reginald's streetwise observations: h e coul d no t den y tha t th e whit e ma n wa s the devil , an d tha t he himself had been the "devil's imp" while he believed he had been hustlin g for himself. 11 According t o Malcolm' s recollection , however , Reginald' s proselytizin g was no t withou t it s theologica l aspects . Whil e i t wa s tru e tha t h e base d hi s persuasive cas e largel y o n Malcolm' s ow n experienc e o f whit e racis m an d corruption, Reginal d di d express some of Muhammad's theologica l teaching s as well. Notin g th e terminolog y o f the Masons , Reginal d tol d Malcol m tha t white peopl e ha d onl y "thirty-thre e degree s o f knowledge"—i n compariso n with Allah , God , wh o ha d 36 0 degrees , "th e su m tota l o f knowledge. " T o top this off, Reginal d announced , "Go d i s a man." Malcolm was , accordin g t o hi s ow n admission , confuse d b y Reginald' s new doctrines. A t first he coul d no t accep t the suggestio n tha t all white s are devils. An d whil e h e di d no t sa y so , i t mus t hav e bee n equall y difficul t fo r him t o believ e tha t God , Allah , wa s a man . Thi s was , afte r all, wha t th e Little famil y ha d rejecte d i n Christianit y al l along . Malcol m himsel f ha d never believe d tha t Jesu s wa s divine ; now , hi s ow n famil y wa s tryin g t o convince hi m tha t Go d ha d i n fac t appeare d i n th e for m o f anothe r man . Thus Malcol m wa s not able to embrace these teachings immediately . Malcolm doe s no t mentio n i n hi s autobiograph y that , eve n befor e Regi nald visite d him , h e ha d alread y becom e intereste d i n religiou s ideas , an d had eve n begu n hi s own comparativ e religiou s studies . Tru e t o the religiou s eclecticism o f his family, "Malcol m pore d throug h th e book s on Buddhism , Hinduism, Islam , an d Christianity " tha t wer e i n abundanc e i n th e Norfol k

Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption • 8 3 prison library . H e eve n contacte d th e Watchtowe r Bibl e an d Trac t Societ y seeking Bible-study assistance from th e Jehovah's Witnesses. Fo r an extended time, thei r representative s visite d hi m regularly , on e o f the m rememberin g his particula r interes t i n Jesu s an d i n som e similaritie s betwee n Jesu s an d Islam's prophet Muhammad . It is interesting to note that Malcol m turne d t o the Watchtowe r Bibl e and Tract Societ y fo r theologica l guidanc e rathe r tha n t o a mainlin e Protestant ; Evangelical o r eve n Fundamentalis t Christia n Bibl e stud y association . Cer tainly, ther e wa s n o lac k o f orthodo x Christia n Bible-stud y correspondenc e programs. I t woul d see m tha t h e turne d t o th e Jehovah' s Witnesse s becaus e he wa s drawin g o n hi s ow n religiou s background . A s note d earlier , Mal colm's mother ha d foun d certai n aspect s of the Jehovah's Witnesses' doctrine of great interes t an d ha d expose d he r childre n t o thei r meeting s a s much a s she ha d expose d the m t o Christia n groups . However , tru e t o hi s religiou s roots, Malcol m wa s not won over by them: he was apparently onl y intereste d in availin g himself of their survey of biblical literature . A t the same time, h e was also intereste d i n Isla m an d th e Prophe t Muhammad , an d hi s Jehovah's Witnesses tuto r n o doub t foun d thi s quit e disturbing . Hi s conclusio n tha t Malcolm wa s feeding a grea t ego probably suggest s somethin g o f hi s failur e to indoctrinate Malcolm . Reginald apparentl y staye d i n th e are a s o h e coul d mak e a numbe r o f return visits , the n finally left Malcol m "rockin g with some of the first serious thoughts I had eve r had i n m y life"—particularly regardin g the lost "Asiatic" identity o f the blac k ma n an d th e imminen t an d divinel y ordaine d downfal l of the white man . Afte r Reginald' s visit , Malcolm' s sibling s stepped u p thei r correspondence wit h him , knowin g tha t b y no w h e ha d gaine d enoug h understanding so they could urg e him t o accept Muhammad's teachings . While Malcol m wa s in Norfol k Priso n Colony , h e was also visited b y his elder sister , Hilda , wh o cam e t o solidif y Reginald' s work . Sh e introduce d him specificall y t o th e Fard-Muhamma d tale , "Yacub' s History/ ' whic h essentially state d tha t a black geniu s ha d invente d th e devilis h whit e rac e as the resul t o f a centuries-lon g geneti c "grafting " project . Blac k peopl e wer e the "originals, " th e superio r rac e wh o wer e predestine d t o b e oppresse d fo r six thousand year s b y th e "bleache d white " devil rac e tha t ha d bee n grafte d from them . However , th e "originals " were the n to b e free d b y "th e greates t and mighties t Go d wh o appeare d o n th e eart h . , . Maste r W . D . Fard. " Fard, a s Hild a explaine d i t t o Malcolm , ha d a n interracia l identit y tha t allowed hi m t o lead black people while also moving secretly among the devils

84 • Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption in orde r to understand an d judg e them. Hild a explaine d ho w Fard ha d com e to th e blac k communit y i n 193 1 an d wa s reveale d a s Allah i n th e flesh. B y the time Hild a wa s done explaining these teachings, Malcol m was stunned. Heeding Hilda' s suggestion , Malcol m bega n t o correspon d wit h Elija h Muhammad i n Chicago . H e was undoubtedly wo n ove r by Elijah's persona l response an d th e apparen t concer n h e showe d b y sendin g hi m generou s monetary gifts . Hi s family continue d t o write, an d no w they advise d hi m t o pray facin g th e East . Malcol m foun d i t difficul t t o pray , especiall y sinc e i t required tha t h e ben d hi s knees , bu t h e eventuall y di d so , thoug h wit h hesitation a t first: "Whe n finally I wa s abl e t o mak e mysel f sta y down— I didn't know what to say to Allah." It seem s tha t initiall y Malcolm' s conversio n wa s prompte d mor e ou t o f personal nee d tha n religiou s belief . H e wrot e tha t a t first h e ha d stoppe d eating pork and smokin g cigarettes, a s Reginald ha d advised him , becaus e he was looking for a way out o f prison. However , persona l crise s often motivat e people t o searc h fo r a ne w meanin g syste m t o explai n thei r conditio n an d afford peace . Still , i t is clear that Malcolm genuinel y embraced th e teachings of Elija h Muhamma d a s h e becam e mor e expose d t o them—especiall y th e black-and-white logi c o f the Nation' s philosophy . Lik e hi s brothe r Wilfred , Malcolm wa s probably draw n t o it because i t was a religio n fo r blac k peopl e only. People joi n cult s an d ne w religion s whe n the y ar e offere d a socia l bas e that affirm s thei r identities . I n Malcolm' s case , th e Natio n appeale d t o hi s personal motive s an d goals , allowin g hi m t o reorde r hi s life o n a numbe r o f levels while—fo r th e first time—fusing hi s personal religiou s sense with hi s black consciousness. 12 Th e Nation' s socia l bas e wa s no t onl y appealin g t o Malcolm, bu t i t wa s quit e familiar , sinc e Muhammad' s teachings , lik e Garvey's ideas , wer e fundamentall y designe d t o affir m th e blac k identity . I t seems tha t Malcol m foun d hi s raiso n d'etr e i n th e Nation—somethin g tha t simultaneously require d mora l refor m an d mission , givin g hi m bot h a ne w purpose and a new goal i n life . Conversion t o another religio n invariabl y allows believers to see the world in a ne w way—reinterpretin g thei r live s i n ligh t o f th e newl y adopte d religious tradition . "Suddenl y th e convert' s worl d ha s changed . I t i s shape d by a new outlook, dominate d b y new goals." This was Malcolm's experience , who marvele d a t ho w swiftl y hi s earlie r "thinkin g patter n sli d awa y . . . like snow of f a roof. " H e recalle d tha t i t wa s a s i f "someone els e I knew o f ha d lived by hustling and crime . I would be startled to catch mysel f thinking in a remote way of my earlier self as another person. "

Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption • 8 5 Malcolm's lif e an d hi s goal s ha d certainl y change d b y now , Hi s first inclination wa s to activism, ye t as an inmat e h e coul d onl y writ e letters , H e wrote the m regularl y no t onl y t o hi s famil y an d t o Muhammad ^ bu t bega n an evangelisti c letter writing campaign i n an attempt to reach hi s friends wh o were still o n th e street . Th e man y letter s Malcol m wrot e no t onl y gav e hi m practice in writing but also prompted hi m t o continue hi s studies. In orde r t o enhanc e hi s writing , Malcol m woul d stud y th e dictionar y intensely s o tha t h e coul d seiz e fo r himsel f th e sam e kin d o f "stoc k o f knowledge" h e ha d admire d i n Bimbi . H e bega n a regula r an d ferven t program o f reading , wit h it s goa l bein g th e bettermen t o f Muhammad' s movement: " I too k specia l pain s t o hun t i n th e librar y fo r book s tha t woul d inform m e o n detail s abou t blac k history, " Malcol m thu s embarke d o n hi s studies i n a ne w an d revitalize d way , thereb y enhancin g hi s ne w religiou s worldview. Malcolm's ne w sens e o f missio n require d tha t h e overcom e hi s readin g and writin g inadequacie s an d provide d hi m wit h intellectua l exercise . Hi s commitment t o Elija h Muhammad' s teaching s helpe d hi m formulat e a curriculum fo r stud y tha t closel y resemble d forma l academi c training , an d probably surpasse d th e undergraduat e leve l i n intensit y i f no t i n content , However, whateve r Malcol m read , h e did s o with th e intent o f affirming th e teachings o f Elija h Muhammad . H e studie d worl d history , Africa n an d African America n history , ancien t history , Easter n an d Wester n philosophy , genetics an d anthropology , th e literar y classic s o f Shakespear e an d Milton , linguistics, religiou s literature , an d man y othe r scholarl y works . "A s I see it today," Malcol m sai d i n retrospect , "th e abilit y t o rea d awok e insid e m e some long dormant cravin g to be mentally alive. " Malcolm note d tha t tw o othe r aspect s o f hi s self-educatio n a t Norfol k were critical i n hi s religious development a s well. Th e first was his deliberate effort t o obtai n disciple s fo r Muhamma d i n th e prison . " 5 began t o catc h every chanc e I could t o recrui t fo r Mr . Muhammad/ ' Thi s include d verba l presentations a s wel l a s handwritte n copie s o f letter s h e ha d sen t t o othe r people. The second aspect was Malcolm's involvemen t i n the prison's weekly debating competition, wher e he attempted t o advance his "Islamic" doctrines; but since the topics were varied and prearranged, an d the positions apparently assigned, h e benefite d mor e fro m th e experienc e o f havin g t o lear n ho w t o prepare for and engage in debates. H e found debatin g "exhilarating/' 13 As far a s these debate s ar e concerned , Malcol m wa s in th e righ t plac e a t Norfolk Priso n Colony . Sinc e it s openin g i n 1927 , Norfol k emphasise d prisoner education . Beside s th e academi c an d vocationa l course s an d th e

86 • Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption library available to the inmates , th e debating program wa s a popular feature . Many inmate s participate d i n th e program , an d th e debates themselve s wer e popular, generall y filling the prison theater' s capacity of 250-300 seats. In on e debat e i n whic h Malcol m participate d abou t th e abolitio n o f capital punishment , h e too k the position tha t the death penalt y i s ineffectiv e as a deterren t t o murder . "Th e whol e histor y o f penology i s a refutatio n o f the deterrenc e theory, " declare d Malcolm , "ye t thi s theory , tha t murde r b y the stat e ca n repres s murde r b y individuals , i s th e eterna l wa r cr y fo r th e retention o f Capital Punishment. " Malcolm's argumen t showe d a considerable amoun t o f research i n peno logical studies . Quotin g som e experts , h e hope d t o buttres s hi s conclusio n that fea r o f deat h woul d not , i n itself , kee p me n fro m committin g murder . To illustrat e hi s point , h e emphasize d tha t me n condemne d t o death mus t be closel y watche d i n orde r t o preven t the m fro m committin g suicide . "I t is also a well-know n fact, " adde d Malcolm—probabl y wit h a smile—"tha t pickpockets i n Englan d woul d pl y thei r trad e wit h grea t succes s a t th e execution o f on e o f thei r members. " Malcol m admitte d tha t th e deat h penalty migh t b e a deterrent fo r murderer s wh o kill wit h th e belie f that they are immun e becaus e o f "influence," bu t actua l deterrenc e coul d resul t onl y from mandator y deat h penalties , nea r perfec t detectiv e forces , scrupulou s officials, unbiase d juries , an d ster n pardonin g power . "Thes e unobtainable s would resul t i n suc h a larg e numbe r o f executions, " Malcol m concluded , "that the defenders o f the death penalty would stan d aghast. " Malcolm sai d tha t a s a hustle r "i n th e streets, " bein g a publi c speake r "never would hav e crossed m y mind." H e had undoubtedl y crave d fam e an d success, bu t i t was not unti l hi s conversion tha t h e bega n t o understand tha t his able min d an d hi s love of public speakin g could hav e a far more glorious purpose: the black struggle. "An d i f there was any way in th e world, I' d work into my speech th e devilishness of the white man." 14 Malcolm's conversio n wa s no t complete , however . H e ha d submitte d t o the wishe s o f his family first, an d the n h e cam e t o embrace th e teaching s of Muhammad o n hi s own. Th e conversio n gav e him a sense of renewal an d a new meanin g an d purpos e t o his life; his self-education wa s empowered an d directed b y that ne w purpose . Ye t the greates t tes t o f his conversio n di d no t occur unti l h e faced th e despair and frustratio n o f Reginald's fallin g ou t with Elijah Muhamma d an d th e Nation . It started whe n Reginal d cam e to visit Malcolm i n Norfolk . Malcol m ha d apparently launche d int o a n enthusiasti c discussio n whe n h e wa s suddenl y cut shor t by Reginald . Reginal d bega n "t o spea k ill " of Elija h Muhammad ,

Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption * 87 making some negative comments that Malcolm lef t unrecorded . (Wer e Reginald's criticism s a foretast e o f th e terribl e revelation s Malcol m X woul d receive regardin g Mr . Muhammad , man y year s later?) "It caugh t m e totall y unprepared. I t thre w m e int o a state o f confusion/' Malcol m said . Reginal d was, afte r al l his "blood brother " and th e one who had first convinced hi m of the trut h o f Muhammad' s teachings . Now , Reginal d wa s speakin g agains t Elijah Muhammad' s Islam , which , Malcol m said , "mean t mor e t o me tha n anything I had eve r known i n m y life." Malcolm the n learne d tha t Reginald ha d bee n suspende d fro m th e Natio n because of repeated sexua l encounters with a female membe r of the organisation. "Whe n Reginal d left, " Malcol m recalled , " I was in torment." Malcolm , who already enjoyed a serious correspondence wit h Elija h Muhammad , too k up hi s pe n t o writ e a lette r o f intercession , "tryin g t o defen d m y brother , appealing for him. " Malcolm sai d that afte r h e posted th e letter, h e began t o pray t o Allah . " I don' t thin k anyon e eve r praye d mor e sincerel y t o Allah . I prayed fo r some kind o f relief from m y confusion. " The nex t night, recalle d Malcolm , a s he lay awake on hi s bed, hi s small, private cel l wa s suddenl y share d wit h th e apparitio n o f a n Asiatic-lookin g man i n a dark suit . Malcol m stare d a t the man , wh o was seated, an d afte r a few moments th e strange visitor vanished. Not lon g afterward , Elija h Muhamma d wrot e bac k t o Malcol m abou t Reginald's fal l fro m grace . Wha t struc k Malcol m mos t abou t th e lette r wa s that Muhamma d turne d th e issu e bac k o n Malcol m himself : "I f yo u onc e believed i n th e truth , an d no w yo u ar e beginnin g t o doub t th e truth , yo u didn't believ e th e trut h i n th e first place. Wha t coul d mak e yo u doub t th e truth othe r tha n you r ow n wea k self? " Thi s cu t hi m deeply . Malcol m realized tha t Elija h Muhamma d ha d decide d t o use this occasion a s a test for his faith . H e woul d eithe r hav e t o submi t t o Muhammad' s judgment s an d consign hi s brothe r t o a spiritua l wasteland , o r b e considere d faithles s him self. Malcol m cam e t o a decision , choosin g hi s newfoun d fait h ove r Regi nald: "All of the influenc e tha t m y brother ha d wielde d ove r me was broken. From tha t da y on , a s fa r a s I a m concerned , everythin g tha t m y brothe r Reginald ha s done i s wrong." Apparently Reginal d persiste d i n visitin g Malcolm , an d wit h eac h visi t Malcolm sa w that hi s brother' s appearanc e an d behavio r wer e degenerating . He becam e dirt y an d shabby-looking : " I coul d se e hi m o n th e wa y down. " He woul d tolerat e Reginald , bu t wit h apparen t coldness . Eventually , Mal colm bega n t o attribute Reginald' s obviou s menta l an d emotiona l declin e t o the working s o f Allah . Muhamma d taugh t tha t deviant s from th e Natio n

88 • Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption would b e punishe d b y Alla h himself , wh o woul d tur n th e mind s "o f an y defectors int o a turmoil." Years later , a s Reginald's menta l illnes s becam e mor e acute , Malcol m X was even mor e persuade d tha t hi s brothe r wa s suffering divin e punishment . Jeremiah Shabazz , on e o f Malcolm' s closes t Natio n associate s an d fello w ministers, recalle d drivin g throug h Detroi t wit h Malcol m sometim e i n th e mid-1950s. A t on e point , Malcol m spotte d hi s brother , wh o wa s standin g nearby: h e stoppe d th e ca r an d beckone d Reginal d t o com e ove r t o them . Shabazz di d no t kno w thi s wa s Malcolm' s brother , an d i t wa s clear t o hi m that the man's speech was bizarre. Afterward , Malcol m tol d Shabaz z that the man wa s his brother Reginald , an d tha t h e ha d falle n unde r divin e chastisement for opposing "the Messenger. " With hi s brother's eventual institutionalization , Malcol m rationalize d tha t Reginald ha d bee n Allah' s sovereignl y appointe d instrumen t fo r hi s ow n conversion. Fro m th e perspective of the Nation, Malcol m sa w Reginald onl y "as a bait, a s a minnow t o reach int o th e ocea n o f blackness where I was, t o save me." Writing these words as the most fervent follower o f Elijah Muham mad, h e concluded, " I cannot understan d i t any other way." He would late r come t o se e his brother' s menta l an d emotiona l declin e differently , bu t a s a new convert t o th e Nation , Malcol m wa s obliged t o consider hi s brother a n apostate unde r divin e judgment . Malcol m wa s no w trul y an d completel y devoted t o the Nation, whic h ha d "changed hi s whole world. " In writin g his autobiography, Malcol m thu s placed th e "pre-vision" of the Asiatic-looking ma n i n th e contex t o f th e crisi s ove r hi s brothe r Reginald . The apparitio n o f th e mysteriou s ma n cam e th e nigh t afte r Malcol m first sought t o intercede o n Reginald' s behalf . Thi s memor y remaine d luci d an d disturbing unti l later , whe n h e would com e to believe that he had discovere d the identity of the apparition . Malcolm X o f th e Natio n fel t certai n tha t hi s "pre-vision " ha d bee n o f "W. D . Fard , th e Messiah, " th e on e h e believe d ha d appointe d Elija h Muhammad a s leade r o f th e Nation . However , thi s wa s neithe r Malcolm' s original no r independen t assessmen t of the image. A t the time the apparitio n occurred, h e di d no t attac h an y particula r meanin g t o it—an d certainl y h e had no t applie d t o i t an y direc t relationshi p t o th e Natio n itself . However , once hi s conversio n t o th e Natio n wa s complete , an d h e ha d bee n full y baptized int o an unyieldin g faith i n Elija h Muhammad , th e Nation supplie d Malcolm wit h th e meanin g of the Asiatic-looking man . Cults an d ne w religion s characteristicall y giv e "convincin g theologica l interpretation" t o individua l prima l experiences . Malcolm' s encounte r wit h

Crime, Imprisonment, and Redemption • 8 9 the mysteriou s ma n i n hi s priso n cel l was—t o Malcolm— a spirituall y generic experienc e a t th e tim e i t occurred , a s ar e mos t prima l experiences . Like Malcolm's childhood sens e of destiny, a t which he hinted i n the closing pages o f hi s autobiography , th e "pre-vision " o f th e Asiati c ma n ha d n o objective interpretation . I t merel y was . Th e Natio n provide d Malcol m wit h an interpretatio n o f the "pre-vision " that no t onl y satisfie d hi s own question s about it s meaning , bu t als o affirme d th e ideolog y o f th e organization . Th e belief tha t th e apparitio n wa s W . D . Far d therefor e affirme d Malcolm' s embrace o f the ne w mythology—a t th e expens e o f his relationshi p wit h hi s brother Reginald . In 1964 , Malcol m himsel f woul d b e expelle d fro m th e Nation , brande d as a n apostat e unde r th e judgmen t o f Allah—jus t a s hi s brothe r Reginal d had bee n i n thos e earl y day s o f conversion . Malcol m woul d eventuall y renounce Muhammad' s for m o f Isla m an d experienc e another , ver y differ ent, conversion . Bu t i n hi s second conversio n Malcol m neve r offere d a new interpretation o f th e priso n pre-visio n o f th e Asiatic-lookin g man . Indeed , the pre-visio n remain s perhap s th e outstandin g religiou s myster y o f The Autobiography of Malcolm X, an d i t ultimately regain s its original identit y as a prima l experienc e i n th e autobiography . Havin g bee n lef t unexplained , the Asiatic-lookin g ma n stil l sits—quit e mysteriously-—i n th e ga p betwee n Malcolm's tw o conversion experiences . Malcolm woul d eventuall y recan t al l tha t h e ha d taugh t o n behal f o f Elijah Muhammad , an d h e would renounc e th e Natio n a s a religion tha t i n no wa y relate d t o traditiona l Islam . H e an d Ale x Hale y woul d eve n writ e a kind o f disclaime r int o th e autobiograph y pertainin g t o Reginald' s menta l decline: " I cam e t o believ e tha t i t wasn' t a divin e chastisemen t upo n Regi nald, bu t the pain h e felt when hi s own family totall y rejecte d hi m fo r Elija h Muhammad." This, however , wa s something Malcol m woul d no t realize for many years to come. While h e was a fervent discipl e of Elijah Muhammad , Malcol m commit ted himsel f completel y t o the Natio n an d it s leader. Indeed , a s new religion s go, Malcol m becam e the prototype of the committed followe r wh o sacrificed , invested, an d surrendere d hi s persona l time , energy , an d life-styl e t o hi s cult. Fro m suc h commitmen t Malcol m woul d find meaning , purpose , an d identity, an d hi s complet e conformit y t o th e Natio n onl y serve d t o enhanc e his level of commitment t o Muhammad. 15

7 Early Ministr y I am a citizen of Asia.

Malcolm remaine d a t Norfol k Priso n Colon y unti l Marc h 1950, whe n h e transferre d bac k t o Charlestow n Stat e Prison , wher e h e was first incarcerated. Accordin g t o Malcolm , hi s transfe r bac k t o Charlestow n occurred becaus e th e Norfol k Priso n Colon y administratio n wante d hi m ou t of there. Th e officia l reaso n wa s that h e ha d refuse d a standard inoculation , but Malcol m believe d tha t th e priso n official s wer e upse t wit h hi m fo r hi s promulgation o f Muhammad' s teachings . Thoug h h e wa s transferre d fo r rejecting th e inoculation , i t seem s tha t h e wa s quit e awar e o f th e conse quences o f hi s refusal . I t i s likel y tha t h e wante d t o pu t himsel f int o th e position o f doin g missionar y wor k i n Charlestown , a s hi s brothe r Wilfre d has noted. l Malcolm hinte d a t a degree o f persecution a t Norfolk , an d i t i s probable that priso n official s wer e concerne d abou t hi s spreadin g th e messag e o f the Nation . Th e transfe r summar y repor t tha t followe d Malcol m bac k t o Charlestown mentione d tha t his "correspondence wa s mostly concerning th e Moslem fait h an d belief s an d hi s dislik e fo r th e whit e race. " Malcolm als o pointed ou t tha t a t Norfol k a boo k h e ha d cite d i n publi c debat e regardin g the wickednes s o f th e whit e rac e "disappeare d fro m th e priso n library. " O f 90

Early Ministry • 91 course, thi s ac t ma y hav e bee n undertake n no t b y a n officia l bu t b y a n antagonistic whit e inmat e wh o resente d Malcolm' s publi c diatribes . Regard less, th e inciden t suggest s that Malcolm ha d become known, no t only for his debating skills , bu t als o fo r hi s controversia l "Muslim " teachings. Malcol m remained i n Charlestown Stat e Prison from Marc h 23 , 1950 , unti l August 7, 1952. I t appear s tha t h e buil t u p a smal l followin g durin g tha t time , an d a t least two of the inmates—one o f them hi s old friend Malcol m Jarvis— = chose to follow Malcol m fro m Norfol k t o Charlestown a s well. Though h e wa s onl y unofficiall y activ e i n Muhammad' s service , Mal colm's caree r a s th e risin g sta r o f th e Natio n bega n whil e h e wa s stil l incarcerated, an d particularl y during this last leg of his prison experience. H e evidenced man y o f th e sam e characteristic s o f hi s late r involvemen t i n th e Nation, an d whe n h e late r lef t prison , h e entere d immediatel y int o th e service of the movement a s an evangelist . Malcolm appear s t o hav e kep t u p hi s correspondenc e an d hi s priso n crusade t o advanc e Muhammad' s teachings . H e ma y hav e presente d hi s teachings wit h a "genera l ai r o f importance, " though hi s identificatio n wit h the characte r o f Jesu s note d i n on e biograph y i s a n exaggeration . Tha t Malcolm wrot e to one o f his friends, sayin g that Jesus was going to return i n the flesh someday, mor e likel y suggests theological confusio n tha n messiani c delusion. H e ma y hav e been alludin g to the expecte d retur n o f W. D . Fard , the Nation' s "Christ. " However , give n hi s religiou s eclecticism , i t i s als o possible Malcolm ha d appropriated a doctrine from th e Jehovah's Witnesses, 2 In hi s autobiographica l account , Malcol m shortene d hi s secon d ter m a t Charlestown, referrin g t o i t a s hi s "las t yea r i n prison,' ' eve n thoug h h e wa s actually ther e fo r ove r twic e tha t long . Hi s accoun t o f thi s perio d i s als o quite brief , hintin g onl y tha t h e ha d "les s maneuverability " there . Th e onl y autobiographical vignett e Malcol m provide d too k place during a Bible stud y conducted b y a visitin g seminarian . Accordin g t o Malcolm , h e challenge d the young white professor regardin g the skin colo r of the historical Jesus. Very shortl y afte r Malcolm' s retur n t o Charlestow n h e apparentl y suc ceeded i n convertin g th e younge r brothe r o f on e o f th e me n wh o ha d transferred wit h him . Th e tw o brothers, Osborn e an d Lero y Thaxton, alon g with Malcol m Jarvi s and Malcol m Little , wer e the prison' s first Muslims, I n April, onl y a mont h int o thei r sta y a t Charlestown , Malcol m an d hi s smal l following demande d a men u tha t allowe d the m t o adher e t o Muhammad' s dietary restrictions , an d priso n cell s tha t face d east , towar d Mecca . Th e warden a t first refused but , afte r Malcol m threatene d t o appeal t o the Egyp tian consul , grante d thei r second reques t for cells facing east .

92 • Early Ministry The loca l pres s picke d u p th e stor y abou t thei r demand s fo r religiou s freedom, describin g Malcol m an d hi s cobeliever s a s wearin g beard s an d mustaches and declarin g piously that Allah "wil l help us and protec t us fro m evil." Givin g onl y brie f coverage , th e Boston Herald treate d th e matte r lightheartedly, jestin g tha t ther e wa s n o trut h t o a n additiona l repor t "tha t several othe r convict s ha d proclaime d themselve s fetis h worshipper s an d demanded hacksaw s in their cells." While the press may not have taken thes e new "Moslems " seriously , th e me n wer e quit e earnes t abou t thei r rol e a s Muhammad's disciples—particularl y Malcolm . Not surprisingly , Malcol m faile d t o mak e mentio n o f thi s mino r victor y in Charlestow n Priso n i n hi s autobiography . I t seem s likel y tha t h e disre garded th e whol e affai r becaus e i t woul d hav e mad e hi m appea r mor e influential tha n hi s autobiographica l purpos e require d an d migh t undercu t the suspensefu l developmen t o f hi s "salvation " story . Jus t a s i t benefite d Muhammad's imag e fo r Malcol m t o pictur e himsel f a s a n illiterat e bu t sophisticated criminal , i t was important to his story that his own developmen t as a leade r clima x unde r th e ver y win g o f Muhamma d himself—whic h would undoubtedl y hav e marked the end of the story in its original conceptu alization. Bu t with Malcolm's departure from th e Nation i n 1964 , his autobiography wa s suddenly extended , an d th e them e o f Mr. Muhammad' s savin g power was swallowed u p by another, mor e credible conversion story . Malcolm, an d probabl y hi s thre e fello w Muslim s also , di d no t violat e Muhammad's dietar y restrictions , eve n thoug h th e priso n di d no t respec t their refusa l t o eat pork. Th e cooks , upo n discoverin g that the bearded blac k "Moslems" would no t ea t pork , frequentl y harasse d Malcol m b y servin g hi s food wit h utensil s tha t ha d bee n use d t o handle pork . Consequently , fo r th e better part of his second sta y at Charlestown, Malcolm' s diet consisted mainl y of bread an d cheese. 4 Malcolm wa s outspoke n an d rigorou s no t onl y wit h regar d t o hi s ow n circumstances, bu t h e supporte d othe r Muslim s wit h equa l fervor . Thi s i s readily apparen t i n severa l letter s h e wrot e t o th e prison' s commissioner. I n the first of these letters, dated Apri l 18 , 1950 , Malcol m wrot e Commissione r MacDowell o n behal f o f a Musli m wh o wa s being hel d i n solitar y confine ment a t th e Norfol k Priso n Colony . Th e letter , whic h Malcol m heade d "I n the Nam e o f Allah, th e All-Wise[,] True an d Livin g God" and "in the Nam e of Hi s Hol y Apostl e . . . th e Honorabl e Mr . Elija h Mohammed, " i s filled with th e culti c languag e o f ligh t an d darkness , guil t an d wrath , an d th e pilgrimage eas t towar d truth : "Th e more-informe d person s o f this occidenta l world Travel al l of their lives toward th e East , Cravin g the Light that they do

Early Ministry • 9 3 not no w have . Th e mor e o f thi s Ligh t the y 'obtain / th e mor e Just the y become."5 However , Malcolm' s appea l wa s not without th e threa t o f Divine judgment: One wh o i s well-Traveled wil l no t i n thi s Most Crucial Day sow unjus t seed s by wrongfully persecutin g a ma n o f Allah simpl y becaus e h e Face s th e Eas t t o Pray, Today i f one sows unjust seed s one will rea p them Today . . . because all Travelers have reache d thei r Fina l Goal , an d Thi s Da y they mus t Fac e the Onl y Judge ; He Who Creates all Light. 6 The Musli m i n solitar y confinement , Malcol m maintained , wa s hel d ther e for fou r month s "fo r reason s that flow from th e warped mind s o f biased me n whose ignoranc e ha s filled thei r heart s wit h racia l an d religiou s prejudice/ * In thi s lette r ther e wa s n o mentio n o f white s bein g devils , an d i n fac t Malcolm close d th e lette r b y admonishin g th e commissione r t o "le t you r Conscience B e Your Guide. " Still , Malcol m warne d th e commissione r tha t when on e goe s agains t conscience , "on e i s onl y assistin g i n an d hastenin g one's own self-destruction." 7 Two month s later , Malcol m wrot e anothe r lette r t o Commissione r Mac Dowell, agai n introduce d "I n th e Nam e o f Allah " an d "Hi s Tru e Servan t and Hol y Apostle, th e Honorable Prophe t Elijah Mohammed/ ' I n this letter, Malcolm complaine d tha t one of the "illiterate" Muslims at Charlestown was prohibited b y a certai n priso n officia l fro m bein g place d i n a literac y work shop wit h hi s ow n brother . Tha t priso n officia l ha d rejecte d th e Musli m brothers' request , Malcol m declared , "yet , th e homosexua l pervert s i n her e can ge t job-change s wheneve r the y wis h t o chang e o r acquir e ne w 'hus bands/ Yo u figure tha t on e out! " B y settin g u p th e Muslims , wh o h e sai d had "never broken any regulations of this institution" unlike the homosexual s in th e facility , Malcol m wa s attempting t o underscor e th e mora l inequit y of the circumstances. Likewise, Malcol m note d that the Muslims were prohibited fro m purchas ing books by J. A . Rogers , th e black historian : "Is it actually agains t the 'law ' for a Blac k ma n t o rea d abou t himself ? (le t m e laugh!). " H e charge d th e deputy a t Charlestow n wit h lyin g an d "speakin g unwisel y o f thing s tha t ar e beyond hi s knowledge an d ove r his head, " and wit h discussin g the follower s of Muhammad wit h whit e inmates , "a n ac t tha t increase s racia l tensio n an d ill-feeling." Malcolm the n presente d a not-so-veile d warning : "W e woul d prefe r out right segregatio n wher e w e would b e together , t o ourselves , an d hav e Peac e permanently . . . because i f it becomes th e Wil l o f Allah for Peace to cease,

94 • Early Ministry Peace will cease!" Believin g tha t th e commissione r wa s likel y a Mason , o r that h e ha d associate s who were par t o f the Masoni c lodge , Malcol m hinte d that h e would , "t o a degree, " understan d Islam . "I f thi s humble , bu t mos t sincere, messag e i s beyon d you r comprehension , ge t on e o f th e devil s wh o has acquired his maximum o f Light (33°) and h e will surely understand it. " In another lette r Malcolm mad e a similar allusion, thi s time to the highest position i n th e Masoni c lodge , b y statin g tha t wate r "a t th e 32 ° leve l i s frozen, col d an d lifeless." I n s o doing , Malcol m reiterate d Muhammad' s absolute rejectio n o f th e Masons , an d hi s teachin g tha t th e Masoni c orde r possessed limite d bu t damnable insigh t int o the whole truth o f Islam. 8 In Decembe r 1950 , Charlestown' s deput y warde n apparentl y prohibite d Malcolm an d th e othe r Muslim s from gettin g out of their beds to face east in prayer afte r curfe w hour . I n anothe r lette r t o th e commissioner , Malcol m complained tha t th e sudde n enforcemen t o f th e curfe w "smell s fishy!" H e also challenge d tha t i t wa s "a n ope n attac k upo n ou r religiou s rights, " an d reminded th e commissione r tha t "th e 'constitution ' o f thi s lan d i s 'suppose ' to guarntee [sic] thes e Right s to all men." Interestingly, Malcol m als o invoked a n internationa l authority , jus t as he had don e whe n threatenin g t o aler t th e Egyptia n consul . However , instea d of appealing t o a singl e Islami c nation , Malcol m spok e o f "the Whole Body of Islam." Reminding the commissioner tha t the Unite d State s was currently in crisi s (th e Korea n Wa r wa s i n progress) , h e sai d tha t th e "ultimat e out come" of the "plight" of the Unite d State s depended "solel y upon he r success in convincin g Th e Peopl e o f th e Eas t tha t sh e i s trul y seekin g Peace." It is very likel y tha t Malcolm' s willingnes s t o hol d "th e presen t internationa l situation" ove r th e hea d o f the commissione r wa s no t somethin g h e learne d from Muhammad , bu t was an influenc e o f his Garveyite background . It woul d b e characteristi c o f Malcolm' s late r messages , bot h withi n an d out o f th e Nation , t o spea k o f th e Africa n American' s plac e i n th e "Dar k World" an d i n th e Musli m world . Likewise , h e woul d emphasiz e th e im portant rol e o f blac k nationalists , eve n thoug h the y wer e onl y a militan t minority withi n a minorit y community . H e like d t o compar e th e blac k nationalists t o th e wic k i n a powder keg , suggestin g tha t thei r smal l numbe r should no t b e mistake n fo r littl e influenc e withi n th e blac k community . Thus, i n on e o f hi s earlies t priso n letters , Malcol m reminded th e commis sioner tha t th e fire that consume d Rom e wa s started "b y a minute an d mos t remote spark" and tha t th e tragi c Chicag o fire "wa s se t of f b y th e resentfu l 'kick' of a lowly, domesticate d far m animal." 9 Commissioner MacDowel l wa s hardly impressed . H e wrote to Malcolm' s

Early Ministry • 9 5 warden a t Charlestown , askin g hi m t o tel l Malcol m tha t th e Muslim s mus t adhere t o th e prison' s rule s jus t lik e th e Christians . Eve n thoug h priso n officials ha d some concerns about Malcolm an d undoubtedly kep t him unde r surveillance, hi s lengthy , dramatic , an d symbol-lade n letter s faile d t o evok e the respons e h e wanted . I t i s possibl e tha t Malcolm' s fervo r wa s partl y responsible fo r th e psychiatri c examinatio n h e underwen t i n Ma y 1951 , i n which th e doctor' s repor t concluded : "H e claim s t o be a Mohammedan, bu t his conversatio n expresse s a confuse d jumbl e o f idea s whic h mak e littl e sense." The las t dated lette r by Malcolm o n file was to Commissioner Grossman , who wa s apparently th e successo r t o Commissioner MacDowell . Th e letter , written o n Jun e 6 , 1951 , ironically include d a request t o be transferred bac k to Norfol k Priso n Colony , citin g it s mor e balance d atmospher e an d hi s own "clean " priso n record . I n languag e th e commissione r probabl y didn' t understand, Malcol m state d tha t h e ha d no t ye t "acquire d a livin g knowl edge," bu t tha t h e coul d "wal k i n perfec t accor d wit h al l rule s governin g Norfolk." Writin g wit h culti c allusion , Malcol m no w seeme d t o admi t tha t he ha d erre d i n refusin g t o tak e th e require d inoculatio n whil e a t Norfolk , He di d no t apologiz e an d claime d hi s refusa l wa s du e t o a sincer e mistak e made a s a ferven t conver t t o Islam : "Whe n experienc e i s the onl y availabl e Teacher on e must suffer man y set-backs." Malcolm's reason s fo r wantin g t o b e transferre d bac k t o Norfol k ar e no t clear. H e ma y hav e fel t tha t hi s evangelisti c effort s wer e to o marginalized , or h e ma y simpl y hav e begu n t o mis s th e mor e intellectuall y stimulatin g environment a t Norfolk . I n an y case , Malcolm' s reques t wa s apparentl y refused. H e spen t th e las t fourtee n month s o f hi s ter m a t Charlestow n an d was paroled o n August 7, 1952. 10 In Jul y 1952 , Malcolm' s eldes t brothe r Wilfre d wa s abl e t o obtai n th e permission o f th e Massachusett s Departmen t o f Correction s t o hav e Mal colm's parol e transferre d t o the stat e of Michigan. Eve n thoug h Wilfre d wa s already supportin g a wife , tw o youn g children , an d hi s younge r brother , Wesley, h e consente d t o take responsibilit y fo r Malcol m a s well. Apparentl y the family ha d decided tha t Malcol m woul d b e better off in Michiga n tha n if he staye d i n Boston . Wit h th e thirt y dollar s h e receive d fro m th e priso n officials, plu s the mone y given hi m b y his elder sister Hild a wh o met him a t his release , Malcol m bough t ne w eyeglasses , a suitcase , an d a wristwatch . He later realized tha t those three purchases gave him th e basic equipment h e would nee d fo r the new life ahead o f him. Malcolm move d i n wit h Wilfre d an d hi s wif e Ruth , wh o ha d recentl y

96 • Early Ministry purchased a five-room fram e hous e i n Inkster , Michigan . Wilfre d foun d a job fo r Malcol m a t th e Cu t Rat e Departmen t Stor e o n Oaklan d Avenu e i n Detroit, wher e h e wa s hire d a s a porte r an d wa s promised a fort y dolla r pe r week salary . A t first he experience d som e setback s du e t o healt h problems . Wilfred, Ruth , an d eve n th e parol e office r note d tha t h e wa s pale, anemic looking, an d wea k becaus e o f his poo r die t i n prison ; i n addition , h e ha d a nagging problem wit h hemorrhoid s tha t eventually require d hospitalization . Even afte r surger y Malcol m ha d a difficult tim e regainin g strength ; whe n he foun d a better-paying jo b at the Lincoln-Mercur y plan t i n Januar y 1953 , he wa s soo n fired becaus e h e wa s no t stron g enoug h t o kee p u p wit h hi s assembly-line position . Understandably , Malcol m avoide d discussin g thes e health problem s i n hi s autobiography , instea d claimin g t o hav e qui t th e Lincoln-Mercury plan t t o pursu e a full-tim e ministr y fo r th e Nation . Mal colm wanted t o work full tim e for Mr . Muhammad , bu t the road to full-tim e ministry wa s apparentl y a bi t mor e rock y tha n h e wishe d t o shar e wit h his readers. 11 At first Malcolm's parol e office r suspecte d hi m o f "malingering, " bu t h e soon foun d i t to be "obviou s b y his physical appearanc e tha t h e was actually ill." Th e officer' s repor t show s no t onl y a sympatheti c vie w o f Malcolm' s condition, bu t i t reveals the sincerity with which Malcol m wa s attempting t o follow hi s commitment to Muhammad. "S o far he has shown n o inclination s to retur n t o hi s forme r pattern o f living . H e doe s no t appea r t o hav e an y associates outside of the family an d has been developin g an interes t in churc h activities." The referenc e t o "churc h activities " by the parol e office r reflect s Malcolm's bus y ne w life , whic h wa s undoubtedl y guide d b y Wilfred , wh o made sure Malcolm "go t involved t o the extent that h e didn't get a chance to get too much wit h anybody else." Wilfred wa s at first concerned tha t Malcol m woul d b e lured bac k into the streets, especiall y because Malcolm's honest wage was only a fraction o f what he could mak e illegally . H e knew that Malcolm wa s frustrated b y working all week for onl y forty dollars . "Yo u kno w what?" Malcolm woul d declar e to his brother i n frustration . " I coul d hav e breakfas t wit h yo u thi s morning , an d come bac k an d mee t yo u fo r lunc h an d hav e mor e mone y tha n this! " Nevertheless, Malcol m di d no t resor t to his old way s of crime. H e remaine d loyal t o Muhamma d an d bega n t o buil d hi s first relationship s withi n th e local temple , know n a s "Templ e No . 1"—th e first templ e founde d b y Elijah Muhamma d afte r th e disappearance o f Fard. Malcolm' s parol e office r concluded i n Februar y 195 3 that "prognosi s i n thi s case appears favorabl e a t

Early Ministry • 9 7 the presen t time. " Malcol m wa s successfull y discharge d fro m parol e b y th e state of Massachusetts o n Ma y 4, 1953. 12 Early i n 195 3 Malcolm's healt h ha d improve d enoug h t o get another job , at th e Ga r Woo d Factor y i n Wayne , Michigan . On e da y h e wa s pulle d of f his jo b by an FB I agent , wh o informe d hi m tha t h e ha d faile d t o register fo r the Korean Wa r draft. Malcol m sai d later that he acted as if he thought being an ex-offende r disqualifie d hi m fro m th e draft . H e wa s tol d t o registe r immediately i f he wante d t o avoid prosecutio n an d anothe r jai l term . Sinc e this wa s jus t befor e hi s completio n o f parole , Malcol m quickl y reporte d t o the draf t board . I t seem s tha t Malcolm' s failur e t o registe r fo r th e draf t wa s deliberate, however . Hi s negligence ma y actually hav e been a n expressio n o f allegiance to Elijah Muhamma d an d the Nation, whic h ha d been persecute d during World Wa r I I for refusin g draf t registration . The initia l questionnair e Malcol m filled ou t apparentl y containe d a section fo r seminarian s an d other s studyin g fo r th e ministr y wher e the y were to list the nam e o f their church an d school . I n this section Malcol m claime d t o be a studen t studyin g a t th e Universit y o f Isla m i n Chicago , unde r th e direction o f th e Templ e o f Islam . I n th e sectio n o n citizenship , Malcol m found th e sentence , " I a m a citize n o f , " an d filled i n "Asia/ * Besid e the statemen t tha t inquire d whethe r h e ha d file d " a Declaratio n o f Intentio n to Becom e a Citizen o f the Unite d States " he replie d negatively . Th e ques tionnaire als o aske d i f he ha d "an y physica l o r menta l condition " which, i n his opinion , merite d disqualificatio n fro m militar y service . Malcol m an swered "Yes, " and explaine d tha t hi s "mental attitud e an d outloo k i n genera l regarding war and religion " merited disqualification . In addition, Malcol m filled out a "Special For m fo r Conscientious Objec tors," stating his belief i n a supreme being. Whe n aske d to describe th e basis of his claim fo r conscientious objecto r status , Malcol m wrote : "Allah i s God, not o f one particula r peopl e o r race , bu t o f All the Worlds, thu s formin g Al l Peoples an d Nation s int o One Universal Brotherhood, an d Brothe r definitel y should see k peace with Brother, no t war." In answerin g where he receive d hi s training and acquire d hi s convictions, Malcolm answere d tha t "Alla h guide d m e of f th e roa d o f wickednes s ont o this pat h o f Righteousnes s whil e I was yet i n priso n an d al l prais e i s due t o Allah alone. There i s no God besides Him." Aside from notin g that Muslim s fight onl y i n self-defens e an d see k peac e a s "th e wa y o f righteousness, " Malcolm submitte d a s evidence o f the consistenc y o f his convictions th e fac t that afte r acceptin g Isla m i n prison , " I taugh t i t ther e fo r nearl y fou r years ,

98 • Early Ministry under th e wors t condition s an d agains t th e mos t sever e oppositio n an d ridicule imaginabl e an d shal l forever do so! ! (wit h Allah' s permission). " When aske d t o identify an d give the location o f his religious guide, Malcol m did no t mentio n Elija h Muhamma d a t all, bu t wrote : "Alla h th e Divin e Supreme Being, wh o resides at the Holy City of Mecca, i n Arabia." 13 In hi s autobiography , Malcol m recall s tha t hi s answer s arouse d th e con cern o f severa l "olde r devils, " wh o furthe r cross-examine d hi m abou t hi s beliefs an d aske d hi m i f he actuall y understoo d th e concept o f conscientious objection t o military service . H e said h e responde d tha t his conscience mad e him objec t t o fighting o n behal f o f whit e peopl e whe n the y treate d blac k people a s the y di d i n th e Unite d States . Malcol m als o mention s tha t the y directed hi m t o tak e a physica l examination , bu t h e doe s no t not e tha t h e failed it , onc e again, o n Ma y 25 , 1953 . Malcolm no t onl y refuse d t o take the bloo d tes t for religiou s reasons , bu t he ma y als o hav e acte d a s h e di d befor e th e Ne w Yor k Cit y draf t boar d a decade earlier , whe n h e ha d faile d th e physica l exa m th e first time . Th e psychiatric diagnosi s conclude d tha t Malcol m ha d a n "asocia l personalit y with paranoi d trend s (prepsychotic paranoi d schizophrenia). " Likewise, Mal colm denie d tha t he was a member o f any religious sect or organization, an d insisted th e "religio n o f Isla m i s no t a sec t o r organizatio n fo r i t wa s neve r organized. I t ha s always been!! Its origin i s with Allah . I t is Peace. I t springs forth fro m Peac e an d it s retur n unt o Peace. " Accordin g t o Malcolm , h e never heard fro m th e draft boar d again , excep t when h e was sent a classifica tion car d i n I960. 14 Malcolm ha d succeede d twic e i n convincin g draf t boar d official s t o ex clude hi m fro m servic e classification . Th e first time, h e onl y ha d th e desir e to stay out of the army—whatever ac t he ha d pu t o n was purely self-serving . But then , a s a followe r o f Elija h Muhammad , h e considere d himsel f a n "Asiatic" an d no t a citize n o f th e Unite d States . Whil e h e di d no t readil y offer Muhammad' s name , i t doe s no t appea r tha t h e wa s attemptin g t o b e secretive, fo r he did acknowledge his affiliation wit h the local Nation branch . Rather, i t seems that Malcolm' s unorthodo x answer s were sincere and—lik e his prison letters—demonstrate d hi s genuine desire to follow alon g "the path of Righteousness." Now free o f any further obligation s t o the state , Malcol m embarked upo n tha t path . H e woul d follo w i t faithfull y fo r th e nex t twelv e years of his life, an d i n th e process, carr y the messag e of "Islam" farther tha n even Elija h Muhamma d ha d eve r imagined .

8 Evangelism an d Nation-Building Indeed we are living in a great day.

"Malcolm wa s always a very energetic person/ ' Wilfre d Littl e recalled. "H e ha d a n exceptiona l amoun t o f menta l energy , s o whe n h e came t o th e Movement , h e ha d a lo t t o offer—more tha n wha t ha d bee n realized." Whil e Malcol m ha d rea d muc h i n book s i n prison , i n hi s ne w freedom h e turne d t o studyin g th e realitie s o f racia l oppressio n i n hi s ow n surroundings. Som e o f thes e realitie s wer e mos t eviden t i n th e first depart ment stor e where h e worked , wher e h e sa w firsthand that poo r blac k urban ites often ha d n o alternative but to buy the cheaply manufacture d an d highl y priced product s mad e availabl e t o the m b y whit e retailers : " I woul d se e clumsy, work-hardened , callouse d hand s scrawling and scratchin g signature s on th e contract , agreein g t o highway-robber y interes t rate s i n th e fine prin t that never was read." Malcolm's min d an d energie s focuse d o n th e social and economi c condi tion o f hi s people : "No w I watche d brother s entwinin g themselve s i n th e economic clutche s o f th e whit e ma n wh o wen t hom e ever y nigh t wit h another ba g o f the mone y draine d ou t o f th e ghetto. " H e likewis e observe d the statu s an d conditio n o f th e Natio n itself , embracin g Fard' s visio n o f a black natio n withi n a n oppressiv e whit e one . A s he becam e mor e an d mor e 99

100 • Evangelism and Nation-Building angered a t th e situatio n o f black s i n th e Unite d States , h e becam e increas ingly comfortable i n the company o f the Nation . Malcolm recalle d tha t Detroit' s Temple No . 1 wa s located no t far from a slaughterhouse. Th e sound s o f squealin g hog s emanate d int o th e templ e during services— a vivi d reminde r t o Malcol m tha t h e an d hi s peopl e wer e truly los t i n th e "wildernes s o f Nort h America, " wher e black s at e unclea n meat i n a n unclea n land . Experience s suc h a s thi s mad e hi m al l th e mor e impressed wit h hi s encounter s o f th e Muslims : " I ha d neve r dreame d o f anything lik e tha t atmospher e amon g blac k peopl e wh o ha d learne d t o b e proud the y were black, wh o had learne d t o love other black people instead of being jealou s an d suspicious." 1 Muc h later , h e woul d lear n tha t the y wer e not all that free o f jealousy and suspicion. Still , the y were proud black people who embrace d a blac k go d an d di d no t hesitat e t o hol d th e whit e ma n accountable fo r hi s racial sins . This kind o f religion wa s custom-made fo r a n inspired scio n o f the Garveyite tradition . In earl y Augus t 195 2 Malcol m requeste d permissio n fro m hi s parol e officer t o leav e Michiga n t o visi t Chicag o late r tha t mont h t o mee t Elija h Muhammad. Permissio n wa s granted, an d Malcol m wen t to Chicago o n th e Sunday befor e Labo r Day , ridin g i n a smal l carava n o f car s wit h othe r Muslims fro m Templ e No . 1 fo r a join t meetin g wit h Templ e No . 2 . Malcolm recalle d late r tha t th e eagernes s an d excitemen t h e fel t tha t da y as he journeye d t o mee t Elija h Muhamma d wa s never agai n duplicate d i n hi s life: "I experienced tingling s up my spine." Malcolm quickl y note d tha t th e combine d attendanc e o f the Detroi t an d Chicago temples was only about two hundred. Thoug h anothe r eight temples comprised th e movement , it s tota l membershi p a t thi s tim e wa s only abou t four hundred . Encourage d b y Elijah Muhammad' s tablesid e declaration tha t the Detroi t templ e shoul d hav e "thousands " of members an d tha t th e move ment shoul d b e recruitin g youn g people , Malcol m immediatel y bega n t o give thought t o ho w th e Natio n coul d b e expanded . " I made u p m y mind, " Malcolm sai d later , "tha t we were going to follow tha t advice." 2 The first phase o f Malcolm' s ministr y wa s marked b y aggressive evangeli zation i n th e Detroi t area . H e mad e i t "his particular mission " to expand th e Nation, beginnin g wit h Templ e No . 1 . "An d that' s wha t h e starte d doing, " Wilfred Littl e recalled , "h e starte d th e other s t o workin g wit h hi m i n goin g out int o th e communit y an d bringin g peopl e i n t o hea r th e teaching s . . . [and] thos e woul d g o ou t an d brin g i n som e mor e an d the y jus t kep t ex panding." Malcolm recruite d i n th e ver y places h e woul d hav e gone t o himself a s a street-wandering youth . Templ e No . 1 gathered a motle y arra y o f refugee s

Evangelism and Nation-Building • 101 from bars , poolrooms , an d stree t corner s wh o woul d soo n b e transforme d into proud , discipline d "Asiatic " Muslims . I n hi s day s o f glor y i n Detroit' s ghetto, th e mysteriou s W . D . Far d ha d preferre d t o go into blac k home s t o recruit followers ; bu t by going int o Detroit' s spiritua l wasteland s t o "fish" fo r new black souls, Malcol m ha d no w outdone eve n th e founder o f the Nation . In a relativel y shor t time , th e roste r o f Temple No . 1 would gro w threefol d from wha t it had been i n the summer o f 1952 . Malcolm's arden t commitmen t t o evangelis m quickl y wo n th e attentio n of bot h th e mor e conservativ e loca l Musli m ministe r a s wel l a s Elija h Muhammad himself , wh o encourage d an d praise d hi m fo r hi s grea t poten tial. I n respons e t o such glowin g recognition , Malcol m plante d hi s religiou s roots wit h Muhammad . " I worshipe d him, " h e late r recalled . I n thi s sam e period, Malcol m officiall y applie d fo r hi s Natio n surname , "X. " Lik e th e other Muslims , h e believe d Muhamma d whe n h e wa s tol d tha t h e woul d bear hi s "X " until Fard , "Go d Himself, " woul d retur n an d giv e hol y name s to each o f his followers. In th e opportunitie s tha t h e wa s give n t o spea k i n th e temple , Malcol m would launc h invective s agains t "Christianit y an d th e horror s o f slavery." By the summe r o f 195 3 hi s zealou s wor k earne d hi m a promotio n i n Templ e No. 1 t o assistant minister. Hi s sermons from tha t period formed th e standard of his later approac h o n behal f o f the Nation . On e FB I source, fo r instance , claims that Malcolm tol d his audience that no black person was a real citizen of th e Unite d States , an d tha t th e nee d fo r governmen t legislatio n suc h a s the Bil l o f Rights an d "th e Fai r Employmen t System " only underscore d thi s point. I n anothe r meeting , Malcol m complaine d tha t th e recen t arriva l o f thirty thousan d Hungaria n refugee s woul d onl y tak e mor e job s fro m blac k Americans. Notin g th e horrendous treatmen t o f the American India n b y the white man , h e declared : "Th e whit e ma n scream s equalit y i n hi s Constitu tion, bu t speak s wit h a forke d tongu e i n tha t h e doe s no t mea n tha t fo r th e black man." 3 Malcolm soo n bega n t o ey e the region s beyon d Detroi t a s a mission field ripe fo r harvest . "I t ha d becom e clea r t o m e tha t Mr . Muhamma d neede d ministers t o spread hi s teachings," he recalle d later . A natural-born mission ary, h e strov e to stretch th e boundaries o f the established , mor e conservativ e Nation clergy . "H e more or less made his own niche," Wilfred Littl e remem bered. "Nothin g was done to hinder him . . . what they wanted wa s numbers and wante d people , an d h e wa s doing thi s o n hi s own . S o they jus t steppe d back an d le t hi m tak e ove r an d d o i t becaus e h e wa s doin g bette r tha n anybody else." As Malcol m expande d hi s wor k fo r th e Natio n int o othe r areas , h e wa s

102 • Evangelism and Nation-Building also abl e t o expan d th e organization' s bas e an d strengthe n it s traditiona l infrastructure. T o avoi d creatin g tensio n an d jealous y i n th e mind s o f th e older ministers , Malcol m include d th e conservativ e minister s i n hi s cam paign an d carrie d o n "revival"-typ e meeting s i n th e establishe d temples , which serve d t o increas e attendanc e an d membership . A s a result , mos t o f the ministers were glad t o have this new evangelist i n th e movement, an d h e was welcomed t o their areas . Late r i n life , Malcol m woul d spea k of emulating th e evangelisti c metho d o f Billy Graham , th e Fundamentalis t Christia n preacher, a s h e sough t t o spread wor d o f his independen t politica l program . But Malcol m ha d alread y employe d simila r technique s i n a n ecclesiastica l sense much earlier . At th e sam e time , o f course , Malcol m wa s breakin g ne w groun d i n membership recruitment . Whe n h e wen t int o a black communit y wher e n o Nation congregatio n existed , h e woul d contac t individual s wh o h e though t might be interested i n his message. Onc e he won an ally , that person's hom e became th e first phase o f a new Natio n temple . Muc h lik e Fard ha d don e i n Detroit, Malcol m buil t u p thes e hous e meeting s unti l rente d facilitie s coul d be secured. 4 Unlik e Fard , however , Malcolm' s overal l ministeria l styl e never lost it s fundamenta l concer n fo r bringin g i n th e dow n an d ou t fro m th e streets. By th e mid-1950s , Malcolm' s wor k ha d extende d t o a numbe r o f majo r cities, som e o f which, suc h a s Boston, ha d n o previousl y establishe d Natio n temples. I n 1955 , on e FB I sourc e reporte d fro m Chicago , th e Nation' s headquarters, tha t "brothe r Malcol m appeare d t o b e enjoying " Elija h Mu hammad's confidence , "an d seeme d t o hav e ha d a fre e han d i n th e move ment i n general. " T o b e sure , Malcol m ha d n o libertie s tha t wer e no t first granted b y Elija h Muhammad , wit h who m h e wa s i n continua l contac t fo r advice an d instruction . Bu t hi s succes s wa s a s muc h a tribut e t o hi s ow n energy, skills , an d moder n approac h a s i t was to Muhammad' s insight s int o human resourc e management. Malcolm , afte r all , did not know the basics of the movement a s did Elija h Muhammad . This critica l chang e withi n th e Natio n coul d no t hav e bee n wrough t without Malcolm' s youthfu l zeal , complet e dedication , an d fervent , tireles s efforts i n man y urba n settings . Nevertheless , everythin g Malcol m sai d an d did, "politicall y an d theologically , wa s approve d b y th e Messenger, " Elija h Muhammad. Year s later , eve n whe n thei r relationshi p woul d sou r an d Malcolm woul d spea k o f Elijah Muhamma d wit h bitte r disillusionment , h e would no t negat e th e mutualit y o f their success : "I was going downhill unti l he picked m e up, bu t the more I think o f it, w e picked each othe r up."

Evangelism and Nation-Building • J 03 Malcolm's first success at starting a temple was probably his most glorious, since i t wa s i n th e cit y o f Boston . "H e kne w th e la y o f th e land, " Wilfre d recalled, an d thi s include d hi s old Roxbur y haunts . Ironically , i t seems tha t Malcolm wa s no t ver y successful i n winnin g ove r hi s forme r peers , som e of whom h e dismisse d a s bein g to o "brainwashed " t o accep t Islam . Accordin g to Malcolm , th e Bosto n congregation , Templ e No , 11 , wa s reasonabl y established b y March 1954. 5 After th e success in Boston Elija h Muhamma d directe d Malcol m t o move to Philadelphia t o begin anothe r templ e organizatio n program . Wit h monie s that ha d bee n wisel y investe d b y Malcolm an d Edwar d Jones , anothe r Mus lim, a suitabl e templ e facilit y wa s secured ; the y wer e reimburse d b y Elija h Muhammad later . Withi n thre e months , Templ e No . 1 2 wa s establishe d with a n adequat e numbe r o f ne w members . Malcol m wa s undoubtedl y a rigorous recruite r an d pastor . Accordin g t o on e FB I source , h e tol d hi s ne w congregation tha t th e Natio n wa s no t a clu b bu t a n actua l natio n growin g out of a nation. Jeremiah Shabazz , on e o f the founder s o f the Natio n templ e i n Philadel phia an d a close ministeria l associate , recalle d tha t on e o f Malcolm X' s first words were o f his pre-visio n o f the Asiatic-looking man . "Th e wa y he lai d i t out," Shabaz z said , "w e al l believe d him— I believe d him , an d everybod y else believed h e ha d ha d suc h a n experience. " Shabazz remembere d tha t th e apparition reall y seeme d t o hav e "upset " Malcolm , especiall y sinc e a t th e time he did no t know who the Asiatic-looking ma n was. However grea t thes e successe s a t templ e organizatio n ma y hav e bee n fo r Malcolm, hi s greates t singl e endeavo r fo r th e Natio n wa s stil l befor e him . With th e Philadelphi a congregatio n established , Muhamma d no w ordere d Malcolm t o assum e th e pastorat e o f th e Natio n templ e i n Ne w Yor k City . Temple No . 7 wa s onl y a smal l ban d o f Harle m "Asiatics " meetin g i n a storefront templ e whe n Malcol m arrive d i n Jun e 1954 . H e sai d tha t eve n i n Harlem, th e Nation wa s relatively unknown. 6 But that would chang e shortly. Malcolm's ne w positio n i n Templ e No . 7 di d no t dampe n hi s overal l organizational activities . B y hi s ow n accountin g i n th e sprin g o f 1955 , h e was responsibl e fo r th e temple s i n Boston , Philadelphia , an d Springfield , Massachusetts, whil e pastorin g th e Ne w Yor k congregation ; h e wa s likewise supervising th e teachin g o f Muslims i n a variety of other missionar y endeav ors on behalf of the Nation . Malcolm found tha t work in New York City required a more sophisticate d method o f outreac h tha n h e ha d use d elsewhere . Ne w Yor k wa s alread y inundated wit h a variety of black-oriented groups , particularly black national-

104 • Evangelism and Nation-Building ists. An d worse , th e city' s blac k populatio n seeme d t o b e indifferen t t o modern-day activist s and organizations : they had seen me n a s great as Garvey rise and fall , an d man y lesse r light s had com e and gone as well. Harle m ha d worn down man y leaders and organizations, "les s out of malevolence o r envy or even it s deep corroded cynicis m tha n ou t of despair." 7 To overcom e bot h th e competitio n an d th e indifferenc e o f Harlem' s population t o hi s message , Malcol m develope d a ne w metho d o f aggressiv e evangelism. Th e first ste p wa s th e preparatio n o f leaflets , whic h Malcol m and a handfu l o f his parishioners passe d ou t o n stree t corners . Second , the y went "fishing " for ne w member s amon g th e fringe s o f black nationalists , an d outside th e man y small , store-fron t Christia n churche s o f Harlem. Malcol m noticed tha t wherea s th e blac k nationalist s tende d t o hav e mal e followings , the churche s wer e attende d mostl y b y females . Hi s skillfull y enhance d ver sion o f Muhammad's religio-politica l gospe l apparentl y bega n t o catch o n as he and hi s small band o f Muslims continued t o fish. Like Marcu s Garve y befor e him , Malcol m X told hi s Harle m audience s that Jesu s Christ was a black man . However , Malcolm' s versio n o f Muham mad's gospe l shocke d Harlem' s Christia n an d Christian-oriente d listener s a s they hear d th e youn g ministe r declar e tha t th e blac k Jesus, kille d b y whites, was stil l dea d an d burie d i n Jerusalem . H e assure d hi s congregatio n an d Christian guest s i n Templ e No . 7 that Jesu s coul d no t retur n an d sav e th e black man ; onl y Elija h Muhamma d coul d sav e them . I n anothe r presentation which h e called, "Wh o the Earth Belong s to," Malcolm condemne d th e "mysteries" falsel y taugh t t o blac k Christians , especiall y th e notio n o f lif e after death . Heaven , Malcol m tol d hi s listeners , wa s i n Mecca , no t i n th e sky. The whit e man , who m Malcol m characterize d b y the Nation's belief as devil an d "skun k o f the plane t earth, " ha d thoroughl y deceive d blac k Chris tians int o thinking the y ha d n o claim t o this earth, whe n i n realit y th e eart h belonged t o black people. Malcolm wa s particularl y adep t a t blendin g th e rhetori c o f th e Natio n with biblica l texts . I n th e first years of his ministry, neithe r Malcol m no r th e rest of the Nation ha d pai d muc h attentio n t o the Qur'an's tex t and message . He eve n tol d hi s audience s tha t Presiden t Eisenhowe r wa s a "moder n Pha raoh" who was oppressing the black nation, an d h e declared tha t the popula r Twenty-Third Psal m ("Th e Lor d i s my Shepherd" ) referre d t o Allah (Fard) , and to Muhammad, th e shepherd o f his flock. In hi s Philadelphi a appearances , Malcolm' s speeche s wer e n o les s dra matic an d controversia l i n regar d t o biblica l doctrine . A t on e meeting , h e affirmed Muhammad' s doctrin e tha t white s were the devi l an d th e source of

Evangelism and Nation-Building • JO S all sin by declaring: "You ar e not to blame for the evilness you hav e commit ted, becaus e yo u hav e ha d th e autho r o f si n t o follo w fo r th e pas t fou r hundred years , and h e has taught you that white make s him supreme. " Regarding th e origin s o f whit e peopl e a s wicke d mutant s o f th e origina l black race, Malcol m concluded : "These people were made from us , and they have al l th e wickedness . Thi s i s why th e Bibl e say s they ar e devils/ ' Jus t a s Malcolm reiterate d Muhammad' s doctrin e o f th e inferior , reprobat e whit e race, h e likewis e echoe d Muhammad' s clai m tha t "Asiatic " peopl e wer e superior: "Al l wisdo m come s fro m th e roo t o f civilizatio n whic h i s i n th e East, wher e ou r forefather s cam e from . Her e blac k me n wer e th e wises t of all people on th e planet earth. . . . Here the soil was rich an d black. " While socially discerning , Malcolm' s doctrine s coul d b e extremel y color-bound : "Everything o n th e eart h tha t i s good i s dark. . . . Black soil i s richest and i f God mad e man fro m th e earth, h e too must have been dark like you and I. " And a s zealously a s Malcolm struc k out at the white race and Christianit y in hi s sermons , ther e i s n o doub t tha t h e wa s a s rigorou s i n enforcin g th e conservative mora l stricture s of the Natio n amon g hi s followers, a s shown i n an FB I accoun t o f Malcolm's admonitio n no t t o eat pork: "The devi l breed s filth. The y ea t th e filthiest o f animals. Th e pig . Th e blac k ma n i s afflicte d with the white man's illnesse s and diseases. And even no w we eat the pig and bring more filth upon ourselves. " Malcolm sai d i n hi s autobiograph y that , notin g th e nee d t o "offe r some thing special " for th e wome n who m h e hope d t o "fish, " h e emphasize d th e black man' s responsibilit y t o th e blac k woman . Th e blac k man' s duty , a s Malcolm proclaime d it , wa s to shelter, protect , an d respec t the black woman as the ultimat e ac t o f defying whit e oppression. 8 Thi s dictum becam e ke y to Malcolm's Natio n messages , echoin g th e sentiment s an d teaching s o f Elija h Muhammad, whos e vie w o f women wa s les s than egalitaria n b y contempo rary Western standards : The only thing that is different i s that we are a little better than he r in the power of our creation. We have more powerful brain s than she because we were made to rule. She is a helpmate. . . . We must treat them righ t and hono r them. The n the y will learn to honor you and they will produce you a little baby who will honor you.0 Malcolm di d no t ye t realiz e tha t suc h seemingl y hones t sentiment s belie d Mr. Muhammad' s well-conceale d sexua l abuses of women. Malcolm gav e many moral warnings to his Philadelphia Musli m brothers . At one meetin g h e urge d the m no t t o find themselves alon e i n a house wit h a woman , "o r yo u wil l los e you r reward . Sh e wil l temp t you , bu t yo u mus t

J 06 • Evangelism and Nation-Building be strong." At another meeting , h e spoke on the topic "Hell hat h n o fury lik e a woma n scorned " befor e a n especiall y larg e audience . H e preache d tha t since th e tim e o f Eve , wome n ha d le d me n int o evil , an d tha t becaus e o f sex, men ha d been reduce d t o the slaves of women. These women who ruled by sex , Malcol m declared , wer e lik e serpents—sneaky , weak , an d wicked . Drawing hi s text s fro m th e biblica l book s o f Proverbs , Job , an d Genesis , Malcolm offere d proo f tha t woma n wil l b e th e undoin g o f ma n unles s sh e takes her prope r plac e as the modest , homeboun d helpmat e o f her husband . He wa s especiall y har d o n wome n domesti c worker s employe d i n whit e households; thes e blac k women , h e contended , abandone d thei r familie s t o care for whites and were invariably reduce d t o "imps and tools" of the devil. Malcolm propounde d Muhammad' s eschatologica l teaching s just as faithfully a s any of the Nation's othe r official doctrines , albei t with a bit more fire and brimstone . Speakin g o f the en d o f the whit e man' s world , h e promise d his Temple No . 7 audience tha t the devils ' heads would rol l i n th e streets of New Yor k City , an d tha t thei r bloo d woul d flow i n th e gutters . An d befor e the Philadelphia congregation , h e gave a detailed descriptio n o f the downfal l of th e Unite d States . Airplane s woul d first dro p pamphlet s i n Arabi c an d English, warnin g black s "t o ge t o n t o thei r ow n kin d a t once " (by thi s tim e the Natio n woul d alread y hav e bee n evacuate d fro m Nort h America) . Next , an ear-piercin g trumpe t woul d sound , drivin g men insan e and causin g pregnant wome n t o give birth. Finally , Alla h (Fard ) would retur n i n a n airplan e and ligh t a match , settin g a n inextinguishabl e fire tha t woul d consum e th e white man's world. This airplane wa s undoubtedly th e "mother plane" that had bee n a part of the Nation' s eschatolog y fo r decades . I n th e 1950s , however , whe n moder n science bega n t o loo k towar d spac e exploratio n an d scienc e fiction films featured "oute r space " themes, th e Natio n bega n t o presen t a "mothership " instead, buil t b y wis e me n fro m th e Eas t an d containin g a hos t o f smalle r spacecrafts—just a s th e traditiona l mothe r plan e wa s sai d t o hav e carrie d within i t a hos t o f smalle r planes . Accordin g t o Malcolm , thi s giganti c spaceship wa s hoverin g ove r th e earth , read y to descen d an d attac k th e United State s upo n comman d b y Elija h Muhammad . Th e attac k ha d bee n delayed fo r th e tim e bein g t o giv e Elija h Muhamma d a chanc e t o ge t hi s followers ou t of North America. ,0 As a n honore d gues t i n Chicago' s Templ e No . 2 , Malcol m comfortabl y ridiculed biblica l teachings . I n particular , h e challenge d th e doctrin e o f an afterlife a s a n interpolatio n b y th e whit e ma n t o enslav e blac k people . FB I sources note d tha t o n on e occasion , Malcol m preache d fo r ove r a n hou r

Evangelism and Nation-Building • J 07 against Christianity , remindin g hi s listener s tha t whe n h e himsel f wa s a Christian h e had committed man y crimes. In anothe r meetin g before th e same congregation, h e discussed th e cruel ties that had been force d o n pregnant black women i n slavery, and, accordin g to on e FB I source , h e talke d abou t killin g whit e babie s b y bashin g i n thei r heads. Malcol m admitte d thi s sounded cruel , bu t tha t th e onl y wa y to clea r the weeds from th e field was to uproot them. Hi s prescribed racia l infanticid e was only a vengeful fantas y t o be sure; but he had probably found a precedent for i t in biblica l text s and i n th e slave revol t of Nat Turner, whos e makeshif t army o f liberators had killed infant s an d childre n a s well as slavemasters. Knowledge abou t th e Natio n i n Ne w York City was all bu t limite d t o the black community , eve n thre e year s afte r Malcol m ha d arrive d i n Harlem , Besides th e FBI , whic h alread y ha d th e movemen t (an d Malcolm ) unde r surveillance, probabl y th e onl y whites who were at all aware of the existenc e of th e Natio n wer e loca l la w enforcemen t official s an d a fe w scattere d journalists o r religiou s leader s wh o pai d attentio n t o the blac k pres s and, fo r a variety of reasons, maintaine d a n interes t in the black community . On a nationa l basis , th e Natio n ha d a n unimportan t plac e o n th e coun try's socia l an d politica l landscape . I n thi s era , whe n th e civi l right s move ment focused nationa l attentio n o n the South , eve n those African American s who ha d becom e awar e o f th e Natio n apparentl y di d no t regar d i t wit h much interest . I n 1956 , a colum n b y Elija h Muhamma d entitle d "Mr . Muhammad Speaks " began t o appear i n th e nationally distribute d Pittsburgh Courier, the most prominent blac k publication o f the era. Early on , letter s t o th e edito r abou t Muhammad' s colum n reflecte d frus tration ove r his teachings. On e Christian reade r commented: " 'Mr. Muham mad Speaks ' chille d me . . . . I t i s tru e tha t th e whit e man' s religio n i s nothing t o b e desired , whic h I , fro m da y t o day , avoid . I worshi p Go d i n truth an d i n spirit." 11 Muhamma d wa s no t withou t hi s write-i n supporters , however, thoug h i t seems that man y o f them wer e his own followers. Mean while, a good numbe r o f black Christia n pastors , laypeople , an d eve n som e traditional Muslim s wrot e i n t o express their concern s abou t th e strang e ne w teachings o f the Nation . A particularly interestin g letter of complaint t o the Courier was written b y a hig h schoo l principa l i n Inkster , Michigan . I n hi s letter , th e ma n com plained tha t the "Muhammad Speaks " column wa s "misleading as to fact and history," an d "wholl y undesirabl e fo r consumptio n o f high schoo l students. " The lette r obviousl y struc k to o close t o home fo r Malcol m X , for it not onl y cast aspersion s o n th e natur e o f Muhammad' s message , bu t cam e fro m a

J08 • Evangelism and Nation-Building town clos e t o Malcolm' s raciall y trouble d childhoo d home . H e lashe d bac k at th e lette r write r a s on e "wh o professe s t o b e principa l o f Inkste r Hig h School," declaring: "This man i s the principal o f a high schoo l and, a s such, is in position to poison the minds of our fast-awakening oncomin g generatio n with hi s long outdated 'tomism'. " Malcolm eithe r kne w o r assume d tha t thi s principa l wa s African Ameri can, an d accordingl y accuse d hi m o f being an "Uncl e Tom"— a blac k ma n whose attitud e an d behavio r wer e subservien t t o an d eve n favore d whit e supremacy: "H e say s h e believe s i n freedo m o f speec h a s lon g a s i t doesn' t interfere wit h th e dignit y an d right s o f others . Ho w ca n a blac k ma n spea k truth toda y withou t upsettin g th e whit e man' s dignity?" 12 Perhap s becaus e Muhammad an d Malcol m X continue d thei r forthrigh t assaul t o n whites , Muhammad's colum n seem s t o hav e increase d i n popularity. Th e Natio n usually receive d a goo d dea l o f attentio n i n th e Courier as wel l a s i n othe r black newspapers such a s the New York Amsterdam News. One o f th e leas t recognize d contribution s o f Malcol m X to th e Nation' s organizational developmen t i s hi s writing . I n hi s autobiography , Malcol m described hi s effort s t o star t th e Nation' s ow n publication , Muhammad Speaks, bu t h e didn' t mentio n tha t th e Natio n launche d a numbe r o f othe r publication venture s a s well . I n particular , h e wa s th e edito r o f th e short lived Messenger Magazine, which , alon g wit h severa l othe r publications , became a financial failure . I t wa s Malcol m X himsel f wh o ordere d thei r demise. I n addition , Malcol m ha d contribute d t o The Moslem World & The U.S.A., an d h e wrot e a colum n entitle d "God' s Angr y Men " tha t wa s syndicated t o th e New York Amsterdam News y th e Los Angeles HeraldDispatch, an d th e Westchester [N.Y.J Observer, all o f them Africa n Ameri can newspapers . H e doe s mentio n som e o f thi s newspape r activit y i n hi s autobiography, bu t his comments are made in passing and do not convey the extent of his journalistic contribution s t o the Nation . Malcolm's column s ar e characteristicall y marke d b y hi s us e o f capita l letters fo r emphasi s an d b y hi s frequen t quotatio n fro m th e Bible . A s in hi s sermons, h e use d biblica l verse s to reinforc e th e clai m tha t Elija h Muham mad wa s a modern-da y prophe t sen t fro m Go d t o deliver blac k peopl e fro m the bondag e o f whit e societ y an d religion. 13 I n on e installmen t o f "God's Angry Men," Malcolm interprete d th e wonder of Elijah Muhammad' s divin e mission thi s way: To sav e Hi s Chose n Peopl e fro m thi s lak e o f fire, God woul d rais e on e o f OUR OWN KIN D from ou r very midst . . . a man like Moses (Deut. 18:18) , whose job

Evangelism and Nation-Building • 109 and missio n woul d b e to show us the way to FREEDOM an d SALVATION . Thi s MAN O F GO D woul d no t b e seekin g t o INTEGRAT E u s wit h th e slavemaster . . . .Thi s ma n lik e Moses , jus t a s ancient Mose s did, woul d condem n th e moder n Pharaoh's religio n (Christianity) , hi s plurality o f gods (TRINITY), an d hi s SLAVE EMPIRE (America) . This Modern Mose s would not teach hi s long enslaved people to love their enemies (the wicked white race who had enslaved them), but would ask OUR GOD, th e GOD of our foreparents, t o destroy this wicked white race and the Slave Empir e wit h plague s o f cancer , polio , hear t diseases , air[, j aut o an d trai n DISASTERS . . . floods,droughts, earthquakes, tornadoes and HURRICANES. 14 Malcolm's invocatio n o f divin e judgmen t upo n th e whit e rac e ma y hav e been extreme , bu t i t wa s entirel y consisten t wit h th e biblica l imag e o f a n elect peopl e awaitin g deliveranc e fro m God . H e woul d i n tim e becom e infamous fo r openl y delightin g i n suc h catastrophe s whe n the y di d occur . But hi s sentiment s wer e no t s o much mean-spirite d a s they wer e a n expres sion o f hi s culti c commitmen t t o th e apocalypti c visio n o f Elija h Muham mad—which include d rejectin g Christianit y a s polytheistic, eve n though th e Nation itsel f celebrated a divine incarnation i n W. D . Fard . In Harlem , th e Muslim s becam e bette r know n tha n whe n Malcol m ha d first arrived i n th e summe r o f 1954 . Hi s intellec t an d personalit y brough t new dimensions t o the city' s Muslims , a s they di d t o the entir e Nation . Hi s well-honed organizationa l abilitie s quickl y provide d Templ e No , 7 wit h a new leas e o n life . O n Novembe r 14 , 1955 , Malcol m obtaine d a busines s certificate fo r th e "Templ e # 7 Luncheonette, " a new Natio n restauran t tha t would prov e t o b e a n importan t meetin g plac e an d successfu l busines s venture for Ne w York's Muslims. Rather tha n allo w th e templ e t o becom e jus t another "storefron t church " in Harlem , Malcol m establishe d it s lega l presenc e i n th e communit y b y filing a certificate o f incorporation fo r the state, cit y and count y o f New York on Ma y 11 , 1956 . Alon g wit h tw o othe r member s h e i s note d o n th e certificate a s a n "electe d Trustee " o f "Muhammad' s Templ e o f Islam, " th e purpose o f which wa s primarily t o "provide a suitable plac e of worship for its members an d other s i n accordanc e wit h th e Islami c Faith. " Templ e No . 7 was undergoin g expansio n i n Harle m jus t a s Muhammad' s follower s wer e increasing nationwide . According t o Malcolm , h e wa s "directl y involved " wit h th e foundin g o f three more temples through 1955 : Temple No . 1 3 in Springfield , Massachu setts, whic h wa s begu n wit h th e assistanc e o f Osborn e Thaxton , who m Malcolm ha d converte d whil e i n prison ; Templ e No . 1 4 in Hartford , Con necticut; an d Templ e No . 1 5 in Atlanta , Georgia. 15 Malcol m ha d achieve d

J JO • Evangelism and Nation-Building a virtua l organizationa l omnipresenc e tha t allowe d hi m t o pastor mor e tha n one temple , visi t o r plan t others , launc h ne w endeavor s an d programs , confer wit h Muhamma d an d fello w ministers , a s wel l a s maintai n a corre spondence wit h Muslim s ove r their individua l concerns . In one letter to a prison inmat e who Malcolm fel t was "blessed with muc h free time, " h e wrot e a s if reflecting o n hi s own year s of prison study , urgin g the ma n t o "tak e ever y opportunit y t o lear n al l tha t yo u can , i n al l fields of science, an d abou t people in all walks of life . . . fo r in the immediate futur e you wil l b e give n ampl e opportunit y t o utiliz e you r skill s t o you r advantag e and fo r th e upliftin g o f ou r ow n kind. " Hi s words als o reflec t hi s ow n bus y life as the new energizing force o f the Nation: "Your letter reached m e in the midst o f my travels, an d thi s i s my first chance t o answer." There is , i n fact , a kin d o f eschatologica l burde n i n Malcolm' s excitement : "Indee d w e ar e living i n a great day. Man y o f the thing s w e once thought we' d neve r liv e to see are shaping u p before ou r ver y eyes right now. A New World Orde r i s in the making , an d it i s up t o u s to prepare ourselve s tha t w e may b e qualifie d to take our rightfu l plac e i n it. " I t appears, then , tha t Malcol m believe d th e era o f th e blac k man' s liberatio n an d independenc e woul d daw n shortly , according to the millennial notion s of the Nation. Befor e closin g the letter as "Your brothe r an d Servan t Minister, " Malcol m added—i n capita l letters : "ISLAM I S ON TH E MARCH. " One migh t argu e tha t Malcolm' s final advic e t o th e imprisone d Musli m to "stud y har d wher e yo u are . Trai n you r min d t o think , weig h thing s wel l and analiz e [sic] them fo r yourself" 16 reflecte d Muhammad' s philosophy . But i t seems more likel y that thi s counsel cam e as a result of Malcolm's ow n development an d philosophy . In fact , th e intellectua l independenc e tha t Malcol m espouse d woul d ultimately conflic t wit h th e culti c parochialis m o n whic h th e Natio n de pended. A s long a s Malcolm's lov e for critica l analysi s did no t riva l hi s fait h in Elija h Muhammad , suc h encouragemen t woul d benefi t th e movemen t and g o a lon g wa y towar d enhancin g Muhammad' s prestige . However , a free-thinking, studious , an d analytica l ministe r coul d no t foreve r fee l a t home i n Mr . Muhammad' s Nation .

9 From Harle m t o th e Dark Worl d The only uniform that I shall wear is . . . this black skin of mine.

Malcolm X an d hi s Musli m parishioner s mad e a startlin g appearance i n th e publi c ey e o f Ne w Yor k Cit y i n Apri l 1957 , afte r on e o f the Templ e No . 7 members wa s seriously wounde d i n a confrontation wit h policemen i n Harlem . Malcol m relate d th e even t i n hi s autobiography , noting tha t tw o Muslim s ha d interrupte d a polic e actio n durin g whic h tw o white officer s wer e violentl y breakin g u p a sidewal k argument . Whe n th e policemen tol d a gatherin g grou p o f spectator s t o disperse , th e Muslim s refused. Accordin g t o Malcolm , th e polic e the n brutall y attacke d Brothe r Johnson X (Hinton) with a nightstick, leavin g him with a serious head injury , Rather than bein g rushed t o the hospita l fo r medica l attention , th e wounde d Muslim wa s brough t t o Harlem' s 28t h Precinc t b y th e police . Whe n h e began to pray in his jail cell the police beat him again . Not surprisingly , i n hi s autobiograph y Malcol m somewha t minimize d his role in the dramatic series of events that rapidly unfolded afte r th e beating of Johnson X . H e note d tha t th e polic e a t th e 28t h Precinc t a t first denied that the y ha d th e badl y wounde d Musli m i n custody ; h e als o note d tha t members o f Templ e No . 7 an d othe r enrage d member s o f th e Harle m community ha d line d u p outsid e th e polic e statio n and , unde r Malcolm' s

JJJ

112 • From Harlem to the Dark World orders, refuse d t o leav e unti l thei r brothe r Musli m wa s given medica l atten tion. Nevertheless , Malcol m di d no t explain th e entire episode fully, no r did he reflec t jus t how central h e had been t o the whole affair . In fact , Malcol m wa s th e majo r figure i n tw o emergenc y meeting s wit h the polic e department . Th e first meetin g too k plac e o n th e nigh t o f th e incident, whe n Malcol m me t wit h severa l high-leve l representative s o f th e New York City Polic e Department . Th e emergenc y meetin g was held i n th e office o f James Hicks, th e editor of the New York Amsterdam News, who was asked t o mediate . Accordin g t o Hicks , th e polic e official s initiall y trie d t o intimidate Malcolm , tellin g hi m tha t the y woul d no t be g hi m t o as k hi s followers outsid e of the Precinct building to disperse. However, Malcol m calle d thei r bluff, walkin g out of the meetin g withou t saying a word . Th e polic e official s wer e force d t o as k hi m t o retur n t o th e meeting, an d thereafte r foun d themselve s humble d befor e a righteousl y indignant Malcol m X . "Nobod y go t dow n o n hi s knees . Bu t the y bowed, " one historia n conclude d o f the incident . I n effect , Malcol m score d a mora l and psychologica l victor y ove r the police , an d the y would no t soon forge t it . He demande d t o se e Johnso n X an d requeste d tha t h e receiv e medica l attention i f necessary. Th e polic e complied. * Johnson X was in critical condition . Th e beating he received b y the police resulted i n multipl e laceration s o f the skull , a contusion o f the brain , an d a bloodclot tha t necessitate d hospitalization . Whe n Malcol m wa s finally able to hav e hi m move d fro m hi s cel l t o Harle m Hospita l fo r treatment , th e crowd o f Muslim s move d fro m th e polic e statio n i n a n orderl y fashion , followed b y a swellin g crow d o f black nationalist s an d othe r Harlemite s no t affiliated wit h th e Nation . Hick s estimated tha t th e crow d gre w to about two thousand peopl e i n fron t o f the hospital . Alread y frustrate d an d concerned , the polic e departmen t becam e alarme d an d presse d al l availabl e officer s i n the department int o service under the direct command o f the chief inspector . Johnson X was treate d an d release d int o th e custod y o f th e police , wh o returned hi m t o th e 28t h Precinct . Malcolm' s accoun t give s the impressio n that thi s wa s th e clima x o f th e event , bu t actuall y i t continue d furthe r int o the night . Followe d b y hi s Musli m disciple s an d th e thousand s o f othe r Harlemites wh o ha d gathere d a t th e hospital , Malcol m wen t bac k t o th e precinct, marchin g alon g 125t h Street , th e mai n thoroughfar e i n Harlem . Malcolm an d a n attorne y the n discusse d bai l fo r Johnso n X an d th e tw o other Muslim s involved i n the incident . Meanwhile, outsid e the precinct building, th e crowd had grown to several thousand. Whil e they remained peaceful , Hick s recalled, th e sight of orderly

From Harlem to the Dark World • J1 3 Muslim me n an d women , line d alon g both side s of the street for a full bloc k and i n severa l rows , wa s intimidatin g t o th e police , wh o wer e keepin g a nervous watch from inside . Suddenl y Malcol m cam e outside, raise d his arm, and gav e a signal. "An d i t was eerie, becaus e these people jus t faded int o th e night. I t wa s the mos t orderl y movemen t o f four thousan d t o five thousand people I'v e ever seen i n m y life—they jus t simply disappeared—right befor e our eyes. " Th e chie f inspector , wh o wa s standin g nex t t o Hick s a t tha t moment, sai d aloud , "Thi s i s to o muc h powe r fo r on e ma n t o have/ ' Remembering that statement, Hick s commented, "H e meant one black man. I'll neve r forget that." 2 In hi s autobiography , Malcol m state d tha t th e Johnso n X case undoubt edly resulte d i n a ne w awarenes s o f the Natio n o n th e par t o f the N.Y.P.D . The police , Malcol m wrote , "pulle d ou t an d carefull y studie d th e files o n the Natio n o f Islam , an d appraise d u s wit h ne w eyes. " Malcol m wa s right , though i t woul d hav e bee n equall y correc t t o sa y the polic e departmen t wa s appraising Malcolm X with ne w eyes. The polic e departmen t no w too k grea t interes t i n Malcol m X in particu lar, outsid e o f any othe r knowledg e the y ma y hav e ha d o f the Natio n itself . While Johnso n X was still recuperatin g i n th e hospital , th e N.Y.P.D . bega n a desperat e searc h fo r informatio n o n Malcol m X from source s outsid e th e city. O n Ma y 15 , 1957 , th e chie f inspecto r sen t ou t a barrag e o f letter s t o police and priso n official s inquirin g about Malcolm's background . These "Urgen t Report " request s wer e sen t to th e commissione r o f th e Detroit Polic e Department , th e Michigan Parol e Commission , an d th e po lice department s o f Lansing , Michigan , an d Dedha m an d Milton , Massa chusetts—all location s where Malcolm ha d been indicte d for criminal activities a s a youth . Additiona l request s wer e sen t t o th e superintendent s o f th e Concord Reformator y an d th e Charlestow n Stat e Priso n i n Massachusetts . The letter s solicite d ful l report s abou t Malcolm , complet e wit h photograph s "and ful l detail s o f content s o f you r files." Th e recipient s wer e directe d t o telegraph collec t to the police commissioner o f New York City for immediat e acknowledgment, an d t o send all materials by special delivery air mail. Certainly, then , thi s wa s a turnin g poin t fo r th e Muslim s i n Ne w Yor k City, an d fo r Malcol m X in particular . I t i s no t a n exaggeratio n t o sa y tha t after the Johnson X case, Malcolm began to develop into the most watched— and probably the most disturbing—black leade r in New York City in the eyes of la w enforcemen t officials . H e becam e a majo r focu s o f th e N.Y.P.D/ s surveillance program, th e Bureau o f Special Service s (BOSS). Even thoug h al l th e Muslim s involve d i n th e Johnso n X cas e wer e

114 • From Harlem to the Dark World acquitted, th e N.Y.P.D . stil l attempte d t o wi n a gran d jur y indictmen t against Johnso n X seve n month s later . Afte r a gran d jur y summaril y dis missed the charge that Johnson X had been disorderly and resiste d arrest, thi s second lega l victor y fo r th e Muslim s pave d th e wa y fo r th e Natio n t o file a half-million dolla r sui t agains t th e N.Y.P.D. 3 I n addition , Malcol m furthe r wounded th e prid e o f th e polic e departmen t b y dispatchin g a challengin g telegram t o Police Commissioner Stephe n P . Kennedy . "Members o f Muhammad' s Templ e o f Isla m her e i n Harle m ar e greatl y disturbed," Malcol m began . H e note d tha t the philosophy o f the Natio n wa s to obe y an d respec t la w enforcemen t officer s an d tha t Muslim s wer e idea l citizens wh o refraine d fro m vic e an d criminality . H e the n boldl y charge d that Johnson X had bee n "th e victi m o f one o f the mos t savage beatings eve r inflicted upo n a n innocen t huma n bein g sinc e th e day s o f slavery" by "tw o white sadistic policemen o f the 28t h Precinct. " Furthermore , h e pointed ou t that h e ha d bee n i n a meeting wit h hi s attorneys an d deput y commissioner s from th e police department o n April 29 , 195 7 (three days after th e incident) , and tha t thes e polic e representative s "promise d u s tha t a n immediat e an d complete investigatio n woul d take place and that justice would be done" with regard to the "unwarranted act s of criminal brutalit y by these demented whit e members o f the police department." 4 As h e ha d don e i n hi s priso n letters , Malcol m appeale d t o th e suppose d international solidarit y th e Natio n enjoye d wit h th e Islami c world. H e stated that whe n Johnso n X ha d bee n beate n i n hi s jai l cel l whil e attemptin g t o pray to Allah, hi s brutalizers "showed contemp t no t only for his dark skin bu t also for hi s God an d th e religio n o f Islam. Thi s outrageousl y inhuma n act, " Malcolm declared, "incense s not only our fellow citizens of the Harlem area , but also ignites great concern i n the hearts of 600 million son s and daughter s of Allah throughou t th e Moslem world , whic h stretche s from th e China Sea s [sic] t o th e shore s o f West Africa. " Thes e sentiment s wer e clearl y no t thos e of Elijah Muhammad . Malcolm' s nativ e Garveyit e internationalis m an d hi s own growin g affinit y fo r th e Islami c worl d (whic h h e ye t knew only throug h personal contacts ) wer e gradually emergin g an d becomin g mor e an d mor e a part of his black-oriented appeal . Malcolm reminde d th e commissioner tha t Johnson X' s abusers had vainly attempted t o "justify " thei r crim e b y chargin g hi m wit h resistin g arrest , bu t that th e gran d jur y ha d nevertheles s establishe d hi s innocence . "Yo u mus t realize," Malcol m challenged , "tha t thei r heartles s act s wer e withou t jus t cause, an d criminall y wrong . . . . Therefor e w e respectfull y trus t tha t th e confidence impose d i n the promise of your representatives will not be shaken

From Harlem to the Dark World • 115 by you r allowin g thes e prejudice d whit e men , disguise d a s polic e officers > who ar e responsibl e fo r thi s inhuma n ac t o f bruta l savagery , t o remai n o n active duty." 5 One of the deputy commissioners, Walte r Arm, tol d the Amsterdam News that a n investigatio n woul d stil l b e carrie d out , base d o n th e findings o f th e grand jury . However , according t o a Musli m publication , a s lat e a s 196 0 several police investigations had been conducted , wit h n o satisfactory results . Nevertheless, i n hi s autobiography , Malcol m happil y reporte d tha t Johnso n X wa s eventuall y awarde d $70,000 , "th e larges t polic e brutalit y judgmen t that Ne w York City has ever paid. " One o f Malcolm's leadin g biographers believe s that both federa l an d loca l law enforcemen t official s wh o deal t wit h Malcol m carrie d o n a kin d o f "schizoid fight" wit h him . "Th e funn y thin g wa s tha t the y like d him — liked hi m personally , tha t is , eve n whe n the y abhorre d hi s politics, " On e anonymous senio r officia l i n th e N.Y.P.D . eve n wen t so far a s to admit "I f I were a Negro, I' d follo w Malcolm . . . . But I' m no t a Negro, F m no t going to follow him , I' m goin g to fight him." Whethe r th e action s o f law enforce ment official s wer e schizoi d o r not , Malcol m X was considered a n enemy , and th e polic e carrie d o n a surveillanc e campaig n tha t woul d relentlessl y haunt hi m throughou t hi s life. 6 The Ne w Yor k Cit y Polic e Departmen t wa s no t alon e i n it s interes t in Malcol m an d th e Nation . Th e federa l governmen t ha d bee n watchin g Muhammad an d hi s Muslims sinc e the World Wa r I I era, whe n bot h leade r and follower s ha d serve d time i n jai l rather tha n registe r for th e draft. I n fact , in 1957 , th e sam e yea r o f th e Johnso n X case, th e FB I ha d begu n wireta p surveillance o f Elija h Muhammad' s Chicag o residence . Th e FBI' s concer n over th e Natio n an d it s surveillanc e wa r agains t Elija h Muhammad , Mal colm, an d othe r Muslim s forme d th e basi s o f it s late r COINTELPR O (Counter Intelligenc e Program ) operatio n agains t "blac k nationalis t hat e groups" i n 1967-68 . COINTELPR O ha d bee n operativ e sinc e th e 1950s , but i t targete d Communis t an d left-win g group s an d di d no t ye t thin k o f black nationalist movement s a s posing danger t o national security . It was undoubtedly Malcolm' s fancifu l claim , whil e in priso n tha t he was a Communist tha t first caught the attention o f the FBI. I n a letter dated Jun e 29, 1950 , h e wrote : "I have always been a Communist. I have trie d to enlist in the Japanese Army, las t war, no w they will never draft o r accept me i n th e U.S. Army . Everyon e ha s sai d . . . ['jMalcol m i s crazyf] s o i t isn' t har d t o convince peopl e tha t I am. " Perhap s Malcol m wrot e thi s i n th e hop e o f avoiding th e draf t upo n hi s releas e fro m prison ; regardless , th e statemen t

116 • From Harlem to the Dark World attracted th e attention o f the FBI—whic h neve r stoppe d observin g Malcol m thereafter. Malcolm' s mai n file i n th e centra l offic e o f th e FB I consist s o f over tw o thousan d pages ; i n addition , field office s i n othe r citie s kep t thei r own files on Malcol m an d th e Nation, an d th e one in the New York office i s especially large . Ther e i s als o evidenc e tha t th e FB I cooperate d wit h an d drew informatio n fro m th e BOS S progra m o f th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Polic e Department. (BOS S als o cooperate d wit h othe r metropolita n polic e depart ments i n surveillance of the Nation. ) Malcolm wa s thu s caugh t i n a broa d ne t o f governmen t surveillance — constantly tracked, targeted , an d tagged as a subversive. On e FB I agent noted in a n Augus t 196 0 mem o tha t whil e h e wa s conductin g a drive-b y "spo t surveillance" o f Malcolm' s neighborhood , h e wa s apparentl y caugh t i n th e act b y Malcolm , wh o eye d hi m intensel y a s h e drov e dow n th e bloc k an d turned th e corner . Th e agen t recommende d tha t a differen t ca r b e use d i n any futur e surveillanc e o f Malcolm' s home. 7 Considerin g th e breadt h an d depth o f th e government' s surveillanc e program , thi s inciden t wa s fairl y insignificant, bu t i t reflects Malcolm' s awarenes s of surveillance an d suggest s his refusal t o be intimidated b y it. Malcolm's influenc e wa s growing in dimension s tha t transcended geogra phy. The Johnson X case had won him th e esteem of the Harlem communit y as much a s it garnered th e sobering attention o f the police. Accordin g to FBI sources, Malcol m wielde d a grea t dea l o f influenc e i n th e movemen t an d was probabl y th e "Numbe r Two Man " afte r Elija h Muhammad . Malcol m recalled i n hi s autobiograph y tha t fro m tim e t o tim e h e wa s "chastised" — gently scolded—b y Muhamma d fo r pushin g th e member s harde r tha n the y could bear . Still, Elija h Muhammad' s reprimand s were made as if to a favored son ; in return, Malcol m guarde d Elija h Muhamma d zealously . Whe n h e was away from Muhammad , whethe r o n th e roa d o r teaching in one of the establishe d temples, "Malcolm' s thinkin g was defined b y his total commitment t o Elija h Muhammad," and h e fervently protecte d the Nation's interests as if they were his own father's legacy . Whe n besid e him i n Chicago, Malcol m guarded hi m with equa l fervor . Fo r example , whe n on e unidentifie d phon e calle r tried t o reach Muhamma d a t hom e i n th e hop e o f arrangin g a meeting , Malcol m intercepted th e inquiry , puttin g the caller off bluntly: "We are too busy." 8 One sourc e i n particula r claime d tha t Malcolm' s influenc e wa s s o grea t that h e wa s able t o convinc e Elijah Muhamma d t o accept an d adop t teach ings that wer e formerly "contrar y t o th e teaching s o f the [Natio n o f Islam]." He offere d a s a n exampl e th e fac t tha t Malcol m apparentl y go t Elija h

From Harlem to the Dark World * 117 Muhammad t o grant his ministers permission t o use Muslim-styled surname s instead o f the standar d "X " (Malcolm's wa s Shabazz, whic h wa s the "famil y name o f the Nation itself) . Whil e th e source was sure that Malcol m was still "genuinely convinced " o f Elija h Muhammad' s divin e apostleship , thi s per son nevertheless maintained tha t Malcolm was asserting himself in new ways: "[Malcolm] ha s becom e les s dependent o n Muhamma d an d seem s t o mak e many smal l da y t o da y decision s o n hi s own , o n whic h h e previousl y ha d consulted Muhammad. " It appears , however , tha t Malcolm' s scop e o f concern i n th e Natio n wa s not restricte d t o "small " decisions only . I n 1957 , on e FB I sourc e i n Detroi t noted tha t Malcol m X was lobbying to have his brother, Wilfre d X , installe d as the new minister o f Detroit's Temple No . 1 . According to the same report, while h e wa s carrying o n a successful two-wee k speakin g engagemen t there , Malcolm openl y expresse d dissatisfactio n t o Muhamma d ove r th e ineffi ciency o f the ministe r o f Temple No . 1 . Further , i t was likely that Malcol m X himsel f fe d victoriou s report s o f thos e Detroi t meeting s bac k t o Harlem' s New York Amsterdam News —probably i n th e hop e o f encouraging hi s own parishioners an d furthe r glorifyin g th e Natio n befor e th e blac k community . In fact , th e Amsterdam News note d tha t Malcol m "directe d th e progres s o f the Detroi t Moslems " for tw o month s durin g 1957 , probabl y befor e th e ne w minister, Wilfre d X , ha d bee n installed. 9 As Malcol m recounted , b y lat e 195 8 h e exhauste d himsel f "tryin g t o b e everywhere a t once , tryin g t o hel p th e Natio n t o keep growing/' H e di d no t mention tha t his exhausting schedule had already landed hi m i n Manhattan' s Sydenham Hospita l fro m Octobe r 3 0 t o Novembe r 2 , 1957 . Apparentl y Malcolm—who loathe d havin g t o slee p eve n severa l hour s a day—ha d pushed himsel f t o the point o f what he feare d wa s a coronary condition , Bu t he onl y ha d a n inflammatio n aroun d th e ribs—a n apparen t sig n o f stres s and exhaustio n tha t require d hi m t o take several days of rest in the hospital. True t o form , th e da y afte r h e wa s released , o n Novembe r 3 , Malcol m rushed u p to Boston fo r the dedication o f the new Nation temple . B y the end of the month, h e had spoke n i n Washington, D.C. , a t a Nation banque t and then flown t o th e Wes t Coas t fo r a rigorou s roun d o f preaching, A s long as he believed i n Muhammad , i t seems, Malcol m X was indefatigable. 10 With hi s increase d fam e i n th e Nation , Malcol m bega n t o diversif y hi s influence i n th e movement , bot h locall y an d nationally . A s th e Natio n continued t o expand , Malcol m wa s no t onl y intricatel y involve d wit h ever y new templ e tha t wa s founded, bu t h e becam e virtuall y a n extensio n o f Mr , Muhammad himself . Thus , speakin g befor e a Musli m audienc e i n Troy ,

J IS • From Harlem to the Dark World New York , i n 1957 , h e introduce d himsel f a s a "traveling emissar y t o teac h the truth regardin g the religio n o f Islam." Malcolm ha d undoubtedl y seize d th e rol e o f Muhammad' s "travelin g emissary" long before h e announced i t as such. Movin g from cit y to city, h e sought t o introduc e th e Natio n t o loca l blac k communitie s bot h b y organizing an d presidin g ove r specia l programs . Sometime s thes e program s wer e somewhat differen t fro m hi s speaking engagements a t the temples ; they were both publi c relation s an d evangelisti c endeavor s carefull y designe d t o attrac t a broader rang e of the Africentric member s o f the community . One suc h even t wa s hosted b y Malcolm X in Newark , Ne w Jersey , earl y in 1955 . The affai r wa s labeled "Brotherhoo d o f Our Own, " and h e used th e parishioners fro m Ne w York' s Temple No . 7 as the hostin g staff. I n anothe r special even t i n 1957 , Malcol m an d th e Newar k Natio n ministe r hoste d a dinner commemoratin g th e Musli m feas t o f Ramadan . Th e FB I informan t who attended recalle d tha t Malcol m woul d giv e orders to the Newar k minis ter "in a very emphatic manner. " A year after Malcol m ha d gon e down t o Atlanta fo r the founding o f a new Nation temple , h e returne d ther e a s Elija h Muhammad' s representativ e i n the "Firs t Souther n Goodwil l Tou r o f th e Brotherhoo d o f Islam, " whic h began o n Augus t 25 , 1956 . On e FB I informan t wh o carefull y observe d th e program note d tha t Malcol m mad e everythin g appea r lik e "clock-work. " According t o th e Pittsburgh Courier th e progra m wa s n o smal l effor t o n the par t o f th e Nation . Apparentl y seve n Natio n minister s attende d wit h representatives from variou s temples—including newl y established ones such as those in Baltimore, Atlanti c City, an d Lansing . The conventio n meetin g o f the "Goodwil l Tour " too k plac e i n th e mai n auditorium o f an African Methodis t Episcopa l (Zion ) church i n Atlanta, an d Malcolm preside d a s Muhammad' s representative . "W e ar e no t her e t o judge," Malcol m declare d fro m a borrowe d Christia n pulpit , "bu t t o teach ; not t o divide , bu t t o unite. " Accordin g t o a sympatheti c Easter n Musli m journalist, th e tour resemble d a n invasion , sinc e it was designed t o penetrate a traditiona l Christia n stronghold . Th e sam e write r note d tha t a s a resul t o f the tour, th e Atlanta Temple double d it s membership. n Not al l o f Malcolm' s mission s wer e s o glorious; some o f the fields where he ferventl y sowe d seed s for Muhamma d di d no t yield a satisfactory harvest . For example , i n 1958 , Malcol m wa s assigne d fo r tw o month s t o th e Wes t Coast t o d o wha t on e FB I sourc e calle d "promotio n work " fo r th e Nation . He wa s based i n Lo s Angeles, wher e h e ha d founde d Templ e No . 2 7 abou t a yea r earlier . I n Normandi e Hall , a rente d facility , Malcol m pummele d

From Harlem to the Dark World • J J 9 away a t th e Unite d State s an d Christianity . Pointin g t o a U.S . flag i n th e room, Malcol m declared , "Thi s represent s ou r enemy. " H e the n pointe d t o a phot o o f a lynche d blac k ma n and—stil l imputin g th e flag—concluded: "As you know , thi s i s all w e ever got from it. " At the surface , suc h dramati c and controversia l presentation s seeme d t o evok e a n enthusiasti c respons e from th e attendants ; an FB I source conclude d tha t Malcolm' s speeche s wer e so rousin g tha t audience s gav e quit e liberall y i n th e collections , Still , som e of th e olde r Natio n member s expresse d som e concer n ove r Malcolm' s "in flammatory" comments . Thoug h Malcol m wa s generall y wel l received , h e personally fel t th e results of his emotion-packed preachin g were substandard . In on e o f hi s las t sermon s befor e returnin g t o th e Eas t Coast , h e seeme d visibly annoyed, according to an FB I observer , an d openl y lamente d tha t hi s Los Angele s endeavo r wa s no t ver y successful—tha t h e ha d foun d i t t o b e one of the hardest cities in which t o win converts. Not al l o f Malcolm' s mission s wer e planne d i n advance , no r wer e the y necessarily pleasan t i n th e challenge s the y offered . On e FB I sourc e claime d that Malcol m wa s no t onl y activ e i n polic y makin g i n th e Nation , bu t h e had clearly assumed the role of "trouble shooter." He was thus weighed down with a variety of problems, includin g the bureaucratic duty of fund-raising — or finding othe r way s of directing members ' mone y int o the centra l treasur y of the Nation . I n hi s ow n Ne w Yor k temple, Malcol m advise d parishioner s who ha d $40 0 to $50 0 to send i t directly t o Elija h Muhammad , wh o woul d invest i t fo r them . Anothe r tim e h e informe d th e membershi p the y wer e being taxe d a t 3 percen t fo r a centra l fun d supposedl y se t asid e t o buil d new temples. Invariably, Natio n constituent s woul d as k Malcol m i n publi c wha t th e position o f th e movemen t wa s i n regar d t o draf t registratio n an d militar y service. N o doubt awar e that FBI informant s wer e in his audience, Malcol m still showed support for those who decided no t to join up, though h e carefull y told hi s listener s tha t thi s wa s a n individua l decision . A s for himself , Mal colm declared , pointin g t o hi s ow n face : "I'l l tel l the m an d an y othe r whit e man's governmen t tha t th e onl y unifor m tha t I shall wea r i s this on e here , this black skin of mine." Malcolm coul d b e jus t a s blunt wit h hi s ow n follower s a s h e wa s i n th e face o f anonymou s FB I informants . I n th e cas e o f on e templ e wher e Mal colm wa s authorize d t o tak e command , hi s first ac t wa s immediatel y t o dismiss al l th e officer s appointe d b y th e previou s minister . H e als o wielde d an iro n ro d whe n i t cam e t o "churc h discipline. " H e firmly suspende d members fo r ninety-da y period s for variou s ethica l an d organizationa l viola -

120 • From Harlem to the Dark World tions, an d eve n excommunicate d on e member o f Temple No . 7 "for harbor ing beliefs" against Natio n doctrine s and fo r threatenin g an d slanderin g him . So fervent wa s Malcolm i n administerin g thi s ecclesiastical punishmen t tha t he eve n remove d on e o f hi s closes t assistant s wh o ha d no t immediatel y reported thes e problem s t o him . H e i s sai d t o hav e antagonize d anothe r member, wh o happene d t o be a n office r i n Chicago' s Templ e No . 2 , t o the point tha t th e ma n eventuall y lef t th e movement . Accordin g t o on e source , Malcolm ha d taunte d an d threatene d hi m fo r no t havin g succeede d i n converting his wife to "Islam." 12 As th e Natio n continue d t o grow , incidents o f conflic t simila r t o th e Johnson X case bega n t o occu r i n differen t part s o f the country . Jus t befor e its annual conventio n i n Chicag o i n Februar y 1957 , Malcol m X received a call fo r emergenc y assistanc e fro m som e Muslim s i n Alabam a wh o ha d clashed wit h loca l police . Th e conflic t occurre d whe n tw o Musli m women , en rout e t o th e convention , chos e t o si t i n a "white s only " benc h a t th e Flomaton, Alabama , statio n o f the L & N Railroad . Railroa d official s imme diately calle d a local sherif f t o come and remov e the women fro m thei r seat , and th e women cooperated . However , th e two women wer e accompanied b y two mal e companion s wh o wer e les s pron e t o yiel d i n th e fac e o f injustice . When th e sherif f demande d t o see their "papers " and pulle d hi s gun fro m it s holster, th e tw o Musli m me n struc k back . Beate n somewha t badly , th e sheriff scurried int o his office, locke d the door, an d called for reinforcements . The tw o Muslim me n wer e eventually arrested and charge d wit h battery with intent to kill. Though h e mus t hav e bee n i n th e mids t o f conventio n preparations , Malcolm flew south, apparentl y equipped wit h the necessary monies to cover legal expenses for the Muslims . Accordin g to one report , th e county solicito r told Malcol m tha t upo n learnin g th e tw o me n wer e Muslim s an d no t "ou r boys," h e warne d hi s officer s t o leav e the m alone , fining th e tw o Muslim s $226 each , whic h on e renowne d blac k journalis t considere d "a n unbeliev ably light sentence." Speaking of the inciden t later before th e Boston congregation, Malcol m sai d tha t th e Muslim s i n Flomato n ha d disarme d an d beaten th e policeman "wit h the help of Allah." 13 Another inciden t involvin g Malcolm' s interventio n occurre d muc h close r to home. Whil e h e was away in Bosto n o n Ma y 14 , 1958 , two police officer s attempted t o gain entr y int o the two-story , two-famil y residenc e whic h Mal colm an d hi s ne w wife , Betty , share d wit h som e othe r Muslim s i n th e Corona (Queens ) area o f New York City. H The pretext of the police visit was to spea k wit h someon e who , accordin g t o th e Musli m wome n present , di d

From Harlem to the Dark World • 121 not resid e at the house . However , th e polic e officer s persiste d b y attemptin g to gain entr y and wer e forcefully shu t out. Th e officer s purportedl y left , the n returned wit h a thir d officer , an d violentl y force d thei r wa y int o th e house through anothe r door. The Muslims , mos t o f the m women , fough t bac k furiousl y agains t th e police, wh o fired thei r gun s throug h th e doo r an d int o th e house . Eve n though tw o o f th e officer s wer e badl y wounded , the y wen t o n a rampag e through th e entir e building , burstin g throug h al l th e inne r residences , an d forcing th e women an d childre n int o the street, wher e they were arrested. B y the tim e Malcol m wa s alerte d an d wa s abl e t o retur n home , a Musli m demonstration ha d forme d outsid e o f the 114t h Precinc t building . Malcol m was able t o brea k of f th e demonstration , gai n bai l fo r th e releas e o f mos t of the arreste d Muslims , an d immediatel y initiat e lega l action . Ultimately , al l the Muslims involve d were exonerated, 15 an d Malcolm , eve r more consciou s of global issues , declared tha t the Unite d State s government did no t need "t o look to 'foreign instigation ' to see why America i s so hated abroad, bu t should look right here i n America wher e the Gestapo tactics of the white police who patrol Negr o neighborhood s ar e simila r t o thos e use d b y 'occupatio n forces ' when th e conquerin g armie s take over and ente r int o 'occupied territories. ' " This time , however , Malcolm' s globa l reference s apparentl y ha d som e sub stance. Th e Courier note d i n passin g tha t representative s o f African-Asia n nations had "besiege d th e Moslems for details of the case." 16 It i s tru e tha t Malcol m believe d tha t th e Natio n "offere d a communit y and a value system whic h bestowe d meanin g upo n hi s life a s a human being and upo n black s as an African people." It was in Malcolm' s blood t o speak of Africa an d Africans , give n hi s awarenes s o f th e Garveyit e tradition . O n August 1 , 1957 , h e too k tim e ou t o f a nationwid e tou r t o appea r a s th e sensational gues t speaker at a Marcus Garve y Da y Celebration, sponsore d by the Unite d Africa n Nationalis t Movement— a Harlem-base d organizatio n that was, for all intent s and purposes , th e Nation's competitor . Still, Malcol m ha d t o conform t o the rhetoric as well as to the ideology of Elijah Muhamma d an d W . D . Fard , whic h spok e o f black peopl e a s bein g "black" an d "Asiatic," but no t a s "African. " Abou t a wee k afte r h e spok e a t the Marcu s Garve y Da y Celebration i n Harlem , h e lecture d th e Muslim s of the Bosto n Templ e that , i n fact , the y wer e "Asiati c blac k Muslims , owner s and maker s o f everything, fathe r o f all civilization." 17 I t seems that Malcol m had on e ey e o n Chicago , an d th e othe r ey e o n Africa . However , unlik e Elijah Muhammad , wh o apparentl y ha d neve r hel d seriou s aspiration s t o reach eastward , b y th e mid-to-lat e 1950 s Malcol m spok e mor e an d mor e

122 • From Harlem to the Dark World about th e "Dar k World, " which seem s to have been a n inclusiv e phras e tha t could pleas e th e Nation' s Asiati c leaning s whil e servin g a s a vehicl e fo r Malcolm's ow n Garveyit e orientation . In hi s rousin g sermons , Malcol m sough t t o ta p int o th e revolutionar y current tha t wa s pulsin g throug h me n an d wome n o f colo r worldwide . Unlike Elija h Muhammad , whos e provincia l wa r cry was "to get on t o your own kind " (meanin g a n exclusiv e blac k America n community) , Malcol m wanted hi s listener s t o tak e their cu e from "th e fast-awakenin g dar k nations , who ar e tossin g of f th e yok e o f whit e imperialism, " an d t o begi n t o se e themselves a s a key part of the Dar k World . Black people, declare d Malcolm , wer e now "in a most unique an d strate gic position," which h e compare d t o the scriptura l characterization s o f Dan iel i n Babylonia n captivit y an d Josep h i n Egyptia n bondage—slave s wh o ultimately possesse d a divin e advantag e ove r thei r oppressors: 18 "W e affec t both foreig n an d domestic policy. " The majorit y o f earth's people are non-white (Africans an d Asians). Today they are beginning t o realize that this white man ca n no t [sic] lov e or treat them an y better than he (in sincerity) can love or treat us. Thus we become the yardstick by which all dark nation s o f eart h ca n measur e th e rea l attitud e o f th e whit e publi c her e i n America, as well as the attitude of her president.19 It is very unlikel y tha t Malcol m dre w the notio n o f black Americans bein g a "yardstick" fro m th e conservative , monocultura l worldvie w o f Elija h Mu hammad. However , h e seeme d t o believ e tha t Muhammad' s wor k wa s "o f equal importanc e t o th e entir e dar k world, " an d coul d hel p "ou r ow n kin d the worl d over. " T o emphasiz e Elija h Muhammad' s importance , Malcol m cited a biblical tex t from th e Hebre w prophet, Malachi : "Behold, I am going to sen d yo u Elija h th e prophe t befor e th e comin g o f th e grea t an d terribl e day of the Lord. An d he will restore the hearts of the fathers to their children , and th e heart s of the children t o their fathers, les t I come an d smit e the land with a curs e (5:6). " Hi s us e o f Malachi' s "Elija h th e prophet " tex t wa s n o innovation o n hi s part ; Muhamma d an d hi s Muslim s ha d alread y appro priated i t as one o f their centra l proof-text s prio r t o Malcolm's entr y int o th e Nation. Wha t wa s uniqu e abou t Malcolm' s usag e wa s it s ne w internationa l application t o th e Dar k World . "Ou r peopl e o f th e Eas t mus t lear n t o se e that ou r fight is theirs and thei r fight is ours," Malcolm concluded . I n short , Elijah Muhamma d wa s to be the divine link between th e fathers o f the Dar k World an d thei r black children los t in the wilderness of North America . Malcolm wa s reaching , perhap s gropin g a t first, towar d a worl d wher e

From Harlem to the Dark World • J2 3 men an d wome n o f color were the norm , an d wher e a black ma n coul d find strength i n numbers . Rathe r tha n se e the Natio n a s a minority grou p withi n a minorit y community , Malcolm' s vie w o f th e Natio n spirale d outwar d i n ever-growing circle s o f dar k humanity . Whil e lecturin g i n Muhammad' s small, urba n templ e o r writin g i n hi s littl e atti c stud y i n Queens , Malcol m saw himself , b y virtu e o f rac e an d religion , a s standin g behin d a globa l podium, summonin g th e attention o f the Dark World : O, dark nations of the East, know this: there are over seventeen millio n of us here in America who are being awakened by the Honorable Elijah Muhammad , Thoug h we have lon g been a s "dead," we know today tha t w e are your lon g los t brothers. W e have bee n a dead (enslaved ) nation , thoug h w e outnumber man y o f you wh o are recognized as free nations. 20 Malcolm continue d b y saying to his imaginar y Dar k Worl d audienc e tha t if numerical strengt h wer e th e "yardstic k for nationhoo d w e woul d hav e lon g ago out-qualifie d man y o f you. " However , accordin g t o Malcolm , Elija h Muhammad wa s now "qualifying" hi s people in the Unite d State s by supplying the m wit h th e "missin g basi c factors"—intellectual , spiritual , an d eco nomic independence . Where al l other s wh o trie d hav e failed , Messenge r Muhamma d i s putting u s as a nation bac k on th e pat h towar d home . . . soon w e shall be making effort s t o unite ourselves with you. We have been told by Almighty Allah that we must return to our own kind. Therefore, O brothers of the East . .. d o not reject u s or turn your backs upon us , les t yo u incu r th e wrat h o f Ou r Savior , Almight y Go d Allah , W e must return to our own kind.21 It had bee n Elija h Muhammad' s aspiratio n t o be saved , i n som e vagu e an d remote sense , ou t o f "th e wildernes s o f Nort h America. " However , Mal colm—invoking th e curse of Fard himself—wa s attemptin g to build a genuine bridg e fro m Wes t t o Eas t ou t o f th e fragment s an d strand s o f Muham mad's culti c doctrines . Unlik e Elija h Muhammad , Malcol m X wa s trul y looking eastward. This i s undoubtedly wh y Malcolm mad e sure he was on han d to greet two Indonesian leader s who came to see Harlem i n July 195 7 and were welcomed by Harlem' s leadin g clergyma n an d politician , Ada m Clayto n Powell , Jr . Powell, wh o ha d bee n th e onl y Africa n America n t o atten d th e Afro-Asia n Bandung Conferenc e i n 1955 , ha d invite d thes e leader s t o com e an d se e Harlem fo r themselves . I n a public reception , Malcol m welcome d th e East ern visitor s o n behal f o f Elija h Muhammad , an d commende d Powel l fo r

124 • From Harlem to the Dark World showing "great wisdom an d foresight " i n invitin g them. Malcol m continued : "The 9 0 millio n Moslem s i n Indonesi a ar e onl y a smal l par t o f th e 60 0 million mor e i n othe r part s o f th e Dar k World , Asi a an d Africa. " Again , Malcolm linke d Africa n American s wit h th e Dar k Worl d vis-a-vi s Islam : "We her e i n Americ a wer e o f th e Mosle m worl d befor e bein g brough t int o slavery, an d toda y with th e entire dark world awakening , ou r Mosle m broth ers in the East have a great interest i n ou r welfare. " In anothe r event , a "feast " hel d b y th e Natio n i n th e sam e month , Malcolm invite d man y "notable s fro m th e Mosle m World, " includin g tw o United Nation s representatives , th e Syria n envoy , an d th e attach e o f th e Egyptian delegation . I n hi s welcoming address , h e sounde d th e sam e them e of "th e unifyin g power s o f Islam " bringin g togethe r al l th e Muslim s o f th e world. "I n fact, " Malcol m declared , "Isla m i s the greates t unifyin g forc e i n the Dar k Worl d today . Th e unit y o f 600 Millio n Moslem s fro m th e Chin a Sea t o th e shore s o f West Africa , i s a forc e an d a facto r tha t ha s lon g bee n recognized b y the major power s of the world." 22 This wa s th e sam e them e Malcol m ha d use d seve n year s earlie r t o threaten priso n official s i n Massachusetts , an d th e polic e commissione r o f New Yor k Cit y onl y severa l month s before . Bu t no w Malcol m wa s turnin g the idea o f the Nation' s plac e i n th e Islamic world int o an appeal—directin g it t o th e Dar k Worl d itself : "We ar e callin g upo n ou r 60 0 Millio n Mosle m Brothers o f th e Eas t t o suppor t Messenge r Elija h Muhamma d i n thi s grea t work, tha t he may resurrect the so-called Negroe s here in America from thei r graves o f ignorance." 23 Malcol m wa s clearly callin g fo r th e attentio n o f th e Muslim worl d a s a whole, whethe r Asiati c o r African. Thoug h h e undoubt edly supported Africa n independence , h e was not yet in a position t o emphasize the essential Africanism o f blacks in the Unite d States . Still, Malcol m wa s watching Africa. Whe n h e was in Detroit i n the fall of 1957, givin g a talk , th e finance ministe r fro m Ghana , wh o wa s visiting th e United States , wa s mistake n fo r a n Africa n America n i n a restauran t i n Dover, Delaware . Th e Ghanaia n official , K . A . Gbedemah , wa s shocke d when h e wa s snubbe d b y both a whit e waitres s an d th e restauran t manage r because h e wa s black ; h e immediatel y lodge d a complain t wit h th e U.S . State Department . Malcol m foun d i t interestin g that , shortl y afterward , President Eisenhowe r personall y apologize d t o Gbedema h an d invite d hi m to th e Whit e Hous e fo r breakfast . Malcol m pointe d ou t t o th e Detroi t Muslims tha t th e inciden t prove d tha t "foreig n blac k people " ar e no t mis treated; onl y blac k peopl e wit h "th e slavemaster' s name " were abuse d i n th e United States. 24

From Harlem to the Dark World • 125 Undoubtedly, Malcol m wa s lookin g eastwar d fo r th e sak e o f th e Nation ^ and he envisioned tha t such an internationa l affiliatio n wit h the dark Muslim world woul d obligat e whites, b y reason o f embarrassment o r fear, t o practice racial justice . A t th e sam e time , h e believe d tha t i f th e Africa n America n community coul d b e "raised fro m th e grave " of the Christian Negr o mental ity, i t migh t als o become a vital facto r i n swayin g the policie s o f the Unite d States in favor o f the Dark World. I n a very real sense, this was an adaptatio n of th e Garveyit e notio n tha t a n independen t Afric a an d a politicall y an d economically unifie d blac k Americ a coul d b e mutuall y beneficia l t o al l blacks worldwide . However , Malcol m wa s als o carryin g th e burde n o f Is lam—and Elija h Muhammad' s Islam , n o less. Ironically, b y reachin g towar d th e Dar k Worl d an d it s Islami c faith , Malcolm initiate d a ne w phas e i n th e evolutio n o f hi s ow n religiou s an d political understanding . B y inviting the attention o f Asians and African s an d seeking a bon d wit h th e Islami c communit y worldwide , Malcol m expose d himself to greater realizations that would, i n time, force hi m t o move beyond the border s o f the Nation . A t first, he would attemp t t o bring the movemen t and it s leader along with hi m i n thi s new direction. However , th e further h e moved towar d th e East , th e mor e h e foun d tha t th e border s o f th e Nation , like Elijah Muhamma d himself , wer e rigidly cultic. Malcol m woul d eventu ally discover that no one in Mecc a eve r heard o f W. D . Fard .

PROLOGUE

In th e sprin g o f 1964 , Malcol m X foun d himsel f movin g along i n a vibrant huma n strea m o f pilgrims, a multicolored, multiculture d mass o f traveler s wh o seeme d t o mov e a s a singl e bod y an d whos e onl y purpose it was to worship the One Go d i n absolute unity * This was the Hajj , the pilgrimage made (if possible) by all true Muslims to Mecca, th e holiest of all holy sites in the Islamic world. Dressed i n th e humbl e an d mandator y outfi t o f th e pilgrim , Malcol m wore tw o whit e towel s wrappe d aroun d hi s body . Th e rida was wrappe d a t the neck and shoulders, leavin g bare his right shoulder and arm; the izar was folded aroun d hi s loins. Th e onl y other essential s were the nal, a plain pai r of sandals, an d a simple belt and bag for carrying money and persona l items , Along wit h myria d othe r pilgrim s dresse d th e sam e way , Malcol m ha d circumambulated th e ancien t blac k ston e house , th e Ka'ba, seve n times — and, unabl e t o touch it , o r even dra w close to it because o f the great crowd, Malcolm crie d out , "Takbir! " ("God i s great!") Guarded b y his mutawaf{th% pilgrim's guide ) fro m th e grea t circula r flow of humanity aroun d th e Ra'ba , Malcolm prostrate d himsel f an d praye d tw o Musli m prayers , calle d rak'as. He then drank water from th e well of Zem Ze m and ran between the ancien t 129

J 30 • Prologue hills calle d Saf a an d Marwa , wher e Muslim s believ e Hagar , th e concubin e of Abraham , sough t wate r fo r Ishmael , he r son . A s Malcol m recalle d hi s pilgrimage, h e also traveled o n foot from sunris e until noon, reachin g Moun t Arafat, wher e h e an d other s praye d an d chante d unti l sunset . Wit h hand s lifted, th e blac k pilgri m declared : "Ther e i s n o Go d bu t Allah . H e ha s n o partner. Hi s are authority an d praise . Goo d emanate s from Him , an d H e has power ove r al l things. " Finally , Malcolm , followin g th e ancien t tradition , threw seven stone s at the devil. l In th e immediat e aftermat h o f Malcolm' s Haj j experience , h e penne d numerous letter s an d postcard s t o family , friends , an d associate s i n th e United States , sharin g hi s experiences . However , wha t wa s centra l t o al l o f Malcolm's excite d communication s wa s th e unit y an d brotherhoo d h e wit nessed among this international bod y of believers: There were tens of thousands of pilgrims, from al l over the world. They were of all colors, from blue-eyed blonds to black-skinned Africans. Bu t we were all participating in the sam e ritual, displayin g a spirit of unity and brotherhoo d tha t my experiences in Americ a ha d le d m e t o believ e neve r coul d exis t betwee n th e whit e an d th e non-white.2 This wa s a far cr y fro m th e tauntin g an d merciles s voic e tha t ha d becom e a finely honed weapo n i n th e servic e o f th e Nation . I t wa s certainl y unusua l for Malcol m t o speak of "blue-eyed blonds " without also speaking of "devils"; but i t wa s eve n mor e unusua l fo r hi m t o spea k o f white s an d non-white s cooperating, i n any sense of the word, i n "unity and brotherhood. " Typically, a s hi s stor y ha s bee n tol d an d retold—beginnin g wit h The Autobiography of Malcolm X—th e Haj j marke d th e beginnin g o f a ne w phase i n Malcolm' s life . A s the story goes, he came to Mecca a s Malcolm X, still carrying the scent of Elijah Muhammad' s fire, and lef t a s "El Haj j Mali k El Shabazz, " th e pilgri m wh o ha s suddenl y awakene d t o th e rea l possibilit y of racial reconciliation . Ther e is , o f course, validit y i n seein g Malcolm X in contrast to El Haj j Malik , fo r Malcolm' s pilgrimage did mark a turning point in hi s lif e an d career . However , th e dram a o f th e Haj j wa s hardl y th e beginning o f thi s grea t chang e i n Malcolm' s life ; indeed , i t migh t b e mor e appropriately considere d th e end o f his second conversion . Malcolm di d no t com e t o Mecc a i n 196 4 withou t an y knowledg e o f traditional Islam ; his familiarity wit h the religio n o f the prophet Muhamma d dated bac k man y years , eve n t o hi s day s i n th e Massachusett s stat e priso n facilities. H e ha d me t rea l Muslim s al l alon g th e wa y i n hi s dramati c

Prologue • J3 J postprison sojourn , an d th e farther h e traveled i n carrying the message of the Nation, th e mor e h e seeme d t o b e confronte d b y th e realit y o f Elija h Muhammad's questionabl e for m o f Islam . Bu t Malcol m X wa s a tru e be liever i n Elija h Muhammad , an d hi s religiou s confidenc e wa s mor e tha n sufficient compensatio n fo r al l th e othe r dubiou s aspect s o f th e Nation' s doctrine. This religiou s securit y was reinforced b y Malcolm's central organizationa l position i n the movement and the satisfaction h e gained in working on behalf of hi s blac k people—thi s ques t wa s virtuall y hi s birthright a s a Garveyit e offspring. Yet , ironically , Malcolm' s Garveyit e spiri t gav e hi m a predisposition towar d som e kind o f black internationalism, an d the more h e groped fo r such a perspective, th e more he was forced t o handle genuine Islam . For th e bette r par t o f his career a s Elijah Muhammad' s chie f spokesman , it wa s on e o f Malcolm' s greates t feat s t o prov e tha t th e Isla m o f th e Natio n and th e Isla m o f Mecca wer e of the sam e letter an d spirit . Inevitably , suc h a cultic crusad e dre w hi m close r an d close r t o Islam , ver y likel y creatin g religious tension s withi n hi m tha t h e wa s constrained t o face alone . A s long as Malcolm X remained o n th e devote d vanguar d o f the Nation' s advancin g campaign h e eithe r woul d no t o r coul d no t se e th e problemati c natur e o f Elijah Muhammad' s Islam . When, i n lat e 1963 , Malcol m fel l fro m grac e i n th e Nation , hi s secon d conversion trul y began . Lik e hi s first conversion , h e di d no t immediatel y embrace hi s newfoun d faith . Th e sojour n tha t culminate d i n th e Haj j le d him downward , a s i f on som e anguished , Dantea n pat h tha t first descended into tormen t befor e ascendin g t o paradise . Cas t ou t o f Muhammad' s king dom, Malcol m ha d t o underg o a proces s o f separatio n befor e h e coul d completely embrac e traditiona l Islam . H e ha d t o brea k al l religiou s tie s t o Elijah Muhammad—redefinin g ever y essentia l doctrin e o f hi s faith , fro m the nature o f Allah t o the natur e of the devil. All the mor e dramatic, then , wa s the final ritual of Malcolm's Hajj , whe n he picked seve n stone s to cast at an invisibl e devil. Wit h eac h ston e cast, th e last culti c thread s tha t boun d Malcol m t o Elija h Muhamma d wer e finally severed. Fo r twelv e year s o f his publi c life , h e ha d hurle d word s lik e stone s at the "devil" white man who m h e could see . Now , i n Mecca, h e hurled rea l stones a t a devil who m h e coul d no t see. I n s o doing, h e ha d emerge d fro m the cultic netherworld int o the sunlight of a genuine religion . The Haj j mark s th e secon d momen t i n th e religiou s sojour n o f Malcol m X. Lik e th e first moment , thi s secon d religiou s momen t i s dramati c an d

J 32 • Prologue powerful. However , th e latte r no t onl y succeed s th e former , bu t als o super sedes it—no t onl y i n th e literar y flow o f Malcolm' s autobiography , bu t especially i n his religious experience . In man y way s E l Haj j (o r Hajji ) Mali k Shabaz z i s identica l t o Malcol m X. Popula r commentarie s o n Malcolm' s lif e ten d t o distor t th e significanc e of the Hajj wit h regar d t o his social and political understandin g of the Unite d States. Tha t man y assum e Malcol m X took th e nam e Mali k Shabaz z afte r making th e Haj j ma y symboliz e th e frequen t biographica l misinterpretatio n of Malcolm X as well. Actually , Malcol m ha d alread y use d th e nam e Mali k Shabazz whil e stil l i n th e Nation ; h e becam e E l Haj j Mali k onc e h e mad e the sacre d pilgrimag e an d converte d t o Sunn i Islam . Likewise , Malcol m X did no t become a "new man," nor did h e ever impugn hi s former analysi s of racism i n th e Unite d State s afte r goin g t o Mecca . Th e Haj j di d no t tur n Malcolm int o an integrationis t o r a liberal. Nevertheless, th e Haj j profoundl y influence d Malcolm' s entir e worldview—socially, politicall y an d religiously . Finall y fre e fro m th e Na tion, h e wa s able t o cast aside cultic racia l idea s and adop t a kind o f theistic humanism. I n a very real sense, the Hajj influence d Malcol m X by changing his view of humanity without underminin g hi s view of race. A n awareness of this influenc e require s a n understandin g o f Malcolm' s earlie r encounter s with traditiona l Islam , an d hi s apologetic attempt s t o defend th e integrit y o f the Natio n agains t it s Musli m critics . Finally , understandin g ho w an d wh y Malcolm wa s eventually abl e t o break wit h th e Natio n wil l allo w the reade r to realize the fullness o f the second religiou s moment .

10 The Makin g of an Emissar y Africa is the land of the future.

While th e Natio n ha d bee n steadil y growin g i n popularit y within the African America n community , i t was not until 195 9 that the mass of white s i n th e Unite d State s becam e awar e o f th e movemen t Unfortu nately, whe n th e whit e publi c di d lear n o f it s existence , i t wa s i n th e mos t sensational an d astonishin g terms that the media coul d create . Since whit e societ y ha s alway s chose n t o b e fundamentall y unfamilia r with blac k culture , th e revelatio n o f such a n organizatio n a s the Natio n wa s all th e mor e shockin g t o whites , thoug h i t disturbed a good man y black s as well, albei t fo r differen t reasons . Withou t bein g awar e o f th e stat e o f th e urban black community, an d lacking an understandin g of the history of black separatism i n the United States , mos t whites were jolted by the extensive film and press coverage of Mr. Muhammad' s Muslims . Malcolm X , th e most eloquent an d capabl e spokesman o f the movement , invariably caugh t th e media' s attention . I n thi s sudde n notoriet y ushere d i n by probing journalists and newscasters , Malcol m X was more than capabl e of making a n effectiv e presentatio n o n behal f o f Muhamma d an d th e Nation . And the Nation itself , as the white man's new nemesis, became both popula r and disreputable . Th e gravit y wit h whic h th e medi a handle d th e Muslim s 133

J 34 • The Making of an Emissary put the m i n a position o f social importanc e the y ha d neve r known ; i n som e sense, the y becam e a fa r mor e "legitimate " alternativ e t o man y black s tha n they would hav e been withou t such notoriety . Along with this new awareness of the urban Muslims , ther e came an array of criticis m o f th e movement—social , political , an d religious . Mos t o f th e criticism centere d aroun d th e movement' s vie w o f "rac e relations. " I n th e midst o f th e civi l right s era , wha t mos t rattle d th e publi c wa s th e bol d contempt Muhamma d an d hi s organizatio n ha d towar d integration . Th e country a s a whol e wa s increasingl y concerne d abou t th e en d o f souther n segregation, an d mos t norther n white s wer e unified i n thei r oppositio n t o de jure segregatio n i n th e Unite d State s a s a whole . However , white s i n th e United State s were not prepared fo r suc h blatan t rejectio n o f integration an d Christianity—both o f whic h th e Natio n insiste d woul d b e inseparabl y damned i n the coming kingdom o f Allah. In Jul y 1959 , tw o televisio n journalist s collaborate d o n a stor y tha t wa s destined t o bring the Nation—an d Malcol m X—t o th e attention o f a horrified white public. Mik e Wallace, wh o was at that time the producer o f News Beat o n Ne w York' s WNTA-TV , presente d five one-hal f hou r installment s of a program entitled , "Th e Hate That Hat e Produced." Being white himself, Wallace wa s no t abl e t o gai n acces s t o th e Nation ; however , th e blac k journalist Loui s Loma x wa s able t o secur e permissio n fro m Elija h Muham mad (throug h Malcol m X ) t o film th e documentary , whic h include d a n interview with Malcol m X himself. In on e episode , Loma x interviewe d Malcolm , askin g hi m abou t th e Nation's notio n o f th e devil . A t th e poin t whe n Malcol m calml y informe d Lomax tha t th e serpen t o f Ede n wa s not a real snake , th e intervie w reache d its desired racia l climax : Lomax: It was not a real serpent. . . . What was it? Malcolm: Bu t as you kno w the Bibl e i s written i n symbols , parable s an d thi s serpent o r snake i s the symbo l tha t i s used t o hide th e rea l identit y o f the one that this actually was. Lomax: Well, wh o was it? Malcolm: The white man. 1 In hi s autobiography , Malcol m complaine d tha t th e documentar y ha d bee n quite deliberatel y turne d int o " a kaleidoscop e of'shocker ' images, " edited i n a wa y t o frighte n th e public . Takin g th e lea d o f Wallac e an d Lomax , th e print medi a immediatel y too k u p th e sam e theme . Withi n severa l week s of the Wallace/Loma x documentary , U.S. News & World Report an d Time

The Making of an Emissary • J 35 magazines both feature d alarming , sensationa l account s of these strange new Muslims and their doctrine. The Natio n responde d immediatel y b y barrin g Mik e Wallac e an d al l other whit e journalist s fro m attendin g a huge Musli m rall y the sam e mont h in Ne w Yor k City' s St . Nichola s Arena , i n whic h Elija h Muhamma d ap peared (Loui s Loma x wa s admitted t o the meetin g an d apparentl y develope d a workin g relationshi p wit h th e Muslim s thereafter) . I n th e rally , Muham mad charge d tha t Mik e Wallac e wa s tryin g t o spli t u p th e Natio n an d wa s afraid o f the Muslim message . "Doe s he classify th e truth a s Hate?" Muhammad declare d rhetorically . "N o enem y want s t o se e th e so-calle d America n Negro free an d united . H e wants to use you as a tool." In another Ne w York rally in July at Harlem's Rockland Palace , Wallac e Muhammad charge d tha t Time wa s purposely twisting his father's word s "to make him soun d a s if he is plotting for the Muslim s to overthrow the government." 2 The continuing growth of sensationalized storie s in newspapers and maga zines ofte n pu t Malcol m o n th e firing line . Consequently , h e increasingl y distinguished himsel f a s a n apologis t fo r th e Nation' s racia l stance , metin g out hi s fiery diatribe s a s muc h agains t blac k civi l right s an d integrationis t leaders as against white critics. Although Malcol m complaine d tha t his words were usuall y slante d an d twiste d b y th e press , hi s defens e o f th e Nation' s position o n rac e wa s thorough , clear , an d consistent . Considerabl y les s attention wa s paid t o Malcolm's positio n a s a religious apologist . In th e sam e Ne w York rall y where th e Natio n ha d banne d whit e journal ists and reporters , Elija h Muhamma d boldl y asserted tha t h e was "backed by 500 millio n people , wh o ar e liftin g thei r voice s t o Allah five times a day."* This boas t becam e th e cru x o f a fierce debat e betwee n th e Natio n an d a variety o f nonaffiliate d Muslims , bot h blac k America n an d Eastern . Elija h Muhammad's clai m o f suppor t fro m th e Islami c worl d wa s no t hi s ow n brainchild, thoug h h e ha d continue d Fard' s teachin g tha t black s i n th e United State s were linked t o the peopl e o f Mecca. However , th e notio n tha t the Natio n wa s kin t o th e worl d bod y o f Isla m wa s Malcolm' s idea , an d fo r this h e wa s willin g t o fight tooth-and-nai l agains t thos e wh o claime d oth erwise. Before h e mad e the Haj j i n 1964 , Malcol m X had ha d significan t contac t with traditiona l Muslims . Indeed , i t seem s t o b e th e cas e that—give n th e Nation's peculia r doctrines—h e wa s awar e o f the difference s betwee n East ern Isla m an d Muhammad' s religio n al l along . H e note d i n hi s autobiogra phy tha t hi s first encounte r wit h traditiona l Isla m cam e whil e h e wa s i n prison. H e recalle d tha t " a membe r o f the orthodo x Musli m movement " i n

136 • The Making of an Emissary the Boston are a ha d com e to visit him, thoug h h e did no t mentio n i n whic h facility th e visi t ha d take n place . Th e Musli m wh o ha d visite d hi m wa s named Abdu l Hameed , an d Hamee d ha d take n enoug h interes t i n Malcol m to sen d hi m authenti c Musli m prayer s i n th e Arabi c language . Malcol m noted that , a t the time, h e memorized al l the prayers phonetically . One biographer ha s noted tha t Malcolm wa s visited by a Muslim while he was incarcerate d a t Norfol k Priso n Colony . I t i s possibl e tha t thi s Musli m was Abdul Hameed , thoug h h e i s known i n thi s account onl y by the pseud onym "Oma r Khalil. " Khali l greatl y impresse d Malcolm , bu t apparentl y no t enough t o win Malcol m ove r t o Easter n Islam . Tha t Khali l wa s no t abl e t o draw Malcol m awa y fro m Muhammad' s Isla m i s no t surprising . H e ha d already embrace d th e blac k tenet s o f "th e Los t Foun d Natio n o f Islam" — tenets that spok e more directly to Malcolm tha n th e Easter n version—i n hi s language an d i n term s tha t wer e mor e immediatel y relevan t t o him . Ye t there ma y hav e bee n stil l anothe r reaso n wh y Malcol m di d no t accep t hi s visitor's form o f Islam. Khalil wa s apparently a member o f a Muslim sec t called th e Ahmadiyya , which wa s no t a traditional for m o f Islam , either . Actually , th e Ahmadiyy a were a late-nineteenth-centur y developmen t i n th e Musli m world , referre d to b y on e schola r a s a n India n "syncretis t movement " tha t aros e i n a n er a when moder n Isla m was giving birth to new sects worldwide. The Ahmadiyya were name d fo r Azra t Mirz a Ghula m Ahma d (1835-1908 ) o f Qadian, wh o preached a pacifis t gospel . Ahma d als o perceive d himsel f a s the beare r o f a revelation tha t woul d hel p Muslim s reinterpre t th e Qur'a n t o sui t thei r needs. Needles s t o say , b y namin g himsel f a prophet , Ahma d an d hi s followers expose d themselve s t o persecutio n fro m traditiona l Muslim s an d carried th e stigm a o f heres y wit h the m int o th e twentiet h century . Unlik e Christianity, whic h leave s th e door ope n t o new prophets afte r th e adven t of Christ, traditiona l Muslim s recognize no prophet after Muhammad. 4 Apart fro m th e distinctiv e claim s o f the movement' s founder , th e Ahma diyya wer e quit e faithfu l t o th e traditiona l readin g o f th e Qur'an . Indeed , after th e movemen t ha d spli t int o tw o riva l branche s i n 1914 , on e o f them , the Lahoris , endeavore d t o b e completel y reconcile d t o traditiona l Sunn i Islam b y deemphasizin g th e claim s o f Ahmad . However , bot h branche s distinguished th e Ahmadiyya throughou t the entire Muslim worl d by becoming zealou s missionaries . Thoug h a minorit y withi n thei r ow n Indian/Paki stani Musli m world , th e Ahmadiyy a engage d i n extensiv e proselytizatio n programs i n India , England , Africa , an d the Unite d States . Malcolm di d no t identif y hi s visitor, Abdu l Hameed , a s being a membe r

The Making of an Emissary • 13 7 of this movement. Ye t it is quite likely that he was an Ahmadiyya missionary , even though Malcol m identifie d hi m a s being "orthodox"—a ter m he probably use d t o distinguis h Hameed' s teaching s fro m thos e o f th e Nation . Thi s adds weight to the possibility tha t Malcolm' s Hamee d an d "Khalil" were one and the same missionary visitor . Many o f th e Ahmadiyya' s convert s i n th e Unite d State s wer e urba n African Americans—especiall y i n Chicago , wher e th e first Ahmadiyya mis sionary bega n hi s wor k i n 1925 . I n th e earl y day s o f thei r presenc e i n th e United States , the y ha d eve n interacte d wit h th e UNI A an d converte d som e of Marcus Garvey' s followers . The y expande d thei r conversio n endeavor s t o many urban center s in the Unite d States , including Boston, 5 where Malcolm was incarcerated . Ahmadiyya teaching s an d publication s usuall y serve d t o advanc e knowl edge o f the Qur'a n an d Islami c culture , an d t o discredit th e integrit y o f the Bible and the Christian message . The Ahmadiyya emphasize d racia l equalit y as well, which was of particular interes t to black converts. Undoubtedl y al l of this woul d hav e bee n o f interes t t o Malcol m thoug h h e wa s probably mor e inclined t o borro w fro m th e Ahmadiyy a selectively—a s hi s mothe r ha d taught hi m t o borro w fro m a variet y o f Christia n denomination s an d sect s without acceptin g an y o f the m totally . Malcol m ha d alread y embrace d W D. Far d a s hi s Savior , an d i t seem s likel y tha t a n India n messia h name d Ahmad woul d hav e held littl e interest for him . As a ministe r fo r th e Natio n i n Ne w Yor k City , on e o f Malcolm' s mos t distinctive allie s was , i n fact , a Pakistan i Musli m missionary/entrepreneu r named Abdu l Basi t Naeem, wh o had apparentl y mad e hi s base of operations in nearb y Brooklyn . I n th e mid-1950 s h e publishe d The Moslem World & The U.S.A. , a magazin e tha t wa s increasingl y focuse d o n th e Nation , bot h as new s an d a s a marke t fo r distribution . Naee m wa s a representativ e o f the Islamic organizatio n Jam'iat-ul-Falah , whic h sough t t o advanc e th e Islami c cause a s wel l a s t o mobiliz e suppor t o f variou s Musli m nationalis t move ments such a s the Algerian independenc e movemen t and th e nationalizatio n policies of Egypt's President Nasser . Naeem's suppor t o f Muhamma d mus t hav e place d hi m i n a n awkwar d position amon g th e othe r Easter n Muslim s i n th e Unite d States , bu t th e Pakistani missionar y seem s to have been undaunte d t o walk in the shadow of heresy by associating with Mr. Muhamma d an d his Muslims. I n fact, Naee m hoped t o se e a n eventua l commitmen t t o traditiona l Isla m o n th e par t o f Elijah Muhammad . However , i t i s quite likel y that Naeem' s enthusias m fo r the Natio n wa s otherwise motivate d a s well: Certainly h e enjoye d servin g as

138 • The Making of an Emissary a kin d o f Musli m consultan t t o th e Nation . H e wa s highl y instrumenta l i n helping Malcol m t o achiev e hi s first great ste p towar d th e Islami c world — his visit to the Middl e Eas t and Africa i n 1959. 6 According to Malcolm's autobiography , b y the late 1950 s certain "Africa n and Asia n personages " ha d mad e "private " expression s o f admiratio n an d encouragement t o th e Natio n an d it s leader . Somewha t modestl y h e adde d that sometime s "th e message s ha d bee n sen t throug h me. " A s a resul t o f these expressions o f admiration an d interes t tha t flowed between th e Musli m world an d th e Nation , Malcol m emerge d a s the logica l candidat e to visit the Middle Eas t an d Afric a a s "Mr. Muhammad' s emissary. " I t seems t o be th e case, i n fact , tha t Malcolm' s positio n a s emissary wa s well cultivate d o n hi s part. T o b e sure , hi s interes t i n th e Dar k Worl d ha d alread y grow n fro m prison cel l an d platfor m rhetori c t o genuin e contac t wit h Africa n an d Asia n leaders, particularl y throug h hi s Unite d Nation s connection s i n Ne w Yor k City. However, thoug h Malcol m admitte d tha t h e wa s th e liaiso n throug h whom Africa n an d Asia n leader s contacte d Elija h Muhammad , h e di d no t mention i n hi s autobiograph y tha t h e wa s also th e catalys t fo r officia l mes sages o f suppor t t o thes e leader s o n behal f o f th e Nation . Tw o significan t messages, i n fact , precede d Malcolm' s 195 9 tri p abroad , an d bot h bea r hi s own definit e imprint , thoug h the y wer e sent in the nam e o f Elijah Muham mad. Th e first, in March 1957 , was a cable that Malcolm probabl y submitte d for publicatio n i n a salutary supplemen t i n th e Pittsburgh Courier honoring the newl y independen t Wes t Africa n countr y o f Ghana. Th e othe r commu nication t o th e Dar k Worl d wa s a cabl e sen t o n Decembe r 31 , 1957 , t o representatives attendin g th e Afro-Asia n Solidarit y Conferenc e i n Cairo , which wa s preside d ove r (an d largel y funded ) b y Egyptia n presiden t Gama l Abdel Nasser. 7 Of course , non e o f thi s suggest s tha t Malcol m X acte d unilaterall y i n sending thes e greetings . N o doub t h e too k car e t o gai n Muhammad' s ap proval fo r bot h th e initiative s an d thei r contents . Still , i t seems likel y tha t i t was Malcolm' s ow n drea m t o buil d suc h bridge s int o Afric a an d Asia ; Muhammad merel y benefite d fro m Malcolm' s zealou s advance s int o th e Islamic world . As i t turned out , Presiden t Willia m V . S . Tubma n o f Liberia an d Presi dent Nasser of Egypt sent greetings to Elijah Muhamma d durin g the Nation' s 1959 convention i n Chicago, essentiall y reciprocatin g with message s of unity and solidarity . Indeed , thre e month s afte r Nasser' s greetin g t o th e Nation' s

The Making of an Emissary • J 39 1959 national convention , hi s government issue d a direct invitation t o Elija h Muhammad t o come an d visi t the Musli m world . Accordin g to Naeem, th e New York-base d Musli m missionar y (wh o wa s interviewed , apparentl y b y a BOSS agent) , Elija h Muhamma d flew hi m t o Chicago especiall y t o discus s the Egyptia n invitation . When Elija h Muhamma d apparentl y determine d t o sen d Malcol m X as his advanc e ma n i n Jul y 1959 , Malcol m himsel f receive d assurance s fro m the Egyptian attach e to the Unite d Nations , Ahma d Zak i E l Borai, that both the governmen t an d peopl e o f Egyp t woul d receiv e hi m wit h cordiality , Naeem wa s sur e tha t th e Natio n ha d pai d Malcolm' s plan e fare ; however , Borai wa s presen t t o se e Malcol m X of f a t th e airport—undoubtedl y fore shadowing th e kin d o f politicall y propitiou s receptio n tha t awaite d hi m i n Egypt. Th e FB I was likewise apprised o f Malcolm's tri p to Egypt, an d on e of their informant s i n particula r note d that , apparently , "intens e cooperation " existed betwee n th e Natio n an d it s Middl e Easter n friends—thoug h th e informant wa s not sure if the "cooperation" included Ara b finances. 8 Once i n Egypt , Malcol m X wa s greete d b y governmen t official s who , according t o Naeem , ha d hi m "constantl y i n hand/ ' I n addition , h e wa s introduced t o "prominen t people " an d wa s hoste d afte r hi s arriva l b y a professor fro m th e Universit y o f Cairo . Malcol m wa s give n "considerabl e time" b y Presiden t Nasser' s leadin g representative , Anwa r E l Sadat , an d was cordiall y receive d b y th e religiou s authoritie s o f A l Azhar , th e leadin g Islamic university . Naeem's interviewe r expresse d the belief that Malcolm's positive reception by th e Egyptia n governmen t an d othe r dignitarie s reveale d tha t Presiden t Nasser attache d importanc e t o blac k nationalist s i n th e Unite d States , per ceiving them a s a potential "minorit y pressur e group," and therefor e h e wen t out o f hi s wa y t o "flatte r them. " Indeed , th e interviewe r concluded , ther e was certainl y ver y littl e religiou s rhetori c i n th e bridge s tha t Nasse r wa s building wit h th e Nation . Nasser' s diplomat s wer e generall y disintereste d i n religion, wantin g to entertain Malcol m X and Elija h Muhamma d fo r purel y political reasons . It i s no coincidenc e tha t Naee m himself—Muhammad' s read y Musli m consultant an d ally—worke d wit h a n Africa n America n trave l agen t name d Hilton Hil l i n Ne w Yor k Cit y a s a consultan t i n recruitin g othe r "Negr o Nationalist" type s intereste d i n tourin g th e Afro-Asia n world . A supporter o f Nasser, Naee m obviousl y sa w bot h th e politica l an d economi c benefit s involved i n pointing African American s eastward .

J 40 • The Making of an Emissary If Nasser's representatives ha d politica l concern s i n mind, Malcol m X had his ow n organizationa l agend a a s well . I n private , h e late r admitte d t o Naeem tha t a t first h e ha d apprehension s abou t th e kin d o f receptio n h e would receiv e from th e Egyptia n Muslims , give n th e fac t tha t Muhammad' s "Islamic" practices were hardly traditional . I n addition, Malcol m ha d to deal with th e anxietie s o f hi s ow n lac k o f familiarit y wit h traditiona l Musli m worship, ritual , an d theology . Malcolm confesse d t o Naee m tha t h e wa s extremely embarrasse d durin g his sta y i n Egyp t becaus e h e wa s obligate d t o g o throug h th e five dail y Muslim prayer s i n Arabi c wit h insufficien t knowledg e o f th e languag e an d only a sketchy notion o f the ritual itself. Naee m concluded tha t Malcolm was observant and though t "he got by" by "mumbling" through th e prayer ritual . Malcolm wa s undoubtedly relieve d t o find that hi s Muslim host s took the Nation virtuall y a t face value . Apparently , mos t were simply unawar e o f the peculiar teaching s o f Muhammad' s movement , whic h Naee m identifie d t o his interviewe r a s "Elijah' s blasphemy"— a somewha t hypocritica l remark , given Naeem' s otherwis e flagrant suppor t o f the Nation . I t was the opinion , at least of Naeem's interviewer , tha t some of the traditional Muslim s (proba bly referrin g t o thos e residen t i n th e Unite d States ) wh o wer e familia r wit h these "pseudo-Mosle m sects " regarded th e Natio n an d othe r blac k "Muslim " groups wit h suspicion . "Th e devou t ar e shocke d b y th e illiterac y an d chea p pagentry [sic] an d the disregard fo r the dogma of the Koran. " Fortunately fo r Malcol m X and Elija h Muhammad—wh o mad e th e tri p eastward lat e i n 1959—thei r politicall y astut e host s wer e willin g t o "clos e their eyes to the ridiculous dogma deviations" of the Nation. Malcol m woul d later recoun t t o hi s Ne w Yor k parishioner s tha t hi s Arab host s ha d receive d him kindly , bu t wante d t o kno w wh y he , bein g a Muslim , couldn' t spea k Arabic. H e sai d h e explaine d thi s wa s becaus e h e ha d bee n kidnappe d fo r four hundre d years , and was robbed o f both hi s true language and religion. 9 Malcolm succeede d a t sellin g himsel f t o th e Egyptian s a s a true Musli m with religiou s an d cultura l deficiencies ; hi s proficienc y a t justifyin g th e ga p between Muhammad' s Isla m an d Sunn i Isla m was , to some extent, arguabl y rooted i n histori c racism . However , th e moral strength fro m whic h Malcol m made hi s appea l wa s certainl y dependen t upo n hi s ow n sincer e belie f tha t African American s actuall y wer e Africa n Muslim s scattere d i n th e West . Unlike Mr . Muhammad , wh o had—fo r mos t o f hi s ministry—neve r en couraged hi s followers t o study the Qur'an, no r to travel to the Muslim East , Malcolm arrive d i n Egyp t a s a self-proclaimed "fello w Africa n comin g bac k

The Making of an Emissary • 141 to hi s rea l hom e an d a Moslem , eage r t o pra y a t th e sea t o f th e on e true religion! " However, Malcolm' s sincerit y an d zea l fo r th e Afro-Asia n world , an d hi s great respec t fo r th e Musli m worl d i n general , wer e supplemente d b y hi s ability t o conve y t o sympatheti c Arab s th e agonie s o f racis m i n th e Unite d States. H e showed hi s hosts pictures o f Nation gathering s and emphasize d t o them th e arrogan t injustic e o f whit e Christian s i n th e Unite d States . "Th e Egyptians loved it, " Naeem conclude d i n his interview. 10 Still, i f Malcol m ha d hope d t o enhanc e th e Nation' s relation s wit h th e dark Musli m world , h e ha d a n eve n greate r desir e t o us e hi s tri p t o excite , stimulate, an d engende r Afro-Asia n an d Musli m prid e i n hi s blac k brother s and sister s a t home . Hopin g t o broadcast hi s sentiment s t o a s man y Africa n Americans a s possible , Malcol m corresponde d wit h bot h th e Pittsburgh Courier an d th e New York Amsterdam News. On e Courier columnis t re ported tha t h e receive d a personal lette r fro m Malcol m X , declarin g tha t h e was "spellbound, amazed , an d eternall y proud " o f his African heritag e a s he stood i n th e shadow s o f the grea t Sphin x an d th e pyramid s o f Egypt . I n th e presence o f suc h ancien t splendor , Malcol m said , h e wa s "beholdin g th e wisdom an d strengt h o f ou r forefather s depicte d i n thes e magnificen t struc tures." Of course, Malcol m di d no t stay in Egyp t the whole time . Afte r spendin g about nin e day s i n Cairo , an d the n fallin g il l wit h dysenter y (whic h waylai d him fo r a n additiona l tw o days) , Malcol m wa s abl e t o visi t Saud i Arabia . From Saudi , h e returne d t o th e Africa n continent , visitin g Khartoum , Su dan, Kano , Nigeria , an d the much-lauded natio n o f Ghana. Throughou t hi s trip, Malcol m continue d t o write to the black American press . I n his room at the Kandara h Palac e Hote l i n Saudi , h e wrote : "Th e peopl e o f Arabi a ar e just lik e ou r peopl e i n Americ a i n facia l appearance . The y ar e o f man y differing shades , rangin g from rega l black to rich brown , bu t non e are white. It i s a safe postulatio n t o sa y that 9 9 pe r cen t o f them woul d b e jim-erowe d in th e Unite d State s of America." Furthermore , h e announced: "Ther e i s no color prejudic e amon g Moslems , fo r Isla m teache s tha t all mortal s ar e equa l and brothers . Wherea s th e whit e Christian s i n th e Wester n worl d teac h thi s same thing without practicing it." n Malcolm's assertion s tha t non e o f the Saudi s were white an d tha t Easter n Muslims practice d n o colo r prejudic e is , a t th e ver y least , a curious pairin g of racial notions . Neithe r assertion wa s absolutely true , particularl y the claim that n o Saudi s wer e white— a clai m Malcol m himsel f woul d eventuall y

142 • The Making of an Emissary negate when finally making Haj j i n 1964 . That Malcolm' s religiou s commit ment t o Elija h Muhamma d migh t prohibi t hi m fro m seein g whit e ski n i n Saudi Arabi a i s somewhat easie r t o comprehen d tha n i s the awkwardnes s of his other assertion . In declaring that the Muslim worl d holds all "mortals" as equals, Malcol m was staring directly into the face of the very revelation that would characteriz e his later conversion t o Sunn i Islam . Standin g i n th e Musli m worl d i n 1959 , Malcolm wa s actually sayin g tha t rac e an d colo r d o no t matte r i n Islam ; h e was assertin g tha t humanity , an d no t th e Nation' s black-whit e dogma , wa s the basi s o f commonalit y i n th e religio n o f Allah . However , humanity , a s Malcolm viewe d i t through th e eye s o f "the Los t Foun d Nation, " wa s dark, and onl y dark . Thus , whe n h e spok e o f humanity , equality , an d brother hood, Malcolm' s word s alway s include d th e inevitabl e footnot e tha t suc h truths coul d no t b e applicable , no r eve n possible , i n th e whit e Christia n world. The majo r theme s o f Malcolm' s communication s t o th e blac k press , however, wer e essentially Garveyite. First , the y entailed th e presentation o f a new visio n o f th e Africa n continen t tha t woul d gran t Africa n American s a sense of pride and unity : Africa i s the land of the future . . . definitely th e land of tomorrow, and the African is the man of tomorrow. Only yesterday, America was the New World, a world with a future—but now , w e suddenly realiz e Africa i s the New World—the worl d with the brightest future—a futur e i n which th e so-called Negroe s are destined t o play a key role.12 He conclude d tha t hi s trave l ha d grante d hi m "a n eve n broade r vist a o f 'things ye t to come' "—thing s whic h Malcol m fel t onl y enhance d th e "vita l role being played by Mr. Elija h Muhamma d an d his work among our people in America." The othe r Garveyit e aspec t o f Malcolm' s messag e wa s t o sho w th e vita l corollary t o Africa n America n interes t i n th e destin y o f Africa : Africa' s interest i n th e conditio n o f Africa n Americans . Writin g t o th e New York Amsterdam News Malcol m note d tha t recen t racia l incidents occurrin g i n the cit y o f Ne w Yor k itsel f ha d no t escape d th e attentio n o f concerne d African people : "Racial trouble s i n Ne w Yor k occupied prominen t spac e o n the fron t page s her e an d i n othe r part s o f Afric a yesterday . Everyon e her e seems aware of America's color problems." 13 In hi s letter , Malcol m portraye d African s a s being "mor e concerne d wit h the pligh t o f thei r brother s i n Americ a tha n i n thei r ow n conditions " sinc e

The Making of an Emissary • 14 3 they wer e dependen t o n foreig n economi c an d technica l assistanc e fo r thei r own industrial development : Thus, African s conside r American's [sic] treatmen t of Black Americans a good yardstick [by] which they can measure the sincerity of America's offer o f assistance here, and man y youn g Africans ar e openl y statin g tha t wha t America practice s a t hom e does no t coincid e wit h wha t sh e preache s abroad , an d ar e thu s suspiciou s o f he r overtures here.H He reiterate d th e sam e essentia l messag e i n writin g t o th e Courier, addin g that "havin g lon g suffere d Europea n exploitatio n a t th e hand s o f whites, al l Africans ar e suspiciou s o f th e whit e man' s motive s whe n h e extend s th e 'helping hand / " Malcolm emphasize d tha t ther e wer e growing "horde s o f intelligent Afri cans" who found flagrant racism in the United State s "difficult t o understand" given th e country' s "loudl y boasted " claims o f equality. Th e Africa n Ameri can plight , whic h wa s particularly th e burden o f underdeveloped an d heavil y taxed an d conscripte d ghett o dweller s "an d othe r socia l imprisonments, " could no t b e obscure d fro m th e African' s visio n b y th e "vei l o f globa l diplomatic art " th e Unite d State s wa s attemptin g t o plac e betwee n th e Eas t and th e West . Malcol m wante d hi s people , a s wel l a s whit e societ y i n th e United States , t o kno w fo r certai n tha t "th e all-seeing-ey e o f th e Africa n masses is upon America. " The onl y regret Malcolm openl y expresse d abou t his 195 9 trip abroad was that i t wa s disrupte d b y th e extrem e discomfor t o f dysenter y an d extremel y hot weathe r "beneat h a pitiless sun." H e announced tha t h e woul d bot h pu t off goin g t o Mecca , a s wel l a s a visi t t o th e northeas t Africa n nation s o f Eritrea an d Ethiopia , lamenting , " I should hav e felt th e puls e o f as many of the African masse s as possible before returnin g to the Unite d States, " Malcolm's first sojour n int o th e Dar k Worl d ma y hav e arouse d othe r regrets. T o b e sure , hi s exposur e t o th e authenti c Musli m fait h di d no t shatter hi s commitmen t t o Muhammad ; i f anything, i t becam e a means b y which h e coul d bette r enhanc e th e Musli m fagad e o f th e movemen t bac k in th e Unite d States . Still , upo n returnin g home , Malcol m urge d Elija h Muhammad t o study Arabic before makin g the trip abroad himself . Malcolm an d Muhamma d knew—a s Wilfre d Littl e late r recalled—tha t "what the y wer e teachin g a t th e tim e wa s no t reall y i n lin e wit h orthodo x Islam." The tri p to the Afro-Asian worl d undoubtedl y disturbe d Malcolm , a s all cultist s ma y b e disturbe d whe n thei r cosmologica l skie s ar e darkene d b y the threatenin g cloud s o f orthodoxy . Wilfre d Littl e remembere d tha t Ma L

144 • The Making of an Emissary colm an d Muhamma d "wer e becomin g mor e an d mor e aware " o f thes e clouds blowing from th e East, "an d the y were trying to figure out how to deal with it. " Of course, thi s problem remaine d subterranea n onc e Malcolm's fee t were bac k on Nort h America n soil . Speakin g at a rally i n hono r o f Muham mad's appearanc e a t Ne w Yor k City' s St . Nichola s Aren a o n Jul y 26 , 1959 , Malcolm assure d th e audience tha t he was well accepted i n Egyp t and Afric a because he was a Muslim. 15

11 Religious Apologis t We are properly called "Muslims"

Both Elijah Muhamma d an d Malcol m X would undoubtedl y have preferre d tha t th e issu e o f th e Nation' s Islami c integrit y no t b e dis cussed. However , th e Musli m doo r the y ha d sough t t o ente r opene d tw o ways: the mor e Malcolm X influenced th e Natio n towar d a broad identifica tion wit h th e Musli m world , th e mor e h e unintentionall y subjecte d th e movement and it s leader to religious analyses and criticism . A discerning observer has noted tha t "Malcolm X was a strong advocate of the internationalizatio n o f th e Natio n o f Islam . Elija h Muhamma d neve r was." And while Muhammad "ma y have wanted the legitimacy of orthodoxy, the possibilit y o f his black natio n losin g it s identity i n th e vas t configuratio n of international Isla m wa s a notion h e neve r entertained seriously/ ' I n a real sense, then , th e relationshi p betwee n Elija h Muhamma d an d Malcol m X , no matte r ho w close an d mutuall y edifying , coul d no t escap e th e inevitabl e crisis of separation. Malcol m X was fundamentally a n internationalist , bot h in hi s politica l an d i n hi s religiou s orientation ; Elija h Muhamma d wa s parochial, an d h e sa w his trip to the Middl e East , an d an y contac t wit h th e Islamic worl d i n general , onl y a s a mean s o f gainin g recognitio n a s a legitimate leader within the Unite d States . This is perhaps exemplified b y the 145

146 • Religious Apologist fact tha t th e Nation' s temple s wer e rename d "mosques " only afte r Muham mad's trip abroad a t the beginning of 1960 . Elijah Muhammad' s visi t t o th e Musli m worl d wa s relativel y successful . Like Malcol m X , Elija h Muhamma d use d th e blac k America n pres s t o announce th e warm reception s h e had receive d i n Turkey, Egypt , an d Saud i Arabia. I n th e Lo s Angele s Herald-Dispatch, Muhamma d declare d tha t h e was recognize d an d backe d b y th e Musli m world , an d tha t the y ha d aske d him t o mak e th e Haj j t o Mecca , t o which h e travele d wit h tw o of his sons. Meanwhile, bac k i n th e Unite d States , Malcol m X happil y declare d tha t Muhammad's legitimat e standin g a s a Musli m wa s clea r sinc e "thos e wh o are not orthodox do not go to Mecca." * In Salaam, on e o f th e movement' s severa l ill-fate d publications , Elija h Muhammad portraye d hi s visi t t o Mecc a i n mor e detail , recountin g (a s Malcolm woul d late r describe hi s Hajj ) th e sacre d routin e o f his pilgrimage . Still echoin g Fard' s culti c descriptions , Muhamma d spok e of Mecca a s "the only cit y o n ou r plane t tha t i s divinel y protected. " Equall y tru e t o culti c form, Muhamma d spok e of the Black Stone of the Ka'ba in biblical allusion , calling i t "that propheti c sig n . . . that th e builders rejected. " H e had appar ently gone through th e entire routin e of the pilgrimage and remaine d deepl y impressed wit h th e "thousand s o f sincer e worshipper s o f God , Hi s religion , and Muhammad , Hi s prophet. " Thi s wa s ironic , however , considerin g tha t when th e Nation' s membershi p spok e of Allah an d hi s messenger, the y were talking about W. D . Far d an d Elija h Muhammad . Neither Elija h Muhammad' s tri p t o th e Middl e Eas t no r hi s pilgrimag e succeeded a t silencin g hi s critics , however . I n fact , shortl y afte r Malcol m returned fro m hi s Afro-Asia n tour , th e first big wav e o f Musli m oppositio n rose against th e Nation . Muhamma d ha d ha d Musli m critic s before—som e of who m occasionall y expresse d thei r frustration s ove r hi s colum n i n th e Pittsburgh Courier. "Let u s ferventl y pray, " wrot e on e Algeria n Muslim , "tha t th e reader s o f The Courier wil l not confuse th e sect of Muhammad wit h that of true Islam . Islam doe s no t preac h hate , i t does no t preac h racism , i t only call s for love , peace an d understanding. " Anothe r angr y Musli m reade r raile d tha t Elija h Muhammad "twist s the Kora n aroun d t o fit his hat e teachings, " calling hi m "a rabble-rousin g rac e hater " wh o wa s "anti-Allah. " Ye t thes e wer e lon e voices, an d the y wer e virtuall y drowne d ou t b y a goo d man y mor e Africa n American follower s o f Elija h Muhamma d wh o consistentl y praise d thei r leader i n the black press. At that time , a s a Nigeria n schola r recognized , th e blac k urba n commu -

Religious Apologist • 147 nity ha d a variety o f self-styled Musli m spiritua l leader s an d foreig n Musli m missionaries vyin g fo r influence—al l claimin g t o b e purveyor s o f authenti c Islam. Thi s ha s undoubtedl y bee n a commo n occurrenc e sinc e th e day s of Noble Dre w Al i an d W . D . Fard ; however , a s Elija h Muhammad' s move ment ha d bee n empowere d b y Malcol m X an d ha d begu n t o swel l t o unprecedented proportion s i n "Muslim" terms, thes e various Muslim leader s tended t o unit e i n oppositio n t o th e Nation, 2 Th e mos t successfu l voice s of opposition withi n th e communit y wer e mostl y thos e wh o coul d rais e doc trinal criticism s without endangerin g their ow n positions. In thi s regard , th e mos t outspoke n wa s a Caribbean-bor n blac k leade r named Tali b Dawud , wh o heade d a smal l Musli m organizatio n base d i n Philadelphia an d Ne w York , "Mosle m Brotherhoo d o f America , Inc., " which wa s founde d i n 1950 . Dawud' s organizatio n wa s affiliate d wit h th e Ahmadiyya movemen t i n th e Unite d State s for a while, bu t becam e disassociated fro m i t i n 195 8 afte r Dawu d becam e oppose d t o a whit e Musli m holding office i n the movement . Dawu d wa s apparently a s anti-integrationis t and oppose d t o Christianit y a s Muhammad , thoug h hi s sentiment s wer e conventionally Musli m rathe r tha n cultic . Lik e Muhammad , Dawu d ha d traveled t o Mecc a an d ha d als o interacte d wit h leader s fro m th e Afro Asian world. Dawud's oppositio n t o th e Natio n first explode d i n Augus t 1959 , i n between Malcolm' s an d Muhammad' s visit s t o th e Middl e East . Th e mai n instrument o f attack was the Chicago-base d blac k newspape r New Crusader, which wa s virtually "bough t over " by Dawud i n orde r to provide a forum fo r his front-pag e assaults . Thes e front-pag e assault s ra n somewha t frequentl y between Augus t 195 9 an d Marc h 196 0 an d targete d Muhammad' s incarna tional theology , hi s denial o f a future, bodil y resurrection , an d hi s followers ' failure t o adher e t o prope r Musli m praye r rituals . Eve n mor e devastating , Dawud publishe d a never-before-seen photograp h o f W. D . Far d i n the New Crusader, wit h a headlin e proclaiming , "Whit e Ma n I s Go d Fo r Cul t O f Islam."3 Th e effec t o f the prin t wa r initiate d b y Dawud ripple d throug h th e rest of the black press. What furthe r glamorize d thi s offensiv e wa s tha t Dawud—himsel f a for mer jaz z musician—enjoye d th e suppor t o f hi s wife , Dakot a Staton , th e popular jaz z an d R& B singer , an d Ahma d Jamal , th e brillian t jaz z pianist , In fact , whe n th e mainstrea m pres s first broke th e new s about th e Natio n t o the whit e public , Jama l ha d sen t a telegra m o f protes t t o Time magazine , lamenting tha t i t wa s a n "unfortunat e coincidence " t o b e referre d t o a s a Moslem i n th e sam e issu e tha t feature d a stor y abou t Elija h Muhammad ,

148 • Religious Apologist "Muhammad['s] movemen t i s rejected b y peace-loving an d law-abidin g tru e Moslems," Jamal concluded . "Time reader s shoul d differentiat e i n justic e to true Moslems i n U.S. " In on e interview , Dakot a Staton , whos e Musli m nam e wa s Aliyah Rabi a Dawud, calle d th e Natio n "a n aberration " an d insiste d sh e wa s par t o f worldwide Islam , a religio n tha t "favor s n o particular race. " Dawud's attack s also include d flagrant attempt s t o discredit o r den y th e Nation' s link s t o th e Muslim world—particularl y i n regar d t o th e oversea s visit s o f Malcol m X and Elija h Muhammad . Dawu d claimed , i n fact , tha t bot h me n ha d bee n denied entr y into Mecca because they were not considered tru e Muslims. H e apparently did everything else in his power to discredit the Nation, includin g making anti-Muhamma d pronouncement s t o Musli m official s base d i n th e United State s and claimin g tha t the Nation wa s working i n cooperatio n wit h members of the KKK. At first, Dawud's assault was not met with rigorou s retaliation. I n particu lar, Malcol m X' s voic e wa s strangel y silen t i n th e blac k press , eve n i n th e New Yor k Cit y area—whic h suggest s tha t Elija h Muhamma d possibl y sought to keep a low profile wit h his initial response . However , whe n Dawu d ran hi s New Crusader expos e o n Far d bein g a whit e man , th e Natio n i n Chicago and Ne w York attempted t o purchase and destro y as many copies of the pape r a s possible . Writin g i n th e Pittsburgh Courier an d othe r blac k papers, Elija h Muhamma d claime d tha t hi s ow n mora l characte r wa s superior t o that o f Dawu d an d Staton—especiall y characterizin g th e latte r a s an immoral nightclu b singer . Unfortunately, event s turned ugl y when Ne w York Nation member s were snubbed i n a Harle m receptio n fo r th e visitin g presiden t o f Guinea , Seko u Toure. Th e snu b cam e when Malcol m X and hi s parishioners wer e blocked from participatin g i n the welcoming program o f the hosting organization, th e United Africa n Nationalis t Movement . Evidentl y th e movement' s director , James Lawson , wa s allie d wit h Dawu d an d hi s follower s an d share d a similarly critical view of Muhammad's teachings. Malcol m X, whose internation alist sentiment s o n behal f o f th e Natio n wer e undoubtedl y crushe d b y th e snub, becam e bitter . A battle o f harsh charge s an d countercharge s resulted , and Dawu d an d a n associat e wer e attacke d b y acid thrower s wh o apparentl y were members o f the Nation. 4 Dawud's belligerence seems to have quieted temporarily , particularl y afte r the New Crusader and Jame s Lawson bot h disassociate d themselve s from hi s campaign. I n fact, Dawud' s collaboration wit h the New Crusader came to an abrupt hal t i n Marc h 1960 , whe n th e Chicago-base d newspape r di d a n

Religious Apologist • 1 49 about-face an d bega n t o collaborat e wit h it s neighbor , Elija h Muhammad . Lawson's mov e awa y fro m Dawu d wa s possibl y a maneuve r o f politica l expediency, sinc e Malcol m X' s black nationalis t platfor m wa s steadily grow ing in popularity amon g black New Yorkers. However, i n th e summe r o f 1962 , th e blac k pres s note d ne w aggressio n on the part of Dawud and Staton . I n a Chicago press conference, th e Muslim couple declared tha t Elija h Muhamma d an d hi s followers wer e "frauds," and that th e Natio n ha d don e grea t damag e t o Staton' s caree r since , bein g a Muslim, sh e was wrongly associated wit h the Natio n b y the press. To underscor e this , Stato n announce d sh e was filing a suit against Elija h Muhammad, seekin g injunctive relie f against any future clai m o n hi s part to being a Muslim . T o suppor t thei r case , a white Republica n senator , Arthu r Gottschalk—a bitte r criti c o f the Nation—affirme d Staton' s charge , claim ing tha t h e himsel f ha d wrongl y discriminate d agains t al l Muslim s becaus e of Muhammad' s spuriou s Musli m claims . I n th e interview , Stato n adde d that beside s he r husban d bein g attacked b y acid thrower s i n Ne w Yor k City, phone threat s and a "bomb incident" had occurre d i n Philadelphia . While th e lega l actio n prove d t o hav e n o teeth , i t wa s a t leas t carrie d through. A "Complaint fo r Injunction " wa s filed in th e Distric t Cour t o f the United State s for th e Easter n Distric t o f Pennsylvania, requestin g that Elija h Muhammad an d th e Natio n "b e enjoine d fro m professin g t o b e spiritua l leaders o f th e Musli m Fait h an d th e Islami c Religion. " Th e complain t di d not cal l fo r th e Natio n t o sto p it s teachings, bu t onl y t o refrai n fro m callin g them Islami c teachings. 5 In immediat e retaliation , Muhamma d banne d tw o o f Dawud' s Islami c associates fro m attendin g a Natio n rall y a t th e Philadelphi a Aren a i n Jun e 1962. Wha t mad e thei r publi c rejectio n particularl y offensiv e wa s that Mu hammad permitte d tw o hundre d white s int o th e rally' s segregate d seatin g area. A s to th e complaint , Malcol m X mocked th e lega l ac t a s a "publicit y stunt" tha t sounded s o ridiculou s tha t " I hav e t o ge t ridiculou s i n orde r t o answer it. " Malcol m charge d tha t Staton' s caree r ha d digresse d fo r othe r reasons an d tha t thi s wa s onl y a n attemp t o n he r par t t o "ge t bac k int o th e lime light. " Scoffin g a t th e possibilit y o f answerin g Staton' s accusation , Malcolm compare d he r complaints to the barking of a dog at the moon . When Malcolm' s hometow n newspaper , th e New York Amsterdam News, featured Staton' s comment s abou t Elija h Muhammad , Malcol m lashe d ou t harshly. Rathe r tha n havin g he r caree r hur t b y a fals e associatio n wit h Muhammad, Malcol m declared , Staton' s reputatio n ha d decline d becaus e she ha d criticize d him . "Eve r sinc e sh e change d he r 'tunes ' an d starte d

J 50 • Religious Apologist singing against Mr . Muhammad , he r popularity ha s been o n the downturn. " Referring t o he r as a "hi p swinging , blue s singing " entertainer , Malcol m made ligh t o f Staton' s religiou s integrity . "Eve n th e non-Musli m publi c knows," Malcol m concluded , "tha t n o Musli m siste r wh o follow s Mr . Mu hammad woul d thin k of singing sexy songs, half-naked i n a night-club where people ar e gettin g drun k an d expec t peopl e t o respec t he r a s an 'example ' of religious piety." Turning o n Dawu d himself , Malcol m claime d tha t Stato n wa s tryin g t o help he r husband' s failin g caree r a s a Musli m leade r b y attackin g Elija h Muhammad. "I n othe r words, " Malcol m mocke d bitterly , "al l o f Dawud' s combined follower s ca n fit int o th e fron t sea t o f his statio n wagon. " Appar ently Tali b Dawud' s aspiration s t o prov e th e illegitimac y o f Muhammad' s Islam neve r amounte d t o much , particularl y a s far a s th e blac k communit y was concerned . A s C . Eri c Lincol n noted , "th e aegi s o f orthodo x Isla m means littl e in America's blac k ghettos." Since Dawu d neve r enjoye d organizationa l strengt h i n th e black commu nity, hi s vehemen t attack s agains t Elija h Muhamma d probabl y onl y serve d to alienat e hi m fro m Islamic-oriente d Africa n Americans . Furthermore , being bot h a n avowe d opponen t o f Christianit y an d a Caribbean , Dawu d very likely found himsel f an outside r with regar d t o black religiou s life i n th e United States . Malcol m X wa s probabl y correc t i n surmisin g tha t Dakot a Staton, bein g a renowne d Africa n America n singer , offere d Dawu d som e access t o a potential popularit y bas e within th e blac k community . However , even Staton' s fam e i n th e communit y coul d no t empowe r Dawu d suffi ciently. Elija h Muhamma d eve n playe d somewha t o n Dawud' s Caribbea n background, a s on e schola r noted , "suggestin g th e antagonis m betwee n American Negroe s and Wes t Indians." 6 In contras t t o hi s vehement oppositio n o f Dawud an d hi s small organiza tion, Abdu l Basi t Naee m treate d th e Natio n quit e warmly . I n fact , th e Nation enjoye d wha t might b e called a mutually beneficia l relationshi p with the Pakistan i Musli m missionary/entrepreneur . Accordin g t o Naeem , h e became awar e o f th e Natio n i n 194 8 whil e residin g i n Chicag o an d finally established contac t wit h Elija h Muhammad , sometim e i n th e mid-1950s , through Shayk h Jami l Diab . Diab , a Palestinia n wh o taugh t Arabi c i n th e University o f Isla m fo r Templ e No . 2 i n Chicago , woul d eventuall y tur n against the Nation . Naeem immediatel y too k u p th e caus e o f Elija h Muhamma d i n hi s Moslem World & The U.S.A. , an d gav e th e Natio n priorit y coverag e throughout 1956 , arousin g a good man y criticism s from Musli m reader s no t

Religious Apologist * J5 J affiliated wit h th e Nation . Naee m appeale d t o his critics that the Natio n wa s inseparable from th e "over-all picture of Islamic affairs i n America/' and thu s merited new s coverage . Furthermore , Naee m sai d tha t despit e th e racia l characteristics o f Elija h Muhammad' s teachings , th e Natio n "enable d mor e Americans t o for m acquaintanc e wit h Isla m tha n th e effort s o f al l othe r individuals seeking converts to Islam her e put together. " Naeem acknowledge d tha t Islam' s advancemen t i n th e largel y Christian ized Unite d State s would b e highly problematic, give n certain o f its theological an d ethica l prescriptions . H e conclude d tha t bein g intereste d i n th e advancement o f Islam , "w e woul d rathe r se e a n all-blac k Mosle m commu nity i n Americ a tha n non e a t all." Consequently, The Moslem World & The U.S.A. bega n t o loo k like a Nation publication , an d Malcol m X and Elija h Muhammad frequentl y appeare d i n it s pages, givin g the impressio n tha t th e Nation wa s bein g mainstreame d int o th e America n Musli m community . Indeed, i t seems that Naeem wa s doing his best to create such an impression , Attending th e Nation' s annua l conventio n i n 195 7 a s a n honore d guest , Naeem declare d befor e th e assembl y tha t Elija h Muhamma d wa s a leade r "whose teaching s an d message s are jus t about th e onl y wa y I can no w see of bringing th e so-calle d Negroe s into , o r shal l I sa y 'bac k into, ' th e fold o f Islam e n masse. " Naee m laude d Muhamma d a s bein g "on e o f th e greates t Moslems o f our day " and praise d hi m fo r hi s exceptional succes s at bringin g blacks int o Islam . I n a n audaciou s an d patronizing gesture , Naee m eve n conferred th e title of "Ameer Maulana " (Chief Religiou s Leader) upon Elija h Muhammad an d calle d for a two-minute standing ovation. Abdul Basi t Naeem no t only enjoyed thes e great opportunities t o advance his politica l an d economi c specia l interest s throug h th e suppor t o f th e Na tion, bu t he also seemed mor e willing to overlook Muhammad' s problemati c doctrines tha n othe r Muslims . I n fact , Naee m comfortabl y reiterate d Elija h Muhammad's beggin g notio n tha t Isla m ha d t o be significantl y altere d t o fit the particula r pligh t o f African Americans : "You canno t us e the sam e medi cine to treat altogether different diseases." 7 Besides using one issue of The Moslem World & The U.S.A. t o publish a n assortment o f Elija h Muhammad' s teachings , Naee m wrot e a laudator y foreword fo r th e Nation' s publicatio n The Supreme Wisdom^ whic h wa s essentially a compendiu m o f th e sam e teachings . " I conside r th e differenc e between Isla m o f the Eas t an d teaching s o f Mr. Elija h Muhamma d t o be of relatively mino r importanc e at this time," Naee m wrote , ''becaus e thes e ar e not relate d t o th e SPIRI T o f Islam , which , I am sure , i s completely share d by all of us."

152 • Religious Apologist In othe r words , Naee m wa s suggesting that Elija h Muhamma d shoul d b e given tim e t o mak e adjustments , religiousl y speaking ; there wa s great poten tial i n th e Nation , an d al l that was needed wa s time and patience on the part of the Nation' s tru e Musli m friends . Naee m apparentl y believe d tha t Elija h Muhammad woul d com e int o a more sound an d complet e understandin g of Islam—in th e meantime , a near-Musli m wa s better tha n a black Christian . The sam e sentiments , however , wer e not shared b y the Ahmadiyya mission aries who were competing for black support in the Unite d States . The directo r o f Ahmadiyya headquarter s i n Chicago , Nu r Al-Islam , wa s not antagonistic towar d th e Nation' s leader , bu t was hardly supportive i n hi s analysis: "Muhamma d i s a self-appointe d Messenge r o f Allah . H e teache s nationalism. Place s emphasi s upo n economic , politica l an d socia l indepen dence. Religio n fo r hi m i s the last thing. I t is a tool for these goals." Nur Al-Isla m recognize d tha t Elija h Muhamma d ha d gaine d a lo t o f African America n follower s a s a resul t o f hi s nationalisti c philosophy . I n contrast, Al-Isla m note d tha t th e Ahmadiyya wa s "strictly a religious group." A minimalis t i n hi s appreciatio n o f th e Nation , Al-Isla m admitte d tha t "Elijah ha s done a lot for hi s followers particularl y b y making them becom e self-respecting an d prou d o f themselves . . . . H e ha s a t leas t mad e man y aware o f th e fac t tha t ther e i s such a religio n a s Islam. " Thus, despit e thei r different affiliations , Nu r Al-Isla m an d Abdu l Basi t Naeem—bot h foreign born missionaries—recognize d th e opportunit y fo r Isla m tha t ha d bee n created b y the work of Elijah Muhamma d i n the black community . Unlike Nur Al-Islam, however , anothe r African America n membe r o f the Ahmadiyya ha d n o appreciation a t all for Muhammad's efforts . Adi b Nurud din, a Chicag o followe r o f Nu r Al-Islam , lashe d ou t a t Elija h Muhamma d as a "race-hating , scheming , cynica l an d powe r hungr y fanatic " wh o use d the "disguise of religion" to perpetrate "a most dangerous cult" among Africa n Americans. Theologicall y speaking , Nuruddi n accuse d Elija h Muhamma d of giving African American s a doctrine that was vague, unintelligible, unveri fiable, and contrar y t o both natur e and commo n sense . "Th e doctrine i s not profound o r sublime ; o n th e contrary , i t i s embodied wit h crud e absurditie s and trivia l nonsense. " Wit h regar d t o Muhammad' s historica l explanations , Nuruddin foun d the m equall y ridiculous : "Th e fact s o f history , lik e th e letters o f th e alphabet , ca n b e arrange d s o as to mea n anything . Therefore , since our histor y ha s been falsified , Mr . Muhamma d feel s that h e i s entitled to give us an eve n large r falsification." 8 Another foreign-bor n Ahmadiyy a showe d n o restrain t i n criticis m o f Eli jah Muhammad . Abdu l Ghafoo r Soofi , who m th e Baltimor e Afro-American

Religious Apologist • 153 called th e "hea d missionary " o f th e Ahmadiyy a i n th e Unite d States , wa s quite blun t i n hi s dislik e o f the Nation : " I thin k fro m wha t 1 rea d abou t th e m o v e m e n t . . . w e have nothing i n commo n wit h them . Isla m fo r them i s a label t o focu s th e attentio n o f the Musli m worl d an d t o enlis t thei r sympa thies in their hate campaign." In another interview , Soof i tol d black reporter s in Detroi t tha t i f Elija h Muhamma d refraine d fro m callin g hi s teaching s "Islam," h e woul d d o a great servic e t o himsel f an d th e truth . Still , eve n i n Soofi's clea r repudiatio n o f Elijah Muhammad' s "hat e element," ther e was a ring of sympathy fo r th e Nation' s "campaig n agains t white supremacy" : "W e cannot suppor t colonialism , no r d o w e approv e o f attempt s t o perpetuat e white supremac y o r domination anywhere. " Ironically, eve n th e mos t hars h criticisms , lik e thos e expresse d b y Adi b Nuruddin, onl y prove d t o serv e a s a catalys t t o furthe r cohesio n fo r th e simple follower s o f Elija h Muhammad. 9 Lik e Tali b Dawud' s appeal s t o orthodoxy, neithe r mil d no r zealou s criticis m fro m th e Ahmadiyy a seeme d to hav e muc h o f an impac t o n th e Natio n itself . An d whil e th e Ahmadiyy a missionaries wer e wel l awar e o f th e problem s inheren t i n Elija h Muham mad's teachings , ultimatel y thei r overal l challeng e t o the Natio n wa s ambiguous. Unabl e t o eithe r bea t o r joi n Muhammad , an d give n thei r ow n controversial standin g in Islam, th e Ahmadiyya perhap s settled for an uneve n detente with the Nation . One o f the Nation' s mos t arden t Easter n Musli m critic s an d competitor s was th e Palestinia n teacher , Shayk h Jami l Shaki r Diab . Fo r a n extende d period, beginnin g i n 194 8 when h e migrate d t o the Unite d States , Dia b was employed b y Elija h Muhamma d an d serve d a s principa l an d teache r a t th e Nation's Universit y o f Islam i n Chicago . Eve n thoug h h e was a Muslim, h e was no t permitte d t o joi n th e Nation . Still , th e arrangemen t apparentl y brought hi m goo d remuneration . I n tim e Dia b too k i t upo n himsel f t o expose hi s Natio n student s t o th e rea l Islami c doctrine , whic h ende d hi s teaching appointment . Diab tol d on e interviewe r tha t th e Natio n coul d no t b e evaluate d b y th e usual criteri a applie d whe n evaluatin g Islam , an d h e characterize d Muham mad's movemen t a s controversial , aggressive , an d propagandis t "a t th e expense o f Islam. " Wit h regar d t o th e Nation' s racia l doctrines , Dia b con cluded tha t th e "ver y cornerston e o f Islam , universa l brotherhoo d o f man , black as well as white, ha s been turne d int o hatred b y them." A leader wit h hi s own interracia l Musli m flock in Chicago , Dia b did no t venture t o attac k th e Nation . Instead , h e heavil y emphasize d tha t a majo r factor i n Isla m was that it transcended rac e and di d no t "herd huma n beings "

J 54 • Religious Apologist according to a "barbaric" racial basis . "[T]her e are no such creature s as white or black Muslims," Diab concluded, "al l are as one, unde r Allah." 10 Malcolm X spent a great deal o f time i n hi s autobiography recountin g th e verbal battle s int o which h e was drawn i n defens e o f Elijah Muhamma d an d the Nation . H e provide d man y example s o f the kind s o f social an d politica l accusations an d rhetori c tha t th e Natio n ha d t o counteract , an d h e note d that blac k Christia n minister s wer e ofte n antagonist s o f th e Nation . Ye t h e said ver y littl e abou t th e criticis m t o whic h th e Natio n wa s subjecte d b y Eastern Muslims . However , Malcol m di d mak e a t leas t on e allusio n t o th e debate surroundin g th e Nation' s religiou s integrit y whe n h e quote d a blac k critic's charge that the followers o f Muhammad wer e "[r]idiculous pretender s to the ancient Islami c doctrine." The pres s generall y preferre d t o concentrat e o n th e Nation' s identit y a s a "blac k supremacist " grou p rathe r tha n it s religiou s natur e a s a Musli m organization. However , som e journalist s wer e perceptive . I n a n intervie w with Malcol m X , on e o f the m di d tak e not e o f Malcolm' s belie f tha t th e "Black Musli m movement " wa s "a n authenti c offshoo t o f Islam. " Malcol m X als o proclaime d tha t "th e Messenger " ha d mad e "th e pilgrimag e t o th e inner shrin e a t Mecca, " an d h e ha d no t gon e t o Mecc a himsel f becaus e h e didn't want to visit there ahead o f Mr. Muhammad . Th e journalist remaine d somewhat skeptica l abou t Malcolm' s explanation , an d pointe d ou t tha t th e Islamic presenc e i n th e Unite d State s lacke d th e kin d o f ecclesiastica l hier archy tha t migh t issu e a n ultimat e judgmen t abou t th e Nation' s religiou s integrity. Such skepticis m als o surface d i n th e writing s o f othe r journalist s wh o wanted t o do more than sensationaliz e storie s on the movement. On e noted , for example , tha t "th e religio n o f th e America n Muslim s seem s t o b e a peculiar mixtur e o f orthodox Mohammedanis m an d th e persona l prejudice s of Elija h Muhammad. " Anothe r conclude d that , i n compariso n t o tradi tional Isla m i n Mecca , "th e rea l heres y o f th e America n Muslim s i s thei r disavowal o f the principl e o f racia l equality . However , Elija h visite d Mecc a last yea r an d wa s receive d b y Musli m leaders. " Thi s journalist , however , was apparently bothere d b y a contradictory undercurren t h e sense d betwee n the Natio n an d othe r Islami c groups—notwithstanding th e assured claim s of the Nation' s leadin g spokesman : "Malcol m X asserts that th e tri p settle d th e legitimacy o f the American movement . Bu t the 75,000 orthodox Muslim s i n the Unite d State s continue to refuse t o recognize the new group." 11 Overall, i t appear s tha t th e Natio n ha d falle n pre y t o the sensationalize d commentary o f th e media , whic h invariabl y travele d th e lo w roa d towar d

Religious Apologist • 155 educating th e public abou t matter s relating to African American s i n general . With th e releas e o f C . Eri c Lincoln' s scholarl y assessmen t o f th e Nation , The Black Muslims in America (1961) , th e medi a foun d a n eve n mor e exploitable opportunity. Lincol n ha d coined th e "Black Muslim" term, prob ably becaus e i t helpe d t o distinguis h Muhammad' s follower s fro m othe r Muslim groups . Th e appellatio n wa s quickly appropriate d b y the medi a an d it becam e loade d wit h inflammator y an d sensationalize d journalisti c bag gage. Rathe r tha n usin g "Blac k Muslims " i n a scholarl y sens e tha t Lincol n had intended , th e medi a exploite d th e ter m t o enhanc e th e kin d o f "blac k supremacist threat " storie s tha t ha d first arise n afte r th e Wallace/Loma x documentary i n 1959 . The ter m "Blac k Muslims " disturbe d Elija h Muhamma d an d Malcol m particularly becaus e i t polarize d the m fro m th e Islami c world—somethin g that Lincoln himsel f had no t intended. A s Elijah Muhammad' s chie f spokesman, Malcol m recalled : I tried fo r a t leas t two years to kill of f tha t "Black Muslims.' ' Ever y newspape r and magazine write r an d microphon e I got close to: "No! We are blac k people her e in America. Ou r religion i s Islam. W e are properly calle d 'Muslims'! " But that "Black Muslims" name never got dislodged.12 The Nation' s leadershi p wa s understandabl y perturbe d wit h Lincol n fo r inventing suc h a n irreversibl e problem . Consequently , Malcol m X wa s quoted a s sayin g tha t Lincol n wa s "jus t a Christia n preache r fro m Atlant a . . . wh o wante d t o mak e som e money , s o h e wrot e a boo k an d calle d i t 'Black Muslim s i n America / " All o f the Nation' s efforts , includin g th e tw o trips t o th e Musli m world , seeme d t o hav e bee n los t i n th e explosio n o f "Black Muslim" rhetoric. T o n o avail, Malcol m X spent the res t of his career in th e Natio n declarin g tha t "w e ar e no t eve n Blac k Muslim s . . . w e are blac k peopl e wh o ar e Muslim s becaus e w e hav e accepte d th e religio n of Islam." 13 An apparen t side-effec t o f "Blac k Muslims " wa s tha t i t aggravate d preex isting tensions betwee n th e Natio n an d othe r Muslim s i n th e Unite d States . If there ha d bee n apath y o r eve n sympath y o n th e par t o f Easter n Muslim s with regar d t o th e Nation , th e tid e no w seeme d t o b e turning . Attack s b y Muslims o f the Dar k World becam e regula r an d perhap s mor e probin g tha n ever before—inevitabl y placin g Malcol m X i n a n eve n mor e precariou s position a s the Nation's chief apologist. For instance , whe n a Sudanes e Musli m studen t a t th e Universit y o f Pennsylvania complaine d t o the Pittsburgh Courier that Elijah Muhammad' s

J 56 • Religious Apologist pilgrimage t o Mecc a wa s probabl y a farc e sinc e h e ha d no t gon e i n th e proper season, 14 Malcolm retaliated . Recallin g that he had visite d th e Suda n in 1959 , Malcol m note d ho w impresse d h e ha d bee n wit h th e piet y an d hospitality o f al l Africa n Muslims . H e conclude d quit e firmly tha t thi s critical Sudanes e studen t coul d no t b e a rea l Muslim , le t alon e a Musli m from Sudan . "N o rea l Musli m wil l eve r attac k anothe r Musli m jus t t o gain the friendshi p o f Christians, " Malcol m chided . I n effect , Malcol m ha d totally sidesteppe d th e student' s perceptiv e (an d significant ) complain t b y launching a religiously garbed characte r assaul t in response: This ma n can' t b e a rea l Muslim . H e probabl y i s a n America n Negr o wh o i s a Christian, bu t i s posing as a Muslim jus t to lend "authenticity " to his attacks upon Messenger Elijah Muhammad . Ho w can we tell? If real Muslim s have difference[s ] they settl e thei r difference s i n private , bu t neve r t o th e publi c deligh t o f Jews and Christians.15 Even thoug h th e write r declare d himsel f t o b e a Musli m an d a n admire r o f the anti-Christia n Tali b Dawud , Malcol m apprise d hi m o f th e Qur'ani c prohibition agains t making Christian an d Jewish friends—forcing th e analytical spotlight , quit e unfairly , bac k on the Sudanes e student. 16 This modu s operand i wa s no t new , eithe r t o Malcol m X or th e Nation . The Nation' s first manifestatio n ha d bee n fundamentall y grounde d o n W . D. Fard' s gainsaying , fault-findin g argument s tha t based cul t integrit y solel y on th e sin s o f th e orthodox . Likewise , a n observe r i n Elija h Muhammad' s earlier day s noted ho w the "Messenge r o f Allah" had als o derided Christian s and Jews . Thi s tendenc y t o infe r "evidenc e b y ridicule" was Elijah Muham mad's "essentia l tactic " in puttin g of f th e mor e probing , critica l question s of the Nation' s orthodo x opponents. 17 Now , wit h the rise of Muslim oppositio n in the earl y 1960s , Malcol m X took up Muhammad' s cudge l o f derision an d became quite skilled at knocking about any Muslim wh o dared to suggest the Nation wa s anything less than a n authentic Islami c organization . When th e New York Amsterdam News feature d th e religiou s critiqu e o f a Musli m schola r fro m Afghanista n wh o questione d Elija h Muhammad' s authenticity a s th e Messenger , Malcol m responde d wit h a writte n sneer , calling the Muslim' s criticism s "amusing " and placin g references t o him a s a scholar i n quotatio n marks . Discountin g th e relevanc e o f authoritie s o n Muslims, Malcol m claime d tha t "i f al l th e Musli m 'scholars ' i n th e Eas t were to come t o America a t the sam e time an d pu t fort h thei r effort s fo r th e purpose o f spreadin g th e Religio n o f Isla m amon g th e whit e Americans , Allah's nam e woul d stil l b e unknow n amon g thes e Wester n Infidels. " H e

Religious Apologist • J 57 instead turne d t o Elija h Muhammad' s allege d astoundin g succes s at turnin g "hundreds-of-thousands o f th e so-calle d Negroes " towar d Mecc a i n prayer . He recalle d hi s ow n experience s i n th e East , remindin g th e schola r tha t th e Eastern Muslim s h e ha d me t neve r criticize d Elija h Muhammad—espe cially since "there is too much fo r them t o do in their own country tha t is yet undone, despit e th e fac t tha t the y clai m t o hav e bee n 'true ' Muslim s fo r almost fourteen centuries. " Not letting up, Malcol m continue d b y lauding Elija h Muhammad' s hig h conversion succes s rat e a s a sig n o f Allah' s favor , an d the n accuse d th e Muslim schola r o f allowin g "Christia n enemie s o f Isla m pu t word s i n hi s mouth" tha t coul d b e use d t o denigrat e a Musli m leader . Skillfull y shiftin g his attention t o the Musli m world , Malcol m the n reminde d th e scholar tha t Algerian Muslim s ha d separate d fro m th e French , Arabi c Muslim s ha d separated fro m th e Israelis , an d Pakistan i Muslim s ha d separate d fro m th e Hindus. How , then , Malcol m challenge d th e scholar , coul d an y Musli m consider Elija h Muhamma d a teacher of race hatred? Finally, Malcol m close d hi s attack by citing two favorite Qur'ani c texts— one that speaks against friendship wit h Jew s and Christians , an d anothe r tha t Malcolm rea d wit h a n ey e toward th e eschatological destructio n o f the white race: 'Th e da y whe n th e trumpe t i s blown; an d w e shal l gathe r th e guilty , blue-eyed, o n that day." 18 No doubt this many-pronged attac k from Malcol m had legitimat e point s and reveale d tha t h e ha d a n earl y awareness o f the rea l incongruities of the Muslim world . Nevertheless , hi s counterattack was made according to the letter and spiri t of the Nation . When a historian o f Islam wrote a revealing piece i n the New York Times Magazine tha t contrasted traditiona l Isla m with Elija h Muhammad' s Nation , Malcolm wa s again compelle d t o mak e a counterattack. "Isla m i s essentially democratic an d egalitarian, " th e schola r ha d written . Bu t th e "Blac k Mus lims" did no t clai m t o be orthodox, no r were their teaching s i n lin e with th e teachings o f Islam . "The y preac h rac e hatre d an d clai m tha t Go d i s blac k and tha t it is the destiny of the black race to inherit the earth. " SeVferal week s later , Malcolm' s retor t appeare d i n th e sam e publication' s letter section. H e labeled th e scholar's work "a frantic effor t t o bring division" between th e "rapidl y growing " Natio n an d "ou r Musli m brother s i n th e East." Thi s writer , declare d Malcolm , ha d "skillfull y twiste d man y half truths" t o prov e tha t Muhamma d wa s no t a sincer e Muslim . Malcol m dispensed wit h an y furthe r epithets , an d launche d int o a scriptura l tou r d e force instead , citin g several verse s from th e Qur'an , includin g hi s two favor ites abou t nonalignmen t wit h Jew s an d Christian s an d th e eschatologica l

J 58 • Religious Apologist destruction o f th e "guilt y BLUE-EYED " (whic h h e place d i n uppe r cas e for emphasis). Since th e historia n ha d criticize d th e Nation' s teachin g tha t th e blac k man wa s th e origina l man , Malcol m als o cite d th e Qur'ani c verse : "Surel y We create d ma n o f sounding clay , o f BLACK MU D fashione d int o shape. " Malcolm conclude d b y darin g th e schola r t o as k hi s "orthodo x Musli m friends" t o explai n ho w Elija h Muhammad' s teaching s conflic t wit h thes e pertinent passage s of the Holy Qur'an . The editor s o f th e New York Times Magazine di d no t allo w Malcol m t o get i n th e las t word , however . Th e scholar' s rebutta l t o Malcol m X wa s included i n th e sam e issue , an d i t calle d particula r attentio n t o Malcolm' s quotation o f th e Muhamma d Al i Englis h translatio n o f th e "guilty , blue eyed" tex t fro m th e Qur'an . H e note d tha t th e origina l tex t rea d differentl y ("and [th e sinners'] eyes shall become dim with terror"), and tha t it contained no reference t o the white rac e whatsoever. The n th e scholar conclude d that , according t o th e Qur'an , "Al l sinners , no t onl y blue-eye d ones , ar e impli cated i n th e judgment. " A s i f t o pu t Malcol m X t o silence , h e conclude d that "th e essentia l natur e o f Islam, lik e the essentia l natur e o f Hebraism an d Christianity, i s pacific, toleran t an d charitable . Th e Blac k Muslims, b y their own accounting , ar e neither pacific , no r tolerant, no r charitable." 19 Malcolm woul d probabl y no t hav e admitte d i t at th e time , bu t h e clearl y lost this round—and no t only because the scholar was allowed the last word. His abilit y t o defen d th e Natio n b y mean s o f scholarly , reasoned , an d religiously soun d argumen t wa s inadequate . Hi s limitation s wer e no t base d on any lack of understanding o r exposure to Islam on his part, though . Quit e the contrary—if Malcol m X could no t effectivel y defen d th e Natio n agains t such penetratin g criticism s i t was because h e wa s too boun d u p i n Muham mad's cultic straitjacket . For a lon g time , Malcolm' s commitmen t t o Elija h Muhamma d ha d obligated hi m t o defen d th e Nation' s doctrines , eve n whe n th e logi c o f hi s defense seeme d absurd . I t seems tha t Malcol m X was finding it increasingl y difficult t o mak e a firm case fo r Elija h Muhammad' s Islami c integrity . Thi s is probabl y why , sometim e i n th e earl y 1960s , Malcol m bega n t o mak e statements tha t suggeste d h e wa s beginnin g t o mov e away , eve r s o subtly , from Muhammad' s exclusiv e religiou s clai m o n hi s min d an d soul. Thi s gradual departur e becam e particularl y apparen t i n Malcolm' s mountin g in terviews and activitie s outside the guarded real m o f the Nation .

12 Foreshadowing Mecca— Between Cul t and Orthodox y Islam is a religion of brotherhood in which color is not recognized.

At th e en d o f Marc h 1963 , Malcol m X appeare d o n a late night television program , The Ben Hunter Show, i n Lo s Angeles, California , The tal k show featured a group of panelists that include d th e black journalis t Louis Lomax , wh o ha d first introduce d th e Natio n t o televisio n viewer s i n 1959. On this occasion Malcol m X did not immediately invok e "The Honor able Elija h Muhammad " whe n h e wa s aske d abou t bein g a M u s l i m something quit e uncharacteristi c o f hi s othe r medi a interviews . Instead , Malcolm X declared: "One becomes a Muslim onl y by accepting the religion of Islam, whic h mean s belief in on e God, Allah . Christian s call hi m Christ , Jews cal l hi m Jehovah . Man y peopl e hav e man y differen t name s bu t h e i s the creator of the universe." Malcolm note d further tha t becoming a Muslim entailed submittin g onesel f to God, praying , fasting , bein g charitable, broth erhood, an d havin g respect for authority and othe r people. l There ar e tw o significan t aspect s t o Malcolm' s statemen t here . First , h e emphasized th e traditiona l vie w o f th e submitte d lif e accordin g t o Isla m rather than th e central tenets of Elijah Muhammad' s blac k religion of separation. Second , Malcol m equate d Alla h wit h th e divinit y o f Christianity an d Judaism, claimin g tha t onl y th e name s fo r Go d ar e different . Indeed , b y 159

J 60 • Foreshadowing Mecca—Between Cult and Orthodoxy adding tha t "man y peopl e hav e man y differen t names " fo r Allah , h e wa s appealing t o a n ecumenis m tha t wa s irreconcilabl e t o Muhammad' s blac k cult theology . Indeed , suc h ecumenis m ma y eve n hav e echoed th e persona l theism o f Louis e Littl e an d th e religiou s flexibility Malcolm ha d learne d a t her feet . Certainly , i t wa s a fa r cr y fro m Elija h Muhammad' s doctrin e o f a black incarnated Go d name d W . D . Fard . Malcolm did , however , addres s th e teaching s o f Elija h Muhamma d o n the show , includin g th e notio n tha t white s ar e devils. Bu t hi s cas e sounde d somewhat hollow, a s if he believed i n "the Messenger" but not the message: The Honorabl e Elija h Muhamma d teache s u s that Go d taugh t hi m that th e white race is a race of devils and what a white person should do if he is not a devil is prove it. As far as I'm concerned the history of the white race as it has been taught to us by the Honorabl e Elija h Muhamma d i s pretty stron g evidenc e agains t tha t particula r race.2 Malcolm's word s give the impressio n tha t h e wa s relaying a message tha t he di d no t personall y own , religiousl y speaking . Wha t h e di d conve y wer e the claims of Elijah Muhammad , no t actua l revelation—onl y "prett y stron g evidence." H e concluded : "Now , i f they ar e no t devils , al l I say i s that the y should prov e the y ar e no t an d I'l l g o bac k an d tel l Mr . Muhamma d tha t perhaps he might be wrong." 3 Malcolm di d no t actuall y sa y tha t Muhamma d wa s wrong ; h e wa s stil l unable t o mak e suc h a suggestion . However , hi s word s clearl y lef t th e doo r open t o th e ide a tha t Elija h Muhammad' s teaching s wer e no t abov e th e scrutiny o f human reason . I n th e eye s of the tru e believer , revelatio n i s not subject t o tests and proofs . I t seems that no w Malcol m X himself ha d begu n to test Muhammad's doctrine s against his own understanding o f Islam. Louis Loma x lef t th e televisio n studi o wit h Malcol m X after th e sho w i n the earl y hour s o f the morning , an d late r recalle d a n inciden t tha t occurre d as they walke d towar d thei r ca r wit h anothe r Natio n official . I n th e parkin g lot " a numbe r o f Ara b student s fro m UCL A literall y surrounde d Malcolm . They ha d see n th e progra m an d wer e visibl y angere d b y Malcolm' s 'whit e devil' utterances." The students , wh o Loma x recalle d wer e whit e b y appearance , flatly ac cused Malcol m o f preaching a false doctrine. "Malcol m attempte d t o counter by sayin g tha t i t wa s necessar y fo r hi m t o tak e th e 'whit e devil ' approac h i n order t o 'wak e up th e deaf, dumb , an d blin d America n Negro. ' " According to Lomax, however , th e Arab students angrily rejected an y such explanation , and Malcolm—visibl y disturbe d b y their rejection—"stalked " awa y from th e

Foreshadowing Mecca—Between Cult and Orthodoxy • J6 J students and go t into the car with his companions, apparentl y sayin g nothing more about the incident . A simila r even t ha d als o occurre d whe n Malcol m wa s speakin g a t th e University of Michigan o n January 23 , 1963 . During his presentation h e had a simila r encounte r wit h a n Easter n Musli m durin g a question-and-answe r period. Whe n th e Musli m i n th e audienc e identifie d himsel f a s white , Malcolm immediatel y insiste d h e was not white. Whe n th e ma n persiste d b y asking him i f the Nation woul d accep t a white Muslim, Malcol m dodge d th e question b y saying tha t i t woul d b e a waste o f time tryin g t o conver t white s after Easter n Muslim s ha d faile d t o d o s o and , further , tha t Mr . Muham mad's concern wa s for black people. When th e Musli m stil l persisted , Malcol m declared : "W e ar e brothers/ * noting tha t durin g hi s sta y i n Egyp t h e "fel t th e spiri t o f brotherhood/ * However, rathe r than carr y that admission t o its logical conclusion, Malcol m triumphantly shifte d th e attentio n bac k o n th e Easter n Muslim s i n th e United State s instead : "Bu t a n Egyptia n wh o come s t o Americ a shoul d realize th e proble m confronte d b y Blac k peopl e i n thi s country . An d whe n you se e u s being chase d b y a dog , th e bes t thin g fo r yo u t o d o i s wait unti l the do g stop s chasin g u s an d the n as k u s som e questions . Especiall y whe n you shoul d hav e com e a long tim e ag o an d helpe d you r littl e brother s whi p the dog. " Though Malcol m wa s skillfull y abl e t o disar m thi s Musli m criti c in public , h e wa s no t a s successfu l i n th e confrontatio n wit h th e Ara b students outsid e th e televisio n studio . A s Loma x noted , thei r firm rejectio n of hi s presentatio n deepl y disturbe d Malcol m X , wh o genuinel y believe d i n Muslim solidarity . Malcolm admitte d i n hi s autobiograph y tha t increase d exposur e t o stu dents an d othe r sympatheti c white s ha d move d hi m t o alte r th e Nation' s presentation slightly . Speakin g t o his audiences i n th e earl y 1960s , h e began to declare : "Unles s w e cal l on e whit e man , b y name , a 'devil / w e ar e no t speaking o f an y individual whit e man . W e ar e speakin g o f th e collective white man' s historical record." I t woul d see m tha t criticism , especiall y th e increasing hostilit y o f Muslims towar d Natio n doctrines , ha d begu n t o weigh heavily upo n th e shoulder s o f Malcolm X , who ha d to deal wit h thi s burde n while Elija h Muhamma d remaine d sequestere d i n hi s Chicag o mansio n o r his winter home i n Phoenix , Arizona . It i s interesting t o not e ho w critica l th e attitude s o f Easter n Muslim s ha d become towar d th e Natio n i n th e wak e o f th e media' s "Blac k Muslim " craze. Ahma d Kamal , a n officia l i n a traditiona l Musli m humanitaria n organization calle d Jami'a t al-Isla m commented : "Elija h Poole' s teachings .

162 • Foreshadowing Mecca—Between Cult and Orthodoxy his dogma and doctrine of hatred, ar e utterly non-Muslim. I t is anti-Muslim. We fee l a grea t compassio n fo r al l Negroe s wh o hav e bee n dupe d b y th e Black Muslims." In 1963 , journalist s bega n t o tak e mor e not e o f th e fac t tha t th e "Blac k Muslims" ha d bee n rejecte d b y traditiona l Muslim s i n th e Unite d States , including th e Federatio n o f Islami c Association s i n th e Unite d State s an d Canada. I n a n articl e publishe d i n Chicago' s blac k Daily Defender, Ahma d Kamal furthe r sharpene d hi s attac k upo n th e Nation . Callin g Elija h Mu hammad's doctrine s "satanic " an d referrin g t o hi m a s Elija h Poole , Kama l declared tha t black s ha d a "ne w burde n t o bear, " sinc e th e leade r o f th e Nation ha d "taugh t hi s listener s tha t i n followin g hi m the y ar e guide d b y a living prophet and tha t they are Black Muslims. H e is going to have much t o answer for." Another journalis t observe d tha t the legitimac y o f the Natio n a s a Musli m organizatio n wa s stil l a matte r ope n t o debate , thoug h certai n Muslim scholar s had expresse d "negative opinions on the question." 4 As to Malcol m X' s position, th e debat e wa s still raging . I n mos t ways, h e persisted i n hi s normal rol e as the purveyor of Muhammad's diatribe s against whites an d Christianity . Despit e hi s vigorou s word s agains t whit e religion , however, Malcolm' s inclinatio n towar d traditional Isla m was becoming mor e apparent. Fo r instance , whe n h e appeare d o n a Chicag o televisio n progra m called At Random o n Marc h 3 , 1963 , he defended th e "whit e devil" epithet of th e Nation—bu t di d s o strictl y o n th e basi s o f behavior , no t biology . Indeed, Malcol m cite d Muhammad—bu t no t Elija h Muhammad . "Well , sir, i n th e Koran , i n th e teachings o f Muhammad i n Arabia 140 0 years ago, he sai d yo u judg e a man b y his conscious behavio r o r by his intention s . . . which mean s tha t anyon e wh o intentionall y o r consciousl y carrie s int o practice the attributes or characteristics o f the devil i s a devil." In a Washington, D.C. , radi o intervie w i n Ma y 1963 , Malcol m seeme d at first to be conveying the standard racial-religiou s line of the Nation. Islam , he declared, "i s the very nature o f which th e black man wa s created." As the black man' s religion , h e sai d further , Isla m alon e coul d teac h black s th e truth abou t themselves an d woul d "automatically " includ e blac k people who gained knowledg e abou t thei r "cultura l pasts. " Not onl y di d Isla m bes t sui t black people, accordin g to Malcolm X , but i t had "a spiritual power within i t that automaticall y make s th e ma n tur n towar d God , hav e respec t fo r on e God, th e oneness of God, [an d the] unity of God." 5 Malcolm's reference s t o Isla m turne d towar d orthodox y a t thi s point , however. Remindin g th e radi o audienc e tha t th e "peopl e i n th e Musli m world don' t regar d a ma n according t o th e colo r o f hi s skin, " Malcol m

Foreshadowing Mecca—Between Cult and Orthodoxy • 163 seemed t o b e hintin g a t a mor e conciliator y approach : "Whe n yo u ar e a Muslim, yo u don't loo k at the color of a man's ski n . . . whether he is black, red, white or green o r somethin g lik e that; when yo u ar e a Muslim yo u loo k at th e ma n and judge him according to his conscious behavior,'* Thi s wa s certainly no t th e voic e o f Elijah Muhamma d speakin g through Malcol m X . "And man y peopl e i n thi s countr y thin k w e ar e agains t th e whit e ma n because h e i s white," Malcolm concluded . "No , a s a Musli m w e don't loo k at the color of a man's skin ; we are against the white man becaus e of what he has done to the black man." 6 As early as 1959 , when h e was in the Middle East, Malcol m ha d declare d to the black press that in the Islamic world, human s are not judged accordin g to thei r color . However , h e flatly denie d tha t Saud i Arabian s coul d b e white—suggesting tha t Musli m fraternit y wa s essentiall y a blac k brother hood. Bu t now , i n 1963 , h e include d white s i n th e Musli m famil y an d further claime d tha t n o white ma n wa s judged accordin g t o his color—onl y by hi s deeds . Thi s was , fo r al l intent s an d purposes , the same declaration Malcolm woul d mak e i n Mecc a on e yea r later , afte r bein g ouste d fro m the Nation . The extent to which Malcol m wa s apparently experiencing the fragmenta tion o f hi s culti c worldvie w i s quit e dramaticall y illustrate d i n thi s radi o interview, especiall y so since his words reflect how desperately he was groping for traditional Isla m within the confining straitjacke t o f Muhammad's organi zation. I t migh t b e risk y t o mak e muc h o f Malcolm' s ever y word , bu t hi s awkward switc h fro m first perso n singula r t o first person plura l i n th e com ment abov e seem s significant : "A s a Muslim y we don't loo k a t the colo r o f a man's skin. " Wa s Malcol m X no w longin g t o expres s hi s ow n religiou s thoughts, independen t o f Elija h Muhammad—s o muc h s o tha t h e nearl y confessed t o holding orthodox conviction s over the radio? The rea l issue , then , wa s ho w lon g Malcol m coul d continu e parrotin g Muhammad's doctrine s an d liv e wit h hi s ow n growin g nee d t o expres s hi s religious, social, an d political independence . Politica l historians have already noted that in the 1960 s Malcolm X was moving steadily toward a progressive, activist stanc e tha t coul d no t ultimatel y b e reconcile d t o th e nonpolitical , sectarian natur e o f th e Nation, 7 bu t fe w hav e adequatel y appreciate d th e religious corollar y t o th e sam e crisi s i n Malcol m X' s caree r i n th e Nation . Just as he was increasingly confronte d b y those who criticized th e Natio n fo r its nonactivism, h e was likewise frustrated b y the cultic chasm tha t prevente d him fro m steppin g up to the religious highground o f orthodox Islam . Still, 1963—Malcolm' s las t year i n th e Nation—wa s essentiall y charac *

164 • Foreshadowing Mecca—Between Cult and Orthodoxy terized by his stubborn devotio n t o Muhammad's teachings, whic h he lauded as "our onl y solution. " Similarly , Malcol m di d no t spar e the Nation' s Mus lim critics—hi s bes t defens e bein g th e charg e tha t Easter n Muslim s ha d not promote d Isla m a s successfull y a s ha d Elija h Muhammad . Whateve r fluctuations o f faith an d doctrina l convictio n Malcol m experienced , h e con tinued t o mak e culti c warning s t o hi s audiences , a s h e di d o n a Clevelan d television show : "al l Scripture, " accordin g t o Elija h Muhammad , ha d pre dicted th e fall o f the Europea n worl d afte r si x thousand year s of unjust rule . Committed abov e al l t o Elija h Muhammad , Malcol m continue d t o sing his praises : " I wa s i n priso n i n Massachusett s whe n I bega n t o stud y th e teachings o f Muhammad. I had committe d a crime. I t was his teaching tha t saved me . Thi s i s whe n m y lif e changed. " However , Malcol m coul d no t hide altogethe r tha t hi s lif e wa s stil l changin g an d tha t h e woul d hav e preferred t o proclai m a form o f Isla m tha t wa s not s o much a black religio n for blac k people exclusively, bu t a religion fo r all people. "We are not Black Muslims," Malcolm preache d t o the students of Michigan Stat e University , "w e are Muslims . Isla m i s a religion o f brotherhood i n which colo r i s not recognized." 8 I n retrospect , i t seems certain tha t Malcol m X already believe d tha t Isla m coul d mak e brother s o f all men—eve n whe n those me n wer e blac k an d white . However , h e wa s stil l loya l t o Elija h Muhammad an d coul d no t sto p believing i n th e ma n wh o ha d reache d int o his priso n cel l t o sav e him i n 1948 . I t wa s Elijah Muhamma d himsel f wh o stood betwee n Malcol m X and orthodoxy , no t the teachings of the Nation . Malcolm's first politica l biographe r recognize d tha t Malcol m "stretche d the bound s o f Muhammad' s doctrin e t o th e limit , an d sometime s beyond . He introduce d ne w element s int o th e movement , no t onl y o f styl e bu t o f ideology."9 Indeed , ever y significan t stud y o n th e Natio n discusse s th e cen tral importanc e o f Malcol m X to th e developmen t o f Elija h Muhammad' s organization, bu t ther e i s considerabl y les s appreciatio n fo r th e religiou s elements he contributed an d o n the movement's impac t on him as a religious man. Thi s ma y b e becaus e generall y th e Natio n wa s no t recognize d a s a religious organization . Thi s oversigh t i s clearly th e mos t commo n weaknes s in historica l appraisal s o f th e movement . I n th e rar e case s whe n religiousl y sensitive analyses have been made , the y usually lend Elija h Muhamma d an d his Muslim s a legitimacy tha t doe s no t clarif y th e movement' s culti c natur e and it s ramifications . For example, on e religiou s stud y of Malcolm X and Marti n Luthe r King , Jr., reflect s suc h misunderstandin g b y viewin g Malcol m X and th e Natio n only throug h blac k liberatio n theology , whic h judge s th e dept h o f religiou s

Foreshadowing Mecca—Between Cult and Orthodoxy • 16 5 commitment b y one' s dedicatio n t o justice . I n "usin g th e liberatio n activit y of huma n being s a s th e len s throug h whic h on e see s God, " bot h Marti n Luther King , Jr. , an d Malcol m X ar e see n a s deepl y religiou s persons . Malcolm X , lik e Dr. King , wa s deeply religious , bu t seeing him mainl y a s a black liberatio n activis t tend s t o kee p hi s theologica l an d experientia l reli gious views in the background. Th e importan t distinction betwee n orthodox y and cul t (or new religion) is consequently overlooked . For instance , liberatio n theolog y ma y observ e grea t continuit y betwee n Dr. King' s "persona l visio n o f God " an d Malcolm' s priso n visio n o f a ma n he took to be W. D . Fard . I n such a perspective, th e striking similarity of the two religiou s experience s ar e du e chiefl y t o th e blac k leaders ' commo n grounding i n the African America n religiou s experience. Whil e thi s perspective i s valid , i t doe s no t provid e sufficien t criteri a fo r evaluatin g th e differ ences betwee n King' s an d Malcolm' s religiou s experiences—le t alon e th e differences betwee n Malcolm' s religiou s life during and after hi s involvemen t in th e Nation. 10 Similarly , on e ca n sa y tha t th e Natio n wa s "specificall y designed t o address the spiritual, social , economic , an d politica l need s of the black underclass"—i n contras t t o Euro-America n Christianity , whic h wa s designed t o fit th e need s an d desire s o f whit e racism. 11 Thi s ma y b e tru e insofar a s liberatio n theolog y addresse s th e socia l an d politica l aspect s o f religion. Bu t insofa r a s theolog y an d experienc e ar e concerne d thi s analysi s only creates further questions . The black counterpart t o Euro-American Christianit y i n the Unite d State s is, afte r all , Africa n America n Christianity—no t culti c blac k "Islam. " In deed, th e religiou s difference s betwee n Africa n America n Christianit y an d the Natio n itsel f are profound an d irreconcilable . Ye t these differences, a s in the cas e of Malcolm X , ca n b e discerned onl y when religiou s orthodoxy an d heresy ar e factore d int o th e blac k religiou s experienc e a s well. Thus , whil e liberation theolog y correctl y maintain s tha t th e Natio n provide d a distinctl y black religion, th e abiding question remains: what kind of religion wa s it? The nee d fo r suc h clarificatio n i s apparent whe n th e leadin g black libera tion theologia n state s tha t Malcol m X made a religiou s distinctio n betwee n Elijah Muhamma d a s a "divin e man " an d Allah—i n contras t t o othe r Nation members , wh o revere d Elija h Muhamma d t o th e poin t o f worship . Likewise, thi s analysi s conclude s tha t Malcol m X revere d "th e religio n o f Islam" above Elijah Muhammad , an d was therefore abl e to "develop his own thinking abou t God. " T o verif y thi s distinction , th e sam e schola r note s a n incident o f reflectio n fro m The Autobiography of Malcolm X, pertainin g t o Malcolm's speec h befor e th e Harvar d La w Schoo l Foru m i n Cambridge ,

166 • Foreshadowing Mecca—Between Cult and Orthodoxy Massachusetts, o n Marc h 24 , 1961 . I n thi s reflectiv e momen t a t Harvard , Malcolm expresse d aw e a t th e grea t distanc e tha t Alla h ha d brough t hi m from hi s former lif e o f sin, an d h e acknowledged tha t his reverence fo r Isla m was even greater than hi s reverence fo r Muhammad. 12 I n hi s autobiography , however, Malcol m wrot e tha t hi s religiou s devotio n t o Elija h Muhamma d was, i n fact, tantamoun t t o worship: My adoration o f Mr. Muhammad grew, in the sense of the Latin root word adorare. It means much mor e than ou r "adoration" or "adore." It means that my worship of him wa s so awesome that h e was the first man who m I had eve r feared—not fea r such as of a man with a gun, but the fear such as one has of the power of the sun. n Even grantin g tha t thi s unusua l devotio n i s descriptive o f Malcolm' s earlie r commitment t o Elija h Muhamma d an d tha t i t began t o wan e b y 1961 , th e analysis o f liberation theolog y stil l does no t sufficiently explai n th e natur e of Malcolm's religiou s experience—jus t a s i t doe s no t sufficientl y explai n th e kind o f religiou s movemen t tha t coul d engende r suc h a n experience . Cer tainly, Malcolm' s differing conception s o f Allah during and after hi s involvement i n th e Natio n ar e no t clarified . Ho w di d Malcol m perceiv e Allah ? A t the tim e Malcol m spok e a t Harvar d i n 1961 , di d Elija h Muhammad' s influence exten d t o Malcolm's understandin g o f Allah's nature , an d di d tha t understanding confor m t o the Qur'an ? In fact, a s late as June 1963—les s than a year before h e would mak e Haj j as a Sunn i Muslim—Malcol m X was arguing fo r a theological understand ing o f Allah tha t wa s distinctly Muhammad' s ow n culti c formula . Malcol m X appeare d o n a Ne w Yor k Cit y radi o tal k show , Program P.M., i n Jun e 1963, whic h involve d answerin g telephon e questions . Durin g th e program , Malcolm broache d th e topi c o f divin e natur e an d recalle d tha t durin g hi s 1959 trip som e Easter n Muslim s ha d criticize d hi m fo r holdin g t o Muham mad's teaching that W. D . Far d wa s Allah incarnate . Malcol m explained : My answer to them was that how could they believe that Allah is all powerful enough to creat e a universe—put a sun i n th e universe , man y stars , an d th e plane t upo n which you and I live, plus all else that goes with it, showin g that He's all powerful , all wise, all everything, an d then doub t His power or ability to manifest Himsel f in the flesh. 14 Malcolm furthe r proclaime d tha t Muslim, Christian , an d Jewish theology all agreed tha t Go d woul d "manifes t Himsel f a t th e en d o f time " and brin g a n end t o the "wicked world," replacing it with a "righteous kingdom. " Malcolm als o appeare d o n a Norfolk , Virginia , late-nigh t radi o progra m

Foreshadowing Mecca—Between Cult and Orthodoxy • J 67 in Augus t 1963 . Her e Malcol m likewis e tol d hi s radi o audienc e tha t W . D , Fard's comin g wa s i n fulfillmen t o f th e prophecie s o f "Jewis h theology, " a s well a s the Islami c expectatio n o f a coming "Mahdi " from th e East . I n fact , Malcolm X referre d t o W . D . Far d a s "th e So n o f Man, " a biblica l titl e implying a divine-messiani c nature , i n bot h Hebre w an d Christia n scripture.15 In both cases , Malcol m appeale d t o Allah's power and sovereignty , an d t o messianic expectation , i n order t o justify th e Nation's belie f that W. D . Far d was Allah-in-the-flesh. Thi s wa s hardly a n Islami c notio n o f God an d coul d just a s easily hav e characterize d a Christian' s defens e o f the divin e incarna tion i n Jesu s Christ . Ho w the n ma y Malcolm' s conceptio n o f Alla h b e perceived? Certainly , h e was already heavil y incline d towar d orthodo x Isla m by 1963 . How , then , coul d h e hav e made—i n Musli m terms—suc h a heretical appea l o n behal f o f Fard's divinity ? Liberatio n theology' s emphasi s on blac k religio n i s inadequat e withou t understandin g Malcolm' s relation ship to Elijah Muhamma d i n culti c terms. I f it is understood that , b y 1962— 63, Malcol m wa s experiencing th e birt h pang s o f a new conversion an d tha t his faith wa s constantly fluctuating betwee n belie f i n Muhamma d an d belie f in orthodo x Islam , the n a religiou s explanatio n ma y adequatel y accoun t fo r these apparent conflicts withi n hi s statements. Contrary t o th e ide a tha t Malcol m X escape d th e Nation' s fanatica l devotion t o Elija h Muhammad , i t seem s tha t Malcolm' s fait h actuall y per sonified th e mos t deepl y entrenche d cul t devotion . Som e Muslims , suc h a s Malcolm's brothe r Wilfred , ha d joine d th e movemen t becaus e th e Natio n had a good progra m fo r blacks ; others joine d becaus e they believe d i n Elija h Muhammad's doctrine . Bu t Malcolm' s abidin g commitmen t t o th e Natio n had solidifie d a t th e poin t o f hi s belie f i n Muhamma d himself . A s religio n goes, Malcol m coul d jettiso n Muhammad' s teachings , o r shuffle the m abou t in tru e culti c fashion , al l withou t losin g faith ; bu t h e coul d no t easil y surrender hi s faith i n Muhammad . When C . Eri c Lincoln' s Black Muslims wa s first revised an d update d i n the earl y 1970s , Elija h Muhamma d wa s stil l alive , an d th e movemen t stil l endured. Onl y wit h Muhammad' s deat h i n 197 5 di d th e Natio n ceas e t o exist a s i t ha d fo r th e bette r par t o f fou r decades . I n fact , whe n Warit h (Wallace) Muhamma d too k hi s father' s plac e a s th e ne w leade r o f th e Nation, th e movemen t converte d t o Sunn i Islam . Wit h Elija h Muhamma d gone, th e Nation' s door s were opene d t o all tru e Muslims , blac k and white , and it s heresies were purged i n submission t o the teachings of the Qur'an. 16 Early on , Lincol n ha d observe d th e Nation' s relationshi p t o th e Musli m

J 68 • Foreshadowing Mecca—Between Cult and Orthodoxy world, an d discerne d tha t th e bridge s buil t b y Afro-Asia n Musli m leader s between themselve s an d th e Natio n wer e don e s o primarily ou t o f politica l interest. Speakin g o f Elijah's pilgrimag e i n Decembe r 1959 , Lincol n con cluded tha t Elija h Muhamma d coul d no t hav e bee n admitte d t o Mecc a without bein g sponsore d b y "powerfu l friend s abroad. " Eve n more , Elija h Muhammad's doctrine s seemed , t o Lincoln, t o have disqualified th e Natio n from receivin g religiou s sponsorship. Indeed , th e Musli m leader s of the Eas t considered takin g th e chanc e o f inviting Muhamma d t o Mecca becaus e th e "political possibilities " outweighed th e "religious risk." 17 As i t turne d out , however , i t i s no t clea r tha t th e "religiou s risk " was as great as it seemed, jus t as the pilgrimage itself was not what Muhammad an d Malcolm mad e i t seem t o thei r adorin g follower s bac k hom e i n th e Unite d States. A s on e critica l youn g Sudanes e studen t ha d discerned—muc h t o Malcolm's dismay—Elija h Muhamma d ha d no t actuall y mad e Hajj . H e had certainl y gon e t o Mecc a a s a n honore d guest , bu t i n Islami c standard s Mr. Muhammad' s pilgrimag e t o Mecc a coul d di d no t prov e hi s orthodoxy , regardless of the claims he and Malcol m X made afterwards . In reality , b y Islami c standards , a s Malcol m himsel f woul d late r reveal , Elijah onl y mad e Omra —a visi t t o Mecca , "outsid e o f th e Hajj season," 18 This explain s no t onl y wh y Malcol m lashe d ou t so harshly a t th e Sudanes e student wh o raise d suspicion s abou t Muhammad' s pilgrimage , bu t i t reveal s the culti c intention s o f th e Nation' s leadershi p i n makin g Muhammad' s pilgrimage mor e tha n i t reall y was . Th e leader s o f th e Musli m East , espe cially thos e o f Egypt , ha d apparentl y courte d Muhamma d i n th e hop e tha t their friendshi p woul d wi n a pro-Ara b voic e i n th e blac k community , an d possibly be an Islami c inroad a s well. For thes e gain s the y wer e willin g t o sen d a n eminen t leade r lik e Mah moud Yousse f Shawarbi , a Cair o Universit y professor , t o flatter the Natio n as a Musli m organizatio n wit h a great mission . "W e nee d yo u her e t o hel p bring th e grea t truths o f our fait h t o this country," Shawarb i proclaime d a t a 1960 Natio n rally . I t may be that Shawarb i wa s thinking politically whe n h e told th e Natio n tha t thei r rol e i n th e Unite d State s wa s to build u p "under standing betwee n th e U.S . an d Africa." 19 Regardles s o f wha t contact s wer e made between th e Nation an d the Muslim world , an d despite the advantage s Muhammad coul d clai m i n hi s pilgrimage , th e Natio n di d no t yiel d t o th e influence o f th e outsid e Musli m world—sinc e Elija h Muhamma d appar ently had his own agenda . Indeed, i n retrospect , Malcol m X admitted tha t Elija h Muhamma d ha d

Foreshadowing Mecca—Between Cult and Orthodoxy * 169 little sympathy fo r eithe r th e African o r the Arab worlds-—which leave s us to conclude tha t whateve r investmen t Easter n Musli m leader s ha d mad e i n the Natio n ha d returne d the m nothing , eithe r politicall y o r religiously . "Muhammad doe s not want orthodoxy," Lincoln conclude d o f Muhammad's flirtation with th e East . "Paradox y will do."20 Despite it s great value as a classic study o f Malcolm X and th e Nation , i n the Black Muslims Lincol n ha s overestimate d th e religiou s legitimac y o f the movement—even i n hi s revise d versio n h e suggest s tha t th e Natio n coul d lay clai m t o bein g a legitimat e Islami c sect . I n s o doing , Black Muslims dissents fro m Milto n Yinger' s 195 7 study tha t ha d classifie d th e Natio n a s a cult. T o justif y thi s dissent , Lincol n maintain s tha t th e Natio n wa s no t a localized an d isolate d sect , an d tha t i t woul d probabl y endur e afte r Elija h Muhammad's death . Lincol n predicte d tha t th e Nation' s membership , which h e estimate d a t betwee n fifty an d on e hundre d thousand , woul d b e able t o "dra w upo n th e vas t prestige an d powe r o f international Islam " in it s defense. Lincol n reasone d tha t th e Natio n migh t b e accepte d eve n a s "deviates," because of the need fo r Isla m t o "fit loca l conditions. " To buttress his argument, h e cites the Ahmadiyya movemen t as an exam ple o f Islam' s toleratio n an d acceptanc e o f "deviates. " However , thi s thesi s cannot b e sustained, eithe r b y closer stud y o r i n th e fact s o f history, an d th e older analysi s o f the Natio n a s a cult the n stand s al l th e mor e firm. I n fact ? the Nation' s membershi p seem s neve r t o hav e bee n greate r tha n twenty-fiv e thousand a t it s pea k i n 1959-60 , followe d b y a rapi d declin e b y 1962 , Furthermore, th e Nation a s it was defined an d guided by Elijah Muhamma d was neve r accepte d b y th e Musli m world . Unlik e th e Ahmadiyy a sect , the Natio n remaine d beyon d th e pal e o f Islam , bot h theologicall y an d geographically. The greates t deficienc y o f Black Muslims, however , i s it s affirmatio n o f Elijah Muhammad' s culti c clai m tha t Isla m ha d t o b e rendere d doctrinall y deviant i n orde r t o becom e relevan t t o Africa n Americans . I n s o doing , Black Muslims reinforce s Elija h Muhammad' s condescendin g remark , fo r instance, tha t he would no t blame th e Musli m worl d i f they differed wit h th e Nation ove r "certain interpretations." 21 A true cult , Elija h Muhammad' s Natio n wa s a "tigh t communa l group " united b y a n "unconventiona l religion " i n tensio n wit h th e res t o f society . While th e Natio n wa s apparently i n tensio n wit h whit e society, i t was also at odds wit h th e Musli m an d Christia n religiou s communities , Th e differenc e in th e Nation' s reaction s t o Isla m an d t o Christianit y ha d t o d o wit h ho w

170 • Foreshadowing Mecca—Between Cult and Orthodoxy Elijah Muhamma d identifie d thes e tensions . A s their unquestione d leader , his perception o f how these tensions relate d t o his notion o f salvation define d how the Nation woul d reac t to them. 22 In th e cas e o f Islam , th e tension s fel t b y Muhamma d an d hi s Muslim s were rea l bu t manageable . Consequently , th e aggressio n o f th e Natio n to ward Isla m wa s passive. Malcolm' s barbe d comment s abou t certai n Easter n Muslims notwithstanding , th e threat posed by the Nation t o traditional Isla m was difficul t t o discer n sinc e i t cam e wrappe d i n a cloa k o f Musli m unity . Yet inheren t i n Muhammad' s clai m "t o cut th e cloa k t o fit the cloth " was a rejection o f the cultura l form s o f orthodox Islam , an d it s theological essenc e as well.23

13 Fame an d Fur y You're having trouble because the devil is on the rampage!

When h e wa s aske d abou t socia l equalit y fo r black s o n th e WGBS radi o program , Let's Find Out, Malcol m X decrie d th e notio n o f racial equality based o n white standards. "Th e white man i s not the yardstick by whic h equalit y i s measured. " Th e yardstick , Malcol m maintained , wa s Elijah Muhammad' s progra m o f mora l uplift , no t th e notio n o f achievin g civil rights . H e boaste d o f his Musli m rejectio n o f the blac k statu s quo , an d did s o in a manne r tha t wa s bound t o keep even hi s black admirers a t arm' s length: "I deny m y nam e an d m y background becaus e I don't kno w enoug h about it . M y ski n i s light , bu t I' m blac k inside . Mos t Negroe s ar e whit e inside. That' s wha t th e America n societ y ha s taugh t them . The y ar e whit e Negroes."1 Even wit h al l this spite , Malcol m X was increasingly draw n int o the very realms he most readily assaulted. Hi s rising public stature as a skilled debate r and self-mad e intellec t brough t invitation s t o colleg e an d universit y cam puses, ofte n sponsore d b y black o r raciall y mixe d studen t organization s tha t were branche s o f civi l right s groups . Ironically , Malcolm' s growin g popu larity, whic h h e fully exploite d fo r th e benefi t o f Elijah Muhammad , fuele d his ow n transformatio n a s wel l a s th e resentmen t o f th e Nation' s leader s 111

172 • Fame and Fury toward him , culminatin g i n hi s falling-ou t wit h Muhamma d a t th e en d of 1963. While Malcol m wa s enjoyin g popularit y a s th e medi a nemesi s o f bot h whites an d black s involve d i n th e civi l right s movement , h e foun d himsel f facing a two-side d wa r tha t gre w i n intensit y i n 1962-63 . First , th e Natio n was targeted b y the police, th e press, and th e judicial system . Physica l attack s on Natio n member s i n variou s citie s were followed b y legal indictment s an d press coverag e tha t pu t th e Musli m movement , especiall y Malcol m X himself, constantl y o n the defensive . Second, th e mor e publicit y Malcol m enjoye d a s the Nation' s representa tive an d defender , th e mor e h e bega n t o experienc e th e resentmen t an d opposition o f Muhammad's family , whic h sough t to undermine hi s nationa l influence i n th e movement . I t i s a testimon y t o Malcolm' s dee p religiou s commitment t o Elijah Muhamma d tha t these crises weakened bu t did no t in themselves shatter his confidence i n his leader. However , wit h his imminen t fall fro m grace , Malcolm' s view s were sufficiently challenged , forcin g hi m t o break the chains of religious servitude. Malcolm's popularit y a s a campu s speake r ha d starte d a s earl y a s 1960 , and befor e lon g he was well on hi s way to becoming one of the most popular personalities o n th e universit y speakin g circuit . I n th e beginning , th e ver y announcement o f Malcolm' s campu s appearance s create d controversy . Fo r example, hi s scheduled appearance at the University of California a t Berkeley in Ma y 196 1 wa s cancele d b y th e school' s administration , purportedl y be cause th e universit y generall y prohibite d an y kin d o f politica l o r sectaria n "influence." Malcol m X criticize d th e administratio n b y pointin g ou t tha t they apparently had less respect for their students than did the administrations of Harvard , Yale , Columbia , an d Brow n universities , wher e h e ha d alread y spoken. Ultimately, Malcolm' s voic e wa s no t silenced . No t onl y di d th e Natio n sponsor a well-attende d rall y a t Sa n Francisco' s Fillmor e Auditoriu m tha t same week, bu t Malcol m wa s given a hearing at the local YMCA hall on th e University o f Californi a campus . Th e audience , whic h wa s predominatel y white,' enthusiasticall y receive d Malcolm' s speech—especiall y whe n h e noted tha t th e ba n onl y underscore d tha t "th e olde r generation " wa s "trying to protect it s system from youn g ideas." The fact that the Christian evangelis t Billy Graha m ha d recentl y spoke n o n campu s wa s no t a poin t tha t wen t unnoticed, eithe r b y Malcolm , th e students , o r th e loca l chapte r o f th e American Civi l Libertie s Union. 2 At Ne w Yor k University' s Height s campu s i n th e Bronx , Malcol m spok e

Fame and Fury • 17 3 as an invite d gues t o f the Departmen t o f Sociolog y i n Februar y 1962 . "W e don't hav e an y confidenc e i n th e whit e man, " Malcol m declare d befor e a n all-white student assembly . " I am no t a white man. I am no t a western man . I wa s brough t her e b y you r forefathers . W e ar e th e los t foun d [NJatio n o f Islam. W e wer e kidnappe d fro m ou r Islami c cultur e b y slav e trader s 40 0 years ago." Calling African American s a "lost people/' Malcol m accuse d th e white ma n o f robbin g "al l huma n characteristics " fro m u s fo r ove r thre e hundred year s i n slavery . O f the postemancipatio n period , Malcol m contin ued tha t th e whit e ma n "turne d u s loos e an d brainwashe d u s wit h hi s ow n religion, [and ] his own culture. " As usual , Malcol m als o chastene d blac k integrationist s an d thei r leader s in th e civi l right s movemen t a s bein g "blac k o n th e outside , whit e o n th e inside." James D e Metro , wh o covere d th e even t fo r th e studen t newspape r recalled tha t after th e speech a student who was apparently neithe r blac k no r Muslim use d th e Qur'a n i n a n attemp t t o justif y integratio n o n th e basi s of love an d unity . Malcol m undoubtedl y sho t bac k wit h hi s favorit e Qur'ani c texts tha t reinforce d a doctrin e o f separatio n betwee n Muslim s an d Chris tians, an d th e imminent judgmen t o f the "guilty blue-eyed. " In a presentation a t the Universit y o f Chicago, Malcol m debate d a representative o f th e Congres s O n Racia l Equalit y (CORE) , arguing wit h regar d to black s an d white s tha t i t wa s "impossible fo r th e tw o o f u s to liv e sid e by side an d hav e peace. " Whe n hi s opponen t argue d tha t integratio n wa s th e "natural by-product " o f blac k people' s searc h fo r dignity , Malcol m charge d that blac k integrationist s ha d alread y spen t $100,00 0 tryin g t o integrat e public facilities , whe n tha t mone y woul d hav e bee n bette r spen t creatin g black-owned businesse s an d facilitie s fo r thei r ow n community . Besides , Malcolm concluded , th e numbe r o f pro-integratio n black s wa s reall y a mi nority within th e overall black community . Interestingly, a Universit y o f Chicag o studen t wh o interviewe d Malcol m X found hi m t o be "intelligent, articulate , an d extremel y pleasant, " quite i n contrast t o hi s medi a image . Althoug h th e studen t conclude d tha t Malcol m maintained "a n overl y violen t hatred " o f whites , an d tha t th e Nation' s "ex tremism" di d no t promot e th e bes t image , th e youn g journalis t fel t tha t th e Muslims wer e "totall y non-violent " an d tha t th e Nation' s leadershi p wa s "friendly an d intereste d i n convincing white people of their vie w point." Controversy ove r Malcolm' s appearance s wa s no t limite d t o predomi nately whit e campuses , however . I n fact , Malcol m ha d bee n prevente d from speakin g a t th e mos t renowne d blac k campu s i n th e country , Howar d University, i n Februar y 1961 . Th e invitatio n h e ha d t o appea r befor e th e

174 • Fame and Fury campus NAAC P chapte r wa s suddenl y renege d whe n th e administratio n explained tha t th e event had no t been cleare d b y the student activities office . When th e student s persiste d an d obtaine d us e o f a n off-campu s churc h fo r Malcolm's appearance , a n NAAC P officia l intervene d an d cancele d th e invitation, claimin g the church wa s too small to house the event. B The cancelation apparentl y di d not bother Malcolm , probabl y because h e knew tha t th e inciden t woul d onl y spar k mor e interes t i n th e Natio n amon g black students . I n a lette r t o Elija h Muhammad , i n fact , Malcol m too k a most ironic approach t o explain th e cancelation: "We reall y threw a 'stone of stumbling7 ont o th e Howar d Universit y campu s becaus e the y ar e all divide d and arguing now , an d i t places u s in a n eve n bette r positio n t o pour 'boilin g water' on them whe n w e get there." Malcolm X actuall y di d ge t t o Howar d Universit y late r tha t year , ap pearing i n a debat e wit h integrationis t leade r Bayar d Rustin—whic h wa s apparently th e onl y acceptabl e platfor m tha t th e universit y woul d gran t a representative o f the Nation . Whe n th e campus debate took place, Malcol m stole th e sho w fro m th e eloquent , scholarl y Rustin—despit e th e politica l limitations o f his appeal fo r separat e lan d an d hi s mockery o f "20th Centur y Uncle Tom s wit h to p hat s an d doctora l degrees. " Rustin , wh o late r seem s to hav e exaggerate d hi s goo d rappor t wit h Malcol m X , recalle d tha t th e administration a t Howard Universit y was fearful o f offending th e Congress by allowing Malcol m t o appear—particularl y becaus e Howard' s charte r gre w out o f th e Freedman' s Bureau , whic h allocate d financial suppor t directl y from Congres s itself. In th e sam e lette r tha t Malcol m wrot e t o Muhammad , h e state d hi s enthusiasm fo r th e "youn g generation " an d hi s apparen t desir e t o prov e t o Muhammad tha t th e campus experiment wa s worthwhile. Notin g that i t was the student s wh o wer e "arguin g tha t you shoul d b e give n th e righ t t o b e heard," Malcol m assure d Muhamma d tha t the y wer e "mor e sympatheti c toward you tha n towar d anyon e else. " Malcol m wa s patronizin g him , o f course, for it was not to Elijah Muhamma d tha t the students were drawn, no r could the y hav e been attracte d t o the agin g leader an d hi s lackluster oratory . As Malcolm late r admitted, Elija h Muhamma d ha d never been enthusiastic about these campu s appearances , an d apparentl y Malcol m fel t compelle d to justif y the m t o hi s leader . Nevertheless , h e sai d h e di d no t immediatel y realize tha t thi s negativit y wa s base d o n envy , whic h Muhamma d fel t be cause h e himsel f di d no t possess such intellectua l prowes s an d oratorica l charisma. However , Elija h Muhamma d apparentl y controlle d hi s env y fo r the sak e o f the respectabilit y Malcol m wa s gleaning fo r th e Natio n throug h

1. Afte r "electrifying " hi s Harle m audienc e th e yea r before , Malcol m X was invite d back to speak before th e 195 8 Marcus Garvey Da y celebration. B y this time Malcol m had already become a local legend as a leader in the Harlem community , a newspaper columnist, an d a travelin g speake r fo r th e Natio n o f Islam . (Anonymou s photogra pher, Photograph s an d Print s Division , Schombur g Cente r fo r Researc h i n Blac k Culture, Ne w York Public Library , Astor , Lenox , an d Tilden Foundations, )

2. " I worshipe d him. " Malcol m X with Elija h Muhamma d i n 195 8 when Muham mad visite d Ne w York City to address an overflo w audienc e a t Harlem's Par k Palace. Photo by Austin Hansen .

3. " I coul d feel Mr. Muhammad' s power," Malcolm late r recalle d o f "th e Messen ger's" appearances befor e th e Nation. Mr . Muhamma d speakin g at the Park Palace as Malcolm an d othe r Natio n dignitarie s liste n intently . Seate d a t Malcolm' s righ t i s Wallace Muhammad , wh o eventuall y succeede d hi s fathe r a s leade r o f th e Natio n and le d the movement int o traditional Islam . Phot o by Austin Hansen .

4. Malcol m attendin g th e openin g o f Abdu l Basi t Naeem' s "Shalima r Internationa l Travel Service " ca. 196 2 in Ne w York, alon g with some Muslim dignitarie s from th e "Dark World. " Naee m (far left, wearin g astrakha n hat) , a Pakistan i Muslim , wa s a longtime supporte r an d a d ho c consultan t t o th e Natio n o f Islam . (Phot o b y Rober t Haggins. All right s reserved, copyrigh t © 198 3 by Robert L. Haggins. )

5. Above: On Januar y 11 , 1963, a demonstration wa s held b y the Nation o f Islam a t Manhattan' s Criminal Cour t building unde r the direction o f Malcolm X . Th e demonstration wa s provoked by the arrest of two New York Muslims on Christmas Da y 1962 , an d other incident s reflectin g polic e hostility toward the "Black Muslims." (Photo by Robert Haggins. All rights reserved, copyrigh t © 1983 by Robert L. Haggins. ) 6. Right: At the demonstratio n scene, Malcol m X confers wit h Muslim associate s from Mosqu e No. 7 , Benjami n 2 X (left) and Captain o f the Fruit of Islam, Joseph X (right, facing Malcolm) , along with the ministe r of the Na tion o f Islam mosqu e i n Newark , New Jersey, James X (center). (Photo by Robert Haggins. All rights reserved, copyrigh t © 198 3 by Robert L. Haggins. )

7. A flier prepare d b y Malcolm X for th e January 196 3 demonstration. I n i t Malcolm charge d tha t police had attacked th e civil, human , an d religiou s rights of African Americans. Characteristically , Mal colm identifie d th e struggle of the Mus lims with "th e whole Dar k World. "

8. A flier/poster advertising an "Africa n Bazaar" sponsored b y Mosque No. 7 in Harlem, featurin g Malcol m X as keynote speaker. Th e poster , lik e the even t itself, demonstrate s th e strong Africen tric influence injecte d int o the Natio n of Islam by Malcolm X . (Flie r fro m the BOSS files.)

9. "I n The Middle, " cartoon b y Melvin Tapley, appeare d i n Harlem' s New York Amsterdam News on Marc h 14 , 1964, an d i s quite significant fo r its grasp of the tensions that undoubtedl y characterized Malcolm' s first weeks as an independen t bu t self-proclaime d loyalist to Elijah Muhammad , jus t prior to the Hajj . Not e the contrastin g political fist and minister' s heavenwar d gesture. ("In Th e Middle " used by permission of Melvin Tarpley. )

10. Shayk h Ahme d Hassou n i s introduced b y Muslim Mosque , Inc. , official , Jame s Shabazz, o n Decembe r 13 , 1964 , a t a n OAA U rall y a t Ne w York' s Audubo n Ballroom. Th e elderl y Musli m teache r wa s sen t t o th e Unite d State s t o assis t th e Muslim Mosque , Inc. , i n teachin g Isla m afte r Malcolm' s secon d tri p abroa d i n 1964. (Phot o b y Rober t Haggins . Al l right s reserved , copyrigh t © 198 3 b y Rober t L. Haggins. )

11. A t the meetin g o f the OAA U o n Decembe r 13 , 1964 , th e feature d gues t speaker was Abdu l Rahma n Muhamma d Babu , on e o f th e revolutionar y leader s fro m th e newly independen t Africa n natio n o f Tanzania . Bab u (right) i s see n her e risin g t o greet Malcol m X an d Shayk h Hassou n o n th e stag e o f th e Audubon , a scen e tha t reflects tha t Malcol m wa s equall y comfortabl e wit h religio n an d revolution . (Phot o by Robert Haggins . Al l rights reserved, copyrigh t © 198 3 by Robert L. Haggins. )

Fame and Fury • 175 these campu s appearances . "Brothe r Malcolm , I wan t yo u t o becom e wel l known," Muhammad ha d formerl y counsele d hi s popular youn g lieutenant . "Because i f yo u ar e wel l known , i t wil l mak e me better known. " However , there i s little doubt tha t Malcolm' s successe s o n th e battlefiel d wer e a threa t to Elija h Muhammad' s traditiona l imag e within hi s own cour t a s "the intel lectual o f the movement." 4 For hi s part, Malcol m X said h e enjoye d th e campu s audience s th e best , except fo r blac k audiences . H e foun d student s t o b e "usuall y objectiv e an d always alive and searching " in their thinking . Benjami n Karim , wh o accom panied Malcol m t o man y campu s meetings , recalle d tha t "mos t students , black an d white , receive d hi s messag e openly , an d afte r a lectur e woul d crowd around him , askin g him all kinds of questions." Karim always believed the student s wer e no t onl y impresse d b y Malcolm , bu t tha t the y reall y liked him . Robert Little , wh o wa s a colleg e studen t whe n Malcol m first starte d making hi s campu s appearances , recalle d tha t h e attende d a goo d man y meetings, observin g hi s famous brothe r i n action . "H e almos t neve r pitche d religion," Rober t reminisced . However , whe n Malcol m di d discus s i t h e generally encourage d student s t o reevaluate thei r religiou s assumptions criti cally. I t was "a much higher-leve l pitch. . . . H e went for the rational man ™ you know, th e intellectual though t process." Undoubtedly, Malcol m X enjoye d suc h meetings , eve n wit h th e man y white students he encountered—something tha t Alex Haley also observed: "I saw Malcol m X to o man y time s exhilarate d i n after-lectur e give-and-tak e with predominatel y whit e studen t bodie s a t college s an d universitie s t o eve r believe tha t h e nurture d a t hi s cor e an y blanke t white-hatred. " Malcolm' s accessibility t o whit e student s wa s n o act , despit e th e isolate d inciden t h e recalled i n hi s autobiograph y i n whic h a whit e student , who m h e turne d away a t th e Musli m Luncheonette , fled Harle m i n tears . Whe n Joa n Dur ham, anothe r whit e student , decide d t o d o he r senio r thesi s o n th e Nation , she foun d Ministe r Malcol m X mor e tha n willin g t o si t fo r a n extensiv e interview wit h he r whe n sh e wa s home i n Ne w Yor k City o n Christma s va cation.5 Another youn g person , Charle s Keil , wa s a studen t a t Yal e Universit y who hear d abou t Malcol m X fro m a blac k frien d an d cam e t o Harle m repeatedly fo r session s with hi m a t the Musli m Luncheonette . " I told peopl e at the time that far from feelin g threatene d o r uncomfortable acros s the tabl e from Malcolm , I felt clear and relieve d o f the burden o f having to play a role or a game . . . the general feelin g wa s of basic equality." Keil was set at ease

J 76 • Fame and Fury by Malcolm' s "pervasiv e sens e o f humor, " an d foun d tha t hi s "direc t an d forceful" manne r o f speaking to the issue s set him a t ease, an d dispelle d an y need for what he calls '"race relations' etiquette." Keil got to know Malcolm prett y well , an d admire d hi m a great deal. H e particularly recalle d tha t Malcol m use d hi s gifts t o emphasize Muhammad' s words, "lik e a skillfu l interprete r deal s wit h a grea t text , showin g of f th e best parts. " However , Kei l als o believe d tha t Malcol m "wa s hidin g behin d Muhammad's Musli m correc t lin e a t time s rathe r tha n thinkin g everythin g through fo r himself. " Wha t Kei l recalle d mos t dramatically , however , wa s the first time he sa w Malcolm X within th e contex t o f a Nation meeting— a rally i n Ne w Yor k Cit y i n whic h Elija h Muhamma d appeared . Kei l note d that Malcol m wa s warmly applauded; but when Muhamma d appeare d a t the podium th e rafter s shoo k wit h th e applaus e an d roa r o f th e crowd : "I t suddenly becam e clea r t o m e tha t Elija h Muhamma d wa s a charismati c leader, ful l o f magical powe r fo r hi s people , a little ma n sayin g great thing s to them , whil e Malcol m wa s on e o f man y lieutenant s . . . no t th e leade r inside hi s movemen t tha t I ha d though t h e was." 6 Wha t Kei l expressed , a t least i n part , wa s th e disparit y h e recognize d betwee n th e worl d o f th e Nation an d th e worl d outside . I n th e outsid e world , Malcol m X moved a s Muhammad's awesom e representative . Speaking , debating, conferring , an d sitting for interviews , Malcolm' s brillianc e belie d th e actua l deficiencie s an d aberrations o f the Natio n an d it s leader. However , insid e the Nation , whic h was its own world—a s i s usually th e case with cults—n o charism a coul d b e tolerated excep t that of the leader himself. The cul t leader , n o matte r ho w irrationa l i t ma y see m t o th e outsider , i s the supplier o f existence to those who believe in him . Thi s was no truer tha n for Malcol m X himself , wh o admitte d t o havin g bee n intensel y consume d with th e doctrines , ways , an d wisdo m o f Elija h Muhammad , an d wh o preached: "Yo u ca n b e aroun d thi s ma n an d neve r dream fro m hi s action s the powe r an d authorit y h e has. " Indeed, Malcol m X claimed tha t a t time s he coul d actuall y fee l emanation s o f powe r fro m Muhammad , particularl y when th e latte r sa t o n stage , beatificall y enthrone d befor e hi s assemble d Muslims. T o th e faithful , Elija h Muhamma d wa s th e charismati c cente r around whic h a whole ne w world wa s coming int o being. "T o us," Malcolm said, "th e Natio n o f Isla m wa s Mr . Muhammad . Wha t bonde d u s int o th e best organizatio n blac k American s eve r ha d wa s ever y Muslim' s devou t regard fo r Mr . Muhamma d a s black America' s moral , mental , an d spiritua l reformer." In thi s ligh t i t i s easie r t o understan d wh y Malcol m X , fighting th e

Fame and Fury • 177 Nation's battle s o n th e outside , wa s indifferen t t o an y hars h o r critica l statements mad e abou t him . However , whe n som e uncharitabl e wor d wa s spoken agains t Muhammad , Malcol m noted , " I woul d gro w furious. " I t i s likewise clea r wh y Malcolm' s agon y a t his break wit h Muhamma d woul d b e great—finding i n th e mids t o f hi s warfar e tha t neithe r th e Natio n no r its leade r wa s abl e t o retur n th e lov e an d devotio n h e ha d s o ferventl y offered them. 7 Though th e Natio n attaine d it s pea k o f popularit y withi n th e Africa n American communit y b y 1960 , th e movement graduall y began t o lose steam immediately thereafter . No t surprisingly , th e blac k press , whic h foun d itsel f in competitio n wit h Muhammad' s successfu l weekly , gloate d ove r th e turn ing tid e o f popularity . Jame s Hicks , th e edito r o f th e Amsterdam News, claimed tha t the y ha d broke n wit h Muhamma d "becaus e h e wa s s o ou t o f line with everythin g we thought"—though ideolog y had no t prevented the m from havin g at one time published Muhammad' s column . It i s likel y tha t th e Amsterdam News an d othe r majo r blac k paper s ha d begun t o reconsider Muhammad . However , th e point remain s tha t Muhammad Speaks ha d establishe d itsel f a s competition , an d th e blac k pres s ma y have begu n t o minimiz e th e Natio n a s muc h ou t o f resentmen t a s ou t o f awareness o f Muhammad's restrictiv e politics . B y 1963 , other blac k newspa pers, suc h a s Cleveland' s Call & Post, wer e reportin g tha t th e Natio n wa s faced wit h "growin g disenchantment amon g th e masse s they would lea d t o a black man' s utopia. " Thi s disenchantment , th e articl e continued , no t onl y reflected th e organizational inadequacie s o f the Natio n i n the face o f opposition bu t als o it s religion , whic h th e write r characterize d a s "a n intellectua l wasteland."8 This i s no t t o suggest , o f course , tha t Muhammad' s Muslim s stoppe d making new s i n bot h th e blac k o r th e whit e press ; hi s column s di d no t altogether disappea r fro m th e page s of the blac k press , either . Fo r Malcolm , however, admittin g t o th e declin e o f th e Natio n wa s unthinkable . H e per ceived th e Nation' s rol e i n th e blac k struggl e a s being distinc t fro m th e civi l rights organizations , whic h h e viewe d primaril y a s competition. "H e viewe d the Natio n a s a religio-political organization , th e one tha t was best suited fo r achieving freedom , justice , an d equalit y fo r black s i n America. " Malcol m told on e Norfolk , Virginia , radi o audience i n 196 3 that th e Natio n followe d Master Farra d [Fard ] Muhammad , "ou r Messiah . H e i s the [S]o n o f [M]an , not a spirit. H e wa s born fo r searchin g ou t th e Biblica l los t sheep. Muslim s cannot b e equate d wit h civi l right s groups. W e ar e a religious group seekin g the righ t to practice our religion. "

178 • Fame and Fury Malcolm maintaine d i n interview s throughou t th e country tha t thi s reli gion, "th e divine solution " offered b y Fard throug h Elija h Muhammad , stil l attracted blac k people . An d while he had to admit indirectl y tha t the Nation was not the mas s movemen t i t was once sai d t o be, Malcol m allude d t o its grassroots influence i n the African America n communit y nationwide . "Ther e is some Muslim i n a whole lot of Negroes," Malcolm tol d one white journalist; i n a n intervie w wit h a blac k journalist , Malcol m teased , "Th e mos t important par t of the keg of dynamite is the fuse. Giv e me the fuse anytime. " However, i n hi s own mind , Malcol m X was convinced tha t th e Natio n could enhanc e it s publi c imag e i f i t woul d onl y becom e mor e actio n ori ented. " I though t privatel y tha t w e shoul d hav e amended , o r relaxed , ou r general non-engagemen t policy, " h e late r admitted . An d i f on e charg e haunted Malcol m X th e most , i t wa s tha t th e Natio n wa s a "talk-only " organization. Suc h criticis m wa s often levele d b y civi l right s activist s who recognized th e Muslims a s being perpetuall y o n the sidelines o f the struggle but neve r in the battle itself. Whil e thi s charge was probably wearing away at Malcolm's armo r of devotion t o the Nation, h e was quite skillful a t playing it down, a s he did in an interview at the University of California a t Berkeley in 1963, whe n h e said blac k civi l right s activists were "foolish" t o get "involved with an enemy." Whatever cam e upo n them , Malcol m concluded , wa s their business, and was not a concern o f the Nation. 9 Malcolm wa s no t onl y evadin g a discussio n abou t genera l noninvolve ment, bu t he was also trying to avoid havin g to explain wh y the Nation had failed t o respond wit h forc e whe n it s own members were physically attacked . Between 196 2 and 1963 , several incident s too k place in which whit e policemen mad e bol d assault s o n th e Nation . Thes e attack s see m t o hav e bee n deliberate an d maliciou s strike s at the Nation itself , an d they wer e probabl y designed t o either provoke or intimidate the whole movement. Furthermore , in earlie r clashe s between individua l Muslim s an d law enforcement officers , the case s generally ende d eithe r i n detente o r with the Nation winnin g hug e monetary awards in court. I n the police assaults of 1962-63, however , insul t was added to injury b y the indictment of Nation member s as well. These events occurred agains t the backdrop of other anti-Nation incident s in 1962-63 , includin g a failed attemp t o n th e part o f a Souther n congress man to turn the Nation over to a House on Un-American Activities Committee investigation. 10 I n addition, Malcol m wa s blocked fro m participatio n i n a rally of the Souther n Christia n Leadershi p Conference (SCLC ) that was held to protes t a n inciden t i n Lo s Angeles. Further , th e Natio n wa s receiving a new wave of acerbic medi a criticis m a s other lega l problems aros e across the

Fame and Fury • 179 country involvin g Natio n members . "Yo u wonder wh y you're having trouble in thi s country, " Malcol m exclaime d i n a Harle m rally . "You'r e havin g trouble becaus e th e devi l i s o n th e rampage ! A blue-eye d devi l i s o n th e rampage . . . an d yo u haven' t go t sens e enoug h t o kno w ho w t o handl e him!"11 Wit h al l o f these burdens weighin g upo n him , Malcol m wa s under standably concerne d fo r th e welfar e o f th e Nation ; bu t othe r burden s wer e developing as well. During thi s critica l perio d Mar c Crawford , a freelanc e journalist , sough t out Malcol m X fo r a n interview . Crawfor d an d anothe r Africa n America n journalist wer e finally abl e t o trac k dow n Malcol m i n Chicago , a t Mosqu e No. 2 . Crawford , wh o ha d no t me t Malcol m before , figured tha t hi s bes t ploy fo r obtainin g a n exclusiv e intervie w woul d b e t o remin d hi m o f th e looming congressiona l investigatio n an d t o advis e tha t Malcol m woul d d o well t o tal k t o th e pres s beforehand . " I kep t hammerin g away , an d paintin g the ugliest of scenarios about what would befal l him, " he said. However, instea d o f showin g consternation , a s Crawfor d ha d hoped , Malcolm merel y turne d aroun d an d walke d t o th e window , standin g ther e for a coupl e o f minutes , sayin g nothing—onl y lookin g ou t a t the bird s tha t were perched , singin g i n th e trees . Suddenly , Malcol m turne d t o Crawfor d and said , "Sir , I do no t believ e eve n a bir d ca n fly unles s Alla h will s i t so. Good afternoo n gentlemen. " Thoug h hi s plo y ha d crumble d befor e th e firmness o f Malcolm' s faith , Crawfor d recalle d tha t h e wa s struc k b y Mal colm's serenity: "I was won over by his calm." Crawford an d Malcol m X became friend s afte r thi s initia l encounter , bu t the youn g journalis t stil l puzzle d ove r th e fac t tha t suc h a bright ma n coul d "accept so thin a porridge of ideology" as was offered b y Elijah Muhammad , Yet, i t was hard t o refute Malcolm' s charge , Crawfor d admitted . "H e did no t temporize. Hi s commitmen t wa s whole. Ther e wer e no angles—whic h wa s part of his undoing . . . Malcolm threatene d peopl e in the Movement." 12 Undoubtedly Malcolm' s trouble s withi n th e Natio n di d no t begi n wit h direct resistanc e fro m Elija h Muhammad . Whil e Muhamma d wa s probably envious o f Malcolm's growin g popularity as well as his ability to dynamically communicate th e Nation' s message , ther e wa s still a n undeniabl e affectio n between th e elde r an d hi s youn g lieutenan t tha t woul d no t b e easil y under mined. Afte r all , while Muhammad ha d created a cultic world of redemption for Malcolm , th e latte r ha d refurbishe d tha t worl d i n way s the leade r o f th e Nation ha d neve r anticipated . "An d Malcol m jus t mad e a whole ne w world for [Elija h Muhammad] . H e starte d bringin g i n money, " Wilfre d Littl e recalled. "[MJone y starte d comin g i n fro m al l ove r th e countr y . . , int o

J80 • Fame and Fury headquarters, an d fo r th e first time the y wer e finding themselve s withou t a problem a s far a s finances were concerned/ ' Not onl y di d Malcol m upgrad e th e movement , bu t h e ha d personall y taken it upo n himsel f t o elevat e Elija h Muhammad' s famil y b y providin g them remunerativ e position s i n an d throug h th e Nation . Malcol m X re counted i n hi s autobiograph y tha t b y puttin g o n " a specia l drive " h e ha d raised mone y tha t funde d ne w busines s endeavor s fo r Elija h Muhammad' s children, o r that allowed the m t o earn professiona l salarie s by working in th e Nation itself . I n th e process , Herber t Muhamma d receive d th e editorshi p of Muhammad Speaks and move d th e newspaper' s office s permanentl y t o Chicago. " I felt that I should wor k for Mr . Muhammad' s famil y a s sincerely a s I worked fo r him, " Malcol m concluded . Bett y Shabaz z late r recalle d tha t "Malcolm use d to say that one of the worst things to do is to give an ignoran t man power"—bu t h e neve r applied thi s rule to Elijah Muhammad' s family , she concluded . Nevertheless, fo r hi s deed s o f devotion, Elija h Muhamma d praise d Mal colm, eve n i n public , suc h a s i n th e Nation' s 196 2 convention , whe n h e declared: "Ministe r Malcol m i s a muc h bette r speake r tha n I am , an d I' m blessed t o have suc h a n assistant. " At a Nation rall y i n Milwaukee , Wiscon sin, Muhamma d boaste d tha t anywher e h e wen t Malcol m woul d als o b e found. "H e wil l g o everywhere—North , South , Eas t o r West , t o Chin a i f I sa y g o t o China , h e wil l g o there . S o I than k Alla h fo r m y Brothe r Minister Malcolm." 13 Apparently Elija h Muhamma d wa s no t exaggerating . I n earl y 1961 , i n fact, Malcol m wa s sent South , thoug h th e distance he traveled—figurativel y speaking—was muc h furthe r tha n China . O n Januar y 28 , 1961 , Malcol m and Jeremiah Shabazz , th e Nation's minister in Atlanta, me t with representa tives o f th e KKK . I t seem s tha t Elija h Muhamma d ha d agree d t o establis h clandestine communicatio n wit h th e whit e racis t organization , sinc e th e latter were interested i n making land availabl e to the Nation fo r settlement . As Malcolm X later revealed , th e KK K thought that land woul d mak e the Muslim progra m appea r mor e attractiv e t o Africa n American s i n general , and hope d th e Nation' s consequen t succes s woul d weake n th e influenc e o f the integrationis t movement . Accordin g t o Malcolm' s account , th e secre t alliance—despite a n earlie r exchang e o f polemica l letter s betwee n Kla n chief J . B . Stone r an d Elija h Muhammad—provide d fo r a kin d o f mutua l nonaggression pact between th e tw o organizations. 14 Malcol m wa s undoubt edly disturbe d b y havin g bee n sen t t o represen t th e Natio n i n thi s souther n

Fame and Fury • 1 8 J summit; h e sai d late r tha t Elija h Muhamma d neve r agai n sen t hi m South , and reiterate d tha t he never went South anymor e after tha t incident . That Malcol m neve r agai n wen t Sout h o n behal f o f th e Natio n ma y suggest tha t h e ha d proteste d th e secre t meetin g t o Elija h Muhamma d afterwards. However , i t ma y als o reflec t on e aspec t o f Malcolm' s growin g internal conflict wit h the Nation—a maturin g realization that the movemen t was evolvin g int o somethin g h e coul d no t justify , eve n wit h regar d t o hi s religious fait h i n Elija h Muhammad . A s Malcol m recalled , i t wa s i n th e early 1960 s tha t h e first bega n t o hea r "chanc e negativ e remarks, " "veile d implications," an d "othe r littl e evidences " o f th e burgeonin g resentmen t toward hi m i n th e Nation . However , Malcol m X drew strengt h an d assur ance fro m hi s belie f tha t Muhamma d wa s supportin g him . Indeed , Elija h Muhammad himsel f ha d "prophesied " t o Malcol m tha t suc h jealousie s would develop. At the sam e time , Malcol m X began t o not e tha t Muhammad Speaks no longer mad e mentio n o f him , eve n whe n h e ha d conducte d significan t programs tha t wer e vital t o the Nation ; he als o began t o experience wha t h e called " a chill y reaction " fro m Muhammad' s Chicago officials . Malcolm' s knee-jerk respons e was an understandabl e resentment . Ye t even these natural sentiments wer e overpowere d b y his devotio n t o Muhammad , whic h force d him t o repent hi s self-perceived "weakness " and loo k beyond thes e criticism s toward the greater good o f the Nation . This greate r good , whic h ha s bee n calle d th e "plausibilit y structure " o f cults i n general , i s reall y th e socia l bas e o f affirmatio n fo r it s members ™ allowing for suspension o f all doubts. Lik e other cults, the Nation's plausibil ity structur e wa s it s religiou s base—an d thi s wa s firmly centere d i n Elija h Muhammad. A s a ministe r o f th e Nation , Malcol m X ha d enforce d sanc tions agains t othe r member s fo r expressin g oppositio n t o Muhammad . Mal colm ha d gon e s o fa r a s t o seve r relation s wit h hi s ow n brothe r Reginald , whom h e eve n turne d awa y fro m th e doo r o f the Temple No . 7 Luncheon ette in New York. However, cul t sanction s ma y also be internalize d b y the individua l i n th e form o f self-criticis m an d impute d t o one' s persona l defect s o r weaknesses , Not surprisingly , then , Malcol m loyall y impose d th e charg e o f "weakness " upon himsel f and then sough t to accommodate Muhamma d an d his supporters b y takin g ever y measur e t o deemphasiz e hi s ow n rol e i n th e Nation . Consequently, eve n the FBI noted that Malcolm cancele d a university speaking engagemen t i n Octobe r 1962 , du e t o "throa t trouble, " an d apparentl y

J 82 • Fame and Fury postponed furthe r engagements . Malcol m als o decline d majo r new s inter views out of concern fo r jealousie s within th e Nation. 15 The jealous y an d env y o f hi s peer s an d th e Nation' s official s wa s no t a new occurrence, however . A s early as June 1961 , Wallace Muhammad, wh o was n o enem y o f Malcolm , tol d a colleagu e a t a larg e Natio n rall y i n Washington, D.C. : "Malcolm i s on th e mountai n now , an d it' s made o f ice and meltin ' fast. " Bu t Malcol m wa s no t insensitiv e t o th e hea t o f env y tha t emanated fro m hi s peer s an d fro m Chicag o headquarters . Thi s i s wh y h e would ofte n giv e out photograph s o f Elija h Muhamma d instea d o f his own , and h e was known t o become publicly indignan t when reporter s and journal ists addressed hi m a s Muhammad's "Numbe r Two Man. " Writing in his own defense, Malcol m declared : "I have called u p reporters and radi o an d televisio n newscaster s long-distanc e an d aske d the m neve r t o use that phrasing again, explainin g to them: 'All Muslim s are number two— after Mr . Muhammad. ' " Malcol m wa s no t exaggerating . Loui s Lomax , who ha d onc e bee n th e Nation' s journalisti c gadfly , remembere d Malcolm' s emotional respons e t o a n Amsterdam News articl e tha t ha d suggeste d tha t only a "minor " differenc e existe d betwee n th e role s o f Muhamma d an d Malcolm i n th e movement : "It' s a lie . . . . Ther e i s n o suc h thin g a s a 'minor' differenc e wit h th e Messenger . An y differenc e wit h hi m i s major. . . . I am hi s slave , hi s servant , hi s son . H e i s the leader , th e onl y spokes man." Malcol m di d no t limi t thes e expression s t o privat e protest , either . Appearing o n a pane l discussio n sho w wit h journalis t Georg e Schuyle r an d the popula r write r Jame s Baldwin , h e wa s introduce d b y th e hos t a s th e Nation's "Numbe r Two Man. " A t hi s first opportunit y t o speak , Malcol m denied tha t he held an y such position i n the Nation. 16 Even Elija h Muhammad , wh o wa s doubtlessl y bein g harangue d b y hi s family fo r indulgin g hi s young lieutenant , foun d Malcolm' s attempt s a t selfabnegation somewha t extreme . A s late as 1963 , when Malcolm' s opponent s within th e Natio n ha d becom e activel y committe d t o destroyin g hi s influ ence, FB I telephon e surveillanc e recorde d Elijah' s almos t fatherl y dotin g over th e fac t tha t Malcol m was , i n fact , hi s "righ t arm. " There wa s no nee d for hi m t o resis t th e appellatio n o f "Numbe r Tw o Man, " Elija h assure d Malcolm i n anothe r conversation , sinc e n o on e wa s "mor e nex t t o him " anyway. However , Malcol m woul d hav e non e o f these kindly assurances ; he insisted that the press used the "Number Two" title only to create division. 17 In 1963 , Malcol m X was an importan t figure i n th e media—a s muc h a s on th e campu s speakin g circuit . Howeve r desperatel y h e trie d t o keep Elija h

Fame and Fury • 18 3 Muhammad i n th e spotlight , th e realit y was that any referenc e t o the "Black Muslims" was usually associate d wit h Malcolm . I t was Malcolm X , an d no t Elijah Muhammad , wh o mad e news . I n Ma y 1963 , for instance, Malcol m moved t o Washington , D.C. , t o promot e an d lea d th e Nation' s mosqu e i n that cit y whil e a ne w ministe r wa s being selected . Hi s arriva l i n th e capita l made headlines , a s di d hi s shar p criticis m o f Presiden t Kennedy—-wh o h e said had the wrong motivation wit h regar d t o civil rights. Speaking o f th e president' s recen t meetin g wit h som e whit e newspape r editors from Alabama , Malcol m declare d tha t Kenned y ha d "urge d a change not because i t is right but because the world i s watching this country . . . h e did no t ope n hi s mouth i n defense o f the Negroes. " Indeed, th e Washington Post noted tha t an "informe d source " at the same meeting recounte d tha t th e president ha d specificall y hel d u p th e "Blac k Muslims " as an exampl e o f the new "extremism " amon g blac k leaders— a ja b tha t ver y likel y caugh t Mal colm's attention . I n turn , Kenned y wa s perhap s stun g b y Malcolm' s well publicized criticism—thoug h th e president' s respons e seem s t o hav e bee n low-key. I n speakin g t o th e pres s abou t th e controvers y hi s administratio n had face d regardin g th e propose d TF X fighter plane , Kenned y slippe d i n a comment abou t Malcolm' s presenc e i n Washington: "We have had a n inter esting si x month s . . . wit h TF X an d no w w e are goin g t o hav e hi s brothe r Malcolm fo r the next six." 18 Malcolm, however , probabl y foun d i t difficult t o keep a lo w profile , no t only becaus e th e medi a woul d no t allo w hi m t o d o so, bu t becaus e h e wa s changing steadil y int o hi s own man . Benjami n Karim , th e assistan t ministe r at Mosque No . 7 in Ne w York, recalle d tha t "Malcolm wa s beginning to feel the limitation s o f Mr . Muhammad' s teaching s an d th e restraint s o f th e [Nation]. Malcolm' s intellec t ha d begu n t o outgro w [Nation ] doctrin e . . . and he had to move where his mind too k him." It is interesting that Malcol m told a journalist i n the early 1960 s that his extreme religious ardor had begu n to wan e afte r h e cam e ou t o f prison . I n fact , thi s wa s mor e likel y a n expression o f Malcolm's feeling s a t the time of the interview . Contrar y t o his claim, ever y evidence of his exhaustive labors , fervent preaching , an d raptur ous writings o n behal f o f Muhammad suggest s the post-priso n Malcol m wa s the Nation's preeminent religiou s zealot. In the early 1960s , however , Malcol m becam e steadil y disenchanted wit h his religiou s life . I n th e mids t o f what h e perceive d a s an ongoin g assaul t by the police and the government upo n th e movement, Malcol m X was increasingly frustrated b y the Nation's lack of involvement i n the struggles of African

J84 • Fame and Fury Americans. A s muc h a s h e ha d begu n t o outgro w th e culti c religio n o f th e Nation, Malcol m ha d als o begu n t o outgro w th e narro w limit s o f Elija h Muhammad's escapis t political method. 19 Key to Malcolm's disenchantmen t wer e attacks by police, th e first being a violent invasio n o f the Nation' s Lo s Angeles mosqu e i n th e sprin g o f 1962 . Equally disappointing t o Malcolm wa s the passive and ineffectua l manne r i n which Muhamma d responded . Th e inciden t erupte d afte r th e Lo s Angele s police apparentl y incite d a n altercatio n wit h tw o Muslim s o n th e street ; however, backu p unit s wen t directl y t o th e mosque , interruptin g a service . The unarme d Muslim s i n th e mosqu e fough t th e intruder s bu t wer e sho t down; amon g th e fallen , on e Musli m die d an d anothe r wa s permanentl y disabled. Worse , thes e Muslim s wer e indicte d an d foun d guilt y (i n 1963) , while the police were entirely exonerated. 20 Upon receivin g wor d o f th e attack , Malcol m wept . Th e Lo s Angele s mosque wa s on e h e ha d founded , an d th e dea d Musli m wa s an ol d friend . Canceling a speaking engagement , h e immediatel y flew out t o Lo s Angele s to presid e ove r th e funeral—probabl y expecting , a s the othe r Muslim s cer tainly did , t o receiv e some plan o f action fro m Elija h Muhammad . Instead , the Muslim s wer e told, "Hol d fas t to Islam." The only subsequent campaig n launched b y Mr . Muhamma d wa s a ne w driv e fo r sale s o f Muhammad Speaks. As Malcolm X saw it , th e ne t resul t wa s a los s o f respec t fo r th e Natio n among th e blac k masses— a tellin g bruis e o n th e fac e o f a movemen t tha t always claimed i t believed in self-defense. T o his closest followers i n the New York mosque , Malcol m complained : "W e spou t ou r militan t revolutionar y rhetoric an d w e preac h Armageddo n . . . bu t whe n ou r ow n brother s ar e brutalized o r killed, w e do nothing. . . . We jus t sit on ou r hands. " Though Malcolm's hand s were restrained b y the Nation, h e nevertheless retaliated — his warfar e bein g limite d t o angr y words , whic h h e spewe d ou t a t ever y opportunity throughou t th e followin g yea r agains t th e "gestap o tactic s tha t are practiced i n Naz i America agains t Black people." 21 It seems that the Lo s Angeles inciden t actuall y marke d th e beginning of a new nationwid e attitud e o f la w enforcemen t militanc y towar d th e Nation . While polic e brutalit y wa s always a factor o f life fo r urba n blacks , especiall y in Lo s Angeles , on e ma y assum e tha t thi s inciden t wa s criticall y observe d by—if no t modele d for—othe r majo r cit y government s an d constabularie s throughout th e nation , especiall y thos e wit h larg e blac k populations . Th e Los Angele s Polic e Departmen t boaste d abou t it s superio r intelligenc e pro gram, an d Chie f o f Polic e Parker—n o frien d o f th e blac k community —

Fame and Fury • J 85 openly declared hi s liaison with individuals and police officers i n every majo r city in the country . While Malcol m X was still dealing with th e aftermat h o f the Lo s Angeles incident, tw o crise s occurre d i n Ne w Yor k State . O n Christma s Da y 1962 , two Muslim s sellin g Muhammad Speaks paper s a t Time s Squar e i n Ne w York Cit y wer e arreste d whe n the y scuffle d wit h a policema n wh o ha d harassed the m unnecessarily . Befor e thei r tria l coul d eve n open , polic e i n Rochester, Ne w York , attempte d t o invad e th e Nation' s mosqu e o n Januar y 6, 1963 . Th e Rocheste r incident , whic h ende d wit h th e arrest s an d indict ment o f sixtee n Muslims , wa s apparentl y initiate d b y a bogu s cal l t o th e police abou t a gunman i n th e Muslims ' building. I n Rochester , Malcol m X warned reporter s tha t thei r cit y "ma y b e a precedent-settin g cit y fo r polic e hostility towar d Muslims. " However , Malcol m wa s probably awar e tha t th e precedent ha d alread y been set . The arrest s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y an d Rocheste r prompte d Malcol m t o organize demonstrations , th e first o f whic h too k plac e outsid e Cit y Hal l i n New Yor k afte r th e tw o Musli m newspape r salesme n wer e foun d guilt y o n January 11 , 1963 . Malcol m likewis e sent telegrams o f protest to both Mayo r Wagner an d Polic e Commissione r Murph y o f New York, an d t o Manhatta n District Attorne y Fran k Hogan . Durin g th e protes t a t Cit y Hall , Malcol m and the Muslim s passed ou t a flier declaring, "Americ a ha s become a Policestate fo r 2 0 Millio n Negroes. " Th e flier accuse d Ne w York' s Governo r Rockefeller an d Senato r Keatin g o f "waging a relentless campaig n o f harassment, inhuma n persecution , an d unlawfu l prosecution " o f th e Muslims . The flier als o referre d t o the disruptio n o f Muslim service s i n th e Rocheste r mosque as "gestapo-like," and bore in its challenge to black people Malcolm' s own inimitabl e signature : "We mus t le t [th e Rocheste r Muslims ] kno w the y are no t alone . W e mus t le t them kno w that Harle m i s with them . W e mus t let them kno w that the whole Dark World is with them." 22 Malcolm struc k back with a second wav e of protests the following month , leading a contingen t o f 23 0 Muslim s i n a Time s Squar e demonstratio n o n February 13 , 1963—whic h wa s itsel f a n ac t o f defiance , sinc e ther e wa s a general ba n o n demonstration s a t Time s Square . Whe n th e polic e warne d him i n advanc e abou t th e ban , Malcol m sai d h e wa s only goin g to exercis e his right s a s a citize n t o wal k a t Time s Square , an d anyon e wh o wante d t o follow hi m ha d th e sam e right . Aske d wh y h e insiste d o n thi s move , Mal colm responde d tha t h e expecte d t o b e th e nex t Musli m ministe r t o b e subpoenaed, a s minister s ha d bee n i n severa l othe r cities . O n Februar y 16 , 1963, Malcol m sen t a telegra m t o Attorne y Genera l Rober t F . Kennedy ,

J86 • Fame and Fury protesting invasio n o f th e Nation' s religiou s service s b y police . Malcol m warned tha t a n "explosiv e curren t i s buildin g u p i n th e Negr o communit y against thes e police-stat e conditions. " H e furthe r demande d a n immediat e investigation b y th e government , an d charge d tha t Ne w Yor k Stat e ha d "become worse than Mississippi , an d th e city of Rochester has become worse than Oxfor d an d Jackson, Mississipp i combined." 23 A year afte r th e Lo s Angeles inciden t Malcol m wa s still catchin g th e fall out o f resentmen t fro m th e medi a ove r a particularl y disturbin g speec h h e had give n i n tha t cit y during the aftermat h o f the attack. Sometim e afte r th e attack, a n airplan e carryin g mostl y passenger s fro m th e Unite d State s ha d crashed i n France , killin g all on board. A s it turned out , ove r one hundred of the cras h victim s were whites from th e stat e of Georgia wh o were apparentl y considered som e o f the leadin g representative s o f the souther n artisti c com munity. Malcol m ha d actuall y predicte d divin e retaliatio n befor e th e cras h had eve n occurred ; h e immediatel y interprete d th e plan e cras h a s God' s retributive justice—especially afte r a Los Angeles coroner's inquest had rule d in favor of the police in the inciden t there. 24 What particularl y galle d th e pres s was that Malcol m ha d seize d upo n th e crash durin g a Natio n rall y i n Lo s Angeles , an d h e openl y revele d i n wha t he joyfull y welcome d a s God' s defens e o f th e Muslims . " I go t a wir e fro m God today, " Malcol m proclaime d ami d th e laughte r o f hi s audience . "[S]omebody cam e an d tol d m e that he reall y ha d answere d ou r prayers over in France . H e dropped a n airplan e ou t of the sky with over 12 0 white people on it because the Muslims believe in an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth (cheering an d applause)." 25 On e write r ha s note d tha t Malcol m ha d dance d on th e grave s o f these cras h victims , figuratively speaking, probabl y fo r lac k of an y othe r for m o f "satisfyin g retaliation. " Thus , Malcol m declared : "W e call o n ou r God . H e get s ri d o f 12 0 o f the m i n on e whop . Bu t thank s t o God, o r Jehovah o r Allah , w e will continu e t o pray an d w e hope tha t ever y day another plane falls out of the sky." What th e medi a overlooked , however , wa s tha t Malcolm' s comment s about th e plan e cras h wer e actuall y quit e consisten t wit h th e theologica l premises o f th e Nation , whic h taugh t it s member s the y wer e a divinel y chosen peopl e strugglin g fo r freedo m fro m a "moder n da y Pharaoh " i n th e "wilderness o f Nort h America. " A s disturbin g a s th e celebratio n ove r th e crash ma y hav e been , Malcol m X wa s actuall y posturin g consistentl y wit h the kind o f elation th e chosen peopl e of the Bible expressed ove r the destruction o f their enemies. Indeed, i n a late r interview , Malcol m directl y compare d th e plan e cras h

Fame and Fury • 187 to th e "han d o f God " drownin g th e armie s o f Pharao h i n th e Re d Sea , pointing ou t tha t th e Hebrew s als o rejoice d a t th e death s o f th e Egyptians . "Instead o f God lettin g Mose s weep and moa n ove r Pharaoh's destructio n h e told Moses , 'Don' t yo u wee p an d don' t yo u moan , that' s Pharao h an d hi s entire arm y that' s bein g drowned. ' " Malcol m wa s actuall y quotin g a blac k Christian spiritua l instea d o f th e Bibl e o r th e Qur'an , bu t hi s poin t wa s nevertheless compatibl e with the Nation's theological self-definition . His critics, o f course, coul d onl y hear Malcolm' s words through th e ear of modern libera l an d ecumenica l religiou s ideas . Dr . Ralp h Bunche , a n Afri can America n servin g a s Under-Secretar y o f th e Unite d Nations , quickl y dismissed Malcol m X as having a "depraved mind" ; an d th e chas m tha t ha d already develope d betwee n th e Muslim s an d a n allianc e o f ninet y Lo s Angeles clergyme n wa s undoubtedl y widene d eve n mor e afte r Malcolm' s exultation wa s publicized. Neither Muhamma d no r th e Natio n apparentl y foun d th e controversia l statement t o be offensive, an d Muhamma d himsel f later attributed th e plan e crash t o "Allah' s doing. " Malcol m himsel f continue d t o proclai m God' s judgment i n the inciden t throughou t th e following year . I n a Nation rall y i n Harlem h e declare d tha t th e blac k divinit y mad e whit e people' s plane s an d trains crash, an d thei r boats and submarine s sin k to the bottom o f the ocean . "That's a good God. H e remembers your enemies," Malcolm concluded . O n the late-night television progra m th e Ben Hunter Show, also broadcast i n Los Angeles, Malcol m appeare d i n Marc h 196 3 and tol d th e hos t that when th e crash occurre d h e did no t think i t was a coincidence tha t most of the victims were from Georgia . Malcol m pointe d out , a s he di d man y othe r times , tha t Billy Graha m ha d referre d t o th e plan e cras h a s a n ac t o f God . "I n fact, " Malcolm concluded , " I still believ e that i t is an ac t of God an d I thank Go d for it. " In th e summe r o f 1963 , ove r a yea r afte r th e controversia l plan e cras h statement, Malcol m wa s still defending himself . A s a guest on Barr y Farber' s New York City radio talk show, Malcol m parrie d his host's criticisms, declar ing, "Yo u ac t lik e I made tha t plan e crash! " When Farbe r suggeste d tha t hi s Muslim gues t seeme d happ y abou t th e disaster , Malcol m responded , " I was thankful tha t Go d brough t som e whit e peopl e ou t o f th e sk y an d dashe d them to pieces o n thi s earth. " Farber , b y no w enraged , reminde d Malcol m that shortly after th e plane crash i n France , anothe r plan e ha d crashe d whil e carrying Indonesia n Muslim s t o Saud i Arabia . Farbe r aske d Malcol m i f this was also the hand o f God. Malcol m responded , "Everythin g tha t falls ou t of the sky today is the hand o f God."

J88 • Fame and Fury Malcolm ha d mad e hi s point clear—whethe r o r not Farbe r an d hi s radi o audience could accept it. As far as Malcolm X was concerned, th e prophesied judgment o f God wa s falling o n whit e peopl e fo r thei r pas t an d presen t sin s against th e blac k man . "Al l thes e scripture s ar e catchin g u p wit h th e whit e man today . Al l th e chicken s ar e coming hom e t o roost," he concluded. 26 I n retrospect, i t i s interestin g tha t Malcol m X woul d spea k o f mortal s plum meting downwar d accordin g t o divine will . Hi s ow n descen t fro m th e culti c Muslim sk y of the Natio n wa s imminent . B y invoking th e proverbia l chick ens of judgment, Malcol m ironicall y seem s to have been rehearsin g his own tragic fall .

14 Banished fro m th e Natio n I am, and always will be a Muslim.

Malcolm's wife , Bett y Shabazz , ha s sai d tha t he r husban d preached t o other s tha t Elija h Muhamma d wa s morall y infallible . Indeed , according t o Malcolm' s reasoning , "Alla h ha d gon e int o [Elija h Muharn mad], take n hi s hear t out , overhaule d an d cleanse d it , an d the n pu t i t back in s o he coul d d o n o wrong. " However, sh e ha s also said tha t Malcol m wa s aware o f Elija h Muhammad' s mora l weaknesse s fo r a lon g tim e befor e h e would admi t t o them , perhap s becaus e h e wa s afrai d i t woul d rui n th e Nation. Accordin g t o Bett y Shabazz , whe n Malcol m wa s willin g finally to acknowledg e tha t Elija h Muhamma d wa s contradictin g hi s ow n mora l teachings, h e als o bega n t o remembe r thing s h e ha d bee n tol d abou t "th e Messenger"—things "tha t he had forgotten (o r just put out of his mind)." The thing s h e remembered , specifically , wer e rumor s an d comment s about Elija h Muhammad' s sexua l immorality . Malcol m sai d h e ha d hear d these rumor s a s earl y a s 195 5 bu t hi s "dept h o f faith " i n Muhammad' s holiness wa s s o grea t a s t o preven t hi m fro m listenin g t o them , le t alon e believe tha t the y wer e true . Malcol m sai d tha t a s evidence o f Muhammad' s repeated adulterie s bega n t o pil e u p i n lat e 1962 , h e woul d feig n ignoranc e rather tha n dea l wit h th e proble m hea d on . Shabaz z recalle d tha t Malcol m J 89

190 • Banished from the Nation phoned he r on e da y afte r havin g see n thre e youn g wome n wit h youn g children wh o were fathered b y Muhammad. A t the time, th e young mother s had apparentl y sough t ou t Muhamma d fo r assistance , onl y t o b e turne d away. "Th e foundatio n o f m y lif e seem s t o b e comin g apart, " Malcol m lamented t o hi s wife . H e ha d foun d i n Elija h Muhamma d a mora l an d spiritual model , a symbo l o f reform , an d h e hel d ont o thi s perceptio n a s if his life depended o n it. l For thi s reason , Malcol m apparentl y ignore d th e pressin g gravit y o f Mu hammad's si n an d hypocrisy . H e had , afte r all , buil t u p Elija h Muhamma d as a cult leader ; his first inclination wa s to join Muhamma d i n camouflagin g these sin s b y adjustin g hi s ow n teachings . A t thi s point , Malcol m wa s already predisposed towar d makin g hi s messages more political an d social , as evidenced generall y i n hi s maturin g year s i n th e Nation . However , th e nightmare o f Muhammad' s sin s "onl y accelerate d th e pace " o f Malcolm' s drive towar d a blac k nationalis m unshroude d b y religiou s garb . Perceivin g that th e Natio n n o longe r ha d a mora l foundatio n i n thei r leader , Malcol m X bega n t o tal k t o Musli m audience s abou t social , political , an d curren t events rather than matter s of religion an d morality . "I can' t describ e th e torment s I went through, " Malcol m late r recalle d o f those days in 196 3 when h e found Muhammad' s sins had become impossibl e to ignore . I n hi s own thought s h e sa w Muhammad's sexua l misconduc t a s a betrayal o f the Nation , especiall y sinc e th e youn g wome n wh o wer e victim ized were from withi n th e movement—and ha d been officiall y excommuni cated fro m th e cul t b y Muhammad himself . Accordin g t o hi s own account , however, Malcolm' s first inclinatio n wa s t o searc h fo r a scriptura l "bridge " that would traverse the gaping chasm o f Muhammad's sin s by justifying the m according to biblical an d Qur'anic "prophecy. " Malcolm ha d ofte n selecte d scripture s from th e Bibl e in orde r t o establish Muhammad a s a "divine man" ; now h e desperatel y scoure d it s pages to find "prophetic symbols" that could redee m both Muhammad' s reputatio n a s well as hi s ow n fait h i n Muhammad , suc h a s account s o f adulter y an d inces t among biblica l characters . Still , a s Mar c Crawfor d recalled , Malcol m ha d been th e on e wh o actuall y recruite d thes e promisin g youn g wome n fro m throughout th e Nation , sendin g the m t o Muhammad' s boso m wit h th e assurance the y woul d b e give n caree r an d educationa l opportunities . Par t of Malcolm's sens e o f betrayal, then , wa s hi s ow n feelin g o f accountabilit y t o these youn g women , thei r families , an d th e trus t o f the Natio n o n a whole. "He ha d tha t sens e o f responsibilit y fo r wha t h e di d . . . Malcol m di d no t walk over people." 2

Banished from the Nation • J9 J By April 196 3 Malcolm decided that he had to address the issue personally and flew t o Phoenix , Arizona , t o mee t Muhamma d i n hi s winte r home . Malcolm tol d Muhamma d wha t he had hear d abou t the young women, an d that h e ha d foun d biblica l an d Qur'ani c passage s tha t migh t b e used , "i f i t became necessary, " to present th e sexua l affair s a s "the fulfillmen t o f prophecy." Muhammad, wh o stood otherwise without excuse, immediatel y blessed Malcolm's submission t o the "prophetic fulfillment" notion , a t the same time praising him fo r hi s "good understanding " of prophecy and "spiritua l things," It was undoubtedl y a shabb y redemption , bu t Malcol m returne d t o Ne w York an d force d himsel f t o remain quiet—hopin g tha t Muhamma d woul d put hi s sin s asid e fo r good . Unfortunately , i n Octobe r 196 3 Wallac e Mu hammad tol d Malcol m "tha t thi s thin g wa s as bad a s it ever was, " since th e elder Muhammad continue d hi s sexual misconduct . Had Malcol m chose n t o remai n a s quie t a s th e res t o f th e informe d leadership ha d bee n (fo r reason s eithe r o f fea r o r indifference) , hi s enemie s in th e Natio n woul d no t hav e gaine d a n advantage . However , h e no w apparently fel t oblige d t o com e t o Muhammad' s defens e an d therefor e qui etly informe d othe r Natio n minister s abou t th e ne w "prophetic " strateg y t o explain Muhammad' s illici t sexua l liaisons . No t surprisingly , som e o f the m already kne w o f Muhammad' s affairs , includin g Loui s X [Farrakhan] , th e minister o f the Nation' s Bosto n mosque . In fact, i t was Louis X who deliberately told Muhammad abou t Malcolm' s words to the Eas t Coas t ministers . Loui s X had alread y show n himsel f t o be a fastidiou s guardia n o f Muhammad' s publi c image—possibl y becaus e h e himself wa s enviou s o f Malcolm' s clos e rappor t wit h "th e Messenger/ ' A n FBI sourc e ha d note d i n 195 9 tha t durin g a visi t t o th e mai n offic e o f th e Pittsburgh Courier, Louis X had visibl y chafed whe n h e was asked about th e imminence of Malcolm's assumption o f leadership. I n fact, Malcolm' s young colleague fumed—complainin g tha t th e Courier gave Malcolm X too muc h coverage an d di d no t giv e priorit y t o Muhammad . No w Malcol m ha d pro vided hi s enemies i n the Natio n wit h th e justificatio n the y needed t o remov e him fo r good . "Hatin g m e wa s goin g t o becom e th e caus e fo r peopl e o f shattered fait h t o rally around," he concluded quit e correctly. 3 Malcolm gav e hi s opponent s i n th e movemen t a critica l opportunit y t o attack him after a speech he made in New York City on December 1 , 1963 — an even t that would prov e to be his last address on behalf o f the Nation . I n a prophetic-styled presentation , h e repeatedl y criticize d th e recentl y assassi nated Presiden t John F . Kennedy , promptin g question s from whit e reporter s about th e assassination . Agains t Muhammad' s direc t orde r t o al l o f hi s

192 • Banished from the Nation ministers to remain silen t on the Kenned y assassination, Malcol m spok e of it as a propheti c judgmen t o n th e Unite d States , a s a "cas e o f th e chicken s coming hom e to roost." To b e sure , Malcolm' s spontaneou s commen t wa s a direct contradictio n of Muhammad' s orders . However , i t appear s t o hav e bee n a n inevitabl e expression o f his developing independenc e o f thought, an d perhaps an aspec t of hi s religiou s desperation—a n ac t tha t showe d hi s languishin g fait h i n Elijah Muhammad . Even thoug h Malcol m late r sensed within himsel f that his act was "part of Divine prophecy, " h e coul d hardl y hav e bee n prepare d fo r th e agonizin g separation tha t la y ahead . H e wa s immediatel y silence d b y Elija h Muham mad, ostensibl y fo r a perio d o f ninet y days . A t first, Malcol m hel d hig h hopes o f being restore d t o active ministry ; but a s weeks turned int o months , he bega n t o see , a s Wilfred Littl e recalled , tha t "i t didn' t appea r tha t ther e was any intentio n o f hi m comin g bac k a t all—i t wa s as i f he wa s graduall y being banished. " An d Malcol m himsel f woul d late r admit , " I was just wasting away." 4 After havin g bee n silenced , Malcol m learne d tha t th e entir e Natio n ha d been informe d tha t h e woul d b e restore d whe n h e ha d "completel y submit ted." Malcolm , wh o ha d completel y submitte d fro m th e first moment, no w felt himsel f helplessl y fallin g int o th e depth s o f despair. Whe n th e realit y of his vulnerabl e positio n bega n t o se t in , h e foun d himsel f desperatel y strug gling to find his way back. Unable t o spea k o r teach , Malcol m burie d himsel f i n hi s copiou s note s of Muhammad' s tabl e talk . Thus , Mosqu e No . 7 carrie d a pleasan t littl e announcement i n it s regular newslette r statin g that while Ministe r Malcol m was "benefittin g fro m th e res t h e i s getting, " h e wa s secretl y workin g o n a publishable manuscrip t tentativel y entitled , "Th e Messenger' s Dinne r Con versation."5 Malcolm als o began t o send t o Elijah Muhamma d wha t would becom e a long strin g o f letters , humbl y beggin g fo r reinstatement . On e suc h letter , written sometim e betwee n Decembe r 196 3 an d earl y Januar y 1964 , bega n with Malcolm's appeal to Muhammad tha t a major reaso n that others wanted them t o spli t apar t wa s "because the y kno w Allah ha s blessed m e t o be you r best representativ e a s wel l a s you r bes t defender . Th e onl y one s her e wh o may thin k I' m agains t yo u ar e th e one s tha t ar e no t reall y wit h yo u them selves. Thi s i s a dangerou s positio n t o b e in , becaus e i t onl y add s divisio n upon division. " I n thi s letter , Malcol m compare d himsel f wit h th e biblica l characters Isaa c an d Job , bot h o f whom h e presente d a s symbols o f his ow n

Banished from the Nation • 193 submission an d vulnerability . Malcol m mentione d hi s note s o n Muham mad's tabl e talk , notin g ther e wa s "bot h hop e an d lif e i n you r words/ ' H e promised tha t h e coul d tur n thes e note s int o a powerfu l boo k t o furthe r advance th e Nation—i f onl y Muhamma d woul d "hav e mercy " an d restor e him t o the ministry. 6 This letter , lik e Malcolm' s othe r letters , seeme d t o hav e n o effect—an d may no t eve n hav e reache d Muhammad , considerin g tha t hi s famil y an d officials i n Chicag o wer e determine d completel y t o undermine Malcol m X . In doin g so , Malcol m wa s no t grante d th e ope n hearin g befor e th e Natio n constituency tha t h e desired ; instead , onl y a close d hearin g wa s hel d i n January 1964 . Th e outcom e portende d badl y fo r Malcolm , whos e onl y opportunity fo r restoratio n require d hi m t o collude i n th e Nation' s cover-u p of Muhammad's sexua l misbehavior. 7 Malcolm apparentl y yielde d a t first to the suggestion tha t he deny what he had alread y relate d t o th e Nation' s Eas t Coas t minister s a s truth . N o doub t desperate t o redee m hi s broke n relationshi p wit h Muhammad , Malcol m "confessed" t o som e Natio n minister s tha t h e ha d sprea d lie s abou t thei r leader. Thi s mean t that h e had t o present himsel f as a liar and troublemaker ; it als o mean t cooperatin g wit h Natio n headquarter s i n coverin g u p Elija h Muhammad's sins—a t th e expens e o f the young women i n question . Thus , despite hi s intentions , Malcolm' s rol e i n th e Natio n wa s discredited, an d h e found himsel f i n a n eve n wors e rol e a s person a no n grat a amon g th e ver y clergy h e ha d hope d t o salvage on th e Nation' s behalf , Wilfre d late r recalle d that hi s brother "wa s willing t o tell a lie about a lie," a tactic Malcol m live d to regret . I n hi s privat e thought s h e wa s staggered : " I wa s i n a stat e o f emotional shock . I was like someon e wh o fo r twelv e year s ha d a n insepara ble, beautifu l marriage—an d the n suddenl y on e mornin g a t breakfas t th e marriage partne r had thrust across the table some divorce papers." Interestingly, Malcolm' s choic e o f the marriag e break-u p allegor y corres ponds exactl y t o th e "marita l disengagemen t model " use d i n on e scholarl y analysis o f thos e wh o lef t cult s afte r havin g enjoye d dee p commitment s t o them. "Love , sacrific e an d devotio n ar e linke d togethe r an d expresse d i n strong emotiona l attachments , bindin g member s t o th e grou p i n way s tha t correspond t o marita l commitment. " Thos e deepl y involve d i n cults , lik e Malcolm X, mus t therefore b e viewed within th e "conceptual framewor k an d language o f commitment" a s opposed t o th e mor e stereotypica l assumption s of "brainwashing" that are associated wit h cults and ne w religions. Malcolm's experienc e durin g th e approximatel y thre e month s o f hi s si lencing furthe r exemplifie s tha t breakin g wit h a cul t i s th e kin d o f disen -

194 • Banished from the Nation gagement tha t i s ofte n complicated , "emotionall y disconcertin g an d ofte n painful . . . characterize d b y hig h level s o f difficult y an d intensity , largel y because prio r commitmen t level s ar e relativel y higher. " Malcol m exhibite d precisely such characteristics , rangin g from shoc k and stress to what might be called overpowerin g episode s of sentimentality i n which h e became a captive audience t o hi s ow n flood o f memories—wha t h e calle d " a parad e o f a thousand an d on e differen t scenes " o f hi s activ e an d committe d lif e i n the Nation . Malcolm admitte d that , a s i n a divorce betwee n tw o formerl y clos e peo ple, h e an d th e Natio n wer e no w "physicall y divorced" ; bu t "t o actuall y become psychologically divorced fro m eac h other, " Malcol m concluded , "might tak e years. " He di d no t limi t hi s divorce allegory t o autobiographica l reflection. I n bot h a telephon e conversatio n an d a n intervie w wit h CB S newsman Mik e Wallace, Malcol m spok e of his separation fro m Muhamma d and th e Nation i n terms of a broken marriage. 8 After th e suspensio n perio d ha d expire d an d afte r h e realize d tha t Elija h Muhammad "wa s attemptin g t o muzzl e him, " a s Wallac e Muhamma d re called, Malcol m wen t directl y t o Elija h Muhamma d an d demande d hi s reinstatement. "Whe n m y father remaine d adamant , Malcol m threatene d t o leave th e organization . A t thi s poin t m y fathe r pu t hi m out. " I n religiou s retrospect one migh t correctly welcom e the ouster as a fortuitous escape , bu t the traged y o f this story i s that Malcolm' s departur e fro m Muhammad' s cul t was bot h bitte r an d painful . Howeve r clos e h e ha d bee n t o movin g awa y from th e Nation's religiou s teachings, th e point remain s that Malcolm X was driven ou t o f a religiou s bod y tha t wa s stil l hi s onl y redemption—an d t o a large extent , hi s masterpiec e o f organizationa l commitmen t a s well . A s h e had wep t ove r th e slai n Musli m brothe r i n Lo s Angeles , Malcol m X no w wept a t th e demis e o f hi s ow n lif e i n Muhammad' s world , an d wondere d what it would b e like to remain a Muslim nevertheless. 9 Like a ma n whos e stable marriag e ha d suddenl y ende d i n divorce , Malcol m X approached hi s newfoun d independenc e wit h ambivalence . I n th e initia l weeks o f hi s officia l separatio n fro m th e Nation , h e seem s t o hav e longe d both fo r reconciliatio n an d autonomy . Thoug h h e wanted t o remain loya l to Muhammad, Malcol m als o yearned for an identification wit h orthodox Islam that would remai n impossibl e as long as he stayed i n the Nation . Because n o simila r Islami c organization s existe d fo r Africa n American s that als o provide d a socia l base , i t is no surpris e tha t Malcol m fel t th e nee d to star t hi s ow n movement . Typically , thos e leavin g cult s adop t alternativ e structures i n th e transitiona l proces s afte r thei r previou s commitment s hav e

Banished from the Nation • J9 5 been significantl y disrupted. Further , defectio n fro m cult s involve s conceiv ing an d selectin g a n alternativ e identit y an d worldview— a gradua l proces s that, fo r a time, ofte n leave s the person "floating " and possibl y feeling disori ented. In Malcolm's case, the founding o f an independent Muslim organization , Muslim Mosque , Inc. , serve d t o satisf y hi s ow n religiou s needs—no w i n transition—as muc h a s it provided a long-desired avenu e fo r actua l politica l involvement i n th e blac k struggle . I n autobiographica l reflection , Malcol m explained hi s rational e fo r th e foundin g o f th e Musli m Mosque . H e note d that h e ha d graduall y begu n t o realiz e hi s ow n independen t leadershi p qualities, sensin g his deep-rooted tie s to the urba n blac k community an d hi s exceptional sensitivit y t o thei r dilemma . Malcol m thu s concluded , "Th e organization I hoped t o build woul d differ fro m th e Nation o f Islam i n that it would embrac e all faiths o f black men, an d i t would carr y into practice wha t the Nation o f Islam ha d only preached." ,0 In contras t t o Malcolm' s bol d ne w politica l stance , th e earlies t phas e o f the Musli m Mosque' s religiou s existenc e i s difficult t o ascertain, Thoug h h e expressed a grea t dea l o f loyalt y t o Elija h Muhamma d i n th e first weeks of his independence , h e wa s clearl y reachin g fo r religiou s orthodoxy . Ye t despite hi s proclamatio n tha t th e Musli m Mosqu e woul d serv e a s a meetin g place fo r black s o f al l religiou s persuasions , i t wa s stil l a Musli m organiza tion—one that , a t leas t superficially , claime d cohesio n wit h th e Nation . " I remain a Muslim, " Malcol m sai d i n hi s Marc h 8 , 1964 , independenc e announcement. After explainin g tha t hi s ne w movemen t woul d b e a thoroughl y blac k nationalist organization, Malcol m stated : "I have reached the conclusion tha t I can bes t spread Mr . Muhammad' s messag e by staying out o f the Natio n o f Islam and continuin g to work on m y own among America's 2 2 million non Muslim Negroes. " Th e nex t day , h e tol d a journalist : "Muhamma d i s th e one wh o taugh t m e everythin g I know , an d th e on e wh o mad e m e int o whatever I am . I believ e Alla h ha s give n hi m th e bes t diagnosi s o f th e ill s that beset America's 2 2 million Negroes." 11 On Marc h 12 , 1964 , Malcol m hel d hi s first official pres s conferenc e a t New York City's Park Sherato n Hotel , declaring : "I am an d alway s will be a Muslim. M y religio n i s Islam. I still believ e tha t Mr . Muhammad' s analysi s of the problem i s the most realistic, an d tha t his solution i s the best one." He thus announce d th e formatio n o f the Musli m Mosque , whic h h e agai n sai d was for al l black s o f all beliefs . A s Malcol m explaine d further , th e Musli m Mosque would provid e "a religious base, an d the spiritual force necessary " to deal wit h vice s tha t undermine d "th e mora l fiber o f ou r communit y " n

J96 • Banished from the Nation However, hi s ne w organizatio n face d tw o problem s regardin g it s religiou s nature. First, a s a Musli m organizatio n offerin g a "religiou s base " that wa s to b e distinctly Islamic , th e Musli m Mosqu e wa s hardl y a n invitin g umbrell a organization fo r black s o f othe r religiou s an d philosophica l persuasions . Malcolm's persona l tendenc y t o "embrac e al l faith s o f black men " seems t o have bee n a reemergin g characteristi c o f his religiousl y eclecti c upbringing . This tendenc y relate d somewha t awkwardl y t o th e ide a o f a thoroughl y Muslim organization—perhap s foreshadowin g th e tension s Malcol m woul d later fac e a s a n orthodo x believe r i n th e Musli m world . Second , Malcol m was at leas t claimin g t o creat e a loya l satellit e organizatio n fo r a movemen t that was religiously exclusive. A s such, th e function o f the Musli m Mosque , no matter ho w good Malcolm' s intention s were, would inevitabl y appear as a hostile invasio n o f the Nation . On a n individua l level , Malcol m ha d th e sam e proble m a s hi s Musli m Mosque, definin g himsel f a s th e Nation' s loya l outside r an d Muhammad' s "number on e follower." "An d since I love the Honorable Elija h Muhamma d and wha t h e i s teaching, " Malcol m tol d a Philadelphi a radi o audience , " I felt tha t I coul d bette r expedit e hi s progra m an d carr y i t int o practic e b y keeping fre e an d clea r o f thos e force s [o f opposition ] whic h I kne w existe d [within the Nation]." 13 Unfortunately, Elija h Muhammad , wh o identified hi s program a s "divine work," woul d no t sanctio n an y suc h notion . "Anyon e wh o deviate s fro m Islam i s a hypocrite, " Muhamma d tol d a journalist . T o th e suggestio n tha t Malcolm wa s stil l loya l t o him , Muhamma d responde d tha t Malcol m ha d "no alternative but to remain wit h me—if h e believes in the Divine Messag e that Alla h ha s give n t o m e t o delive r t o m y people . H e woul d no t g o afte r other group s wh o hav e no t accepte d Islam. " These "othe r groups " to whic h Muhammad referre d wer e the established civil rights groups, which Malcol m had no w pledge d h e woul d suppor t i n th e ambitiou s politica l activis m an d self-defense philosoph y o f the Muslim Mosque . The issu e of armed self-defense, however , becam e the particular obsessio n of the medi a an d consequentl y cloude d Malcolm' s overal l attemp t a t main streaming hi s ne w organization . A t th e sam e time , th e self-defens e issu e invited th e criticis m o f Elija h Muhammad—wh o too k ful l advantag e o f Malcolm's purporte d "break, " a s well a s his cal l t o arms , t o present himsel f as a benign bu t wounded leader . "M y people are more adapted t o peace . . . they believ e i n peacefu l solutions, " Muhamma d declared . " I a m stunned, " he continue d befor e th e press , " I neve r dreame d thi s ma n woul d deviat e

Banished from the Nation • 197 from th e Natio n o f Islam . Ever y on e o f th e Muslim s admire d him . . , . What h e ha s sai d make s i t definite . H e ha s deviated . Obedienc e i s a n important thing to us." As far as Malcolm's proposed program of self-defense , Muhammad concluded , "I t i s very sill y t o sa y suc h a thing , becaus e wher e are they going to get guns and arms?" H In hi s syndicated column , whic h ra n i n th e Gary Crusader, Muhamma d invoked th e Qur'a n i n a warnin g agains t "imputin g si n t o Allah' s Messen gers." H e the n state d hi s cas e agains t Malcolm , chargin g tha t th e latte r ha d "disobeyed th e Apostl e of Allah" by refusing t o keep quiet during the ninety day period o f silence. Muhamma d declare d tha t Malcol m refuse d t o remai n quiet, an d instea d spok e t o th e press , provin g tha t h e wa s "goin g fo r self, " Referring t o Malcolm' s Musli m Mosqu e an d hi s philosophy o f self-defense , Muhammad concluded : I a m sorr y fo r th e poo r fool s wh o refus e t o trus t th e Go d o f th e Hon . Elija h Muhammad, an d follow Malcol m fo r self-victory. Malcol m say s that he is going to set u p a Mosqu e fo r himsel f an d [his ] followers. I am sur e tha t Malcol m ha s not believed th e Hon . Elija h Muhamma d t o be the Messenge r o f Allah. I f he did, h e would be afraid for his future. 15 Contrary to Muhammad's words , however , Malcolm' s faith i n him had been complete. I t was only Muhammad's persistenc e in covering his sins that dealt what Malcolm calle d th e "major blow " to his childlike belief in "the Messen ger o f Allah. " "Tha t wa s ho w I first bega n t o realiz e tha t I ha d believe d in Mr . Muhamma d mor e tha n h e believe d i n himself, " Malcol m woul d later write. The first week s o f th e Musli m Mosqu e wer e undoubtedl y a novelt y fo r Malcolm X , wh o perhap s foun d solac e i n hi s ne w politica l independence . Indeed, whil e Malcol m frequentl y identifie d himsel f t o interviewer s an d audiences a s a faithful Muslim , hi s messages were decidedly nonreligious — especially i n compariso n t o his apocalyptically charge d Natio n preachments . The "divin e message " o f Elija h Muhamma d wa s no w replace d wit h wha t Malcolm calle d "th e gospe l o f blac k nationalism, " whic h proclaime d blac k people should b e in control o f their own communities, thei r ow n businesses, their own politics, an d thei r own religion. 16 In th e Nation , Malcol m ha d fancie d himsel f a s playing th e rol e o f Aaron the spokesma n t o Elija h Muhammad' s Moses; 17 bu t i n hi s ne w indepen dence, h e looked elsewhere for a role model of leadership, ironicall y focusin g his attention o n th e leadin g Christian evangelist , Bill y Graham. However , i t was actually Graham' s metho d o f conducting nondenominationa l Christia n

198 • Banished from the Nation "crusades" that Malcol m wante d t o model i n th e nam e o f black nationalism : "Billy Graha m come s i n preachin g th e gospe l o f Christ, h e evangelize s th e gospel, h e stir s everybody up , bu t h e neve r tries to start a church . . . and i n this way the church cooperate s wit h him . S o we're going to take a page fro m his book. Ou r gospel i s black nationalism." 18 Malcolm late r recalle d tha t i t wa s a t thi s poin t tha t h e bega n t o receiv e numerous request s t o spea k t o variou s Christia n clergymen , especiall y whites. Whe n addressin g these ministers, however , h e did no t play down hi s philosophy o f self-defens e no r hi s ne w rol e a s th e Bill y Graha m o f blac k nationalism. Speakin g befor e a n interracia l grou p o f Methodis t minister s i n Brooklyn i n Apri l 1964 , Malcol m declared : " I a m takin g m y cu e fro m methods use d b y Billy Graha m t o preac h th e gospe l o f Christ. I will preac h the gospe l o f Black Nationalis m t o Negroe s withou t askin g them t o joi n m y organization, bu t rathe r urgin g the m t o g o ou t an d joi n an y existin g civi l rights organization." 19 Regarding whites , Malcol m X maintained tha t h e hel d n o confidenc e i n either thei r moralit y o r legality , bu t suggeste d the y woul d respon d intelli gently t o th e racia l issu e i f black s first embrace d a stron g blac k nationalist , self-defense program . Whe n a whit e ministe r aske d Malcol m i f he believe d there wer e any "good whit e people," Malcolm responded : "I do not say there are n o sincer e whit e people , bu t rathe r tha t I haven' t me t any. " Malcol m had clearl y move d awa y fro m Elija h Muhammad' s "whit e devil " anthropology, bu t h e wa s ye t unwillin g t o appea r conciliatory—instea d pleadin g a kind o f racial agnosticism . Malcolm's attitud e towar d Christianit y ma y hav e appeare d t o b e les s acerbic now , thoug h i t wa s impossibl e t o discer n i f an y rea l chang e ha d occurred. No t lon g afterward , Malcol m addresse d a n interdenominationa l group o f Christian ministers , on e o f whom aske d hi m i f his attitud e towar d the church ha d modifie d sinc e his Nation days . Malcol m smile d an d said , "I don't care what I said last year. Tha t wa s last year. Thi s i s 1964." 20 This wa s probably onl y a n admissio n o f political expediency , intende d t o promote th e interactio n o f blac k Christia n nationalist s i n Musli m Mosqu e programs. I n fact , Malcol m X was n o mor e intereste d i n th e cros s i n 196 4 than h e ha d bee n whil e i n th e Nation . Hi s religiou s visio n wa s aime d eastward, towar d a hol y worl d wher e dar k peopl e ha d lon g praye d t o Allah , and wher e white me n coul d onl y enter , a s Malcolm woul d com e t o believe, in complete humility .

15 The Pilgri m Conver t J would spread the true message of Islam,

"There wa s on e furthe r majo r preparatio n tha t I kne w I needed," Malcol m recalle d i n hi s autobiography. T d ha d i t in m y mind fo r a long time—as a servant of Allah. Bu t i t would requir e mone y tha t I didn't have." That preparatio n wa s the Hajj , th e pilgrimag e t o Mecca , th e holies t city o f th e Musli m world . Malcol m note d tha t h e too k a plan e t o Boston , "turning again " t o hi s elde r half-sister , Ell a Collins , who m h e ha d ofte n turned t o a s a youth . Malcol m recalle d thi s particula r visit , notin g tha t despite the fact tha t h e ha d mad e Ell a angr y with hi m a t times as a wayward youth, sh e "neve r onc e reall y wavere d fro m m y corner. " However , a s Mal colm describe d thi s particular visit , a reader could no t necessaril y kno w why he had made the comment abou t angering his sister. Indeed, i t appears that Malcol m simplifie d th e whol e episode , portrayin g this visi t a s i f hi s tri p t o Bosto n t o se e Ell a wer e actuall y a fund-raisin g campaign. " I wan t t o mak e th e pilgrimag e t o Mecca, " th e autobiographica l Malcolm declare s t o Ella , t o which sh e replies , "Ho w muc h d o you need? " However, according t o Ell a Collins , Malcol m wa s no t al l tha t sur e abou t going t o Mecca , an d he r remembranc e o f th e even t seem s i n lin e wit h th e J 99

200 • The Pilgrim Convert agonies of separation fro m th e Nation tha t were still tearing away at the inner life of her brother . It i s possible tha t Ella—i n retrospect—migh t hav e wante d to take credi t for Malcolm' s legendar y Hajj . Certainly , a numbe r o f peopl e ha d actuall y urged hi m t o mak e Haj j an d thu s ente r th e orthodo x communit y o f Islam . Nevertheless, he r accoun t otherwis e ring s true: "I was trying to get him t o go to Mecca . H e ha d pu t s o muc h int o th e Nation . Sometime s I ha d t o ge t abusive with him, " Ella recalled . "W e ha d to get down to the roots of things. I told hi m t o neve r anticipat e gettin g bac k t o the Nation—h e ha d rise n to o far above it. " However, Malcol m apparentl y resiste d that realization, an d th e two sibling s argue d int o th e nigh t unti l Malcol m finally succumbe d an d wept. "Yo u know, " h e tol d hi s olde r half-sister , "you'r e rea l mea n t o me. " Ella, o f course, fel t i t was necessary t o be mean wit h Malcolm . Whethe r o r not i t was really necessary , i t does appear tha t he r brother finally left Bosto n with th e inner resolve—an d th e finances—to mak e the Hajj . As a "servant o f Allah" still i n th e Nation , Malcol m X had ofte n encoun tered Sunn i Muslim s an d ha d take n a goo d dea l o f Musli m hea t ove r hi s organization's religiou s teachings . Bu t no t al l o f thes e persona l religiou s encounters wer e negative, an d som e o f them undoubtedl y contribute d t o his inner desir e t o reconcile himsel f an d th e Natio n t o Sunn i Islam . Malcol m admitted tha t o n a numbe r o f occasions, particularl y whe n h e wa s speaking at colleges or universities, h e had me t sympathetic foreig n Muslim s wh o fel t he wa s sincere an d urge d hi m t o gain furthe r exposur e t o "what the y alway s called 'tru e Islam. ' " Malcol m "bridled " a t suc h suggestions . Whil e i n th e privacy o f hi s ow n religiou s thoughts , h e wondered : "I f on e wa s sincer e i n professing a religion , wh y shoul d h e bal k a t broadenin g hi s knowledg e o f that religion? " Ironically, Muhammad' s so n Wallac e hel d persona l religiou s conviction s that provide d a mode l fo r Malcol m a s muc h a s the y generate d tensio n between hi m an d hi s father . Malcol m note d tha t Wallace , who m h e ad mired, als o urged hi m t o deepen hi s knowledge o f Islam. I t seems likel y tha t Malcolm als o carefully observe d tha t Wallace's brother , Akba r Muhammad , had gone to Egypt to study at Al-Azhar University . No t only had Akba r gone to stud y i n th e hear t o f th e Dar k World , bu t h e wa s converte d t o genuin e Islam—though physica l distanc e apparently minimize d hi s influence o n th e Nation a s an organization. 1 However, Akba r wa s at leas t an indirec t influenc e o n Malcolm , sinc e h e had successfull y traverse d a religiou s chas m tha t Malcol m increasingl y wished t o cross . Durin g a visit to the Unite d States , Akba r mad e a n appear -

The Pilgrim Convert • 201 ance i n a Natio n rall y i n Ne w Yor k Cit y o n Jul y 13 , 1963 . H e delivere d a stirring messag e o f universal blac k unity—strongl y admonishin g th e Natio n to mak e a pronounced statemen t o f its support o f all blac k groups organize d in th e Unite d State s as well. Malcolm , wh o had hoste d th e rally , returne d t o the podium expressin g both regre t for having so long taken a critical approac h toward othe r blac k organizations an d hi s determination t o seek unity thereaf ter. Whil e th e inciden t di d no t directl y pertai n t o th e issu e o f orthodoxy , I t seems tha t Malcol m sense d i n Akbar' s exampl e a religiou s integrit y tha t personally challenge d him . Elijah Muhamma d wa s challenge d b y Akbar , too . Ther e wa s visibl e tension betwee n th e culti c patriarc h an d hi s orthodo x son , Elija h Muham mad ha d apparentl y classifie d Akba r a s a "hypocrite " fro m th e tim e o f th e 1963 visit . Akba r woul d retur n agai n i n lat e 196 4 and openl y denounc e hi s father's religio n a s stiflin g an d "hom e made. " Akba r woul d als o defen d Malcolm X , who had by then followe d hi m int o orthodoxy . Long before Malcol m coul d com e t o Mecca, however , Mecc a seeme d t o have com e t o Malcolm . Mos t notabl e i n thi s regar d wa s th e friendshi p tha t Malcolm forme d wit h a Sudanes e Musli m studen t name d Ahme d Osman . Osman, wh o was studying at Dartmouth College , cam e to New York City to attend Mosqu e No . 7 services o n a Sunda y afternoo n i n 1962 . Sittin g i n a n audience o f abou t five hundre d people , Osma n listene d t o Malcol m spea k for about four hours , undoubtedl y aggravate d b y what was being preached i n the nam e o f Islam . Whe n th e customar y question-and-answe r sessio n wa s opened, Osma n stoo d u p t o speak , challengin g Malcol m tha t man y o f th e Nation's statement s an d belief s wer e contrar y t o Islam . Osma n particularl y challenged th e "th e clai m o f Elijah Muhamma d tha t h e i s the Messenge r of God an d th e interpretation o f the rac e problem. " The crow d reacte d negativel y t o th e youn g Musli m studen t wh o boldl y opposed th e Nation' s racia l doctrines , bu t Malcol m aske d the m t o allo w Osman t o finish his statement. Still , th e point-counterpoint betwee n Osma n and Malcol m di d no t en d o n a conciliator y note . Osma n recalle d tha t th e discussion wa s "heated " an d h e lef t th e mosqu e "unsatisfied. " Ye t h e coul d not help but feel "greatl y impresse d wit h Malcolm. " Unable t o forge t thei r encounter , Osma n bega n a n earnes t letter-writin g campaign, endeavorin g t o communicat e "tru e Islam " t o Malcolm ; h e like wise sent him literatur e published b y the Islamic Centre i n Geneva , Switzer land. Unlik e hi s mor e heate d confrontatio n a t Mosqu e No . 7 , Osrnan' s sincere appeal s wer e irresistibl e t o Malcol m X , wh o b y natur e coul d no t ignore reasonable , intelligen t presentations . Malcol m responde d t o Osman' s

202 • The Pilgrim Convert letters wit h appreciatio n an d interest , an d aske d fo r mor e Islami c literature . He eve n bega n t o as k Osma n t o provid e explanation s i n Qur'ani c exegesis . As their friendship solidified , Osma n prodde d Malcol m t o make Hajj , know ing withi n himsel f tha t " a grea t chang e wa s unfolding " withi n th e religiou s Malcolm X. 2 As Malcol m recalled , whe n h e di d spea k wit h sympatheti c Musli m stu dents the y urge d hi m t o mee t wit h Dr . Mahmou d Yousse f Shawarbi , a n eminent Egyptia n Musli m schola r who , a t th e time , wa s residin g i n Ne w York City and was the director of the Islamic Foundation. Malcol m admitte d that while he was still in the Nation h e more than once "resisted the impulse" to sto p i n an d se e Dr . Shawarbi . "The n on e da y Dr . Shawarb i an d I wer e introduced b y a newspaperman," Malcol m recalled . Without prope r backgroun d information , a reade r migh t assum e tha t Malcolm an d Dr . Shawarb i wer e no t acquainted . However , Malcol m ha d already know n Shawarb i a t leas t sinc e th e schola r ha d spoke n a t a specia l Nation functio n i n Novembe r 1960 . A t th e time , Shawarb i declare d th e confraternity o f all Musli m groups , includin g the Nation. Expressin g delight over Elija h Muhammad' s tri p t o Mecc a tha t sam e year , Shawarb i urge d al l of the Nation's members to make the same pilgrimage. However , th e cooperation betwee n th e tw o me n seem s t o hav e bee n minimize d b y Malcolm' s inability t o mov e close r t o traditiona l Sunn i Isla m whil e i n th e servic e o f Elijah Muhammad . But no w tha t Malcol m X wa s independen t o f Elija h Muhammad , h e found himsel f fre e t o deepe n hi s knowledg e o f Sunn i Islam , an d reac quainted himsel f wit h Shawarb i i n a serie s o f instructiona l session s durin g the first weeks of the Musli m Mosque' s existence . Malcol m di d no t speak of these sessions in hi s autobiography, leavin g his readers to think that after on e meeting h e n o longer ha d contac t with Shawarb i unti l h e mad e preparation s for th e Hajj . Thi s foreshortenin g ma y hav e bee n intentiona l becaus e Mal colm wante d t o emphasiz e th e dram a o f hi s unfoldin g secon d conversion . Shawarbi recalled , i n fact , tha t Malcol m cam e t o hi m wit h th e state d belie f that h e was already a Muslim wh o needed onl y t o deepen hi s understandin g of Islam. In thei r quie t bu t momentou s session s together , Malcol m plie d Shawarb i with question s abou t "rea l Islam"—whil e th e latte r sough t to persuade Mal colm "t o giv e u p hi s racis t ideas. " Shawarb i pointe d ou t t o Malcol m tha t even i n th e Musli m worl d som e Arabs think o f themselves a s special despit e the egalitarian teaching s o f the Qur'an. I n the end, Malcol m wa s persuaded, and no t withou t grea t emotion . " I have n o doubt o f his sincerity," Shawarb i

The Pilgrim Convert • 20 3 declared i n a n interview . " I could no t help but be impresse d b y his desire to learn abou t Islam . Sometime s h e would eve n cr y while passage s of the Hol y Koran wer e being read. " As a result , Shawarb i urge d hi m t o mak e th e Hajj—knowin g ful l wel l that some o f his own Ne w York-based Musli m brethre n objected , remainin g suspicious o f Malcolm' s motivations . Bu t Shawarb i believe d i n Malcolm' s sincerity an d h e personall y provide d a letter o f recommendatio n an d a copy oiThe Eternal Message of Muhammad, a book written by an eminent citize n of Saud i Arabia . Wit h hi s vis a approve d fo r th e journey , Malcol m X lef t New Yor k Cit y o n Apri l 13 , 1964 , "quietly, " a s h e pu t it , boun d fo r th e "Holy World" of Islam. 3 "During th e hajj/ 7 write s on e observer , "th e hol y cit y o f Mecc a become s a n immense caldro n o f humanity , black , brown , yellow , an d white. " A n an cient traditio n an d pilla r o f Islam, th e Haj j draw s approximately tw o million pilgrims, Hajjis, t o Mecca ever y year during the month—Dhul-Hijja i n the Islamic calendar . Muslim s fro m ever y rac e an d clas s come , strippin g them selves of any outward sig n of economic or social status, dressed in the humble and unifor m attir e of the Hajji . The Haj j i s " a profoun d statemen t o f [th e Hajji's ] devotio n t o God , rejection o f sin , an d a celebratio n o f th e brotherhoo d o f al l Moslems. " However, unlik e th e unifyin g religiou s ritual s o f othe r religions , th e Haj j requires a very physical routine . B y the tim e th e Hajj i ha s complete d al l th e activities o f th e sacre d event , h e o r sh e wil l hav e bee n transporte d (mos t en masse ) o n a 120-mile , six-da y tri p fro m Jedd a t o th e hol y site s an d back again. But i f the Haj j i s "one o f the mos t potent unifyin g factor s i n th e worl d o f Islam," i t ha s als o functione d historicall y t o develo p a "suitabl e networ k o f communications" betwee n Musli m people s an d nations . A s such , th e Haj j provides a n opportunit y fo r economic , social , an d intellectua l exchange , which i n tur n ha s generate d a sens e amon g Muslim s "o f belongin g t o a single, vas t whole. " Th e equalit y o f th e Haj j i s largel y ritualistic— a poin t that ca n perhap s b e demonstrate d b y the fac t tha t Hajji s ar e accommodate d in everythin g from luxur y hotel s to tents. Isla m proclaim s n o socialis t Utopia on earth, onl y a unifying fait h tha t mandates a universal Musli m family . The Hajj i no t onl y advance s physicall y towar d Mecca , bu t als o enter s necessarily int o a ritua l stat e o f consecration , Ihram. Enterin g Ihra m no t only require s th e wearin g o f humble pilgri m attire , bu t als o abstinence fro m many of the norma l comfort s an d pleasure s of life. Th e entir e ritual , wit h its

204 • The Pilgrim Convert extensive itinerar y o f physica l an d spiritua l activities , wa s observe d b y th e Prophet Muhamma d himsel f an d i s recorded i n the Qur'an a s a requiremen t of the faithful . Fo r th e individua l Hajji , th e Haj j i s "a personal ac t followin g a persona l decisio n an d resultin g i n a series of wide-ranging persona l experi ences." An d certainl y amon g th e 90,00 0 Hajji s wh o cam e t o Jedd a b y ai r travel durin g th e Haj j seaso n o f 1964 , Malcolm' s persona l experience s ma y have been th e mos t unusual. 4 After spendin g "tw o happ y day s sightseeing i n Cairo, " Malcolm flew into Jedda, Saud i Arabia , wit h a grou p o f Hajji s wh o ha d befriende d hi m i n Egypt. Onc e i n Jedda , Malcol m wa s separate d fro m hi s friend s whe n hi s Muslim credential s wer e questione d b y a passpor t inspector . " I neve r ha d been i n suc h a jamme d mas s o f people, " Malcol m recalled , "bu t I neve r had fel t mor e alone, an d helpless , sinc e I was a baby." Worse, Malcol m ha d arrived i n Jedd a o n Friday , th e da y o f prayer i n th e Musli m world—whic h meant hi s hearing before th e Mahgama Sharia, th e Haj j court , coul d no t be held a t least unti l th e following day . Unti l hi s hearing, Malcol m wa s placed in a dormitory tha t house d "member s o f every rac e on earth, " many o f them still dresse d i n thei r nativ e garb . "I t wa s lik e page s ou t o f th e National Geographic magazine," Malcolm wrot e enthusiastically . Though fre e o f the colo r barrier o f the Unite d States , Malcol m ironicall y found himsel f limite d b y language . Non e o f th e Hajji s i n th e dormitor y spoke English , an d Malcol m kne w neithe r Arabi c no r French , th e linguae franca of th e Easter n world : " I couldn' t spea k anybody' s language . I was i n bad shape." Although hi s fellow Hajji s wer e friendly, Malcol m kne w that his awkwardness mad e hi m stan d out , especiall y sinc e h e wa s s o obviousl y unaccustomed t o th e Musli m praye r ritual . "Imagine, " Malcol m mused , "being a Muslim minister , a leader i n Elija h Muhammad' s Natio n o f Islam, and no t knowin g th e praye r ritual. " H e struggle d t o emulat e th e Musli m prayer posture , an d whe n th e tim e cam e t o mak e th e mornin g prayer , Malcolm recalle d tha t th e bes t h e coul d d o wa s mumbl e i n imitatio n th e prayers he heard bein g said i n Arabic. 5 Malcolm mad e a poin t o f statin g tha t hi s mumblin g o f prayer s di d no t suggest levit y o n hi s part . "I t wa s fa r fro m a jok e wit h me. " Still , man y a reader migh t be struck by a sense of vanity i n Malcolm' s attempts , especiall y in a Wester n religiou s cultur e tha t ha s bee n permeate d b y th e notio n tha t prayer is , a t it s highes t form , exclusivel y individualistic , private , an d in formal. However, Musli m praye r differ s fro m Wester n religiou s invocatio n be cause i t i s no t essentiall y perceive d a s eithe r petitio n o r communication .

The Pilgrim Convert • 20 5 Rather, Musli m praye r i s a ritua l o f acknowledgmen t o f God' s power . Fur ther, communa l praye r fo r th e Musli m affirm s th e unit y o f all fellow believ ers. "Praye r i s the celebratin g o f the unity o f a great tribe held togethe r by its submission t o Allah an d it s obedience t o his teachings/' I n a very rea l sense, then, Malcolm' s prayers—whil e mumble d an d frustrate d b y language were entirel y i n synchron y wit h th e Haj j a s a religiou s event , 'Th e purpos e of praye r i s no t th e sam e a s th e purpos e o f speech, " echoe s a voic e fro m another grea t religiou s tradition . "Th e purpos e o f speec h i s t o inform ; th e purpose of prayer is to partake." 6 By the evenin g of the nex t day, Malcol m ha d stil l been unabl e t o attain a hearing at the Hajj court . H e recalled tha t he had just completed th e "Sunset Prayer," El Maghrib, an d was lying on a cot in his dormitory compartment — a kind o f prison cel l that restraine d hi m fro m th e freedom o f the Hajj . I t was an ironi c spiritual rehearsa l o f that moment, man y years before, whe n h e lay on hi s be d i n priso n an d suddenl y becam e awar e o f th e strang e humanlik e apparition. Bu t now , wha t struc k "ou t o f the darkness " like " a sudde n light " was n o apparitio n bu t " a sudde n thought. " H e remembere d tha t i n hi s possession wa s the book, The Eternal Message of Muhammad, tha t Shawarb i had give n t o him . I n i t wa s th e telephon e numbe r o f th e author' s son , who happene d t o liv e i n Jedda . Thi s wa s th e turnin g poin t i n Malcolm' s Hajj experience . The first hour s o f Malcolm' s Haj j appeare d t o b e a reenactmen t o f hi s own persona l spiritua l journey : family , separation , alienation , an d confine ment. Now , a s before , a blindin g flash o f ligh t brough t hi m liberation . However, th e liberatio n h e woul d experienc e i n Mecc a wa s no t racial , bu t humanitarian; no t parochial , bu t universal ; no t base d o n th e strang e visio n of an unknow n man , bu t on th e redemptive vision o f unity and brotherhoo d under one divine Creator . Shortly afte r Malcolm' s phon e call , Dr . Oma r Azzarn , a tal l whit e ma n with a Europea n educatio n an d a n importan t engineerin g positio n i n Saudi , appeared a t Malcolm' s dormitory . I n a matte r o f minutes , Malcolm' s per sonal paper s were retrieve d an d th e two were chauffeured t o the residenc e of the book' s author , Ab d al-Rahma n Azzam . "M y fathe r wil l b e s o happ y t o meet you, " Dr . Azza m assure d Malcolm , wh o als o learned h e ha d bee n th e object o f the elder Azzam's interes t for quite some time. Malcolm me t Ab d al-Rahma n Azza m a t th e Jedd a Palac e Hotel , wher e the latte r was staying i n hi s own suite . Th e suite , i n fact , wa s turned ove r to Malcolm, wh o wa s overwhelmed b y the hospitalit y o f his Musli m host s an d the interventio n o f Allah . Malcol m dine d wit h th e Azzams , bein g deepl y

206 • The Pilgrim Convert impressed b y the elder Azzam, whos e fatherly, scholarl y wisdo m an d knowl edge completel y captivate d him . Beyon d al l this , th e Azzam s spok e o n Malcolm's behal f for hi s participation i n th e Hajj . The nex t day , havin g reste d i n hi s luxuriou s hote l suite , Malcol m ap peared befor e Shayk h Muhamma d Harko n o f th e Haj j court . Malcol m recalled thi s experienc e somewha t idealistically , however . I n hi s autobio graphical record , Shayk h Harko n interviewe d hi m an d rule d i n favo r o f his sincerity a s a Muslim. However , accordin g t o Abd al-Rahma n Azzam , a bit more persuasio n wa s require d i n th e hearing . Twice , i n fact , th e elde r Azzam pleade d wit h Harkon : "Th e ma n says , la ilaha ilia Allahu, Ther e i s no go d bu t God / an d say s h e i s a Muslim . Wha t mor e d o yo u want? " Harkon's apparen t hesitanc y i n approvin g Malcolm' s Haj j certificat e wa s probably du e t o th e fac t tha t Harko n ha d me t Malcol m i n 195 9 during hi s Middle Eas t visit as Muhammad's emissary . Accordin g to Malcolm , th e two had converse d ove r te a durin g tha t visit , an d i t i s likel y tha t Harko n no w wanted t o make sure that Malcolm wa s truly free fro m th e spurious teaching s of the Nation . It is likely that Shaykh Harkon woul d have approved Malcolm' s case based on th e suppor t o f bot h Azza m an d Shawarbi . However , i t seem s th e judg e could no t argu e whe n a n additiona l messag e o f suppor t arrived— a missiv e sent from th e rule r o f Saudi Arabia, Princ e Faisal , b y way of his deputy chief of protocol, wh o immediatel y intervene d o n Malcolm' s behalf . Interventio n from th e thron e wa s no t entirel y miraculous , however ; th e so n o f Princ e Faisal wa s marrie d t o Ab d al-Rahma n Azzam' s daughter. 7 Malcolm' s Haj j certificate wa s undoubtedly issue d without further delays . This diplomati c tou r d e forc e o n hi s behal f di d no t astonis h onl y Mal colm; th e U.S . Embass y i n Jedd a wa s also quit e awar e o f the incident . I n a report about Malcolm's activities in Saudi , a n embass y official late r informe d the Stat e Departmen t i n Washington , D.C. , tha t Malcolm' s receptio n i n Jedda "showe d ther e was no doubt i n the minds of the Saud i authoritie s a s to his bona fides as a Muslim." Thus, when Malcol m would later tell a Chicago television audienc e tha t h e ha d "n o trouble " makin g th e Hajj , h e wa s no t being dishonest—he wa s being modest . The deputy chief of protocol, Muhamma d Abdu l Azziz Maged, thereafte r provided a n astonishe d Malcol m wit h hi s own privat e car i n orde r to shuttl e him aroun d i n fulfillmen t o f Haj j requirements . Wit h thi s privilege , Mal colm wa s able easil y t o complete th e Haj j betwee n Apri l 1 9 and 24 , includ ing a n Omr a visi t t o th e sacre d ground s a t Mecc a prope r an d a visi t t o th e city of Mina, twent y miles away. 8

The Pilgrim Convert • 207 During his stay at Mina, i n fact, Malcol m stoo d outside his hotel, amaze d at the man y kind s of people who, lik e him, ha d com e t o the "Holy World/ ' Standing nearb y hi m wa s anothe r Hajji , Kase m Gulick , a membe r o f th e Turkish Parliament , wh o told Malcol m tha t the Haj j wa s indeed "a n anthro pologist's paradise. " Malcol m sai d th e Tur k recognize d hi m fro m new s broadcasts an d report s an d wa s apparentl y quit e surprise d t o find tha t th e famous "Blac k Muslim" was on the Hajj . Later tha t sam e day , Malcol m reache d Moun t Arafat , alon g wit h thou sands of other Hajjis , wher e h e spent the res t of the day praying under a tent on th e mount . Malcol m sa t there , absorbe d b y th e tremendou s diversit y o f peoples sharing the same shelter o n th e desert ascent. O f that experience, h e later reflecte d tha t "presen t i n tha t grou p wa s ever y shade—ever y shade , every complexion , ther e wa s ever y typ e o f culture , ther e wer e Chinese , Indonesians; ther e wer e peopl e fro m Afghanistan , Persia , ther e wa s on e Russian and hi s wife, wh o were very white. There were [also] some Nigerians and Ghanaians. " Malcol m wa s intensel y move d b y th e realizatio n o f th e great unit y o f th e Hajj , especiall y exemplifie d b y th e Hajjis ' sharin g o f nourishment, utensils , an d eve n the space needed fo r praye r and sleep. 9 Overwhelmed b y th e realit y o f thi s communion , i t seem s Malcol m re viewed hi s forme r lif e a s Muhammad' s representative , feelin g regre t fo r th e role h e ha d playe d i n advancin g th e Nation' s religion . "Whil e I was o n th e top of Mount Arafa t I swore to Allah tha t I would eliminat e racis m fro m th e American Mosle m movement . I swor e tha t whe n I go t bac k t o America , I would sprea d th e tru e messag e o f Isla m an d ri d it s followers fro m an y devi ation." "Deviation," o f course , i s roughl y th e Musli m equivalen t o f "heresy " i n the Wester n theologica l tradition . Th e essenc e o f Sunn i Islam , however , i s not found i n mer e doctrinal purity , no r i n litera l orthodoxy , bu t i n loyalt y to the Musli m communit y an d it s traditions . Deviation , therefore , i s no t s o much a n erro r as a breach o f tradition—a social-religiou s offens e mor e tha n a strictly theological one . Malcol m th e Hajji no w realized tha t at the heart of his deviation—an d th e deviatio n o f th e entir e Nation—wa s thei r religiou s embrace o f Elijah Muhamma d himself . Fo r a s long as they hel d tha t Elija h Muhammad wa s Allah' s las t an d greates t messenger , the y woul d cu t them selves off from th e "Sunna"—the communit y o f the faithful . "There o n a Hol y Worl d hilltop, " Malcol m wrote—apparentl y o f hi s meditations o n Moun t Arafat—" I realize d ho w ver y dangerou s i t i s fo r people t o hol d an y huma n bein g i n suc h esteem , especiall y t o conside r anyone som e sor t o f 'divinel y guided ' an d 'protected ' person. " Malcolm' s

208 • The Pilgrim Convert supreme deviation , a s h e cam e t o understand , wa s no t hi s commitmen t to Muhammad' s racialis t doctrine s bu t t o Muhamma d himself . Malcol m confessed hi s formerl y "complete " belie f i n Elija h Muhamma d a s a "divine leader" an d a s a ma n wh o coul d neithe r mak e mistake s no r d o wrong . A s Abd al-Rahma n Azza m noted , Malcol m X ha d bee n a ma n wit h a faith , "but i t wa s faith i n a man : Elija h Muhammad. " Now , Malcol m wa s determined t o set right his former deviatio n fro m Islam , no t merely by correctin g his own path , bu t b y returning t o the Unite d State s with th e true messag e of the Prophet Muhammad . There, o n th e sam e "Hol y Worl d hilltop, " Malcol m late r recalle d tha t during the night , sleepin g among his "brother pilgrims" under the great tent, he suddenl y recalle d hi s childhoo d experienc e o f lyin g o n th e to p o f th e grassy "Hector's Hill. " Malcolm, no w o n th e to p o f Mount Arafat , wa s able to correlat e hi s satisfyin g ne w plac e i n Isla m wit h hi s mos t basi c childhoo d meditations. Th e reawakenin g o f thes e earl y thoughts , o r "persona l memo ries," ma y sugges t mor e tha n simpl e recollection . Perhap s Malcolm , i n recalling thos e memories , realize d tha t hi s childhoo d preconception s o f himself—what h e ma y hav e experience d a s a sens e o f destiny—ha d bee n fulfilled. Th e strang e pat h hi s lif e ha d taken—fro m childhoo d t o trouble d youth an d prison , an d the n t o th e Nation—al l seeme d t o fit togethe r int o the religious realit y that had begun t o unfold befor e hi m i n Mecca. 10 Malcolm wa s not content to wait until h e returned t o the United State s to share hi s ne w knowledg e o f Islam . H e immediatel y bega n a lon g strea m o f letters an d postcard s t o friends , associates , an d follower s bac k home—al l o f the letter s harmonizin g o n th e them e o f the unit y o f humanity unde r Isla m and th e genuine fellowshi p h e had know n wit h whit e Muslim Hajjis . T o hi s friend Jame s Farmer, th e director of CORE, Malcol m wrote : "I've just visited the Hol y Cit y o f Mecc a wher e I'v e see n thousand s o f pilgrim s o f al l color s worshipping togethe r i n perfec t peac e an d brotherhood . I t i s a sight suc h a s I've never seen i n America. I t was wonderful t o behold." To th e journalist M . S . Handler , Malcol m wrot e one of his most famou s letters, declarin g tha t h e ha d eaten , slept , an d praye d wit h "fello w Muslim s whose skin wa s the whitest of white, whos e eyes were the bluest of blue, an d whose hair wa s the blondest o f blond." The Hajj , proclaime d Malcol m X in words tha t woul d shortl y mak e ho t newsprint , "ha s force d m e t o 'rearrange ' much o f m y ow n though t pattern , an d t o tos s asid e som e o f m y previou s conclusions."11 Apart fro m hi s ow n persona l reevaluatio n o f th e whit e rac e an d hi s euphoria ove r the spiritual kinshi p of the Hajj , Malcolm' s letter s to the press

The Pilgrim Convert • 20 9 made clea r hi s belie f bot h i n th e possibilit y an d eve n th e necessit y o f a religiously guided racia l reconciliatio n i n the Unite d States . "Th e immediat e acceptance o f the oneness of God," preached Malcolm , "i s the only way out, the onl y wa y America ca n escap e th e inevitabl e destructio n tha t ever y racis t nation bring s upo n itsel f when i t becomes too intoxicated wit h it s own powe r to recogniz e th e existenc e o f a Spiritual Powe r greater tha n al l o f its military and nuclea r might." 12 B y recognizin g th e "Spiritua l Power " o f Allah , Mal colm contended , white s i n th e Unite d State s coul d redee m bot h themselve s and thei r natio n becaus e a n embrac e o f the oneness of God would guarante e their acceptanc e o f th e onenes s o f man . "America " coul d b e spare d th e destruction o f "the cancer o f racism" by becoming acquainte d wit h Islam , " a religion tha t ha s molde d peopl e o f al l color s int o on e vas t famil y . . . [ a religion] that leaps over all obstacles." Malcolm note d tha t th e whit e Muslim s i n th e Eas t were "muc h differen t from America n whites, " sinc e Isla m ha d remove d "th e 'white ' fro m thei r mind." An d sinc e thes e whit e Muslim s wer e s o fre e fro m colo r prejudice , Malcolm said , i t allowed him t o "remove the 'Negro' " from hi s mind—wit h the resul t tha t al l attitude s an d behavior s ha d change d fo r th e better . Mal colm believe d tha t th e Unite d State s coul d b e save d fro m it s suicida l pat h only i f white s wer e free d fro m th e nation' s "insan e obsessio n wit h racism. " The bes t hop e fo r white s i n thi s regar d wa s their ow n "younge r generation/ ' especially th e student s o n campuse s whos e "young , less-hampere d intellect " might allow them t o "turn fo r spiritua l salvatio n t o the religio n o f Islam, an d force th e older generation o f American white s to turn wit h them. " Malcolm recalle d stayin g u p int o th e night , copyin g letter s wit h thi s theme especiall y addresse d t o colleague s i n th e Natio n an d t o hi s ow n Muslim Mosqu e i n Harlem . Malcol m kne w tha t hi s ne w messag e o f racia l harmony i n Isla m woul d tak e especially hi s own follower s b y surprise. "Yo u may b e shocke d b y thes e word s comin g fro m me, " Malcol m wrot e t o hi s "Muslim" supporters back home, "bu t I have always been a man wh o tries to face facts , an d t o accept the realit y o f life a s new experiences an d knowledg e unfolds it." 13 Now , h e wa s asking hi s follower s t o accep t th e possibilit y o f a spiritual brotherhood tha t included whites , and a philosophy of black struggle that di d no t necessaril y divorc e itsel f fro m th e redemptio n o f th e entir e country. Malcolm characterize d himsel f t o hi s follower s a s on e wh o "alway s trie d to fac e facts " an d "accep t th e realit y o f life " a s h e gaine d mor e knowledge . However, a s th e critica l reade r o f hi s autobiograph y ma y note , howeve r sincerely Malcol m sough t t o fac e fact s an d accep t reality , hi s previou s reli -

210 • The Pilgrim Convert gious commitmen t t o Elija h Muhamma d ha d greatl y hindere d o r misdi rected hi s personal religiou s and intellectua l life . Likewise, eve n thoug h Malcol m X escaped th e culti c deviations o f Elija h Muhammad, hi s autobiograph y di d no t los e a religiou s agenda . Lik e Mal colm X himself , Malcolm' s autobiograph y wa s converte d t o Sunn i Islam . His account o f the Hajj , whil e fundamentally honest , function s primaril y a s an evangelisti c an d apologeti c self-witness . I n s o doing, however , i t i s likely that Malcol m idealize d Muslim s an d th e Musli m worl d i n orde r t o validat e his newfound fait h i n Sunn i Isla m for his readers. Certainly, Malcolm' s autobiographica l accoun t o f the Haj j doe s not leave the critica l reade r withou t certai n questions . O f course , som e skeptic s ma y lightly dismiss Malcolm' s entir e conversion a s a political ac t and suggest s his Hajj wa s a n internationa l plo y t o "refurbis h hi s pocketbook. " Suc h unwar ranted an d disingenuous interpretation s aside , even Malcolm' s admirers have sensed som e problem s i n hi s Haj j account . Generally , thes e admiring critic s have bee n thos e wh o writ e fro m a parochia l blac k nationalis t positio n an d are therefore mos t concerned t o challenge an y notion tha t Malcolm's philosophy, bot h during and afte r th e Hajj , wa s integrationist o r socialist. One suc h writer , despit e hi s belief i n th e sincerit y o f Malcolm's religiou s conversion, emphasize s tha t th e Haj j doe s not typify lif e i n Musli m societie s and tha t racis m wa s historicall y a vita l facto r amon g Musli m Arabs . H e further suggest s tha t b y enhancin g hi s experienc e i n Mecca , Malcol m ma y have bee n attemptin g t o skillfull y counte r hi s negativ e imag e i n th e Unite d States. A black nationalist Christian all y of Malcolm ha s likewise pointed ou t that Malcolm' s autobiograph y ha s "a n unintentiona l overemphasi s o n th e change which too k place i n [Malcolm's ] thinking in Mecca." 14 Elsewher e h e speaks even more candidly about the difference betwee n Malcolm' s autobiography and Malcolm' s rea l knowledge i n relatio n t o the Hajj : Brother Malcolm knew history and he was guided by his interpretation o f history. He interpreted th e thing s tha t happene d t o hi m i n term s o f hi s knowledg e an d hi s understanding o f the past . H e would no t have been take n i n b y what happened i n Mecca. Brother Malcolm knew that the Arab Muslims had been the backbone of the slave trade. Indeed, thi s black nationalis t clergyma n conclude s that , i n makin g the Hajj , Malcolm woul d no t have been duped "b y the window dressing in Mecca." 15

16 The Realitie s an d Ideal s of Witness I saw that people who looked alike drew together.

It is essential to take note of an important background elemen t in Malcolm' s religiou s stor y tha t reveal s itsel f particularl y i n hi s conversio n to traditiona l Islam . Despit e th e grea t difference s betwee n th e teaching s o f the Natio n an d thos e o f Sunn i Islam , ther e appear s t o hav e bee n a kind o f "Muslim continuity " i n Malcolm' s thinkin g throughou t hi s adul t life , an d from th e tim e o f hi s priso n conversio n h e ha d a definit e sympath y fo r th e Islamic world. This orientation towar d Isla m not only buttressed hi s consuming fait h i n Elija h Muhamma d bu t propelle d hi m towar d th e genuin e Is lamic religion when hi s faith i n Muhammad collapsed . His Muslim continuit y surfaced, fo r instance, i n an interview by Douglass G. Bridso n o f the BBC in Londo n i n Decembe r 1964 . Whe n Bridso n aske d Malcolm wha t had originall y move d hi m fro m atheis m int o Islam , h e spoke primarily o f hi s priso n conversio n t o th e Nation . Thi s wa s n o religiou s contradiction, however , sinc e Malcol m pointe d ou t i n th e sam e intervie w the "shar p contradiction " betwee n th e theologie s o f th e Natio n an d Sunn i Islam. Still , Malcol m apparentl y sense d som e Musli m continuit y under girding hi s entir e adul t religiou s life : "Bu t bein g i n priso n an d the n bein g encouraged t o read , an d especiall y whe n I foun d th e Islami c influenc e o n 211

212 • The Realities and Ideals of Witness the African continen t an d positiv e contribution s i t had mad e to the development o f variou s Africa n cultures , I thin k tha t ha d a lo t t o d o wit h m e accepting the religion." Malcolm als o underscored tha t since African Islami c societies presen t a "positiv e culture " to blacks livin g i n a society suc h a s th e United State s wher e Afric a ha s bee n characteristicall y demeaned , on e i s "more inclined " to turn towar d th e "religious ingredient " of Islam. 1 Not lon g afte r th e Hajj , Malcol m wa s aske d i n anothe r intervie w abou t his conversio n t o Islam . I n hi s repl y h e describe d no t th e tutorial s wit h Shawarbi o r even th e Haj j itself , bu t hi s conversion an d readin g experience s in prison. "An d i t was while I was serving a sentence in prison i n the Stat e of Massachusetts, tha t I first wa s exposed t o the religio n o f Islam an d I studied it an d coul d se e tha t i t di d fo r m e wha t Christianit y ha d faile d t o do." 2 Again, Malcol m stresse d Afric a a s a facto r contributin g t o hi s attractio n to Islam: Plus, besides , I read where on the African continen t the predominant religio n tha t existed at the time slavery was instituted, was the religion of Islam. It prevailed in that entire area. S o I accepted i t because I believed not only that it was the right religion, but also because of the historic part it played in the culture of the African continent. 3 At othe r time s i n th e post-Haj j period , Malcol m woul d likewis e blu r th e distinction betwee n th e Natio n an d Sunn i Islam. 4 In essence , Malcolm' s earl y attractio n t o Isla m seem s t o hav e bee n Gar veyite i n nature . Wha t apparentl y impresse d youn g Malcol m abou t Isla m was tha t i t wa s a fundamenta l par t o f importan t Africa n cultures—a s i t already was , i n Malcolm' s thinking , befor e th e institutio n o f slavery . Thi s appears t o b e a t th e hear t o f Malcolm' s Garveyit e core : Islam wa s already a vibrant par t o f Africa n culture s befor e th e adven t o f th e European slav e trade i n Africa . H e undoubtedl y kne w tha t indigenou s slaver y ha d bee n institutionalized i n Afric a sinc e antiquity , an d tha t Musli m trader s ha d carried vas t numbers o f Africans int o slavery for centuries before th e Europe ans came . However , i t wa s Europe' s invasion , oppression , an d exploitatio n of th e Africa n continen t tha t concerne d th e Garve y movement—an d Mal colm X. As a young Nation minister , Malcol m ha d raise d th e issue of the Musli m slave trad e i n a 195 6 lette r t o a n incarcerate d convert . I n explainin g t o hi s correspondent tha t th e whit e devil s ha d undertake n a campaig n t o malig n Islam a s a "slavemaking religion, " Malcolm brough t hi s wit and imaginatio n to bea r i n it s defense . "Histor y teache s u s tha t slave[s ] ar e use d t o d o heav y industry . . . t o make money for their masters. Ther e are no heavy industrie s in Arabia, n o cotton fields . . . what would a slave do there: Sift Sand? "

The Realities and Ideals of Witness • 213 Of course , b y equatin g "heav y industry " wit h th e toil s o f th e Nort h American cotto n fields, Malcol m wa s conveniently overlookin g th e diversit y of labo r tha t slave s o f al l color s undertoo k i n th e Musli m world . Bu t Mal colm's Garveyit e concer n wa s to keep the burde n o f black people' s dilemm a on th e shoulder s o f thei r modern-da y enemies , wh o ha d colonize d Afric a and enslave d Africans worldwide . In a 196 0 radi o debat e wit h th e integrationis t leade r Bayar d Rustin , Malcolm wa s als o selectiv e i n hi s us e o f Africa n history . Whe n Rusti n suggested tha t th e Natio n wa s mor e a reactio n agains t Christianit y tha n a genuine Musli m religion , Malcol m defende d th e movemen t b y equatin g i t with th e Islami c religio n tha t black s "wer e take n fro m fou r hundre d year s ago." T o counte r Malcolm' s point , Rusti n maintaine d tha t mos t o f th e Africans wh o wer e take n int o America n slaver y cam e fro m region s o f Wes t Africa tha t ha d no t ye t bee n Islamize d a t th e tim e o f thei r removal . I n response, Malcol m suggeste d tha t Rusti n ha d bee n brainwashe d b y whites , and the n invoke d referenc e t o the grea t Mal i empire , a Musli m kingdo m i n fifteenth-century Guinea . Whil e Malcol m wa s correc t i n citin g thi s earl y Muslim empir e i n Africa , h e wa s stil l ver y selective , Rusti n attempte d t o point out , t o no avail, tha t Wes t Afric a wa s never entirely Islamized , an d i n those area s wher e Isla m emerge d i t di d no t d o s o unti l afte r th e slav e trad e had begun . Malcolm di d no t tal k abou t hi s Musli m continuit y onl y t o Wester n journalists, whos e exposur e t o Isla m wa s minimal . I n th e summe r o f 196 4 he tol d a reporte r fro m th e Egyptian Gazette tha t h e ha d discovere d Isla m while i n prison , an d "wit h th e discover y o f Isla m an d Africa , ha d foun d a society I thought I could join. " Eve n mor e explici t wa s Malcolm's intervie w published i n th e magazin e Minbar Al-Islam. Her e h e note d tha t i n priso n he had rea d about Islam , Prophe t Muhammad , an d the militar y successe s of Muslim force s agains t th e Europea n Crusaders . "Thi s wa s the rea l reaso n o f my adoptin g Islam . I began t o thin k o f th e secre t o f Muslims' power . I was eager t o find somethin g ful l o f strengt h an d dignit y unti l I discovere d i t i n that religion. " These point s sugges t tha t Malcol m perceive d Isla m a s intrinsicall y en twined wit h the positive aspects of African lif e and saw Muslim Afric a a s well as a brave an d nobl e "society " i n conflic t wit h th e whit e oppressor . Thu s h e preferred t o focus o n a n apparen t harmon y betwee n th e Musli m an d Africa n worlds. Thi s perception, whic h dominate d Malcolm' s thinkin g even afte r h e left th e Nation , impacte d heavil y o n hi s religiou s presupposition s and , t o a degree, lef t hi m unwillin g openl y t o admi t th e racia l sin s an d othe r short comings of the Muslim world .

2J4 • The Realities and Ideals of Witness Anxious as he was to solidify hi s genuine commitmen t t o Islam, Malcol m had nevertheles s com e t o Mecc a wit h a greate r burde n tha n mos t Hajjis . Like other s wh o leav e cult s o r ne w religions , Malcol m ha d t o reformulat e and selec t a n alternativ e identit y an d worldvie w outsid e o f the Nation . Bu t fortunately h e was not left entirel y afloat. Hi s Muslim continuit y was not lost in th e collaps e o f his faith i n Elija h Muhammad—thoug h i t alone wa s not able to sustain hi m withou t being mediated b y an organize d religiou s group. Sunni Islam , a s a conservative religion , offere d a n avenu e o f resocializa tion tha t wa s appropriate fo r Malcol m becaus e o f his perceptio n o f Isla m a s the religio n o f th e Dar k World . Further , Isla m di d no t restric t hi s intens e religiosity bu t offere d manageabl e term s i n hi s religiou s commitment . In cluded i n thos e term s wa s th e permission, an d eve n encouragement , t o participate i n activitie s tha t th e Natio n woul d hav e considere d secular—i n Malcolm's case , politica l actio n o n behalf of African Americans. 5 When Malcol m cam e t o Mecca , then , hi s Haj j experienc e wa s alread y pregnant wit h th e spiritualit y an d insight s h e woul d late r attribut e t o th e pilgrimage itself . Thi s i s not to minimize th e Hajj , o f course. Bu t the power of th e Hajj—fo r Malcolm—seem s t o hav e bee n i n it s dramatic , physical , geographic, an d collectiv e qualitie s a s a poin t o f hi s religiou s reintegratio n into the world. In thos e severa l weeks , fro m th e tim e o f hi s officia l "divorce " fro m th e Nation unti l h e arrived i n Mecca , Malcolm' s religiou s identit y a s "a servan t of Allah " wa s incomplete— a seriou s proble m sinc e thi s wa s stil l a funda mental par t o f his own self-definition . I t seems the euphori a h e expresse d i n Mecca ove r th e multicolored , multiculture d commun e o f Hajjis wa s all th e more pronounce d becaus e thi s wa s th e "society " fo r whic h h e ha d alway s longed, an d i n which h e would no w dwell as a political an d religiou s leader. The leadin g libera l interpretatio n o f Malcolm' s Haj j experienc e i s that i t was his "first rea l bath"— a baptisma l cleansin g o f the Nation's doctrines . As such, i t i s considere d a socia l self-immersio n i n th e levelin g democrac y o f the Hajj . No t surprisingly , th e libera l analysi s tend s t o stumbl e ove r th e apparent inabilit y o f Malcolm X to accept white people in the Unite d States , who "i n Malcolm' s sigh t . . . remaine d guilt y o f a collectiv e an d histori c devilishness towar d th e blacks, " standin g guilt y "unti l tha t millennia l hou r when the y received Islam. " This "millennial hour"—th e possibilit y of whites in th e Unite d State s acceptin g Isla m an d bein g save d fro m judgment—i s therefore considere d a "fantasy—th e convert' s starr y drea m o f a n entir e nation no w lost in sin being led to Allah by its own children." 6 Of cours e ther e i s a certain starry-eye d qualit y i n Malcolm' s word s at th e time o f the Hajj— a qualit y tha t i s likewise apparen t i n hi s autobiographica l

The Realities and Ideals of Witness • 215 account o f the Hajj . However , withou t understandin g tha t th e Haj j restore d to Malcol m hi s ful l religiou s identity , reintegratin g hi m int o th e hear t o f a vibrant, evangelisti c religiou s community , thi s interpretatio n remain s inade quate. Th e inclinatio n t o se e Malcolm' s newfoun d religiou s agend a a s only fantasy indicates , perhaps , a certai n philosophica l myopi a tha t ma y typif y liberal commentaries o n Malcolm' s conversion. 7 The dynami c o f Malcolm's Haj j account , nevertheless , i s not hi s plung e into democrac y an y mor e tha n i t i s a cas e o f deceptio n o r naivete . I n analyzing th e Haj j account , a n Islami c schola r ha s note d tha t Malcolm' s "heightened perceptions " as a black man fro m th e Unite d State s enabled hi m "to see in the pilgrimage at Mecca a certain color pattern—though th e belief which h e ha d acquire d an d stil l cherishe d a t tha t tim e prevente d hi m fro m realizing th e ful l implication s o f wha t h e saw." 8 Whil e thi s observatio n i s perhaps mor e discernin g o f Malcolm's experienc e a s a religiou s moment , i t nevertheless lead s t o th e questionabl e conclusio n tha t Malcolm' s fait h i n Islam ha d impaire d hi s real visio n o f racial attitudes i n th e Musli m world — temporarily disablin g his otherwise keen skills of social perception . Of course thi s raise s an importan t questio n regardin g Malcolm' s autobio graphical Haj j observations . Afte r hi s bountifu l an d explici t "brotherhood " descriptions o f the Hajj , Malcol m suddenl y mention s " a color patter n i n th e huge crowds, " a pattern h e bega n t o observe amon g th e Hajji s thereafter . " I saw that peopl e wh o looke d alik e dre w togethe r an d mos t o f the tim e staye d together. Thi s wa s entirely voluntary ; ther e bein g n o othe r reaso n fo r it . Bu t Africans wer e wit h Africans . Pakistani s wer e wit h Pakistanis . An d s o on/ * Malcolm sai d tha t h e mad e a menta l not e o f thi s observatio n s o that whe n he returne d t o the Unite d State s he could shar e it : "Where tru e brotherhoo d existed amon g al l colors , wher e n o on e fel t segregated , wher e ther e wa s n o 'superiority' complex , n o 'inferiority ' complex—the n voluntarily , naturally , people o f th e sam e kin d fel t draw n togethe r b y tha t whic h the y ha d i n common." 9 Although on e migh t agre e tha t th e Musli m worl d i s n o interracia l para dise, i t i s inappropriat e t o conside r Malcolm' s observatio n a s evidenc e o f racial prejudic e i n the Musli m world . Indeed , a thorough religiou s interpre tation mus t conten d tha t Malcol m wa s no t religiousl y blinde d t o racia l prejudice, no r wa s hi s descriptio n o f "colo r patterns " evidenc e tha t racis m was practiced amon g the Hajjis . The Hajji s wer e pilgrim s fro m man y differen t land s an d cultures , Lik e Malcolm, mos t o f the m probabl y cam e t o Mecc a wit h fe w contact s amon g their fello w pilgrims . Likewise , mos t Hajji s wer e probabl y limite d i n thei r linguistic abilit y t o cross int o differen t cultures . Th e Hajjis ' sens e o f belong-

216 • The Realities and Ideals of Witness ing t o a "single , vas t whole " wa s no t a t al l abrogate d b y Malcolm' s "colo r pattern" observation . Th e glor y o f the Haj j seem s t o be it s ritualistic collec tion o f peoples, nations , an d tongues—no t th e integratio n o f individuals o n a mass scale that one might assume in the West. For his part, Malcol m X believed racia l reconciliatio n betwee n black s and whites i n th e Unite d State s required tha t blacks first be united, fortified , an d satisfied i n thei r ow n sens e o f community. H e understandabl y foun d i n th e sincere "colo r pattern " o f th e Hajji s a groundin g principl e fo r hi s ow n philosophy o f racia l reconciliation , whic h i s implie d i n hi s ow n organiza tion's statement : "W e believ e tha t ou r communitie s mus t b e th e source s o f their ow n strength politically , economically , intellectually , an d culturall y i n the struggle for human right s and huma n dignity." 10 The prope r interpretatio n o f Malcolm's Haj j account , therefore , mus t b e discerned fro m th e standpoin t o f his religiou s agenda . Malcolm' s desir e was to advanc e Isla m b y mean s o f self-witness . I n s o doing , h e stylize d hi s presentation o f the sacre d pilgrimag e an d hi s experiences a s a Hajji. Ye t this still leave s certai n question s unanswered—particularl y i n regar d t o Mal colm's rapport with hi s white Muslim hosts . One woul d no t wis h t o belittl e o r doub t th e enthusiasm , gratitude , an d awe tha t Malcol m expresse d a t th e overwhelmin g hospitalit y o f hi s hosts . However honore d an d gratefu l h e ma y hav e fel t a t th e sudde n interventio n of dignitaries and ruler s on hi s behalf, th e point remains that Malcolm's Haj j was an elite tour entirely underwritten b y men with an agenda of their own. 11 The fact that their agenda and Malcolm's agenda were complementary make s the Haj j accoun t mos t interesting , especiall y a t th e point s wher e thos e agendas overlap. After bein g rescue d b y th e Azzam s fro m th e anonymit y an d languag e barrier o f th e Hajj i dormitory , an d the n finding himsel f lodged—fre e o f charge—in a luxuriou s hote l room , Malcol m understandabl y prostrate d himself i n a prayer of gratitude. However , hi s autobiographical descriptio n of himself a s being "speechless " at these unprecedente d gesture s o f honor, an d his running theologica l comment s assurin g the reader of Allah's interventio n on hi s behalf , see m t o serv e th e purpos e o f validatin g bot h th e religiou s motivations o f his hosts and hi s reaction t o them. Nothing in either of my two careers as a black man in America had served to give me any idealisti c tendencies . M y instincts automaticall y examin e th e reasons , th e motives, of anyone who did anything they didn't have to do for me. Always in life, i f it was any white person, I could see a selfish motive there.12

The Realities and Ideals of Witness • 217 Malcolm furthe r explaine d tha t th e kindnes s o f thes e elit e Saud i Muslim s could no t hav e ha d a n ulterio r motive . Ab d al-Rahrna n Azza m ha d nothin g to gai n fro m befriendin g him , h e reasoned . Malcol m note d tha t h e coul d offer nothin g to his host that his host would need . I n fact, Malcol m suggeste d that h e migh t eve n hav e bee n a liabilit y t o th e Azzams , give n hi s negativ e "Black Muslim " image. Withou t money , power , o r even a good reputation , Malcolm concluded , th e Azzam s ha d n o motiv e excep t th e pure , altruistic love o f the tru e Muslim . "M a sha'a-llah"—"I t i s as Allah ha s pleased, " th e unselfish hos t declared t o the speechless Hajj i Malcolm . The Azzams were undoubtedly kind , an d their hospitality mus t be seen as an exampl e o f Muslim generosity . However , Malcol m probabl y realized , bu t did no t admit , tha t thei r action s wer e grounde d i n a definit e purpose. Malcolm ha d neithe r mone y no r a formidabl e organizationa l bas e i n th e United States , but the Muslim caus e needed neithe r of these. Wha t Malcol m did have , however , wa s a brillian t gif t o f charismati c leadership , a genuin e religious zeal, an d a personal appea l t o the black masses in the urba n center s of the Unite d States . " I hop e yo u wil l becom e a grea t preache r o f Isla m i n America," Shaykh Harko n counsele d Malcol m a t the Haj j court . W e shoul d not think th e Azzams hoped fo r anything less. Malcolm' s Musli m host s have been properl y tagge d a s leaders seekin g religiou s opportunity , an d possibl y a foothold i n th e African America n community . Having bee n disappointe d b y Elija h Muhammad' s empt y flirtations wit h the Muslim world , som e architects of the Islamic mission undoubtedl y foun d in Malcol m X an exceedingly superio r alternative. I n fact, Malcol m di d have a good deal to offer th e Muslim world . Hi s hosts knew how successful h e had been i n defendin g an d advancin g heretica l Islam—includin g hi s skillfu l defusing o f the black Christian church' s influenc e i n many cases. The degree to whic h thes e Musli m elite s sough t t o assis t Malcol m i s very likel y a good measurement o f the urgenc y wit h whic h the y wer e seekin g a viabl e Africa n American exponen t of Islam. Malcolm readil y too k u p thei r offer , explici t o r implici t a s it was. H e was now a true believer i n Islam , an d ha d lon g held tha t Isla m wa s the authenti c religion o f Africa an d Africans—includin g thos e who were stolen awa y fro m their motherlan d i n slavery . No t surprisingly , Malcolm' s analysi s o f racis m was completely accommodate d b y his host i n Jedda , wh o even encourage d a selective readin g o f history wit h a bit of propaganda. A s Malcolm recounte d it, Ab d al-Rahma n Azza m tol d hi m "th e complexitie s o f color , an d th e problems o f color which exis t in th e Musli m world , exis t only where, an d t o the exten t that , tha t are a o f th e Musli m worl d ha s bee n influence d b y th e

218 • The Realities and Ideals of Witness West." Malcolm' s generou s hos t conclude d tha t an y manifestatio n o f colo r prejudice i n th e Musli m worl d "directl y reflecte d th e degre e o f Western in fluence." To b e sure , Azzam' s analysi s wa s simplisti c a t best . I t ha s bee n wel l documented tha t colo r prejudice , an d eve n Afriphobia , existe d i n th e Mus lim worl d independen t o f Wester n influence . Indeed , i t ha s bee n likewis e shown tha t suc h pattern s wer e related , bot h directl y an d indirectly , t o th e enslavement o f African s b y Musli m peoples . On e writer , wh o considere d Malcolm curiousl y "oblivious " t o Musli m racia l discrimination , ha s eve n noted tha t Saud i Arabi a finally abolishe d slaver y onl y thre e year s befor e Malcolm's Hajj—leavin g a n estimate d 250,00 0 blac k ex-slave s i n th e hear t of the Muslim world. 13 Of course , th e issu e her e i s not t o attemp t a mora l competitio n betwee n the Musli m worl d an d th e West , o r betwee n Isla m an d Christianity . A s religious analyse s go , th e correctiv e directe d t o Malcol m X b y a n Islami c scholar i n 196 3 i s wort h repeating : "Th e essentia l natur e o f Islam , lik e th e essential natur e o f Hebrais m an d Christianity , i s pacific, toleran t an d chari table." Likewise, th e issu e is not to equalize th e guilt of white peoples worldwid e for th e man y abuse s o f Afric a an d it s children . Th e fac t remain s tha t th e West unleashed a centuries-long holocaust of enslavement, colonia l exploita tion, an d brutalit y upo n Africa n people s fo r whic h ther e i s n o historica l equivalent amon g th e white s o f the Musli m world . "Fo r nearl y si x centurie s now," begins one Dark World history , "wester n Europ e and it s diaspora hav e been disturbin g th e peac e o f th e world. " Insofa r a s the Africa n continen t i s concerned, th e Musli m presence , howeve r militan t an d expansive , neve r wreaked havo c a s di d th e ostensibl e Christia n presence . "Ther e wa s indee d an Islami c colonialism, " concede s on e frien d o f th e Musli m world , "bu t i t was a relatively benign for m o f colonialism." 14 Now w e ca n retur n t o th e blac k nationalis t assertio n tha t Hajj i Malcol m could no t have been foole d b y Saudi "windo w dressing." In Decembe r 1964 , Malcolm appeare d o n th e Community Corner radio broadcas t i n Ne w York City, answerin g question s from th e audience b y telephone. Whe n on e calle r specifically addresse d th e histori c rol e o f Arabs i n th e enslavemen t o f blacks, Malcolm X responded: " I don' t condon e slavery , n o matte r wh o it' s carrie d on by . . . . An d I thin k tha t ever y powe r tha t ha s participate d i n slaver y o f any form o n this earth, i n history , ha s paid for it, excep t the Unite d States. " Malcolm pointe d ou t tha t bot h th e European s an d th e Arab s ha d "los t their empires " whil e th e Unite d State s ha d not . "She' s th e onl y on e u p til l now who has yet to pay." Malcolm the n quote d a rarely cited vers e from th e

The Realities and Ideals of Witness • 219 biblical boo k o f Revelatio n (13:10 ) tha t speak s o f captivit y an d th e swor d being returned upo n thos e who practiced suc h evils on the innocent . Takin g a pok e a t Christia n preacher s wh o taugh t pacifism , h e sai d thi s passag e was "the on e the preache r though t didn' t exist. " Malcolm the n concluded : "Thi s is justice. S o I don't thin k tha t an y powe r can enslav e a people an d no t look forward t o having that justic e come back upon itself." 15 Obviously, Malcol m wa s very careful o f how he presented hi s answer. Fo r him t o deny the facts regarding the enslavement o f Africans b y Muslim Arabs would hav e been deceptive and self-defeatin g t o his religious mission. Ye t for Malcolm X to dwell to o heavil y o n th e realitie s o f slavery an d racis m i n th e Muslim worl d would hav e been a n obvious inconvenience t o his evangelistic claims, a s wel l a s t o hi s persona l Musli m loyalty . Perhap s Malcol m als o feared tha t any attention pai d to the past sins of the Muslim Arab s might also be use d b y Wester n apologist s t o diver t th e discussio n an d minimiz e th e antiracist effort. Regardless , this approach wa s a far cry from hi s denial, whil e in the Nation, tha t Muslims took slaves at all. Malcolm's account of the Hajj i n The Autobiography of Malcolm X, then , was likewis e intende d t o protec t an d promot e Isla m b y idealizin g Muslim s and stylizin g hi s ow n experienc e i n Mecca . Thi s i s certainl y clea r i n Mal colm's persona l "reappraisal " o f th e whit e man . A s his accoun t woul d hav e the reade r believe , i t was after th e Azzam s intervene d o n hi s behal f tha t h e "first began to perceive that 'white man,' as commonly used, means complexion onl y secondarily; primarily i t described attitude s and actions . . . . But in the Musli m world , I had see n tha t me n wit h whit e complexion s wer e mor e genuinely brotherl y tha n anyon e else had eve r been." Malcolm thu s used his experience wit h th e Azzam s t o demonstrat e tha t bot h th e religiou s an d human societie s of the Muslim worl d were "color-blind." 16 Again, i t seem s clea r t o th e critica l reade r tha t Malcol m ha d alread y begun to reappraise the white race long before hi s Hajj, jus t as he had already begun t o reapprais e th e teaching s o f th e Natio n lon g befor e losin g fait h i n Muhammad. Malcol m note d i n hi s autobiography tha t i n hi s declining days in the Nation , som e white people "really got to me in a personal way." Their obvious concer n an d persona l respec t fo r hi m mad e Malcol m realiz e tha t "some o f them wer e reall y hones t an d sincere. " I t was no majo r change , t o be sure, bu t it was evidence that Malcolm X was reconsidering the differenc e between whit e complexion s an d whit e attitude s quit e awhil e befor e h e wen t on the Hajj . As a member o f the Nation , Malcolm' s belie f ha d force d hi m t o stand i n total rejectio n o f th e whit e world . Consequently , hi s mora l postur e a s a follower o f Elijah Muhamma d require d th e rejectio n o f all th e value s of the

220 • The Realities and Ideals of Witness dominant culture , whil e a t the sam e tim e keepin g hi m a t arm's lengt h fro m the Muslim "society " he had always admired. Wit h Malcol m no w religiously reintegrated int o the world , Sunn i Isla m allowe d hi m t o maintain hi s mora l posture withou t tota l acceptanc e o r tota l rejectio n o f th e worl d o f whit e people. Malcolm's ne w plac e i n Isla m thu s allowe d hi m th e mor e human e posi tion o f standin g in-betwee n whites , an d judgin g the m accordin g t o thei r personal values rather than standin g entirely against them a s a race. This was the religiou s experienc e Malcol m expresse d i n hi s autobiographical account . However, i n orde r t o advanc e hi s religiou s cause , Malcol m ha d t o idealiz e his Haj j i n th e Musli m world—i n effec t usin g i t a s a mode l o f desire d human relations , an d a kind o f moral hig h groun d fro m whic h t o announc e Allah's purpose for humanit y i n the matter of race. Not long before h e was to leave Saudi and continue hi s journey, Malcol m enjoyed a n audienc e wit h Princ e Faisal . Faisa l tol d Malcol m tha t makin g him a gues t o f stat e wa s merel y Musli m hospitalit y offere d t o th e "unusua l Muslim fro m Americ a . . . wit h n o othe r motive s whatever. " Faisa l wa s obviously concerne d i f Malcolm no w understoo d th e orthodo x Islami c reli gion, an d Malcol m promptl y assure d hi m thi s wa s th e reaso n fo r hi s Hajj . Faisal was apparently satisfied wit h Malcolm' s sincerity, bu t advised him tha t good literatur e o n Isla m wa s abundant, an d therefor e sincer e peopl e ha d n o excuse to be misled. Malcolm mad e n o furthe r commen t i n th e tex t abou t hi s meetin g wit h Faisal, bu t th e implici t meanin g o f the inciden t i s clear. Th e Musli m rule r who ha d take n u p th e caus e o f th e "unusua l Musli m fro m America " an d made him a guest of state was now giving Malcolm a n exit interview. H e had passed th e test at the Haj j cour t and fulfille d al l the ritual s and requirement s of the most sacred event in the Muslim world. Aware of Malcolm's imminen t return t o th e Unite d State s an d th e attentio n h e woul d undoubtedl y draw , Faisal wante d t o mak e sur e tha t th e forme r "Blac k Muslim " understoo d hi s responsibility to Islam. Malcolm n o longe r ha d th e excus e o f lac k o f understanding ; h e ha d formerly misle d peopl e int o believin g wha t Faisa l calle d "th e wron g Islam. " Now Malcol m wa s a tru e Muslim , an d h e wa s expecte d t o brin g orthodo x Islam t o the Unite d States . Th e man y sincer e peopl e seekin g to kno w Isla m should n o longe r b e misled, th e Princ e concluded. 17 I n the mos t gracious of Eastern terms , o r s o i t woul d appear , th e Hajj i Malcol m ha d bee n give n a mandate.

17 The Fina l Yea r So I say that we must have a strong Africa.

From th e en d o f his Hajj i n April 196 4 until hi s assassinatio n in Februar y 1965 , Malcol m X' s story—alread y a challengin g an d detaile d study—blossoms int o a substantially mor e complex and fascinating account , This complexity i s not due merely to the fact that he spent the last months of his life developin g both a religious and a political organization . No r i s it due to th e fac t tha t h e wa s simultaneousl y strugglin g agains t th e Nation— a conflict whic h becam e quite heated b y the summer o f 1964, Rather, Malcolm' s las t year was complex because he spent a good portio n of his final months in the Dark World, an d these extended travels accelerated his persona l development—largel y ou t o f sigh t o f th e Wester n world . I f Malcolm X ha s bee n a n enigma , i t i s du e t o th e failur e o f writer s t o d o critical wor k on the international aspect s of his life. Thu s eve n a fine scholar might er r i n sayin g tha t Malcol m wa s no t a s "nationall y o r internationall y known" as Martin Luthe r King , Jr . Th e Malcol m X of 1964-6 5 wa s indee d very much a n internationa l figure, whic h w e are onl y beginning t o appreciate now. Malcolm X in thi s las t year i s a very different ma n fro m th e Malcol m X of the Nation days in many ways. Hi s scope is broadened, hi s tenor of speech 111

222 • The Final Year seems mor e directe d towar d pedagogy , an d hi s religiou s expression s ar e philosophical eve n whe n polemical . Ye t he remaine d ver y much th e revolu tionist and "extremist" until his dying day. But now his thoughts on change— even chang e b y mean s o f physica l force—wer e constructivel y explaine d and reasone d (whe n hi s interviewer s gav e hi m th e opportunity ) withi n a fundamentally humanitaria n context . Malcolm X tailored hi s presentation s withi n th e Unite d State s accordin g to hi s perception s o f th e politica l culture . Indeed , i t ha s bee n sai d tha t Malcolm believe d peopl e i n th e Unite d State s wer e "politicall y parochial. " He therefor e communicate d hi s idea s t o hi s audience s i n simplisti c terms , often usin g metaphors. I n contrast, i n his "discourse outside of the American context . . . Malcol m spok e i n grounde d specific s an d displaye d a politica l astuteness an d diplomati c sagacity " that frustrate d eve n a prominent scholar : "I asked myself, Wh o i s this man?" * In hi s autobiography , Malcol m recalle d i n grea t detail hi s shorte r tou r of Africa, whic h immediatel y followe d th e Hajj—lastin g fro m th e end o f April until Ma y 21 , 1964 , whe n h e returne d t o th e Unite d States . Afte r leavin g the "Hol y World, " Malcol m als o visite d Lebanon , Egypt , Nigeria , Ghana , Liberia, Senegal , Morocco , an d Algeria . Thi s first tour of 196 4 occasioned a certain amoun t o f celebrit y fo r Malcolm . H e provide d Ale x Hale y wit h a variety o f vignettes picturing som e of the colorful moment s o f his tour. Mos t striking wer e hi s enthusiasticall y receive d speeche s befor e Africa n studen t organizations, fete s sponsore d i n hi s hono r b y variou s dignitaries , an d hi s notable meeting with Ghana's leader, Kwam e Nkrumah . On th e othe r hand , Malcol m devote d onl y a fe w line s t o hi s extende d return trip , whic h occurre d fro m Jul y through Novembe r 1964 . H e did not e that h e ha d me t wit h a variet y o f African head s o f state a s wel l a s religiou s leaders, an d hi s communication s an d interaction s o n th e Africa n continen t were very extensive. 2 Much o f his time in the Muslim worl d an d Europ e was devoted t o religiou s matters . I n addition , Malcol m mad e tw o brie f trip s t o Europe i n Decembe r 196 4 an d Februar y 196 5 t o sho w hi s interes t i n th e African an d African America n expatriat e communities there . The Autobiography of Malcolm X i s politicall y incomplete—no t onl y because Malcolm' s writin g partner , Ale x Haley , wa s not abl e t o accompan y him oversea s o n thes e tours , bu t becaus e Hale y apparentl y di d no t under stand th e sophisticatio n o f Malcolm' s politica l evolution . T o b e sure , i t was not th e inten t o f Malcol m X t o mak e hi s autobiograph y int o a technica l explanation o f hi s politica l development ; i t was, instead , fundamentall y th e

The Final Year • 22 3 religious appea l o f a devout revolutionist . I n a somewha t wistfu l socialis t interpretation, Georg e Breitman's political observation o f Malcolm's last year has correctly noted tha t Malcolm's evolutio n quickene d i n the last months of his life—especiall y durin g th e las t thre e month s o f Decembe r 196 4 t o February 1965. 3 Yet these final months coul d no t hav e been documente d i n the autobiograph y becaus e Malcol m an d Hale y wer e alread y i n th e final phases of manuscript preparation . All thes e factor s sugges t that th e Haj j marke d a n importan t turnin g poin t in Malcolm' s caree r a s a n activist , an d tha t attempt s t o analyz e hi m politi cally mus t b e carrie d ou t wit h a grea t dea l o f sensitivity . Student s an d scholars mus t conside r th e African , Asian , an d Europea n press , th e limita tions o f documentatio n i n th e Unite d States , an d th e inadequacie s o f The Autobiography of Malcolm X itself . Finally , on e mus t bea r i n min d th e biases o f th e socialists—wh o enjo y a publishin g monopol y o n Malcolm' s speeches, especiall y those given i n the final year of his life. In thi s chapte r I wil l presen t historica l informatio n tha t i s neede d t o la y the groundwor k fo r furthe r discussio n concernin g th e religiou s Malcol m X . What follow s i s a topica l overvie w o f Malcol m X' s las t year , presente d along the line s of three importan t biographica l themes : Malcolm an d Africa , Malcolm an d th e Organizatio n o f Afro-America n Unity , an d Malcolm' s tragic conflict wit h the Nation . In 1964-65 , Malcol m pai d a great deal of attention t o the political and socia l conditions i n Africa . H e spen t abou t hal f o f hi s las t yea r i n Africa , an d th e African politica l situatio n figured heavil y i n hi s statesid e speeches , discus sions, an d organizationa l concern s a s well. Malcol m note d wit h prid e that , during his May 196 4 visit to Ibadan Universit y i n Nigeria, a Muslim studen t organization awarde d hi m a membershi p car d a s wel l a s a n Africa n name . The student s name d Malcol m "Omowale, " "the son ha s come home " in th e Yoruba language . I t wa s a fitting titl e fo r on e whos e Garveyit e heritag e remained a t the heart of his attitude toward Africa . In th e summe r o f 1964 , onl y a shor t tim e befor e h e flew t o Cair o t o begin hi s secon d extende d tou r o f th e continent , Malcol m visite d Omaha , Nebraska, hi s birthplac e an d on e o f the place s wher e hi s parents worke d o n behalf o f th e Garve y movement . "Americ a i s th e countr y o f th e past, " Malcolm tol d reporters , "an d Afric a i s the countr y o f the future/ * I t was an obvious slip on Malcolm' s par t to refer t o an entir e continen t a s a "country"; however, th e statemen t reveal s ho w deepl y h e identifie d wit h th e entir e

224 • The Final Year African homelan d a s his land. " I don't fee l tha t I am a visitor in Ghana o r in any par t o f Africa, " Malcol m ha d alread y declare d befor e a n audienc e o f Ghanaian student s i n Ma y 1964 . " I fee l tha t I am a t home." 4 Writin g t o a journalist i n May 1964 , Malcol m declared : In the Arab world they loved me as soon as they learned I was an American Muslim, and here in Africa the y opened their hearts and their arms to me when they learned that I was an Africa n American , an d I must confess tha t their jo y and respec t was greater stil l whe n the y discovere d I wa s "Malcol m X " o f th e Militan t America n Muslims. African s i n genera l an d Muslim s i n particular , everywhere , lov e mili tancy."5 Malcolm, o f course, love d militancy , too , and had n o trouble fitting into the African revolutionar y context . Julia n Mayfield , th e leade r o f th e Africa n American expatriat e communit y i n Ghana , recalle d tha t Malcolm' s month s in Afric a "wer e th e happies t o f hi s life . H e wo n friend s o f hig h an d lo w station everywher e he went. " John Lewi s and Donal d Harris , wh o were sent to Africa o n a fact-findin g tour b y the Studen t Non-Violen t Coordinatin g Committe e (SNCC) , arrive d during Malcolm' s secon d tou r an d wrot e i n thei r report : "Malcolm's impact on Africa wa s just fantastic. I n every country h e was known an d served as the main criteri a [sic] fo r categorizin g othe r Afro-American s an d thei r politica l view." However , Malcolm' s succes s i n Afric a wa s no t base d merel y o n political sentimentalit y o r o n hi s charismati c presence . H e considere d hi s personal an d organizationa l relationshi p t o Afric a a s a vita l matte r i n th e survival o f both th e Africa n continen t an d African s scattere d throughou t th e Western Hemisphere . During hi s tou r i n Ma y 1964 , Malcol m wrot e t o Jame s Shabazz, hi s assistant in the Muslim Mosque : "Brother James, I have established a foundation whic h canno t b e destroye d i f I a m kille d tomorrow. " Thus , Malcol m saw hi s wor k a s foundational—th e establishmen t o f a basi s upo n whic h Africans an d Africa n American s coul d unit e an d buil d a powe r blo c i n th e world. "Hi s scop e wa s broadenin g i n ever-increasin g concentri c circles, " Shabazz reflecte d o f Malcolm' s interes t i n Afric a an d i n scattere d African s worldwide. In this great partnership with Africa, Malcol m maintaine d i t was necessary for African American s to go back mentally, culturally , spiritually , philosoph ically, an d psychologicall y t o Africa. 6 H e used the relationshi p o f Jews in th e United State s t o the Jew s of the worl d a s a model fo r th e internationa l Pan Africanism h e envisioned :

The Final Year • 22 5 Just a s the America n Je w i s i n harmon y (politically , economicall y an d culturally ) with World Jewry, it is time for all African American s to become an integral part of the world' s Pan-Africanist s . . . w e mus t "return " t o Afric a philosophicall y an d culturally and develop a working unity in the framework o f Pan-Africanism. 7 Malcolm mad e a similar case in an article published i n an African magazine : "We don' t wan t t o mov e ove r her e physically . Wha t w e wan t i s t o hav e a cultural an d psychologica l migratio n here , lik e th e Jew s hav e migrate d t o Israel philosophicall y an d culturally. " (Interestingly , afte r makin g a little known visi t to the Palestinian homelan d o n the Gaza strip in 1964 , Malcol m stopped usin g Israel as an example , givin g instead a Chinese analogy. ) Malcolm sough t a two-wa y bridg e betwee n African s an d Africa n Ameri cans. H e challenge d African s tha t the y woul d neve r b e respecte d unti l "th e black ma n i n Americ a i s also recognize d an d respecte d a s a human being." 8 Likewise, Malcol m preached t o his African America n followers : So I say that we must have a strong Africa, an d one of my reasons for going to Africa was because I know this. You waste your time in this country, i n any kind of strategy that you use, if you're not in direct contact with your brother on the African continen t who has his independence.9 In Februar y 1965 , i n th e las t speec h Malcol m wa s t o make , h e tol d a n assembly o f Columbia Universit y an d Barnar d Colleg e student s tha t Africa n Americans mus t "hel p Africa i n it s struggle t o free itsel f from wester n domi nation. N o matte r wher e th e blac k ma n is , h e wil l neve r b e respecte d unti l Africa i s a world power. " Malcolm believe d implicitl y tha t th e Wester n power s incite d an d main tained divisio n withi n Africa . H e told a n audienc e o f his followers that thes e powers mad e a constant effort , fo r instance , t o incit e division s betwee n Eas t Africans an d Asians, an d between Wes t Africans an d Arabs. H e also believed that indigenou s Muslim s an d Christian s wer e likewis e provoke d t o fight i n parts o f Africa—al l t o secur e th e powe r o f th e West . "Whe n yo u g o ove r there an d stud y thi s thing , yo u ca n se e tha t i t i s no t somethin g tha t i s indigenous to the African himself, " he said. Similarly, Malcol m believe d unit y amon g black s i n th e Wester n Hemi sphere wa s crucial , estimatin g tha t ther e wer e wel l ove r eight y millio n "Africans i n th e Americas. " However, suc h unit y wa s being hindere d b y the "well-designed plan " o f th e Wester n powers , whos e sens e o f "franti c neces sity" compelle d the m t o kee p black s i n th e America s fro m unitin g furthe r with Africans "i n ou r swiftly emergin g African fatherland." 10

226 • The Final Year Malcolm returne d fro m hi s first tour o f th e Africa n continen t i n Ma y 196 4 with th e intentio n o f addressing th e nee d fo r unit y amon g peopl e o f Africa n descent. However , h e also felt that i t was necessary to address the racia l crisis confronting Africa n American s o n th e loca l level . H e wante d t o develo p a n organization, separat e fro m th e Musli m Mosque , tha t woul d promot e th e participation o f a divers e grou p o f Africa n American s withou t obligatin g it s membership t o participate i n Musli m affairs . "W e realize d tha t man y o f our people aren't goin g to become Muslim ; man y o f them aren' t eve n intereste d in anythin g religious, " Malcolm recalled . "S o we set up the Organization o f Afro-American Unit y as a non-religious organization. " Malcolm first though t o f callin g thi s organizatio n th e Afro-America n Freedom Fighters , a counterpart to the African revolutionar y groups that had helped t o liberate Algeria an d Kenya . However , upo n furthe r consideration , he apparentl y foun d th e Organizatio n o f Africa n Unit y (OAU ) a bette r model, sinc e it advanced th e pan-African philosoph y an d was inclusive of all African independenc e movements . Th e OAU , founde d i n 1963 , thu s be came th e impetu s fo r th e foundin g an d developmen t o f Malcolm' s Ne w York-based "Organizatio n o f Afro-America n Unity " (OAAU) , whic h main tained chapter s i n Afric a an d Europ e an d establishe d a n informatio n burea u in Ghana . Th e philosoph y o f the OAA U wa s wholistic, focuse d o n politics , economics, communit y improvement , self-defens e an d education . It s funda mental goa l wa s "th e acquisitio n o f huma n rights " fo r Africa n Americans , and th e buildin g o f a blac k solidarit y tha t woul d transcen d "al l organiza tional differences." 11 When Malcol m mad e hi s second 196 4 trip to Africa, hi s first stop was in Cairo. Her e h e attende d th e secon d OA U conferenc e o n Jul y 1 7 to 2 1 as a representative an d chairma n o f the OAA U an d wa s granted observe r status . He prepare d a memorandum t o the conferenc e representatives , t o whom h e appealed tha t "ou r problem s ar e you r problems. " Callin g th e U.S . govern ment a tricky "neo-colonialist power, " Malcolm urge d the OAU to recogniz e the racia l crisi s i n th e Unite d State s a s a huma n right s issu e worth y o f their attentio n an d askin g fo r thei r unifie d effor t t o brin g i t befor e th e United Nations . In respons e t o Malcolm' s appeal , th e OA U passe d a resolutio n tha t recognized tha t civi l right s legislatio n o f th e Unite d State s governmen t ha d failed t o implement a solution t o the racial crisis. In Africa, Malcol m too k an unabashed positio n i n exposing the U.S. government's hypocritical pursuit of friendship wit h Africa n nation s whil e racis m remaine d a problem a t home . "But ho w ca n sh e kee p th e Africans ' respect, " Malcol m declare d i n a n

The Final Year • 227 Egyptian Gazette interview , "whe n sh e allow s suc h injustic e t o peopl e o f African descen t i n her own country?" 12 At th e tim e tha t Malcol m wa s undertakin g suc h a tas k o f internationa l proportions, h e was greatly frustrated i n hi s attempts by his escalating clashe s with th e Nation . Th e Natio n ha d no t waite d unti l Malcol m wa s ou t o f th e movement t o declare war on him ; as early as January 1964 , th e leadershi p of Mosque No . 7 in Ne w Yor k attempte d t o persuad e som e o f it s member s t o kill Malcolm . Th e plo t failed , however , whe n th e would-b e assassi n prove d to be sympathetic t o Malcolm . The conflic t betwee n Malcol m an d th e Natio n seem s t o hav e bee n sig nificantly exacerbate d b y the Nation's attempt to evict him fro m hi s house in Queens. Th e Nation' s attorne y argue d tha t becaus e Malcol m wa s no longe r a Natio n minister , h e should no t resid e i n thei r parsonage . I n answerin g th e Nation, Malcol m countere d tha t th e hous e ha d bee n purchase d for hi m b y the movement during his tenure as their Ne w York minister. Malcolm wa s disturbed b y the Nation' s evictio n attemp t no t only becaus e it jeopardize d th e securit y o f hi s family , bu t als o becaus e th e movemen t would no t allo w hi m t o argue hi s case i n a private Natio n hearing . "S o they would rathe r go to the man who m they say is the devil to settle the difference s rather tha n t o settl e i t behin d close d doors, " Malcol m complaine d i n a n interview. " I hav e no t wante d t o d o anythin g i n public . An d IV e eve n kep t my tongue, whic h i s not my nature, yo u know." 13 In Jun e 1964 , Malcol m n o longe r hel d hi s tongue . H e fough t back , using hi s knowledg e o f Muhammad' s sexua l abuse s a s the basi s for what h e apparently hope d woul d b e a media blit z abou t th e Nation . H e appeared o n talk shows i n Boston , Philadelphia , an d Ne w York, provide d informatio n t o newspapers, an d use d hi s own organizational platfor m t o reveal details about Muhammad's illegitimat e children . Mos t notable , however , wa s Malcolm' s interview b y Mike Wallace o f CBS, i n whic h h e documented Muhammad' s affairs an d challenge d th e Nation' s clai m tha t the young women i n questio n were Muhammad's wives . The former secretarie s were not put i n positions of respect or protection befittin g thei r role s as "wives," Malcolm charged . "The y have been debased." 14 The immediat e resul t wa s an upsurg e o f threats an d attack s mad e agains t Malcolm X and hi s followers. On e FB I source reporte d that , withi n Mosqu e No. 7 , "war " had bee n openl y declare d o n th e Musli m Mosque , an d mem bers wer e encourage d t o attac k an d driv e Malcolm' s follower s ou t o f town , When i t became clear that violence was escalating, Malcol m wrot e an "ope n

228 • The Final Year letter" t o Elija h Muhamma d o n Jun e 23 , 1964 , suggestin g hi s "calculate d silence" woul d no t spar e hi m fro m bein g hel d responsibl e fo r th e violen t actions o f Natio n members . Malcol m furthe r warne d tha t "th e writer s o f history" would declar e hi m guilty , "no t onl y o f adultery an d deceit , bu t als o of MURDER." Appealin g to Elijah Muhamma d t o "call off this unnecessar y bloodshed," Malcolm suggeste d the y should instea d b e working "in unity and harmony" t o solv e th e problem s o f blac k people . "Historians, " conclude d Malcolm X , "woul d the n credi t us with intelligenc e and sincerity." 15 Malcolm's lette r brough t onl y countercharge s tha t h e intende d t o kil l Muhammad—to whic h Malcol m responde d t o the press: "We don't hav e to kill him . Wha t h e ha s don e wil l bring hi m t o hi s grave. " In th e meantime , Malcolm tol d a n OAA U audienc e tha t h e ha d n o desir e t o fight the "Blac k Muslims, wh o ar e m y brother s still" ; however, i t was apparently to o lat e fo r Malcolm an d the Nation t o reach eve n a detente. In Jul y 1964 , tw o o f Muhammad' s forme r secretarie s brough t paternit y charges agains t him , whic h wer e answere d b y a n officia l pres s releas e fro m Nation headquarters . I n th e statement , th e Nation' s to p official s blame d Malcolm X , accusin g hi m o f maliciously attemptin g t o disgrace Elija h Mu hammad whil e a t th e sam e tim e the y denie d an y guil t o n Muhammad' s part.16 Muhammad Speaks launched a serie s o f attacks o n Malcolm , th e first of which wa s a n ope n lette r fro m on e Natio n ministe r wh o calle d hi m a hypocrite, a defector , an d a notoriou s "Harle m hustler. " I n Chicago , a national official , John Ali , declare d tha t Malcolm' s "X " had bee n retracte d and tha t h e wa s no w onl y Malcol m Little . However , Muhamma d himsel f was apparently ver y careful no t to address the issu e of his sexual immorality , restricting his countercharges to comments about Malcolm's pride and departure fro m th e Nation . Thus , h e tol d on e interviewer : " I suspende d him , Malcolm too k i t for a n insul t t o be se t down fo r an y lengt h o f time. H e was too proud. A man seekin g exaltation sometime s goes to extremes." In Septembe r 1964 , the civil court of Queens rule d i n favor of the Nation , but staye d th e executio n o f the evictio n warran t unti l Januar y 1965. 17 However, b y th e tim e o f th e decision, Malcol m ha d alread y bee n gon e fo r tw o months, havin g lef t th e Unite d State s to attend th e OA U conferenc e i n Jul y 1964. Whe n h e returne d a t the en d o f November, h e publicly expresse d hi s desire to avoid any further confrontation s wit h the Nation. H e told an OAAU audience tha t after havin g made an extensiv e tour of Africa an d holding lon g discussions with man y heads of state, hi s scope had broadene d eve n further :

The Final Year • 22 9 And I fel t foolis h comin g bac k t o thi s countr y an d gettin g int o a littl e two-bi t argument with some bird-brained perso n who calls himself a Black Muslim. I felt I was wasting my time. I felt i t would be a drag for me to come back here and allow myself to be in a whole lot of public arguments and physical fisticuffs.. . knowing that it would actually be more beneficial t o our people if a constructive program were put in front of them immediately. 18 Malcolm admitte d tha t prio r t o hi s secon d tou r abroa d h e ha d foolishl y allowed th e Natio n t o "jockey" him int o participatin g i n a war of words. H e concluded that , consequently , whe n h e returne d t o th e Unite d State s th e Nation refuse d t o desis t i n thei r offensive . Indeed , i n Decembe r 1964 , th e Nation sen t a threatenin g telegra m t o Malcol m X and i t wa s subsequentl y published: "Mr . Malcolm : W e hereb y officiall y war n yo u tha t th e Natio n shall n o longe r tolerat e you r scandalizin g th e nam e o f ou r leade r . . . regardless of where such scandalizin g has been." The "scandalizing " t o whic h th e messag e referre d wa s apparentl y no t a n allusion t o Malcolm's previous comments about Muhammad's sexua l behavior, however , bu t to a letter that Malcolm wrot e to New York Times journalist M. S . Handle r i n Septembe r 1964—whil e h e was out o f the Unite d States . During his return tri p to Mecca, Malcol m ha d written thi s letter, referrin g t o Elijah Muhamma d a s a "religiou s faker " an d declarin g hi s intentio n t o expose hi m a s such. However , Malcolm' s "Hol y World " indignatio n towar d Muhammad apparentl y abated after th e remaining two months of his Africa n tour, i n Octobe r an d Novembe r 1964 . Consequently , whe n Malcol m re turned t o th e Unite d State s a t the en d o f November, th e Natio n wa s on th e offensive. "H e kne w tha t h e wa s no t goin g t o di e a n ol d man, " Benjami n Karim remembered . Malcol m als o kne w that , fo r him , tim e "wa s fas t run ning out." 19

18 Religious Revolutionis t For the Muslims, Ym too worldly; for other groups, I'm too religious.

As it was conceived an d create d i n Marc h 1964 , th e Musli m Mosque ha d n o authentic religiou s standin g i n th e Musli m world . Malcol m X an d tw o o f hi s follower s signe d th e prepare d paper s o f incorporatio n o n March 9 , 1964—th e da y afte r Malcolm' s independenc e announcement . The paper s spea k o f th e stud y an d propagatio n o f "th e Islami c Fait h an d Religion," but do not mak e any theological distinction s between th e religio n of the Musli m Mosqu e an d tha t o f the Nation . However , on e o f the article s did specif y tha t th e Musli m Mosqu e wa s established t o impar t th e "Islami c Religion i n accordance with th e accepted Islami c Religious principals." About two months later, shortl y after completin g the Hajj, Malcol m wrot e to hi s Musli m Mosqu e constituency : " I hop e tha t m y Haj j t o the Hol y Cit y of Mecc a wil l officiall y establis h th e religiou s affiliatio n o f th e Musli m Mosque, Incorporated , wit h the 750,000,00 0 Muslim s of the World of Islam once an d fo r all. " I t i s necessar y t o underscore , then , tha t a fundamenta l dimension o f Malcolm' s Haj j was , organizationall y speaking , quit e precon ceived. A s such, Malcolm' s pilgrimag e wa s also a quest for religiou s authen ticity i n th e Musli m world . Thi s i s important t o not e becaus e i t show s tha t Malcolm's experienc e i n Mecc a wa s not a religious romanc e withou t roo t or 230

Religious Revolutionist • 23 1 reason; i t likewis e show s tha t Malcolm' s Haj j wa s no t merel y " a religiou s settling of accounts."' Malcolm's religiou s missio n wa s no t simpl y a detai l o n hi s agenda , bu t the agenda itself . I n Decembe r 196 4 he told a n interviewe r tha t after h e ha d formed th e Musli m Mosqu e i n Marc h o f that year , h e immediatel y wante d to mak e th e Haj j "t o ge t a bette r understandin g o f Isla m a s it' s practice d i n the Musli m Worl d an d t o establis h ourselve s wit h th e orthodo x Muslims/ ' Once h e ha d mad e officia l contac t wit h th e Musli m world , o f course , Malcolm's ne w religiou s organizatio n woul d b e expecte d t o confor m t o th e orthodox standards and expectation s of that world. After completin g th e Haj j an d hi s Africa n tour , Malcol m me t wit h th e members o f th e Musli m Mosqu e i n Ne w Yor k Cit y o n Ma y 28 , 1964 . According to an FB I source, th e meeting , whic h wa s held a t Harlem's Hote l Theresa—also th e sit e o f Musli m Mosqu e headquarters—wa s attende d b y about two hundred people . Becaus e the Nation ha d not yet begun it s eviction efforts agains t Malcolm , h e wa s no t ye t speakin g negativel y abou t Elija h Muhammad. However , durin g th e question-and-answe r perio d someon e i n the audienc e aske d Malcol m i f h e ha d see n W . D . Far d whil e h e wa s i n Mecca. I t wa s no t onl y a reminde r o f whenc e h e ha d come , bu t als o ho w much wor k h e no w ha d t o do as an exponen t o f traditional Islam . Malcol m told th e questione r tha t member s o f th e Musli m Mosqu e shoul d disregar d the ol d notions . Fro m no w on , Malcol m assure d th e audience , the y woul d deal only with reality . If the "ghost " of Fard haunte d th e Musli m Mosque , s o did othe r vestige s of the Nation' s culti c heritage . A t a meeting a t the Tusken Ballroo m i n Ne w York o n Jun e 22 , 1964 , Malcol m announce d tha t th e Musli m Mosque , unlike th e Nation , woul d b e accountabl e fo r an y monie s collecte d fro m it s membership. Sometim e later , whe n th e Musli m Mosqu e establishe d a branch i n Philadelphia , th e new members were told the y would no t be asked for mone y unles s necessary , an d tha t th e fund s woul d remai n a t thei r ow n mosque. Thi s policy signaled a departure from th e kind o f financial exploitation tha t typifie d th e relationshi p o f th e Nation' s headquarter s wit h it s branch mosques. 2 Earlier durin g th e mont h o f Jun e whe n Malcol m wa s betwee n hi s tw o trips abroad, th e membershi p o f the Musli m Mosqu e i n Ne w York City was estimated a t on e hundred . H e ha d additiona l supporter s i n Bosto n an d Philadelphia, potential branc h citie s of the Musli m Mosque . Afte r Malcol m left fo r hi s second , mor e extende d tou r fro m Jul y throug h November , th e Muslim Mosqu e bega n t o suffer. Accordin g t o FB I information , whil e Mai -

232 • Religious Revolutionist colm was away, onl y about fifteen people attended Musli m Mosqu e meeting s regularly, an d th e interes t o n th e par t o f the Muslim s i n Bosto n ha d wane d almost entirely . Worse, th e Musli m Mosqu e bega n t o hav e seriou s conflict s wit h Mal colm's othe r group , th e OAAU . Th e conflict , whic h wa s apparently ignite d by religious differences, seem s also to have involved a power struggle between Muslim Mosqu e and OAA U officials . T o counteract this problem, Malcol m directed tha t n o on e coul d serv e a s a n office r i n bot h organizations— a strategy h e hope d woul d ensur e th e involvemen t o f non-Muslim s i n th e OAAU. With Malcolm' s retur n fro m th e "Hol y World " and Afric a o n Novembe r 28, 1964 , bot h o f his organization s wer e undoubtedl y refreshed . FB I infor mation describe d a very active Muslim Mosqu e i n Ne w York that offered no t only religiou s instructio n an d praye r service s fo r member s severa l time s a week, bu t also held jud o classes and instructio n i n the Arabic language, wit h the latter two classes apparently ope n t o the public. Malcolm no w n o doub t ha d t o mak e the member s awar e o f the religiou s and philosophica l change s necessitate d b y their ne w orthodox stance . Thus , at a Muslim Mosqu e meetin g on Decembe r 23 , 1964 , Malcol m ha d to urge his followers no t to condemn peopl e o n th e basis of their color . H e admitte d that this was even har d fo r him t o do, given all that he had sai d against white people i n th e past . I t woul d probabl y hav e been eve n harde r fo r Malcolm' s followers t o allo w whit e brethre n int o th e Musli m Mosque , whic h wa s a n actual possibility—though i t apparently never happened. On e journalis t later recalled tha t Malcol m like d t o sa y the Musli m Mosqu e wa s open t o peopl e of al l races . "Th e troubl e is, " Malcolm woul d add , "w e haven' t foun d an y white people who want to be Muslims." Though th e Musli m Mosque's organizationa l paper s ha d calle d fo r a n official publication , ther e apparently neve r was one. Malcol m ha d spoken of starting a pape r calle d The Flaming Crescent, bu t thi s wa s durin g th e first weeks o f th e movemen t whe n th e religiou s aspect s o f th e Musli m Mosqu e were not yet sorted out . Wit h the establishment of the OAAU and the release of it s publication , th e Blacklash, th e ide a o f a regula r Musli m Mosqu e publication seem s to have been pu t aside.* While n o Musli m Mosqu e publicatio n eve r materialized , th e organiza tion di d generat e pres s release s tha t documente d Malcolm' s comment s an d activities whil e o n tour . I t als o release d informationa l fliers, suc h a s on e that presente d a revealin g explanatio n o f th e ne w Musli m Mosque—th e

Religious Revolutionist • 23 3 organization a s it had become with Malcolm' s acceptance int o the traditional Muslim world : "Create d i n fulfillmen t o f th e nee d t o correc t th e distorte d image of the religion o f Islam that exists in the west. To offer t o the American that religio n tha t free s instea d o f enslaves , raise s th e morals , instea d o f lowering them , th e religio n tha t make s al l me n brothers/* 4 The flier reiter ated tha t th e objectiv e o f th e Musli m Mosqu e wa s no t onl y t o teac h an d propagate Islam , bu t t o "correct " an d "disseminat e correc t informatio n o n Islam." This them e o f correction i s significant becaus e i t was not par t of the Muslim Mosque' s founding papers . These ne w emphases o n correctio n o f past religious errors and th e wish to propagate a soun d for m o f Isla m ar e apparentl y th e influenc e o f Malcolm' s extended tim e i n th e Musli m worl d a s wel l a s th e increase d influenc e o f certain Musli m religiou s agencie s o n th e Musli m Mosque , Mos t notable i n this regar d wa s th e commissionin g o f Shayk h Ahme d Hassou n a s a kin d o f missionary-teacher t o the Muslim Mosque . Hassoun, a Sudanes e imam , wa s authorize d an d funde d wit h a five hundred dollar s a month stipen d b y the Saudi-based Musli m Worl d League , His work , whic h wa s ultimatel y thwarte d b y Malcolm' s assassinatio n i n February 1965 , was essential t o the advancement an d succes s of the Musli m Mosque a s a bas e fo r Islami c instruction . Hassoun , wh o adhere d t o th e teachings o f the prominen t Wahab i sec t of Saudi Arabia , no t onl y serve d a s an instructo r i n Islami c classes , bu t als o taugh t Arabic . Whe n Hassou n arrived i n Ne w Yor k i n Decembe r 1964 , th e Lo s Angele s Herald-Dispatch noted tha t h e had com e to help Malcol m X "correct th e distorted imag e tha t the religio n o f Islam ha s been give n b y the hat e group s i n thi s country." An FBI sourc e note d tha t additiona l instructio n i n Isla m wa s provide d t o th e Muslim Mosqu e through Dr . Shawarbi' s Ne w York-based Islami c offices. 5 The Musli m worl d quit e understandabl y spran g a t th e opportunit y t o advance Islam , whic h woul d no t onl y giv e the m a n occasio n t o missioniz e in the African America n community , bu t also to make a long-desired correc tive strik e a t th e Nation . Indeed , on e o f th e fruit s o f th e religiou s sid e o f Malcolm's overseas sojourning wa s the endowment of "expense-free" scholar ships t o Islami c institution s mad e availabl e t o th e Musli m Mosque , Durin g Malcolm's secon d tour , h e receive d twent y scholarship s fro m th e Cairo based Suprem e Counci l o n Islami c Affair s (SCIA) , whic h wer e designate d for "youn g Afro-Americans " t o stud y a t Al-Azha r University . H e likewis e received fifteen scholarships fo r applicant s wishin g t o study a t the Universit y of Medin a i n Saud i Arabia . Th e scholarships , whic h bot h th e Musli m

234 • Religious Revolutionist Mosque an d th e OAA U advertised , wer e no t onl y significan t fo r academi c reasons, bu t als o a s insuranc e agains t futur e distortion s o f Isla m amon g African Americans. 6 When Malcol m wen t o n hi s secon d tou r o f 1964 , h e wa s criticize d b y some of his own followers i n the OAAU, wh o griped that he was "going away when w e need hi m mos t over here." Ethel Minor , wh o was a secretary in the OAAU, recalle d tha t som e o f the membershi p eve n referre d t o Malcol m a s "just anothe r bourgeoi s nigger, " becaus e o f hi s extensiv e tou r o f meeting s with Africa n head s o f state. Others , whil e les s mean-spirited, simpl y fel t th e second tou r was superfluous. Perhaps, i n som e sense , thes e troublin g attitude s a t home attes t to Davi d Graham D u Bois' s broade r assessmen t tha t "nobod y understood , nobod y had a clu e wha t [Malcolm ] wa s talkin g about. " Thus , whil e Malcolm' s organizational personne l bickere d an d criticized, h e was in Egypt , delicatel y balancing revolutio n an d religio n i n a manner elusiv e t o most revolutionist s and religionist s alike . D u Bois , the stepson o f the African America n scholar activist, W . E . B . D u Bois , ha d himsel f come t o Cairo a s an expatriate . H e recalled tha t Malcol m X arrived i n Cair o alon e an d withou t th e fanfar e h e received durin g hi s first 196 4 tour . I n fact , D u Boi s remembered , a t first many o f the religiou s official s a t Al-Azhar Universit y wer e no t convince d o f Malcolm's Musli m integrity. 7 When new s o f criticis m an d dissensio n a t hom e reache d Malcolm , wh o was stil l i n Cair o throug h Septembe r 1964 , h e wrot e hi s follower s a letter . He emphasize d tha t hi s tas k i n Afric a wa s a "direc t threa t t o th e entir e international syste m o f racis t exploitation. " Bu t b y internationalizin g th e struggle o f African Americans , Malcol m concluded , th e foundation lai d was firmly set, "an d n o on e ca n hardl y und o it. " As to th e report s o f dissension, Malcolm expresse d neithe r resentmen t no r surprise , notin g tha t i t was "normal" behavior i n organizations—"histor y repeatin g itself." Malcolm assure d hi s followers o f his commitment t o human rights , orga nizational flexibility, an d nonjudgmentalism . I n tone s reminiscen t o f a pastoral epistle , Malcol m continue d b y gentl y tellin g hi s dissentin g follower s that they were free t o quit and even star t their own organizations i f they liked: "But whereve r yo u g o an d whateve r yo u do , remembe r tha t w e ar e al l stil l brothers an d sister s an d w e stil l hav e th e sam e problem . Le t u s no t wast e time condemning an d fighting each other. W e have already wasted too much time an d energ y doin g thi s i n th e past." 8 Malcol m expresse d hi s desir e t o avoid an y further conflict s wit h Elija h Muhammad , an d challenged bot h th e Muslim Mosqu e an d th e OAA U t o us e th e tim e o f hi s absenc e wisel y b y

Religious Revolutionist • 23 5 working together . " I hav e s o muc h fait h i n Allah, an d i n right, an d i n m y people, tha t I believe I can com e back and start from scratc h i f it is necessary and a s long as I mean righ t Allah wil l bless me with succes s and ou r peopl e will hel p m e i n thi s fight," Malcol m concluded . " I lov e al l o f you an d pra y Allah wil l bless all of you." Malcolm's religiou s lif e coul d n o longe r b e define d simpl y a s on e o f disbelief i n Elija h Muhammad . Likewise , Malcol m ha d no w gon e beyon d the sincer e appropriatio n an d adoptio n o f Sunn i Isla m tha t drov e hi m t o Mecca i n th e first place . Rather , Malcol m seem s t o hav e entere d th e las t phase o f religious developmen t tha t ma y b e referre d t o as "religiously" Muslim. Thi s stag e o f developmen t "reappropriate s childhood' s bes t attitudes , providing th e neede d contex t fo r bein g Jewish , Christian , Musli m o r what ever. On e n o longer ha s a religion; one i s religious i n a particular way. " The significance o f Malcolm' s first tour wa s that h e trul y had a religion ; bu t th e quiet triump h o f hi s secon d tou r abroa d wa s tha t Malcol m no w wa s developing his own particular way of being a Muslim. Being "religiously " Muslim , i n thi s case , involve d tw o inne r aspects , th e first o f whic h ma y b e calle d "parable. " "Parable, " accordin g t o Gabrie l Moran, i s living wit h th e awarenes s tha t problem s ma y no t hav e on e singl e answer o r tha t "logic " ma y no t alway s b e capabl e o f providin g solutions . "Living wit h a tensio n o f opposites doe s no t mea n th e paralysi s tha t i s non action. Lif e demand s activity , an d th e religiou s perso n i s engaged i n actin g the bes t wa y h e ca n discern, " eve n thoug h h e lack s a "plan, " an d doe s no t claim t o know either God's justic e or what is in God's mind . This doe s not mean , however , tha t th e religiou s perso n canno t recogniz e injustice. Quit e t o th e contrary , h e recognize s tha t "ther e ar e thing s wron g in th e world , an d someon e mus t tak e th e ris k o f stoppin g them. " Thi s outlook give s on e a sens e o f belongin g t o a specifi c grou p an d a particula r history, allowin g on e t o appea l t o "m y people " a s a n embodimen t o f "th e people." "Th e belief s o f ou r peopl e ca n no w functio n no t a s blinder s t o a wider truth bu t as powerful stimul i t o act on behalf of all." 9 In man y ways , thi s descriptio n o f th e "parable " aspec t i s wel l suite d t o Malcolm X in th e summe r an d fal l o f 1964 . I t i s interesting tha t Malcolm , who relive d childhoo d memorie s o f "Hector' s Hill " whil e o n th e "Hol y World Hilltop " o f Arafat , ha d no w bee n abl e t o retriev e element s o f hi s childhood religiou s experience—thos e tha t allowe d hi m t o for m hi s ow n religious lif e an d wor k according t o hi s inne r awarenes s o f th e divine , rather tha n th e culti c divinit y tha t ha d bee n mediate d exclusivel y throug h Elijah Muhammad .

236 • Religious Revolutionist As a religiou s leade r i n hi s ow n right , Malcolm' s word s t o hi s follower s demonstrated tha t h e n o longe r believe d i n herdin g soul s wit h culti c disci pline and diatribe ; his appeal no w was to his own discernment o f Allah's will and purpose , an d th e kinshi p he fel t fo r blac k people—whic h functione d a s a powerful stimulu s for action. Quit e i n contrast to the competing factions of his following , th e issu e fo r Malcol m wa s neither organizationa l preservatio n nor domination . H e coul d surrende r bot h th e Musli m Mosqu e an d th e OAAU t o th e providenc e o f Alla h an d star t al l ove r "fro m scratch " i f nec essary. This wa s apparently th e sam e sentimen t Malcol m ha d expresse d t o Wal lace Muhammad , th e so n o f his forme r leader , i n thei r Decembe r 6 , 1964 , meeting—a sentimen t tha t s o impresse d Wallac e tha t h e apparentl y mad e note o f i t i n a subsequen t intervie w wit h th e FBI , wh o state d tha t Wallac e "advised tha t Malcol m X ha d convince d hi m tha t h e (Malcol m X ) wa s a true believe r i n th e [o]rthodo x Islami c religion . Accordin g t o Muhammad , Malcolm X state d tha t h e di d no t conside r th e OAA U o r th e [Musli m Mosque] a s definit e organization s an d tha t he could easily disband both of them."10 Thi s expression , lik e Malcolm' s "star t fro m scratch " commen t i n the letter to his followers, wa s neither a sign of bitterness toward his wavering disciples nor the symptom o f growing disinterest. Malcolm's willingnes s t o "star t fro m scratch " reflect s th e secon d inne r aspect o f hi s "religiously " Musli m stage . Mora n call s thi s secon d aspec t "detachment," bu t add s tha t parabl e i s no t thu s abandone d bu t "deepene d and enriche d b y the development o f a contemplative cente r to life." Detach ment i s simply th e willingnes s t o wait, "th e determinatio n an d th e patienc e to sta y at what on e feel s calle d to " because "th e huma n vocatio n i s to stay at one's post and d o the best one can." However , i n th e growing contemplativ e center that characterizes detachment i n the Eastern religiou s tradition, some times the struggl e agains t injustic e i s undercut b y extremes. I n sharp distinction, Wester n religio n favor s a fundamental lac k of detachment. In Malcolm' s case , detachmen t seem s t o hav e dominate d hi s final months o f life. No t onl y di d h e persever e i n hi s work an d ultimatel y retur n glory t o Allah , bu t h e sough t t o wal k th e steadfas t an d painfu l lin e tha t stretched betwee n a contemplativ e lif e devoi d o f struggl e agains t injustice , and a struggl e agains t injustic e tha t wa s altogether devoi d o f faith. "Fo r th e Muslims, I' m too worldly, fo r other groups, I' m to o religious," Malcolm tol d some of his followers. "[F]o r militants, I' m to o moderate; and fo r moderates , I'm to o militant. I feel lik e I'm o n a tightrope." n An intervie w i n Cair o durin g hi s secon d tou r o f 196 4 furthe r reflect s

Religious Revolutionist • 237 the dept h an d developmen t o f Malcolm' s "religiously " Musli m stage . Th e interview, conducte d b y the African America n activis t Milto n Henry , appar ently too k plac e afte r Malcolm' s wor k a t th e OA U conferenc e ha d con cluded. Durin g the interview, Henr y stated tha t the Egyptians were a beautiful peopl e an d were als o "beautiful peopl e spiritually"—particularly i n thei r apparent lac k o f color prejudice . Malcol m immediatel y seize d o n thi s com ment, saying : But there's one thing though , brother , tha t you have to realize, an d I think it' s the underlying reaso n fo r the brotherhood tha t exist s here i n Cairo—this i s a Muslim country, an d th e religio n o f Isla m absolutel y eliminate s racis m . . . it' s the only spiritual forc e tha t ha s the sufficient strengt h t o eliminate racis m fro m th e heart of the person . S o that whe n a Muslim , a true Muslim, who practices the religion of Islam as it was taught by the prophet Muhammad, wh o was born and died in Arabia some fourteen centurie s ago, a true Muslim never looks at a person and sees him just by the color of his skin.12 Malcolm's referenc e t o a "tru e Muslim " i s important, o f course, becaus e i t continues t o affir m th e essentia l distinctio n h e ha d alread y draw n betwee n Sunni Muslim s an d Elija h Muhammad' s Nation . However , thi s wa s not Malcolm's specifi c inference . Rather , i t seems h e was concentrating o n the reality o f the Musli m worl d i n whic h h e now dwelled, an d on th e fact tha t even i n th e "Hol y World " a n authenti c Musli m i s define d b y propheti c praxis. Malcolm's word s show that he had now accepted th e reality of a duality of principles i n th e Musli m worl d itself . Thus , Isla m wa s a spiritual forc e tha t could absolutel y eliminat e racis m an d guarante e brotherhood , whil e Mus lims i n a Musli m worl d migh t nevertheles s liv e beneat h thei r calling . T o Malcolm X , Isla m wa s th e solution , bu t no t a s a rationa l formul a o r a n idealistic answer . Quit e t o th e contrary , Isla m becam e a question , a chal lenge, an d a test tha t require d th e Musli m t o work ou t brotherhood b y the practice of faith, whic h undoubtedl y include d th e struggle agains t injustice . Malcolm X had begu n t o develop hi s own way of being a Muslim— a wa y that distinguishe d th e practicing Musli m fro m thos e who reduced Isla m t o a religion o f ritua l an d tradition . However , i n s o doing , Malcol m bega n t o question th e status quo of the Musli m worl d itself . Malcolm close d the interview with Milton Henr y by advising him to make people i n Detroi t awar e o f orthodox mosque s i n thei r area . H e emphasize d again tha t Isla m coul d produc e "racia l harmon y an d unity " eve n betwee n blacks and whites in Detroit , i f only the y would see k its true form. "M y next

238 • Religious Revolutionist stop, i f i t b e th e wil l o f Allah , wil l b e Mecca, " Malcol m tol d Henry . T m going back t o Mecca, probabl y nex t week , an d sharpe n m y spiritua l eye. " It appears, however , tha t Malcol m ha d alread y begu n th e proces s o f Musli m spiritual refinemen t i n a manner distinctl y hi s own. Marc Crawfor d ha s note d tha t whe n Malcol m becam e affiliate d wit h th e Muslim world , "h e joine d somethin g fa r larger , fa r older , [and ] fa r mor e substantial" tha n th e Nation . "An d i t gav e hi m a certai n legitimac y tha t certainly h e neede d an d ha d lacked, " Crawford added . Fro m th e beginning , when Malcol m ha d announce d th e formatio n o f th e Musli m Mosque , h e had openly admitted tha t despite his belief "in divine guidance, divin e power, and i n th e fulfillmen t o f divin e prophecy, " th e onl y "credentials " h e coul d claim wa s "sincerity." Even after Malcol m mad e the Hajj, a s Du Boi s noted, a s late as July 196 4 a significan t numbe r o f importan t Muslim s wer e stil l skeptica l abou t hi s sincerity. An d whil e there seemed t o be no overt opposition t o Malcolm, hi s time i n Egyp t an d Saud i durin g th e secon d tou r wa s apparentl y designate d for achievin g "ecclesiastical " recognitio n an d acceptance—whic h wen t be yond th e affirmatio n o f his personal religiou s commitmen t b y validating hi s role in the Muslim Mosque . During Malcolm' s extende d sta y i n Cair o i n July-Septembe r 1964 , h e befriended a n Egyptia n journalist an d talke d extensivel y wit h hi m abou t hi s life an d goals . Th e journalis t late r recalle d tha t Malcol m "wa s very proud o f his Hajj document , whic h wa s attached t o his passport and which h e showed everybody." n H e also remembered tha t Malcol m spoke about the cause of the Negroes which he staunchly believed to be a just cause and also spoke about Islam which he embraced in true understanding and conviction. He spok e abou t ho w h e strongl y defende d Isla m agains t thos e wh o use Isla m a s a means of reaching their ends through Negroes.14 This referenc e t o "thos e wh o us e Isla m a s a mean s o f reachin g thei r ends " seems to suggest that Malcolm' s indignatio n towar d th e Natio n wa s continuing, an d ma y eve n hav e heightene d i n th e contemplatio n tha t distanc e afforded him . Thi s accoun t i s particularl y tru e t o for m becaus e o f th e inseparable pairin g o f the blac k struggl e with th e promulgatio n o f Islam tha t so typified Malcolm' s religiou s thinking. This pairin g i s obviou s a s wel l i n a speec h Malcol m mad e i n Cair o o n July 27 , 1964 , befor e th e Shubaa n Al-Muslimeen , a youn g men' s Musli m organization simila r t o th e YMCA . Th e speec h reveal s Malcolm' s determi nation t o fuse hi s role i n th e black struggle with tha t of the Musli m mission . In hi s presentation , Malcol m X appealed t o hi s audienc e tha t "th e cas e o f

Religious Revolutionist • 239 the 2 2 million oppresse d Afro-American s i s unique, muc h differen t fro m al l other histori c cases"—no t onl y a s a dark-skinne d minorit y livin g amon g a white majority, bu t also because "we are over 6,000 mile s from ou r Origina l Homeland." Malcol m declare d furthe r tha t i f they, wh o were "in th e major ity her e o n thi s Africa n Continent, " ha d bee n oppresse d b y Europea n colo nizers, "ho w muc h mor e difficul t i s it for thos e o f u s who ar e a minority i n America wher e we are still colonized b y an enemy who outnumbers us?" Being a Musli m h e fel t "duty-boun d t o fight for th e sprea d o f Islam unti l all the world bows before Allah. " However, bein g also "one of the 2 2 million oppressed Afro-Americans, " Malcol m declared , " I ca n neve r overloo k th e miserable plight of my people in America. " Therefore, m y fight i s two-fold, m y burden i s double, m y responsibilities multipl e . . . material a s well as spiritual, politica l as well as religious, racia l as well as nonracial. I will never hesitate to let the entire world know the hell my people suffer fro m America's deceit, and her hypocrisy, as well as her oppression.1S Malcolm charge d tha t i t wa s wrong fo r hi s listener s t o condem n "th e racis t colonialism o f South Africa, " whil e keepin g silen t "abou t th e racis t neo colonialism" o f th e Unite d States . "I n th e Sigh t o f Allah, " Malcol m preached, "racis m mus t b e uncompromisingl y condemned , bot h i n South Africa an d th e Unite d States. " Obviously mindfu l tha t he was speaking to an international audience , Malcol m close d b y challengin g tha t th e struggl e o f African American s wa s no t onl y a concer n fo r Africans , bu t "mus t als o b e the concer n an d th e mora l responsibilit y o f th e entir e Musli m World—i f you hope to make the principles o f the Quran a Living Reality/' 16 In Septembe r 1964 , Malcol m returne d t o Mecca , makin g a n off-seaso n visit, o r Omra , whic h on e Unite d State s Embass y officia l calle d "th e littl e pilgrimage." Th e embass y a t Jedda , i n fact , prepare d a somewha t detaile d report abou t Malcolm' s visi t to Saud i tha t was based o n a n officia l intervie w and th e pres s coverag e provide d b y Jedda' s al-Bilad. Th e embass y repor t emphasized tha t Malcolm X stressed his pleasure at his visits to Saudi Arabia and their benefit t o his personal spiritua l development . H e took pains during this conversation t o deprecate his reputatio n a s a politica l activis t an d dwel t mainl y o n hi s interes t i n bringin g sounder appreciation of Islam to American Negroes. 17 The repor t als o sai d tha t Malcol m expresse d happines s a t bein g "fa r awa y from politics, " which gav e him a chance "t o think abou t wha t wa s really essential." On a whole, thi s report is fascinating i n it s description o f Malcolm X for a

240 • Religious Revolutionist number o f reasons. First , i t suggests that Malcol m mad e a visible attempt t o emphasize hi s religiou s identit y whil e deemphasizin g hi s mor e well-know n political role . Second , i t shows that Malcolm, probabl y for reasons of expediency, sough t t o accommodat e th e embass y interviewe r a s much a s possible. Thus the official describe d Malcol m a s "assured but surprisingly unaggressiv e and undogmatic " an d "rathe r disarmin g i n describin g hi s ow n activities. " When aske d about certain blun t statements h e had mad e in Cairo , Malcol m minimized th e whole issu e by saying lightheartedly, " I shoot my mouth of f a lot and don' t always remember what I've said." Finally, Malcol m seeme d ver y muc h concerne d t o emphasiz e Isla m an d his desire t o se e i t advanced i n th e Unite d States . I n fact , h e no t onl y spok e of th e Musli m Mosqu e a s hi s attemp t t o provid e a n Institut e fo r Islami c studies, bu t mad e a point i n hi s al-Bilad intervie w t o express sharp criticis m of th e Natio n an d o f Zionist s i n th e Unite d State s who , Malcol m charged , were hinderin g th e presentatio n o f tru e Isla m t o th e Africa n America n community i n their distinctive ways. 18 Malcolm's statements to the press in Jedda occurred aroun d the same time that he wrote his zealous letter denouncing Elijah Muhamma d as a "religious faker." Th e letter , whic h Malcol m wrot e t o a New York Times journalis t o n September 22 , 1964 , wa s undoubtedl y hi s boldest religiou s denunciatio n o f the Nation unti l that time. Though h e had previously exposed Muhammad' s moral depravatio n an d ha d declare d i t as the reaso n fo r hi s own los s of faith, he had brough t n o such charge s against the Nation a s a whole. Malcolm's lette r was not without it s personal elements , includin g his own mea culpa declaration , an d th e promis e tha t h e woul d neve r res t unti l h e had "undon e th e harm " h e ha d brough t abou t b y hi s previou s "evangelisti c zeal" in the service of the Nation . For 1 2 long year s I live d withi n th e narrow-minde d confine s o f th e "strait-jacke t world" created b y my strong belief tha t Elija h Muhamma d wa s a messenger direct from Go d Himself, and my faith i n what I now see to be pseudo religious philosophy that he preaches. Bu t as his then mos t faithful disciple , I represented an d defende d him a t al l level s . . . an d i n mos t instances , eve n beyon d th e leve l of intellec t and reason. 19 Along with thi s confession, Malcol m fel t obligate d t o take the ignobl e credi t for turnin g "well-meaning , innocen t Negroes " int o blin d fanatic s whos e faith i n Muhamma d no w eve n exceede d hi s own . Th e "Islam " o f Elija h Muhammad, Malcol m charged , wa s a "racis t philosophy " deceptivel y la beled so as "to fool and misus e gullible people."

Religious Revolutionist • 241 Having clarifie d hi s religiou s stanc e vis-a-vi s th e Natio n an d hi s forme r part i n th e movement , Malcol m the n declare d "emphatically " tha t h e n o longer wor e anyone' s "strait-jacket " an d wa s no w " a Musli m i n th e mos t orthodox sense"— a believe r i n Isla m a s i t "i s believe d i n an d practice d b y the Muslims her e i n th e Hol y City of Mecca." I n Islam , Malcol m stated , al l are brother s an d equal s befor e Go d an d "a s members i n th e Huma n Famil y of Mankind." It seems likel y tha t Malcolm' s declaratio n wa s sincere an d tha t i t was not only fuele d b y genuine religiou s feelin g bu t b y the heightene d experienc e o f having returne d t o th e "Hol y World. " Malcolm' s zealou s challeng e t o th e Nation i s eve n mor e understandabl e whe n on e learn s furthe r detail s abou t his retur n t o Saud i an d th e activitie s i n whic h h e too k part . Th e sam e New York Times articl e tha t publishe d Malcolm' s lette r reveale d tha t Malcol m had spen t a n extende d tim e studyin g wit h "rankin g scholar s o f Islam " an d "working with the Muslim Worl d League." 20 Malcolm wa s apparentl y undertakin g a rigorous progra m o f preparatio n and examinatio n unde r th e aegi s o f th e leadin g religiou s figures o f th e Muslim world . Hi s intensiv e preparatio n extende d unti l Octobe r 1964 , hav ing bee n underwritte n b y th e SCI A i n Cair o which , accordin g t o Dr , Sha warbi, pai d fo r the balance of Malcolm's travels in Saud i Arabia, Africa , an d Europe. Whil e i n Saudi , Malcol m worke d wit h th e Mecca-base d Musli m World Leagu e (MWL), a council o f imams whose function i t was to coordinate all the activities of Islamic organizations i n the Muslim world . In particular , Malcol m wa s supervise d b y th e secretar y general , Shayk h Muhammad Saru r Al-Sabban . Malcol m continue d t o correspon d wit h th e New York Times journalist , wh o reporte d tha t Malcol m "ha d worke d al l summer an d int o th e fal l . . . t o prepar e himsel f fo r hi s ne w rol e a s a n evangelist i n the Unite d States. " Malcolm quit e enthusiastically reporte d tha t the secretar y general was a tall black man an d a n ex-slav e who ros e to power as minister o f finance—perhaps a n unwittin g admissio n o f the ironi c blen d of injustic e an d privileg e tha t characterize d th e institutio n o f slaver y i n th e Muslim world. 21 Sometime towar d th e en d o f Malcolm' s ministeria l preparatio n h e face d what seems to have bee n a final examination befor e th e recto r o f Cairo's AlAzhar University . Accordin g t o th e certificat e tha t wa s thereafte r issued , "Malkulm X"—know n als o b y hi s Musli m name , "Mali k El-Shabazz" — appeared a t th e offic e o f th e suprem e imam , Shayk h Hassa n Maa'moun , who hear d hi s affirmation o f "the tw o Islami c Articles" : "I confess tha t ther e is n o Go d bu t Alla h an d tha t Mohamme d i s Hi s Prophet , an d Jesu s i s

242 • Religious Revolutionist His servan t an d Messenger . I cease d t o believ e i n an y othe r religio n tha t contradicts Islam. " The certificat e note d tha t Maa'moun' s decisio n t o approv e Malcol m wa s based o n th e endorsement s o f th e MW L an d Malcolm' s friend , Dr . Mah moud Shawarbi . Maa'moun' s certificat e o f recognition , then , wa s no t con cerned wit h vindicatin g Malcolm' s persona l faith , whic h h e sai d wa s bot h "true an d correct. " Rather , i t provide d Malcol m wit h credential s a s a reli gious teache r charge d wit h "th e dut y t o propagat e Isla m an d offe r ever y available assistance and facilitie s t o those who wish conversion. " Back in New York, Dr . Shawarb i was undoubtedly baskin g in the pleasing sunlight o f Malcolm' s achievement s i n th e Musli m world . I n a telephon e conversation monitore d b y the FBI , Shawarb i tol d Bett y Shabaz z tha t Mal colm woul d hav e a lo t t o do i n assistin g hi m upo n hi s retur n t o the Unite d States. Shawarb i looke d forwar d t o "collaborating " wit h Malcolm , an d h e shared hi s drea m o f buildin g a n Islami c Cente r i n th e hear t o f Ne w Yor k City. Malcol m coul d eve n tou r wit h hi m t o rais e funds , Shawarb i sug gested.22 However , i t seems that Shawarbi , lik e the rest of the Muslim world , had a n agend a tha t di d no t entirel y overla p wit h tha t o f Malcol m X . Mal colm ha d ever y intentio n o f promulgatin g Islam , bu t h e ha d n o intentio n whatsoever o f abandonin g th e struggl e tha t wa s inseparabl y boun d u p wit h his religious identity . While Malcolm' s Musli m brethre n seeme d generall y optimistic , o r a t least kep t thei r criticis m withi n privat e circles , on e Musli m fro m th e Eas t increasingly sharpene d hi s attac k o n Malcol m X i n 1964-65 . Abdu l Basi t Naeem, formerl y Malcolm' s clos e associate i n th e Nation , ha d continue d t o act a s all y t o Elija h Muhamma d despit e growin g oppositio n t o th e "Blac k Muslims" b y orthodo x Muslims . I n Jun e 1964 , whe n Malcol m X bega n aggressively t o repor t Elija h Muhammad' s sexua l indiscretion s t o the media , the Natio n hel d a rall y i n Ne w Yor k City' s 142n d Stree t Armor y i n whic h Muhammad appeared . Shortl y afterward , Muhammad Speaks feature d a n open lette r o f thank s fro m "th e Messenger " t o th e Harle m community , a s well a s th e apparen t transcriptio n o f Naeem' s speech . Ther e wa s n o doub t that Naeem's faithful suppor t was once again being enlisted t o add legitimac y to th e Nation' s Musli m claims ; bu t i t wa s als o clea r tha t Naee m (eithe r voluntarily o r b y direction o f Elija h Muhammad ) engage d i n som e delicat e oratorical surger y i n orde r t o clos e th e woun d lef t b y Malcolm' s brea k an d the subsequent charge s against Muhammad . After praisin g Elija h Muhamma d a s a grea t teacher , reformer , therapis t and individua l o f "sterling qualities," Naeem note d the current "crisis" facing

Religious Revolutionist • 24 3 the Nation . Declarin g i t hi s dut y t o atten d th e rall y t o spea k out , Naee m noted hi s intention o f discussing the remova l "of an individua l fro m th e roll s of the Natio n o f Islam wh o once serve d a s an importan t aid e to The Honor able Elijah Muhammad. " At no time was Malcolm mentione d b y name, bu t the referenc e wa s clea r a s Naee m proceede d t o advis e hi s Harle m audienc e "not t o fre t ove r th e wind s blowin g awa y a smal l splinte r fro m th e superb * super-structure o f th e Natio n o f Islam. " Thi s "splinter " wa s obviousl y "no t properly attached o r firmly connected wit h th e main body, " Naeem declare d to hi s listeners , "an d you r fine Hous e ma y wel l b e bette r of f withou t suc h loose pieces! " Naee m als o warne d th e audienc e t o refrai n fro m "idl e talk, " which i n th e contex t o f the "crisis " raised b y Malcol m X was apparently a n attempt to quell an y further discussio n o f the several cases of Elijah Muhan > mad's illegitimat e paternity . Naeem' s final admonitio n wa s tha t Harlem' s Muslims no t b e "carrie d awa y b y th e romanc e an d apparen t attractio n o f things 'Eastern / " This wa s probably a sincere expressio n o n hi s part . How ever, i t was obviously als o convenient t o countering Malcolm' s famou s Haj j declarations i n th e "Hol y World, " an d t o preservin g Elija h Muhammad' s parochial vision . That summer Naee m continue d t o speak out on behalf of Elijah Muham mad i n Muhammad Speaks, 23 bu t i n earl y 196 5 i t becam e impossibl e fo r Naeem t o avoi d addressin g th e Malcol m issu e i n a n over t manner . Sinc e Naeem ha d worke d har d t o appoint himsel f a s a kind o f liaison betwee n th e Nation an d som e leader s i n th e Musli m worl d (Naee m di d no t clarif y wh o these leader s were) , h e wa s being querie d fro m abroa d regardin g hi s contin ued support of the Nation i n light of Malcolm's conversion t o Sunni Islam — not t o mentio n th e oppositio n o f Elijah' s ow n son , Akba r Muhammad , t o the Nation' s teachings . However , Naee m probabl y graspe d th e occasio n t o again len d hi s support t o Elija h Muhammad , wh o ma y have fel t threatene d when i t becam e clea r tha t Malcol m X ha d bee n authorize d a s a n officia l Muslim representativ e by Al-Azhar University . In tw o differen t issue s o f Muhammad Speaks in Februar y 1965 , Naee m addressed th e issu e o f Malcol m X i n vivi d terms . "Speakin g specificall y o f Malcolm X, " Naee m announced , " I ca n safel y state , havin g studie d hi s motives, mood s and move s as carefully an d closel y a s circumstances permit ted m e during th e pas t thirteen months , I find him positivel y undeservin g of and unfi t fo r th e rol e o f a Musli m leade r i n America , whic h h e undeniabl y fancies fo r himself." 24 Thi s was , amon g othe r things , a n arrogan t statemen t for Naee m t o make , especiall y give n tha t Malcolm' s rol e a s a Musli m leader was hardly fanciful afte r hi s studies and recognitio n a t Al-Azhar. Thi s

244 • Religious Revolutionist statement ma y als o reflec t a certai n disdai n tha t h e ma y hav e fel t towar d Arab Muslims , t o whic h h e ha d allude d befor e th e audienc e a t th e 142n d Street Armory . I n an y case , th e self-appointe d Pakistan i Musli m spokesma n suggested tha t Malcolm' s recen t associations—perhap s wit h whit e social ists—proved tha t h e wa s a traito r eve n t o hi s Ara b an d Musli m " Veil wishers' abroad. " Naee m furthe r state d tha t i f Malcol m coul d endur e eve n nominally a s a Muslim , i t would no t b e due t o personal strengt h bu t rathe r to hi s "previou s training " unde r Elija h Muhammad . Finally , i n a graceles s display o f mud slingin g tha t wa s typical o f the Nation' s attack s o n Malcol m at th e time , Naee m concluded : "Thos e o f us who kno w o f the dubiou s an d unimpressive mora l backgroun d o f Mr . Malcol m Littl e nee d no t forge t tha t if i t wer e no t fo r th e Honorabl e Elija h Muhammad , ou r ne w champio n o f Afro-American Unit y might—b y hi s ow n admission—stil l b e a pimp. " Naeem als o attacke d Akba r Muhamma d i n th e sam e article , bu t onl y b y expressing great regre t that Elija h Muhammad' s ow n so n lacke d th e wisdo m to avoid, "eve n b y implication," supportin g Malcolm' s "viciou s campaig n o f belittling and slanderin g the Messenger. " In a n articl e publishe d onl y day s before Malcolm' s assassination , Naee m rounded ou t hi s previou s attac k b y declarin g hi s readines s t o mee t an y challenger, whethe r Easter n o r Western , wh o woul d dar e t o oppos e Elija h Muhammad. Naee m recounte d objectivel y tha t Malcol m ha d originall y been remove d fro m hi s pastora l positio n a t Mosqu e No . 7 , an d tha t hi s request for reinstatemen t ha d bee n rejected . Seemingl y blind t o the Nation' s hostile act s towar d Malcolm , however , Naee m conclude d tha t Malcolm' s recent attacks on Elija h Muhammad' s characte r were purely acts of "desperation an d o f deliberat e an d wilfu l vengeance. " Finally , Naee m state d tha t Malcolm ha d don e irreparabl e damag e b y sowin g "seed s o f dissension, " and wa s therefor e guilt y o f "immens e disservic e t o th e caus e o f ou r sacre d faith (Islam)." 25 Naeem's hars h treatmen t o f Malcolm X demonstrates hi s own conceptio n of th e Musli m mission . First , i t ma y b e that , a s a Pakistani , Naee m fel t privately critica l o f the stron g Arab orientatio n i n th e religiou s leadershi p o f the Muslim world . I f this was the case, i t makes his treatment o f Malcolm X all th e mor e disappointing , since—a s a Sunn i Muslim—Malcol m wa s also apparently concerne d tha t non-Ara b (especiall y African ) Muslim s no t b e relegated t o a secondary leve l of importance. Second , i t seems that, whateve r Naeem stoo d t o gai n financially fro m hi s associatio n wit h th e Nation , hi s personal loyaltie s were with th e black community i n the Unite d States . Thi s makes Naeem , again , a most unlikely criti c of Malcolm X , wh o was propos-

Religious Revolutionist • 24 5 ing a progra m o f genuine activis m an d progressiv e politic s o n behal f o f th e black community . Instea d o f supportin g Malcolm' s Musli m Mosqu e an d OAAU organization s (a s h e ha d supporte d Nasser' s movemen t i n Egypt) , Naeem remaine d loya l to the decidedly nonpolitical, cultic , an d conservativ e program o f Elija h Muhammad . Fo r whateve r reasons—personal , religious , or economic—Naee m clun g t o Elija h Muhamma d an d condemne d Mal colm X . However , thoug h Naee m ha d departe d fro m th e Musli m nor m i n rejecting Malcolm , h e did shar e with the orthodo x a lack of appreciation fo r Malcolm's continue d commitmen t t o the politics of black liberation . For hi s part, Malcol m ha d hardl y misle d th e Musli m worl d int o thinkin g that h e woul d confor m t o thei r conceptio n o f a missionary . Fro m th e first exuberant declaration s o f his Hajj, t o his studies in Saud i i n the late summer of 1964 , Malcol m ha d neve r stopped talkin g about the struggle of his people, and h e ha d certainl y neve r suggeste d tha t hi s rol e a s a tru e Musli m woul d minimize tha t struggle . Malcol m ha d turne d th e occasio n o f hi s Cair o address befor e th e Shubaa n Al-Muslimee n int o a theo-political declaration , calling fo r bot h th e triump h o f Islam an d th e globa l struggl e o f the Musli m world against the oppression o f African Americans . Malcolm's lette r fro m Mecc a i n Septembe r 196 4 also spok e o f forgettin g "politics and propaganda, " and approachin g th e racia l problem "a s a Huma n Problem whic h al l o f us as human being s ar e obligated t o correct." Eve n i n speaking t o the officia l a t the Unite d State s Embass y i n Jedda, Malcol m ha d repeatedly use d th e wor d "humanism " t o describ e hi s philosoph y o f rac e and racia l relations . H e wa s clearl y evidencin g a ne w theolog y o f racia l reconciliation—one tha t too k a s a given a single huma n rac e rathe r tha n a black-white racia l dichotomy . However , Malcol m wa s no t implyin g b y thi s an abandonmen t o f the struggle , no r a willingness t o minimiz e th e realitie s of his people's racial oppression. I n short, hi s religious "change did not imply that Malcolm' s politica l understandin g ha d become less radical/' 26

19 Fighting i n th e Wa y o f God Ym speaking now from what I think.

One write r wh o observe d Malcol m X ver y closel y outsid e o f the Unite d State s recalle d tha t h e "wa s a very explicit man , an d hi s analysi s of th e spiritua l an d materia l conditio n o f hi s peopl e wa s nothin g i f no t searing i n it s objectivit y an d explicitness. " However , th e searin g analysi s of Malcolm' s politica l thought , al l to o ofte n excise d an d appropriate d b y revolutionists, mus t b e rese t int o th e framewor k o f Malcolm' s religio n an d spirituality i f it is to be fully understood . Malcolm fundamentall y perceive d religio n a s a wholistic experienc e tha t "included ever y aspec t o f one' s life—economic , politica l an d social. " Tha t he gre w frustrate d b y th e "narro w confines " o f th e Natio n i s n o surprise . After th e Hajj , Malcol m declare d tha t Elija h Muhamma d no t onl y taugh t "hate," bu t h e offere d "somethin g tha t i s unobtainable." Malcol m sai d fur ther, " I believ e th e blac k ma n need s somethin g more . I tr y t o sho w m y followers ho w they can get something more." 1 Getting "more " fo r blac k peopl e mean t rea l political , social , an d eco nomic strategies , whic h exclude d th e "pie-in-the-sky " nonpolitica l stanc e o f Christians an d th e imaginar y exodu s promised b y Elijah Muhammad . Eve n in th e first week s o f hi s independence , Malcol m tol d a Musli m Mosqu e 246

Fighting in the Way of God • 247 audience: " A preaching o r a gospel i s no bette r tha n it s ability t o be carrie d out i n a manner tha t will make it beneficial t o the people who accept it." He decried an y kin d o f gospel tha t di d no t "d o somethin g fo r yo u an d m e righ t here, righ t now. " "I n th e past, " Malcol m concluded , "mos t o f the religiou s gospels that you and I have heard hav e benefitted onl y those who preach it. " Malcolm believe d implicitl y tha t Isla m wa s the kin d o f gospel tha t coul d provide fo r th e concern s o f the here-and-now . Indeed , eve n wit h th e accep tance o f orthodoxy , Malcol m neve r seem s t o hav e reproache d Elija h Mu hammad fo r havin g negate d th e "hereafter " i n hi s teachings . However , h e did inser t a commen t i n hi s autobiograph y regardin g th e Nation' s nihilisti c view o f death : " I wa s t o lear n late r tha t Mr . Muhammad' s teachin g abou t death an d th e Musli m funera l servic e wa s i n drasti c contradictio n t o wha t Islam taught in the East." 2 Although h e later accepted the Qur'an's teaching s on lif e afte r death , i t wa s characteristi c o f Malcol m X to weig h a religion' s integrity accordin g t o it s presen t value , no t it s futur e rewards . Thus , Mal colm tol d on e interviewer : The religion of Islam actually restores one's human feelings—human rights , human incentives—his talent. I t brings out of the individual all of his dormant potential, I t gives him the incentive to develop to be identified collectivel y in the brotherhood of Islam with the brothers in Islam. 3 Besides th e obviou s autobiographica l connotation s o f thi s descriptio n o f Islam, i t i s clea r tha t Malcol m believe d i t wa s a wholisti c religio n tha t presented collectiv e as well as individual opportunitie s to "restore" humanity. This wa s significan t fo r tw o reasons : Isla m coul d b e collectivel y applie d t o the conditio n o f th e Africa n America n community , an d consequentl y th e struggle of African American s would becom e a relevant issue to the "brother hood o f Islam." In thi s light, i t is clear that Malcolm's challeng e to a Muslim audienc e i n Cairo, t o make the principles o f the Qur'an a "living reality," was not simple rhetoric. H e believe d tha t i n orde r fo r Isla m t o be realize d a s i t i s presented in th e Qur'an , i t ha d t o b e fleshed ou t i n socia l an d politica l actio n tha t harmonized wit h th e spiritua l claim s mad e b y Muslims . "Th e Musli m World i s force d t o concer n itsel f fro m th e mora l poin t o f vie w i n it s ow n religious concepts, " Malcol m wrot e afte r th e Hajj , "wit h th e fac t tha t ou r plight clearly involve s the violation o f our human rights." He continued : The [Qur'an ] compels the Muslim World to take a stand on the side of those whose human right s ar e bein g violated , n o matte r wha t th e religiou s persuasio n o f th e

248 • Fighting in the Way of God victims are . Isla m i s a religio n whic h concern s itsel f wit h th e huma n right s o f all mankind, despit e race , color , o r creed . I t recognize s al l (everyone ) a s part o f one Human Family. 4 Malcolm's intention , apparently , wa s t o sugges t tha t eve n thoug h muc h o f the African America n communit y wa s considered t o be Christian, th e Mus lim world was nevertheless obligated t o "take a stand" for their human rights . Thus, i n Malcolm' s thought , i t wa s insufficien t fo r Islami c advocate s t o claim thei r religio n wa s a transracia l fait h i f they wer e no t als o prepare d t o intercede for human right s across all boundaries of race and religion . In a presentatio n o n racis m mad e lat e i n Januar y 196 5 a t Dartmout h College, Malcol m declared : "W e mus t approac h th e proble m a s human s first, and whateve r els e w e ar e second . . . . I t i s a situatio n whic h involve s humans no t nationalities. I t is in this frame o f reference tha t we must work. " This wa s again reflectiv e o f the "humanism " an d "huma n problem " theme s he had introduced whil e in Saudi. Malcolm' s appeal here was not to humanism i n th e sens e o f secula r philosophy , bu t rathe r t o a theisti c humanis m mandated b y th e Qur'an . Malcol m believed , therefore , tha t th e Qur'ani c paradigm fo r dealin g wit h issue s lik e racis m an d injustic e wa s a theisti c philosophy of human rights . Quite contrar y t o the theistic theme s o f the civil right s struggle, however , Malcolm steadfastly maintaine d tha t the Qur'an's humanism di d not rule out the us e o f jus t forc e agains t injustice . I n a n intervie w a t Dartmouth' s radi o station, Malcol m wa s aske d i f th e us e o f forc e agains t injustic e coul d b e avoided an d perhap s replace d b y a "mor e peacefu l weapon. " Malcol m un doubtedly recognize d tha t th e studen t interviewer' s sincer e inquir y reflecte d the popula r nonviolen t philosoph y o f th e day . H e calml y reasone d i n re sponse: "I f a peacefu l weapo n coul d b e use d t o correc t th e situatio n I' d b e as muc h fo r i t a s anybod y else . Bu t I' m a realist , an d I'v e watche d thi s 'peaceful' approach." 5 Malcolm pointe d ou t t o th e student tha t th e Unite d State s governmen t never used a "peaceful" approac h i n dealing with it s enemies, "no t when he r interests are at stake." He emphasized tha t blacks, therefore, wil l also react as all humans do when thei r interests are at stake. When th e student interviewe r asked Malcol m i f this teaching was consistent with Islam , h e responded : The Qur'a n says , "Figh t agains t thos e tha t fight against you. " This i s what I love about the—thi s i s one o f the thing s tha t I love abou t th e Musli m religion . It' s a religion of peace, but at the same time you see the intelligence of it, because it says,

Fighting in the Way of God • 24 9 "Fight agains t thos e wh o fight against you"—don' t initiat e act s of aggression; don't attack people indiscriminately. Bu t at the same time the religion o f Islam gives one the right to fightwhen he's fought against. 6 Interestingly, Malcolm' s first inclination wa s to admit tha t wha t h e love d most about Isla m wa s its tolerance o f self-defense. H e seems to have checked himself i n orde r no t t o giv e th e impressio n tha t self-defens e wa s th e onl y appeal Isla m ha d fo r him . Give n hi s religious training i n childhood , an d hi s mother's reverenc e for Jesus as a prophet (but not as a divine figure), it would seem tha t Isla m ha d othe r religiou s attraction s fo r him . However , tha t th e Qur'an sanctione d physica l struggl e a s "fightin g (o r striving ) i n th e wa y o f God" was a central facto r i n Malcolm' s belief that Islam wa s able to "restore" human dignity . It appears that Malcolm' s appreciatio n fo r thi s Qur'anic precept—an d hi s desire t o contextualiz e i t i n th e cas e o f th e blac k struggle™wa s a tende r issue, nevertheless . I n particular , i t seems that certai n Musli m official s wer e put of f b y Malcolm' s imag e a s a "violent " revolutionist , an d tha t som e wh o should hav e know n bette r wer e troubled b y Malcolm's medi a imag e an d hi s continued commitmen t t o the black struggle in the Unite d States . As early as the Hajj , Malcolm' s friend , Dr . Mahmou d Shawarbi , expresse d sentiment s that perhap s assume d a bi t to o muc h o f Malcolm' s conversion . A n inter viewer fo r th e Washington Post noted : "Dr . Shawarb i appeare d confiden t that Malcol m woul d abando n hi s cal l fo r Negroe s t o ar m themselve s an d form rifl e clubs . H e also predicted Malcolm' s political organizatio n wil l grow because whites may join. " Shawarbi no t onl y expresse d hi s belie f tha t al l peopl e shoul d b e abl e t o join th e Musli m Mosqu e (which wa s characterized a s a political movement) , but that Malcolm shoul d g o about things "quietly and Islamically " so that his movement woul d grow . Shawarb i conclude d o f Malcolm : "I n thi s wa y h e will b e servin g hi s whol e country , hi s ow n grou p an d hi s ne w religio n an d setting a goo d exampl e o f a tru e Musli m fo r th e America n people." 7 How ever, Shawarb i coul d no t hav e create d a mor e misleadin g impressio n abou t the "new " Malcolm X . Indeed , i t i s possible tha t thi s and othe r "optimistic " statements b y religiou s an d politica l well-wisher s contribute d t o the trouble some notio n tha t Malcol m ha d undergon e som e sor t of transmutation whil e in Mecca . Probabl y for this reason, i n the initial weeks of his return fro m th e Hajj an d Africa , Malcol m X repeatedl y correcte d thi s assumptio n i n inter views.

250 • Fighting in the Way of God When on e journalist aske d Malcol m t o compar e th e outloo k o f his "for mer self" with hi s new approach, h e responde d directl y to the question's im plications: There has been no metamorphosis. Travel broadens your scope. My conclusion afte r getting outside the country and looking back was that most Negro leaders and Negro organizations are too selfish, organization-wise , and can't see the problem outside the context of their organizations. . . . I think that my scope was broadened sufficientl y to enable me to work with anybody for a solution to the problem.8 Malcolm wa s apparentl y tryin g t o mak e hi s interviewe r cognizan t o f th e difference betwee n a broadenin g o f hi s understandin g an d an y notio n o f "metamorphosis." Hi s breadt h o f understandin g allowe d Malcol m t o main tain hi s "Musli m continuity " an d th e blac k struggle . A "metamorphosis " explanation, however , represente d th e earlies t attemp t t o reinterpre t Mal colm X—a n approac h tha t ha s become standar d i n th e popula r explanatio n of his conversion t o Sunni Islam . Shortly afterward , Malcol m mad e th e sam e correction , usin g th e sam e terminology, i n anothe r interview . A s a result , th e journalis t note d tha t Malcolm's "conversatio n . . . indicated tha t he still regards the white man as the Negroes ' No . 1 enemy an d tha t hi s futur e cours e wil l b e t o fight tha t enemy." Indeed, h e added: "No 'metamorphosis' resulted from hi s pilgrimage to Mecca , Malcol m said . H e remain s inflame d ove r th e America n Negro' s condition an d think s onl y a revolutio n wil l correc t it." 9 Eve n thoug h vio lence wa s the "las t thing " the blac k ma n wanted , Malcol m stated , "h e mus t protect himself. " H e explaine d furthe r that , eve n thoug h h e ha d abandone d the Nation' s racia l anthropology , h e wa s no t relinquishin g hi s belie f i n th e diabolical natur e o f racism i n the Unite d States : Anyone . . . min d you , I am sayin g anyon e . . . wh o overtly , intentionally , an d knowingly deprives another of his human rightfs ] is a devil. I said anyone who does this is a devil. And, i f he consciously, knowingly and intentionally deprives the man of knowledge that will enable him to correct his condition, h e is a double devil. And this devil has to go.10 Similarly, i n Malcolm' s mor e publicize d televisio n intervie w wit h Mik e Wallace o n Jun e 8 , 1964 , h e furthe r emphasized , "I'v e broadene d m y scope—travel broaden s you r scope , i t gives you a wider understanding. " H e added tha t his experiences amon g college students, "eve n a s a Black Musli m . . . showe d m e tha t the y wer e genuinel y concerned—som e weren' t genu inely concerned—bu t man y o f them were . An d thi s element i s increasing. "

Fighting in the Way of God • 25 1 When Wallac e pointe d ou t tha t thi s represente d " a considerabl e chang e o f opinion," Malcol m responde d tha t i t was not s o muc h a change o f opinio n as it was his ne w freedo m t o articulate hi s ow n thoughts . "Formerl y I spoke for Elija h Muhammad . An d everythin g I sai d was , 'Elijah Muhamma d teaches u s thu s an d so / I' m speakin g no w fro m wha t I think , fro m wha t I have seen , fro m wha t I hav e analyzed , an d th e conclusion s tha t I hav e reached." It seem s tha t Malcol m endeavore d t o demonstrat e tha t whil e hi s brea k with Muhamma d wa s genuine, an d hi s thinkin g wa s no longe r hindere d b y his former commitmen t t o th e Nation , h e stil l ha d a legitimate cas e agains t whites i n th e Unite d States . Malcol m likewis e remonstrate d tha t hi s experience i n Mecc a wa s onl y a broadenin g o f hi s scope—tha t i t entaile d a widening o f his vision an d a clarification o f his focus a s it already ha d been . He ha d no t evolve d o r metamorphose d int o a ne w creature—Malcol m ha d always considere d himsel f bot h a Musli m an d a n activis t i n th e caus e o f black people . "Progressiv e program s an d idea s wer e i n Malcolm' s natura l makeup," his sister Ella Collins recalled . "H e inherited it. " Malcolm wa s subjecte d t o furthe r scrutin y an d criticis m o n th e par t o f Muslim leaders , particularl y whe n a n abridge d versio n o f his autobiograph y was publishe d i n th e Saturday Evening Post. Th e article , T m Talkin g t o You, Whit e Man, " raise d a goo d man y orthodo x eyebrow s i n th e Musli m world an d greatl y disturbe d Malcol m X himself . Th e articl e eve n irritate d Dr. Shawarbi , wh o called Bett y Shabaz z t o ask why Malcolm—~wh o wa s in Egypt—had reveale d s o man y storie s fro m hi s earlie r life . H e complaine d that certai n "ambassadors " from th e Eas t ha d querie d hi m abou t Malcolm' s character, whic h force d Shawarb i t o explai n tha t Malcol m "ha d n o on e t o guide hi m whe n h e wa s young. " I n defens e o f he r husband , Bett y pointe d out that Malcolm's autobiographical wor k originated while he was still within the Nation , an d therefor e merite d som e changes . Sh e als o reasone d tha t when Malcol m "wa s a Blac k Musli m he told bad things about himself to make Elijah Muhammad look good and give himself no credit for anything. " It seem s tha t Bett y Shabaz z realize d wha t man y reader s o f Malcolm' s story hav e no t sinc e understood : The Autobiography of Malcolm X wa s fundamentally shape d a s a vehicle for religiousl y enhancin g bot h th e Natio n and Elija h Muhamma d himself . Th e fact that Betty felt he r husband wen t so far a s to deprecat e hi s ow n rol e i n th e Natio n underscore s th e fundamenta l honesty o f Malcolm' s autobiograph y an d hi s testimon y o f havin g ha d th e utmost fait h i n Elija h Muhammad . Fortunately , Shawarb i wa s most under standing, an d assure d Bett y tha t th e Qur'a n taugh t tha t "sometime s th e ba d

252 • Fighting in the Way of God things ar e good. " Perhaps , Shawarb i added , Malcolm' s brea k wit h Elija h Muhammad ha d "al l turne d ou t t o b e a blessing for Malcolm. " I t undoubt edly ha d bee n a blessing t o Malcolm . However , i t was equally a blessing t o Shawarbi's missionar y goals , an d h e probabl y continue d t o anticipat e tha t Malcolm woul d com e his way, "quietl y and Islamically." 11 In Cairo , Malcol m wa s disturbed b y the copie s o f the Post article sen t to him b y hi s wife , bu t hi s reason s wer e differen t fro m thos e o f hi s Musli m friends an d critics . O n Septembe r 16 , 1964 , Malcol m wrot e t o Alex Haley , gently reproving him fo r not updating the article "to fit my present thinking." Malcolm wa s disturbed b y a number of details that misrepresented hi s actions toward famil y an d towar d blac k peopl e i n general , an d h e fel t tha t thi s onl y gave " 'take-off material " to the editor s o f the Post, who ha d inserte d a very biased editoria l abou t him i n the same edition. Malcolm wa s particularly concerned , however , tha t Hale y properl y pres ent th e maturatio n an d broadenin g o f his thinking , an d tha t h e no t presen t him i n the post-Hajj perio d as thinking of whites in the terms of the Nation : The only time [the book] should have me referring to them as devils is when it is in the context (and period) dealing with the time when that is what I was teaching. But it shoul d remai n onl y i n that context. Th e en d o f th e boo k shoul d no t hav e m e (speaking in the 1s t person and in the present tense) still referring to them as devils.u Malcolm emphasize d tha t "time tenses" ha d t o b e use d i n hi s stor y i n order t o kee p hi s word s an d thought s properl y contextualized . "Thi s i s very important," h e underscored . "An d thi s i s the onl y thin g abou t the book tha t I absolutely insis t upon. " Beyond th e issue s raise d i n th e publicatio n o f hi s autobiography , Mal colm's mor e seriou s concer n wa s reserve d fo r wha t seem s t o hav e bee n a n emerging conflic t o f interes t betwee n hi s politica l progra m an d tha t o f hi s missionary-minded Musli m associates . Throughou t hi s las t months , Mal colm ha d no t onl y develope d th e revolutionar y progra m o f th e OAAU , bu t he ha d refuse d t o bac k awa y fro m hi s politicall y activ e Musli m stance . I n December 1964 , Malcol m showe d anythin g bu t "quiet " inclination s i n hi s approach t o Islam. On Decembe r 3 , 1964 , i n fact , Malcol m wa s invite d t o participat e i n a debate a t th e Studen t Unio n o f Britain' s Oxfor d University . Th e them e was clearl y politica l an d controversia l an d wa s base d o n th e proposition , "Extremism i n defens e o f libert y i s n o vice , moderatio n i n th e pursui t o f justice i s no virtue"— a statemen t tha t ha d bee n mad e previousl y b y forme r U.S. presidentia l candidate , Barr y Goldwater . Malcol m too k on e o f th e

Fighting in the Way of God • 25 3 positions i n defense o f the statement, skillfull y puttin g i t in the context of the African America n struggle . In hi s presentation , Malcol m emphasize d hi s belie f i n Isla m an d hi s fulfillment o f al l th e requirement s o f th e religion , includin g th e Hajj , H e then demande d tha t sinc e th e syste m o f the Unite d State s wa s based "upo n the castration o f the black man," none of the current legislative or civil rights programs could wor k to bring meaningful change . Malcol m charge d tha t the U.S. governmen t showed eithe r its inability or unwillingness "to do whatever is necessar y t o protec t lif e an d propert y wher e th e blac k America n i s con cerned." Therefore, Malcol m concluded , becaus e African American s realiz e this, we ar e no t huma n being s unles s w e ourselve s ban d togethe r an d d o whatever , however, wheneve r i s necessary [sic] t o see that ou r live s and ou r propert y i s protected. An d I doubt that any person in here would refuse t o do the same thing were he in the same position—or I should say were he in the same condition.13 Malcolm mad e othe r stop s and speeche s whil e i n England , on e o f which was befor e thre e hundre d Musli m student s i n London' s Malaysi a Hal l o n December 5 , 1964 . Durin g hi s addres s Malcol m ha d occasio n t o refe r t o Martin Luthe r King , Jr. , whos e visi t t o Englan d happene d t o hav e over lapped wit h hi s own . A reporte r fo r th e Manchester Guardian note d tha t Malcolm wa s "barbedl y generous " t o th e nonviolen t Christia n leader . "I'l l say nothing agains t him," Malcol m declared . "A t one time th e whites i n th e United State s called him racialist , a n extremist, an d a Communist. The n th e Black Muslim s cam e alon g an d th e white s thanke d th e Lor d fo r Marti n Luther King. " Th e journalis t conclude d tha t Malcol m seeme d "relaxed , mellifluous an d reasonable"—hardl y th e stereotyp e o f Malcolm X that pre vailed i n th e media . Hi s backhanded complimen t continue d wit h th e state ment tha t Malcol m "ha s th e assuranc e o f Dr. Bill y Graha m an d detail s ar e swamped b y th e powerfu l generalitie s o f hi s message . An d n o on e shoul d doubt the power. " To b e sure, th e "power " of Malcolm's presentatio n wa s not revolutionar y rhetoric, no r wer e hi s activis t Musli m sentiment s withou t action . Whil e Malcolm wa s in Africa o n his second tou r of 1964 , he actually made an offe r to an OAU delegate to raise an army of African American s to assist in driving out whit e mercenarie s fro m th e Congo . Hi s pla n fo r a n "Afro-America n Freedom Brigade " went a s fa r a s th e recruitmen t o f on e hundre d black s by the OAA U t o fight i n wha t Malcol m anticipate d woul d b e a n "Africa n revolution." Bac k in Ne w York City, i n Decembe r 1964 , Malcol m arrange d

254 • Fighting in the Way of God for Musli m Mosqu e member s t o joi n OAA U member s i n a protest demon stration a t the Unite d Nations . Accordin g to an FB I source, the theme of the demonstration wa s t o urg e th e Unite d Nation s t o "tak e actio n agains t th e United State s for crime s committe d agains t the American Negr o all ove r the United States. " Malcolm X wa s n o doub t awar e tha t hi s revolutionar y activitie s an d reputation di d no t appea l t o the conservative element s o f the Musli m world . Certainly, h e understood tha t religious affiliations tende d t o bridle the movements o f th e free-spirit— a lesso n h e ha d learne d earl y fro m hi s mother , Louise. I n Ma y 196 4 Malcolm tol d a television audienc e that "usually whe n you're working with a religious group or within a religious framework, you'r e already i n a positio n t o b e i n constan t oppositio n to othe r peopl e whos e religious persuasion happen s to be different." Th e kinds of tensions Malcol m had know n whil e i n th e Natio n wer e intens e an d inhibitive . Bu t hi s ne w place i n th e Musli m worl d was , apparently , no t withou t som e oppositio n from certai n Muslim s with a different "religiou s persuasion." 14 This i s mos t clearl y evidence d i n Malcolm' s correspondenc e wit h Sai d Ramadan, th e director-genera l o f th e Islami c Centr e i n Geneva , Switzer land. I n a lette r o f Januar y 11 , 1965 , Malcol m responde d t o Ramadan' s invitation t o come and speak at the Centre, statin g that it "is always a blessing to b e abl e t o tel l th e worl d wha t ALLAH an d ISLA M ha s [sic] don e fo r m e and fo r ou r peopl e her e wh o hav e accepte d i t i n America. " Malcol m men tioned hi s attempt s t o "reorganize " th e Muslim s "int o Tru e Islam " sinc e returning fro m hi s secon d trip , a s well a s the oppositio n h e wa s facing fro m the Nation . Malcolm note d tha t Elijah Muhamma d woul d eve n us e murder to oppose this effort , an d tha t th e Nation' s animosit y wa s aime d especiall y a t him , which mean t h e was not only busy i n hi s Muslim endeavor s bu t "quite busy just tryin g t o sta y alive" Apar t fro m thes e issues , Malcol m note d tha t th e Saudi vice-ministe r o f foreig n affairs , H . K . Sayyi d Oma r El-Saghaf , ha d failed t o follow throug h wit h a promise t o provide the Musli m Mosqu e wit h finances for rentin g a "suitable" place of worship. "I f we had stronge r suppor t from th e Muslim world, " Malcolm complained , "i t would b e very easy for us to spread True Isla m her e in the country." 15 It is possible that the inadequacy o f "support from th e Musli m world " that Malcolm lamente d was , i n part , du e t o hi s continue d revolutionar y stance , his activitie s an d statement s i n Africa , an d hi s obviou s intentio n o f makin g his ow n way—i n contras t t o th e mor e conservativ e expectation s o f certai n

Fighting in the Way of God • 25 5 Muslim colleague s an d benefactors . I t i s als o likel y tha t th e paucit y o f financial assistanc e offere d t o Malcol m an d th e Musli m Mosqu e resulte d from politica l expedienc y o n th e par t o f Saudi s an d other s wh o feare d offending th e U.S . government . I n an y case , i t seems that certai n leader s in the Musli m worl d simpl y di d no t understan d o r sympathize wit h Malcolm' s militant black struggle. Just prior to his assassination, i n fact, Malcol m X was preparing a lengthy correspondence t o Ramadan . I n i t h e answere d a numbe r o f question s Ramadan ha d aske d wit h regar d t o th e wor k o f th e Musli m Mosque . Mal colm's letter assured the director-general tha t the "sole interest" of his organization wa s t o "hel p und o th e distorte d imag e w e hav e helpe d sprea d abou t Islam." I n th e sam e answer , Malcol m apparentl y fel t constraine d t o defen d his politica l agend a t o Ramadan , pointin g ou t tha t hi s othe r organization , the OAAU, wa s established "i n a white racist society" to unite blacks "regardless of religious affiliation." 16 The sevent h questio n tha t Malcol m wa s to answer , however , wa s clearly critical o f hi s politica l stance . "Ho w coul d a ma n o f you r spirit , intellec t and worldwid e outlook, " aske d Ramadan , "fai l t o se e i n Isla m it s mai n characteristic, fro m it s earliest days, as a message that confirms beyon d doub t the ethnological onenes s and quality of all races, thus striking at the very root of the monstrosity o f racial discrimination^]" Assuming that this unwarranted rebuk e was probably hurtfu l t o Malcolm , his respons e was nevertheless patien t an d self-assure d i n tone . H e responde d that bein g a n Africa n American , h e fel t hi s "firs t responsibility " wa s to "my 22 millio n fello w Blac k American s wh o suffe r th e sam e indignitie s becaus e of their colou r a s I do." Further, Malcol m state d tha t h e did no t believ e hi s "personal problem " wit h racis m coul d b e solve d unti l i t wa s solve d fo r al l African Americans . H e the n returne d th e strok e t o Ramadan , albei t gently : "Much t o m y dismay , unti l no w th e Musli m Worl d ha s seeme d t o ignor e the problem o f the Black American, an d mos t Muslims who come here fro m the Musli m Worl d hav e concentrate d mor e effor t i n tryin g to convert whit e Americans than Blac k Americans." 17 At thi s point , however , Malcolm' s word s t o Ramada n assume d th e styl e of a lectur e abou t th e failur e o f th e Musli m worl d t o proselytiz e i n th e African America n community . Switchin g t o an agricultura l metaphor , Mal colm tol d th e director-genera l o f th e Musli m Centr e tha t "farmin g efforts " should b e concentrate d o n "th e mos t fertil e soil"—an d sinc e white s ha d largely proven unresponsiv e to Islam, Malcol m scolded ,

256 • Fighting in the Way of God I should think the Muslim World would realize that the most fertile area for Islam in the West is the Black American. This in no way implies discrimination o r racialism, but rathe r show s tha t w e are intelligen t enoug h t o plan t th e Goo d See d o f Islam where it will grow best . . . later we can "doctor up" or fertilize the less fertile areas, but onl y afte r ou r Cro p i s alread y well-plante d i n th e hear t an d min d o f thes e Black Americans.18 Unrelenting, Malcol m broadene d th e discussio n t o Musli m attitude s to ward Africa , an d towar d educatio n i n general . H e blame d th e failur e o f Muslim educator s t o allo w non-Musli m African s t o becom e advance d be yond thei r Musli m peers , an d h e note d tha t "Musli m religiou s leader s o f today nee d a mor e well-rounde d typ e o f education. " H e als o wrot e tha t unlearned Musli m leader s kep t thei r peopl e equall y unlearne d s o a s t o dominate them . "The y kee p th e peopl e narrow-minde d becaus e the y them selves ar e narrow-minded. " Thes e disturbin g limitations , Malcol m noted , were particularl y impose d o n women—a n unfortunat e fact , sinc e h e als o found tha t th e position s o f wome n i n Africa n an d Middl e Easter n nation s tended t o typify th e general condition s i n those countries. Malcolm als o advised Ramada n tha t Musli m educator s ha d t o reevaluat e and clearl y spel l ou t th e Musli m positio n o n education , especiall y fo r women, an d follo w thi s up with a vast program. Malcolm' s Garveyit e natur e was clear i n hi s insistenc e tha t Afric a wa s his "Fatherland," an d tha t h e was primarily intereste d i n seein g th e continen t "fre e o f outsid e politica l an d economic influenc e tha t has dominated an d exploite d it. " Finally, Malcol m underscore d tha t give n th e "almos t inseparable " rela tionship of the Arab image with the "Image of Islam," the Arab world ha d "a multiple responsibilit y tha t i t mus t liv e u p to . Sinc e Isla m i s a religio n o f Brotherhood an d Unit y thos e wh o tak e th e lea d i n expoundin g thi s religio n are duty-boun d t o se t th e highes t exampl e o f Brotherhoo d an d Unity. " T o assure this , Malcol m tol d Ramada n tha t th e SCI A i n Cair o an d th e MW L in Mecc a ough t t o hol d a religiou s "summit " t o promot e solution s t o "th e present pligh t o f th e Musli m World. " H e close d wit h a prophetic-style d threat, warnin g Ramada n tha t i f the leadershi p o f the Musli m worl d di d no t assert itsel f i n thi s matter , "othe r forces " would ris e t o remov e thei r "Powe r Centres," placing them elsewhere . "ALLA H CAN EASIL Y DO THIS." 19 Malcolm's answer s an d comment s t o Sai d Ramada n highligh t tw o im portant points . First , the y reaffir m tha t i n som e quarter s o f th e Musli m world, Malcol m X wa s completel y misunderstood , i f no t disliked , becaus e he insiste d o n pressin g th e issu e o f white racis m an d th e struggl e o f Africa n Americans. Malcolm' s criticis m o f the Muslims' partiality towar d white s was

Fighting in the Way of Cod • 25 7 not a new observation o n hi s part: he ha d alread y levele d tha t charge agains t his orthodox Musli m critic s while he was in the Nation , It i s interestin g tha t Dr . Shawarb i ha d admitte d t o Bett y Shabaz z tha t a Muslim colleagu e i n Ne w Yor k Cit y wa s no t onl y critica l o f Malcolm , bu t was no t happ y abou t lettin g "anyon e o f ever y rac e becom e Muslims"— a private admission tha t no t all of the Muslim brotherhoo d wa s as "colorblind" as Malcolm ha d declared the m to be. I t seems, then, tha t the Muslim world' s outreach i n th e Wes t ha d generall y falle n int o th e sam e racia l ru t tha t European Christian s ha d s o deeply engrave d int o th e religiou s landscap e o f the Unite d States . Second, thes e comments to Said Ramadan cas t greater light on Malcolm' s gentle innuend o i n The Autobiography of Malcolm X tha t "th e Arab s ar e poor a t understandin g th e psycholog y o f non-Arab s an d th e importanc e o f public relations. " No t onl y wer e the y to o passiv e i n thei r missionar y hopes , said Malcolm , bu t the y didn' t understan d "th e outsid e world." 20 Howeve r in Malcolm' s mor e explici t comment s t o Ramadan , h e show s tha t thi s "outside world" so misunderstood b y the Arabs also included Africa an d othe r non-Arab countries, eve n those that had Musli m populations . The failur e t o reach ou t to their non-Ara b brethren, especiall y i n terms of educational programs , kep t these peoples limited i n their development. Mal colm did no t say so specifically, bu t there is a sense that he recognized a kind of Arab hegemony—th e statu s qu o o f Arab dominatio n tha t confine d non Arab Muslim s t o second-clas s citizenshi p i n th e Musli m world . Certainl y this wa s the cas e wit h "th e outsid e world " o f women, whic h th e patriarcha l Muslims faile d t o perceiv e a s bein g ke y t o progress , eve n i n thei r ow n Muslim societies . Al l i n all , i t appear s tha t Malcolm' s privat e comment s t o Said Ramada n serv e as an importan t complement , an d eve n a corrective, t o his mor e publicize d missionary-oriente d declaration s abou t th e "Hol y World." At the individua l leve l o f his religiou s experience , i t seems tha t Malcol m likewise approache d Isla m i n a manne r distinctl y hi s own . A s such , i t i s possible t o se e tha t i n term s o f th e las t stag e o f th e "religiously " Muslim , Malcolm X had indee d recovere d "childhood' s bes t attitudes." Perhaps thi s is illustrated i n hi s letter writte n fro m Saud i t o a New York Times journalis t i n September 1964 , whe n Malcol m openl y proclaime d hi s friendshi p wit h people fro m man y differen t religions , includin g atheist s an d agnostics . I n that warml y humanis t moment , Malcol m wrote : "It takes all thes e religions " among othe r huma n difference s "t o mak e th e Huma n Famil y an d th e Hu man Societ y complete."

258 • Fighting in the Way of God This statemen t migh t see m awkward—an d eve n contradictory—whe n set agains t Malcolm' s theo-politica l presentatio n befor e th e Shubaa n Al Muslimeen. There , Malcol m ha d declare d befor e a n audienc e o f Muslim s that h e fel t "duty-bound " t o fight fo r th e advanc e o f Islam , "unti l al l th e world bow s befor e Allah. " Th e question , then , i s ho w i t coul d be—i n Malcolm's understanding—tha t al l th e world' s religion s togethe r mad e hu manity "complete," while at the same time Islam had to overtake all other religions. Perhaps th e bes t wa y t o approac h thi s questio n woul d b e first t o not e examples o f Malcolm' s persona l approac h t o advancin g Islam . Michae l Abdul Malik , a Caribbean-born blac k activist, me t Malcolm whe n h e visited England i n 1965 . Malik , wh o was not ye t a Muslim, recalle d tha t Malcol m spoke o f th e Qur'a n a s the "wonderfu l book " i n whic h wer e answer s t o an y problem. Anothe r ma n wh o was profoundly touche d b y Malcolm's persona l faith wa s Hakim Jamal , a n ex-Natio n membe r wh o recalle d a dangerous trip to Lo s Angele s tha t Malcol m mad e i n a n attemp t t o hel p tw o o f Muham mad's former secretaries . Durin g that visit, Malcol m urge d Jamal no t to turn from Isla m altogether , bu t onl y t o tur n fro m Elija h Muhammad . "I t ca n help you, brother—believ e me , I know this to be true." Finally, Davi d Graha m D u Boi s wa s likewis e deepl y impresse d wit h Malcolm's religiou s sincerity . D u Boi s recalle d tha t Malcol m spok e o f religion i n genera l a s a way of putting mora l "blinders " on peopl e to keep them from goin g astray . Subsequently , D u Boi s incorporate d hi s meeting s wit h Malcolm int o a historica l nove l abou t Africa n America n expatriate s i n Cairo—a stor y tha t lean s quit e obviousl y towar d autobiography , an d whic h presents almost photographic vignettes of the private Malcolm X. Du Boi s recount s Malcolm' s discussion s wit h hi m i n Cairo , wher e Mal colm i s t o hav e tol d hi m tha t h e woul d provid e Islami c instructio n t o hi s followers i f they desire d it : "But n o on e wil l b e force d t o adop t Isla m o r t o follow the Moslem teachings . Ideally , those who do follow Isla m will provide an exampl e o f hig h mora l behavio r a s well a s dedication t o ou r peopl e tha t will wi n other s t o Islam. " D u Bois' s Malcol m displaye d a serenit y "tha t dominated ever y aspec t o f hi s perso n i n al l th e grea t an d smal l situations. " Determined t o correct the errors he ha d committe d a s Muhammad's spokes man, Malcol m assure d D u Boi s tha t h e believe d Alla h woul d hel p hi m "travel the right road. " Du Bois' s recollectio n i s strengthene d b y a n Egyptia n intervie w wit h Malcolm, whic h too k place i n Cair o durin g th e sam e time. Here , Malcol m said hi s name , Shabazz , signifie d hi s religiou s determination , implyin g h e

Fighting in the Way of God • 25 9 would no t b e misle d "fro m th e righ t pat h o f Islam." 21 I n discussin g hi s personal religiou s life , D u Bois ' Malcol m als o says : "Fo r m e religio n . . . Islam . . . ha s bee n lik e a harness , a guid e t o ho w I shoul d behave . Yo u know the lif e I led befor e I found th e Nation . Everybod y knows . I needed t o be reine d in . I needed guideline s . . . limit s beyon d whic h no t t o go. Isla m provides thes e fo r me." 22 Th e Malcol m X who emerge s fro m thes e variou s recollections i s hardl y th e intens e proselytize r tha t th e Musli m worl d ma y have preferred. Still , h e was a devout believer, an d on e who did no t hesitat e to shar e hi s religiou s experienc e wit h others . Malcol m obviousl y perceive d his religio n a s a strong mora l safeguard , an d a system o f controls tha t coul d both maintai n an d repai r th e huma n condition . Fo r Malcolm , Isla m wa s "a Way of Living . . . a guidance, [and ] an uplifting Direction. " The fac t tha t Malcol m coul d spea k o f al l th e world' s religion s a s bein g necessary t o "mak e th e Huma n Famil y an d th e Huma n Societ y complete, " does no t negat e hi s persona l commitmen t t o th e advancemen t o f Islam . Indeed, i n autobiographica l reflection , Malcol m share d hi s belie f tha t on e day Arabic woul d b e "the mos t powerful spiritua l languag e o f the future" — words that coul d hardl y b e mistaken fo r religiou s compromise. H e was, afte r all, a believing Muslim. Hi s witness in thi s regard was constant i n hi s publi c presentations an d interviews , suc h a s his speec h a t th e Harvar d La w Schoo l Forum i n Decembe r 1964 : "I'm a Muslim , whic h means tha t I believe i n Allah, th e sam e Go d tha t man y o f yo u woul d probabl y believ e i n i f yo u knew mor e abou t Him . I believ e i n al l o f th e prophets : Abraham , Moses , Jesus, Muhammad. " Yet i f on e characteristi c distinguishe s Malcolm' s approac h t o Islam , i t i s that h e appears to have been ver y comfortable wit h religiou s variety. Specifi cally, h e seem s t o hav e perceive d al l th e world' s religion s a s enjoyin g a certain legitimacy , base d no t i n th e correctnes s o f thei r theologies , bu t i n their interrelatednes s wit h th e people s an d culture s t o which the y belonged , Malcolm's Isla m thu s evidence d bot h th e basi c religiou s eclecticis m an d th e strong racia l identificatio n o f hi s parents . Bein g a Garveyit e son , i t wa s natural fo r Malcol m X t o vie w religio n primaril y throug h th e len s o f race consciousness; as the son of Louise Little, i t was equally natura l fo r Malcol m to bas e hi s understandin g o f th e Islami c missio n o n eclectic , receptiv e reli gious terms, instea d o f the narrower ground o f religious fundamentalism . In a speech Malcol m mad e i n between hi s two 196 4 trips abroad, h e told a Musli m Mosqu e rall y audience: "As a Muslim, I tell you try and ge t closer to God , believ e i n God , ge t a stron g fait h i n some kind o f [g]o d an d you'l l find tha t it'l l enabl e yo u t o displa y a highe r mora l character. " Drawin g o n

260 • Fighting in the Way of God his religiousl y eclecti c roots , Malcol m seem s t o hav e bee n expressin g hi s belief tha t theism , eve n non-Abrami c theis m ("some kind" o f god) , ha d specific mora l value . Nevertheless , gettin g "closer to," and believin g in God, in Malcolm' s thinking , woul d probabl y stil l mea n believin g i n Allah , th e God o f all the prophets. 23 Thus, eve n withi n th e contex t o f th e Abrami c religions , Malcol m ap peared t o believe that Isla m was the mos t advanced i n it s knowledge of God, a poin t h e di d no t hesitat e t o emphasiz e furthe r i n th e Harvar d address : "Most of you are Jewish, an d you believe in Moses; you might not pick Jesus. If you're Christians, yo u believe in Mose s and Jesus. Well, I' m Muslim , an d I believ e i n Moses , Jesus , an d Muhammad . I believ e i n al l o f them . S o I think I' m 'wa y u p o n you / " 24 Malcolm' s reasonin g befor e hi s Harvar d audience wa s that , a s Jews and Christians , the y woul d embrac e th e Go d o f Islam i f they only "knew more about Him. " In order to do so, however, Jew s and Christian s woul d hav e t o accep t th e Islami c understandin g o f Moses , Jesus, an d Muhammad . Malcolm' s expressio n seem s t o sugges t hi s belie f that Isla m wa s th e mos t progressiv e stag e o f Abrami c monotheism—a n integral clai m o f the Muslim mission. 25 Nevertheless, Malcolm' s "map " o f worl d religion s wa s primaril y draw n along lines of race. Malcol m tol d another interviewer : I can hardl y separate the racial ingredient from an y religion. Whe n you really study them very closely, all of them have their racial characteristics. The Christian religion predominates i n wha t w e know as white Europea n countries . . . . An d eve n you r Buddhist religion , you r Hind u religion—the y follo w alon g a prett y se t racia l pattern.26 To Malcolm , religion s expresse d th e variou s distinctiv e voice s o f humanity , and i t wa s i n thi s religiou s "racia l pattern " that h e recognize d th e totalit y of humanity. "Th e African s ar e returnin g t o Isla m an d othe r indigenou s reli gions," Malcol m happil y declare d i n 1965 . "Th e Asian s ar e returnin g t o being Hindus , Buddhist s and Muslims. " Still, Malcol m fel t tha t o f al l th e world' s religions , Isla m wa s th e mos t flexible an d wa s therefor e abl e t o "jum p over " mor e racia l boundaries — spanning th e continent s beyon d th e reac h o f Buddhism, anothe r prominen t Dark Worl d religion . Indeed , Malcol m added , "Isla m ha s mad e it s inroad s into countrie s tha t i t ha s neve r conquered . It just enters spiritually and conquers." Certainly, Malcol m tol d anothe r interviewer , compare d t o Christianity, Isla m i n Afric a wa s "a ver y powerfu l force " tha t ha d "wo n mor e ac ceptance."

Fighting in the Way of God • 261 It was the idea of "spiritual conquest, " however, tha t appealed to Malcolm the most , an d i t seems likely this was what h e ha d i n min d whe n h e told hi s Muslim audienc e i n Cair o tha t h e felt "duty-boun d t o fight for th e spread of Islam." Since , fo r Malcolm , a n individual' s choic e o f religion wa s "personal business," religiou s conques t coul d onl y tak e plac e o n a spiritua l level : "Mankind's histor y has proved from on e era to another that the true criterio n of leadershi p i s spiritual . Me n ar e attracte d b y spirit . B y power , me n ar e forced. Love i s engendere d b y spirit . B y power , anxietie s ar e created," 27 Clearly, toleration undergirde d Malcolm' s entir e understandin g o f religiou s mission. While hi s "spiri t vs . power " them e ha s ofte n bee n quote d i n socia l o r political contexts , i t i s importan t t o emphasiz e tha t Malcol m wa s speakin g here primaril y i n a religiou s context . Islam , a s Malcol m X understoo d it , could no t be forced upo n people , especiall y thos e dwelling i n differen t land s and cultures . Th e tru e Musli m coul d onl y advanc e hi s religio n b y spiritua l conquest, an d thi s mean t tha t th e Islami c missio n coul d onl y succee d b y setting a n exampl e o f leadershi p tha t wa s attune d t o th e spiritua l value s o f love and justice .

20 Closing th e Boo k J was faithful to that organization, and to that man.

During th e intervie w i n Cair o b y Milto n Henry , Malcol m noted tha t "ver y narrow , backward , almos t childish " attitude s seeme d t o prevent the unity o f African Americans . I n this regard, Malcol m emphasize d what he considered t o be the selfishness o f religious groups: "Any group, an y group tha t can' t wor k with al l othe r groups , i f they ar e genuinel y intereste d in solvin g th e problem s o f th e Negr o collectively—why , I don't thin k tha t that group is really sincerely motivated towar d reaching a solution." Malcolm wa s clearl y makin g a broa d criticis m tha t include d al l majo r black denominations , sects , an d cults . However , i t i s likel y tha t h e spok e these words with th e Natio n i n mind . Throughou t th e last year of his life, i t was impossible for Malcolm t o escape the Nation; when its intrusive presence did no t threaten hi m physically , h e was still haunted b y the religiou s past he shared with Muhammad's Muslims . As to Malcolm's transitio n fro m cul t to orthodoxy, i t had bee n complete d when h e identifie d himsel f with a new group of highly committed members . Those who abandon cult s and enter orthodoxy invariably "close the book" on the past , viewin g thei r forme r religiou s experience s a s temporar y episodes . 262

Closing the Book • 26 3 Invariably, th e ol d vie w i s finally and thoroughl y repudiate d an d "disarme d of its interpretative validity by the individual's ne w faith/ * In makin g the Hajj , Malcol m wa s able to cut himself free fro m hi s forme r religious fait h i n Elijah Muhammad . However , throughou t th e las t yea r o f his life , h e spen t a great dea l o f time talkin g abou t th e Nation , T o b e sure, the hostilit y an d attack s launche d agains t Malcol m an d hi s followers beginning wit h th e evictio n sui t an d endin g wit h th e firebombing o f hi s house—may hav e inflame d him , promptin g som e harshnes s i n hi s state ments. Nevertheless , hi s overal l assessmen t o f the Nation , particularl y fro m the standpoin t o f hi s religiou s thinking , seem s fairl y consisten t i n bot h earlier an d late r comments , an d i n statement s mad e abroa d an d i n th e United States . Malcolm ultimatel y conclude d tha t "what Elija h Muhamma d i s teaching is an insul t to the entire Muslim world , becaus e Islam . . , has nothing to do with color." However, unlik e others who were prepared t o dismiss the Nation as a pseudo-religion, h e emphasize d tha t i t possessed a true religiou s nature . In lat e January 1965 , Malcol m appeare d o n a television progra m i n Chicag o and declared : "N o on e ca n sa y tha t wha t [Muhammad ] teache s i s no t a religion, bu t i t i s no t th e religio n o f Islam . Th e religio n o f Isla m i s base d upon brotherhood. " Malcol m furthe r suggeste d that, give n the lack of understanding abou t Isla m i n th e Unite d States , "i t i s easy for an y phon y o r fake r to com e alon g wit h a concocted , distorte d produc t o f his ow n making , an d say this is Islam." 1 As for the nature of the "concocted" religion o f the Nation was concerned, Malcolm state d that since Elijah Muhamma d ha d failed t o steer his follower s toward traditiona l Islam , th e Musli m worl d ha d rejecte d hi m entirely . A s a result, "I t create d a situatio n wher e w e wer e i n wha t w e calle d a religiou s movement," whic h wa s reall y " a religiou s vacuum. " Unwante d b y th e tru e Muslim world , an d outsid e o f th e Christia n worl d a s well , th e Natio n ha d become a religiou s "hybrid. " Indeed , th e Natio n wa s a "religious-politica l hybrid," alienated fro m th e ver y struggle the y claimed , an d eve r confined t o the sidelines of that struggle. The suppose d militanc y o f the Natio n a s a movement , Malcol m tol d a n interviewer, wa s reall y no t tru e o f th e entir e organization . I t wa s onl y th e New Yor k branc h (an d thu s Malcolm ) tha t wa s militant . Onl y becaus e o f the high-profil e attentio n Malcol m X had receive d fro m th e pres s ha d "ex treme militancy " bee n projecte d ont o th e entir e Nation—despit e Elija h Muhammad's basi c nonpolitica l stance . Eve n thei r "anti-white " reputatio n

264 • Closing the Book was no t s o muc h a politica l fac t a s i t wa s a theologica l doctrine , Malcol m concluded. In contras t t o the pseudo-characteristic s o f the Nation , Malcol m testifie d from persona l experienc e tha t th e movemen t wa s highl y restrictive . I n a n interview published i n the Jamaican Sunday Gleaner, Malcolm reveale d tha t though h e ha d always wished t o visit the Caribbean, h e was not permitted t o do so . "A s a Blac k Muslim , i n th e Blac k Musli m Movement , I couldn't g o because Mr . Muhamma d neve r encourage d hi s followers , a s such , t o g o anywhere. The y were confined righ t here to the shores of America." 2 Elijah Muhammad' s insecur e parochialis m continue d eve n afte r th e supposed ground-breakin g Middl e Easter n an d Africa n tour s tha t h e an d Mal colm ha d take n i n 1959-60 : I went as an emissar y fo r Mr . Muhammad . I n fact, I was the one who set u p the entire trip that Mr . Muhamma d himsel f took. I will say this that the only reaso n I never went back was because Mr. Muhammad wouldn't let me go back. He has never encouraged any of his followers to visit Mecca, or to visit Africa. 3 Apparently, Muhammad' s restriction s serve d t o preven t hi s follower s fro m broadening thei r horizons—whic h woul d hav e inevitabl y mean t th e discov ery o f hi s fault y teachings . Th e teaching s themselve s wer e narro w an d re stricting, an d Malcol m tol d anothe r interviewe r tha t eventuall y "th e young , thinking Muslims " began t o see that Muhammad' s tal k of a separate state for the Natio n wa s n o differen t fro m th e blac k Christia n teaching s the y ha d criticized a s "pi e i n th e sky. " Malcol m an d th e othe r "thinkin g Muslims " apparently bega n t o se e tha t n o effor t wa s bein g mad e t o mak e a separat e state materialize. In fact , according t o Malcolm' s late r reflections , Elija h Muhamma d ha d never actually espouse d a separat e blac k state , an d thu s hi s ideolog y wa s as void o f content a s his "Islam " was void o f authenticity. "Bu t a t n o tim e dk j he eve r ente r int o an y kin d o f activit y o r actio n tha t wa s designe d t o brin g any o f thi s int o existence, " Malcol m concluded . "An d i t wa s thi s lac k o f action tha t le d man y o f the activist s within th e movement t o become disillu sioned an d dissatisfied an d eventually leav e it. " Probably, i n term s o f the Nation' s restrictions , thi s "lac k o f action" ha d wounded Malcol m th e most—especiall y afte r th e 196 2 police attac k o n th e Los Angeles mosque . "Som e o f our brother s go t hurt an d nothin g wa s done about it . Thos e o f u s who wante d t o d o somethin g abou t i t wer e kep t fro m doing somethin g abou t it . S o w e split." 4 Malcol m wa s obviousl y offerin g here a simplifie d versio n o f hi s brea k wit h Muhammad , bu t i t underscore s

Closing the Book • 26 5 the grea t frustratio n h e ha d fel t abou t th e Nation' s stifling , nonaetivis t lead ership. Malcolm tol d an Ebony journalis t that Elijah Muhamma d ha d "agree d to let m e presen t hi m a s th e prophe t an d messenge r o f Allah/ ' I n s o doing , Malcolm recalle d i n another interview , hi s work had virtually become synonymous with th e Nation : "I represented hi m probabl y mor e diligently tha n al l of the res t of his representatives combined. " Indeed, h e added: "I represente d an organizatio n an d organizationa l thinking . Man y o f m y ow n view s tha t I had from persona l experienc e I kept to myself. I was faithful t o that organiza tion and t o that man." 5 Speaking i n a radi o intervie w severa l day s befor e hi s death , Malcol m confessed tha t th e reaso n fo r hi s forme r zealou s labor s o n behal f o f th e Nation wa s his absolute faith i n Elija h Muhammad : There's no t one person wh o is a Muslim wh o believes in Elija h Muhamma d today who believes i n hi m mor e strongly than I did. Whe n I was with hi m I believed i n him 10 0 percent. And it was my strong belief that made me go along with everything he taught. An d I think i f you check back on m y representation o f him whil e I was with him, I represented him 10 0 percent.6 Malcolm characterize d hi s belief as "blind faith " an d admitte d t o the reader s of the Egyptian Gazette tha t h e ha d permitte d himsel f "t o be use d by Elija h Muhammad" t o "make sweeping indictment s o f all white people." Malcol m told hi s ow n follower s tha t becaus e o f hi s absolut e trus t i n Elija h Muham mad, " I didn't try to see him a s he actually was." Consequently, a s Malcolm wrote t o Alex Haley , h e gav e himself t o years of "defending Elija h Muham mad's DEFENSELESS position." 7 The postinvolvemen t phas e i n th e life o f the cult defector i s one of siftin g events an d experiences , separatin g goo d fro m bad . A s a result , voluntar y defectors ofte n defen d certai n aspect s o f thei r forme r organizatio n whil e criticizing others . Thi s kin d o f selectivity an d separatio n o f the mor e highl y valued facet s o f one's membership gives an indicatio n o f careful reflectio n o n the part of the individual. 8 The proces s b y whic h Malcol m selectivel y reflecte d o n hi s involvemen t in the Nation ca n b e observed i n the commentary h e constructed concernin g both hi s brea k wit h th e Natio n an d it s tragi c organizationa l decline . Fo r Malcolm, th e ke y t o understandin g th e unfortunat e deterioratio n o f th e movement require d a n understandin g o f Elija h Muhammad' s contribution s as a mora l an d spiritua l leader , an d hi s subsequen t downfal l Thus , b y imputing a kin d o f spiritua l "golde n age " to th e Nation' s history , Malcol m

266 • Closing the Book was abl e t o selectivel y salvag e aspect s o f hi s ow n experienc e withi n th e movement. Speaking abou t th e Natio n befor e th e OAA U o n Februar y 15 , 1965 , Malcolm declare d tha t i t "was not a criminal organizatio n a t the outset. " It was an organization that had the power, the spiritual power, to reform the criminal. And this is what you have to understand. As long as that strong spiritual power was in the movement , i t gave the mora l strengt h t o the believer that would enabl e him to rise above all his negative tendencies.9 Malcolm emphasize d tha t h e kne w thi s fro m hi s ow n persona l experience , and fro m observin g "thousand s o f brother s an d sisters " who wer e reforme d "overnight, jus t throug h fait h an d fait h alone. " Thi s spiritua l force , then , gave th e Natio n th e "mora l discipline " i t neede d t o becom e a feare d an d respected organization . I n th e sam e radi o intervie w jus t prio r t o hi s death , Malcolm mad e a similar case for the Nation. Whateve r else one might say of the Nation, Malcol m reasone d tha t at one time the organization wa s morally disciplined. "An d ther e wa s that forc e withi n it , whic h wa s a spiritual force , that mad e th e rank-in-fil e on e wh o believed i n i t capable o f abstaining fro m many o f the moral weaknesses." Malcolm ha d apparentl y begu n thi s sortin g proces s muc h earlier , a s ca n be seen i n hi s June 196 4 interview wit h Mik e Wallace, wher e i n th e face of the Nation's mean-spirite d campaig n t o evict him, Malcol m pointe d ou t that the Nation ha d formerly possesse d th e ability "to reform th e morals of the socalled Negr o community, " eliminatin g dru g an d alcoho l abus e an d sexua l promiscuity. Obviously , Malcol m continue d thi s reflectiv e selectivit y unti l the time o f his death. H e did so , i n fact , no t jus t in publi c statement s wher e religion wa s no t th e mai n issue , bu t i n th e mor e demandin g repor t t o the director-genera l o f th e Islami c Centre . I n answerin g Sai d Ramadan' s questions—the las t officia l documen t h e woul d compose—Malcol m like wise maintained tha t the Natio n ha d enjoye d a n "iro n discipline, " as long as belief i n Elija h Muhammad' s "infallibilit y an d hig h mora l character " wa s maintained. I n a speec h h e mad e i n Detroi t o n Februar y 14 , 1965 , Mal colm's reflectiv e selectivit y wen t so far as to point out that hi s own consisten t shirt-and-tie look was "a holdover from th e Black Muslim movement, " which taught it s membership "to be very careful an d conscious " of appearance—" a positive contribution" amid th e Nation's many "liabilities." More interesting was Malcolm's determination t o point out to Said Rama dan wha t h e apparentl y fel t wa s anothe r positiv e contribution—tha t eve n with th e Nation' s decline , thos e wh o wer e leaving the movemen t i n disillu -

Closing the Book • 267 sionment "neve r retur n t o th e church , the y neve r retur n t o Christianity." 10 Thus, b y presenting th e Natio n a s having ha d a genuine spiritua l forc e an d power an d th e abilit y t o mak e endurin g contribution s tha t complemente d Islam, Malcol m wa s able t o select th e aspect s o f the Natio n tha t ha d mean t the mos t to him—thus recoverin g a vestige of integrity from th e wreckage of religious "deviation, " an d likewis e salvagin g hi s ow n religiou s sincerit y i n the process. Malcolm tol d a television interviewe r that he had believed i n the Nation' s divinity mor e tha n Elija h Muhamma d himsel f did , bu t ha d no t realize d i t until Muhamma d "wa s confronte d wit h a crisi s i n hi s ow n persona l mora l life an d h e di d no t stan d u p a s a man. " Malcol m likewis e tol d a reporter : "When I lost my confidence i n Muhamma d a s a person, I began t o reexam ine hi s philosophy, perhap s objectivel y fo r th e first time, an d hi s doctrine— his entire organization an d behavior pattern." "When I ceased to respect him as a man, " Malcol m tol d a Canadia n interviewer , " I coul d se e tha t h e als o was not divine . Ther e wa s no Go d wit h hi m a t all. " Malcolm wrot e to Sai d Ramadan tha t whe n Wallac e Muhamma d expose d hi s fathe r "a s a ver y immoral ma n wh o ha d deceive d an d seduce d seve n o f his youn g secretarie s . . . th e mora l disciplin e o f the entir e movemen t decaye d an d fel l apart." 11 With thi s decay came the decline of the Nation : But after th e rea l faith , th e religiou s side, o r the rea l spiritua l powe r began t o fade from th e Blac k Muslim movement , th e power that use d to enable the brothers and sisters to let their higher tendencies dominate, rathe r than their lower tendencies, it was switched around . . . . S o now you hav e an organize d grou p of people who do not have the moral strength to rise above or contain themselves from falling victim to their own low desires.12 It i s interestin g tha t Malcol m pinpointe d th e declin e o f fait h withi n th e movement a t th e tim e whe n h e personall y learne d o f Elijah's sexua l sin s i n 1963. However , i t seems that Malcolm wa s here applying his own experienc e of religiou s disappointmen t t o th e entir e organization . Elsewher e h e ha d noted tha t th e spiritua l declin e o f th e Natio n ha d begu n a s earl y a s I960 , when Elija h Muhamma d returne d fro m hi s off-season pilgrimag e t o Mecca . When Muhamma d ha d returne d t o th e Unite d States , "th e whol e tren d o r direction tha t h e formerl y ha d take n bega n t o change . An d i n tha t chang e there's a whole lot of other thing s that had com e int o the picture," Malcolm revealed. A t thi s point , Elija h Muhamma d "bega n t o b e mor e mercenary . More intereste d i n money . Mor e intereste d i n wealth , And , yes , mor e interested i n girls."

268 • Closing the Book The referenc e t o "a whole lo t of other things " quite probabl y signifie d th e placement o f Elijah's famil y member s int o position s o f power , whic h Mal colm als o cite d a s a majo r caus e o f deterioration . Thes e assessment s b y Malcolm sho w somethin g o f his own reflection s an d hi s abilit y t o look back and se e tha t th e movemen t ha d actuall y begu n t o declin e befor e hi s "blin d faith" had allowed hi m t o see it. H e knew that "the real rot " had se t in befor e Muhammad wa s exposed ; bu t becaus e Malcol m coul d no t conceiv e o f th e Nation religiousl y withou t Muhammad , h e tende d t o cente r it s actua l de cline a t th e poin t whe n h e cam e t o terms wit h Elija h Muhammad' s imper fection.13 On Februar y 15 , 1965 , speakin g abou t th e Natio n befor e a n OAA U audience, Malcol m announced : "I , fo r one , disassociat e mysel f fro m th e movement completely . An d I dedicat e mysel f t o th e organizin g o f Blac k people int o a group tha t ar e intereste d i n doin g thing s constructive , no t fo r just on e religiou s segmen t o f th e community , bu t fo r th e entir e Blac k community."14 Thi s wa s Malcolm' s wa y o f emphasizin g th e OAAU' s ne w "action program, " but i t was also a sober assessment of the Natio n a s he now perceived it . Malcol m realize d tha t th e Natio n ha d becom e " a machine " that killed , maimed , an d crippled , " a crimina l organization " dominate d b y nepotism, greed , an d self-interest . "Muhamma d i s the man, " Malcol m tol d a reporte r fo r The Village Voice, "with hi s house i n Phoenix , hi s [expensive ] suits, an d hi s harem. H e didn't believ e i n th e blac k state or getting anythin g for the people." 15 Just as Malcolm di d no t approach thi s analysis painlessly, h e likewise had not don e s o withou t holdin g himsel f responsibl e whil e als o attemptin g t o redeem th e Nation . I n th e summe r o f 1964 , Malcol m tol d a journalis t i n Cairo tha t h e wa s "launchin g a campaig n agains t th e falacie s [sic] that dominate th e Musli m communit y i n America. " Tha t campaign , accordin g to Malcolm, entaile d convincin g member s o f the Natio n "tha t Islam i s not a religion o f taxes, an d tha t the y hav e not got to pay for saying their prayer s in the mosque, a s somebody has misled them. " David Graha m D u Boi s recall s Malcol m X i n Cairo , lamentin g tha t h e once believe d i n Elija h Muhammad ; "bu t m y eyes are ope n now . I'v e go t a lot t o mak e u p for. " H e tol d D u Boi s tha t man y Muslim s ha d believe d i n him once , an d h e ha d le d the m wrong . "I' m no w i n th e hand s o f Allah. " Malcolm tol d a n Egyptian Gazette reporte r tha t h e believe d "th e onl y salvation" for the Natio n wa s Sunni Islam— a hop e tha t he apparently clun g to in hi s preparations fo r the Hajj . Still , th e memory o f his painful departur e from th e Natio n wa s vivi d i n hi s mind : " I can' t tel l yo u wha t i t wa s lik e t o me to lose faith i n him. "

Closing the Book • 26 9 Now tha t h e ha d correcte d an d clarifie d hi s fait h i n Islam , Malcol m announced h e wa s "striving t o live the lif e o f a true Muslim/ ' bein g carefu l "not t o sentenc e anyon e wh o ha s no t first bee n prove n guilty/ * A s fo r th e Nation, Malcol m recognize d tha t th e movemen t ha d "los t tha t indefinabl e energy an d zea l tha t brough t i t to preeminence. Elija h throug h hi s persona l indiscretion ha s reveale d himsel f a s a religiou s fake . I t i s inevitabl e tha t hi s followers wil l fal l away. " Tha t "indefinabl e energy/ ' a s Malcol m calle d it , was not tru e Islam , an d ye t it was a religious force . I t was the concoctio n o f a faker , a ne w religio n tha t Malcol m X no w realize d ha d use d biblicall y laced explanation s i n a manner typica l of a "religious cult/ ' As to his own work , Malcol m X' s mission wa s no less religious i n charac ter. Bu t instea d o f dependin g o n a cultic , end-of-the-worl d solution , h e emphasized activism . "W e mus t begi n t o fight back/' Malcol m explaine d t o students at Dartmouth College . "Thing s hav e gone beyond th e point that we can answe r the m wit h religiou s action." 16 "Elija h believe s tha t Go d i s going to com e an d straighte n thing s out, " Malcol m tol d student s a t Tuskege e Institute on Februar y 3 , 1965. But whereas Elijah i s willing to sit and wait, I'm not willing to sit and wait on God to come. If he doesn't come soon, it will be too late. I believe in religion^ but a religion that include s political , economic , an d socia l actio n designe d t o eliminate som e of these things, and make a paradise here on earth while we're waiting for the other, l7 Malcolm X had no w truly close d th e book on hi s Nation years . Th e ma n h e had onc e adore d a s th e "Messenge r o f Allah," th e "Hol y Apostle/ ' an d th e "Honorable Elija h Muhammad " wa s no w simpl y "Elijah. " Th e "religiou s action" o f Muhammad' s progra m becam e inadequate . Th e visio n o f Fard' s coming kingdom wa s irrelevant. Several weeks before his death, Malcol m appeare d on a Chicago television program, answerin g question s abou t hi s forme r involvemen t i n th e Natio n and hi s subsequent conversion t o Sunni Islam . Conversatio n le d to comparisons between th e Natio n an d th e KKK , an d th e program' s hos t asserte d tha t the two organizations were fundamentally equa l insofa r a s "racial hatred" was concerned. Malcol m differed , insistin g tha t th e Kla n wa s inseparabl e fro m white society , whic h ha d "absolutel y faile d t o fulfil l it s promis e fo r twenty two millio n blac k Americans. " The Nation , Malcol m concluded , wa s onl y "the resul t o f the failur e o f a society, o f the hat e tha t exist s i n th e America n society." Malcolm X could no t escape the themes of racism and racia l violence that had surrounded hi m sinc e infancy . A s Marcus Garvey had onc e insiste d tha t the Kla n wa s inseparabl e fro m whit e society , s o Malcol m X likewis e re -

270 • Closing the Book minded white s tha t they wer e responsibl e fo r bot h th e KK K an d blac k separatist groups. Malcol m emphasize d that , a s a Muslim, h e di d no t judg e people by skin color , bu t still ha d t o face th e fac t that brotherhood wa s not a reality i n th e Unite d States . " I have to take a stand tha t i s uncompromising," Malcolm X concluded, "o n th e sid e o f m y people , agains t an y perso n tha t stands i n th e wa y of our bein g recognize d an d accepte d a s human being s i n the same context with all of humanity." Now Malcol m X ha d hi s ow n religiou s philosophy , perhap s inevitabl y similar t o tha t o f Marcu s Garvey , whos e religio n "wa s concerne d primaril y with essentials." 18 Fo r Malcolm , religiou s issue s wer e abov e al l thos e tha t pertained t o th e live s an d struggle s o f his peopl e livin g o n thi s sid e o f paradise. I t is no wonder, then , tha t in the final chapter of his autobiography, Malcolm compare d hi s childhoo d meditations o n "Hector' s Hill " wit h hi s revelations i n Mecca . Fo r Malcol m X , th e religio n o f the prophet s an d th e religion o f his parents were very much th e same.

EPILOGUE

Now He's Gon e Once you are dead your troubles are over. It's those living that are in trouble.

In 1965 , th e Audubo n Ballroo m stoo d betwee n tw o distinc t neighborhoods. Sout h o f th e ballroo m wa s a blac k an d Puert o Rica n are a where peopl e live d i n jamme d apartmen t houses , lef t unoccupie d afte r whites fled fro m th e uppe r Manhatta n are a t o th e Riverdal e sectio n o f th e Bronx an d beyond . Nort h o f th e ballroo m wer e th e "old-tim e tenants, " including man y ethni c an d religiou s groups . Th e Audubo n wa s situated o n 166th Street , bordere d o n th e wes t b y Broadwa y an d o n th e eas t b y St . Nicholas Avenue . Runnin g nort h an d south , thes e avenue s mee t jus t nort h of the ballroom and then diverge again—framing th e Audubon i n an unusu ally shor t block . Name d afte r a thoroughfar e i n Manhattan , th e ballroo m was only an indirect namesake of John }. Audubon, th e famous ornithologist . By the tim e Malcol m X used i t fo r hi s organizationa l rallies , th e Audubo n was alread y old ; i t ha d see n bette r days . Still , thos e wh o attende d dance s there ha d learne d t o ignor e th e sickl y green colo r o f the wall s and it s naked light fixtures. The surroundin g neighborhoo d likewis e learned t o tolerate the Audubon; nobody seemed t o mind th e uproa r created wheneve r dances were over and peopl e spilled noisily onto the streets. The structur e wa s comprised o f two second-floo r ballrooms , th e smalles t 271

272 • Epilogue of whic h wa s th e Ros e Room , wit h a capacit y fo r 57 5 people . I n contrast , the Audubo n Gran d Ballroom , wit h roo m fo r 1,50 0 people , boaste d th e largest dance floor in Ne w York City. Upo n enterin g the main entranc e int o the small, first-floor vestibule, peopl e could eithe r walk up one flight of steps or tak e a n elevato r t o th e mai n lobby . Fro m th e lobby , the y coul d ente r either on e o f th e tw o ballrooms , passin g first throug h a loung e area . Th e Grand Ballroo m wa s line d wit h booth s o n eithe r sid e o f th e room , an d it s small stag e was of sufficient dept h t o accommodate theatrica l performances . The ampl e floor space of the Gran d Ballroo m allowe d fo r man y seats during conferences; woode n chair s wer e se t u p beforehan d accordin g t o th e prefer ences of the hosting organization . On Sunday , Februar y 21 , 1965 , two events were scheduled fo r the Audu bon Gran d Ballroom : a George Washington' s Birthda y danc e (sponsore d b y a loca l church ) wa s booked fo r tha t evening , precede d i n th e afternoo n b y a rally o f Malcolm' s OAAU . Th e tw o event s couldn' t hav e bee n mor e differ ent, thematicall y speaking . On e celebrate d th e birt h o f the foundin g presi dent o f a natio n steepe d i n whit e supremacy , th e othe r solemnize d th e awakening blac k consciousnes s o f tha t nation' s foremos t victims . Thoug h Malcolm's bloo d wa s spilled o n th e stage of the Audubon tha t afternoon, th e George Washington' s Birthda y danc e apparentl y wen t o n a s scheduled . B y Sunday night , on e journalis t noted , ever y "sig n o f violenc e ha d bee n re moved."1 O f course, h e wa s incorrect: th e back wall o f the stage was pocked by bullets, leavin g marks that scarred th e Audubon a s long as it remained — the engravings o f violent me n tha t too many hav e since exploited i n orde r to buttress their warped account s of the man calle d Malcol m X. Though politicall y an d religiousl y motivate d murder s ar e a s ol d a s th e human race , th e origina l "assassins, " accordin g t o history , wer e Musli m zealots wh o expresse d thei r dissen t throug h violence . Bor n ou t o f th e reli gious an d socia l upheaval s o f th e eleventh-centur y East , th e assassin s use d daggers alon g wit h doctrin e t o oppos e th e dominan t belief s o f th e Musli m world. Apparentl y the y als o attacke d th e militar y presenc e o f Christendom , which relaye d new s o f thes e terribl e assailant s t o Europe , callin g the m assassins—a ter m apparentl y base d o n th e Arabi c wor d fo r "hashis h users. " Whether o r not the original assassins used narcotics to prepare themselves for their terrible work, it is clear tha t they were driven largel y by religious unres t and b y th e desir e t o eradicate thos e wh o represente d th e evolvin g orthodox y of th e Musli m world. 2 I n on e sense , then , Malcol m X wa s trul y assassi nated—murdered b y religiou s dissenters , brutall y an d publicl y assaulte d b y

Epilogue • 27 3 representatives o f a "Muslim " organizatio n tha t refuse d t o submi t t o th e consensus of the Muslim world . Of course , thi s i s onl y on e wa y o f lookin g a t Malcolm' s assassination . Malcolm X was also killed fo r persona l reasons—jealousy , resentment , an d sheer hatre d tha t reverberate d dow n th e chai n o f command fro m th e highes t echelons o f th e Nation . Likewise , fro m th e first moment s followin g th e assassination, ther e ha s alway s bee n goo d reaso n t o believe Malcol m X was targeted b y force s outsid e o f the Africa n America n community , particularl y the government . Now , nearl y thre e decade s afte r hi s death , scholar s an d other assassinatio n theorist s ar e buildin g a substantia l cas e tha t Malcolm' s death was—a t th e ver y least—encouraged , monitored , an d unofficiall y sanctioned b y the surveillanc e community . However , eve n thi s conservativ e evaluation doe s no t answe r al l th e question s tha t hav e bee n raised , particu larly thos e tha t sugges t a n internationa l plo t sinc e Malcol m X ultimatel y represented tw o forces feare d b y the West: worldwide black solidarity an d th e advancement o f Islam. 3 What is absolutel y clea r i s tha t Malcol m X die d i n a manne r totall y foreign t o the intellectual an d religious life he had led both within the Natio n and independently . Despit e hi s former "Blac k Muslim " invocation o f Allah's wrath upo n th e whit e ma n an d hi s late r independen t call s fo r organize d black self-defens e agains t racis t attacks, Malcol m X lived a n essentiall y non violent lif e withou t committin g himsel f t o philosophica l pacifism . Contrar y to al l th e distorted , sensationa l characterization s b y th e press , Malcol m was consistentl y committe d t o dialogue , education , debate , an d religiou s critique—all constructive , civilized , an d acceptabl e form s o f dissen t ac cording to the ideal s of Western culture . When Malcol m X did advocat e th e us e o f physical force , h e maintaine d that suc h a response shoul d b e reserved onl y for those who spoke exclusively the languag e o f brute violenc e an d militarize d racia l domination . Ha d Mal colm X bee n a n advocat e o f shee r racia l "violence " a s th e medi a s o vehe mently portraye d him , h e woul d hav e bee n personall y antagonisti c towar d all whites—whic h h e clearl y wa s not , eve n withi n th e Nation . Further , i n those last , tragi c day s h e demonstrate d hi s willingnes s t o defen d himself , even fro m blac k attackers . Thus , i f Malcol m X was guilt y o f anything , h e was guilty of not being a pacifist, an d of believing in the fundamental huma n right o f self-defense . I n thi s ligh t h e wa s n o les s guilt y tha n mos t patrioti c citizens i n th e Unite d States . Bu t unlike man y o f his critics, Malcol m X had a higher regar d for free speec h an d huma n rights .

274 • Epilogue Malcolm X' s las t moment s wer e recorde d o n tape—no t a surprisin g event, sinc e h e die d i n th e proces s o f givin g a speech . Wha t follow s i s a detailed transcrip t o f that fatefu l moment , a s Malcolm's assistant , Benjami n (Goodman) 2 X (now Karim), conclude d hi s introductory remarks : Benjamin: An d withou t any further ado , I bring before yo u Brothe r Ministe r Malcolm, an d I pray tha t yo u an d I will listen—listen , hear , an d under stand. Than k you . (Malcolm approaches the lectern, with approximately 7 seconds of applause.) Malcolm: Salaa m Alaikum . (Voices from the audience respond: "Walaikum Salaam." From a different part of the ballroom is the shouting of a man, angrily rebuking: "Get your hand out of my pocket!" The sound of chairs overturning. . . .) Malcolm: [In a tense voice] Hol d it , hol d it , hol d it , hol d it , hol d i t [pause]. Hold it , hol d it , hol d it , hol d i t [pause]. Hol d it — (Shotgun blast) "Then tim e stopped, " recalle d Rober t Allen , wh o sa t wit h a frien d i n th e audience. "A n ear-splittin g blast , a flash glimpse d fro m th e corne r o f m y eye." Anothe r membe r o f th e audience , Patrici a Russell , sa w me n a t th e front o f the ballroom stan d u p and fire, and then Malcol m clutche d hi s chest and fel l backward . Malcolm' s wife , Betty , sa w i t too . Russel l recall s tha t Betty crie d out , "The y ar e killin g m y husband! " Eve n a s Malcol m la y dead or dying, th e three assassins kept firing, two with handguns, th e third empty ing th e secon d shel l fro m hi s sawed-of f shotgun . Malcol m probabl y sa w his assassins stand , bu t ha d littl e tim e t o react . H e di d no t hea r th e res t o f th e gunfire, th e cries and shouting, th e crashing of chairs, th e scuffling o f fleeing assassins, o r the screams of his wife. 4 Below the Audubon, o n th e first floor, was a storefront synagogue , wher e a fe w elderl y me n ha d congregate d i n preparatio n fo r prayers . The y hear d the shots . Nex t door , o n Broadway , th e manage r o f th e Sa n Jua n Theate r also hear d th e shots . H e ignore d them , perhap s thinkin g th e sound s ha d come fro m insid e th e theater , wher e a movie , El Padre Pistolas was bein g shown. Bu t shortly, Ne w Yor k City an d th e res t of the worl d becam e awar e of what had transpire d i n the Audubon tha t Sunday afternoon . In Detroit , servic e wa s being conducte d a s usual i n th e Nation' s Mosqu e No. 1 . Durin g hi s sermon , Ministe r Wilfre d X , Malcolm' s brother , wa s apparently interrupte d wit h wor d o f the assassination . A n FB I sourc e i n th e audience reported tha t Wilfred wa s visibly shaken by the news, but proceeded

Epilogue • 27 5 with hi s message . A t th e conclusio n h e announce d wha t ha d happene d t o Malcolm and—hidin g hi s own pain—sought t o comfort th e audience. Afte r all, Mosqu e No . 1—whe n i t wa s stil l "Templ e No . F'—wa s Malcolm' s home congregation . Thi s was where he had starte d ou t as a young parolee in 1952. Man y ther e ha d com e int o th e Natio n becaus e o f Malcolm' s preach ing. "N o sens e i n gettin g emotiona l abou t this, " Wilfre d encouraged , "fo r this is the kind of times we are living in. Onc e you are dead your troubles are over. It' s those living that are in trouble. " Wilfred's controlle d behavio r was wise. Howeve r hurt or even resentfu l h e might hav e fel t towar d th e Nation' s leadershi p i n th e matte r o f his brother' s death, Wilfre d surmise d tha t for the safety o f his family an d himsel f he could not affor d t o expres s eve n th e slightes t criticism . Malcolm' s brothe r Philber t X had alread y take n th e easies t wa y out—h e ha d willingl y cooperate d wit h Mr. Muhammad' s famil y i n publicl y denouncin g Malcol m a s a traito r al most a year before. Wilfred , th e eldest, ha d perhap s always carried th e brun t of his siblings' grief since the loss of their father. H e had apparently remaine d painfully quie t throughout th e period o f Malcolm's silencin g an d durin g th e eleven month s o f his independence , perhap s hopin g that th e wors t could b e avoided. I t could not . No w tha t Malcol m wa s gone, Wilfre d realize d tha t i t was th e livin g wh o ha d th e rea l troubles ; on e wron g wor d o r actio n coul d have easil y brough t th e wrat h o f th e Nation' s zealot s upo n hi m an d hi s family. Wilfre d recognized , a s h e sai d later , tha t h e ha d hi s "han d i n th e lion's mouth." 5 Mosque No . 1 not onl y ha d it s FB I informants , bu t undoubtedl y i t was also infiltrated b y those who would readil y repor t back to Elijah Muhamma d the slightest dissent expressed b y Wilfred. Ye t Wilfred's greates t crisis was yet to come . A week afte r th e assassination , th e Natio n gathere d i n it s annua l convention i n Chicago , an d Wilfre d wa s expected t o attend a s usual. Calle d "Savior's Day, " th e conventio n wa s th e Nation' s theologica l counterpar t t o Christmas, sinc e i t wa s hel d i n celebratio n o f the birt h o f W . D , Fard , th e master and savio r proclaimed i n Elija h Muhammad' s gospel . Elijah Muhamma d ha d alread y pleade d th e innocenc e o f th e Natio n i n the matte r o f Malcolm' s death . I n a pres s conferenc e th e da y afte r th e assassination, Muhamma d declared : "W e hav e neve r resorte d t o n o suc h thing a s violence"— a statemen t tha t wa s eithe r a bold-face d li e or , les s likely, a demonstratio n o f th e elder' s imperfec t knowledg e o f th e Nation' s affairs. Th e curren t issu e o f The Saturday Evening Post, i n fact , carrie d a detailed stor y b y a n ex-Musli m fro m Bosto n wh o no t onl y expose d th e Nation a s a fraud , bu t wh o ha d bee n brutall y beate n b y enforcer s fro m th e

276 • Epilogue Boston mosque . Storie s o f othe r beating s an d killing s wer e beginnin g t o grow, confirmin g Malcolm' s recen t charg e tha t th e Natio n ha d becom e a "criminal organization. " Further , i n th e week between Malcolm' s deat h an d the Savior' s Da y convention , Elija h Muhamma d tol d Chicago's American that Malcol m X was "the mos t open an d stronges t hypocrit e tha t I have ever had amon g m y follower s fo r th e las t 3 3 years . . . h e wante d t o b e the bos s rather than a follower." 6 Elijah Muhammad' s statement s ar e very revealing. Referrin g t o Malcol m X a s a "hypocrite, " accordin g t o th e Nation' s vocabulary , wa s a seriou s charge. Th e "hypocrite " wa s no t a phon y nor , i n th e classica l sense , a n actor. Rather , th e Natio n perceive d "hypocrites " a s schismati c opponents , especially thos e wh o ha d lef t i n orde r t o ope n thei r ow n sectaria n mosques . This notio n o f the hypocrite as schismatic opponen t undoubtedl y date d bac k to th e day s whe n Elija h Muhamma d an d hi s belove d leader , W . D . Fard , fought quit e literall y agains t dangerou s competitor s i n Detroi t an d Chicago . "Hypocrites" had late r force d Elija h Muhamma d int o a period o f wandering and preachin g i n th e earl y days , an d no w h e wa s accusin g Malcol m o f having bee n th e wors t hypocrit e h e ha d face d i n hi s ministeria l career . I t seems to hav e bee n a n inadverten t admissio n of—an d perhap s eve n a rationale for—the Nation' s murderou s assaul t on Malcol m X. The fac t tha t Muhammad excoriate d th e dead Malcol m fo r wanting to be "boss" rathe r tha n "follower " als o suggest s tha t th e elde r ha d com e t o se e Malcolm increasingl y i n th e ligh t of the schismati c factionalis m an d warlik e competition tha t typifie d th e earl y year s o f the Nation . Th e histor y o f cultic black Islam ha s not been a n unbroken chronolog y of apostolic succession bu t a serie s o f factional competition s i n whic h onl y on e leade r coul d ultimatel y become "boss. " It was a system that , i n som e ways, resemble d th e struggle of Mafia don s competing for th e position oicapo di tutti cappi —boss o f all th e bosses. Malcol m X woul d no t b e th e las t "hypocrite " t o challeng e Mr . Muhammad an d pa y dearly for it. Wilfred X attende d th e conventio n i n Chicago , an d foun d tha t h e wa s expected t o spea k publicl y agains t Malcol m befor e th e entir e assembly , an d to d o s o i n term s previousl y spelle d ou t b y Elija h Muhammad . A s Wilfre d recalled later , h e carefull y manage d t o d o otherwise , succeedin g onl y b y refocusing th e attentio n o f th e assemble d blac k natio n upo n th e glor y o f Elijah Muhamma d an d th e infam y o f whites . A s fa r a s Malcol m X wa s concerned, Wilfre d sai d essentiall y wha t h e ha d tol d hi s ow n congregation : "My brothe r is dead, an d ther e i s nothin g w e ca n d o t o brin g hi m back. " Only late r di d Muhamma d realiz e tha t Wilfre d ha d actuall y manage d t o

Epilogue • 277 evade hi s directives . Fo r year s t o come , Wilfre d an d hi s famil y survive d b y such discretion . "I t wa s lik e walkin g int o a snak e pit, " h e remembere d o f his late r encounter s wit h Elija h Muhamma d an d th e Nation' s leadership . Gradually, Wilfre d wa s able to edge his way out of the movement , an d afte r many years left th e Nation's ministry to pursue another livelihood. 7 Of course , th e wee k afte r Malcolm' s death , Elija h Muhamma d ha d concerns o f hi s own . No t onl y wa s Mosqu e No . 7 i n Harle m firebombed and destroye d (i t was supposedly don e by Malcolm's followers , bu t n o arrests were made , an d Malcolm' s follower s den y havin g retaliated) , bu t rumor s were flying tha t Malcolmite s wer e plannin g t o kil l Elija h Muhamma d i n retaliation. Th e foca l poin t o f concer n wa s th e Savior' s Da y convention , since Muhamma d woul d b e vulnerabl e befor e suc h a larg e audienc e i n Chicago's Coliseum . Chicago's American reflecte d thi s concern i n a cartoon entitled "Conventioneer? " that pictured Deat h ( a skeleton i n blac k rob e with a scythe ) millin g int o th e Coliseu m wit h th e res t o f th e attendees . Th e concern ove r possibl e retaliatio n wa s no t jus t i n th e mind s o f th e press ; according t o one journalist , th e entir e Chicag o Coliseu m ha d bee n checke d for bombs b y the polic e departmen t an d woul d b e infiltrate d b y plainclothe s detectives durin g th e meeting—supplyin g th e sam e kin d o f securit y tha t i s provided fo r the president of the Unite d States . This, apparently , di d no t entirel y sooth e Mr . Muhammad' s apprehen sions. O n th e secon d da y o f th e convention , Muhamma d shrieke d ou t a warning befor e a n audienc e o f 2,500 followers : "If you wan t t o snuff ou t th e life o f Elijah , you'r e invitin g you r ow n death. " However , Muhammad' s worst fear s neve r materialized . H e neve r face d an y retaliation , an d durin g the conventio n h e eve n enjoye d th e validatio n o f hi s so n Wallace . Th e younger Muhamma d returne d t o the Natio n afte r hi s own orthodo x Musli m organization ha d apparentl y fizzled. Wallac e ha d no t only left th e Natio n i n favor o f orthodoxy , bu t ha d bee n associate d wit h Malcolm , an d wa s known to have bee n bot h a source o f information an d counse l t o him . I n th e hop e of reinstatemen t int o th e Nation , Wallac e publicl y vowe d h e woul d no w "take orders" from Elija h Muhammad. 8 In general, th e mainstream pres s was much mor e concerned wit h covering the aftermat h o f Malcolm' s assassinatio n tha n wit h th e Nation' s Chicag o convention. Certainly , ther e wa s a multitud e o f editorial s an d article s tha t appeared to gloat over the assassination, harpin g on the supposed inevitabilit y of a violent en d t o such a "violent" life. Th e mornin g after th e assassination , the New York Times editorialized : "H e wa s a cas e history , a s wel l a s a n extraordinary an d twiste d man , turnin g man y tru e gifts t o evil purpose." Still

278 • Epilogue others, lik e the editor of Cleveland's Plain Dealer, tended to be slightly mor e sympathetic towar d Malcolm , "a n apostl e o f violence." Misguided an d bitte r as he was, the editor stated , Malcolm' s trouble d yout h ha d flowered in racia l hatred. Malcol m X had ultimatel y bee n "remove d b y th e ver y tactic s h e s o long espoused," but hi s killers would hav e to be punished "a s a deterrent to a continued us e of force." Som e accounts o f Malcolm's death , suc h a s that i n Newsweek, wer e bot h sarcasti c an d contemptuous . Callin g Malcol m X a "desperado," the articl e note d hi s conversion t o Isla m i n 1964 . "Bu t his own overwhelming talent was still talk; he always followed hi s agile tongue instead of his wasted mind. " Some blac k newspape r editor s perhap s fel t constraine d t o lea n i n th e direction o f th e "apostl e o f violence " image , thoug h mor e ou t o f prudenc e than spite . Omaha' s Black Dispatch feature d a n editoria l tha t spok e of Malcolm a s a preache r o f violenc e an d a s an embittere d blac k nationalist . "W e do no t wan t anothe r Malcol m X, " th e editoria l stated , "fo r h e faile d t o se e any good i n an y white man. " Then i n a somewhat peculia r i f not untenabl e twist of interpretation, th e editoria l sympatheticall y close d b y recallin g Mal colm's "chicken s comin g hom e t o roost " comment afte r th e assassinatio n o f President Kenned y i n 1963 . "W e tak e hi m t o mea n tha t afte r a har d da y scratching fo r th e thing s t o survive , h e ha d com e hom e t o [rest ] fro m th e toils. Malcol m X no w ha s don e jus t that. " Thi s littl e editorial , whil e awk wardly expressed , serve s to illustrate th e feelings o f many African American s toward Malcol m X . Thoug h apparentl y quit e concerne d no t t o offen d whites, th e edito r admire d an d respecte d Malcol m X an d refuse d t o allo w Malcolm's ow n word s t o b e turne d agains t hi m t o th e satisfactio n o f th e whites. Closer t o home , a t th e offic e o f Harlem' s New York Amsterdam News y editor Jame s Hick s coul d hav e care d les s what whit e peopl e wante d t o hea r about the fallen Malcolm . "I f you're looking for some reading material which will hel p yo u rejoic e abou t th e deat h o f Malcol m X , you' d bette r tur n th e page—or bette r stil l loo k fo r anothe r newspaper, " Hick s wrot e durin g th e week of the assassination . Hick s share d hi s deep grief at the loss of his frien d Malcolm X , an d share d wit h reader s a littl e abou t thei r friendshi p an d Malcolm's wor k a s a columnis t fo r th e Amsterdam News. Hick s conclude d that whil e h e di d no t agre e wit h th e Nation' s cal l fo r a separate blac k state , Malcolm ha d don e a n amazin g jo b of rehabilitating man y ex-con s an d dru g addicts i n hi s servic e t o th e Nation . Interestingly , though , Hick s mad e n o comment abou t th e independen t Malcol m X and hi s politica l platform ; h e

Epilogue • 27 9 closed b y saying he hope d tha t th e "secret" of rehabilitating waywar d peopl e "did no t die with Malcol m X. " Even mor e so , th e civi l right s leaders , whateve r thei r persona l feeling s were towar d Malcol m X , waste d n o tim e i n employin g hi s deat h t o under score thei r ow n concerns . I n life , Malcol m X had provide d th e civi l right s leadership a frightenin g racia l scapegoa t t o hol d u p befor e th e public— • knowing that the "Black Muslims" made the civil rights programs seem muc h more palatabl e t o whites . Now , i n death , th e "apostl e o f violence " len t himself on e las t time t o the civi l right s leadership . Dr . Marti n Luthe r King , Jr., state d tha t h e wa s "deeply saddene d an d appalled " a t Malcolm' s death , and observe d tha t thi s societ y wa s "stil l sic k enoug h t o expres s dissen t wit h murder." "Thi s viciou s assassination, " Kin g concluded , "shoul d caus e ou r whole society to see violence an d hatre d ar e evil forces tha t must be cast into unending limbo. " Whitney Young , th e directo r o f th e Urba n Leagu e wh o ha d take n th e heat o f Malcolm' s Natio n criticisms , declare d tha t Malcol m X "is survive d by hi s Harlem , th e ghett o whic h create d hi m an d shape d him. " However , unlike King , Youn g seem s t o hav e gotte n i n a las t hi t a t Malcolm , albei t mildly. " I hav e neve r bee n concerne d abou t Malcol m X i n particula r a s much a s th e frustration , hopelessness , bitternes s an d despai r whic h exist, " Malcolm X , Youn g concluded , "belonge d t o th e past . Hi s drea m wa s for a separate blac k state , fo r tw o nation s withi n one"—a n answe r comin g a century to o lat e fo r "America' s Negr o citizens. " Howeve r inaccurat e hi s assessment, Youn g wa s quit e capabl e o f usin g th e dea d Musli m leade r t o enhance hi s ow n program : "Malcol m X is our victim . . . . I t will no t d o t o condemn th e violenc e whic h kille d him , o r the violenc e h e espoused , unti l we have wiped out the misery and ignoranc e which produce s violence." 9 A somewha t unusua l notatio n regardin g Malcolm' s death appeare d i n Christianity Today, the leading conservative white Evangelical publication — unusual becaus e th e magazin e probabl y ha d neve r mad e an y extensiv e reli gious observation s abou t th e Natio n o r Malcol m X , despit e th e impac t the y potentially ha d upo n th e blac k Christia n community . CT' s write r coul d no t resist pointin g ou t th e "ultimat e irony " tha t Malcolm' s funera l woul d b e conducted insid e a Harlem Christia n churc h eve n though h e was an "Islami c Negro nationalist. " O f course , give n Malcolm' s statu s i n th e Harle m co m munity an d hi s larg e bu t silen t followin g o f blac k Christia n supporter s na tionwide, ther e wa s nothin g ironi c i n th e us e o f a Christian church . Ha d i t not bee n fo r a numbe r o f telephoned bom b threats , othe r Harle m churche s

280 • Epilogue would likel y hav e bee n willin g t o hos t th e solem n occasion . I f anything , CTs arid , encyclopedi c accoun t reflecte d th e indifference o f white Evangeli cals toward blacks in general, a s well as the failure of the premier Evangelica l Christian magazin e t o educate it s readership about black issues . Bringin g up the rea r in matters of race and racial justice , CT typified th e white Evangeli cal movemen t itself ; onl y afte r Malcol m X had bee n literall y blaste d int o eternity di d they sho w eve n sligh t interes t i n the "Black Muslim " phenome non, a religious realit y that was already quite familiar t o their ecclesiasticall y segregated blac k Christian brethren. 10 That Malcol m wa s admired an d appreciate d i n th e black , traditionall y Christian communit y i s no exaggeration. Thi s i s perhaps best typified b y the observations o f on e journalist , wh o went t o Selma , Alabama , shortl y afte r Malcolm's assassination . Malcol m had , i n fact, spoke n i n Selm a onl y thre e weeks before. Th e journalist note d tha t when h e arrived a t the joint office of the Studen t Nonviolen t Coordinatin g Committe e (SNCC ) and the Southern Christian Leadershi p Conferenc e (SCLC) , h e found a sign o n the door tha t read: "Thi s offic e i s in mournin g fo r Malcol m X. " One o f Selma' s leader s made the point even mor e clear : [Malcolm] was very well received. . . . The problem is that many more people agreed with him than wil l admit it. . . . It wasn't fashionable du e to the image people had of Malcolm as a bad thing, a fieryrenegade, a fanatic. Th e press was responsible for this false image. . . . I t is tragic that most people didn't understand the effect h e was having on international relations , the unifying effec t h e was havin g on black people all over the world.11 If on e reactio n t o th e assassinatio n epitomize d thi s distorte d imag e o f Malcolm a s an evi l renegade , i t was that o f the preeminent gossip-monger , Walter Winchell. A week after the assassination, Winchel l published perhap s the most profoundly bigote d and slanted analysi s in his column: "Malcolm X was a victim o f his own exaggeration. H e never reconcile d th e truth wit h his private delusions . H e wa s a pett y pun k wh o pictured himsel f a s an heroi c figure." Winchel l slamme d Malcol m a s a convicted thief , dop e addict , an d pimp wh o preached hatre d an d terrorism . H e wrongl y commente d tha t Malcolm's conflic t wit h th e Nation wa s actually abou t th e movement's vas t real estat e holdings , no t about ideology . Finally , Winchel l mad e th e gratuitous complain t tha t Malcolm' s deat h ha d "receive d mor e newspape r spac e than th e passing o f Nat Kin g Cole , th e gentleman. . . . The Devi l attract s the biggest headlines." Quite unintentionally , o r s o i t woul d appear , Ji m Powel l o f Chicago' s

Epilogue • 28 J New Crusader, writing during the week of the assassination, pu t Winchell i n check. Rathe r tha n contras t Malcol m wit h Na t Kin g Cole, h e paid tribute to both. Powel l wa s apparently i n attendanc e a t a Chicago Christia n churc h a t the tim e th e announcemen t wa s made tha t Malcol m ha d bee n killed . Ironi cally, i t interrupte d a memoria l servic e fo r Na t Kin g Cole , wh o ha d die d earlier tha t sam e month . Writin g warml y o f bot h blac k men , Powel l eulo gized: "Malcol m X , a Blac k Nationalist , the y cal l him , bu t a ma n fighting for a plac e i n th e [s]u n i s wha t I cal l him. " Ha d Malcol m X lived, Powel l continued, h e woul d likel y hav e grow n i n popularit y an d power . "An d d o not thin k on e minut e tha t h e wa s not needed . A s long as America produce s Ku Klu x Klans , Joh n Birchers , Nazi s an d othe r bigote d sects , th e like s o f Malcolm X to meet them o n their own terms i s needed." n While Powell' s thoughtfu l tribut e t o Malcol m an d Col e serve d a s a spontaneous rebutta l t o Winchell's impruden t remarks , i n anothe r journalis tic event, a columnist from th e New York Amsterdam News quite deliberately went abou t counterin g th e disdainfu l commentar y o f anothe r Malcol m X critic. Afte r Malcolm' s assassination , Car l T . Rowan , th e directo r o f th e United State s Informatio n Agenc y (USIA) , wa s apparentl y disturbe d b y a n outpouring o f prais e an d eulog y fo r Malcol m fro m foreig n countries , espe cially African ones . I n a speech mad e before th e Foreig n Servic e Association shortly afte r th e assassination , Rowan , a n Africa n American , complaine d that African reaction s had been based on "misinformation an d misrepresenta tion." Specifically , Rowa n note d tha t on e o f th e tribute s ha d portraye d Malcolm a s a her o t o th e integratio n movement , an d anothe r a s a martyr , Insofar a s the movemen t fo r integratio n wa s concerned, Rowa n wa s correc t to object; but his efforts wen t beyond repairin g misconceptions o f that sort. Rowan outrightl y admitte d tha t h e aske d hi s colleague s i n th e USI A "t o do a n extra-zealou s jo b o f gettin g ou t th e facts , o f informin g th e worl d i n order tha t w e might minimiz e damagin g reaction s base d o n emotion , preju dice an d misinformation. " I n orde r t o d o so , Rowa n openl y referre d t o Malcolm a s a "Negr o wh o preache d segregatio n an d rac e hatred. " Further , Rowan wa s widel y quote d a s sayin g h e coul d no t understan d wh y s o muc h had bee n mad e abou t th e deat h o f a n ex-convic t an d ex-dope-peddle r wh o had become a racial fanatic . Interestingly, on e o f the mos t poignant rejoinder s t o Rowan cam e fro m a white columnist , Gertrud e Wilson , whos e "White-On-White " featur e wa s regularly published i n Harlem' s New York Amsterdam News. Ove r the years, Wilson ha d developed an admiring friendship wit h both Malcol m an d Betty , though largel y throug h telephon e conversations . I n he r column , Wilso n

282 • Epilogue recounted Rowan' s speec h befor e th e Foreig n Servic e Associatio n an d hi s espoused intentio n o f "correcting " supposedl y mistake n assumption s abou t Malcolm X on the part of Africans. Wilson too k particula r ai m a t Rowan' s referenc e t o Malcolm' s youthfu l days a s crimina l an d dru g dealer . "Perhap s th e mos t amazin g thin g abou t Malcolm X is that h e wa s all o f the thing s whic h Mr . Rowa n says—an d h e rose abov e them. " Rowan , Wilso n contended , ha d entirel y misse d wha t Malcolm X represente d t o Africa n Americans . Malcolm' s ne w organizatio n may no t hav e accumulate d a larg e numbe r o f follower s a t th e tim e o f his death , Wilso n said , "bu t th e spiri t o f independen t manhoo d whic h h e epitomized fo r hundred s o f thousand s o f Negroe s wa s somethin g whic h reached out—yes , eve n t o Africa. " Wilso n adde d tha t Malcol m X ha d many admirer s nationwide , openl y an d secretly , an d a t al l level s o f society. Malcolm's frien d the n close d wit h a final jab , effectivel y underscorin g Rowan's flawed assessment: "If Mr. Rowa n does not like what he sees written in admiratio n o f Malcolm X in the African an d Asian press, i t would b e well for Mr. Rowa n t o look homeward fo r an answer." 13 Not al l o f Malcolm's critic s i n lif e remaine d s o hard o n hi m onc e h e was dead. Mos t notabl e wa s th e whit e libera l journalist , Jame s Wechsler , wh o had bee n particularl y shar p i n opposin g Malcol m X in hi s last, independen t year. Wechsle r claime d tha t hi s trouble wit h Malcol m originate d durin g hi s speech before th e Militant Labor Foru m i n New York City on April 8 , 1964 . (At thi s point , th e newl y independen t Malcol m ha d founde d th e Musli m Mosque, bu t h e ha d no t yet made the Hajj. ) Hi s presentation, entitle d "Th e Black Revolution, " wa s mad e befor e a largel y whit e audience , whos e re sponse to Malcolm wa s very mixed. In style , th e intensel y politica l presentatio n wa s a far cr y from Malcolm' s former Natio n sermons , whic h wer e alway s filled wit h biblica l illustration s and allusions. However , Malcol m wa s only amplifying th e black nationalis m he ha d espouse d i n th e Nation ; h e likewis e reiterate d hi s sam e criticis m o f white liberals as phonies who practiced "lip-profession. " What particularl y turne d Wechsle r agains t Malcolm , however , wa s what occurred afte r th e speech , i n th e question-and-answe r period . Accordin g t o Wechsler, a "gentle, gray-haired " white man name d Wil l Lipso n "ros e in th e rear o f th e hal l an d trie d t o touc h Malcolm' s conscience. " Th e elderl y questioner bega n b y askin g whethe r h e migh t cal l Malcol m "brothe r i n the nam e o f humanity. " Malcol m apparentl y agreed—a n interestin g poin t considering Malcol m ha d no t yet made hi s famous pilgrimag e t o Mecca no r proclaimed hi s "universal brotherhood " stance.

Epilogue • 28 3 The elderl y Lipso n the n suggeste d that , unde r Malcolm' s direction , th e entire audienc e shoul d ris e fo r on e momen t i n hono r o f a whit e ministe r who ha d recentl y die d i n a n acciden t durin g a civi l right s protes t i n Cleve land, Ohio . Accordin g t o Wechsler , wh o wa s i n attendance , Malcol m re fused i n a n "ic y tirade. " Wechsle r reporte d th e inciden t i n th e New York Post, quotin g Malcol m a s sayin g h e woul d no t us e hi s energ y "applaudin g the sacrific e o f an individua l whit e man. " Wechsler, wh o first met Malcol m when h e wa s stil l i n th e Nation , conclude d tha t h e ha d previousl y trie d t o understand th e Musli m activis t an d sough t t o avoi d burlesquin g hi m a s a "cosmic joke. " However , afte r th e Lipso n incident , Wechsle r concluded , "Malcolm finally and totall y lost me." 14 Unfortunately, Wechsle r wa s bein g overl y sensitiv e an d ha d take n Mal colm's rebutta l personally—s o personally , i n fact , tha t hi s ow n conscienc e had misse d Malcolm' s point . Actually , Malcolm' s reactio n t o Lipson' s re quest wa s no t me t wit h a n "ic y tirade " bu t wha t appear s t o hav e bee n a passionate reminde r tha t whit e liberal s ough t no t t o allo w thei r individua l sacrifices t o distrac t the m fro m th e overwhelmin g sufferin g o f blac k peopl e worldwide. Wechsle r di d no t repor t tha t Malcol m ha d responde d b y chal lenging th e audienc e t o ris e also i n hono r o f two slain blac k leaders , Patric e Lumumba an d Medga r Evers . Wha t th e whit e civi l rights worker ha d don e was "good," Malcol m concluded . "Bu t the day i s out when you'l l find black people wh o ar e goin g t o stand u p an d applau d th e contributio n o f whites a t this late date." Malcolm als o reminded Lipso n an d th e res t of his audience tha t million s of Africans ha d bee n uproote d an d destroye d i n th e slav e trade, an d tha t th e bones o f blac k peopl e "fertilize d th e soi l o f thi s country. " Actually , Wech sler's belie f tha t Malcolm' s "conscience " neede d t o b e "touched " suggest s a good dea l mor e abou t hi s ow n whit e libera l narcissis m tha n i t di d abou t Malcolm's humanitaria n sensitivity. 15 Unfortunately, Wechsle r wa s no t satisfie d wit h hi s retor t t o Malcol m i n the Post. He prepared a more extensive criticism o f Malcolm fo r The Progressive, whic h appeare d i n Jun e 1964 . O f course , a s fas t a s thing s wer e oc curring i n Malcolm' s life , b y the tim e Wechsler' s articl e appeared , it s criticisms were not only questionable, bu t dated a s well. I n the article, Wechsle r recalled hi s first encounter wit h Malcol m X , sometim e i n 1963 , a s a fello w guest o n th e Barr y Gra y radi o progra m i n Ne w York . Wechsle r recalle d hi s horror a t Malcolm' s hars h denunciation s o f th e "establishe d Negr o leader ship," especiall y th e pionee r activist , A . Phili p Randolph . Accordin g t o Wechsler, Malcolm' s reaso n fo r opposin g Randolp h wa s state d outright :

284 • Epilogue "Randolph fough t Marcus Garvey. " Wechsle r apparentl y ha d n o apprecia tion fo r (o r lacke d awarenes s of ) Malcolm' s famil y root s i n th e Garve y movement. Instead , h e called Malcol m a "self-righteous, self-possessed , self proclaimed youn g savior." In th e same Progressive article , Wechsle r agai n recounte d th e April 196 4 episode a t the Militan t Labo r Forum , an d pointe d ou t that, b y then, Mal colm wa s out of the Nation , bu t "was now more tha n eve r committe d t o a hell-raising rol e i n the civil right s battle." Interestingly, h e revealed wha t he had no t mentioned i n his Post column: Wechsler himself had first raised the issue o f th e dea d civi l right s worke r t o Malcolm , prio r t o th e reques t b y Lipson tha t th e audienc e stan d i n tribute . I n contras t t o Lipson' s gentl e approach, whic h Malcol m honored , Wechsle r ha d apparentl y antagonize d him b y interruptin g wit h comment s tha t pu t Malcol m o n th e defensive . Malcolm, wh o was not easily intimidated, responde d i n kind to Wechsler: We're not going to stand up and applaud any contribution mad e by some individual white person when 22 million black people are dying every day. What [the dead civil rights worker] did—good. Hooray , hooray , hooray . No w Lumumba wa s murdered, Medgar Ever s wa s murdered, m y own father wa s murdered. Yo u tell tha t stuf f to someone else. It's time that some white people started dying in this thing.16 It was an admittedl y hars h response , bu t nonetheless valid—especiall y con sidering the fact that even Wechsler later admitted he had not been "aloof" in his verba l approac h towar d Malcolm . Wechsler' s persona l prejudic e agains t Malcolm ha d obviousl y emerge d durin g tha t meeting , an d Malcol m ha d merely reacte d t o it , albei t strongly . When , afterwards , th e elderl y Lipso n expressed a willingness to call him "brother," Malcolm nevertheles s accepte d the kindnes s an d acknowledge d tha t th e dea d civi l right s worke r ha d don e "good." However , i t wa s apparentl y no t enoug h t o satisf y Wechsler' s wounded pride . H e concluded hi s Progressive articl e b y stating tha t hi s real gripe wit h Malcol m wa s "his alienation fro m realit y an d his attempt t o lead people down a dead-end road. " With Malcol m dead , Wechsle r spok e o f him wit h fa r les s acrimony . I n the Post, he inevitabl y recounte d hi s memorably contentiou s meeting s wit h Malcolm X , bu t added, "Al l that wa s many lon g month s ago. " In tempere d reflection, Wechsle r augure d tha t "riva l historians " woul d someda y recal l Malcolm X i n man y differen t ways , fro m hi s "squandere d genius " an d "messianic inspiration" to his "private gentleness" and "tortured soul. " Wechsler stated hi s belief that "there i s enough i n the record o f his last months on earth t o suggest" that Malcol m hope d t o leave behin d mor e tha n "wil d crie s

Epilogue • 28 5 for revenge " as his legacy . "A s for myself/ ' th e journalist admitted , " I migh t be a wiser man i f I had know n hi m better. " While Wechsler' s analysi s o f th e falle n Malcol m wa s bot h halcyo n an d personal, Jame s Baldwin' s mos t notabl e respons e t o Malcolm' s deat h wa s issued, no t from th e pen, bu t in a public declaration—and i n much broade r terms. Baldwi n ha d apparentl y bee n informe d o f th e assassinatio n upo n arriving i n London , wher e h e ha d gon e t o promot e th e ne w Europea n edition o f hi s novel, Another Country. Whe n reporter s besiege d th e write r for a reaction t o the death o f Malcolm X , h e screame d a t them: "You di d it ! It is because o f you—the me n wh o create d thi s white supremacy—that thi s man i s dead. Yo u ar e not guilty, bu t you did it . . . . Your mills, you r cities, your rape of a continent starte d al l this." 17 Meanwhile, th e stor y o f Malcol m X , whic h ha d begu n i n th e histor y o f black resistance , wa s no w slowl y an d painfull y drawin g t o a clos e i n Ne w York. Te d Poston , anothe r Post journalist, recalle d sittin g wit h Bett y i n th e home wher e sh e wa s stayin g wit h th e children . I t wa s shortl y afte r th e assassination, an d Malcolm' s wido w sa t watchin g th e televisio n reports . When Elija h Muhamma d appeare d o n th e screen , denyin g tha t th e Natio n used violence, sh e scoffed, "S o Elijah Muhamma d n o longer believes in violence." Turning he r attentio n fro m th e television , Bett y recalle d tha t Malcol m "had a very warm relationshi p wit h hi s family." Sh e note d tha t eve n thoug h he ha d mad e tw o lon g trip s oversea s i n 1964 , Malcol m wrot e almos t ever y day. "An d I could alway s expec t a telephone call. " Then sh e adde d sorrow fully: "Th e greatest emptiness i s that I'l l neve r get a letter again; no letter, n o phone call . Th e childre n alway s ask for hi m whe n he' s away. Ho w will I tell them h e won' t com e hom e again? " Gertrud e Wilson , th e whit e journalist from th e Amsterdam News, wa s also there. Sh e recalle d tha t Bett y turned t o speak, he r eye s wid e wit h shoc k an d grief : "They'v e take n hi m awa y fro m me, Mrs . Wilson. " He r voice , th e journalis t late r wrote , "wa s th e soun d of heartbreak. " Later, Betty , accompanie d b y he r attorne y Perc y Sutton , hel d a pres s conference a t George's Suppe r Club i n Queens. "Th e magnitude o f his work will b e fel t aroun d th e world, " sh e tol d reporters . " I thin k h e accomplishe d more tha n ca n b e realize d a t thi s moment. " Wearin g he r gree n clot h coa t throughout th e interview , Betty' s word s turne d agai n t o persona l memorie s of Malcolm: "He loved m e and h e loved the children dearly . . . . That's why I neve r travele d wit h him , becaus e h e neve r truste d anybod y bu t m e wit h the children." 18

286 • Epilogue In th e meantime , Malcolm' s remain s wer e bein g prepare d fo r viewing , not i n Queens , bu t i n hi s belove d Harlem . Afte r th e autopsy , Malcolm' s death certificat e wa s recorded, notin g cause of death as multiple shotgun slu g and bulle t wound s t o th e chest , heart , an d aorta . Th e deat h certificat e bor e only th e nam e o f his mother , Louis e Hele n Little , an d note d tha t Malcol m had reside d i n Ne w York City for thirteen year s (it was actually eleven years). Under th e section , "busines s o r industry, " Malcolm' s professio n wa s simpl y listed as "Islam." In Harlem , Malcolm' s bod y came int o the care of Joseph Hall , th e owne r and directo r o f th e Unit y Funera l Hom e a t 8t h Avenu e an d 126t h Street . During Malcolm' s tenur e a s th e ministe r o f Mosqu e No . 7 , Hal l ha d pro vided funera l servic e fo r member s o f the Nation . A s Malcolm X recalled i n his autobiography , th e Nation' s "Muslim " funera l service s wer e a s unortho dox as the res t o f their theology . N o flowers, songs, o r tears wer e permitted ; as far as the Nation wa s concerned, ther e was no afterlife. Instead , al l honor s and gift s wer e t o b e translate d int o monie s fo r th e bereave d family . Then , thin round s o f candy wer e distributed an d take n i n unison . "W e won't cry, " Minister Malcol m woul d tel l hi s grieving parishioners , "jus t a s we don't cr y over candy . Jus t as sweet cand y wil l dissolve , s o will ou r brother' s sweetnes s that w e hav e enjoye d whe n h e live d no w dissolv e int o a sweetnes s i n ou r memories." Now Malcol m wa s dead , bu t th e Natio n woul d no t bi d hi m suc h a sweet farewell. Instead , Malcolm' s 6-foot , 9-inc h bronz e coffi n require d th e installation o f a specia l glas s coverin g fo r th e viewing—i n cas e member s o f the Natio n slippe d b y th e polic e guar d t o desecrat e th e body . Ironically , there wa s a bi t o f unorthodox y practice d i n regar d t o Malcolm' s funeral . Muslim traditio n require d buria l befor e th e sun ha d twic e risen an d se t over the decease d believer . Bett y chos e t o brea k wit h th e practice , extendin g th e viewing date s i n orde r t o allo w Africa n dignitarie s enoug h tim e t o attend . Malcolm's bod y wa s thu s prepare d an d dresse d i n sui t an d ti e fo r viewin g from Tuesday , Februar y 23 , unti l Frida y afternoon , Februar y 26 . Thoug h the entire viewing period apparently went without problems, on e quirky error in the funeral preparation s manage d t o slip into the pages of history. Whe n a small, oblon g brass plate for the coffin wa s inscribed wit h Malcolm' s Musli m name, th e engraver confused Malcolm' s title, makin g it read: "La Hajj Mali k Shabazz," instea d o f "E l Haj j Mali k Shabazz. " (Whe n Ale x Hale y men tioned th e coffi n plat e i n th e epilogu e t o The Autobiography, however , h e made n o mentio n o f th e error—apparentl y correctin g i t fo r th e sak e o f his readers. )

Epilogue • 287 During tha t four-da y viewin g a t th e Unit y Funera l Home , a s man y a s 30,000 people filed in to pay their last respects. Among those who came, on e Harlem woma n perhap s bes t summe d u p th e feeling s o f the community . " I saw that bo y spea k whe n h e wa s alive," the elderl y woma n declared . "No w he's dead an d I don't kno w what I feel excep t mad." By the en d o f the week, in th e closin g hour s o f viewing o n Frida y afternoon , peopl e wer e stil l gath ered outside to catch a last glimpse of Malcolm X . Those who came after th e funeral hom e ha d close d lingere d i n th e subfreezin g temperatur e outside . " 1 guess I'm to o late," one man fro m th e Bronx told a reporter. " I wanted t o see him, jus t once . I t i s part o f history." A woman pleade d wit h th e polic e wh o had bee n statione d a t th e funera l hom e al l week . " I jus t wante d t o pu t thi s rose near him," she implored t o no avail. One bearde d yout h adopte d a different approach— a bitte r reminde r tha t Malcolm X also had enemie s i n Harlem . Th e youn g man, wh o looked t o be about twenty years old, wen t "half-skipping an d half-dancing past " Malcolm's lingering admirers an d hooted , "H e messed wit h the wrong man. . . . Don' t mess with the Messenger. " Still , i t was clear that most of those waiting in th e cold wer e admirers . On e colleg e studen t stoo d listenin g t o th e musi c bein g piped ont o th e streets from a record store : "I couldn't g o to look at him now . I wan t t o remembe r hi m standin g o n hi s ow n fee t tellin g of f th e man. " As darkness fel l o n Harle m tha t Frida y evening , secre t preparation s wer e mad e to mov e Malcolm' s coffi n t o a churc h wit h a heav y polic e escor t tha t same night. 19 There wa s a kin d o f biographica l resonanc e i n th e particula r churc h setting of Malcolm's funera l service . Despit e hi s forceful anti-Christia n rhet oric durin g hi s Natio n year s an d hi s late r conversio n t o orthodo x Islam , Malcolm's persona l rappor t wit h Christia n clergyma n wa s always respectful , if not warm. On e youn g Christian ministe r who had me t with Malcol m ove r lunch a t Harlem's Theresa Hote l late r eulogize d hi m a s bearing a likeness to Christ.20 Certainly , eve n i f othe r clerg y di d no t shar e tha t loft y assessment , the fact tha t Malcolm's bod y found res t in a church wa s neither a n iron y no r a miracle. The resonan t them e wa s sounde d i n th e fac t that , o f al l th e Protestan t denominations, Malcol m X' s funeral woul d be held i n a Pentecostal church . As a child, Malcol m like d Pentecosta l ("Holy-Roller" ) churche s th e least . I n his autobiograph y h e characterize d i t a s "spooky." However , whe n man y o f Harlem's churche s close d thei r door s t o Malcolm' s funera l fo r fea r o f bom b threats, Bisho p Alvi n Childs , pasto r o f the Fait h Templ e Churc h o f God i n Christ, too k i n th e remain s o f th e Musli m leade r a s a "humanitaria n ges -

288 • Epilogue ture." O f course , lik e al l th e olde r blac k Christia n denominations , th e Church o f Go d i n Chris t (COGIC ) coul d trac e it s origin s t o whit e racia l rejection. Th e resonanc e itself , however , wa s that black Pentecosta l ism, lik e Malcolm X , was a phenomenon bor n i n the twentieth century—bot h havin g known th e rejection o f modern whit e Christians. On Saturda y Februar y 27 , the day of the funeral, th e church "wa s like an armed camp—cop s everywhere, " a writer late r recalled . "The y patrolle d th e streets an d roo f tops ; the tactica l squa d wa s ou t i n force . Insid e th e churc h both uniforme d an d plainclothe s polic e wer e i n evidence , an d a 'choir ' o f newsmen an d photographers. " Al l th e attentio n give n t o the dea d Malcol m X wa s no t intende d a s a n honor ; i t was , i n fact , a bitte r reminde r o f th e failure o f bot h th e polic e an d th e medi a t o hee d Malcolm' s claim s tha t hi s life wa s i n danger . Shortl y afte r th e assassination , Bett y ha d complaine d t o Ted Posto n o f th e New York Post, "Th e newspaper s an d th e radi o an d television peopl e too , the y didn' t wan t t o tak e [Malcolm ] seriously . . . . They eve n trie d t o make people think tha t h e bombed ou r house—and wit h our children i n it. " The bombin g o f th e hous e ha d precede d th e assassinatio n b y on e week , and Malcolm' s critic s i n th e medi a (probabl y with th e encouragement o f the FBI) ha d accuse d hi m o f orchestratin g th e calamit y fo r politica l reasons . Malcolm flatly denied th e charge and sent Betty and the children t o stay with friends. The y ha d bee n shoppin g fo r a ne w hous e o n th e da y befor e th e assassination. Now , wit h Malcol m gone , reporter s wer e stil l askin g Bett y about the bombing the week before, stil l intimating his possible involvement . Her respons e was appropriately sharp : "Now, th e pres s will probabl y sa y that he shot himself." The peculia r absenc e o f th e polic e a t th e Audubo n o n th e da y o f th e assassination an d thei r almos t apatheti c attitud e whe n finally appearin g o n the murde r scen e ar e well-documente d situations . I n fact , Bett y Shabaz z denied th e polic e department' s contentio n tha t the y ha d mad e numerou s attempts to offer Malcol m polic e protection: "It's a lie," she told a journalist . Certainly, th e police—at th e very least—were guilt y of what one writer calls "cool disinterest " abou t providin g protectio n whil e Malcol m X wa s alive . Now that h e was dead, the y were conspicuously place d insid e and outsid e of Faith Temple , includin g eigh t uniforme d officer s wh o stoo d aroun d th e coffin durin g th e funera l service . Ha d Malcol m X received suc h unsolicite d protection i n life , perhap s hi s murde r migh t hav e bee n averted . Unfortu nately, i t appears tha t bot h loca l an d federa l constabularie s wer e mor e tha n

Epilogue • 28 9 willing t o stan d b y an d observe—perhap s wit h a bi t o f relish—whil e Mal colm's last days came painfully t o a close.21 When Malcolm' s bod y wa s displayed i n th e sanctuar y o f Fait h Temple , he wa s n o longe r dresse d i n a suit . Shayk h Ahme d Hassoun , th e Sudanes e missionary-teacher sen t b y th e Musli m Worl d Leagu e t o assis t th e Musli m Mosque, performe d hi s las t servic e t o Malcol m b y washin g th e bod y i n a special oi l an d dressin g i t in a Kafan, th e traditiona l Musli m buria l shroud . The las t tim e Hassou n ha d see n Malcol m aliv e wa s i n th e Audubo n Ball room's smal l dressin g room . Malcol m wa s obviousl y unde r a grea t dea l o f stress and ha d snapped a t a staff member. Th e elderl y teacher sough t to calm him, earnin g a gruff response . Pressur e was building, an d th e expectatio n o f attack, alon g wit h th e burde n o f his wor k an d family , wa s weighing heavil y on him . T m jus t about a t my wit's end, " Malcol m explaine d apologeticall y to th e staf f worker . Sh e sai d sh e understood , bu t a s h e walke d ou t o f th e room t o fac e hi s assassins , Malcol m X questione d alou d whethe r anyon e really understood . After th e assassination , th e elderl y Shayk h coul d onl y dres s Malcol m for the grave. Th e FB I observed tha t soon afterward , Shayk h Hassoun' s relation ship wit h th e Musli m Mosqu e bega n t o deteriorate . Fo r reason s tha t ar e unclear, th e Shayk h stoppe d teachin g classe s i n Arabi c a t th e Musli m Mosque headquarter s afte r Malcolm' s death . H e develope d healt h problem s and wa s hospitalized; upo n releas e from th e hospital , th e Shayk h apparentl y severed hi s involvement wit h th e Musli m Mosqu e an d returne d t o his native Sudan. On e FB I sourc e suggeste d a significant reaso n fo r th e brea k was that after Malcol m wa s gone , Musli m Mosqu e member s bega n t o mistrea t th e elderly man . Hassou n eve n suspecte d th e Musli m Mosque's executiv e secretary, wh o shared hi s apartment, o f stealing his money. Thi s did no t spell th e end o f the Islami c missio n amon g Africa n Americans , thoug h i t apparentl y signaled th e demise of the Muslim Mosque . Ironically , Elija h Muhammad' s son, Wallac e (no w Warit h Dee n Muhammad) , woul d regai n acceptanc e i n the Natio n and , upo n hi s father' s death i n 1975 , spearheade d th e mos t significant orthodo x Islami c movemen t amon g Muslim s indigenou s t o th e United States . The hour-lon g funera l servic e was presided ove r by Ruby Dee , th e actress whose husband, Ossi e Davis, eulogize d Malcol m i n the often quote d phrase , "A Prince! Ou r ow n blac k shinin g prince! " While stil l i n th e Nation , Mal colm ha d obtaine d ex cathedra permission t o atten d hi s frien d Ossie' s 196 1 Broadway comed y hit , Purlie Victorious. De e (wh o ha d als o joine d wit h

290 • Epilogue other blac k entertainers i n startin g a fund fo r Malcolm' s children ) an d Davi s read nationa l an d internationa l message s o f condolence . On e cam e fro m Whitney Young , who m Malcol m ha d onc e lampooned a s "Uncle Whitney" ; another cam e fro m Kwam e Nkrumah , prim e ministe r o f Ghana , wh o ha d granted Malcol m a n audienc e during his first visit to Africa i n 1964 . Betty sa t i n th e secon d row , wit h polic e escort , i n widow' s black . On e member o f th e press , eve r faithfu l t o hi s dut y o f elevatin g th e whit e arche type, referre d t o her a s a "black Jacqueline Kennedy. " I t was supposed t o be a complimen t an d Hale y recorde d i t a s suc h i n hi s epilogue . However , Malcolm X was always critical o f whites for thei r insistenc e upo n measurin g blacks according to a white "yardstick"; even his widow could no t escape it — as i f th e wive s o f whit e martyr s ha d a monopol y o n dignit y an d beaut y in crisis. In th e audience o f approximately on e thousan d peopl e was a host o f civil rights dignitaries : Andre w Young , assistan t t o Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. , Ba yard Rustin , Jame s Farmer , strik e leade r Jess e Gray , an d labo r leade r L . Joseph Overton . Als o seated wer e Malcolm' s friend s fro m th e entertainmen t world Dic k Gregory and Michae l Olatunji , th e African drummer . Gregory, a comedian , wa s als o a civi l right s activis t an d ha d com e t o know Malcol m whil e h e wa s stil l i n th e Nation . Gregor y ha d earl y teste d Malcolm's loyalt y t o Mr . Muhammad . Apparentl y h e ha d conferre d wit h Malcolm abou t th e possibilit y o f getting Elijah Muhamma d t o authorize hi s followers t o purchase hi s comed y recordin g en masse. The dea l wa s as good as don e whe n Gregor y slippe d i n a commen t t o th e effec t tha t h e an d Malcolm shoul d thin k u p anothe r wa y of getting on e ove r o n Mr . Muham mad. Malcol m immediatel y rescinde d th e agreement . Later , whe n Mal colm's faith i n Mr. Muhamma d wa s collapsing and word of the latter's sexual indiscretions ha d begu n t o lea k out , Gregor y me t Malcol m backstag e a t th e Apollo Theate r an d openl y insulte d Muhammad . Malcol m recalle d th e incident, ho w hi s first "instinct" wa s to "attack " Gregory . Instead , Malcol m wrote, " I fel t wea k an d hollow. " Gregor y seem s t o hav e recognize d tha t weakness, an d h e backed off . After Malcol m wa s gone, Gregor y remembere d hi m a s "a livin g denial of that ol d cliche , 'clothe s mak e th e man. ' N o matte r wha t Malcol m X was wearing, hi s manhoo d an d hi s ver y specia l huma n dignit y shon e through. " Gregory concluded : "King s wea r thei r crown s o n to p o f thei r heads . Mal colm's crow n wa s o n th e inside . Malcol m X showe d m e th e differenc e between a crow n an d a halo. " Whil e h e wa s alive , Malcol m ha d pai d Gregory a n equall y hig h compliment . A t one OAA U meetin g i n Decembe r

Epilogue • 29 1 1964, Malcol m invite d Gregor y t o spea k an d mad e a n informa l announce ment o f Gregory' s ne w book , Nigger. After som e fraterna l jestin g regardin g the titl e o f th e book , Malcol m introduce d Gregor y a s a rea l "dyed-in-the wool" Africa n revolutionist . "H e doesn' t wan t t o be , bu t h e is, " Malcol m concluded happily. 22 Before Davis' s "blac k shinin g prince " eulogy , th e youn g Muslim , Oma r Osman, pai d tribut e t o Malcolm . Speakin g o n behal f o f the Islami c Centr e in Geneva, Switzerland , Osma n acknowledge d tha t the Muslim world recognized Malcol m a s a "bloo d brother " an d a her o wh o ha d die d o n th e battlefield o f faith i n Islam . Osman' s comment s dre w great applause, jus t as his reference t o Carl Rowan' s USI A remarks drew hisses. This wa s n o mer e dut y o f religiou s statesmanshi p fo r Osman ; h e kne w Malcolm well . Whil e Malcol m wa s stil l i n th e Nation , i t wa s h e wh o ha d confronted hi m fro m th e audienc e o f Mosqu e No . 7 , challengin g th e Na tion's version o f "Islam." He had also corresponded wit h Malcol m an d foun d him t o b e quit e sincer e i n hi s interes t i n orthodo x Islam . Whe n Malcol m made th e Hajj , h e wrot e t o Osman , "Fo r th e pas t wee k I have bee n utterl y speechless an d spellboun d b y the graciousnes s I see displayed al l aroun d m e by people of all colors." Finally, i n January 1965 , Osman ha d arrange d t o have Malcolm com e to speak t o th e student s o f Dartmout h College , wher e h e wa s a student . Afte r the funeral , Osma n wrot e a tribut e t o Malcol m i n th e campu s newspaper , The Dartmouth: "The y accuse d hi m o f violence an d h e wa s neve r involve d in an y violence , privat e o r public , over t o r covert . The y accuse d hi m o f preaching segregatio n an d bein g a racis t an d h e neve r advocate d an y o f this since hi s retur n fro m th e pilgrimag e t o Mecca. " The youn g Musli m studen t closed hi s tribut e wit h a verse of poetry: "Yes, o f what race , colour , lan d h e was I care not. Bu t this much I care he was my Brother. " Outside o f Faith Temple , whic h wa s filled to capacity, speaker s had bee n set up so that the crowds on the streets could hea r the eulogies. Beside s those standing righ t outside , hundred s i n th e church' s vicinit y watche d an d lis tened fro m windows . Inside , afte r Davis' s masterfu l eulogy , a praye r wa s recited b y anothe r religiou s dignitary , hi s Musli m appea l echoin g throug h the Pentecostal church . Malcolm' s coffi n sa t upon a platform drape d i n dark red velvet , ever y sig n o f Christian worshi p covere d les t the funera l b e nulli fied and Malcol m b e declared a n unbeliever . Lamps stood a t either en d o f the coffin, an d a beautiful blanke t of flowers banked besid e th e body— a last , lovin g tribut e fro m Betty . Th e blanket' s mass o f re d carnations , measurin g 1 7 by 2 5 inches , require d thre e speciall y

292 • Epilogue designed easel s fo r support . I n th e cente r o f th e field o f re d wa s a three dimensional sta r an d crescent , th e sig n o f Islam , modele d i n whit e carna tions. The praye r completed , th e tim e ha d com e fo r th e coffi n t o b e closed . Betty approached, peerin g down i n final farewell. A s she did, th e church was filled with th e sound s o f moan s an d shrieks , a s i f al l wer e sisters , mothers , and daughters with he r in tha t rueful moment . The funera l completed , Malcolm' s coffi n wa s carried outside . Th e neigh borhood seeme d t o b e blossomin g wit h blac k humanity—th e streets , th e windows o f nearb y buildings , an d eve n th e fire escape s wer e filled wit h Harlemites waitin g t o catch a last glimpse o f Malcolm X . "I t was an impres sive displa y o f th e war m feelin g the y ha d fo r Malcol m an d hi s ideas, " on e observer late r noted . However , fo r Harlem , i t wa s al l ove r i n a n instant . A funeral processio n o f over fifty cars sped Malcolm' s remain s towar d hi s final resting place. Th e sam e observer, wh o als o drove i n th e motorcade , fel t tha t the whole affair ha d bee n rushe d ou t of the city by the police—"the feeling s of Harlemites didn't matte r at all." The police escorted Malcolm' s motorcad e as far a s the cit y limits , wher e the y passe d responsibilit y t o th e hand s o f the Westchester Count y police , wh o i n tur n escorte d th e sombe r processio n t o the place of Malcolm's final rest. An d there, mile s from hi s beloved Harlem , "Night fel l ove r th e earthl y remain s o f El-Haj j Mali k El-Shabazz , wh o ha d been calle d Malcol m X." 23 Not lon g after Malcolm' s burial , whe n storie s of the "apostl e o f violence" were stil l abundan t i n th e press , a Christian ministe r name d W . E . Sander s wrote a tribut e t o hi m tha t appeare d i n Cleveland' s Call & Post. I t wa s a n unusual eulogy , no t merely i n it s great warmth towar d Malcol m X , but in its lofty, almos t Garveyit e blac k nationalis t tones . "Th e eterna l sta r of Malcol m X now illumine s th e heavens . A tall oa k i n th e fores t o f Black Nationalis m has fallen . A militan t advocat e o f Africa n universalit y lie s dead, " Sander s wrote. Malcolm th e ma n wa s t o b e measure d "b y th e depth s fro m whenc e h e climbed" and th e lov e he showe d fo r hi s black countrymen. Sander s contin ued b y comparing Malcol m t o Booker T. Washington , Marcus Garvey , an d Patrice Lumumba , an d calle d o n his readers to renew "the cry of 'Europe fo r the Europeans, ' 'Asi a fo r th e Asians, ' 'Afric a fo r th e Africans, ' an d 'th e Americas fo r u s all. ' " Only th e "blac k fact s o f truth" woul d b e acceptable , Sanders concluded a s he rhetoricall y consigned Malcol m t o the sod. "Fo r we know that Malcolm X has a rendezvous with God. " Malcolm's wido w Bett y als o ha d a rendezvou s wit h God . Befor e leavin g

Epilogue • 29 3 New York , Bett y ha d remembere d he r husban d a s a ma n whos e famil y lif e and missio n wer e inseparable. "H e wa s obsesse d wit h th e ide a tha t hi s children an d upcomin g generation s shoul d no t hav e t o fac e th e kin d o f conditions tha t hi s generatio n faced, " sh e tol d th e Amsterdam News. A s for the outpourin g o f support show n he r o n behal f o f Malcolm, Bett y expresse d her gratitude and he r certainty that Malcolm "wa s worthy of their tribute. " Now sh e wa s o n he r wa y t o Mecca , lik e Malcolm , a Hajj i crying , "Labbayka! Her e I come , O Lord! " I t ha d bee n a yea r sinc e Malcol m ha d made th e pilgrimage , an d no w anothe r Haj j seaso n ha d alread y come . An d while Harlem' s citizen s flowed busil y alon g Malcolm' s streets , Bett y wa s tracing hi s track s i n th e ancien t path s o f Mecca—finall y sharin g hi s happ y pilgrimage, jus t as she ha d share d hi s burden. "Th e brotherhoo d tha t I have heard preache d abou t al l m y lif e i s here," Betty wrot e bac k t o th e peopl e o f Harlem. "Thi s ancien t cit y wit h it s beaut y an d serenenes s i s indee d some thing for al l men t o behold." Back i n Harlem , Malcol m wa s stil l missed , especiall y b y thos e wh o ha d looked t o hi m fo r guidance . O n Ma y 19 , 1965 , when Malcol m woul d hav e turned fort y year s old, follower s an d admirer s staged a commemorative affai r at Harlem' s Rocklan d Palace . Alon g wit h th e oratory , a lon e portrai t o f Malcolm X was mounte d o n th e stage . A t th e door , Malcolm' s transcribe d speeches wer e sold , foreshadowin g a Malcol m X print legac y tha t ha s sinc e blossomed int o a significant market . Meanwhile, dow n o n 125t h Street , a banne r wa s suspende d o n th e Theresa Hote l proclaimin g Ma y 1 9 as "Malcolm X Day." A journalist fro m the New York Post, observin g th e day' s celebration , foun d himsel f standin g with on e o f Malcolm' s grievin g follower s a t th e corne r o f 125t h Stree t an d 7th Avenue . Th e desponden t disciple , who m h e calle d onl y "Willia m X, " was obviousl y a forme r "Blac k Muslim " wh o ha d followe d Malcol m ou t o f the Nation. 24 Willia m X jus t stare d u p a t th e Theres a an d it s Malcol m X Day banner. H e undoubtedly appreciate d th e celebration o f Malcolm's birthday, th e specia l meetin g farthe r uptown , an d th e man y word s that ha d bee n spoken. Bu t th e woun d wa s to o fresh , an d th e los s to o great . "H e wa s special," William X told th e journalist . "No w he's gone and al l th e memori als in the world will not bring him back. "

Author's Not e

Any intellectua l wor k i s influenced , whethe r minimall y o r definingly, b y th e contex t o f it s origin . I n thi s light , i t i s importan t t o acknowledge that this book is by an Evangelical Christian. Som e might argue that bein g a Christia n coul d constitut e a n advantag e i n studyin g Malcolm' s religious life ; a Muslim might , fo r instance , fee l les s comfortable emphasiz ing the essentia l them e o f religious propagand a tha t i s central t o the study of Malcolm's autobiography . Bu t I thin k i t importan t t o observ e tha t I , too , have invariably been tempte d i n m y own way as a religious writer. Though I hav e neve r bee n personall y bothere d b y th e Natio n o f Islam' s "white devil " anthropology , m y ow n religiou s feather s wer e o n occasio n ruffled i n studying a movement tha t mad e a blanket condemnation o f Christianity while at the same time makin g use of both it s scriptures and theologi cal constructs . However , I have deliberatel y refraine d fro m engagin g i n an y religious debates with th e Natio n an d th e legacy of its founders an d activists. I believ e i t i s crucia l t o acknowledg e thi s interpla y betwee n subjec t an d author, no t a s a form o f apologia, bu t a s recognition tha t this book, lik e any other, emerge s out of a specific historical , religious , an d cultural context . Thus, whil e thi s i s a Christian' s book , i t i s not a Christian boo k o n Malcolm X. 295

A Note o n Biographie s

In preparin g thi s book , I intensivel y studie d The Autobiography of Malcolm X , a s well a s al l o f Malcolm's availabl e publishe d speeche s that h e delivere d bot h a s a ministe r i n th e Natio n o f Isla m an d a s a n independent leader . I als o foun d Pete r Goldman' s The Death and Life of Malcolm X (Chicago : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1979 ) t o b e extremel y helpful an d eloquentl y written. Goldman' s honest , sympatheti c view of Malcolm X i s tha t o f a whit e liberal , bu t h e offer s littl e regardin g Malcolm' s youth, an d th e boo k present s a ver y conservativ e theor y o f the assassinatio n that ha s bee n criticize d b y others . Nevertheless , Goldman' s boo k remain s foundational t o any biographical stud y of Malcolm X , drawin g a s it does o n interviews, publications , an d th e author' s ow n journalisti c relationshi p wit h Malcolm X. Another importan t boo k i s James Cone's mor e recen t Martin & Malcolm & America (Maryknoll , N.Y. : Orbi s Books , 1991) . Thi s wor k i s th e first critical religiou s analysi s o f Malcol m X an d i s bot h scholarl y an d highl y readable. Perhap s th e onl y limitatio n o f thi s boo k i s it s broa d scop e a s a double biograph y o f Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. , a s well a s Malcol m X . Con e presents Malcolm' s religiou s lif e an d developmen t throug h th e len s o f hi s

297

298 • A Note on Biographies own blac k theology presuppositions, an d hi s study offers a rich analysis and a fine resourc e fo r student s o f Malcolm' s life . A s a doubl e biograph y i t i s superb—far surpassin g th e les s scholarly , mor e sensationa l boo k b y Loui s Lomax, To Kill a Black Man (Lo s Angeles: Holloway House , 1987) , whic h also recounts the lives of King and Malcol m X . Eugen e Victor Wolfenstein' s Victims of Democracy: Malcolm X and the Black Revolution (London : Fre e Association Books , 1989 ) is a significant wor k of scholarship. However , sinc e Wolfenstein i s a political psychohistorian , hi s biography i s centered aroun d a Marxist-Freudian analysi s that skews the religious perspective. The publicatio n o f Bruc e Perry' s Malcolm: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America (Barrytown, N.Y. : Station Hil l Press , 1991 ) merits a critical analysi s i n an d o f itself . Perr y mus t b e credite d fo r bein g th e first Malcolm X biographer t o brea k significantl y wit h th e assumptio n tha t Mal colm's autobiograph y coul d b e accepted uncritically . H e wa s apparently th e first to initiat e extensiv e researc h int o primar y source s (suc h a s Malcolm' s prison file, correspondence , schoo l records , etc.) . Perr y als o claim s t o hav e conducted man y interview s with Malcolm' s associates from boyhoo d t o manhood. Thes e basics make Bruce Perry' s work the mos t extensive biography t o date. Beside s introducin g reader s t o importan t primar y an d secondar y re sources, Perry' s greatest contribution i s to provide a biographical chronolog y of Malcolm's life , on e tha t bot h complement s an d correct s Malcolm' s auto biographical recollection . Thus , i n it s genera l historica l framework , Perry' s biography i s highly valuable for students. But Perry' s boo k i s marred b y his determination t o presen t Malcol m a s a psychohistorical baske t case . Wherea s th e traditiona l anti-Malcol m bia s depicts hi m a s a "violent" man, Perr y propose s t o attack, no t Malcolm' s ideol ogy, bu t hi s psychology. T o d o so, h e build s hi s interpretatio n o n a dubious portrayal o f Malcolm' s parent s a s abusive , immoral , an d psychologicall y troubled people . Perry' s Malcol m i s ultimately a los t chil d i n a man' s bod y whose rebellion agains t white society is really rebellion agains t adults, largel y premised o n fea r an d eve n sexua l confusion . Perry' s work hardly does justic e to th e resource s an d researc h opportunitie s h e ha d bee n afforded . A carefu l reading o f th e boo k an d it s endnote s wil l revea l a numbe r o f seriou s prob lems. First , Perr y present s man y interviews , bu t i t i s clea r tha t h e weighe d neither th e integrit y no r reliabilit y o f hi s interviewee s an d apparentl y use d even th e mos t controversia l recollection s withou t informin g th e reader s o f possible bias. Second, Perr y at times "twists" primary and secondary sources into making them sa y what the y d o no t eve n infer . I n readin g th e Michigan Stat e Polic e

A Note on Biographies • 29 9 report on the burning o f Malcolm's childhood home , th e purported evidenc e hardly suggest s tha t Ear l Littl e wa s a n arsonist . Ye t Perr y ha s Malcolm' s father runnin g i n th e dar k o f night, knockin g on hi s neighbors * doors as part of a ploy, eve n thoug h th e polic e recor d show s that a neighbor ha d done th e knocking i n orde r t o find a phon e t o call th e police . I n a n entirel y differen t case, I note d th e sam e disingenuou s us e o f a newspape r quotatio n fro m a 1963 speec h t o strongl y intimat e somethin g o f a homosexua l confession , even thoug h th e contex t o f Malcolm' s word s i s neithe r persona l no r relate d to homosexuality. Unfortunately , thi s tendency t o read psychosexua l confes sions int o Malcolm' s publi c word s is repeated a number o f times throughou t Perry's text and note s and onl y serves to lessen the reader' s faith i n hi s work, While Perry' s wor k i s no t th e onl y biograph y indifferen t t o Malcolm' s religious life , hi s seem s t o b e singularl y antagonisti c towar d th e ide a o f conversion an d belie f i n Malcolm' s story . Th e iron y of Malcolm: The Life of a Man i s that its best contributions ar e probably inadvertent . Bruc e Perry has unquestionably mad e a nich e i n th e terrai n o f Malcol m X biography , s o students should no t ignore his work but also not take it seriously. A good man y persona l remembrance s o f Malcolm hav e been recorde d i n various books . Perhap s amon g th e bes t of these ar e the following : Haki m A . Jamal, From the Dead Level: Malcolm X and Me (Ne w York : Rando m House, 1971) ; Benjami n Karim , wit h P . Skutches , Remembering Malcolm (New York: Carroll an d Graf , 1992) ; David Graha m D u Bois , . . . And Bid Him Sing (Pal o Alto , Calif. : Rampart s Press , 1975) ; an d Michae l Abdu l Malik, From Michael de Freitas to Michael X (Great Britain: Andre Deutsch , 1968). O f thes e four , th e first tw o ar e recollection s b y author s wh o wer e admiring follower s o f Malcol m X bot h withi n th e Natio n an d late r (an d Jamal als o recall s Malcol m th e hustler) . Th e latte r tw o book s ar e remem brances o f Malcol m i n 1964-6 5 an d gran t rar e glimpse s o f Malcol m X abroad. Whil e D u Bois' s is rightly classified a s historical fiction, ther e is little doubt tha t hi s mai n character , a n Africa n America n expatriat e i n Egypt , i s largely autobiographical. D u Boi s met Malcolm i n Egyp t and hi s portrayal of Malcolm i s quite trustworthy . Other sketche s of Malcolm ma y be found i n the following writing s (alphabetically listed by author): Maya Angelou, All Gods Children Need Traveling Shoes (New York : Rando m House , 1986) ; Harr y S . Ashmore , Hearts and Minds: The Anatomy of Racism from Roosevelt to Reagan (Ne w York : McGraw-Hill, 1982) ; James Farmer , Lay Bare the Heart: An Autobiography of the Civil Rights Movement (Ne w York : Plume/Ne w America n Library , 1985); Dic k Gregory , Up from Nigger (New York : Stei n & Day , 1976) ; My

300 • A Note on Biographies Life of Absurdity: The Later Years; The Autobiography of Chester Himes (New York: Paragon House , 1976) ; Haynes Johnson, Dusk at the Mountain: The Negro, the Nation, and the Capital—A Report on Problems and Progress (Garden City , N.Y. : Doubleday , 1963) ; Lesli e Alexande r Lacy , "Africa n Responses t o Malcol m X, " i n Black Fire: An Anthology of Afro-American Writing, ed . LeRo i Jone s an d Larr y Nea l (Ne w York : Morrow , 1968) ; C . Eric Lincoln, My Face Is Black (Boston: Beacon Press , 1964) ; Gordon Parks , Voices in the Mirror: An Autobiography (Ne w York : Doubleday , 1990) ; Art Sears, Jr. , "Malcol m X and th e Press, " and Leber t Bethune , "Malcol m X in Europe," bot h i n Malcolm X: The Man and His Times (Ne w York : Collie r Books, 1969) , 106-1 3 an d 226-34 ; and Davi d Gallen , Malcolm X: As They Knew Him (Ne w York : Carroll & Graf, 1992) . Som e o f these recollections , however, ma y no t b e entirel y reliabl e abou t detail s an d shoul d b e studie d carefully. Finally, Malcol m X is featured highl y i n book s written abou t th e Natio n of Isla m i n th e earl y 1960s . Loui s Lomax , When the Word is Given . . . (Cleveland: World Publishing , 1963) , features Malcol m somewha t sensationally—an approac h quit e characteristic o f Lomax's work on the Nation. O n a more scholarl y level , C . Eri c Lincoln' s classic , The Black Muslims in America (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1960) , i n it s origina l an d revise d editions , documents Malcolm' s rol e i n th e Natio n a t it s zenith . M y persona l favorit e is E . U . Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism: The Search for an Identity in America (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1963) , fro m whic h th e student ma y glea n som e particularl y ric h statement s an d vignette s o f Mal colm X in the Nation .

Notes

Terms pertainin g t o FB I document s ar e take n fro m An n Mar i Buitrag o an d Leo n Andrew Immerman , Are You Now or Have You Ever Been in the FBI Files (New York: Grove Press , 1981) , glossar y section, 159-214 . A single asterisk (*) denotes a n adaptation fro m th e Buitrag o glossary , an d a double asteris k (** ) denote s a n origina l definition, bot h from BEST. The first tw o set s o f digit s i n a file citatio n for m ar e uniqu e t o tha t file. Fo r example, Elija h Muhammad' s FB I Headquarter s file i s 105-24822 ; his FB I Chicag o field office file, however , woul d no t have the same number. Th e third set of numbers that appea r i n a n FB I file citatio n i s th e numbe r o f a particula r document . Thus , 105-24822-100 i s "EM/HQ-100, " th e final numbe r pertainin g t o documen t "No . 100" in Elija h Muhammad' s FB I Headquarter s file. Sinc e the FB I kept a number o f files on Elija h Muhammad , Malcol m X , an d thei r organizations , an y singl e docu ment canno t b e properl y cite d withou t it s file numbe r designatio n an d it s uniqu e document number . Th e reade r shoul d not e tha t eve n newspape r clipping s kep t o n file were individuall y serialize d b y th e FB I an d ar e note d accordingl y i n thi s study , along with their footnote citations . The following abbreviation s are used in the notes.

ACLU America n Civi l Libertie s Unio n Papers , Seele y Q. Mud d Manu script Library , Princeto n University , Princeton , Ne w Jersey, 301

302 • Notes Airtel* A

n interna l FB I communication , urgen t enoug h tha t i t mus t b e typed o n th e da y i t i s dictated, bu t routin e enoug h t o be sen t by air mai l rathe r tha n teletype . Ofte n serve s as a cover lette r fo r an LHM . AMP Alla n Morriso n Papers , Schombur g Cente r fo r Researc h i n Black Culture , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . AMX The Autobiography of Malcolm X . BEST Bes t Efforts , Inc. , Archives , Highlan d Park , Michigan . BOSS Burea u o f Specia l Service s an d Investigations , Ne w Yor k Cit y Police Department . Caption Th e title s an d subtitle s o f FB I document s (e.g. , "Malcolm K . Little; IS-NOI"). CORE Congres s O n Racia l Equality . DS/MX Unite d State s Departmen t o f Stat e files on Malcol m X . ELSUR* Electroni c surveillance ; include s TESUR . EM/HQ** FB I Headquarter s (o r "Bureau") fil e o n Elija h Muhamma d (105-24822). FBI Federa l Burea u o f Investigation . IS* Interna l Security ; subcaptio n (se e below) of an FB I document , followed b y a hyphen, denotin g a "subversive" investigation o f an organizatio n (e.g. , "IS-NOI") . LHM* Letterhea d Memorandum ; FB I summar y repor t intende d fo r dis semination t o othe r agencies ; conceals confidentia l sources ; of ten enclose d i n a n airtel . MCP* Musli m Cul t o f Islam . Earl y (pre-1957 ) FB I nam e fo r NOI . MKL Malcol m K . Little . FB I abbreviation . MMI Musli m Mosque , Inc . MMI/HQ** FB I Headquarter s (o r "Bureau") file on th e Musli m Mosque , Inc. (100-441765) . MMI/NY** FB I Ne w Yor k Office file o n th e Musli m Mosque , Inc . (100 152759). MSP Massachusett s Stat e Prison . MSTA Mooris h Scienc e Templ e o f America Collection , Schombur g Center fo r Researc h i n Blac k Culture, Ne w York Publi c Library . MX/ELSUR** FB I New York Office ELSU R subfil e o n Malcol m K . Littl e (1058999-Sub 1) ; specifically, th e log s of the TESUR o n Malcol m X's home telephone . Extract s i n Clayborn e Carson , ed. , etc . MX/HQ** FB I Headquarter s (o r "Bureau") file on Malcol m K . Littl e (100399321), a s processed i n 1982-83 . Se e also SR . MX/NY** FB I Headquarter s (o r "Bureau") file on Malcol m K . Littl e (1058999). MXS Malcol m X Scrapbooks, Volume s I—III , i n th e Schombur g Cen ter fo r Researc h i n Blac k Culture , Ne w York , N.Y .

Notes • 30 3 NAACP Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colored People . NOI Th e Natio n o f Islam . FB I reference . N.R. ** No t recorded ; denotes a n FB I document , o r seria l (se e below), that wa s not numbere d o r "serialized " whe n filed. Whe n fol lowed b y "afte r [seria l number], " indicates tha t th e documen t was filed after (bu t not immediatel y behind ) th e cite d serial ; when followe d b y "behind [seria l number], " the documen t wa s filed immediately behin d (o r "under") th e cite d serial ; when fol lowed b y "before [seria l number], " the documen t wa s filed immediately befor e (o r atop) th e cite d serial . NYU Institut e o f Afro-American Affairs , Ne w Yor k University . OAAU Organizatio n o f Afro-American Unity . OAAU/HQ** FB I Headquarter s (o r "Bureau" ) file on th e Organizatio n o f Afro-American Unit y (100-442235) . 0 0 * * Offic e o f Origin; subcaptio n (se e below) of an FB I document , followed b y a colon, denotin g th e FB I field office tha t ha d pri mary responsibilit y fo r a n investigatio n (e.g. , " 0 0 : Ne w York"), PF Priso n Fil e o f Malcolm Little , Departmen t o f Correction, Com monwealth o f Massachusetts , Boston . PRF* Parol e Fil e o f Malcolm Little , th e Departmen t o f Correction , Commonwealth o f Massachusetts , Boston . Redaction Deletion . Report** FB

I communication , ofte n quit e long , fro m a field office t o Headquarters, wit h copie s t o othe r intereste d field offices ; in tended fo r disseminatio n t o othe r governmen t agencies . SA Specia l Agent , th e titl e o f any FB I agent . SAC* Specia l Agen t i n Charge , th e hea d o f an FB I field office (excep t Los Angeles an d Ne w York , whic h wer e headed b y Assistant Di rectors). SE Specia l employe e o f FBI ; not a n agen t o r clerk . Serial** A n individua l documen t withi n a n FB I file. Eac h seria l i n a file has a different number . SM* Securit y Matter ; subcaption (se e below) of an FB I document, fol lowed b y a hyphen , denotin g a "subversive" investigatio n o f an individual; th e lette r followin g i t indicate s th e natur e o f the in vestigation, a s i n "SM-C. " SM-C Securit y Matter-Communist . Se e SM . Source Designatio n fo r an y supplie r o f informatio n t o FBI , huma n o r otherwise. Huma n source s ten d no t t o b e pai d an d give n thei r positions ar e likel y t o hav e acces s t o informatio n (e.g. , landlor d or employers) . SR** Scholarl y Resources , Inc. , microfil m o f MX/HQ , publishe d a s Malcolm X: FBI Surveillance File, 2 reels (Wilmington , DE ,

304 • Notes to the Introduction 1978). MX/H Q wa s processed an d release d twic e by the FBI — first in th e mid-1970 s (th e S R version) , the n agai n i n 1982-8 3 (available throug h th e Freedo m o f Information-Privacy Act s Section, Informatio n Managemen t Division , FBI , whic h ca n b e viewed i n th e FB I Readin g Room , FB I Headquarters , Washing ton, D.C.) . Th e S R versio n i s generally mor e heavil y redacted , omitting file numbers , seria l number s an d subcaptions . Subcaption Th e subtitl e i n th e captio n (se e above) of an FB I documen t fol lowing a n initia l semicolo n (e.g. , "Malcol m K . Little ; IS-NOI"). SR-MSP Specia l Report , Michiga n Stat e Police . TESUR Technica l (i.e. , telephone ) surveillanc e b y FBI . UNI A Universa l Negr o Improvemen t Association . Notes to the Introduction 1. The Autobiography of Malcolm X, wit h Ale x Hale y (Ne w York : Grov e Press , 1965), 235 ; henceforth, AMX . Orri n Evans , "Malcolm X Comes to Philadelphia] t o 'Reorganize Muslims, ' " Evening Bulletin (Philadelphia) , 3 0 Decembe r 1964 , 3 , BEST; Mar y Seiber t McCauley , "Ale x Haley , A Southern Griot : A Literary Biogra phy," Ph.D . diss . (Georg e Peabod y Colleg e fo r Teacher s o f Vanderbil t University , 1983), 88 . 2. Al l the original chapte r titles of The Autobiography of Malcolm X were set forth in a n approva l letter , Malcol m X (Malik Shabazz) , Eas t Elmhurst , N.Y. , t o Pau l R . Reynolds, Pau l R . Reynold s & Sons, Ne w York , 2 1 March 1964 , i n th e Rar e Boo k and Manuscrip t Library , Columbi a University , Ne w York . Th e origina l agreemen t between Malcolm , Haley , an d th e publishe r eve n allowe d Hale y t o includ e hi s ow n "Afterword" i n th e book . Se e als o Brend a J . Gilchrist , "Th e Fina l Chapters ; Res t of Haley Boo k abou t Malcol m X to B e Release d Soon, " Detroit Free Press, 18 Marc h 1993, IB . 3. Joh n Pau l Eakin , "Malcolm X an d th e Limit s o f Autobiography, " Criticism (Summer 1976) : 241-42. Notes to Chapter 1 1. Alber t Murray , The Omni-Americans: Some Alternatives to the Folklore of White Supremacy (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1983) , 62 ; Augus t Meie r an d Elliot t Rudwick, From Plantation to Ghetto (Ne w York : Hil l an d Wang , 1976) , 23 4 an d 236; C. Eri c Lincoln , The Black Muslims in America (Boston: Beaco n Press , 1973) , xxiv; James Weldo n Johnson , Black Manhattan (copyrigh t 193 0 b y Jame s Weldo n Johnson; rpt, n.p. ; New York: Atheneum, 1977) , 256. 2. "Garve y Denounce d a t Negr o Meeting, " New York Times, 7 August 1922 , 7 ; "2,000 Negroe s Hea r Garve y Denounced, " New York Times, 2 1 Augus t 1922 , 11 ; Tony Martin , Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus

Notes to Chapter I • 30 5 Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (New York : Dove r Press , The Majorit y Press , 1976) , 6 , 23 ; idem, "Garve y an d Scattere d Africa, " i n Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora, ed. Josep h E . Harri s (Washington , D.C. : How ard Universit y Press , 1982) , 244 . 3. Theodor e Draper , The Rediscovery of Black Nationalism (Ne w York : Vikin g Press, 1969) , 46 ; contrary t o th e suggestio n tha t Garvey' s UN I A motto wa s a "para phrasing" of a line by Alfred Lor d Tennyson, i t seems more likely that this motto was inspired b y St . Paul' s declaration , "On e Lord , on e faith , on e baptism " (Ephesian s 4:5). Cf . Marcu s Garvey , Marcus Garvey: Life and Lessons, ed. Rober t A . Hil l an d Barbara Bai r (Berkeley : Universit y o f California Press , 1987) , xxxi ; Leonard E . Bar rett, Soul Force (Garden City , N.Y. : Anchor/Doubleday , 1974) , 134-35 ; Marcu s Garvey, "Th e Philosoph y o f Marcu s Garvey, " i n Black Protest; History, Documents, and Analyses: 1619 to the Present, ed. Joann e Gran t (Greenwich , Conn, : Fawcet t Publications, 1968) , 203 ; E. U . Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism: A Search for an Identity in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press , 1962) , 3 7 and 38 , n. 43. 4. Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 37 , 39 ; Adolph Edwards , Marcus Garvey: 1887-1940 (London : Ne w Beaco n Books , 1972) , 13-14 ; Martin, Race First, 92-93 , 70-72; "Garve y Preache s Fait h i n Blac k God, " New York Times, 4 August 1924 , 7 ; "Negroes Acclai m a Black Christ," New York Times, 6 August 1924 , 3 ; Barrett, Soul Force, 135. 5. Barrett , Soul Force, 144. 6. Edwar d Wilmo t Blyde n (1832-1912 ) wa s a brillian t Liberia n statesma n an d scholar wh o wa s bor n i n St . Thomas , Virgi n Islands . A s a n educator , ordaine d Presbyterian minister , an d a pan-Africanist, Blyde n was deeply impressed wit h Islam' s progressive influenc e o n th e Africa n people . Whil e Blyde n neve r renounce d th e essence o f Christianity , h e argue d tha t Isla m wa s a better religio n fo r th e blac k ma n than traditiona l Christianity . Blyde n argue d thi s cas e i n hi s scholarl y masterpiece , Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race (London : W . B . Whittingha m an d Co. , 1887; rpt. Edinburgh : Edinburg h Universit y Press , 1967) . 7. Martin , Race First, 74-77, 151-67 , 174-92 ; Edwards, Marcus Garvey, 18871940, 12 , 16 ; Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism, 39 . 8. Edwards , Marcus Garvey: 1887-1940, 20 , 23-24 ; Martin , Race First, 193 95; Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 40 ; Ro i Ottley , New World A-Coming (Ne w York: Arn o Pres s an d Ne w Yor k Times , 1968) , 72-73 ; Draper , The Rediscovery of Black Nationalism, 72 . I t shoul d b e note d tha t Isla m ha d bee n introduce d t o th e shores o f the Unite d State s durin g th e slav e trade . Ther e ar e significan t account s o f African America n slave s who either practice d o r remembered th e practic e o f Musli m religion. However , thes e Musli m pioneer s i n th e Wes t apparentl y ha d n o endurin g influence, an d n o apparen t connectio n wit h twentieth-centur y Islamic-style d move ments of the black urban north . Se e Albert J. Raboteau, Slave Religion: The 'Invisible Institution' in the Antebellum South (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1980) , 4 6 47; and Morro e Berger, "Th e Blac k Muslims," Horizon (Winter 1964) : 53-55.

306 • Notes to Chapter 2 9. Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 33 ; Arthur Huf f Fauset, Black Gods of the Metropolis; Negro Religious Cults of the Urban North (Ne w York : Octago n Books , 1970), 41; Noble Drew Ali, Koran Questions for Moorish Americans (Chicago: Moorish Scienc e Templ e o f America , 1928?) , question s no . 89-91 , i n Mooris h Scienc e Temple o f Americ a collection , Schombur g Cente r fo r Researc h i n Blac k Culture , New York ; henceforth , MSTA . Certificat e o f registratio n fo r Coo k County , Illinois , 29 November 1926 , MSTA. 10. Fauset, Black Goc/s, 42-43; Nobl e Drew Ali (reincarnated Mohammed , 3rd) , Moorish Literature (N.p.: Noble Dre w Ali, 1928) , 18 , 10-12 , MSTA; Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 35 ; Edwi n E . Calverly , "Negr o Muslim s i n Hartford, " The Muslim World (Octobe r 1965) : 343 ; Drew Ali , Koran Questions for Moorish Americans, question no . 64 , MSTA . Notes to Chapter 2 1. Fo r a n overvie w o f th e Nation , se e Lawrenc e H . Mamiya , "Fro m Blac k Muslim t o Bilalian : The Evolutio n o f a Movement," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion (June 1982) : 138-52; Clifton E . Marsh , From Black Muslims to Muslims: The Transition from Separatism to Islam, 1930-1980 (Metuchen , N.J. : Scarecro w Press, 1984) ; Steven Barboza , " A Divided Legacy, " Emerge (April 1992) : 26-32. 2. Hati m Sahib , "The Natio n o f Islam," thesis, Universit y of Chicago, 1951 , 8793; Bo b Lucas , "Firs t Magazin e Intervie w wit h Elija h Muhamma d Blac k Musli m Leader," Cavalier (January 1964) : 11-12 , 89-93 ; AMX, 207-8 . 3. Erdman n Doan e Beynon , "Th e Voodo o Cul t amon g Negr o Migrant s i n De troit," American Journal of Sociology (May 1938) : 894-907 ; Sahib , "Th e Natio n o f Islam," 73-74 ; Arn a Bontemp s an d Jac k Conroy , An y Place but Here (New York : Hill an d Wang , 1966) , 216-23 ; Lincoln , The Black Muslims, 14 ; Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 45 ; Benjamin Karim , wit h P . Skutche s an d D . Gallen , Remembering Malcolm (Ne w York : Carrol l an d Graf , 1992) , 134 ; Wallace Dee n Muham mad, A s the Light Shineth from the East (Chicago : WD M Publishing , 1980) , 27 . BEST ha s first noted th e striking resemblanc e o f a Garveyite organizer name d "Farr " to W . D . Fard . Cf . Rober t A . Hill , ed. , The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, vol . 4 (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1985), 233-34 , 236-37 , 311-12 . A police photograp h o f W . D . Far d i s foun d i n Malu Halasa , Elijah Muhammad: Religious Leader (Ne w York : Chelse a House , 1990), 51. 4. Beynon , "Th e Voodo o Cult, " 898 . Cf . Elija h Muhammad , Message to the Blackman in America (Newpor t News , Va. : Unite d Brother s Communication s Sys tems, n.d.) , 1-2 , 4-5 . 5. Sahib , "Th e Natio n o f Islam," 85, 72, 183 ; Beynon, "Th e Voodoo Cult," 901; Bontemps and Conroy , Anyplace but Here, 219.

Notes to Chapter 3 • 307 6. Sahib , 'Th e Natio n o f Islam, " 71 , 74 , 90-94 , 96 ; Beynon , "Th e Voodo o Cult," 903 ; Elija h Muhammad , The Supreme Wisdom: Solution to the So-called Negroes Problem (n.p., 2 6 Februar y 1957 ; rpt., Newpor t News , Va. : Nationa l New port New s an d Commentator , n.d.) , 15 ; Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 44 ; Lincoln, The Black Muslims, 199 . 7. Sahib , "Th e Natio n o f Islam," 77-81 , 86-87 ; Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 63-67 ; Beynon, "Th e Voodo o Cult, " 906-7 ; "Moslem Pu t unde r $5,00 0 Bon d for Failin g t o Sig n fo r Draft, " Evening Star (Washington , D.C.) , 1 0 Ma y 1942 , BEST; "$5,000 i n Cas h Donate d t o Free 'Mohammed', " Evening Star (Washington , D.C.), 2 4 Jul y 1942 , BEST; " 'Speaks Onl y t o God' : Jur y Ma y Revers e 'Allah ' i n Draft Cas e Today," Washington Daily News, 2 3 November 1942 , BEST. 8. Sahib , "Th e Natio n o f Islam, " 82-84 , 19 , 237-39 ; Marsh , From Black Muslims to Muslims, 117 ; Muhammad, A s the Light Shineth from the East, 17 , 19-20 . 9. Marsh , From Black Muslims to Muslims, 55 ; Muhammad , Message to the Blackman, 38 , 157-59 , 266-69 ; Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism, 205-6 , 218-21 , 136-38, 228-29 ; Lincoln , The Black Muslims, 84 ; Muslim Daily Prayers (Chicago : University o f Islam , 1957) , BEST; Sahib , "Th e Natio n o f Islam, " 94-95 , 171-72 ; Muhammad, The Supreme Wisdom, 25-27' , 40. Notes to the Prologue to Part Two 1. AMX , 164 . Thre e separat e account s o f Paul' s conversio n ar e foun d i n th e biblical (Ne w Testament) book of Acts 9:1-22, 22:3-16 , an d 26:9-18 . 2. Lette r of Malcolm X to Elijah Muhammad , 1 9 July 1960 , 1 , BEST. 3. AMX, 164-65 . 4. AMX , 188 . 5. AMX , 18 8 an d 190 ; Eugene Victo r Wolfenstein , The Victims of Democracy: Malcolm X and the Black Revolution (London : Fre e Association Books , 1989) , 22 1 — 22; Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America (Barrytown , N.Y.: Station Hil l Press , 1991) , 128 . Notes to Chapter 3 1. AMX , 1-2 . Bruc e Perry has shown that Malcolm's mother's name was actually Louisa, bu t tha t sh e wa s know n a s Louis e afte r sh e cam e t o Nort h America . Sinc e she apparentl y accepte d th e latter , an d sinc e thi s i s likewis e th e nam e recalle d b y Malcolm, i n thi s stud y Malcolm' s mothe r wil l b e referre d t o a s Louise Little . Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 5 ; Ted Vincent , "Th e Garveyit e Parent s o f Malcol m X," The Black Scholar (Apri l 1989) : 10-13 ; Wilfre d Littl e Shabazz , intervie w b y author, 1 4 Augus t 1992 , Detroit , Michigan ; henceforth , Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview, 1 4 August 1992 .

308 • Notes to Chapter 3 2. AMX , 6 , 395 ; Malcolm X , By Any Means Necessary: Speeches, Interviews and a Letter by Malcolm X, ed . Georg e Breitman (Ne w York: Pathfinder Press , 1985) , 25. 3. AMX , 6 , 3 ; Vincent, "Th e Garveyit e Parent s o f Malcol m X, " 10-12 ; Ed wards, Marcus Garvey: 1887-1940, 13-14 ; Wilfre d Littl e Shabazz , i n Malcolm X: Make It Plain (New York: Viking, 1994) , 23. 4. AMX , 2-3 . Malcolm' s brothe r Wilfre d describe d hi s fathe r a s bein g a ver y muscular man , "ver y strong, no t only physically, i n other ways too. H e had come out of Georgia, wher e he' d grow n u p on a farm." Wilfred Littl e Shabazz , i n Malcolm X: Make It Plain, 15 ; Perry, Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 3 and 385 . 5. Rober t Millett e an d Mahi n Gosine , The Grenada Revolution: Why It Failed (New York: Africana Researc h Publications , 1985) , 14-16 ; AMX, 2 . Bruce Perry says Malcolm's materna l grandfathe r wa s a Scotsman ; se e Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 2-3 . Accordin g t o Rober t Little , i n he r advance d year s Louise Littl e surprise d her family b y demonstrating exceptional familiarit y wit h the French language . Rober t Little, intervie w b y author , 2 April 1992 , Ne w York . Not e als o th e recollectio n o f Malcolm's brothe r Abdu l Azi z Oma r (ne e Philber t Little ) tha t par t o f thei r hom e training as children include d lesson s in French ; Malcolm X: Make It Plain, 16 . 6. Ear l Little' s voice described b y Wilfred Littl e Shabazz, intervie w by author, 1 5 August 1992 , Detroit ; henceforth, Wilfre d Littl e Shabazz Interview , 1 5 August 1992 . Vincent, "Th e Garveyit e Parent s o f Malcolm X, " 11 ; Abdul Azi z Omar, i n Malcolm X: Make It Plain, 16 , 24; AMX, 2 , 7-9 , 11 , 28. 7. Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 5 August 1992 . 8. Malcol m X , Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements, ed . Georg e Breitman (Ne w York : Grov e Press , 1982) , 36 . Wilfre d Littl e Shabazz , telephon e interview b y author , 2 7 November 1992 . Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z expresse d grea t concern ove r Bruce Perry' s biographica l treatmen t an d conclude d tha t Perr y mus t be "sick" to deny the Kla n attack on hi s parents' home. 9. Joe l Williamson, The Crucible of Race: Black-White Relations in the American South since Emancipation (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1984) , 472 ; Wolfenstein, The Victims of Democracy, 46; " 'K.K.K.' Send s Huma n Hand ; Negr o Editor Gets Warning with Mai l Enclosure, " New York Times, 6 September 1922 , 19 ; "Garvey Assail s K u Klux, " New York Times, 1 0 July 1922 , 17 ; "2,000 Negroe s Hea r Garvey Denounced ; Speake r Declare s Ex-Presiden t Genera l I s Ally o f th e K u Klu x Klan," 11 . Se e Tony Martin' s insightfu l analysi s o f the "symbiotic " relationship tha t existed betwee n Garve y an d whit e racis t organizatio n leaders , i n Martin , Race First, 344-55. 10. Specia l Repor t b y G . W . Waterman , B.C.I . [Burea u o f Criminal Investiga tion/s?], Michiga n Stat e Police, Cas e #2155 , n.d . [lat e February/early Marc h 1930] , 1, BEST; henceforth, SR-MSP; AMX, 3 and 2 . Se e comments b y Abdul Azi z Oma r and Wilfre d Littl e Shabazz , i n Malcolm X: Make It Plain, 21 ; Perry, Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 9 .

Notes to Chapter 4 • 30 9 11. Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 9-10 ; SR-MSP, 1-2 ; analysi s an d reference t o articl e i n Lansing Capital News, 1 1 Novembe r 1929 , 10 , i n lette r from BEST t o author, 6 November 1993 , 1 ; AMX, 4; sworn statemen t by Earl Little , 11 November 1929 , i n SR-MSP, 1-2 ; Wolfenstein , The Victims of Democracy, 48 . 12. Wolfenstein , The Victims of Democracy, 144 ; Vincent, "Th e Garveyit e Par ents of Malcolm X, " 12-13 ; observations regardin g Michiga n Stat e Polic e file on th e Black Legion , lette r fro m BEST t o author , 6 Novembe r 1993 , 2 ; AMX , 7 , 10 ; Wilfred Littl e Shabaz z interview , 1 5 August 1992 ; James Cone, Martin & Malcolm & America (Maryknoll , N.Y. : Orbis , 1991) , 43 ; Repor t o f Troope r [Laurenc e ]. ] Baril, 2 8 September 1931 , in SR-MSP. 13. Karim , Remembering Malcolm, 172 ; Cone, Martin & Malcolm & America, 43. Referenc e t o Malcolm' s 196 3 statemen t t o Elija h Muhamma d i n lette r fro m BEST to author, 8 April 1993 , 2. 14. The Negro Protest: James Baldwin, Malcolm X , Martin Luther King Talk with Kenneth B . Clark, ed . Kennet h B . Clar k (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1963) , 18-19. 15. Han s J . Massaquoi , "Myster y o f Malcol m X, " Ebony (Septembe r 1964) , 45; Wolfenstein, The Victims of Democracy, 45-46, whic h note s that by the end o f 192 4 there wer e probabl y on e an d a half millio n Klansme n nationwide , an d th e KK K was particularly entrenche d i n lower-middl e an d working-clas s i n larg e citie s an d smal l towns in the Sout h an d Midwest ; cf. Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 1 2 and 390 , and Wolfenstein , The Victims of Democracy, 43; AMX, 10 ; observation abou t polic e report's silence i n lette r from BEST t o author, 6 November 1993 , 2.

Notes to Chapter 4 1. Malcolm X Speaks, 135 . 2. AMX , 371. 3. AMX , 2 , 8 , an d 371 ; Gabrie l Moran , Religious Education Development: Images for the Future (Minneapolis : Winsto n Press , 1983) , 136 , 147 , 130 ; Hexha m and Poewe , Understanding Cults, 60 . Th e psychobiographica l interpretation s ar e found i n Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 2 and 384 ; Wolfenstein, The Victims of Democracy, 97. 4. Hexha m an d Poewe , Understanding Cults, 61-62 ; AMX , 1 ; The Negro Protest, 18 ; "Mystery o f Malcol m X, " 44; and Malcol m X , "I' m Talkin g t o You , Whit e Man," Saturday Evening Post, 1 2 Septembe r 1964 , 31 ; Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview, 1 4 August 1992 .

3JO • Notes to Chapter 4 5. Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 4 August 1992 . 6. AMX , 7 , 17 . 7. Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 4 August 1992 . 8. Hexha m an d Poewe , Understanding Cults, 6 ; Robert Littl e Interview , 2 April 1992; Wilfred Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 4 August 1992 ; AMX, 5 and 39 . Malcol m wrote tha t on e o f his brothers, Philber t (Abdu l Azi z Omar) , "love d th e church " an d was temporaril y activ e i n th e blac k Pentecosta l "holiness " movement—a n orthodo x Christian movement ; cf . 5 and 153 . However, Philber t eventuall y lef t behin d ortho dox Christianit y t o joi n th e Nation—whic h ma y sugges t h e wa s n o les s a religiou s eclectic than th e res t of the family . 9. AMX , 11-13 ; Yvonn e Littl e Woodwar d an d Wilfre d Little , i n Malcolm X: Make It Plain, 2 6 and 28 . 10. AMX , 14 , 17-20 , an d 35 ; Yvonne Woodward, i n Malcolm X: Make It Plain, 29; Rober t Little . Intervie w b y Clar a Hemphill , " 'Keep Childre n Connecte d t o Family/ " New York Newsday, 1 3 May 1991 , 69. 11. AMX, 25-3 9 an d 43 ; Bill Cunningham an d Danie l Golden , "Malcolm : Th e Boston Years, " Boston Globe Magazine, 1 6 February 1992 , 26 ; Massaquoi, "Myster y of Malcol m X, " 45 . "Subjec t wrot e t o hi s hal f sister , Mrs . Ell a Collin s requestin g permission t o come t o live with her . Sh e i n tur n sen t for hi m an d h e arrived her e in Boston a t the ag e of 1 3 years. Subjec t refuse d t o go to school"; C. Peterson , "Famil y & Persona l [H]istory , Malcol m Littl e M.S.P . 22843 , Intervie w wit h Mrs . Ell a Col lins, half-sister, " 1 7 Ma y 1946 , Priso n Fil e o f Malcol m Little , th e Departmen t o f Correction, th e Commonwealth o f Massachusetts. Henceforth , PF. 12. AMX , 4 4 an d 55-56 ; Murray , The Omni-Americans, 50-52 . Emphasi s i n the text . Malcol m pointe d ou t th e acto r Sidne y Poitie r a s a n admirabl e example , among others , o f a blac k ma n wh o kep t hi s natura l hai r styl e al l along . Poitier , i n fact, ver y muc h fits Murray's description . I n th e civi l right s era , Sidne y Poitie r wa s on th e vanguar d o f the integrationis t movement , an d hi s strong stanc e i n thi s regar d was reflected eve n i n hi s films. 13. Cunningha m an d Golden , "Malcolm : Th e Bosto n Years, " 27 ; AMX , 5 ; Herbert Krosney , "America' s Blac k Supremacists, " The Nation, 6 May 1961 , 391. 14. AMX, 1 5 and 391 ; Cunningham an d Golden, "Malcolm : The Boston Years," 26; "Says His Movement Will Live, " Boston Herald, 23 February 1965 , 13 , PF. 15. Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 92-93 ; Cunningha m an d Golden , "Malcolm: Th e Bosto n Years, " 27 . Bot h account s appea r t o b e base d o n interview s with Malcol m Jarvis , thoug h onl y Perry' s accoun t actuall y cite s )arvis . Ther e i s a discrepancy betwee n th e two accounts as to where the incident actually took place. I n Perry's account , th e scen e occurre d a t a club calle d Th e Littl e Dixie ; i n th e shorte r account by Cunningham an d Golden, th e scene was Wally's Paradise. 16. Yae l Lotan , " 'No Peacefu l Solutio n t o Racialism' : A n Exclusiv e Intervie w with Malcol m X, " Sunday Gleaner Magazine, 1 2 July 1964 , 5 .

Notes to Chapter 5 • 311 Notes to Chapter 5 1. Na t Hentoff , "Elija h i n th e Wilderness, " The Reporter, 4 Augus t 1960 , 39 ; Peter Goldman , The Death and Life of Malcolm X (Chicago: Universit y o f Illinoi s Press, 1979) , 30-31 . 2. Loui s Lomax, To Kill a Black Man (Lo s Angeles: Holloway House , 1987) , 27 28; Goldman, The Death and Life, 29 . 3. AMX , 71 ; Johnson, Black Manhattan, 145-56 ; James Egert Allen, The Negro in New York (New York: Exposition Press , 1964) , 33-35 . 4. "Polic e an d Cour t Data, " Malcol m Littl e #22843 , 2 3 Jul y 1946 , 2 , PF. Malcolm worke d fo r th e Ne w Have n Railroa d fro m Jun e t o Septembe r 1941 , Jan uary t o October 1942 , an d agai n fo r severa l week s i n Marc h 1943 . William Worthy ^ "The Natio n o f Islam : Impac t an d Prospects, " Midstream (Sprin g 1962) : 35 ; AMX, 76-79. 5. AMX , 31 , 119 , an d 171 ; Goldman, The Death and Life, 30 . Th e elderl y racketeer wh o Goldma n say s remembered Malcol m i n Harlem , sai d Malcol m wa s a "john-walker"; Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 37 7 an d 7 6 (n. , 399) ; author' s transcription o f Malcol m X on City Desk (Chicago: WMBQ-TV , 1 7 Marc h 1963) , videotape i n th e Schombur g Cente r fo r Researc h i n Blac k Culture , Harlem , Ne w York. Malcol m X , intervie w b y Dougla s Geoffre y Bridson , 2 December 196 4 (London: BBC Broadcasting House) , edite d an d transcribe d b y Paul Le e of BEST; henceforth, Malcol m X , Bridso n Interview . 6. Clarenc e Atkins , intervie w b y author , 1 7 July 1992 , Ne w York ; henceforth , Clarence Atkin s Interview . AMX , 68 , 76 , an d 94 . Malcol m sai d o f Sophi a tha t "sh e just seeme d t o lov e al l Negroes . . . . Sh e swor e tha t a whit e ma n couldn' t interes t her"; Cunningham an d Golden , "Malcolm : The Bosto n Years, " 28. Be a i s identifie d by he r marrie d name , Bazarian . Se e als o Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 5 6 and 75. 7. AMX , 96-97 . 8. Clarenc e Atkin s Interview ; AMX , 89 , 92 , 97 , 120 , an d 31 ; Perry, Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 77-7 8 an d 83. 9. Clarenc e Atkin s Interview ; Bruc e Perr y an d Malcolm' s brother , Abdu l Azi z Omar, o n Talk from the Heart, wit h A l Krest a (Detroit : WMUZ-FM , 2 Februar y 1993). I n thi s radi o interview , Oma r calle d i n t o tak e issu e wit h Perry , expressin g great disturbanc e ove r hi s unwarranted , negativ e portraya l o f Earl an d Louis e Little , and hi s questionable suggestio n o f Malcolm's homosexuality ; "Why Malcol m X Quit the Blac k Muslims, " Sepia (Ma y 1964) , 60 ; Lotan , " 'No Peacefu l Solutio n t o Racialism'," 5. 10. AMX , 155 , 86, 135 , and 97 ; Saint Augustine, Confessions, trans. R . S . Pine Coffin (Baltimore : Penguin Books , 1961) , 43. 11. AMX , 97 ; Louie Robinson , "Red d Foxx—Princ e o f Clowns, " Ebony (Apri l 1967), 91 ; Clarenc e Atkin s Interview . Author' s emphasis . Indeed , Atkin s credit s

312 • Notes to Chapter 6 Malcolm X fo r hi s ow n stud y an d expertis e o n Garve y an d th e UNIA ; Hentoff , "Elijah i n the Wilderness," 39. 12. Clarenc e Atkins Interview; Wilfred Littl e Shabazz Interview , 1 4 August 1992 ; Malcolm Jarvis , i n Malcolm X: Make It Plain, 54 ; AMX, 81 , 97, an d 113 ; "Police and Cour t Data, " Malcol m Little , #22843 , 2 3 July 1946 , 2 , PF. I n th e autobiogra phy, Malcol m sai d h e worke d a t Small' s fro m afte r hi s birthda y i n 194 2 unti l earl y 1943, whic h woul d hav e been th e better part of a year. However , Clarenc e Atkins did not thin k Malcol m worke d a t Small' s ver y long , an d Malcolm' s priso n recor d note s that Malcol m wa s working at Jimmy's Chicken Shac k from 194 2 to 1944 . 13. "Polic e an d Cour t Data, " Malcol m Little , #22843 , 2 3 Jul y 1946 , 2 , PF. Malcolm worke d a t Mr. Goldstein' s Lobste r Pon d o n 42nd Stree t in Manhatta n fro m July throug h Septembe r 1944 ; AMX , 89 , 99 , 103-104 , 110 , an d 115 ; Clarenc e Atkins Interview; Malcolm X , "I' m Talking to You, Whit e Man, " 40. 14. AMX , 10 6 an d 72 . Apparentl y Malcol m als o mad e extende d visit s bac k t o Boston and Lansing , wher e he worked temporarily a t legitimate job s and also engaged in a variet y o f crimina l activities , an d eve n go t i n troubl e wit h th e law . Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 82-86 . Th e locatio n o f the draft boar d note d i n Bosto n Office Report , "Malcol m K . Little ; Security Matter-C ; Security Matter-MCI, " 4 May 1953, 2 , Ree l 1 , SR. 15. AMX , 106-8 . 16. AMX , 134 ; SAC, Ne w Yor k t o FB I Director , "Malcol m K . Little ; Securit y Matter-MCI," 2 8 January 1955 , 1 , Ree l 1 , SR; Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 89. Give n hi s peculia r biographica l motivation , Perr y i s particularl y concerne d t o emphasize tha t Malcol m wa s "run ou t o f Harlem, " an d tha t h e ha d neve r bee n th e "tough guy, " standin g u p t o Wes t India n Archie , a s h e claimed . H e als o note s tha t Jarvis claim s t o hav e initiate d th e cal l t o Samm y i n Harlem , an d not th e othe r wa y around, a s Malcolm claimed . 17. Clarenc e Atkins Interview . Notes to Chapter 6 1. AMX , 139-44 , 149-51 ; "Malcolm Littl e MS P #22843 , Middlese x Superio r Court Charges, " 2 , PF; "Preliminary Record , Malcol m Littl e MS P #22843, " 2-3 , PF; Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 100-10 1 an d 420-21 ; cas e repor t o n Malcolm Littl e #2284 3 b y John F . Rockett , 7 May 1946 , 1 , PF; "Institution Histor y of Malcolm Little, " May 1951 , PF; Helen Dudar , "Th e Muslims and Blac k Nationalism; Part V: What Doe s Malcolm Want? " New York Post, 1 0 April 1964 , 49. 2. Cunningha m an d Golden , "Malcolm : The Bosto n Years, " map insert, "Crim e and Punishment, " 18 ; "Institution Histor y o f Malcol m Little, " PF; AMX, 14 3 an d 153-54; Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 10 4 an d 106 , 422-23 ; "Transfe r Summary," 1 0 January 1947 , PF; "Massachusetts Stat e Priso n Psychometri c Report, "

Notes to Chapter 6 • 313 1 Ma y 1946 , PF; "Preliminary Record, " 1 , PF. I n a n intervie w wit h a cas e worke r two months later , Malcol m agai n claime d hi s mother wa s white; see "Department o f Corrections Cas e Worker's Report," 1 3 May 1946 , PF. 3. "Preliminar y Record, " 3 , PF; AMX, 154-55 . 4. Malcol m X , Bridso n Interview . 5. Malcol m X , Bridso n Interview ; AMX, 153 ; "Mr. Muhamma d an d Hi s Fanati c Moslems?" Sepia (Novembe r 1959) : 26 ; "Malcolm X, " intervie w b y Ale x Haley , i n The Playboy Interview, ed . G . Barr y Golson (N.p. : Wideview Books, 1981) , 49. Thi s Malcolm X interview originally appeare d i n the Ma y 196 3 issue of Playboy. 6. AMX , 155 , 172 , and 29 ; Perry, Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 108 ; "Massachusetts State Prison Psychometri c Report, " 1 May 1946 , PF. 7. Malcol m X , Bridso n Interview ; "Transfe r Summary, " 1 0 Januar y 1947 , PF ; AMX, 155-56 ; "Massachusetts Stat e Prison , Commitmen t an d Bookin g Data," n.d. , PF. Thi s repor t i s apparently base d o n th e "Preliminar y Report " for Malcol m Little , #22843, 8 March 1946 , 3 , PF. 8. "Institutio n Histor y o f Malcolm Little, " May 1951 , PF; Concord Reformator y was locate d approximatel y fifteen mile s northeas t o f Boston . Se e Cunningha m an d Golden, "Malcolm : Th e Bosto n Years, " ma p insert , "Crim e an d Punishment, " 18 ; letter of Malcolm Littl e to Mr. Dwyer , Norfol k Priso n Colon y Transportation Board , 28 July 1947 , PF; AMX, 156 ; Wilfred Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 4 August 1992 . 9. Lette r fro m Malcol m Littl e to Mr. Dwyer , Norfol k Priso n Colon y Transporta tion Board , 2 8 July 1947 , PF. 10. Malcol m Littl e to Dwyer, 2 8 July 1947 . 11. AMX , 158-59 ; Cunningham an d Golden , "Malcolm : The Bosto n Years," 30 and 35 , an d ma p insert , "Crim e an d Punishment, " 15 ; "Institution Histor y o f Mal colm Little, " Ma y 1951 , PF; Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 4 Augus t 1992 . Norfolk Priso n Colon y wa s locate d abou t twent y mile s southwes t o f Charlestow n Prison, wher e Malcol m wa s first incarcerated. 12. AMX, 159-69 , 171 , 156 ; Perry, Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 11 4 and 116 ; Wilfred Littl e noted , "H e studie d Buddhis m whil e h e wa s in there [prison]. " Wilfred Little Shabaz z Interview , 1 4 August 1992 ; "Transfer Summar y fo r Malcol m Little, " Massachusetts Departmen t o f Corrections, 2 3 March 1950 , PF; Hexham an d Poewe , Understanding Cults, 9 5 an d 103 ; Stuart A . Wright , Leaving Cults: The Dynamics of Defection (Wes t Lafayette , Ind. : Societ y fo r th e Scientifi c Stud y o f Religion , Purdue University , 1987) , 6 and 8 . Neithe r Wrigh t no r Hexha m an d Poew e refe r t o Malcolm X in thei r studies . Reference s t o their wor k throughout thi s boo k represen t only my application. 13. Hexha m an d Poewe , Understanding Cults, 12-13 ; AMX , 171-81 ; Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 119-20 . 14. Rober t Jame s Branham , " 'I Wa s Gon e o n Debating' : Th e Priso n Debate s and Publi c Encounter s o f Malcolm X, " MS (Lewiston , Maine : Bates College, n.d.) ,

314 • Notes to Chapter 7 8-10, BEST; "Abolishment o f Capital Punishment : The Deat h Penalt y I s Ineffectiv e as a Deterrent; 2n d Speaker , Malco m [sic] Little/ * The Colony 21(1 January 1950) : 9, BEST;AMX, 185 . 15. AMX, 187-90 . Jeremia h Shabazz , intervie w by author, 1 7 May 1993 , Philadelphia. Henceforth , Jeremia h Shabaz z Interview ; Hexham an d Poewe , Understanding Cults, 60-61 ; Wright, Leaving Cults, 9 . Notes to Chapter 7 1. Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 13 2 an d 429 . Perr y state s tha t Malcol m told th e priso n authoritie s a t Norfolk tha t h e woul d no t tak e the inoculatio n becaus e of the Nation' s teachings, an d that h e knew the consequences would involv e transfer . He als o say s tha t inoculatio n wa s mandator y a t Norfol k becaus e th e facility' s wel l water was chemically untreated . 2. AMX y 186 , 190-91 ; 'Transfe r Summar y fo r Malcol m Little, " Massachusett s Department o f Correction, 2 3 March 1950 , PF; Perry, Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 133. Perr y say s that whil e Malcol m wa s i n Norfol k h e ha d studie d librar y book s o n constitutional la w an d tha t thos e book s eventuall y vanished ; also , readin g materia l sent by his siste r Ell a als o disappeared. "Institutio n Histor y o f Malcolm Little, " May 1951, PF; Massachusetts Stat e Prison Repor t of Psychiatrist, 4 May 1951 , PF. 3. AMX , 190-92 ; "Four Convict s Turn Moslems , Ge t Calls Looking to Mecca, " Boston Herald, 20 April 1950 , 3 ; Perry, Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 133 . 4. "Loca l Criminals , i n Prison , Clai m Mosle m Fait h Now : Grow Beards , Won' t Eat Pork ; Deman d East-Facin g Cell s t o Facilitat e Trayer s t o Allah, ' " Springfield Union (Springfield , Mass.) , 2 1 April 1950 , 1 and 7 ; "Four Convict s Tur n Moslems , Get Call s Lookin g t o Mecca" ; Pau l Joh n Eakin , "Malcol m X an d th e Limit s o f Autobiography," Criticism (Summe r 1976) : 232-33 ; Betty Shabazz , "Th e Legac y o f My Husband, Malcol m X, " Ebony (Jun e 1969) , 176 . 5. Lette r of Malcolm Littl e to Commissioner MacDowell , Departmen t o f Corrections, Stat e House , Boston , 1 8 April 1950 , PF. All emphases i n these excerpts are in the original manuscript . 6. Malcol m Littl e to MacDowell, 1 8 April 1950 . 7. Malcol m Littl e to MacDowell, 1 8 April 1950 . 8. Lette r of Malcolm Littl e to Commissioner MacDowell , 6 June 1950 , PF; letter from Malcol m Littl e t o Commissione r MacDowell , ca . Jun e 1950 , PF. Cf . Mal colm's NO I teachin g o n th e Mason s i n Haki m A . Jamal , From the Dead Level: Malcolm X and Me (Ne w York: Random House , 1971) , 181-84 . 9. Lette r from Malcol m Littl e to Commissioner MacDowell , 1 3 December 1950 , PF; see Malcolm's intervie w o n Sta n Bernard' s Contact (Ne w York: WINS Radio , 1 8 February 1965) , i n Malcol m X , February 1965: The Final Speeches, ed. Stev e Clark (New York : Pathfinde r Press , 1992) , 226-27 ; lette r o f Malcol m Littl e t o Commis sioner MacDowell , 1 3 December 1950 , PF.

Notes to Chapter 8 • 3J 5 10. Lette r of Commissioner MacDowel l t o Warden Joh n J. O'Brien, Charlestow n State Prison , 2 1 Decembe r 1950 , PF; Massachusetts Stat e Priso n Repor t o f Psychia trist, 4 Ma y 1951 , PF; lette r fro m Malcol m Littl e t o Commissione r Grossman , 6 June 1951 , PF; "Agreement o f Prisone r Whe n Permitte d t o G o t o Anothe r State, " Massachusetts Departmen t o f Corrections , 7 Augus t 1952 , Parol e Fil e o f Malcol m Little #22843. Henceforth , PRF. 11. Untitle d departmenta l form , Massachusett s Departmen t o f Corrections , 7 July 1952 , PRF; Wilfred Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 4 August 1992 ; "Parole Officer' s Report Sheet, " n.d. , PRF; AMX, 19 4 an d 213 ; "Field Report , Stat e o f Michigan , Division o f Pardons, Parole s and Probation , Lansing , Michigan ; Godfrey G . Agriesti , Parole Officer," n.d. , PRF; "Parole Board, Certificatio n o f Employer," n.d., PRF. 12. "Fiel d Report , Stat e o f Michigan , Divisio n o f Pardons, Parole s & Probation , Lansing, Michigan , Godfre y G . Agriesti , Parol e Officer, " 1 4 Februar y 1953 , 2-3 , PRF; Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 4 Augus t 1992 ; "Th e Commonwealt h o f Massachusetts Parol e Boar d Certificat e o f Discharge, Malcol m Littl e #8077, " 4 May 1953, PRF. 13. AMX, 202 ; 204- 5 (cf . Muhammad , Message to the Blackman in America, 179); Memo from S A [name redacted], to SAC, Ne w York, "Malcol m K . Little ; SMMCI," 24 January 1955 , 4-6, Malcol m X Little, FB I file, New York, 105-8999-61 . Henceforth, MX/NY. Emphasi s i n the text for all quotations. 14. AMX , 205 ; SA [nam e redacted] , t o SAC , Ne w York , "MKL ; SM-MCI, " 2 4 January 1955 , 4-5, 7-8 , MX/NY-61 . Notes to Chapter 8 1. Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 5 August 1992 ; AMX, 194-97 . 2. "Fiel d Report, " 1 4 Februar y 1953 , 1 , PRF; Cone , Martin & Malcolm & America, 91 ; AMX, 198 , 200. 3. Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 5 Augus t 1992 ; AMX, 201-3 ; Ne w Yor k Office Report , "[Malcol m K . Little ; SM-MCI?]," 23 May 1955 , 22, Ree l 1 , SR. 4. AMX , 213 ; Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 5 Augus t 1992 ; Malcolm X Speaks, 40-41 . 5. Ne w York Office Report , "[MKL ; SM-MCI?]," 23 May 1955 , 24-25 , Ree l 1 , SR; Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 5 August 1992 ; Cone, Martin & Malcolm & America, 92; AMX, 409 , 216-17 . 6. Airte l fro m SAC , Philadelphi a t o Director , "Musli m Mosque , Inc. ; IS-X," 22 May 1964 , 3-4 , Musli m Mosque , Inc. , FB I headquarter s file, 100-441765-116 . Henceforth, MMI/HQ; AMX , 217 , 219-20 ; Ne w York/Philadelphi a Offic e Report , "Malcolm K . Little , was ; Security Marter-MCI, " 1 8 November 1954 , 11 , Reel 1 , SR; Jeremiah Shabaz z Interview . 7. Lette r o f Malcol m X , Eas t Elmhurst , N.Y. , 2 5 Apri l 1955 , BEST; Philadel phia Offic e Report , "[Malcol m K . Little?], " 23 Augus t 1954 , 1 , Ree l 1 , SR; Goldman, The Death and Life, 55 .

316 • Notes to Chapter 9 8. AMX , 220 , 222-23 ; New Yor k Office Report , "Malcol m Little , was ; Security Matter-MCI," 3 1 January 1956 , 4, Ree l 1 , SR; Ne w York Office Report , "MKL ; SMNOI," 2 3 Apri l 1957 , 7 , 37-38 , an d 50 , Ree l 1 , SR; Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "[MKL; SM-MCI?], " 2 3 Ma y 1955 , 12 , Ree l 1 , SR; Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "Malcolm Little , wa s Malcol m Shabazz ; Malcol m X ; Ministe r Malcolm ; Brothe r Malcolm; Security Matter-NOI, " 3 0 April 1958 , 71, Reel 1 , SR. 9. Tynnett a Muhammad , Families of Muhammad: Study into the Birth of a Nation. Articles Based on Muhammad's History and the Holy Qur-an, Th e Woma n in Isla m Educationa l Serie s (Phoenix, Ariz. : H.E.M.F., 1981) , 13-14 . 10. Ne w Yor k Office Report , "MKL ; SM-NOI, " 2 3 April 1957 , 45, Ree l 1 , SR; New Yor k Offic e Report , "[MKL ; SM-MCI?], " 2 3 Ma y 1955 , 20 , Ree l 1 , SR; S A [name redacted] , t o SAC , Ne w York, "Malcolm K . Little ; SM-MCI," 25 May 1955 , 1, MX/NY-154 . Cf . Goldman , The Death and Life, 42-43 ; Sahib , "Th e Natio n o f Islam," 94. 11. Ne w York Office Report , "MKL ; SM-NOI," 2 3 April 1957 , 1 7 and 21 , Reel 1, SR; lette r fro m Mrs . } . Mims , St . Augustine , Fla. , i n "Voic e o f th e Peopl e . . . Wha t Courie r Reader s Think : 'Mr . Muhamma d Speaks ' Irk s Thes e Readers, " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 4 July 1956 , 10 . 12. Lette r fro m H . E . Fortsen , i n "Wha t Courie r Reader s Think : Muhamma d Articles Calle d Undesirable, " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 4 Jun e 1957 , sec . 2 , 15 ; lette r from Malcol m X , i n "Wha t Courie r Reader s Think , Malcol m X Fire s Awa y a t Principal," Pittsburgh Courier, 3 1 August 1957 , sec. 2 , 5 . 13. AMX , 239-40 ; Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism, 16 8 and 177 ; Malcolm X , "We Arose from th e Dead!" Moslem World & The U.S.A. (August-Septembe r 1956) , 24-27 an d 36 . 14. Malcol m X , "God' s Angry Men," Herald-Dispatch (Los Angeles), 1 0 October 1957, MX/NY-543. 15. "Certificat e o f Mr. Malcol m X . Little , Conductin g Busines s under the Nam e of Templ e # 7 Luncheonette, " Count y Clerk , N.Y . County , 1 4 Novembe r 1955 ; "Certificate o f Incorporation o f Muhammad's Temple o f Islam, Inc., " County Clerk , N.Y. County , 1 1 May 1956 ; AMX, 224-25 . Cf . Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 343-45. 16. Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "ML ; SM-MCI, " 3 1 Januar y 1956 , 74-75 , Ree l 1, SR. Notes to Chapter 9 1. Jame s L . Hicks , "Rio t Threa t a s Cop s Bea t Moslem, " New York Amsterdam News, 4 May 1957 , 1 ; "Moslem Announce s $ Million N Y Suit," Pittsburgh Courier, 9 Novembe r 1957 , 7 ; Perry, Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 16 4 and 437 ; AMX, 236 ; Goldman, The Death and Life, 56-58 . 2. Author' s transcript of/ Remember Harlem, par t 4: "Toward a New Day, 1965 -

Notes to Chapter 9 • 31 7 1980." Fil m b y Willia m Mile s (Princeton , N.J. : Film s fo r th e Humanities , 1986) ; Goldman, The Death and Life, 5 7 and 59 ; James Hicks , "Anothe r Angle : Sic k o f It All," New York Amsterdam News, 2 Jul y 1960 , 10 ; "Sa y Polic e Tak e Movie s o f Moslems," New York Amsterdam News y 1 1 May 1957 . Clippin g from th e files of the New Yor k Cit y Polic e Department , Burea u o f Specia l Service s (BOSS) ; henceforth , BOSS. 3. AMX , 237 ; letter s fro m Chie f Inspecto r Nielson , Ne w Yor k Cit y Polic e De partment, 1 5 Ma y 1957 , BOSS; "Detail s o f Braw l Aire d i n Court ; Moslem , Beate n in N.Y . Co p Fracas , Acquitted, " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 June 1957 , sec , 2 , 2 , BOSS; "Moslems Ask Kennedy to Fire Two Cops," New York Amsterdam News, 9 November 1957, BOSS; "Charge s Polic e wit h Brutality ; Mosle m Announce s $ Millio n N Y Suit," Pittsburgh Courier, 9 November 1957 , 7 , BOSS. 4. Telegra m fro m Malcol m X to Commissioner Stephe n P . Kennedy , Ne w York City Police Department , 2 November 1957 , 1 an d 2 , BOSS. 5. Malcol m X to S. P . Kennedy , 2 , 3. 6. "Moslem s As k Kennedy t o Fir e Two Cops"; [Malcolm X] , "Police Brutalit y i n New York Exposed," Mr. Muhammad Speaks (May 1960 , rpt . o f 1s t ed.), 13 ; AMX, 237; Goldman, The Death and Life, 256 , 258-59 . 7. Davi d J . Garrow , The FBI and Martin Luther King, Jr. (New York : Pengui n Books, 1981) , 154 ; Clayborne Carson , Malcolm X: The FBI File (New York: Carroll and Graf , 1991) , 26 ; Boston Offic e Report , "MKL ; SM-C; SM-MCI/ * 4 May 1953 , 3, Ree l 1 , SR; Mem o fro m S A [redacted] , t o SAC , Ne w York , "Malcolm K . Little , aka; IS-C," 1 2 August 1960 , MX/NY-1925. 8. Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "MKL : SM-NOI, " 2 3 Apri l 1957 , 4 , Ree l 1 , SR; AMX, 225 ; Cone , Martin & Malcolm & America, 91 ; TESUR summary , "[SA C Chicago, t o SAC New York?]," "[?]; [Internal] Security-NOI, " 25 April 1957 , 1 , MX/ NY-428, emphasi s i n the text. 9. Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "MKL ; SM-NOI, " 2 3 April 1957 , 69 , Ree l 1 , SR; New York Office Report , "ML ; SM-NOI," 3 0 April 1958 , 23, Reel 1 , SR; "Malcol m X i n Detroi t fo r 2 Weeks, " New York Amsterdam News, 3 1 Augus t 1957 , 16 ; "Malcolm X Making Hit in Detroit," New York Amsterdam News, 7 September 1957 , 16; "Malcolm X Returns ; Detroi t Moslem s Grow, " New York Amsterdam News, 2 6 October 1957 , 3. 10. AMX , 235 ; Wilfred Littl e Shabazz Interview , 1 5 August 1992 ; memorandum from Detectiv e Walte r Upshu r t o Commanding Officer , BOSS , "Meetin g Sponsore d by the Moslem Society, " 7 November 1957 , Case 55-M , BOSS; Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 17 0 and 439 ; "Malcolm X in Boston, " New York Amsterdam News, 9 November 1957 , 16 ; "Malcolm Shabaz z Speake r a t D.C , Brotherhoo d Feast, " New York Amsterdam News, 3 0 November 1957 , 4; "Malcolm X Speaks i n Lo s Angeles," New York Amsterdam News, 1 December 1957 , 17 . 11. Ne w York Office Report , "ML ; SM-NOI," 3 0 April 1958 , 2 and 38 , Ree l 1 , SR; Ne w Yor k Office Report , "[MKL ; SM-MC I ?], " 23 Ma y 1955 , 25 , Re d 1 , SR;

318 • Notes to Chapter 9 New Yor k Offic e Report , "MKL ; SM-NOI, " 2 3 Apri l 1957 , 3 , Ree l 1 , SR; Te d Watson an d Paul E . N . Brown , "Moslem s Stage Goodwill Tour," Pittsburgh Courier, 15 Septembe r 1956 , 19 ; Abdu l Basi t Naeem , "Moslem s 'Invade ' Georgia, " The Moslem World & The U.S.A. (October-Decembe r 1956) , 36-38 . 12. Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "Malcol m K . Little , was ; Internal Security-NOI, " 19 November 1958 , 9 , 12 , 18 , an d 19 , Ree l 1 , SR; Ne w York Office Report , [?] , 10 November 1954 , 1 , Ree l 1 , SR; Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "[MKL ; SM-MCI?], " 23 May 1955 , 12 , Ree l 1 , SR; Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "Natio n o f Islam , Interna l Security-NOI," 21 February 1961 , 5 , Reel 1 , SR. 13. "Moslem s Figh t R.R . Statio n Bias , Jailed, " Pittsburgh Courier, 9 Marc h 1957, sec . 2 , 1 ; "Two Negroe s Mau l Chie f i n Flomaton, " Pensacola Journal (Pensacola, Fla.) , 2 3 Februar y 1957 , sec . A , 1 and 2 ; New Yor k Office Report , "NOI ; ISNOI," 2 1 Februar y 1961 , 16 , Ree l 1 , SR; Worthy , "Th e Natio n o f Islam : Impac t and Prospects, " 39-40 ; New York Office Report , "ML; SM-NOI," 3 0 April 1958 , 6 , Reel 1 , SR. 14. Malcol m X wa s marrie d t o Bett y Dea n Sanders , a membe r o f Ne w York' s Temple No . 7 , o n January 14 , 1958 . Se e "Malcolm X Married!" Pittsburgh Courier, 28 January 1958 , 6 ; "Malcolm's Wed ; It' s a Surprise, " New York Amsterdam News, 25 Januar y 1958 , 14 ; AMX , 228-235 ; An n Geracimos , "Mrs . Malcol m X—He r Role as Wife," New York Herald Tribune, 3 0 June 1963 , 6. 15. Memorandu m fro m Det . Willia m K . DeFosset t t o Commandin g Officer , BOSS, "Inciden t a t 25-46 99th Street , Corona , Involvin g Member s o f the Temple of Islam," 2 7 Ma y 1958 , #90-M , 1-8 , BOSS; " 3 Moslem s Seize d a s Polic e Fighters ; Home o f 'X ' Group' s Leade r Sit e o f Battle, " New York Amsterdam News, 2 4 Ma y 1958, 21 , BOSS; "Grou p Riled over Police Actions; Moslems Await 'D-Day' in N.Y . Court," Pittsburgh Courier, 2 4 Ma y 1958 , 7 ; "Moslems Plea d 'No t Guilty, ' " New York Amsterdam News, 1 8 October 1958 , 21 ; "Muslims Wi n N.Y . Polic e Brutalit y Suit," Pittsburgh Courier, 1 7 Februar y 1960 , 9 ; "Tria l o f 5 N.Y. Moslem s Draw s Crowds," Pittsburgh Courier, 1 4 Marc h 1959 , 8 ; "Jury Deliberate s 1 3 Hours ; Mos lems Freed , Cr y fo r Arres t o f Cops, " Pittsburgh Courier, 2 8 Marc h 1959 , 3 ; and [Malcolm X] , "Police Brutality i n New York Exposed," 13. 16. "N Y Cops Rip Moslem Leader' s Home , Lan d i n Hospital ; Break in Malcol m X's Home ; Follower s Resen t It, " Herald-Dispatch (Lo s Angeles) , 2 2 Ma y 1958 , BOSS; "Cour t Crowded ; Postpon e Mosle m Hearing, " Pittsburgh Courier, 3 1 Ma y 1958, 3 . 17. Cone , Malcolm & Martin & America, 93 ; emphasis i n th e text . "Mosle m Speaker Electrifie s Garve y Crowd, " New York Amsterdam News, 1 0 August 1957 , 4; SE [nam e redacted] , t o SAC , Ne w York , "Natio n o f Islam , IS-NOI, " 1 1 Augus t 1957, 1 , MX/NY-495. 18. Ne w York Office Report , "ML ; SM-MCI," 3 1 January 1956 , 70, Ree l 1 , SR. 19. "ML; SM-MCI," 3 1 January 1956 , 70. 20. "ML ; SM-MCI," 3 1 January 1956 , 72.

Notes to Chapter 10 • 31 9 21. "ML ; SM-MCI," 3 1 January 1956 , 72. 22. A l Nail, "Indonesian s Visit Harlem Landmarks, " New York Amsterdam News, 20 July 1957 , 7 and 33 ; "Malcolm X , Congressma n Powel l on Hand ; Moslems Hel p Welcome Leader s from Indonesia, " Pittsburgh Courier [New York edition], sec. 2 , 1 , MX/NY-480, i n SAC , Lo s Angeles to FB I Director , "Natio n o f Islam, IS-NO I ( 0 0 : Chicago)," 2 3 Jul y 1957 , MX/NY-484 ; "2,00 0 a t Mosle m Feas t i n Harlem, " New York Amsterdam News, 2 0 July 1957 , 26. 23. "2,00 0 at Moslem Feas t i n Harlem. " 24. Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "ML ; SM-NOI, " 3 0 Apri l 1958 , 33-34 , Ree l 1 , SR; als o see "Breakfast i n White Hous e fo r Insulte d African ; Ike , Nixo n Apologiz e to Negro over Delawar e Racia l Snub! " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 9 October 1957 , 5 . Notes to Prologue to Part Three 1. AMX , 341-42 . 2. AMX , 345 . Notes to Chapter 10 1. Mem o fro m SAC , Ne w Yor k t o Director , "Natio n o f Islam ; IS-NO I (OO : Chicago)," 1 6 Jul y 1959 , 4-7 , Ree l 1 , SR; als o se e Carson , Malcolm X: The FBI File, 163-64 . 2. AMX , 240 ; "Is Ne w Yor k Sittin g o n a 'Powde r Keg ? Racia l Unres t Force s It s Way to the Surface," U.S. News & World Report, 3 August 1959 , 48-51; "The Black Supremacists," Time, 1 0 Augus t 1959 , 24-25 ; "Moslem s Figh t Back ; Ba r Whit e Press," New York Amsterdam News, 1 Augus t 1959 , 1 an d 31 ; "So n Declares : Muslims' Critics Tell Falsehoods, " Pittsburgh Courier, 29 August 1959 , 8. 3. "Moslem s Figh t Back; Bar White Press, " 31. 4. AMX , 333 ; Perry, Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 119 ; H. A . R . Gibb , Mohammedanism (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1970) , 127 ; Charles S. Braden, "Isla m in America," International Review of Missions (July 1959) : 310. An early historian o f the Ahmadiyya , however , state d tha t Ahma d actuall y claime d a propheti c rol e o f minor inspiratio n i n contrast to that of the Prophe t Muhammad . Despit e his claim t o prophethood solel y i n an d throug h Muhammad , traditiona l Muslim s apparentl y found Ahmad' s assertio n entirel y unacceptable . H . A . Walter , The Religious Life of India: The Ahmadiya Movement (Calcutta : Associatio n Press/London : Humphre y Milford, Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1918 ; rpt. , Ne w Dehli : Manoha r Publications , 1991), 55—56 . Note that i n my dissertation o n the religious Malcolm X , I erroneously characterized th e controversia l distinctio n o f th e Ahmadiyy a t o b e it s clai m tha t Ahmad wa s th e Madhi . Suc h a "messianic " clai m wa s no t th e problemati c issue ; rather, i t wa s Ahmad' s propheti c clai m tha t i s unacceptabl e t o th e Sunn i Musli m world. 5. Richar d B . Turner, "Th e Ahmadiyya Missio n t o Blacks in the Unite d State s in

320 • Notes to Chapter 10 the 1920s, " Journal of Religious Thought 4 0 (1983): 55, 58-63 ; Gibb, Mohammedanism, 128 ; Braden, "Isla m i n America," 312-13 . 6. Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 276-79 . Abdu l Basi t Naeem , intervie w by [Detective Ernes t B . Latty, ] Ne w Yor k Cit y Polic e Department , Burea u o f Specia l Services, 5 August 1959 , 2 , BOSS; henceforth , Naee m Interview , 5 August 1959 . Unfortunately, i n m y dissertatio n o n th e religiou s Malcol m X , I hav e erre d i n associating Abdul Basi t Naeem wit h th e Ahmadiyya movement . Quit e uncritically , I assumed Naeem' s Pakistan i background , hi s previou s residenc e i n Chicago , an d hi s enthusiastic missionar y spiri t t o b e indicativ e o f hi s affiliatio n wit h tha t movement . However, whil e my unscholarly assumption wa s reasonable, i t is apparently incorrect . Subsequent tracin g o f Mr . Naee m ha s prove n quit e difficult , an d effort s t o confir m his particular affiliatio n hav e thus far bee n frustrated . However , a kind representativ e of th e Ahmadiyy a movemen t i n Ne w Yor k Cit y ha s tentativel y assure d m e tha t h e knows nothin g o f Mr . Naeem , no r o f an y Ahmadiyy a missionar y t o th e Unite d States b y tha t name . Telephon e consultatio n wit h Nazi r Ayaz , Ne w Yor k City , 2 0 September 1994 . 7. AMX , 240 ; "The MUSLIM S o f Americ a Salut e GHANA, " Pittsburgh Courier, 9 Marc h 1957 , 26 ; "Miste r Muhammad' s Messag e t o African-Asia n Confer ence!" Pittsburgh Courier, 1 8 Januar y 1958 , 5 ; Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 279, n . 52 . 8. Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 279 . Abdu l Basi t Naeem , "Malcolm X as Nasser's Guest, " intervie w b y [Detectiv e Ernes t B . Latty? ] Ne w Yor k Cit y Polic e Department, Burea u o f Specia l Services , 2 3 Jul y 1959 , 1 , BOSS. Henceforth , Naeem Interview , 2 3 Jul y 1959 . Airte l fro m SAC , Ne w York , t o FB I Director , "Nation o f Islam," 24 July 1959 , 3 , Reel 1 , SR. 9. Naee m Interview , 5 August 1959 , 1-2 ; Naee m Interview , 2 3 July 1959 , 1-2 ; New York Office Report , "Malcol m K . Little ; Internal Security-NOI, " 1 7 November 1959, 23 , Reel 1 , SR. 10. Naee m Interview , 5 August 1959 , 1-2 . 11. Untitle d clipping , Pittsburgh Courier, 1 August 1959 , 22 , BOSS; Naee m Interview, 2 3 Jul y 1959 , 1 ; Malcol m X , "Arab s Sen d War m Greeting s t o 'Ou r Brothers' of Color i n U.S.A. ; Malcol m X Finds Africans, Arab s Fret Mor e abou t U s Than Selves, " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 5 August 1959 , sec. 2 , 5 . 12. Lette r fro m Malcol m X , "Afric a Eye s Us, " in "Puls e o f the Public " column , New York Amsterdam News, 2 2 August 1959 , 10 . 13. Malcol m X , "Afric a Eye s Us," 10. 14. Malcol m X , "Afric a Eye s Us," 10. 15. Malcol m X , "Arab s Sen d War m Greetings" ; Malcol m X , "Afric a Eye s Us" ; Naeem Interview , 5 August 1959 , 2 ; Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 5 Augus t 1992; New York Office Report , "[Natio n o f Islam?]," 29 July 1959 , 1 , Reel 1 , SR.

Notes to Chapter 11 • 321 Notes to Chapter 11 1. Lincoln , The Black Muslims, 232-33 , 250 , an d 246 ; Karim , Remembering Malcolm, 134 . 2. Elija h Muhammad , "Muhammad' s Tri p t o Mecca," Salaam (Jul y 1960) : 32 33, BEST; lette r o f Yusu f Ibrahim , "Wha t Courie r Reader s Think, " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 March 1958 , sec . 2 , 7 ; lette r o f Victo r Brach , "Wha t Courie r Reader s Think," Pittsburgh Courier, 3 1 Ma y 1958 , sec . 2 , 7 ; Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism, 310-11 . 3. Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 31 3 and n . 30 , 314-15 . 4. Telegra m fro m Ahma d Jamal , Time, 3 1 August 1959 , 5 ; "Dakota Stato n Says : True Musli m Doe s No t Hate, ' " Pittsburgh Courier, 2 6 September 1959 , 24 ; "Muslim Leade r Call s Mosle m Leade r Thony, ' " New York Amsterdam News, 3 October 1959, 11 ; Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism, 314-17 ; "Fete for Toure, Booin g Fiasco; Acid Thrown a s 'Moslems' Clash," Pittsburgh Courier, 27 November 1959 , 11. 5. Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 31 4 and 317 ; Howard Pulley , "Muslim s a Fraud, Dakota , Hubb y Charge, " Chicago Defender, 8 Jun e 1962 , 1-2 ; "Dakot a Staton, Hubb y Fil e Sui t against Mr . Muhammad, " Pittsburgh Courier, 9 June 1962 , 1 an d 4 ; Joh n F . Hatchett , "Th e Mosle m Influenc e amon g America n Negroes, " Journal of Human Relations (Summe r 1962) : 381-82 ; "Singer' s Husban d Issue s Muhammad Debat e Challenge, " Pittsburgh Courier, 2 3 Jun e 1962 , 3 ; and Dakot a Staton, "Wh y I' m agains t Elija h Muhammad, " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 4 July 1962 , 5 . 6. Bo b Queen, "Muhamma d Bar s 2 Orthodox Muslims, " Pittsburgh Courier, 20 June 1962 , 2 ; Alfredo Graham , "Sui t agains t Muhamma d Ridiculous ; I s a Publicit y Stunt,' Say s Malcolm X, " Pittsburgh Courier, 2 3 June 1962 , 5 ; letter o f Malcolm X , "Pulse o f th e Public " column , New York Amsterdam News, 1 December 1962 , 10 , NY/MX-3285; Lincoln, The Black Muslims, 232 ; Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism, 315. 7. Abdu l B . Naeem , "Mr . Elija h Muhamma d an d Th e Mosle m Worl d & Th e U.S.A.," The Moslem World & The U.S.A. (October-Decembe r 1956) , 8 an d 9 ; Abdul Basi t Naeem , "Pakistan i Musli m Asserts : 'Wil l Foreve r Serv e Messenge r o f Allah,' " Muhammad Speaks, 3 1 July 1964 , 9 ; Abdul B . Naeem , "Mosle m Conven tion—1957," The Moslem World & The U.S.A. (March-Apri l 1957) , 2 3 and 25. 8. Prefac e b y Abdul Basi t Naeem , The Supreme Wisdom, 5 ; emphasis an d uppe r case i n the text. Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 311-12 ; letter of Adib E. Nurud din, "Wha t Courie r Reader s Think," Pittsburgh Courier, 1 0 January 1959 , sec . 2 , 7 ; letter o f Adib E . Nuruddin , "Wha t Courie r Reader s Think, " Pittsburgh Courier, 25 April 1959 , sec. 2 , 4. 9. Mose s J. Newson , "Pakistan i Say s Black Muslims in U.S . Misrepresen t Islam, " Afro-American (Baltimore), 5 May 1962 , 17 ; "Pakistan Mosle m Blast s Muhammad, " Pittsburgh Courier, 21 July 1962 , 6; Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism, 313 .

322 • Notes to Chapter 12 10. Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 318 ; "Internationa l Isla m Ignore s Ski n Color," Pittsburgh Courier, 24 February 1962 , sec. 2 , 18 . 11. AMX , 242 ; Harr y S . Ashmore , "Negr o Ghetto s i n th e North , Par t 4 : Black Muslim Crusad e a Paralle l to th e Klan, " New York Herald-Tribune, 1 2 Ma y 1960 . From th e clipping file of the Municipal Library , Ne w York City, Boroug h of Manhattan; Willia m Worthy , "Th e Angries t Negroes, " Esquire (February 1961) , 102 ; Krosney, "America' s Blac k Supremacists," 390. 12. AMX, 250 . Emphasi s i n the text. 13. Quigg , "Malcolm X , No . 2 Muslim, Say s Black Man 'Original, ' " 9. 14. Lette r o f Yahya Hawari , "Wha t Courie r Reader s Think," Pittsburgh Courier, 25 August 1962 , 12 . 15. Lette r o f Malcol m X , "Wha t Courie r Reader s Think," Pittsburgh Courier, 6 October 1962 , 13 . 16. Lette r of Malcolm X , 13 . Malcolm quote d Sura h 5:51 : "Oh yo u who believe, take no t th e Je w and th e Christian s fo r friends . The y ar e friend s o f each other . An d whoever amongs t yo u take s the m fo r friend s h e i s indeed on e o f them. Surel y Alla h guides not th e unjust people " (Muhammad Al i interpretation o f the Qur'an). 17. Sahib , "Th e Natio n o f Islam," 183. 18. Lette r o f Malcolm X , "Amsterda m New s Reader s Write, " New York Amsterdam News, 2 4 November 1962 , 39 . Malcol m quote d th e Qur'an, Sura h 20:102 . 19. Rober t Payne , "Wh y 400,000,00 0 Follo w Mohammed, " New York Times Magazine, 4 Augus t 1963 , 26 ; letter fro m Malcol m X , "Letters " section, New York Times Magazine, 2 5 Augus t 1963 , 2 . Malcol m quote d fro m Sura h 15:2 6 i n th e Muhammad Al i English interpretatio n o f the Qur'an . Notes to Chapter 12 1. Malcol m X on The Ben Hunter Show (Los Angeles: Channel 11 , 29-30 Marc h 1963, 11:3 0 P.M . t o 1:3 0 A.M.) , LH M fro m Lo s Angeles Office, [captio n redacted] , 8 April 1963 , 3 , Reel 1 , SR. 2. Malcol m X on The Ben Hunter Show, 3 . 3. Malcol m X on The Ben Hunter Show, 3 . 4. Lomax , To Kill a Black Man, 93-94 ; AMX , 269 ; H . D . Quigg , "Debat e Muslim Clai m t o Be Legitimate Religion, " Daily Defender (Chicago), 1 8 June 1963 , 9; Albert B. Southwick , "Malcol m X : Charismatic Demagogue, " Christian Century, 5 June 1963 , 741. 5. Airte l fro m SAC , Chicag o t o Director , "Natio n o f Islam ; IS-NOI," 1 1 Marc h 1963, 4 , MX/NY-3434 ; transcrip t o f Malcol m X intervie w o n Focus (Washington , D.C.: WUST Radio , 1 2 May 1963) . LH M fro m Washington , D.C. , field office , 2 3 May 1963 , "Malcol m K . Little , Als o Know n a s Malcol m X , Interna l Security — Nation o f Islam," 2 and 7 , Ree l 1 , SR. 6. Malcol m X on Focus, 7 and 11 ; author's emphasis.

Notes to Chapter 12 • 32 3 7. Fo r example , Georg e Breitman , The Last Year of Malcolm X: The Evolution of a Revolutionary (Ne w York: Pathfinder Press , 1984) , 13-21 . 8. The Last Speeches, 44-45; Allen Howard , "Th e Whit e Ma n I s Finished, Say s Malcolm X, " Call & Post (Cleveland), 2 9 June 1963 , sec . A , 7 . Thi s articl e docu ments Malcolm' s appearanc e o n th e Discussion with Will Irvin Show, KYW-TV , 2 2 June 1963 ; "Malcolm X Outlines Goal/ ' Michigan Daily (An n Arbor) , 2 3 Octobe r 1963, 1 . 9. Breitman , The Last Year, 9. 10. Cone , Martin & Malcolm & America, 165 . 11. Cone , Martin & Malcolm & America, 15 4 and 155 . 12. Cone , Martin & Malcolm & America, 157-59 ; AMX, 290-91 . 13. AMX , 214 . 14. Author' s transcrip t o f Malcol m X on Program P.M., wit h hos t Ji m Gordo n (New York : WIN S Radio , 1 3 Jun e 1963) , i n archive s o f Ne w Yor k University , Institute o f Afro-American Affairs ; henceforth , NYU; "Malcolm X to Answer Calls," New York Amsterdam News, 1 5 June 1963 , MX/NY-3687. 15. Malcol m X o n Program P.M.; transcrip t of Expose (Norfolk, Va. : WNO R Radio, 22-2 3 Augus t 1963 , 1 1 P.M . to 2:0 0 A.M.) , Airte l an d LH M fro m SAC , Norfolk t o Director, "Natio n o f Islam, IS-NOI, " 3 0 August 1963 , 3-4 , MX/NY-308 4 and -3085. 16. Fo r informatio n abou t th e Natio n afte r Malcol m X , se e Mamiya , "Fro m Black Musli m t o Bilalian : Th e Evolutio n o f a Movement" ; Marth a F . Lee , The Nation of Islam, an American Millenarian Movement (Lewiston , N.Y. : Edwin Mel len Press , 1988) ; and Barboza , " A Divided Legacy. " 17. Lincoln , The Black Muslims, 250 . 18. Lette r fro m Malcol m X to Alex Haley , 2 5 April 1964 . Pag e 1 of this letter i s reproduced i n th e original editio n o f AMX, insert , 336 . Emphasi s i n original . 19. "To p Musli m Applaud s Muhammad, " New Crusader (Chicago), 1 2 November 1960 , 20 , MX/NY-2059 ; "Cair o Educato r Says : 'Al l Muslim s Ar e Brothers / " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 2 November 1960 , MX/NY-2061 ; "Moslem fro m Cair o Laud s Muslims Here, " New York Amsterdam News, 1 5 November 1960 , 1 an d 11. 20. I n Februar y 1965 , Malcol m sai d i n a radio interview that Elija h Muhamma d was "a s anti-Africa n a s h e wa s anti-white. " H e als o declared , "Elija h Muhamma d himself i s anti-Arab; he' s mor e anti-Ara b tha n probabl y th e Israeli s are" ; Ne w York : WINS, February 196S, 205 and 208 . Lincoln , The Black Muslims, 250 . 21. Se e J. Milto n Yinger , Religion, Society and the Individual (Ne w York : Macmillan, 1957) ; referenc e t o th e numerica l declin e o f th e Nation' s membershi p i s made b y Malcol m X i n February 1965, 189 ; Lincoln, The Black Muslims, 240-4 4 (reference t o Muhammad's quot e from The Supreme Wisdom, 4) . 22. Rober t Booth Fowler , Unconventional Partners: Religion and Liberal Culture in the United States (Gran d Rapids , Mich. : Eerdmans , 1989) , 148 ; Hexha m an d Poewe, Understanding Cults, 1.

324 • Notes to Chapter 13 23. Lincoln , Race, Religion, and the Continuing American Dilemma (Ne w York: Hill an d Wang , 1984) , 161 . Se e Mustaf a El-Amin , The Religion of Islam and the Nation of Islam: What Is the Difference? (Newark, N.J. : El-Amin Productions , 1990) . Notes to Chapter 13 1. "Powel l 'Ver y Flexible / Rac e Waking Up : Malcolm X, " Daily Defender (Chicago), 1 1 June 1963 , 9; Howard, "Th e White Ma n I s Finished, Say s Malcolm X. " 2. "Wes t Coas t Universit y Bar s Malcom' s [sic] Speech," A/ro-Americcz n (Balti more), 2 0 Ma y 1961 , 16 ; "UC Forbid s Blac k Musli m t o Give Schedule d Talk, " San Francisco Chronicle, 5 May 1961 , 5; "Malcolm X UC Ba n Protested, " San Francisco Examiner, 6 Ma y 1961 , 7 ; "Black Musli m Backed : ACL U Blast s U C Campu s Tal k Ban," San Francisco Chronicle, 7 May 1961 , 5 ; William Boldenweck , " 'Christianit y Failed Us / Declare s Blac k Muslim, " San Francisco Examiner, 8 Ma y 1961 , 9 ; "Malcolm 'X ' Raps UC, Ask s Land," San Francisco Chronicle, 9 May 1961 , 23. 3. Jame s D e Metro , "Malcol m X Predict s Americ a I s Doomed, " Heights Daily News (Ne w Yor k University , Bronx , N.Y.) , 7 Februar y 1962 , 1 ; James D e Metro , telephone interview by author, 8 June 1992 ; "Malcolm X , Abner Debate Integration, " Chicago Maroon (Universit y o f Chicago) , 2 0 Februar y 1962 ; Jay Greenberg , "Mus lims— Misunderstood Force, " Chicago Maroon, 1 6 February 1962 ; "Invited by Campus NAACP ; Malcol m X Howar d U . Negr o Histor y Guest, " Pittsburgh Courier [Southern Edition] , 1 1 Februar y 1961 , 3 ; "Muslim Malcol m X Out a s Howar d U . History Speaker, " Pittsburgh Courier [Souther n Edition] , 2 5 Februar y 1961 , sec . 2,6. 4. Lette r o f Malcol m X to Elija h Muhammad , 1 5 Februar y 1961 ; author's em phasis. "Blac k Musli m Chie f Modifie s Goal , Debate s Integratio n a t Howar d U., " Evening Star (Washington , D.C.) , 3 1 Octobe r 1961 , sec . B , 1 ; Bayar d Rustin , interview b y E d Edwin , 8 Ma y 1985 , "Th e Reminiscence s o f Bayar d Rustin " (Ne w York: Ora l Histor y Researc h Office , Columbi a University , 1988) , 217-18 ; AMX, 288 an d 268 ; emphasi s i n th e text . Malcol m date s Muhammad' s admonitio n a s having take n plac e afte r th e Nation' s first outreac h i n Atlanta , Georgia , i n Augus t 1956. Lette r o f Malcol m X t o Elija h Muhammad , 1 9 July 1960 , 2 , BEST; Sahib , "The Natio n o f Islam," 241. 5. AMX , 285 , 289-90 , an d 401 ; Malcolm X , The End of White World Supremacy: Four Speeches by Malcolm X , ed . Benjami n Kari m (Ne w York : Seave r Books , 1971), 19-20 ; Robert Littl e Interview ; Joan V . Durham , "Th e Blac k Musli m Move ment," MS, Hollin s College, Roanoke , Va., Apri l 1963 , 37. 6. Charle s Keil , "Rememberin g Malcolm, " MS, 2 8 February 1990 , 1-2 . 7. Goldman , The Death and Life, 79 ; Hexham an d Poewe , Understanding Cults, 14; Danie l G . Hill , "Th e Cas e agains t th e Groups, " i n New Religions and Mental Health, ed . Herber t Richardso n (Ne w York : Edwi n Melle n Press , 1980) , 5 ; AMX,

Notes to Chapter 13 • 32 5 213, 255 , 292 , an d 270 . Emphasi s i n th e text ; Rober t S . Ellwood , Religious and Spiritual Groups in Modern America (Englewood Cliffs , N.J. : Prentic e Hall , 1973) , 18. 8. Malcol m late r admitte d tha t th e Natio n ha d "reache d it s peak i n strength " i n 1959-60, an d "bega n t o taper off " i n 1961 . February 1965: The Final Speeches, 189; Hentoff, "Elija h i n th e Wilderness," 40; letter from BEST t o author, 5 August 1993 , 3. On e authorit y o n th e Natio n observe d tha t th e blac k pres s ha d "acte d wit h duplicity an d opportunis m towar d th e Natio n o f Islam, " changin g thei r opinio n o f the movemen t onl y afte r th e large r pres s bega n t o condem n th e NOI . Essien Udom, Black Nationalism, 307-8 ; Dan Day , "I n the Nation's Capital: Muhammad' s Muslims in Throes of Crisis," Call & Post (Cleveland), 2 3 November 1963 , sec. B, 3. 9. Cone , Martin & Malcolm & America, 186 ; Malcol m X o n Expose, SAC , Norfolk t o FB I Director , "NOI ; IS-NOI, " (Norfolk , Va. : WNO R Radio , 3 0 Augus t 1963), 4 , MX/NY-380 4 an d -3805 ; Gertrude Samuels , "Tw o Ways : Blac k Musli m and N.A.A.C.P., " New York Times Magazine, 1 2 Ma y 1963 , 27 ; Ralph Matthews , Jr., "Ha s Anythin g Reall y Change d sinc e Malcol m X Talke d t o AFR O i n 1963? " Afro-American (Baltimore) , 2 3 Ma y 1981 , 14 , BEST; AMX, 293-94 ; author' s tran scription o f untitled videotap e o f panel discussio n featurin g Malcol m X with Herma n Blake and unidentifie d host , Universit y o f California, Berkeley , 1 1 (?) October 1963 . Malcolm's speec h a t Berkele y o n 1 1 Octobe r 196 3 i s foun d i n The Last Speeches, 59-79. 10. U.S . House , 87t h Cong. , 2 d sess. , H.R . 74 3 ( 2 Augus t 1962) , i n Genera l Correspondence, 1962 , A: VIII, Congressiona l Investigatin g Committees, #18 , Blac k Muslims (HUAC) , ACLU; Elsi e Carper , "Blac k Musli m Inquir y Tentativel y Ap proved," Washington Post, 1 5 August 1962 , ACLU; Popp y Cannon White , "Investi gating the Muslims, " New York Amsterdam News, 8 September 1962 , 11. 11. Goldman , The Death and Life, 98 ; "Elijah Muhamma d Offer s $100,000, " Afro-American (Baltimore) , 1 7 August 1963 , 1-2 ; an d Bal k an d Haley , "Blac k Mer chants o f Hate," 68-74; "ACLU an d Malcol m X Hit Musli m Firings, " jet, 8 August 1963, 54 ; "Civi l Libertie s Unio n Offer s Ai d t o Blac k Muslim s Fire d b y U. S., " Washington Post, 1 7 Jul y 1963 , sec . B , 2 ; "Blac k Muslim s i n Prison : O f Muslim Rite s and Constitutiona l Rights, " Columbia Law Review (1962): 1488-1504 ; "Criminal Anarchy—Louisiana ; Stat e o f Louisian a v . Tro y Blan d Cade ; Louisian a Supreme Court , 2 9 Apri l 1963 , 15 3 So . 2 d 382, " Race Relations Law Reporter 8 (1963): 411-18 ; Willar d Clopton , "Blac k Muslim s Tensio n Ease s a t Reformatory, " Washington Post, 1 August 1963 , sec . B , 1 ; The Wisdom of Malcolm X (Rahway , N.J.: Audiofidelit y Enterprises , n.d.) , recordin g o f Natio n rally , 1 0 Augus t 1963 , New York City. 12. Mar c Crawford, intervie w by author, 3 0 August 1991 , New York; henceforth , Marc Crawford Interview . 13. Wilfre d Littl e Shabaz z Interview , 1 5 Augus t 1992 ; AMX , 266-67 ; Bett y

326 • Notes to Chapter 13 Shabazz, "Malcol m X as a Husband an d Father, " i n Malcolm X : The Man and His Times, 138 ; Worthy, "Th e Natio n o f Islam: Impact and Prospects," 35; Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism, 177 . 14. The Last Speeches, 123 ; an FB I sourc e confirm s Malcolm' s presenc e a t th e meeting. Se e mem o fro m SAC , Ne w Orleans , to Director , "Malcol m Little , aka ; [caption redacted], " 15 November 1960 , 19 , Ree l 1 , SR; "White Fift h Crusade r Aims Guns a t Moslems, " Pittsburgh Courier, 2 3 Marc h 1957 , magazin e section , 6 ; "Mr . Muhammad Answer s Whit e Filt h [sic] Crusader," Pittsburgh Courier, 3 0 Marc h 1957, magazin e section , 6 . Bot h letter s ar e reproduce d i n Muhammad , Message to the Blackman in America, 330-41 . 15. The Last Speeches, 123; AMX, 268 , 294, 296-97 , 299-300 ; Wright, Leaving Cults, 8 ; Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "MKL ; IS-NOI, " 1 6 Novembe r 1962 , 13 , Ree l 1, SR. 16. Laurenc e Henry , "Malcolm X Lives, " Cavalier (Jun e 1966) , 93 , BEST; AMX, 295 ; emphasis i n the text. Lomax , When the Word Is Given, 209 ; emphasis in the text . Open Mind wit h Eri c Goldma n (Ne w York : WNBC-TV , 2 3 Apri l 1961) , audiocassette publishe d a s The Disadvantaged American (Hollywood , Calif : Th e Center for Cassette Studies , 1971) . 17. TESU R summar y fro m SAC , Phoeni x t o SAC , Washingto n Fiel d Office , "Nation o f Islam ; IS-NOI," 2 1 Ma y 1963 , 3 , MX/NY-3631; TESUR summar y fro m SAC [nam e redacted ] t o SAC , Chicago , "Natio n o f Islam ; IS-NOI, " 2 6 Septembe r 1963, 1 , MX/NY-3811. 18. M . S . Handler , "Malcol m X Startin g Driv e i n Washington, " New York Times, 1 0 May 1963 , 1 , 14 ; M. S . Handler , "Malcol m X Scores Kennedy o n Racia l Policy; Says He I s 'Wrong Becaus e Hi s Motivation I s Wrong,' " New York Times, 1 7 May 1963 , 14 ; "Kennedy Reporte d Concerned abou t Negro Extremism," Washington Post, 1 5 May 1963 , A6 ; Ben Burns , "JF K Gag s abou t TF X an d Malcol m X, " Daily Defender (Chicago), 5 June 1963 , 13. 19. Karim , Remembering Malcolm, 147 ; Worthy, "Th e Natio n o f Islam : Impac t and Prospects, " 35. In on e open-ai r rall y i n Harlem , Malcol m exclaimed , "W e ar e surrounde d b y agents posin g a s peace officers. " "Malcolm X Scores JFK' s Tri p Abroad, " New York Amsterdam News, 6 July 1963 , 22 ; see also "FBI Keepin g Close Watch o n Malcol m X in Charlotte, " Afro-American (Baltimore) , 2 February 1963 , 1 ; and "FB I Keepin g Eye o n Malcol m X' s Visit t o Charlotte ; Cit y Ha s Musli m Temple ; Dixi e Missio n o f Cult's No . 2 Man Disturb s Officials, " Journal and Guide (Norfolk , Va.) , 2 February 1963, 13 ; Malcolm X : The Man and His Times, 82 . 20. "Coas t Muslim s Fac e Rio t Charges, " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 2 Ma y 1962 , 7 ; Julius W. Holer , "Lo s Angeles Tensions U p over Police Brutality; Shooting, Beatings , Gross Miscarriage , Muslim s Declare, " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 9 Ma y 1962 , 4 ; "Slai n Muslim, 29 , Buried; Cop Freed, " Afro-American (Baltimore), 2 6 May 1962 , 19;-Ne w York Offic e Report , "MKL ; IS-NOI, " 1 6 November 1962 , Ree l 1 , SR; "L.A . Mus -

Notes to Chapter 13 • 32 7 lims Fac e Tria l ove r 'Riot, ' " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 5 Decembe r 1962 , 1 and 4 ; Bill Becker, "Muslim s o n Coas t Fightin g Rio t Case, " New York Times, 2 6 August 1962 , 64; and "10 Coast Muslims Receive Jail Terms," New York Times, 1 Augus t 1963 , 12. 21. Kennet h Clark , intervie w b y E d Edwin , April-Ma y 1985 , "Th e Reminis cences o f Kennet h Clark " (Ne w York : Ora l Histor y Researc h Office , Columbi a University, 1989) , 213 ; Hakim A . Jamal , From the Dead Level: Malcolm X and Me (New York: Random House , 1971) , 220-21 ; Goldman, The Death and Life, 99-100 ; Karim, Remembering Malcolm, 138 ; "The Crisi s of Racism," New York City, 1 May 1962 (Hollywood, Calif. : Pacifica Radi o Archive, #B B 304 9 A and B) ; "The Ronal d Stokes Incident : Brothe r Malcol m o n WBA I wit h Richar d Elman, " i n Malcolm X: As They Knew Him, ed . Davi d Galle n (Ne w York : Carroll an d Graf , 1992) , 101-8 ; Sue Solet , "Crim e i n Washington : Malcol m X o n a Mission, " New York Herald Tribune, 5 May 1963 , 16 ; "Mayor Yort y Say s Cult Back s 'Hate,' " New York Times, 27 July 1962 , 8 . 22. Bruc e M . Tyler , "Blac k Radicalis m i n Souther n California , 1950-1982 " (Ph.D. diss. , Universit y o f California, Lo s Angeles, 1983) , 142 ; " 'Rights' Violated , Muslims Say, " Democrat & Chronicle (Rochester, N.Y.) , 8 January 1963 , 19 ; letter of Willia m M . Lombard , Chie f o f Police , Rochester , Ne w York , t o Inspecto r Joh n L. Kinsella , BOSS , 1 9 Februar y 1963 , BOSS; "Musli m Assail s Polic e 'Hostility, ' " Democrat & Chronicle (Rochester, N.Y.) , 1 5 Februar y 1963 , 19 ; memo fro m Joh n L. Kinsella , Commandin g Officer , BOSS , t o Chief Inspector , "Arres t of Members of the Natio n o f Isla m an d Demonstration s i n Connectio n Therewith, " 1 2 Januar y 1963, BOSS; "Muslim s Protes t Convictio n o f 2," Democrat & Chronicle (Rochester, N.Y.), 1 2 Januar y 1963 , 2 ; M . L . Stafford , "Jai l Ter m fo r Blac k Musli m Arreste d While Sellin g Paper, " Militant (Ne w York) , 4 Februar y 1963 , 8 ; Natio n flier, "America Ha s Becom e a Police-Stat e fo r 2 0 Millio n Negroes, " BOSS; author' s em phasis. 23. Mem o fro m Joh n Kinsell a t o Chie f Inspector , "Demonstratio n i n Time s Square b y Member s o f the Natio n o f Islam," 1 2 February 1963 , Supplementar y # 1 , BOSS; mem o fro m Detectiv e Ernes t B . Latt y t o Commandin g Officer , BOSS , "Demonstration i n Time s Squar e b y Members o f the Natio n o f Islam," 1 3 Februar y 1963, BS S 1-M , Fina l Report , BOSS; mem o fro m Directo r t o SAC , Buffalo , 5 March 1963 , 6-7, Ree l 1 , SR. 24. Malcol m X o n th e Barry Farber Show (Ne w York : WOR-A M Radio , [2 8 June? 9 August? ] 1963) , BEST; Jamal , From the Dead Level, 225 ; LHM fro m Lo s Angeles Office, [captio n redacted] , 8 April 1963 , 4-5, Ree l 1 , SR. 25. LH M fro m Ne w York Office, "MKL ; IS-NOI," 1 6 November 1962 , 22 , Ree l 1, SR. 26. Goldman , The Death and Life, 99 ; LHM fro m Ne w York Office, "MKL ; ISNOI," 1 6 November 1962 , 22 , Ree l 1 , SR; Malcol m X on th e Barry Farber Show; " 'Malcol m X Depraved'—Dr. Bunche, " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 4 July 1962 , 1 and 7 ; L. I . Brockenbury , "Minister s Call Muslims Hate Group," Pittsburgh Courier, 2 June

328 • Notes to Chapter 14 1962, 1 and 4 ; "Ministers Calle d 'Uncl e Toms ' Becaus e o f Stand, " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 6 Jun e 1962 , sec . 2 , 18 ; Bo b Lucas , "Firs t Magazin e Intervie w wit h Elija h Muhammad Blac k Musli m Leader, " Cavalier (Januar y 1964) , 91 ; Charles Portis , "Muslim Rally : Wave of Hate; Malcolm X Hits Kennedy, Jew s and All Whites," New York Herald Tribune, 3 0 Jun e 1963 , 6 ; LH M fro m Lo s Angele s Office , [captio n redacted], 8 April 1963 , 5 , Reel 1 , SR; Malcol m X on th e Barry Farber Show. Notes to Chapter 14 1. Shabazz , "Malcol m X as a Husban d an d Father, " Malcolm X : The Man and His Times, 139 ; AMX , 298-300 ; Bett y Shabazz , "Lovin g an d Losin g Malcolm, " Essence (February 1992) , 109 . I n a prefac e fo r Muhammad' s publication , Malcol m X celebrated hi s leader as a divinely appointe d "REFORMER, " an d th e Nation a s an "earth-shaking REFORMATION " amon g African Americans ; The Supreme Wisdom, 7-8. 2. Goldman , The Death and Life, 115 ; AMX, 298-99 , 301-2 ; Mar c Crawfor d Interview. 3. AMX , 30 3 an d 304 ; Airtel fro m SAC , Boston , t o Director , "Natio n o f Islam ; IS-NOI (OO : Chicago)," 1 5 June 1964 , 4 , MMI/HQ-N . R . behin d 141 ; Spike Lee , with Ralp h Wiley , By Any Means Necessary: The Trials and Tribulations of the Making of Malcolm X (Ne w York : Hyperion , 1992) , 61-62 ; Goldman , The Death and Life, 114 ; LHM fro m Ne w Yor k Office , "Malcolm K . Little ; IS-NOI," 1 9 May 1959, 6 , Ree l 1 , SR. 4. Malcol m X , The End of White World Supremacy, 2 1 and 121-48 ; AMX, 305 ; "Malcolm X Scores U.S . an d Kennedy ; Liken s Slayin g t o 'Chicken s Comin g Hom e to Roost,' " New York Times, 2 December 1963 , 21 ; Gertrude Wilson, " I Hate You!" New York Amsterdam News, 1 4 December 1963 , 13 . Malcolm X , interviewe d b y Joe Durso o n The World at Ten (Ne w York : WNDT-TV, 9 March 1964) , i n S A [nam e redacted] t o SAC , Ne w York , "Malcol m K . Little , aka ; IS-NOI, " 1 0 April 1964 , 3 and 4 , MX/NY-4346 . Emendatio n o f transcript , whic h reads : " I wa s jus t waisting away." 5. AMX , 307 ; mem o fro m SAC , Ne w Yor k t o Director , "Natio n o f Islam ; [caption redacted ] (OO: Chicago)," 20 January 1964 , 1 , Ree l 2 , SR. 6. Malcol m X t o Elija h Muhammad , n.d. , a s rea d b y Malcol m X i n privat e February 196 4 recording , i n "Th e Los s o f Ou r Warrior . . . Malcol m X, " Like It Is (New York: WABC-TV, 3 May 1981) , BEST. 7. Goldman , The Death and Life, 125 ; C. Ala n Marshall , The Life and Times of Louis Farrakhan (Buffalo , N.Y. : Marshal l Publishing , 1992) , 105 ; Lee , By Any Means Necessary, 64; memo fro m SAC , Phoenix , t o Director , "Natio n o f Islam; ISNOI," 23 January 1964 , i n Carson, Malcolm X: The FBI File, 246-48 . 8. Wilfre d Littl e Shabazz , telephon e intervie w b y author , 2 0 Ma y 1994 ; Bab a Zak A. Kondo , Conspiracys [sic]: Unravelling the Assassination of Malcolm X (Wash -

Notes to Chapter 14 • 329 ington, D.C. : Nubi a Press , 1993) , 66 ; AMX, 308-9 ; emphasi s i n th e text ; Wright , Leaving Cults, 5 an d 6 ; emphasi s i n th e text . Malcol m X , intervie w b y Mik e Wallace, 8 June 1964 , author's transcript of audio track, BEST; intercepted telephon e conversation wit h Mik e Wallace , 8 Jun e 1964 , MX/ELSUR , 3 , 5-6 , MX/NY-1 6, BEST. 9. Henry , "Malcol m X Lives," 94; Goldman, The Death and Life, 120 . 10. Wright , Leaving Cults, 5 3 and 75 ; AMX, 314-20 . 11. M . S . Handler , "Malcol m X Sees Rise in Violence ; Says Negroes Are Ready to Ac t i n Self-Defense, " New York Times, 1 3 Marc h 1964 , 20 ; M . S . Handler , "Malcolm X Splits with Muhammad ; Suspende d Musli m Leade r Plans Black Nationalist Politica l Movement, " New York Times, 9 Marc h 1964 , 1 and 43 ; Malcolm X , interview b y Art Sears , evening o f 9 Marc h 1964 . Transcrip t i n th e Alla n Morriso n Papers: 1948-1968 , Researc h o n Malcol m X , Schombur g Cente r fo r Researc h i n Black Culture , Ne w Yor k City ; henceforth , AMP. Malcolm' s statemen t here , i n response t o th e first interview question , wa s apparently rea d fro m th e prepare d pres s release he had issue d the day before. A substantial par t of this interview was published in Art Sears, Jr., "Malcol m X Charts New 'Negro Defense ' Grou p without Clay/' Jet, 2 April 1964 , 54-56 . 12. Malcolm X Speaks, 20-21 . Les s tha n a wee k late r Malcol m spok e a t th e Leverett Hous e Foru m a t Harvar d University , declaring : " I a m n o longe r a n activ e member i n th e Natio n o f Islam, althoug h I am mysel f still a Muslim. M y religion i s still Islam , an d I still credit the Honorabl e Elija h Muhamma d wit h bein g responsibl e for everythin g tha t I am." Malcol m X , The Speeches of Malcolm X at Harvard, ed , Archie Epp s (New York: William Morrow , 1968) , 140 . 13. Malcol m X on Jo e Rainey' s Listening Post (Philadelphia: WDA S Radio , 2 0 March 1964) , i n Malcolm X: As They Knew Him, 156 . Not e tha t i n hi s first independent pres s conference , Malcol m X spoke candidl y o f th e oppositio n h e ha d faced withi n th e Nation : "Interna l difference s withi n th e Natio n o f Isla m force d m e out of it. I did not leave of my own free will" ; Malcolm X Speaks, 20 . 14. Gertrud e Samuels , "Feu d withi n th e Black Muslims," New York Times Magazine, 2 3 March 1964 , 112 . Se e Martin G . Berck , "Malcol m X— A Cr y of War an d Peace," New York Herald Tribune, 1 3 Marc h 1964 , 19 ; "Negroe s Nee d Guns , Declares Malcol m X, " Daily Defender (Chicago), 1 6 Marc h 1964 ; Mar c Crawford , "The Ominou s Malcol m X Exit s fro m th e Muslims, " Life, 2 0 Marc h 1964 , 40 ; "Malcolm's Bran d X, " Newsweek, 2 3 Marc h 1964 , 32 ; Alber t Ellenberg , "Elija h Muhammad Weep s fo r th e Los s o f Malcol m X, " New York Post, 1 0 Marc h 1964 , AMP; als o Chicag o Offic e Report , "Elija h Poole , Aka ; IS-NOI, " 9 October 1964 , 2 and 19 , EM/HQ-142 ; Willia m Worthy , "Malcol m X Playin g I t 'Clos e t o Chest / " Afro-American (Philadelphia), 1 4 March 1964 , 1-2 . 15. Elija h Muhammad , "Mr . Muhamma d Speaks : Divin e Messenger s Mus t B e Obeyed," Gary Crusader (Gary, Ind.) , 2 8 March 1964 , 5 . 16. AMX , 310 . Fo r reading s from thi s period, se e Malcolm X Speaks, 23—57 ; By

330 • Notes to Chapter IS Any Means Necessary, 1-32 ; an d The Speeches of Malcolm X at Harvard, 131-60 . Several importan t interview s typify Malcolm' s blac k nationalis t approach a t this time: "Now It' s A Negro Driv e Fo r Segregation, " 17.S . News & World Report, 3 0 Marc h 1964; Carlos E . Russell , "Exclusiv e Intervie w wit h Brothe r Malcol m X, " Liberator (May 1964) , 12-1 3 and 16 ; and Malcol m X , intervie w by A. B. Spellman , 1 9 March 1964, i n By Any Means Necessary, 1-13 . Se e als o Pau l Lee , " A Stud y o f th e Evolution o f Malcol m X' s Blac k Nationalism, " Bulletin in Defense of Marxism (December 1986) : 25-29. 17. Goldman , The Death and Life, 48-49 ; Lette r o f Malcol m X to Elija h Mu hammad, 1 9 July 1960 . 18. Malcolm X Speaks, 40-41 . 19. AMX, 320-21 ; Juniu s Griffin , "Malcol m X Plan s Musli m Crusade ; Tell s Clerics He'l l Preac h a s Billy Graham Does, " New York Times, 3 April 1964 , 23. 20. Griffin , "Malcolm X Plan s Muslim s Crusade" ; Fre d Powledge , "Brutalit y Cases Urged fo r Study, " New York Times, 7 April 1964 , 24. Notes to Chapter J 5 1. AMX , 323 ; Lis a Chapma n Jones , "Talkin g Book ; Ora l Histor y o f a Move ment," The Village Voice, 2 6 February 1985 , 21. 2. Mem o fro m Frederic k Jenoure , BOSS , t o Commandin g Officer , BOSS , "Muslim Rally, " 1 7 Jul y 1963 , BOSS; Airte l fro m SAC , Chicag o t o Director , "Nation o f Islam; IS-NOI," enclosing LH M fro m Chicag o Office , "NOI ; IS-NOI," 4 January 1965 , 2 , MMJ/HQ-N.R . afte r 390 ; Ahme d S . Osman , "Malcol m X , ' A Brother,' " The Dartmouth (Dartmout h College , Hanover , N.H.) , 5 Marc h 1965 , 5, BEST. 3. AMX , 323-25 ; "Top Musli m Applaud s Muhammad" ; als o see "Cairo Educa tor Says : 'Al l Muslim s Ar e Brothers ' " ; Jess e W . Lewis , Jr. , "Islami c Leade r Ha s a Stake i n Sincerity ; Ma n Wh o Tamed ' Malcol m I s Hopeful, " Washington Post, 1 8 May 1964 , sec . A , 3 , BEST ; Goldman , The Death and Life, 163-65 ; Ne w Yor k Office Report , "Malcol m K . Little ; IS-Musli m Mosqu e Incorporated, " 2 0 Januar y 1965, 90, Ree l 2 , SR. 4. Sandr a Mackey , The Saudis: Inside the Desert Kingdom (N.p. : Meridian , 1987), 78-79 ; emphasi s i n th e text . Bernar d Lewis , ed. , Islam and the Arab World (New York: Alfred A . Knopf , 1976) , 27 ; Gibb, Mohammedanism, 44-45 ; AMX, 327 ; statistic given b y Malcolm X on Kup's Show, wit h Irvin g Kupcinet (Chicago : WBKBTV, 2 3 May 1964) ; Airtel from SA C Chicago to Director, "Musli m Mosqu e Incorpo rated; IS-MMI (00:NY), " 1 9 June 1964 , 40, MMJ/HQ-151. 5. AMX , 326-31 . 6. Mackey , The Saudis, 74 ; Abraha m J . Heschel , Between God and Man: An Interpretation of Judaism, ed . Frit z A. Rothschil d (Ne w York: Free Press, 1965) , 202. 7. AMX , 336-37 ; Chan s Waddy , The Muslim Mind (Ne w York : Longman ,

Notes to Chapter 16 • 331 1978), 107 ; emphasis i n th e text . Lette r fro m Malcol m X , Jedda , Saud i Arabia , 2 0 April 196 4 (Ne w York : Musli m Mosque , Inc.) , 3 , BEST; se e als o Ne w Yor k Offic e Report, "MKL ; IS-MMI," 20 January 1965 , 100 , Ree l 2 , SR. 8. Airgra m fro m Richar d W . Murphy , Secon d Secretar y o f the U.S . Embass y i n Jedda, t o U.S . Departmen t o f State , "Activitie s o f Malcolm X, " #A-90 , 2 9 Septem ber 1964 , 1 , U.S . Departmen t o f State ; henceforth , DS/MX . Ne w Yor k Offic e Report, "MKL ; IS-MMI, " 2 0 Januar y 1965 , 100 , Ree l 2 , SR; lette r fro m Malcol m X, Jedda , Saud i Arabia , 2 0 Apri l 1964 , 1 ; lette r fro m Malcol m X , Jedda , Saud i Arabia, t o Ale x Haley , 2 5 Apri l 1964 , cop y o f first pag e i n phot o sectio n o f 196 5 hardcover editio n of The Autobiography of Malcolm X. 9. Author' s transcript of Malcolm X on The Barry Gray Show (New York: WMCA Radio, 8- 9 Jun e 1964 , a n overnigh t program), BEST. 10. "Malcol m X on Islam , US , Africa, " Egyptian Gazette, 1 7 August 1964 , 5 , BEST. Als o i n Airgra m fro m Donald C . Bergus , Counselo r o f Embassy fo r Politica l Affairs, Cairo , Egypt , t o Departmen t o f State , "Activitie s o f Malcol m X i n Cairo, " #A-316, 7 November 1964 , DS/MX; Islam and the Arab World, 29-30; AMX, 371 72; emphasis i n th e text. Waddy , The Muslim Mind, 107 . 11. "Malcol m X says peace a miracle," Afro-American (Baltimore), 3 0 May 1964 , 1; cf . Jame s Farmer , Lay Bare the Heart: An Autobiography of the Civil Rights Movement (Ne w York : Plume/Ne w America n Library , 1985) , 229 ; M . S . Handler , "Malcolm X Pleased b y Whites' Attitude on Trip to Mecca," New York Times, 8 May 1964, 1 . 12. "Fo r Malco m [sic] X , a Change o f Heart," New York Courier, 1 6 May 1964 , 4, BEST. 13. "Universa l Brotherhood ' View ; Malcol m 'Converted ' o n Hol y Lan d Visit, " Journal & Guide (Norfolk , Va.) , 6 Marc h 1965 , 9 , BEST; "For Malco m [sic] X , a Change o f Heart" ; Handler , "Malcol m X Please d b y Whites ' Attitud e o n Tri p t o Mecca"; letter from Malcol m X , Jedda, Saud i Arabia, 2 0 April 1964 , 2. 14. Perry , Malcolm: The Life of a Man, 260 ; Oba T'Shaka , The Political Legacy of Malcolm X (Richmond , Calif. : Pan-Afrika n Publications , 1983) , 212 ; Albert B . Cleage, Jr. , Black Christian Nationalism: New Directions for the Black Church (New York: William Morrow , 1972) , 113 . 15. Alber t Cleage , "Myth s abou t Malcol m X, " i n Malcolm: The Man and His Times, 15 . Notes to Chapter 16 1. Malcol m X , Bridso n Interview . 2. Lotan , " 'No Peacefu l Solutio n t o Racialism,' " 5. 3. Lotan , " 'No Peacefu l Solutio n t o Racialism' " ; emphasis i n the text. 4. Se e als o Camero n Duodo , "Malcol m X : Prophe t o f Harlem, " Drum (Accra , Ghana), 1 October 1964 ; and By Any Means Necessary, 25 .

332 • Notes to Chapter 17 5. Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "ML; SM-MCI, " 3 1 January 1956 , 75 , Ree l 1 , SR; emendations b y th e author . Malcol m X an d Bayar d Rusti n o n A Choice of Two Roads, hoste d b y John Donal d (Ne w York : WBAI-FM, 7 November 1960) , source : Pacifica Tap e Librar y #B B 3014 ; "Malcol m X O n Islam , US , Africa" ; "Wh y I Choose Islam ; Malcol m X , wh o ha s becom e Ha j Male k El-Shabaz z interviewe d b y M. Ramz y Radwan, " Minbar Al-Islam 4 (Cairo : The Suprem e Counci l fo r Islami c Affairs) (Novembe r 1964) : 56 , BEST; Wright , Leaving Cults: The Dynamics of Defection, 77-78 . 6. Pete r Goldman , intervie w b y author , 8 August 1991 , Ne w York ; henceforth , Peter Goldman Interview . Goldman , The Death and Life, 16 6 and 169 . 7. Not e the remark made by a columnist about African America n sympathizer s of the Iraqi s durin g th e "Deser t Storm " militar y campaign : "Bu t the n IV e never under stood th e fascinatio n o f som e America n black s wit h Islam , particularl y me n a s intelligent a s Malcol m X. " Pet e Hamill , "Gul f Wa r Unfai r t o Blacks , bu t . . . It' s Sick to Support Saddam, " New York Post, 31 January 1991 , 14. 8. Bernar d Lewis , Race and Color in Islam (Ne w York: Harper an d Row , 1971) , 3-4. 9. AMX , 349 . 10. Islam and the Arab World, 27; By Any Means Necessary, 49 . 11. Pete r Goldman Interview . 12. AMX , 338 . 13. AMX , 339-40 ; Pete r Goldma n Interview ; Lewis , Race and Color in Islam; Davis, Slavery and Human Progress, 32-50 ; Draper , The Rediscovery of Black Nationalism, 88 , n. 1 . 14. Lewis , Race and Color in Islam, 102 ; Reply o f Robert Payn e following lette r of Malcolm X , "Letters ; Muslim Teachings, " New York Times Magazine, 2 5 August 1963, 2 ; Chinweizu , The West and the Rest of Us (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1975), 3 ; William Montgomer y Watt , Muslim-Christian Encounters: Perceptions and Misperceptions (New York: Routledge, 1991) , 62. 15. The Last Speeches, 106-7. 16. AMX, 338-39 , 343 . 17. AMX , 30 4 and 353 ; Wright, Leaving Cults, 78 . Notes to Chapter 17 1. Iva n Va n Sertima , ed. , Great Black Leaders: Ancient and Modern (N.p. : Journal o f Africa n Civilizations , 1988) , 8 ; Pau l Lee , "Th e Magnitud e o f Malcolm , the Enormit y o f Hi s Loss, " transcript o f speec h i n Ne w York , 1 3 Novembe r 1992 , Bulletin in Defense of Marxism 10 3 (February 1993) : 15. 2. AMX , 353-66 , 377 ; Malcol m di d provid e som e additiona l detai l an d com mentary o n hi s secon d Africa n tou r o f 196 4 durin g a homecomin g rall y o n 2 9 November 1964 . Se e By Any Means Necessary, 133-48 ; Malcol m X , intervie w b y

Notes to Chapter 17 • 33 3 Claude Lewis , [3 1 Decembe r 1964] , "Th e Fina l View s o f Malcol m X, " National Leader (Philadelphia, PA) , 2 June 1983 , 9 ; date o f intervie w supplie d i n lette r fro m BEST t o author, 2 6 August 1993 , 6. 3. Breitman , The Last Year of Malcolm X, 5 and 4. 4. AMX , 356 ; Airtel an d LH M fro m SAC , Omaha , t o Director , "Malcol m K . Little, als o known a s Malcolm X ; [IS-MMI?]," 2 July 1964 , 4, Ree l 2 , SR; Malcol m X, Malcolm X Talks to Young People: Speeches in the U.S., Britain and Africa, ed . Steve Clark (New York: Pathfinder Press , 1991) , 11. 5. Jame s Booker , "I s Mecc a Tri p Changin g Malcolm? " Amsterdam News, 2 3 May 1964 , 14 . Se e also "Malcolm X' s Letters to U.S . Describ e Welcome i n Africa, " Militant, 2 5 May 1964 , 6 . 6. Julia n Mayfield , African Review (Ma y 1965) : "Malcol m X : 1925-1965, " 9 ; Donald Harris , "Al l Afric a Wa s fo r Malcolm, " Militant, 5 April 1965 , 4 ; Malcolm X: A Discussion, wit h Joh n Henri k Clar k an d Jame s Shabazz , hoste d b y Joann e Grant (Ne w York: WBAI-FM, 2 6 March 1965) , source: Pacifica Radi o Archive #B B 3085; By Any Means Necessary, 146. 7. Lette r fro m Malcol m X , Accra , Ghana , 1 1 Ma y 196 4 (Ne w York : Musli m Mosque, Inc.) , BEST. 8. Duodo , "Malcol m X : Prophet o f Harlem" ; Lee , " A Stud y o f the Evolutio n o f Malcolm X' s Black Nationalism, " 28 . Se e also "Malcolm o n 'Zionis t Logic, ' " Militant, 2 5 February 1983 , 8-9 . 9. By Any Means Necessary, 137. 10. Marti n Paris , "Negroe s Ar e Willin g t o Us e Terrorism , Say s Malcol m X, " Columbia Spectator (Columbia University , Ne w York) , 1 9 February 1965 ; Malcolm X Speaks, 130 . Se e als o The Last Speeches, 105 ; Malcol m X , Accra , Ghana , 1 1 May 1964 , quote d i n Pau l Lee , " A Stud y o f th e Evolutio n o f Malcol m X' s Blac k Nationalism," 28. 11. Ne w York Office Report , "Musli m Mosque , Incorporated ; Interna l Security, " 6 November 1964 , 4, MM//HQ-348 ; Voices from the Sixties: Twenty-Two Views of a Revolutionary Decade, ed. Pierr e Berton (Garde n City , N.Y. : Doubleday, 1967) , 37; Clarence Hunter , "Malcol m X Speaks : 'Guerill a Warfar e I s Next, ' " Evening Star (Washington, D.C.) , 1 4 June 1964 , 1 , i n mem o fro m SAC , Ne w York, t o Director , "Afro-American Freedo m Fighters ; Internal Security-Miscellaneous, " 1 8 June 1964 , OAAU/HQ-1; Lee , " A Stud y o f the Evolutio n o f Malcol m X' s Blac k Nationalism, " 28; "Organizatio n o f Afro-America n Unity : A Statemen t o f Basi c Aim s an d Objec tives" (New York, Jul y 1964) , 3 , BEST. Not e the earlier version o f this statement, a s well a s the "Basi c Unit y Program " of the OAAU , i n th e appendice s of The Last Year of Malcolm X, 105-24 . 12. "Miste r X, " Arab Observer (Cairo), 2 4 August 1964 , 31-32 , BEST; "Appea l to Africa n Head s o f State, " 1 7 July 1964 , Malcolm X Speaks, 72-7 7 an d 79 ; "Malcolm X on Islam , US , Africa. " 13. Clarenc e Hunter , "Dissiden t Musli m Expecte d t o B e 'Silence d Forever, ' "

334 • Notes to Chapter 17 Evening Star (Washington , D.C.) , 2 2 February 1965 , sec. A , 1 , BEST; Malcolm X , Interview b y Mike Wallace , 8 June 1964 ; "Malcolm X Tells o f Death Threat, " New York Amsterdam News, 2 1 March 1964 , 50 ; "Muslims Planne d Hi s Death, Malcol m X Says, " New York Amsterdam News, 4 Apri l 1964 , 1 ; Karim, Remembering Malcolm, 159-61 ; Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "MKL ; IS-MMI, " 1 8 Jun e 1964 , 59-62 , Reel 2 , SR; Malcol m X , telephon e intervie w b y Ar t Sears , 2 6 Ma y 1964 , AMP ; James Booker , "See k t o Evic t Malcol m X fro m Hom e i n Queens ; Paper s Alread y Filed i n Court, " New York Amsterdam News, 1 8 April 1964 , 1 and 2 ; " 'My Nex t Move—' Malcol m X , a n Exclusiv e Interview, " New York Amsterdam News, 3 0 May 1964, 1 an d 52 . 14. "Malcolm X Tells Sordi d Musli m Se x Scanda l t o N.Y . Courtroom, " Philadelphia Tribune, 2 0 Jun e 1964 , 1 an d 24 ; Airte l fro m SAC , Bosto n t o Director , "Nation o f Islam ; IS-NO I ( 0 0 : Chicago), " 1 5 Jun e 1964 , 1-8 , MMI/HQ-N.R . behind 141 ; Airtel fro m SAC , Philadelphi a t o Director , "Musli m Mosque , Inc. ; ISMMI," 2 5 Jun e 1964 , 1-2 , MM//HQ-156 ; Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "MKL ; IS MMI," 2 0 Januar y 1965 , 3 an d 59 , Ree l 2 , SR; Malcol m X , Intervie w b y Mik e Wallace. 15. "Malcolm X Flees fo r Life ; Musli m Faction s a t War," New York Amsterdam News, 2 0 June 1964 , 1 and 2 ; "Muslim Faction s Kee p Fighting," New York Amsterdam News, 2 7 Jun e 1964 , 28 ; "Malcol m X Flee s fo r Life ; Accuse s Muslim s o f Sordid Se x Misconduct, " Pittsburgh Courier, 1 1 July 1964 , 1 ; "Muslims Accuse d i n Beatings," Afro-American (Philadelphia) , 2 0 Jun e 1964 , 1 and 2 ; Ne w Yor k Offic e Report, "MMI ; IS-MMI, " 6 Novembe r 1964 , 31 , MM7/HQ-348; Airtel fro m SAC , Philadelphia, t o Director , "Organizatio n o f Afro-America n Unity ; IS-MISC ; OO : NY; Musli m Mosqu e Incorporated ; IS-MMI ; OO : NY, " 1 5 Jul y 1964 , 16 , OAAU / HQ-12. 16. "Malcol m X t o Elijah : Let' s En d th e Fighting, " New York Post, 2 6 Jun e 1964, 26 ; By Any Means Necessary, 66; "Women Accus e Muhammad ; Muhamma d Accuses Malcolm," Cincinnati Herald, 11 July 1964 , 1 an d 3 ; Stanley G. Robertson , "Two Loca l Wome n As k Cul t Leade r fo r Chil d Support, " Los Angeles Sentinel, 9 July 1964 , 1 an d 2 ; "Ex-Sweethear t o f Malcol m X Accuse s Elijah, " New York Amsterdam News, 1 1 July 1964 , 1 and 2 ; "False Charges Made against Muhammad, " New Crusader (Chicago), 1 1 July 1964 , 5 . 17. Ne w York Office Report , "MKL ; IS-MMI," 20 January 1965 , 56 , Reel 2 , SR; C. Eri c Lincoln , My Face Is Black (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1964) , 109 ; Ne w Yor k Office Report , "Re : Malcolm K . Little, " 3 September 1964 , 1-3 , Ree l 2 , SR; "Orde r Eviction o f Malcolm X, " New York Amsterdam News, 5 September 1964 , 1 . 18. The Last Speeches, 116-17. 19. The Last Speeches, 117-18 ; Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "Musli m Mosque , Incorporated; IS-MMI, " 2 1 Ma y 1965 , 46 , MMJ/NY-468 ; Karim , Remembering Malcolm, 181 .

Notes to Chapter 18 • 33 5 Notes to Chapter 18 1. Certificat e o f Incorporatio n o f Musli m Mosque , Inc. , Count y Clerk , N.Y . County, 1 6 Marc h 1964 , 3 ; letter fro m Malcol m X , Lagos , Nigeria , 1 1 Ma y 196 4 (New York : Musli m Mosque , Inc.) , BEST; Breitman , The Last Year of Malcolm X, 31. 2. Malcol m X , Bridso n Interview ; Airte l fro m SAC , Philadelphia , t o Director , "Muslim Mosque , Inc. ; IS-MMI," 1 June 1964 , 2 , MMI/HQ-I23 ; New York Offic e Report, "MKL ; IS-MMI, " 2 0 Januar y 1965 , 4-5 , Ree l 2 , SR; Ne w Yor k Offic e Report, "MMI ; IS-MMI, " 6 Novembe r 1964 , 12 , MMI/HQ-348 ; Airte l fro m SAC , Philadelphia, t o Director , "Musli m Mosque , Inc. ; IS-MMI, " 5 Augus t 1964 , 2 , MMI/HQ-238. 3. Ne w Yor k Office Report , "MMI ; IS-MMI, " 6 November 1964 , 1 , 22 , 4 1 an d 42, MMI/HQ-348 ; Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "MMI ; IS-MMI, " 2 1 Ma y 1965 , 17 , 27-28, MMI/HQ-468 ; Timoth y Lee , "Malcol m X an d Hi s Enemies, " New York Post, 2 3 Februar y 1965 , 21 ; Malcolm X , intervie w b y A . B . Spellman , 1 9 Marc h 1964, i n By Any Means Necessary, 5; New York Office Report , "MMI ; IS-MMI,'* 21 May 1965 , 26 , MMI/HQ-468. Fo r extracts from th e Blacklash, see New York Offic e Report, "MKL ; IS-MMI," 20 January 1965 , 44-46, Ree l 2 , SR. 4. Ne w York Office Report , "MMI ; IS-MMI," 21 May 1965 , 27 , MMI/HQ-468 . 5. MMI/HQ-468 , 27 , 29-30 . Wit h referenc e t o the arriva l o f Hassoun, th e FB I cited th e 2 8 Januar y 196 5 editio n o f th e Herald-Dispatch. Mem o fro m SAC , Ne w York, t o Director , "Musli m Mosque , Inc. ; IS-MMI, " 2 6 Apri l 1965 , 2 , MMI/HQ 461; mem o fro m SAC , Ne w York , t o Director , "Musli m Mosque , Inc. ; IS-MMI, " 13 May 1965 , 5 , MMI/HQ-465; "Excerpts o n Hajj i Mali k Shabazz, " Muslim Herald (Philadelphia) (March-April 1965) , 6. 6. MMI/HQ-468 , 33 ; "Malcolm X Will Distribut e 3 5 Scholarships," Militant, 2 November 1964 , 8 ; "Malcolm X to Open Cente r Here, " New York Amsterdam News, 17 October 1964 , 3 ; "Malcolm X Reports H e No w Represent s Worl d Musli m Unit, " New York Times, 1 1 October 1964 , 13 ; New Yor k Offic e Report , "MKL ; IS-MMI, " 20 January 1965 , 47, Ree l 2, SR. 7. Stokely Speaks: Black Power Back to Pan-Africanism (Ne w York : Rando m House, 1971) , xiii ; Caro l Berger , "I n Cairo , a n Expatriat e Blac k America n Recall s Malcolm X, " Christian Science Monitor, 1 0 February 1992 , 11. 8. Lette r o f Malcol m X , 2 9 Augus t 1964 , Cairo , i n By Any Means Necessary, 111. 9. Lette r o f Malcolm X , 2 9 August 1964 ; emphasis i n th e text . Moran , Religious Education Development, 153-54 . 10. Ne w Yor k Offic e Report , "MMI ; IS-MMI, " 2 1 Ma y 1965 , 40 , MMI/HQ 468; author's emphasis . 11. Moran , Religious Education Development, 155 ; Sara Mitchell , Shepherd of

336 • Notes to Chapter 18 Black-Sheep: A Commentary on the Life of Malcolm X with an on the Scene Account of His Assassination (Macon, Ga. : Sara Mitchell , 1981) , 19 . 12. Malcol m X , intervie w by Milton Henry , 2 5 [?] July 1964 , Cairo, for broadcast on The GOAL Show (Detroit : WGPR) , BEST; authors emphasis ; henceforth , Mal colm X , Milto n Henr y Interview . 13. Malcol m X , Milto n Henr y Interview ; Mar c Crawfor d Interview ; Malcolm X Speaks, 20 ; Lutfi Nasef , " A Meetin g wit h Malcol m X ; The Negr o Leade r Expecte d Assassination a t An y Moment, " Gumhuriya, 2 4 Februar y 1965 , 5 , translate d an d transcribed i n Airgra m fro m Donal d C . Bergus , Counselo r o f Embass y fo r Politica l Affairs, U.S . Embassy , Cairo , t o Departmen t o f State , "Reactio n t o Deat h o f Mal colm X in Cairo," #A-644, 3 March 1965 , 3 , DS/MX. 14. Nasef , " A Meeting with Malcol m X, " 2. 15. Pres s releas e fro m Jame s Shabazz , Secretar y (Ne w York : Musli m Mosque , Inc., 6 August 1964) , 2 , BEST; also see New York Office Report , "MKL ; IS-MMI," 20 January 1965 , 47-49, Ree l 2 , SR. 16. Pres s release from Jame s Shabazz , 6 August 1964 , 2-3 ; emphasis i n the text. 17. Airgra m fro m Richar d W . Murphy , Secon d Secretary , U.S . Embass y a t Jedda, "Activitie s of Malcolm X, " #A-90, 2 9 September 1964 , 2 , DS/MX . 18. Airgra m fro m Richar d W . Murphy , 2 9 September 1964 , 2-4 . 19. M . S . Handler , "Malcol m Reject s Racis t Doctrine; Also Denounces Elija h a s a Religious 'Faker,' " New York Times, 4 October 1964 , 59 ; see also "Malcolm X Hits Racism, Discard s Forme r Stan d a s Black Musli m Boss, " Sunday Bulletin (Philadel phia), 4 October 1964 , sec. 1 , 2. 20. Handler , "Malcol m Reject s Racis t Doctrine. " 21. TESU R summar y fro m SAC , Ne w York , t o Director , "Malcolm K . Littl e aka; IS-MMI, " 5 Octobe r 1964 , 1 , MMI/HQ-N.R . behin d 343 ; M . S . Handler , "Malcolm X Reports He No w Represents Worl d Musli m Unit, " New York Times, 1 1 October 1964 , 13 ; first-edition copy, BEST. 22. Certificat e fro m th e Offic e o f the Suprem e Imam , Sheik h Al-Azhar , 9 October 1964 , i n Airtel , SAC , Philadelphia , t o Director , "MMI ; IS-MMI, " 2 2 Octobe r 1964, MMI/HQ-343 . Als o not e tha t o n 2 6 Septembe r 1964 , th e TESU R tha t ha d been place d o n Malcolm' s hom e phon e recorde d Dr . Shawarb i tellin g Malcolm' s wife Bett y tha t h e ha d give n he r husban d "furthe r letter s o f introduction" ; TESU R summary fro m SAC , Ne w York , t o Director , "MKL ; IS-MMI, " 5 October 1964 , 1 and 4 , MM//HQ-N. R . behin d 343 . 23. Abdu l Basi t Naeem , " 'Obey Divin e Leader, ' " Muhammad Speaks, 1 7 July 1964, 1 , 3 ; Abdu l Basi t Naeem , "Pakistan i Musli m Asserts : 'Wil l Foreve r Serv e Messenger of Allah,' " Muhammad Speaks, 3 1 July 1964 , 9 , 22 . 24. Abdu l Basit Naeem, "Pakista n Musli m Advises : March O n unde r Messenger' s Banner!" Muhammad Speaks, 5 February 1964 , 4. 25. Abdu l Basit Naeem, "Pakista n Musli m Advises : March O n unde r Messenger' s Banner!" Muhammad Speaks, 5 Februar y 1964 , 4 , 9 ; Abdu l Basi t Naeem , " i' m

Notes to Chapter 19 • 33 7 Ready to Meet Challenges of the Messenger's Foes,' " Muhammad Speaks, 1 2 February 1964 , 4. 26. Pete r J. Paris , Black Leaders in Conflict (New York: Pilgrim Press , 1978) , 146 . Notes to Chapter 1 9 1. Leber t Bethune , "Malcol m X i n Europe, " i n Malcolm X: The Man and His Times, 233 ; Malcol m X , Bridso n Interview ; Malcol m X o n Kup's Show, 2 5 Ma y 1964, i n Airte l fro m SAC , Chicago , t o Director , "MMI ; IS-MM I ( 0 0 : NY), " 1 9 June 1964 , 40 , MMI/HQ-l 51; Bryc e B . Mille r (UPI) , "Seekin g Freedo m Lik e Dr . King, bu t Faster : Malcol m X I s N o Longe r 'Angries t Muslim * o f All, " Journal and Guide (Norfolk , Va.) , 1 8 July 1964 , 14 . 2. Speec h b y Malcol m X , Musli m Mosqu e rally , 2 9 Marc h 1964 , Audubo n Ballroom, Ne w York City; transcript of NBC newsfilm, BEST; AMX, 229 . 3. Rober t Pen n Warren , Who Speaks for the Negro? (New York : Vintage Books , 1966), 253. 4. Lette r fro m Malcol m X , Lagos , Nigeria , 1 1 Ma y 1964 ; se e als o "Malcolm' s Letters to U.S . Describ e Welcome i n Africa," 6 . 5. Christophe r Langley , "Malcolm X Promise s U.S . a Long , Blood y Summer/ ' The Dartmouth (Dartmout h College , Hanover , N.H.) , 2 7 Januar y 1965 , 1 . Th e author is grateful t o BEST fo r providing the emendation o f this text, which incorrectl y reads, "I t i s a situation whic h involve s human s no t nationalists"\ Malcolm X , inter viewed b y Ke n Sharp e (WDC R Radio , Dartmout h College, Hanover , N.H. , 2 6 January 1965) , author' s transcriptio n fro m audiotape , BEST ; henceforth , Malcol m X, Dartmout h Interview . 6. Malcol m X , Dartmout h Interview . 7. Th e particula r tex t of the Qur'a n t o which Malcol m referre d i s Surah II : 190 ; Lewis, "Islami c Leade r Ha s a Stak e i n Sincerity ; Ma n Wh o Tamed ' Malcol m Is Hopeful. " 8. Malcol m X , telephon e intervie w by Art Sears, 2 6 May 1964 , AMP. 9. Hunter , "Malcolm X Speaks: 'Guerilla Warfar e I s Next.' " 10. Hunter , "Malcol m X Speaks: 'Guerilla Warfar e I s Next.' " 11. Malcol m X , Mik e Wallace Interview ; Jones, "Talking Book; Oral Histor y of a Movement," 20 ; SAC, Ne w York , t o Director , "MKL ; IS-MMI, " 5 October, 1964 , 2, MMI-HQ-N.R . behin d 343 , author's emphasis. 12. Lette r fro m Malcol m X , Cairo , t o Ale x Haley , 1 6 Septembe r 1964 , al l emphases i n th e text, transcribe d an d edite d by BEST. 13. Malcolm X Talks to Young People, 21-22. 14. "Londo n Letter " Column; "Militant Muslim, " Manchester Guardian Weekly, 10 Decembe r 1964 , 6 . Th e autho r i s gratefu l t o BEST fo r providin g th e dat e an d setting o f this speech; Transcrip t o f partiall y illegibl e cop y o f Airtel fro m SAC , Ne w York, t o Director , "MMI ; IS-MMI, " 1 0 September 1964 , 1^ 2 (Confidential) , MMll

338 • Notes to Chapter 19 HQ-254, BEST. Malcolm' s assassinatio n brough t a n abrup t an d tragi c hal t t o th e "Afro-American Freedo m Brigade " plan. Se e Carlos Moore , Castro, the Blacks, and Africa (Lo s Angeles : Cente r fo r Afro-America n Studies , Universit y o f California , 1988), 185-207 ; Washington Offic e Report , "Organizatio n o f Afro-American Unity, " 2 Decembe r 1964 , 3 , i n Airte l fro m SAC , Philadelphia , t o Director , "OAAU ; IS Misc; OO: NY," 2 December 1964 , OAAU/HQ-44 ; Malcolm X on Kup's Show, 2 3 May 1964 , Airtel fro m SAC , Chicago , t o Director, "MMI ; IS-MMI," 1 9 June 1964 , 12, MM//HQ-151. 15. Lette r o f Malcol m X , Ne w Yor k City , t o Sai d Ramadan , 1 1 January 1965 , Al-Muslimoon (Geneva , Septembe r 1965) ; emphasis i n the text; BEST. 16. Malcol m X , Ne w York , t o Sai d Ramadan , Geneva , ca . 13-2 1 Februar y 1965, i n "Mali k Shabaz z (Malcol m X) ; Some Question s Answered " (Bloomington , Ind.: Musli m Student s Associatio n o f th e Unite d State s an d Canada , n.d.) ; BEST. Malcolm's answer to question # 5 . 17. Malcol m X t o Sai d Ramadan , 13-2 1 Februar y 1965 , questio n # 7 an d answer. 18. Malcol m X to Said Ramadan , answe r to question #7 . 19. Malcol m X to Said Ramadan , answe r to questions # 8 an d 9 . 20. LH M fro m SAC , Ne w Yor k to Director, "MKL ; IS-MMI," 5 October 1964 , 4, MMI/HQ-N.R . behin d 343 ; AMX, 350 . 21. Handler , "Malcol m Reject s Racis t Doctrine" ; Michae l Abdu l Malik , From Michael de Freitas to Michael X (London : Andr e Deutsch , 1968) , 14 6 an d 156 ; Jamal, From the Dead Level, 254 ; Berger, "I n Cairo , a n Expatriat e Blac k America n Recalls Malcol m X" ; Davi d Graha m D u Bois , . . . And Bid Him Sing (Pal o Alto , Calif.: Rampart s Press , 1975) , 13 6 and 134 . Not e referenc e tha t . . . And Bid Him Sing i s a "remarkably faithfu l historica l novel. " BEST t o author , 9 December 1992 , 2; "Wh y I Choos e Islam ; Malcol m X , Wh o Ha s Becom e Ha j Male k El-Shabaz z Interviewed b y M. Ramz y Radwan, " 55. 22. DuBois , . . . And Bid Him Sing, 151 . 23. Mitchell , Shepherd of Black-Sheep, 17 , emphasis i n th e text ; AMX, 386 ; The Speeches of Malcolm X at Harvard, 164 ; Malcol m X a t MM I rally , Audubo n Ballroom, Ne w York, 1 4 June 1964 , transcribed fro m audiotap e by BEST; letter fro m BEST t o author, 1 September 1993 , 1 ; emphasis i n th e text , whic h read s u some kind of God," bu t point s ou t tha t "God " migh t b e writte n i n th e lowe r case . I have don e the latter i n m y reading of the text. 24. The Speeches of Malcolm X at Harvard, 164 . 25. Gibb , Mohammedanism, 46-47 . 26. Malcol m X , Bridso n Interview . 27. AMX , 375 ; emphasi s i n th e text . Malcol m X , Bridso n Interview ; author' s emphasis. Lotan , " 'No Peacefu l Solutio n t o Racialism,' " 6; The Last Speeches, 103; By Any Means Necessary, 115.

Notes to Chapter 20 • 33 9 Notes to Chapter 20 1. Malcolm X Speaks, 82 ; Wright , Leaving Cults, 81 ; The Last Speeches, 147; Airtel fro m SAC , Chicago , t o Director , "MKL , ak a [captio n redacted ] (OO: NY)," 4 February 1965 , 4 and 5 , Ree l 2 , SR. 2. The Last Speeches, 139 and 174 ; Malcolm X , Bridso n Interview ; Lotan, " 'N o Peaceful Solutio n t o Racialism,' " 6. Se e also Voices from the Sixties, 36 . 3. Malcol m X , telephon e intervie w by Art Sears, 2 6 May 1964 . 4. Malcol m X , Bridso n Interview ; February 1965, 204 ; Malcolm X Talks to Young People, 73 . 5. Massaquoi , "Myster y of Malcolm X, " 46; The Last Speeches, 84 . 6. Malcol m X o n Contact, wit h Sta n Bernar d (Ne w York : WINS, 1 8 Februar y 1965), i n February 1965, 186 . 7. The Last Speeches, 116; Malcolm X , "Th e Negro' s Fight, " Egyptian Gazette, 25 Augus t 1964 , 3 , i n Airgra m fro m Donal d C . Bergus , Counselo r o f Embass y fo r Political Affairs , Cairo , t o Departmen t o f State , "Activitie s o f Malcolm X in Cairo, " #A-316, 7 November 1964 , DS/MX. Thi s articl e i s reproduced, bu t wit h a differen t title, i n "Racism: The Cance r That I s Destroying America," in Malcolm X: The Man and His Times, 302-6 . Lette r o f Malcol m X t o Ale x Haley , 1 6 Septembe r 1964 ; emphasis i n th e text. 8. Wright , Leaving Cults, 91 . 9. The Last Speeches, 132. 10. The Last Speeches, 132 ; February 1965, 207-8 ; Malcol m X , Mik e Wallac e Interview; Malcol m X , Ne w York , t o Sai d Ramadan , i n "Mali k Shabaz z (Malcol m X); Some Questions Answered," answer to question # 1 ; Malcolm X Speaks, 158 . 11. Airte l fro m SAC , Chicago , t o Director , "MKL , ak a [captio n redacted ] (OO : NY)," 4 February 1965 , 5 , Reel 2 , SR; Miller , "Seekin g Freedom Lik e Dr. King , bu t Faster: Malcol m X Is No Longe r 'Angries t Muslim ' O f All"; Voices from the Sixties, 33; Malcol m X to Sai d Ramadan , "Som e Question s Answered, " answe r t o questio n #1. 12. February 1965, 208. 13. The Last Speeches, 125; February 1965, 18 9 and 206 . 14. The Last Speeches, 133. 15. The Last Speeches, 132 ; Marlene Nadle , "Malcolm X : The Complexit y o f a Man i n th e Jungle, " The Village Voice, 2 5 Februar y 1965 , 1 ; emendation o f "$200" to preserve Malcolm's referenc e t o Muhammad's costl y suits. 16. "Wh y I Choose Islam; Malcolm X , Who Ha s Become Haj Male k El-Shabaz z Interviewed b y M. Ramz y Radwan, " 56 ; Du Bois , . . . And Bid Him Sing, 12 5 and 134; "Malcol m X o n Islam , US , Africa" ; Malcol m X , "Th e Negro' s Fight, " 3 ; Langley, "Malcol m X Promise s U.S.A . Long , Blood y Summer, " 1 ; TESUR sum mary o f conversatio n betwee n Malcol m X an d unidentifie d woman , 8 Jun e 1964 ,

340 • Notes to the Epilogue MX/ELSUR, i n MX/NY-1; Carson, Malcolm X: The FBI File, 473; "Bloody Summe r in '6 5 Is Seen b y Malcolm X, " Valley News (Hanover, N.H.) , 2 7 January 1965. 17. February J965, 22. 18. Malcol m X on Kup's Show, 3 0 January 1965 ; Airtel fro m SAC , Chicago, t o Director, "MKL , aka; [redacted] (OO : New York)," 4 Februar y 1965 , 8-9, Ree l 2 , SR; Martin , Race First, 77. Notes to the Epilogue 1. Sidne y Dominitz , "Manhatta n Deat h Scen e Visited, " Record (Hackensack , N.J.), 2 2 February 1965 , 5 ; David Goldberg , "Harle m Quie t afte r Slaying, " Record (Hackensack, N.J.) , 2 2 February 1965 , 5; flier featuring photographs , directions , and layouts for New York dance/meeting facilitie s (Ne w York: JPM Associates, ca . 1964) . 2. Bernar d Lewis , Islam in History: Ideas, People, and Events in the Middle East (Chicago: Open Court , 1993) , 279-81 ; Albert Hourani, A History of the Arab Peoples (Cambridge, Mass. : The Belknap Press of Harvard Universit y Press , 1991) , 96. 3. Th e reade r i s advise d t o consul t th e followin g book s t o establis h a basi c understanding o f the issues , questions , an d theorie s pertainin g t o Malcolm' s death : Baba Za k A. Kondo , Conspiracys [sic]: Unravelling the Assassination of Malcolm X (Washington, D.C. : Nubia Press , 1993) ; Karl Evanzz , The Judas Factor: The Plot to Kill Malcolm X (Emeryville , Calif. : Thunder' s Mouth , 1992) ; Michae l Friedly , Malcolm X: The Assassination (Ne w York: Carroll an d Graf, 1992) ; Peter Goldman , The Death and Life of Malcolm X (Chicago : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1979) ; George Breitman , Herma n Porter , an d Baxter Smith , The Assassination of Malcolm X (New York: Pathfinde r Press , 1986) . Als o not e th e intriguing reflection s i n Jame s Farmer, Lay Bare the Heart: An Autobiography of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Plume/Ne w America n Library , 1985) , 230-38 ; Michae l Abdu l Malik , From Michael de Freitas to Michael X (Great Britain: Andre Deutsch, 1968) , 174-78 . 4. Th e recordin g o f the first moments o f the assassination wa s published o n the audiotape, Black Militant Ideologists (N. Hollywood , Calif. : The Center fo r Cassette Studies, n.d.) ; Rober t Allen , "Malcol m X 2/21/65," The Village Voice, 1 7 February 1966, 3 , 10 ; Patricia M . Russell , " I Sa w Malcolm X Killed," Afro-American (Baltimore), 2 7 Februar y 1965 , 1-2 . Beside s th e assassinatio n accoun t provide d i n Ale x Haley's epilogue , AMX , se e th e brie f accoun t o f Thoma s Skinner , "Murde r o f Malcolm X, " in American Violence: A Documentary History, ed. Richar d Hofstadte r and Michae l Wallac e (New York: Vintage Books , 1971) , 437-38; and Gordon Parks , "Violent End of a Man Called Malcol m X," Life (5 March 1965) , 26-31 . Se e sources in not e 3. 5. Teletyp e from SAC , Detroit, t o FBI Director, "Malcol m K . Little," 21 February 1965 , 1-2 , SR, Ree l 2 ; telephon e intervie w wit h Wilfre d Littl e Shabazz , 2 0 May 1994.

Notes to the Epilogue •

34 1

6. Georg e Murray , "Musli m Elite , Polic e Guard Muhammad, " Chicago's American, 2 3 Februar y 1965 , 4 ; Willia m Schaub , "Wh o Woul d B e Elijah' s Successor? " Chicago's American, 2 4 February 1965 , 5 . See Aubrey Barnette, "Th e Black Muslims Are a Fraud, " The Saturday Evening Post (27 Februar y 1965) , 23-29 ; se e als o th e text o f Malcolm' s speec h a t th e Audubo n o n 1 4 Februar y 1965 , an d hi s radi o interview wit h Aubre y Barnette , bot h i n February 1965, 106-42 , 184-229 ; and Le s Matthews, "Muslim s Charge d i n Death, " New York Amsterdam News, 1 4 November 1964, 1-2 ; "Convic t Muslim s i n Boston, " New York Amsterdam News, 6 Februar y 1965, 1-2 . 7. I n 1973 , anothe r ostensibl e "hypocrite " an d ex-Natio n membe r wa s targete d for a bruta l attack . Lik e Malcolm , nin e year s before , Hamaa s Abdu l Khaali s ha d adopted orthodo x Isla m an d condemne d Elija h Muhamma d a s a religiou s fraud . I n brutal retaliatio n fo r "messin g wit h Elijah, " seve n member s o f Khaalis's famil y wer e murdered, includin g women, children , an d a nine-day-old infant , wh o was drowned. Goldman, The Death and Life, 433-34 ; als o se e Kondo , Conspiracys [sic], 339 ; AMX, 437 ; telephon e intervie w wit h Wilfre d Littl e Shabazz , 2 0 Ma y 1994 . Not e reference t o "hypocrites " i n Han s } . Massaquoi , "Elija h Muhammad : Prophe t an d Architect of the Separat e Nation o f Islam," Ebony (Augus t 1970) , 88. 8. "Conventioneer? " Cartoon, Chicago's American, 2 6 February 1965 , 8; Edward W. Baumann , "Blac k Muslim s Mee t 2 d Day , Elija h Defiant, " Chicago's American, 28 Februar y 1965 ; Robert Jackson , "Muhammad' s So n Plead s t o Rejoi n Blac k Mus lims," Chicago's American, 2 5 Februar y 1965 , 4 . Wallace' s roa d t o reconciliatio n with hi s fathe r wa s quit e rocky , however . I n a n interview , h e late r recalle d h e wa s excommunicated severa l time s by his father, an d tha t hi s ministerial privilege s i n th e Nation wer e suspended betwee n 196 4 and 1969 . Se e Marsh, From Black Muslims to Muslims, 112-13 . 9. "Malcol m X, " New York Times, 2 2 February 1965 ; "U.S. Justice and Malcol m X," Plain Dealer (Cleveland) , 2 3 Februar y 1965 , 18 ; "Deat h o f a Desperado, " Newsweek, 8 Marc h 1965 , 25 ; "The Chicken s Hav e Com e Hom e t o Roost, " Black Dispatch (Omaha , Neb.) , 2 6 Februar y 1965 , 6 . Du e t o a n omissio n i n th e text , I have supplie d "rest " as i t seems mos t congruou s wit h th e apparen t sentiment s o f th e columnist; however , on e migh t wis h t o suppl y th e mor e awkwar d "roost " in keepin g with the theme; James L. Hicks , "Anothe r Angle: Malcolm X, " New York Amsterdam News, 2 7 February 1965 , 9; "Baldwin Blame s White Supremacy, " New York Post, 22 February 1965 , Malcol m X Scrapbook , vol . 1 , Schombur g Cente r fo r Researc h i n Black Culture , Ne w Yor k City . Henceforth , MXS ; Whitney Young , "T o B e Equal : Who I s t o Blam e fo r Deat h o f Malcol m X? " Call & Post (Cleveland) , 6 Marc h 1965, B8. 10. "Th e Islami c Negr o Nationalists," Christianity Today (12 March 1965) : 644. 11. Joe l Britton, "Describ e Reactio n t o Malcolm X Speech: Interview with Selm a Rights Fighters," Militant (Ne w York), 8 March 1965 , 3.

342 • Notes to the Epilogue 12. Walte r Winchell , "Ma n Readin g th e Papers, " New York Journal American, 28 Februar y 1965 , i n SR, Ree l 2 ; Jim Powell , "Malcol m X-Na t 'Kin g Cole , Two Men," New Crusader (Chicago), 21-2 7 Februar y 1965 , 10 . 13. Unite d Pres s International Repor t #161, in New York Office t o FBI Director , "Malcolm K . Littl e an d Bombin g Matte r Threat, " 2 5 Februar y 1965 , SR, Ree l 2 ; William Seraile , "Th e Assassinatio n o f Malcol m X : Th e Vie w fro m Hom e an d Abroad," Afro-Americans in New York Life & History (January 1981) : 44-45; "Malcolm Calle d a Marty r Abroad, " New York Times, 2 6 Februar y 1965 , 15 ; Gertrud e Wilson, "White-On-White : Loo k Homeward , Mr . Rowan, " New York Amsterdam News, 6 March 1965 , 9 . T o n o one's surprise, jus t prior t o the releas e of Spike Lee's Malcolm X movie , Rowa n defende d hi s 196 5 comment s abou t Malcolm . "I n rea l life," Rowa n rationalized , "Malcolm X generated a feeble socia l hurrican e o f 'blac k power,' " and a "self-defeating madnes s fo r blac k America." Apparently, Mr . Rowa n has ye t t o loo k homewar d wit h clea r vision . Se e Car l T . Rowan , "Commentary : What Di d Malcol m X Ever D o fo r th e Blac k People, " New York Post, 3 September 1992, 25. 14. Malcolm X Speaks, 54-55 ; James A. Wechsler , "On e Da y After," New York Post, 1 3 April 1964 , 24 . 15. By Any Means Necessary, 28 . 16. By Any Means Necessary, 25 . 17. Jame s A. Wechsler , "Th e Cul t o f Malcolm X, " The Progressive (June 1964) , 24-28; James Wechsler, "Abou t Malcol m X, " New York Post, 23 (?) February 1965 , MXS, vol . 1 ; "Baldwi n Blame s Whit e Supremacy" ; "Baldwi n Say s White s Shar e Assassins' Guilt," Plain Dealer (Cleveland), 2 3 February 1965 , 21. 18. Te d Poston , "Wido w Talk s o f He r Lif e wit h Malcolm, " New York Post, 2 3 February 1965 , 2 , MXS, vol. 1 ; Gertrude Wilson, "White-On-White : Mrs. Malcol m X—'A Frien d O f Mine, ' " New York Amsterdam News, 2 7 Februar y 1965 , 9 ; Ara Piastro and Alfre d Robbins , "Harle m Funera l Hom e I s Ringed b y Police," New York Journal-American, 2 3 Februar y 1965 , 5 ; Car l J . Pelleck , "Fo r Malcolm' s Widow , Only Hi s Work Is Left," New York Post, 22 February 1965 , 2. 19. Deat h Certificat e o f Malcol m X , #56-65-104133 . Signe d b y Chief Medica l Examiner Milto n Helpern , Burea u o f Records and Statistics , Departmen t o f Health , New York, PF; AMX, 226 . Not e one person's recollectio n o f Malcolm's teachin g on afterlife i n Essien-Udom , Black Nationalism, 91-92 . "Guar d Malcolm' s Bier, " New York Post, 2 3 Februar y 1965 , MXS , vol . 1 ; Piastro an d Robbins , "Harle m Funera l Home I s Ringe d b y Police" ; untitle d clipping , Chicago's American, 2 3 Februar y 1965, 4 ; "In State, " photograp h o f Malcol m i n death , New York Amsterdam News, 27 February 1965 , 1 ; cf. phot o o f Malcol m i n death , clearl y showin g the plate' s "L a Hajj" inscription , i n Cone , Martin & Malcolm & America, phot o inser t section , [p . 12], botto m plate , an d Haley' s referenc e t o th e sam e plate , AMX , 440 ; Kennet h Gross, "Th e Peopl e Wh o Cam e t o Mourn, " New York Post, 2 4 (? ) February 1965 , MXS, vol . 1 ; Kennet h Gross , "Harle m Say s It s Farewells, " New York Post, 2 8

Notes to the Epilogue • 34 3 February 1965 , MXS, vol . 2 ; Ossi e Sykes , "Th e Wee k Tha t Malcol m X Died, " Liberator (New York) (April 1965) , 5 . 20. "Liken s Malcolm X , Christ," Chicago Defender (National Edition) , 2 7 February-5 Marc h 1965 , 1-2 . 21. Sykes , 'Th e Wee k Tha t Malcol m X Died"; "Thousands Mour n Malcolm ; A Violent Ma n Leave s i n Peace, " Plain Dealer (Cleveland), 2 8 Februar y 1965 , 1 , 11 ; Poston, "Wido w Talk s o f He r Lif e wit h Malcolm" ; Jame s Booker , "Exclusive : Mal colm X Speaks, " New York Amsterdam News, 6 Februar y 1965 , 1-2 ; Theodor e Jones, "Malcol m Kne w H e Wa s a 'Marke d Man, ' " New York Times, 2 3 Februar y 1965, 1 , 11; "Malcolm X Denies H e I s Bomber," an d photos , New York Amsterdam News, 2 0 Februar y 1965 , 1 ; Benfield, "Hi s Wor k Wil l G o On , Wif e Says" ; MXS, 437; Goldman, The Death and Life, 364 ; (NPI), "Malcolm X Eulogized a s a 'Blac k . . . Prince,' " Call & Post (Cleveland), 6 March 1965 , Al, 2 . Note tha t o n th e da y o f the assassination , Malcol m X was awakened i n hi s hote l room b y a white ma n wh o calle d hi m a t 8 A.M. , a ma n wh o wa s very likel y a n FB I agent. Prof . Kond o astutel y reveal s tha t th e purpos e o f the "wake-u p call " ma y ver y well have been wha t the Bureau terme d a "marking"—a mean-spirite d plo y that only the mos t vindictive agen t woul d stage . I f the cal l wa s a "marking," it was intended t o intensify Malcolm' s sens e of the imminenc e o f his own death, an d t o taunt hi m wit h the notio n tha t othe r force s wer e workin g behin d th e scene s t o accomplis h it . Th e ploy apparentl y worked , becaus e whe n Malcol m drov e uptow n t o th e Audubo n Ballroom, h e parked hi s car a full twent y blocks south, a t 146t h Stree t and Broadway , in orde r t o catc h a bu s th e res t o f th e way—perhap s i n a n attemp t t o thro w of f hi s anticipated assailants . However , som e peopl e attendin g th e rall y spotte d hi m fro m their car, an d offere d Malcol m a ride—inadvertently drivin g him t o his appointmen t with death . One o f Malcolm's follower s believe s th e reaso n Malcol m X parked twent y block s south of the Audubon wa s so that he could walk the rest of the way, "to offer himsel f as a target , alon e an d awa y fro m hi s followers. " Eithe r way , i t i s clea r tha t Malcolm' s "wake-up" call was successful i n its malicious intent; it also complements weightier evidence of the surveillance community's foreknowledge o f the assassination. Cf . Kondo , Conspiracys [sic], 79 ; Goldman, The Death and Life, 268-69 ; "Slain Malcolm's Missing Car Found, " Plain Dealer (Cleveland), 2 3 February 1965 , 21 ; Earl Grant , "Th e Last Days of Malcolm X, " in Malcolm X: The Man and His Times, 92-93 . 22. Jame s Booker , "30,00 0 Mour n Malcol m X, " New York Amsterdam News, 6 March 1965 , 33 ; Goldman, The Death and Life, 271 , 19 ; AMX, 433 ; Ne w Yor k Office Report , "Musli m Mosque , Incorporated ; IS-MMI, " 2 1 Ma y 1965 , 29-33 , MMJ/NY-468; AMX , 440 , 300-301 ; Alle n Woll , Black Musical Theatre: From Coontown to Dreamgirls (Baton Rouge : Louisiana Stat e Universit y Press , 1989) , 256 ; "Malcolm X Eulogize d a s a 'Blac k . . . Prince ' " ; Mar c Crawfor d Interview ; Dic k Gregory, Up from Nigger (New York : Stei n & Day , 1976) , 29 ; Malcolm X Speaks, 98-99.

344 • Notes to the Epilogue 23. AMX , 449-51 ; Osman , "Malcol m X , ' A Brother'" ; "Thousand s Mour n Malcolm"; Sykes , "The Week That Malcol m X Died"; Cathy White, "Personall y an d Socially," New York Amsterdam News, 6 Marc h 1965 , 10 ; Booker, "30,00 0 Mour n Malcolm X. " 24. Lette r o f th e Rev . W . E . Sanders , "Letter s fro m Readers : Malcol m X Eu logy," Call & Post (Cleveland) , 1 3 Marc h 1965 , B9 ; Jame s Booker , "Exclusiv e Interview! Talk with Mrs . Malcol m X! " New York Amsterdam News y 1 3 March 1965 , 4; "Mrs. Malcol m X Pens Us a Note," New York Amsterdam News, 1 0 April 1965 , 2; Kenneth Gross , "Th e 40t h Birthda y o f Malcol m X, " New York Post, 2 0 Ma y 1965 , MXS, vol . 3 .

Selected Bibliograph y

Books Baldwin, James . The Fire Next Time. Ne w York: Delta, 1964 . Berton, Pierre . Voices from the Sixties: Twenty-Two Views of a Revolutionary Decade. Garden City , N.Y. : Doubleday, 1967 . Breitman, George . The Last Year of Malcolm X: The Evolution of a Revolutionary. New York: Pathfinder Press , 1984 . Buitrago, An n Mari , an d Leo n Andre w Immerman . Ar e You Now or Have You Ever Been in the FBI Files. New York: Grove Press , 1981. Carson, Clayborne . Malcolm X: The FBI File. Ne w York: Carroll an d Graf, 1991 . Clark, Kennet h B. , ed . The Negro Protest: James Baldwin, Malcolm X , Martin Luther King Talk with Kenneth B. Clark. Boston: Beacon Press , 1963 . Clarke, Joh n Henrik , ed . Malcolm X: The Man and His Times. Ne w York : Collie r Books, 1969 . Cone, Jame s H . Martin & Malcolm & America. Maryknoll , N.Y. : Orbi s Books , 1991. Donner, Fran k J . The Age of Surveillance: The Aims and Methods of America's Political Intelligence System. Ne w York: Alfred A . Knopf , 1980 .

345

346 • Selected Bibliography Draper, Theodore . The Rediscovery of Black Nationalism. Ne w York : Viking Press , 1969. Du Bois , Davi d Graham . . . . And Bid Him Sing. Pal o Alto , Calif. : Rampart s Press, 1975 . Durham, Joa n V . "Th e Blac k Musli m Movement. " B.A . thesis, Hollin s College , Roanoke, VA , 1963 . Essien-Udom, E . U . Black Nationalism: The Search for an Identity in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press , 1963 . Goldman, Peter . The Death and Life of Malcolm X. Chicago : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press, 1979 . Golson, G . Barry , ed . The Playboy Interview, 2 d ed. N.p. : Wideview, 1980 . Hauser, Thomas . Muhammad AH: His Life and Times. Ne w York : Simo n an d Schuster, 1991 . Hernton, Calvi n C . White Papers for Black Americans. Ne w York: Doubleday, 1966 . Hexam, Irving , an d Karl a Poewe . Understanding Cults and New Religions. Grand Rapids, Mich. : Eerdmans , 1986 . Hill, Ro y L., ed . Rhetoric of Racial Revolt. Denver : Golden Bel l Press , 1964 . Jamal, Haki m A . From the Dead Level: Malcolm X and Me. Ne w York : Rando m House, 1971 . Jarrette, Alfre d Q . Muslims Black Metropolis. Lo s Angeles : Grea t Wester n Books , 1962. Johnson, Timoth y V . Malcolm X: A Comprehensive Annotated Bibliography. New York: Garland, 1986 . Karim, Benjamin . Remembering Malcolm. Ne w York: Carroll an d Graf, 1992 . Kondo, Bab a Zak A. Conspiracys [sic]: Unravelling the Assassination of Malcolm X. Washington, D.C. : Nubia Pres s , 1993 . Lee, Marth a F . The Nation of Islam: An American Millenarian Movement. N.p. : Edwin Melle n Press , 1988 . Lee, Spike , wit h Ralph Wiley. By Any Means Necessary: The Trials and Tribulations of the Making of Malcolm X. Ne w York: Hyperion, 1992 . Lewis, Bernard , ed . Race and Color in Islam. Ne w York: Harper and Row , 1971 . Lincoln, C . Eric . The Black Muslims in America. Boston : Beacon Press , 1960 . Lomax, Loui s E. The Negro Revolt. Ne w York: Signet Books, 1964 . . T o Kill a Black Man. Lo s Angeles: Holloway House , 1987 . . When the Word Is Given . . . . Cleveland : World Publishing , 1963 . Malcolm X. By Any Means Necessary: Speeches, Interviews and a Letter by Malcolm X, ed . Georg e Breitman. 12t h ed. Ne w York: Pathfinder Press , 1987 . . February 1965: The Final Speeches, ed. Stev e Clark . Ne w York : Pathfinde r Press, 1992 . . Malcolm X on Afro-American History. Ne w York: Pathfinder Press , 1988 . . Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements, ed . Georg e Breitman. New York: Grove Press, 1982 .

Selected Bibliography • 34 7 . Malcolm X Talks to Young People: Speeches in the U.S., Britain & Africa, ed. Stev e Clark. Ne w York: Pathfinder Press , 1991 . . The End of White World Supremacy: Four Speeches by Malcolm X, ed . Benjamin Karim . Ne w York: Seaver Books, 1971. . The Last Speeches, ed. Bruc e Perry. Ne w York: Pathfinder Press , 1989 . . The Speeches of Malcolm X at Harvard, ed . Archi e Epps . Ne w York : William Morrow , 1968 . Malcolm X , wit h Ale x Haley . The Autobiography of Malcolm X . Ne w York : Grov e Press, 1965 . Malik, Michae l Abdul . From Michael de Freitas to Michael X. Grea t Britain : Andr e Deutsch, 1968 . Marsh, Clifto n E . From Black Muslims to Muslims: The Transition from Separatism to Islam, 1930-1980. Metuchen , N.J. : Scarecrow Press , 1984 . McCauley, Mar y Seibert . "Ale x Haley , a Souther n Griot : A Literar y Biography, " Ph.D. diss. , Georg e Peabod y Colleg e fo r Teacher s o f Vanderbil t University , Nashville, Tenn. , 1983 . Meier, August . A White Scholar and the Black Community, 1945-1965 . Amherst : University of Massachusetts Press , 1992 . Mitchell, Sara . Shepherd of Black-Sheep: A Commentary on the Life of Malcolm X with an on the Scene Account of His Assassination. Macon, Ga. : Sara Mitchell , 1981. Moore, Carlos . Castro, the Blacks, and Africa. Lo s Angeles: Center fo r Afro-Ameri can Studies , Universit y of California, 1988 . O'Neill, Danie l J. , ed . Speeches by Black Americans. Encino , Calif. : Dickenson , 1971. Paris, Peter} . Black Leaders in Conflict. Ne w York: Pilgrim Press , 1978 . Perry, Bruce . Malcolm: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America, Barrytown, N.Y., 1991 . Pinkney, Alphonso . Red, Black, and Green: Black Nationalism in the United States. New York: Cambridge Universit y Press , 1976 . Sahib, Hatim . "Th e Natio n o f Islam." Master's thesis, Universit y of Chicago, 1951 . Sales, Willia m W. , Jr . From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity. Boston : South End Press, 1994 . Silberman, Charle s E . Crisis in Black and White. Ne w York: Vintage Books, 1964 . Van Sertima , Ivan , ed . Great Black Leaders: Ancient and Modern. N.p. : Journal o f African Civilizations , 1988 . Waddy, Charis . The Muslim Mind. Ne w York: Longman, 1978 . Warren, Rober t Penn . Who Speaks for the Negro? Ne w York: Vintage Books , 1966 . Williams, D . E. , an d C. Brown , eds. Howard University Bibliography of African and Afro-American Religious Studies. Wilmington , Del. : Scholarly Resources , 1977 . Wolfenstein, Eugen e V . Victims of Democracy. London : Fre e Associatio n Books , 1989.

348 • Selected Bibliography Newspaper and Magazine Articles Ashmore, Harr y S . "Negr o Ghetto s i n th e North , Par t 4 : Blac k Musli m Crusad e a Parallel t o the Klan. " New York Herald-Tribune, 1 2 May 1960 . Bailey, A . Peter . "Malcolm : A White Man' s View." Emerge (February 1992) , 57 . Balk, Alfred . "Wh o Are the Black Muslims? Par t I: Clay Conversion Spotlight s Sect. " Citizen-Journal (Columbus , Ohio) , 6 April 1964 , 19 . . "Wh o Ar e the Blac k Muslims ? Par t II : Look o n Selve s as Superior People. " Citizen-Journal (Columbus , Ohio) , 7 April 1964 , 19 . . "Wh o Ar e th e Blac k Muslims ? Par t III : Sec t No t a s Stron g a s Believed. " Citizen-Journal (Columbus , Ohio) , 8 April 1964 , 17 . Balk, Alfred , an d Ale x Haley, "Blac k Merchants o f Hate." Saturday Evening Post (26 January 1963) , 74. Barnes, Jack . "Malcol m X : Recollection s o f a Visit. " Militant (Ne w York) , 2 1 February 1966 , 3. Barnette, Aubrey . "Th e Blac k Muslim s Ar e a Fraud. " Saturday Evening Post (27 February 1965) , 23-29 . Berger, Carol . "I n Cairo , a n Expatriat e Blac k American Recall s Malcol m X. " Christian Science Monitor, 1 0 February 1992 , 11. Berger, Morroe . "Th e Blac k Muslims." Horizon (Winter 1964) , 48-64. Boldenweck, William . " 'Christianity Faile d Us, ' Declare s Blac k Muslim. " San Francisco Examiner, 8 May 1961 , 9. Booker, James . "A s Jimmy Booke r Kne w Him: Real Malcol m X. " New York Amsterdam News, par t 1 , 2 0 March 1965 , 39 ; part 2, 2 7 March 1965 , 11. . "Ho w I Got t o Kno w Malcol m Intimately. " New York Amsterdam News, 6 March 1965 , 3. . "I s Mecc a Tri p Changin g Malcolm? " New York Amsterdam News, 2 3 Ma y 1964, 14 . . "Malcol m X Ignore s Brother. " New York Amsterdam News, 4 Apri l 1964 , 1, 2. . "Malcol m X Speaks." New York Amsterdam News, 6 February 1965 , 1-2 . . "Malcol m X : 'Wh y I Qui t an d Wha t I Pla n Next. " New York Amsterdam News, 1 4 March 1964 , 1 , 51. . "See k t o Evic t Malcol m X from Hom e i n Queens ; Paper s Already File d i n Court." New York Amsterdam News, 1 8 April 1964 , 1-2 . Boyd, Herb . "Famil y o f Malcol m X Denounces Whit e Autho r o f Ne w Book. " New York Amsterdam News, 3 0 November 1991 , 5. Bradley, Edward . "Ho w Malcol m X Escaped On e Deat h Trap. " Chicago's American (Final Edition) , 2 4 February 1965 , 1 , 28. Cooper, Clarence , Jr . "Aftermath : Th e Angries t Negroe s Revisited. " Esquire (June 1961), 164-66 .

Selected Bibliography •

34 9

Crawford, Marc . 'Th e Ominou s Malcol m X Exit s fro m th e Muslims. " Life, 2 0 March 1964,40-41 . Cunningham, Bill , and Danie l Golden . "Malcolm : The Bosto n Years." Boston Globe Magazine, 1 6 February 1992 , 16 . DeCaro, Loui s A. , Jr . "Bruc e Perry' s Malcolm : Biograph y o r Pathography? " Daily Challenge (Brooklyn), par t 1 , 27 January 1992 , 6 and 18 ; part 2, 2 8 January 1992 , 5; part 3 , 2 9 January 1992 , 6 and 15 ; and par t 4, 3 0 January 1992 , 8 and 18 . Dudar, Helen . "Th e Muslim s an d Blac k Nationalism. " New York Post, par t 2 , 7 April 1964 , 29. . "Th e Muslim s an d Blac k Nationalism : Th e Questio n o f Violence. " New York Post, part 4, 9 April 1964 , 27. . "Th e Muslim s an d Blac k Nationalism : Wha t Doe s Malcol m Want? " New York Post, part 5 , 1 0 April 1964 , 49. . "Th e Retur n o f Malcolm X. " New York Post, 22 May 1964 , 3. Duodo, Cameron . "Malcolm X : Prophe t o f Harlem. " Drum (Accra , Ghana) , 1 October 1964 . Eakin, Joh n Paul . "Malcolm X and th e Limit s o f Autobiography." Criticism (Sum mer 1976) : 230-42. Ellenberg, Albert . "Elija h Muhamma d Weep s for the Loss of Malcolm X. " New York Post, 1 0 March 1964 , 5 . Evans, Orrin . "Malcol m X Come s t o Philadelphia ] t o 'Reorganiz e Muslims / " Evening Bulletin (Philadelphia) , 3 0 December 1964 , 3. "Excerpts o n Hajj i Mali k Shabazz. " Muslim World (Philadelphia ) (March-Apri l 1965), 3-9 . "The Fina l View s of Malcolm X. " National Leader (Philadelphia), 2 June 1983 , 6. Friscia, Josep h T. "Malcol m X and Hi s Black Muslims." Saga (July 1962) , 30 . Garland, Phyl . "Ha s Mr . Muhamma d Ouste d Malcolm? " Pittsburgh Courier, 2 November 1963 , 1 , 4. Geracimos, Ann . "Mrs . Malcol m X—He r Rol e as Wife." New York Herald Tribune, 30 June 1963 , 6. Greenberg, Jay . "Muslims—Misunderstoo d Force. " Chicago Maroon (Universit y o f Chicago), 1 6 February 1962 . Handler, M . S . "Assertiv e Spiri t Stir s Negroes , Put s Vigo r i n Civi l Right s Drive. " New York Times, 2 3 April 1963 , 20. . "Blac k Muslim s Aske d t o Hel p Trea t Addict s Here. " New York Times, 1 0 January 1964 , 84 . . "Cite s Jews' Progress." New York Times, 2 4 May 1964 , 61. . "Malcolm Absen t a s Muslim s Meet ; Powe r Struggl e I s Believe d Mountin g in Movement. " New York Times, 2 7 February 1964 , 23. . "Malcolm Reject s Racis t Doctrine ; Als o Denounce s Elija h a s a Religiou s 'Faker.' " New York Times, 4 October 1964 , 59 .

350 • Selected Bibliography Handler, M . S . "Malcolm X Cites Role i n U.N . Fight. " 2 January 1965 , 6. . "Malcol m X Please d b y Whites ' Attitud e o n Tri p t o Mecca. " New York Times, 8 May 1964 , 1 . . "Malcol m X Score s Kenned y o n Racia l Policy ; Say s He I s 'Wrong Becaus e His Motivation I s Wrong.' " New York Times, 1 7 May 1963 , 14 . . "Malcolm X Sees Ris e in Violence ; Say s Negroes Are Read y to Act i n Self Defense." New York Times, 1 3 March 1964 , 20. . "Malcol m X Seeks U.N . Negr o Debate ; He Asks African State s to Cite U.S . Over Rights. " New York Times, 1 3 August 1964 , 22. . "Malcol m X Split s wit h Muhammad ; Suspende d Musli m Leade r Plan s Black Nationalist Politica l Movement. " New York Times, 9 March 1964 , 1 , 43. . "Malcol m X Starting Driv e in Washington." New York Times, 1 0 May 1963, 1, 14 . . "Malcol m X Terms Dr . King' s Tactic s Futile. " New York Times, 1 1 Ma y 1963, 9 . . "Malcolm X' s Role Dividing Muslims; New York Leader May Shun Group' s Chicago Parley." New York Times, 2 6 February 1964 , 34 . . "Muhamma d Predict s Fina l Victor y fo r Muslims ; Believe s Negroe s Wil l Accept Separation fro m Whites. " New York Times, 1 7 June 1963 , 14 . [Handler, M . S. ] "Malcol m X Report s H e No w Represent s Worl d Musli m Unit. " New York Times, 1 1 October 1964 , 13 . Harris, Donald . "Al l Africa Wa s for Malcol m X. " Militant, 5 April 1965 , 4. Henry, Laurence . "Malcol m X Lives." Cavalier (June 1966) , 36 , 91-95. Hentoff, Nat . "Elija h i n the Wilderness." The Reporter, 4 August 1960 , 37-40 . . "Rememberin g Malcolm. " The Village Voice, 2 6 February 1985 , 24-26 . Home, Gerald . "Hostile , Unsympatheti c Boo k on Malcol m X Published. " New York Amsterdam News, 3 0 November 1991 , 5, 37. Howard, Allen . "Th e Whit e Ma n I s Finished , Say s Malcol m X. " Call & Post (Cleveland), 2 9 June 1963 , sec. A, 7 . Hughes, Langston . "Malcol m X in Cairo." New York Post, 17 July 1964 , 32. Hunter, Clarence . "Dissiden t Musli m Expecte d t o Be 'Silence d Forever. ' " Evening Star (Washington , D.C.) , 2 2 February 1965 , sec. A, 1 . . "Malcol m X Speaks : 'Guerill a Warfar e I s Next. ' " Evening Star (Washing ton, D.C.) , 1 4 June 1964 , 1 . Joel, Gi l S . "Blac k Musli m Approach. " Patent Trader (Mt. Kisco , N.Y.) , 2 5 Apri l 1963, 3 . . "Negroe s 'Aren' t Americans. ' " Patent Trader (Mt. Kisco , N.Y.) , 2 8 Apri l 1963, 3 . . "Attac k o n 'Whit e Liberals. ' " Patent Trader (Mt . Kisco , N.Y.) , 5 Ma y 1963, 3 . . "America—Negr o 'Prison.' " Patent Trader (Mt . Kisco , N.Y.) , 1 2 Ma y 1963, 3 .

Selected Bibliography •

35 1

lones, Lis a Chapman . "Talkin g Book : Ora l Histor y o f a Movement. " The Village Voice, Zb February 1955 , 18-22 . Knebel, Fletcher . " A Visi t wit h th e Wido w o f Malcol m X. " Look (4 Marc h 1969) , 74-80. Krosney, Herbert. "America' s Black Supremacists."TheNation, 6 May 1961 , 390-92. Langley, Christopher . "Malcol m X Explain s Stan d o f "Militan t Militants" ; Say s Negroes Ar e "Jus t a s Huma n a s All Others / " The Dartmouth (Dartmout h Col lege, Hanover , N.H.) , 2 8 January 1965 , 1 . . "Malcol m X Promise s U.S . a Long , Blood y Summer. " The Dartmouth (Dartmouth College , Hanover , N.H.) , 2 7 January 1965 , 1 . Lee, Timothy . "Malcol m X and Hi s Enemies. " New York Post Daily Magazine, 2 3 February 1965 , 21. Lewis, Jess e W. , Jr . "Islami c Leade r Ha s a Stak e i n Sincerity ; Ma n Wh o Tamed ' Malcolm I s Hopeful." Washington Post, 1 8 May 1964 , sec . A, 3 . Lincoln, C . Eric . "Extremis t Attitudes i n th e Blac k Muslim Movement. " New South (Atlanta) (January 1963) , 3-10 . . "Th e Blac k Muslims." The Progressive (December 1962) , 43-48. . "Th e Meanin g of Malcolm X. " Christian Century, 7 April 1965 , 431-33. "Local Criminals , i n Prison , Clai m Mosle m Fait h Now : Gro w Beards , Won' t Ea t Pork; Deman d East-Facin g Cell s t o Facilitat e 'Prayer s t o Allah. ' " Springfield Union (Springfield, Mass.) , 2 1 April 1950 , 1 , 7. Loh, Jules . "Malcolm Kne w of Peril; Said a Year Ago Foes Out to Get Him." Newark Evening News (Newark, N.J.) , 2 2 February 1965 , 3. Lotan, Yael . " 'No Peacefu l Solutio n t o Racialism' : A n Exclusiv e Intervie w wit h Malcolm X. " Sunday Gleaner Magazine, 1 2 July 1964 , 5-6 . Lucas, Bob . "Firs t Magazin e Intervie w wit h Elija h Muhammad , Blac k Musli m Leader." Cavalier (January 1964) , 11-12 , 89-93 . Major, Clarence . " A Personal Memoir : Malcolm th e Martyr. " Negro Digest (December 1966) , 37-42 . Malcolm X . "Afric a Eye s Us, " in "Puls e of the Public. " New York Amsterdam News, 22 August 1959 , 10 . . "I' m Talkin g t o You , Whit e Man. " Saturday Evening Post (12 Septembe r 1964), 31. . Lette r to Editor. "Amsterda m New s Readers Write . . . , " New York Amsterdam News, 2 4 November 1962 , 39 . . Lette r to Editor. "Letters. " New York Times Magazine, 2 5 August 1963 , 2. . Lette r t o Editor . "Puls e o f th e Public. " New York Amsterdam News, 1 December 1962 , 10 . . Lette r t o Editor . "Wha t Courie r Reader s Think. " Pittsburgh Courier, 6 October 1962 , 13 . . Lette r t o Editor . "Wha t Courie r Reader s Think , Malcol m X Fires Away a t Principal. " Pittsburgh Courier, 3 1 August 1957 , sec. 2 , 5 .

352 • Selected Bibliography [Malcolm X] . "Polic e Brutalit y i n Ne w Yor k Exposed. " Mr . Muhammad Speaks (May 1960 ; rpt. o f first ed.), 2 , 5 , 13. . "W e Are All Blood Brothers. " Liberator (New York) (July 1964) , 4-6 . . [Gues t Columnist ] "Th e Wa y th e Bal l Bounces : You r 'Shiftiness ' Stil l Dazzling, Malcol m X Tells Jacki e Robinson. " Philadelphia Tribune, par t 1 , 1 0 December 1963 , 6; part 2 , 1 4 December 1963 , 8. "Malcolm X : A Clea r Perception. " Black Praxis (Dartmout h College , Hanover , N.H.), 2 February 1976 . "Malcolm X on Islam , US , Africa." Egyptian Gazette, 1 7 August 1964 . Martin, Abra m V . "Aparthei d an d Malcol m X. " New Leader, 22 June 1964 , 7-9 . Massaquoi, Han s J. "Myster y o f Malcolm X. " Ebony (Septembe r 1964) , 38. Matthews, Ralph , Jr . "Ha s Anythin g Reall y Change d sinc e Malcol m X Talke d t o AFRO i n 1963? " Afro-American (Baltimore), 2 3 May 1981 , 14. Mayfield, Julian . "Malcol m X : 1925-1965. " African Review (Accra , Ghana ) (Ma y 1965), 8-9 . Miller, Bryc e B. "Seeking Freedom Lik e Dr. King , bu t Faster: Malcolm X No Longer 'Angriest Muslim' O f All." Journal and Guide (Norfolk , Va.) , 1 8 July 1964 , 14 . Miller, Gene . " A Misunderstoo d Man ? U s Hat e th e Whit e Man ? No t So , Say s Malcolm X ; A Black Muslim's White Paper. " Miami Herald, 21 February 1964 . "Mister X." Arab Observer (United Ara b Republic), 2 4 August 1964 , 31-32 . " 'M y Nex t Move— ' Malcol m X , a n Exclusiv e Interview. " New York Amsterdam News, 3 0 May 1964 , 1 , 52 . Nadle, Marlene . "Malcol m X : The Complexit y o f a Man i n th e Jungle." The Village Voice, 25 February 1965 , 1 . Naeem, Abdu l Basit . " Tm Read y t o Mee t Challenge s o f th e Messenger' s Foes. ' " Muhammad Speaks, 1 2 February 1964 , 4. . " 'Obey Divin e Leader.' " Muhammad Speaks, 1 7 July 1964 , p. 1 . . "Pakista n Musli m Advises : March O n unde r Messenger' s Banner! " Muhammad Speaks, 5 February 1964 , 4. Nasef, Lutfi . " A Meeting wit h Malcol m X ; The Negr o Leade r Expete d Assassinatio n at Any Moment." Gumhuriya (Cairo) , 2 4 February 1965 , p. 5 . Osman, Ahme d S . "Malcol m X , ' A Brother.' " The Dartmouth (Dartmout h College , Hanover N.H.) , 5 March 1965 , p. 5 . Plimpton, George . "Miam i Notebook : Cassius Clay and Malcol m X. " Harpers (Jun e 1964), 54-61 . Quigg, H . D . "Find s Blac k Muslim s Kee p Morall y Straight. " Daily Defender (Chicago), 1 7 June 1963 , 9. . "Debat e Musli m Clai m t o B e Legitimat e Religion. " Daily Defender (Chicago), 1 8 June 1963,9 . . "Malcolm X , No . 2 Muslim, Say s Blac k Ma n 'Original. ' " Daily Defender (Chicago), 1 9 June 1963 , 9. . "Th e 'Devil ' Catche s Hel l Whe n Blac k Muslim s Meet. " Daily Defender (Chicago), 2 0 June 1963 , 9.

Selected Bibliography •

35 3

Russell, Carlo s E . "Exclusiv e Intervie w wit h Brothe r Malcol m X. " Liberator (May 1964), 12-13 , 16 . Samuels, Gertrude . "Feu d withi n th e Blac k Muslims. " New York Times Magazine, 23 March 1964 , 11 . . "Tw o Ways : Black Musli m an d N.A.A.C.P. " New York Times Magazine, 12 May 1963 , 26. Shabaka, Segun , ed . Black News Reprints on Malcolm X (February 1986) . Shabazz, Betty . "Th e Legacy of My Husband, Malcol m X" Ebony (June 1969) , 172 . . "Lovin g and Losing Malcolm." Essence (February 1992) , 50 . Topor, Tom . "Harle m Yout h Back s Malcolm X , bu t H e Irk s Cops, Right s Chiefs." The Record (Hackensack, N.J.) , 1 5 June 1964 , 5 . . "Rebe l wit h a Cause : Malcol m X Trim s Hi s Tenet s t o th e Times. " The Record (Hackensack, N.J.) , 1 6 June 1964 , 5 . . "Negr o Revolutio n I n America ? Malcol m X Ca n Se e I t Brewing. " The Record (Hackensack, N.J.) , 1 7 June 1964 , 5 . "Why I Choos e Islam : Malcol m X , Wh o Ha s Becom e Ha j Male k El-Shabaz z Interviewed b y M . Ramz y Radwan. " Minbar Al-lslam (Cairo : Th e Suprem e Council fo r Islamic Affairs) (November 1964) , 55-57 . Wiley, Charle s W . "Wh o Wa s Malcol m X? " National Review, 2 3 Marc h 1965 , 239-40. Worthy, William . "Th e Angriest Negroes." Esquire (February 1961) , 102-5 . Scholarly Journals Benyon, Erdman n Doane . "Th e Voodo o Cul t amon g Negr o Migrant s i n Detroit " American Journal of Sociology (May 1938) : 894-907. Calverley, Edwi n E . "Negr o Muslim s i n Hartford. " The Muslim World (Octobe r 1965): 340-45. Eakin, Pau l John. "Malcol m X and the Limits of Autobiography." Criticism (Wayne State University, Detroit ) 1 8 (3) (Summer 1976) : 230-42. Hatchett, Joh n F . "Th e Mosle m Influenc e Amon g America n Negroes. " Journal of Human Relations (Summer 1962) : 381-82. Lee, Paul . " A Study o f the Evolutio n o f Malcol m X' s Black Nationalism. " Bulletin in Defense of Marxism (December 1986) : 25-29. . "Th e Magnitud e o f Malcolm , th e Enormit y o f Hi s Loss. " Transcrip t o f speech a t a "Malcol m X forum, " Ne w York , 1 3 Novembe r 1992 . Bulletin in Defense of Marxism (February 1993) : 15. Miller, Ross . "Autobiograph y A s Fac t an d Fiction : Franklin , Adams , Malcol m X. " Centennial Review (Summer 1972) : 221-32. Vincent, Ted . "Th e Garveyit e Parent s o f Malcol m X. " The Black Scholar (April 1989): 10-13. Worthy, William . "Th e Natio n o f Islam: Impact and Prospects. " Midstream (Spring 1962): 26-44.

354 • Selected Bibliography Yaker, Henr i M . "Th e Blac k Muslim s i n th e Correctiona l Institution. " Welfare Reporter (Trenton, N.J. ) (October 1962) : 158-65. Unpublished Government Documents Federal Burea u of Investigation (FBI) . File s on Malcol m X, th e Nation o f Islam, th e Muslim Mosque , Inc. , th e Organizatio n o f Afro-America n Unity , an d Elija h Muhammad, 1953-65 . Bes t Efforts Inc. , Highlan d Park, Mich . New Yor k Cit y Polic e Department , Burea u o f Specia l Service s (BOSS) . File s o n Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam, 1957-65 . United States , Departmen t of State. File s on Malcolm X, 1964-65 . Audio/Video Recordings Bell & Howell Close-Up: Walk in My Shoes. Features footage of Malcolm X speaking at the Ulin e Arena , Washington , D.C. , 2 5 Jun e 1961 . Originall y broadcas t o n ABC-TV, 1 9 Septembe r 1961 . Vide o i n th e Museu m o f Television an d Radio , New York. CBS Reports: The Harlem Temper, with Harr y Reasoner . Feature s footag e o f Mal colm X speaking a t undate d Harle m rally . Originall y broadcas t o n CBS-TV , 1 1 December 1963 . Video i n the Museum of Television and Radio, Ne w York. A Choice of Two Roads. Malcol m X an d Bayar d Rustin , hoste d b y Joh n Donald . New York , WBAI-FM , 7 Novembe r 1960 . Lo s Angeles : Pacific a Tap e Librar y #BB 3014 . Farrakhan, Louis. Easte r Sunday message, 2 6 March 1989 . Copy of unpublished cassette. / Remember Harlem, par t 4 : 'Towar d a Ne w Day , 1965-1980. " Fil m b y Willia m Miles. Princeton , N.J. : Films for the Humanities, 1986 . Malcolm X . Interviewe d b y Ke n Sharpe . Dartmout h College , Hanover , N.H. , WDCR Radio , 2 6 January 1965 . Best Efforts, Inc. , Highlan d Park, Mich. Malcolm X . Interviewe d b y Mik e Wallace, 8 June 1964 , Ne w York . Author' s transcript of audiotrack fro m unedite d CBS film footage. Bes t Efforts, Inc. , Highlan d Park, Mich. Malcolm X. Interviewe d by Milton Henry, 2 5 (?) July 1964 , Cairo. Broadcas t on The Goal Show, Detroit: WGPR Radio . Bes t Efforts, Inc. , Highlan d Park , Mich . Malcolm X . Interviewe d b y Herma n Blak e an d unidentifie d host . Universit y o f California, Berkeley , 1 1 (?) October 1963 . Untitled , unpublishe d videotape. Malcolm X on City Desk. Chicago, WMBQ-TV , 1 7 March 1963 . Videotap e i n the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, Ne w York. Malcolm X on The Barry Farber Show. New York , WOR-A M Radio , 2 9 June (?) 9 August (?) 1963. Bes t Efforts, Inc. , Highlan d Park, Mich. Malcolm X on The Barry Gray Show. New York , WMCA-A M Radio , 9 June 1964 . Best Efforts, Inc. , Highlan d Park, Mich.

Selected Bibliography •

35 5

Malcolm X on Program P.M. Ne w York, WINS Radio , 1 3 June 1963 . Audiotap e in New York University, Institut e of Afro-American Affairs , Ne w York. Malcolm X: A Discussion. Joh n Henri k Clar k an d Jame s Shabazz , hoste d b y Joanne Grant , 2 6 Marc h 1965 . N . Hollywood , Calif. : Pacific a Radi o Archive , #BB 3085 . "Malcolm X. " Panel discussio n o n The Charlie Rose Show, featuring Bett y Shabazz , James Turner , Pete r Bailey , Willia m Sales , Benjami n Karim , an d "Siste r Soul jah." New York, WNET-TV , 1 9 May 1992 . Audiotrack from broadcast. Open Mind. Ne w York , WNBC-TV , 2 3 Apri l 1961 . Publishe d o n audiocassett e a s The Disadvantaged American. Hollywood , Calif : Cente r fo r Cassett e Studies , 1971. The Crisis of Racism. Audiotap e o f pane l discussio n featurin g Malcol m X , Jame s Farmer, an d William Worthy , hoste d b y Murray Kempton. Pal m Gardens, Ne w York, 1 May 1962 . N . Hollywood , Calif. : Pacific a Radi o Archive , #B B 3049 , A&B. "The Loss of Our Warrior. . . Malcolm X." Like It Is. New York, WABC-TV, 3 May 1981. Audiotape of television program. Bes t Efforts, Inc. , Highlan d Park, Mich. The Wisdom of Malcolm X. Malcol m X at Nation o f Isla m Rally , 1 0 August 1963 , New York. Rahway , N.J. : Audiofidelity Enterprises , n.d . Unpublished Interviews Atkins, Clarence. Intervie w by author, 1 7 July 1992 , Ne w York. Clark, Kenneth . Intervie w b y E d Edwin , April-Ma y 1985 , "Th e Reminiscence s o f Kenneth Clark. " New York : Oral Histor y Researc h Office , Columbi a University , 1989. Crawford, Marc . Intervie w b y author, Ne w Yor k University , 3 0 August 1991 , Ne w York. Goldman, Peter . Intervie w by author, 8 August 1991 , New York. Little, Robert , Commissione r o f Ne w Yor k Cit y Chil d Welfar e Administration . Interview by author, 2 April 1992 , Ne w York. Little Shabazz , Wilfred . Intervie w b y author, wit h Pau l Lee , 1 4 August 1992 , De troit. . Intervie w by author, 1 5 August 1992 , Detroit . . Telephone intervie w by author, 2 7 November 1992 . . Telephone intervie w by author, 2 0 May 1994 . Malcolm X . Intervie w b y Ar t Sears , 9 Marc h 1964 . Transcrip t i n Alla n Morriso n Papers: 1948-1968, Researc h o n Malcolm X . Schombur g Center for Research in Black Culture, Ne w York. . Telephon e intervie w b y Art Sears, 2 6 Ma y 1964 . Transcrip t i n Allan Mor rison Papers : 1948-1968 , Researc h o n Malcol m X . Schombur g Cente r fo r Re search in Black Culture, Ne w York.

356 • Selected Bibliography . Intervie w by Douglas Geoffrey Bridson . London , BB C Broadcasting House, 2 Decembe r 1964 . Transcribe d an d edited by Paul Lee . Bes t Efforts, Inc. , High land Park, Mich . Malcolm X . Intervie w b y Carter Davidson o n At Random television program . Chi cago, 2 Marc h 1963 . Transcrip t i n SA C Chicag o Airte l t o Director , "Natio n o f Islam; IS-NOI," 11 March 1963 . FBI New York Office file on Malcolm X #3434. . Intervie w by Joe Durso on World at Ten. Ne w York, WNDT-TV , Channe l 13, 9 Marc h 1964 . Transcrip t i n S A [nam e redacted ] (412) t o SAC , Ne w York , "Malcolm K . Little , aka ; IS-NOI," 1 0 April 1964 . FB I Ne w Yor k Offic e file o n Malcolm X #4346. . Intervie w by William Kunstle r on Pro and Con, wit h the Rev . Willia m M . James. Ne w York , WMC A Radio , 3 Marc h 1960 . Transcrip t i n Repor t fro m SA[redacted], Ne w Yor k Office, "Malcol m K . Little ; Internal Security-NOI, " 1 7 November 1959 . Ree l 1 , Scholarl y Resource s edition o f FBI Headquarters file on Malcolm X. . Intervie w by Irving Kupcinet on Kup's Show. Chicago, WBKB-TV, 2 3 May 1964. Transcrip t i n Airte l fro m SA C Chicag o t o Director , "Musli m Mosque , Incorporated; IS-MM I ( 0 0 : NY), " 1 9 June 1964 . FB I Headquarter s file o n th e Muslim Mosque , Inc . #151 . . Intervie w b y Irvin g Kupcine t o n Kup's Show. Chicago , WBKB-TV , 3 0 January 196 5 [televise d 3 1 January 1965] . Transcrip t in Airtel from SAC, Chicago to Director, "Malcol m K . Little, aka; (OO: New York)," 4 February 1965 . Ree l 2, Scholarly Resources edition of FBI headquarters file on Malcolm X. . Intervie w on Expose. Norfolk, VA , WNO R Radio , 22-2 3 Augus t 1963 , 1 1 P.M. t o 2 A.M . Transcrip t i n LH M fro m SAC , Norfol k t o Director , "Natio n o f Islam, IS-NOI, " 3 0 August 1963 , i n SAC , Norfol k t o Director, "NOI ; IS-NOI," 30 August 1963 , FB I New York Office file on Malcolm X #3084 and #3085 . . Intervie w o n Focus. Washington , D.C. , WUS T Radio , 1 2 Ma y 1963 . Transcript i n Washington , D.C. , Offic e Report , 2 3 Ma y 1963 . "Malcol m K . Little, Als o Know n A s Malcol m X , Interna l Security-Natio n o f Islam, " Reel 1 , Scholarly Resource s edition of FBI Headquarters file on Malcolm X. . Intervie w o n The Ben Hunter Show. Lo s Angeles : Channe l 11 , 29-3 0 March 1963 , 11:3 0 P.M . t o 1:3 0 A.M . Transcrip t in LHM from Lo s Angeles offic e [caption redacted] , 8 Apri l 1963 , Ree l 1 , Scholarl y Resource s editio n o f FB I Headquarters file on Malcolm X. Naeem, Abdu l Basit . "Malcol m X as Nasser's Guest." Interview by [Detective Ernest B. Latt y (?),] New Yor k City Polic e Department , Burea u o f Specia l Services , 2 3 July 1959 . File s o f th e Burea u o f Specia l Services , Ne w Yor k Cit y Polic e De partment. . Intervie w by [Detective Ernes t B. Latty, ] New York City Police Department , Bureau o f Specia l Services , 5 August 1959 . File s o f th e Burea u o f Specia l Ser vices, Ne w York City Police Department.

Selected Bibliography •

35 7

Rustin, Bayard . Intervie w by Ed Edwin, 8 May 1985 , "The Reminiscences o f Bayard Rustin." New York: Oral History Research Office, Columbi a University , 1988 . Archives and Collections African American newspape r collection i n the Black Studies Department of the Ohio State University Library , Columbus , Ohio . Allan Morriso n Papers : 1948-1968, Researc h on Malcolm X. Schombur g Center for Research in Black Culture, Ne w York. American Civi l Libertie s Unio n Archives , Seele y G . Mud d Manuscrip t Librar y o f Princeton University , Princeton , N.J . Best Efforts, Inc. , Highlan d Park, Mich . Malcolm X Audiotape Collection, Archive s of the Institute of Afro-American Affairs , New York University, Ne w York. Malcolm X Scrapbooks, vols . 1-3 , Archive s o f the Schombur g Center for Researc h in Black Culture, Ne w York. Moorish Scienc e Temple of America Collection , Archive s of the Schomburg Center for Research i n Black Culture, Ne w York. Newark Public Library, Newark , N.J . Clippin g files. New York City Municipal Library . Clippin g files. New York City Public Library. Newspape r collection. Rare Book and Manuscript Collection, Columbi a University , Ne w York. Other Primary Sources "Certificate o f Incorporatio n o f Muhammad' s Templ e o f Islam , Inc. , Pursuan t t o Article 1 0 of th e Religiou s Corporatio n La w of the Stat e o f Ne w York. " County Clerk, N.Y . County , 1 1 May 1956 . "Certificate o f Mr . Malcol m X . Little , Conductin g Busines s Unde r th e Nam e o f Temple # 7 Luncheonette. " County Clerk, N.Y . County , H.Novembe r 1955 . Malcolm X , Accra , Ghana , 1 1 Ma y 1964 . Ne w York , Musli m Mosque , Inc . Type written copy. Bes t Efforts, Inc. , Highlan d Park , Mich. Malcolm X , Jedda , Saud i Arabia , 2 0 April 1964 . Ne w York , Musli m Mosque , Inc . Best Efforts, Inc. , Highlan d Park , Mich . Malcolm X , Lagos , Nigeria , 1 1 Ma y 1964 . Ne w York , Musli m Mosque , Inc . Typewritten copy. Bes t Efforts, Inc. , Highlan d Park , Mich . Malcolm X , Queens , N.Y. , t o Elija h Muhammad , Chicago , 1 5 Februar y 1961 , typewritten letter , signed . Cop y in author's files. Malcolm X , Queens , N.Y. , 2 5 Apri l 1955 , typewritte n letter , signed . Bes t Efforts , Inc., Highlan d Park , Mich . Malik Shabaz z [Malcol m X], Ne w York , t o Sai d Ramadan , Geneva , 1 1 Januar y 1965. A/-Mus/imoo n (Geneva) , Septembe r 1965 . Bes t Efforts , Inc. , Highlan d Park, Mich.

358 • Selected Bibliography "Organization o f Afro-American Unity : A Statement o f Basic Aims and Objectives. " New York, Jul y 1964 . Bes t Efforts, Inc. , Highlan d Park , Mich . Parole Fil e o f Malcol m Little , th e Departmen t o f Correction , th e Commonwealt h of Massachusetts. Prison Fil e o f Malcol m Little , th e Departmen t o f Correction , th e Commonwealt h of Massachusetts. Published Primary or Rare Sources "Abolishment of Capital Punishment : The Death Penalt y Is Ineffective a s a Deterrent; 2nd Speaker , Malco m [sic] Little. " The Colony (1 January 1950) , 9 . Bes t Efforts , Inc., Highlan d Park , Mich . F.B.L Surveillance Files on Malcolm X . Wilmington , Del. : Scholarl y Resources , 1978, Reel s 1 and 2 . Shabazz, Betty . "Bett y Shabazz Remember s Malcolm." Interview on Like It Is by Gil Noble. Ne w York, WABC-TV , 1 9 May 1991 . Journal Graphic s #810 . Miscellaneous Materials Keil, Charles . "Rememberin g Malcolm. " MS, 2 8 February 1990 . Speech b y Malcol m X , Musli m Mosque , Incorporated , rally , 2 9 Marc h 1964 , a t Audubon Ballroom , Ne w York . Transcrip t o f NB C newsfilm . Bes t Efforts , Inc. , Highland Park , Mich .

Index

Ahmadiyya movemen t i n Islam , 136-37 , 319 n . 4 ; cited by C. Eri c Lincoln, 169 ; view of the Nation, 152-5 3 Al-Azhar University , 3 , 139 , 200 , 23 3 Al-Bilad, 239-4 0 Ali, Nobl e Dre w (Timothy Drew) : background, 18 ; Holy Koran, 19 ; teachings, 18-19 Allen, Robert , 27 4 Amsterdam News (New York), 108 , 117 , 141, 142 , 149 , 156 , 177 , 182,278-7 9 At Random (Chicago) , Malcol m X appears on, 16 2 Atkins, Clarence , xii , 63-64 , 67 , 69-70 , 71, 311-1 2 n . 1 1 Audubon Ballroom , 271-7 2 Autobiography of Malcolm X: comparison with St . Augustine' s conversions, 66 ; criticism o f Arab Muslims, 257 ; incomplete coverage of Malcolm's last year, 222-23 ; interpretations o f Malcolm's Hajj , 130 , 214-15; magazine version, 251-52 ; Malcolm's "pre-vision," 35-37, 88-89 ; Mal-

colm's religiou s motivations for writing, 3-5, 57 , 67-68 , 219 ; stylization o f his early life, 56 , 57-58,25 1 Azzam, Abd-a l Rahman , 205-6 , 208 , 21 7 Azzam, Omar , 20 5 Baldwin, James , 182 , 285 Bembry, Joh n Elto n (Bimbi) , 77-7 8 Ben Hunter Show (Los Angeles), Malcol m X appears on, 159 , 18 7 Blacklash, 23 2 "Black Muslims." See Nation o f Islam, See also Lincoln, C . Eri c Blyden, Edwar d Wilmot , 16 , 30 5 n . 6 El Borai, Ahmad Zaki , 13 9 Boston Herald, 92 Breitman, George , 22 3 Bridson, Douglas s G., 21 1 Bunche, Ralph , 18 7 Call & Post (Cleveland), 177 , 29 2 Caragulian, Be a (Sophia), 64 , 7B Chicago's American, 211

359

360 • Index Childs, Bisho p Alvin, 28 7 Christianity Today, 279-8 0 Church o f God i n Christ (COGIC), 28 8 Cole, Na t King , 280-8 1 Collins, Ella , 54 , 81 , 199-200,251, 310 n . 1 1 Columbia University , Malcol m X speaks at, 225 Community Corner (New York), 21 8 Cone, James , Martin & Malcolm & America, 297-9 8 Congress on Racia l Equalit y (CORE) , 173 , 208 Crawford, Marc , xv , 179 , 190 , 23 8 Cult characteristics an d themes , 6 , 84 , 88, 175, 181-82 , 193-95 , 262-63 , 26 5 Daily Defender (Chicago), 16 2 Dartmouth College , Malcol m X speaks at, 248 Davis, Ossie , 289-9 0 Dawud, Talib , 147-50 , 15 6 Dee, Ruby , 289-9 0 De Metro, James , 17 3 Diab, Shayk h Jamil , 150 , 153-5 4 Drew, Timothy . See Ali, Nobl e Dre w Du Bois , Davi d Graham , 234 , 238 , 258 59, 26 8 Durham, Joan , 17 5 Ebony, 47 , 26 5 Egyptian Gazette, 213 , 227, 265 , 26 8 Eisenhower, Presiden t Dwight , 104 , 12 4 Eternal Message of Muhammad, 203 , 205. See also Azzam, Abd-al-Rahma n Faisal, Princ e o f Saudi Arabia , 206 , 22 0 Farber, Barry , 18 7 Farmer, James , 208 , 29 0 Fard, W . D. : appearance an d wor k in De troit, 22-23 ; deported fro m Detroit and Chicago, 25 ; exposed as white man, 147 , 231. See also Malcolm X Farrakhan, Loui s (X), 2 , 19 1 Flaming Crescent, 232 Foxx, Red d (Joh n Elro y Sanford) , 66-6 7 Garvey, Marcus : background, 13 ; deportation, 17 ; founds UNIA , 13 ; and th e KKK, 44, 30 8 n . 9 ; and Muslims, 16 ; Ne-

gro World, 14 ; philosophy, 13-14 ; religious ideas, 15-56 , 269-7 0 Gary Crusader, 197 Gbedemah, K . A., 12 4 "God's Angry Men" column, 108- 9 Goldman, Peter , xvi ; Death and Life of Malcolm X, 29 7 Goldstein, Ab e (Hymie), 6 9 Graham, Billy : evangelistic methods emu lated b y Malcolm, 102 , 197-98 , 172 , 187 Gray, Jesse , 29 0 Gregory, Dick , 290-9 1 Grenada, 41-42 Gulick, Kasem , 20 7 Hajj: described, 203-4 , 215-56 . See also Malcolm X Haley, Alex , 2 , 4, 6 , 7-8 , 77 , 175 , 222 23, 252 , 265 , 286 , 29 0 Hameed, Abdu l ("Omar Khalil"), 13 6 Handler, M . S. , 208 , 22 9 Harkon, Shayk h Muhammad , 206 , 21 7 Harris, Donald , 22 4 Harvard La w School Forum , Malcol m X speaks at, 165 , 259 Hassoun, Shayk h Ahmed , sen t to assist Malcolm, 233 , 289 Henry, Milton , 237 , 26 2 Hicks, James , 112-13 , 177 , 278-7 9 Hill, Hilton , 13 9 Howard University , Malcol m X speaks at, 173-74 Ibadan University , Malcol m X speaks at, 223 Islamic Center. See Said Ramada n Jamal, Ahmad , 147-4 8 Jamal, Hakim , 25 8 Jarvis, Malcol m ("Shorty") , 56 , 91, 310 n . 15 Johnson, Jame s Weldon, 12 , 61 Jones, Edward , 10 3 Kamal, Ahmad , 161-6 2 Karim, Benjami n (2X) , 47, 175 , 183 , 229, 274 Keil, Charles, 175-7 6

Index • 36 J Kennedy, Presiden t John F. : criticized by Malcolm X , 183 , 191,27 8 Kennedy, Rober t F., Malcol m telegrams , 185-86 King, Marti n Luther , Jr. , scholarl y study of, 164-65 , 221 , 253, 279 , 28 0 Kondo, BabaZak , 34 3 n . 2 1 KKK: attack on Littl e home, 43-44 , 46 47, 30 9 n . 15 ; and Marcu s Garvey, 44; secret conference wit h Nation , 180-81 , 269 Laviscount, Rev . Samuel , 57-5 8 Lawson, James , 14 8 Lee, Paul , xv , 22 2 Let's Find Out (Ne w York), Malcol m X on, 171 Lewis, John , 22 4 Lincoln, C . Eric , 150 , 155 ; analysis of Black Muslims in America, 167-7 0 Little, Earl : death investigate d b y Malcol m X, 47, 30 8 nn. 4 , 6 ; described b y Malcolm, 41 ; falsely portraye d a s an arsonist , 45-46 Little, Hilda , 83-8 4 Little, Louis e (Louisa), 30 7 n . 1 , 39 8 n . 5 ; decline, 52-53 ; described b y Malcolm , 41-42; religiou s teachings, 50-5 2 Little, Malcolm . See Malcolm X Little, Philber t (Abdul Azi z Omar): correspondence with Malcol m i n prison, 77 , 80, 275 , 31 0 n . 8 ; renounces Bruc e Perry biography o f Malcolm X , 31 1 n . 9 Little, Reginald : decline and expulsio n from th e Nation , 86-88 , 181 ; witnesses to Malcolm fo r the Nation , 80 , 8 3 Little, Robert , 175 , 30 8 n. 5 Little, Wilfred . See Shabazz, Wilfre d Littl e Little, Yvonne , 5 3 Lomax, Louis , 134 ; with Malcol m X , 160— 61, 182 ; To Kill a Black Man, 29 8 Los Angeles Herald-Dispatch, 146 , 23 3 Louis X. See Louis Farrakha n Maa'moun, Shayk h Hassan , 24 1 McGuire, Bisho p George Alexander, 1 5 McKnight, Sammy , 64 , 6 9 Maged, Muhamma d Abdu l Azziz , 206 Malcolm X : adoration o f Elijah Muham mad, 101 , 117 , 166 , 176 ; assassination,

272-74; in black liberation theolog y per spective, 165-67 ; childhood religiou s experience, 48-50 ; claims conscientiou s objector status , 97-98 ; columnist, 109 9; "conk" hairstyle, 55-56 ; contact with Muslims, 136-37 ; defends Fard' s deity, 166-67, 177 ; early life, 42-43 ; emulate s St. Paul , 33-34 ; and Jehovah' s Wit nesses, 76 , 83 ; and Johnson X incident, 111-14; makes Hajj, 129-30 , 204-8 ; and Marcu s Garvey, 61 ; "Muslim conti nuity," 211-13 ; Nation temple s established, 109-10 ; 195 9 trip abroad, 140 41; note s Elijah Muhammad' s parochial ism, 264 , 32 3 n. 20 ; pre-Hajj tutorial , 202-3; prison "pre-vision, " 35-37 , 88 89, 103 ; prison studie s and debating , 8 5 86, 31 4 n. 2 ; self-portrayal a s atheist, 58 , 75-76, 78 ; self-portrayal a s Christian, 52, 67-68 ; self-portrayal a s criminal, 59 60, 72-73 , 31 1 n . 5 ; study of world religions, 82-83 , 260 , 31 3 n . 12 ; supposed homosexuality, 65 , 298-99 ; supposed "metamorphosis" after Hajj , 249-51 ; surveillance of, 113 , 115-56 , 119 ; view of Jesus Christ, 51,76,9 1 Malik, Michae l Abdul , 25 8 Manchester Guardian, 25 3 Masons, 9 4 Mayfield, Julian , 22 4 Michigan Stat e University , Malcol m X appears at, 16 4 Minbar Al-lslam, 21 3 Minor, Ethel , 23 4 Moran, Gabriel , xv , 23 5 Moslem World & The U.S.A., 150 . See also Abdul Basi t Naeem Muhammad, Akbar , 200-201 , 242-4 3 Muhammad, Elija h (Elija h Poole) : deifies W. D . Fard , 27 ; early independent minis try, 25-26 ; early life, 22 ; imprisoned, 26 ; mistakenly name d Karriem , 25 ; paternity suit against, 228 ; post-prison agenda , 27 ; relationship to Malcolm X , 116 , 182-83 ; service to Fard, 24-25 ; sexual miscon duct, 189-90 ; takes Nation o f Islam as name o f his organization, 29 ; teachings, 27-30, 247 ; "temples" become mosques , 23; uses "X," 27-28; view of women, 105; visits Mecca, 146 , 16 8

362 • Index Muhammad, Herbert , 18 0 Muhammad, Wallac e (Warith Dee n Mu hammad), 182 , 191 , 200, 267 , 289, 341 n . 8 Muhammad, Wallac e Farrad . See W. D . Fard Muhammad Speaks: anti-Malcolm X developments, 181 , 228, 242-44; begun by Malcolm X , 108 ; editorship transferred , 180 Muslim Mosque , Inc. : founded b y Malcolm X , 195 ; Malcolm X speaks before , 246-47; post-Hajj developments , 230— 33; receives scholarships from SCIA , 233-34 Muslim slav e trade, 21 8 Muslim Worl d Leagu e (MWL), 241-4 2 Naeem, Abdu l Basit , 137-40 , 150-51 ; attack on Malcol m X in Muhammad Speaks, 242-44 , 32 0 n . 6 Nasser, Presiden t Gama l Abde l of Egypt, 138 Nation o f Islam (of Elijah Muhammad) : called "Black Muslims," 153 ; described as cult b y Malcolm X , 263 , 269; "The Hat e That Hat e Produced," 134 ; murders of Hamaas Abdul Khaalis ' family, 34 1 n . 7 ; opposed b y Muslims, 161-62 ; police assaults on, 120-21 , 184 ; sensationalized by media, 134-35 . See also Muhammad, Elijah National Associatio n fo r the Advancemen t of Colored Peopl e (NAACP), 62 , 17 4 Negro World, in Littl e home, 41 , 43. See also Garvey, Marcu s New Crusader (Chicago), 147-48 , 280-8 1 New York Post, 288, 29 3 New York Times, 157-58 , 240 , 241 , 257, 277-78 New York University, Malcol m X speaks at, 172-73 Newsweek, 278 Nkrumah, Kwame , 222 , 29 0 Olatunji, Michael , 29 0 Organization o f African Unit y conferenc e (OAU), Malcol m X attends in 1964 , 22 6 Organization o f Afro-American Unit y (OAAU): Afro-American Freedo m Bri -

gade planned, 253 ; founded b y Malcolm X, 226 , 228 , 26 8 Osman, Ahmed , 201-2 , 29 1 Overton, L . Joseph , 29 0 Oxford Universit y Studen t Unio n debate , 252 Payton, Philip , 61 Perry, Bruce , 30 7 n . 1 , 30 8 n. 8 , 30 9 n . 11, 31 1 n . 9 , 31 2 n . 16 , 314 n. 2 ; Malcolm: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America, 298-99 Pittsburgh Courier, "Muhammad Speaks" column, 107 , 118 , 138 , 141 , 143 , 146 , 148, 155 , 19 1 Plain Dealer (Cleveland), 27 8 Poitier, Sidney , 31 0 n . 1 2 Poston, Ted , 28 8 Powell, Ada m Clayton, Jr. , 12 3 Powell, Jim , 280-8 1 Program P.M. (Ne w York), Malcolm X appears on, 16 6 Ramadan, Said , correspondenc e wit h Mal colm X , 254 , 255-56 , 26 6 Rowan, Carl , correcte d fo r his criticism of Malcolm X , 281-82 , 291 , 342 n . 1 3 Russell, Patricia , 27 4 Rustin, Bayard , 174 , 213 , 290 Al Sabban, Shayk h Muhamma d Sarur , 24 1 El Sadat , Anwar , 13 9 El Saghaf , H . K . Sayyi d Omar , 25 4 Sanders, W . E. , 29 2 Saturday Evening Post, 251, 275 Schuyler, George , 18 2 Shabazz, Betty , 3 , 120 , 180 , 189-90 , 242 , 251,257, 285,288 , 291-93 , 31 8 n. 1 4 Shabazz, El-Haj j Malik , 132 . See also Malcolm X Shabazz, James , 88 , 103 , 224 Shabazz, Jeremiah , xvi , 103 , 18 0 Shabazz, Wilfre d Little , xii ; houses Malcolm durin g parole, 95-96 , 274-77 ; installed a s minister, 117 ; sends Reginald t o visit Malcolm i n prison , 81-82 ; quoted, 43, 50-51 , 68 , 80 , 99, 100 , 103 , 143 44, 192 , 193 , 30 8 n. 8 , 31 3 n . 1 2 Shawarbi, Mahmou d Youssef , 168 , 202-3 , 233, 241-42 , 249 , 251-52 , 25 7

Index • 36 3 Shubaan Al-Muslimeen , Malcol m speak s before, 238-39 , 24 5 Southern Christia n Leadershi p Conferenc e (SCLC), 178 , 280 Staton, Dakota , 147-5 0 Stoner, J . B. , 18 0 Student Non-Violen t Coordinatin g Com mittee (SNCC), 224 , 28 0 Sunday Gleaner, 26 4 Supreme Counci l o n Islami c Affair s (SCIA), 233-34 , 24 1 Thaxton, Leroy , 9 1 Thaxton, Osborne , 91 , 10 9 Tubman, Presiden t William V . S . o f Liberia, 13 8 Tuskegee Institute , Malcol m X speaks at, 269 Universal Negr o Improvement Associatio n (UNIA). See Marcus Garvey

University o f California, Berkeley , Mal colm X speaks at, 172 , 17 8 University o f Chicago, Malcol m X speaks at, 17 3 Village Voice, 268 Wallace, Mike , 134 , 227 , 250 , 26 6 Washington Post, 183 , 249 Wechsler, James , an d Malcol m X , 282-8 5 Wilson, Gertrude , scores Carl Rowa n fo r criticizing Malcol m X , 282 , 28 5 William X , 29 3 Winchell, Walter , slander s Malcol m X , 280 Wolfenstein, Eugen e Victor, Victims of Democracy: Malcolm X and the Black Revolution, 298 , 30 9 n. 1 5 Yinger, Milton , 16 9 Young, Andrew , 29 0 Young, Whitney , 27 9