On Roman time: the codex-calendar of 354 and the rhythms of urban life in late antiquity 9780520065666, 9780520909106

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ON ROMAN TIME |

The Transformation of the Classical Heritage

Peter Brown, General Editor

I Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity, by Sabine G.

MacCormack ,

II Synesius of Cyrene: Philosopher-Bishop, by Jay Alan Bregman III Theodosian Empresses: Women and Imperial Dominion in

Late Antiquity, by Kenneth G. Holum

IV John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the Late Fourth Century, by Robert L. Wilken V_ Biography in Late Antiquity: The Quest for the Holy Man, by Patricia Cox

VI Pachomius: The Making of a Community in Fourth-Century Egypt, by Philip Rousseau VII Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, by A. P. Kazhdan and Ann Wharton Epstein Vl Leadership and Community in Late Antique Gaul, by Raymond Van Dam

IX Homer the Theologian: Neoplatonist Allegorical Reading and the Growth of the Epic Tradition, by Robert Lamberton

X Procopius and the Sixth Century, by Averil Cameron XI Guardians of Language: The Grammarian and Society in Late Antiquity, by Robert A. Kaster XII Civic Coins and Civic Politics in the Roman East, A.D. 180275, by Kenneth Harl XIII Holy Women of the Syrian Orient, introduced and translated by Sebastian P. Brock and Susan Ashbrook Harvey XIV Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection, by Carole Straw XV Apex Omnium: Religion in the Res gestae of Ammianus, by R. L. Rike

XVI Dioscorus of Aphrodito: His Work and His World, by Leslie S. B. MacCoull

XVII On Roman Time: The Codex-Calendar of 354 and the Rhythms of Urban Life in Late Antiquity, by Michele Renee Salzman XVIII Asceticism and Society in Crisis: John of Ephesus and the Lives of the Eastern Saints, by Susan Ashbrook Harvey

MICHELE RENEE SALZMAN

ON ROMAN TIME THE CODEX-CALENDAR OF 354 AND THE RHYTHMS OF URBAN LIFE IN LATE ANTIQUITY

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

Berkeley e Los Angeles e Oxford ,

This book is a print-on-demand volume. It is manufactured using toner in place of ink. Type and images may be less sharp than the same material seen in traditionally printed University of California Press editions.

The publisher acknowledges with gratitude the generous support given this book from the Art Book Fund

of the Associates of the University of California Press, which is supported by a major gift from The Ahmanson Foundation University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

University of California Press, Ltd. Oxford, England ©1990 by

The Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Salzman, Michele Renee. On Roman time. (The Transformation of the classical heritage ; 17)

Includes index. 1. Calendar, Roman. 2. Rome—Social life and customs. 3. Rome—Religious life and customs. I. Title. IL. Series.

CE46.S25 1990 529'.3'0937 89-5116 ISBN 0-520-06566—2 (alk. paper)

Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (R 1997) (Permanence of Paper).

TO MY PARENTS

BLANK PAGE

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ix List of Abbreviations Xv

Preface XXi

Part I. The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354

I. INTRODUCTION: ANTECEDENTS AND

INTERPRETATIONS OF THE CODEX-CALENDAR OF 354 3

The Roman Calendar 5 Interpretations of the Paganism in the Calendar of 354 16

Principal Considerations of This Study 19 Il. DESCRIPTION OF THE CONTENTS OF THE

CODEX-CALENDAR OF 354 23 The Illustrated Sections of the Codex-Calendar of 354 25 The Unillustrated Sections of the Codex-Calendar of 354 35

Why Produce This Codex-Calendar? 56

Part II. The Calendar: A Roman Calendar for A.p. 354

CALENDAR OF 354 63 Critical Approaches to the Illustrations 64 Il. THE ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE MONTHS IN THE

The Instruments of Transmission: The Manuscript Copies 70

Illustrations of Pagan Religious Festivals 74

Illustrations of Seasonal Themes 91 Illustrations Combining Seasonal and Festival Themes 96 Diachronic and Local Iconographic Variation in the

Illustrations of the Months 111

Vili Contents IV. THE TEXT OF THE CALENDAR OF 354 116

An Overview 118 Group 1. The Imperial Cult 131

Festivals, Holidays, and Cults in the Calendar of 354:

Group 2. Festivals and Cults Celebrated with Ludi and

Circenses: The Most Important Cults 146

Group 3. Festivals and Cults Not Celebrated with Ludi

and Circenses: Old and New Cults 157

Continuity and Change: Calendars and Cults in the Late

Empire—-The Appeal of a Roman Holiday 176

Christian Emperors and Pagan Practices 188 Part III. The World: Roman Society and Religion and the Codex-Calendar of 354

FOURTH CENTURY 193 V. CONSUETUDINIS AMOR: ROME IN THE MID-

Conflict or Accommodation: Two Theoretical Models 193

The Codex-Calendar of 354: The Contents and Context as

Emblematic of Roman Society 196

The Evidence for Pagan-Christian Conflict 205 Other Evidence for Accommodation and Assimilation 223

VI. EPILOGUE: THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 232 Antipagan Legislation and the Pagan Reactions in the

Late Fourth Century 232 The Calendar of 354 and the Calendar of Polemius Silvius:

Tradition and Innovation 235

Appendices 247 Appendix 1: The Manuscripts and Their Tradition 249

Latin West 269 Appendix 3: Latin Poetry of the Months 273 Appendix 2: Comparable Calendar Cycles from the

Appendix 4: The Text of the Distichs (Anthologia

Latina 665) in the Codex-Calendar of 354 275

Appendix 5: Dating the Codex-Calendar of 354 279 Appendix 6: Consular Dating as a Criterion for Source

Analysis of the Codex-Calendar of 354 283

General Index 289 Index of Illustrated Subjects 313

Appendix 7: A Fourth-Century Variant Myth 287

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS following pages 26 and 73

1. Dedication to Valentinus, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 1, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 2. The City of Rome, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 2, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 3. The City of Alexandria, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 3, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 4. The City of Constantinople, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 4,

| Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome ] 5. The City of Trier, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 5, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 6. Imperial dedication, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 6, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 7. The Natales Caesarum, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 7, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 8. The Planet Saturn, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 8, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 9. The Planet Mars, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 9, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 10. The Planet Mercury, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 10, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 11. The Planet Sol, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 11, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 12. The Planet Luna, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 12, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 13. Portrait of the Consul of the Year (the Emperor Constantius II), Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 13, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 14. Portrait of the Consul of the Year (the Caesar Gallus), Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 14, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome

x List of Illustrations 15. Signs of the zodiac, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 15, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 16. Illustration of the month of January, identified as a forgery created by Jean Gobille, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 16, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 17. Illustration of the month of February, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 17, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 18. Illustration of the month of March, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 18, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 19. Illustration of the month of August, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 19, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 20. Illustration of the month of September, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 20, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 21. Ulustration of the month of October, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 21, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 22. Illustration of the month of November, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 22, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 23. Illustration of the month of December, Romanus 1 ms., Barb. lat. 2154, fol. 23, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome

24. Text of the month of January, Romanus 2 ms., Vat. lat. 9135, fol. 232, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 25. Text of the month of October, Romanus 2 ms., Vat. lat. 9135, fol. 237, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 26. Text of the month of November, Romanus 2 ms., Vat. lat. 9135, fol. 238, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 27. Dedication to Valentinus, Romanus 2 ms., Vat. lat. 9135, fol. 218, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 28. Illustration of the month of November, Berlinensis ms., Ms. lat. 61, fol. 236r, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin 29. Dedication to Valentinus, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 1, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna

30. Illustration of the month of January, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 2v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 31. Text of the month of January, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 3r, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna

32. Illustration of the month of February, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 3v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 33. Illustration of the month of March, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 4v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna

List of Illustrations xi 34. [lustration of the month of April, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 5v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 35. Illustration of the month of May, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 6v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 36. Roman mosaic, 4th century A.D., Palatine Antiquarium, Rome 37. Illustration of the month of June, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 7v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 38. Illustration of the month of July, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 8v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 39. Illustration of the month of August, Vindobonensis ms., M5. 3416, fol. 9v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 40. Illustration of the month of September, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 10v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 41. Illustration of the month of October, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 11v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 42. Illustration of the month of November, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 12v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 43. Illustration of the month of December, Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416, fol. 13v, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 44. Dedication to Valentinus, Bruxellensis ms., MS. 7543-7549, fol. 197, Bibliotheque Royale, Brussels 45. Illustration of the month of February, Bruxellensis ms., MS. 75437549, fol. 201, Bibliothéque Royale, Brussels 46. Illustration of the month of March, Bruxellensis ms., MS. 75437549, fol. 201, Bibliothéque Royale, Brussels

47. Illustration of the month of August, Bruxellensis ms., MS. 75437549, fol. 201, Bibliothéque Royale, Brussels

48. Illustration of the month of September, Bruxellensis ms., MS. 7543-7549, fol. 201, Bibliotheque Royale, Brussels 49. Illustration of the months of February, March, August, and September, Bruxellensis ms., MS. 7543-7549, fol. 201, Bibliothéque Royale, Brussels 50. Illustration of the month of October, Bruxellensis ms., MS. 7543-— 7549, fol. 202, Bibliothéque Royale, Brussels

51. Illustration of the month of November, Bruxellensis ms., MS. 7543-7549, fol. 202, Bibliothéque Royale, Brussels 52. Illustration of the month of December, Bruxellensis ms., MS. 7543— 7549, fol. 202, Bibliothéque Royale, Brussels 53. Planisphere, Vossianus lat. q. 79, fol. 93v, 9th century, Bibliothek der Rijksuniversiteit, Leiden

xil List of Illustrations 54. The Planets Mercury and Venus (detail), Manuscript 5, Vat. Pal. lat. 1370, fol. 98v, 15th century, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 55. The Planets Saturn, Jupiter, and Luna (detail), Manuscript T, MS. Md2, fol. 320v, 15th century, Universitatbibliothek, Tubingen 56. The Planets Mars, Sol, Mercury, and Venus, Manuscript T, MS. Md2, fol. 321r, 15th century, Universitatbibliothek, Tubingen 57. Planisphere (detail of January, February, and March), Bol. MS. 188, fol. 30r, 10th century, Bibliotheque Municipale, Boulogne-sur-Mer 58. Planisphere, Bernensis MS. 88, fol. 11v, 10th century, Bibliotheque Municipale, Bern 59. January (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique, El-Djem, Tunisia 60. February (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique, El-Djem, Tunisia 61. March (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique, El-Djem, Tunisia 62. April (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique, El-Djem, Tunisia 63. May (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique,

El-Djem, Tunisia ,

64. June (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique, El-Djem, Tunisia 65. July (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique, El-Djem, Tunisia 66. August (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique, El-Djem, Tunisia 67. September (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique, El-Djem, Tunisia 68. October (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique, El-Djem, Tunisia 69. November (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique, El-Djem, Tunisia 70. December (detail), El-Djem Mosaic, 3d century, Musée Archéologique, El-Djem, Tunisia 71. March (detail), Carthage Mosaic, 4th century, British Museum, London 72. April (detail), Carthage Mosaic, 4th century, British Museum, London 73. July (detail), Carthage Mosaic, 4th century, British Museum, London

List of Illustrations xiii 74. November (detail), Carthage Mosaic, 4th century, British Museum, London 75. March (detail), Ostia Mosaic, 4th century, Archaeological Park, Ostia, Italy 76. April (detail), Ostia Mosaic, 4th century, Archaeological Park, Ostia, Italy 77. Roman relief, Attis pudens, Centre Archéologique, Hotel de Sade, Glanum, France 78. Contorniate reverse: Attis, 4th century, Staatliche Museen, Berlin 79. Contorniate obverse: Theatrical masks, 4th century, Staatliche Museen, Berlin 80. Attis, terracotta figurine, from Palatine temple area, Rome; now in Soprintendenza Archeologica, Rome 81. Attis(?), terracotta figurine, hermaphrodite, from Palatine temple area, Rome; Soprintendenza Archeologica, Rome 82. Bronze statuette, dancing Attis, from Banasa, North Africa; now in Museé Archéologique, Rabat, Morocco 83. Dominus Julius Mosaic, Carthage, 4th century, Bardo Museum, Tunis 84. Notitia Dignitatum, insignia of the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, Ms. Canon. Misc. 378, fol. 142v, Bodleian Library, Oxford 85. Mosaic of Bacchus holding a lizard on a string, El-Djem, Tunisia,

4th century, Bardo Museum, Tunis 86. Sarcophagus of the Seasons, Lateran Collection, Vatican Museum, Rome 87. Dedicatory page of the De Doctrina Temporum Commentartus in Victorium Aguitanum, ed. A. Bouchier (= A. Bucherius), Anvers, 1634, Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome 88. Drawing of lost Carthage Mosaic, late 4th—early 5th century 89. January—February (detail), Argos Mosaic, 6th century 90. March—April (detail), Argos Mosaic, 6th century 91. November—December (detail), Argos Mosaic, 6th century

92. Women Worshipping Attis, possibly for April (detail), Carthage Mosaic, 4th century 93. September (detail), Trier Mosaic, 2d—3d century, Rheinisches Landesmuseum, Trier 94. October (detail), Trier Mosaic, 2d—3d century, Rheinisches Landesmuseum, Trier 95. November (detail), Trier Mosaic, 2d—3d century, Rheinisches Landesmuseum, Trier

Xiv List of Illustrations 96. June (detail), Trier Mosaic, 2d—3d century, Rheinisches Landes-

museum, [rier 97. July (detail), Trier Mosaic, 2d—3d century, Rheinisches Landesmuseum, Trier 98. May (detail), the Acton Mosaic, 4th century, Florence 99. June (detail), the Acton Mosaic, 4th century, Florence 100. September (detail), the Acton Mosaic, 4th century, Florence 101. January, March, May, July, and June(?), Catania Mosaic, 4th century, Museo Civico del Castello Ursino, Catania, Italy 102. April (detail), Hellin Mosaic, 2d—3d century, Museo Arqueolégico Nacional, Madrid 103. May (detail), Hellin Mosaic, 2d—3d century, Museo Arqueoldégico Nacional, Madrid 104. August (detail), Hellin Mosaic, 2d—3d century, Museo Arqueoldgico Nacional, Madrid 105. October (detail), Hellin Mosaic, 2d—3d century, Museo Arqueold6gico Nacional, Madrid 106. November (detail), Hellin Mosaic, 2d—3d century, Museo Arqueolé6gico Nacional, Madrid 107. Planisphere (detail with April), Vossianus lat. q. 79, fol. 93v, 9th century, Bibliothek der Rijksuniversiteit, Leiden

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS PERIODICALS AND COLLECTIONS AC _ L’antiquité classique AE _ L’année épigraphique AJA — American Journal of Archaeology AJP — American Journal of Philology Anth. Lat. — Anthologia Latina, vols. 1.1 and 1.2, ed. A. Riese (Leipzig, 1894-1906); vols. 2.1, 2.2, and 2.3, ed. F.

Buecheler and E. Lommatzsch (Leipzig, 18971926)

ANRW _ Aufstieg und Niedergang der rémischen Welt, ed. H. Temporini and W. Haase (Berlin, 1972-) AP — Anthologia Palatina, vol. 8 in Anthologie grecque, ed. P. Waltz and G. Soury (Paris, 1974) Arch. Cl. — Archeologia Classica BC __Bollettino della Commissione Archeologica Communale di Roma

Cabroland _ F. Cabrol and H. Leclercq, Dictionnaire d’archéoloLeclercq, DACL __ gie chrétienne et de liturgie (Paris, 1903-1952) CCCA — Corpus Cultus Cybelae Attidisque, ed. M. J. Vermas-

eren, 7 vols. (Leiden, 1977-1986) = EPRO 50 CCL — Corpus Christianorum Series Latina CIG — Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum CIL — Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. See Mommsen, CIL 1863, 1893 CIMRM _ Corpus inscriptionum et monumentorum religionis

Mithriacae, ed. M. J. Vermaseren, 2 vols. (The Hague, 1956-1960)

xvi List of Abbreviations CJ] Codex Justinianus Cohen, Méd. H. Cohen, Meédailles impériales, 2d ed., 8 vols. (Paris, 1880-1892) CP — Classical Philology CQ ~~ Classical Quarterly

CR Classical Review CRAI Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres

CSEL — Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum

C.Th. Codex Theodosianus, ed. T. Mommsen and E. Meyer (Berlin, 1905)

Dar.-Sagl. | Ch. Daremberg and E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, 6 vols. (Paris 1881— 1889)

Diehl, ILCV __ E. Diehl, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1925-—1928); supplement 1947 EPRO Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans "Empire Romain

FHG Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, 4 vols., ed. C. Miller (Paris, 1841-1870) HSCP — Harvard Studies in Classical Philology HTR — Harvard Theological Review ICUR _Inscriptiones Christianae urbis Romae Septimo Saeculo

antiquiores, ed. G. B. De Rossi, 2 vols. (Rome, 1857-1861, 1886); supplement to vol. 1 by J. Gatti

(1915)

ICUR, n.s. A. Silvagni and A. Ferrua, Inscriptiones Christianae urbis Romae, n.s., 9 vols. to date (1922-1964) IG ___Inscriptiones Graecae (Berlin, 1873ff.) IGR _Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes, ed.

R. Cagnat, 4 vols. (Paris, 1911-1927) ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, ed. H. Dessau, 5 vols. (Berlin, 1892-1916)

JAC Jahrbuch fiir Antike und Christentum JRS Journal of Roman Studies Lewis and Short, C. T. Lewis and C. Short, A Latin Dictionary (Ox-

Lat. Dict. ford, [1879] 1975) MAAR ~~ Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome MAL = Memorie di Accademia dei Lincet

List of Abbreviations XVii MDAIR Mitteilungen des deutschen archdologischen Instituts. Rémische Abteilung MEFR ~~ Meélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’Ecole francaise de Rome

Mem. Pont. Acc. Atti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia. Memorie MGH ~~ Monumenta Germaniae Historica. 15 vols. 1877-—

1919, repr. 1961. See Mommsen, MGH 1892

Mus. Helv. Museum Helveticum PBSR Papers of the British School at Rome PG _ Patrologia Graeca, ed. J. P. Migne (Paris, 1857—1936)

PL Patrologia Latina, ed. J. P. Migne (Paris, 1844— 1900); supplement 1958-1974 Platner-Ashby, 5. B. Platner and T. Ashby, A Topographical DictioTopo. Dict. nary of Ancient Rome, 2d ed. (Rome, 1965)

PLRE1 A.H.M. Jones, J. R. Martindale, and J. Morris, The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, vol. 1:

A.D. 260-395 (Cambridge, 1971) PLRE2 J. Martindale, The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, vol. 2: A.D. 395-527 (Cambridge, 1980) RA Revue archéologique RAC _ Reallexikon fiir Antike und Christentum

RE A. Pauly, G. Wissowa, and W. Kroll, Real-Encyclopiidie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, 1893—

REA _ Revue des études anciennes REG _ Revue des études grecques REL _ Revue des études latines Rend. Pont. _—_ Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana de Ar-

Accad, cheologia, 1921RIC The Roman Imperial Coinage, vols. 1-7, 9, ed. H. Mattingly, E. A. Sydenham, C. H. V. Sutherland, and R. A. G. Carson (London, 1923-1967); vol. 8, ed. J. P. C. Kent (London, 1981) Roscher, Lex. W. H. Roscher, Ausfiihrliches Lexikon der griechischen und rémischen Mythologie, 6 vols. (Leipzig, 1884-1937)

SC Sources chrétiennes Schanz-Hosius, M. Schanz and C. Hosius, Geschichte der rémischen GRL Literatur, 4 vols. (Munich, 1927—1935)

xviii List of Abbreviations H. A. — Historia Augusta SIG _— Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, 3d ed., ed. G. Dittenberger, 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1915-1924) SIRIS — Sylloge inscriptionum religionis Isiacae et Sarapiacae,

ed. L. Vidman (Berlin, 1969) TAPA _ Transactions of the American Philological Association TLL = Thesaurus Linguae Latinae

ZPE Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik

FREQUENTLY CITED MAJOR WORKS The following list sets out the major modern works that are cited regularly in an abbreviated form in this volume. Akerstrém-Hougen 1974 = G. Akerstrém-Hougen, The Calendar and Hunting Mosaics of the Villa of the Falconer in Argos, Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, vol. 23, pt. 4 (Stockholm, 1974) Alféldi 1943 = A. Alfdldi, Die Kontorniaten: Ein verkanntes Propagandamittel der stadtrémischen heidnischen Aristokratie in ihrem Kampfe gegen das christliche Kaisertum (Budapest, 1943)

Alféldi 1976 = A. Alféldi and E. Alféldi, with C. L. Clay, Die Kontorniat-Medaillons, part 1, catalogue, 2 vols. (Rome, 1976) [Deutsches Archaologisches Institut. Antike Mtinzen und geschnittene Steine, vol. 6, pt. 1] Baehrens 1882 = E. Baehrens, Poetae Latini Minores (Leipzig, 1882) Chastagnol 1960 = A. Chastagnol, La préfecture urbaine a Rome sous le bas-empire (Paris, 1960)

Courtney 1988 = E. Courtney, ‘The Roman Months in Art and Literature,” Museum Helveticum 45 (1988): 33—57

Degrassi 1963 = A. Degrassi, Inscriptiones Italiae, vol. 13: Fasti et elogia, fasc. 2: Fastt Anni Numani et Iuliant (Rome, 1963) Eastwood 1983 = B. S. Eastwood, “‘Origins and Contents of the Leiden Planetary Configuration (Ms. Voss. Q. 79, fol. 93v): An Artistic Astronomical Schema of the Early Middle Ages,” Viator 14 (1983): 1-40 Ferrua 1939 = A. Ferrua, ‘‘Filocalo. L’amante della bella lettera,”’ La Civilta cattolica 1, quad. 2125 (1939): 35-47

Ferrua 1942 = A. Ferrua, Epigrammata Damasiana (Vatican City, Rome, 1942) [= Sussidi allo studio delle antichita cristiane, vol. 2]

List of Abbreviations xix Fink, Hoey, and Snyder 1940 = R. Fink, A.D. Hoey, and P. Snyder, “The Feriale Duranum,” Yale Classical Studies 7 (1940): 1-222 Geffcken 1978 = J. Geffcken, The Last Days of Greco-Roman Paganism,

trans. and with updated notes by S. MacCormack (Amsterdam, 1978); originally published as Der Ausgang des griechisch-rémischen Heidentums (Heidelberg, [1920] 1929) Latte 1960 = K. Latte, Rémische Religionsgeschichte (Munich, 1960) Levi 1941 = D. Levi, “The Allegories of the Months in Classical Art,”

Art Bulletin 23 (1941): 251-291 |

Magi 1972 = F. Magi, Il calendario dipinto sotto Santa Maria Maggiore (Rome, 1972) [= Atti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, Memorie 11.1] Michels 1967 = A. K. Michels, The Calendar of the Roman Republic (Princeton, N.J., 1967)

Mommsen 1850a = T. Mommsen, “Uber den Chronographen vom Jahre 354,” Abhandlungen der siichsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften 1 (1850): 549; cited pages refer to reprint in Mommsen, Gesammelte Schrif-

ten, vol. 7 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 536-579 Mommsen 1850b = T. Mommsen, “‘Epigraphische Analekten no. 8,” Berichte tuber die Verhandlungen der sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften

2 (1850): 62-72; cited pages refer to reprint in Mommsen, Gesammelte Schriften, vol. 8 (Berlin, 1913), pp. 14—24

Mommsen, MGH 1892 = T. Mommsen, ‘Chronographus Anni CCCLIIL,’”” Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Auctorum Antiquissimorum, pt. 9: Chronica Minora Saec. IV—VII, vol. 1 ({[Berlin, 1892]; Munich, 1981),

pp. 13-148 Mommsen, CIL 1863 = T. Mommsen, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1863) Mommsen, CIL 1893 = T. Mommsen, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. 1, 2d ed. (Berlin, 1893) Nordenfalk 1936 = C. O. Nordenfalk, ‘“Der Kalendar vom Jahre 354 und die lateinische Buchmalerei des IV. Jahrhunderts,” Géteborgs Kungl. Vetenskap- och Viterhets-Samhaelles Handlingar, fol. 5, ser. A, pt. 5, no. 2 (1936): 5-36 Nordh 1936 = A. Nordh, Prologomena till den Romerska Regionskatalog (Géteborg, 1936) Nordh 1949 = A. Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus Urbis Romae, Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Rom, 2d ser. 8.0, vol. 3 (Géteborg, 1949)

XX List of Abbreviations Parrish 1984 = D. Parrish, Season Mosaics of North Africa (Rome, 1984) Pietri 1976 = C. Pietri, Roma Christiana. Recherches sur l’église de Rome, son organisation, sa politique et son idéologie de Miltiade a Sixte III (311-440), Bibliothéque des Ecoles frangaises d’Athénes et de Rome, no. 224 (Rome, 1976)

Salzman 1981 = M. R. Salzman, “New Evidence for the Dating of the Calendar at Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome,” TAPA 111 (1981): 215227

Scullard 1981 = H. H. Scullard, Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic (Ithaca, N.Y., 1981) Stern 1953 = H. Stern, Le Calendrier de 354. Etude sur son texte et ses illustrations (Paris, 1953)

stern 1981 = H. Stern, “Les calendriers romains illustrés,”” Aufstieg und Niedergang der rémischen Welt 2.12.2 (1981): 431-475 Strzygowski 1888 = J. Strzygowski, Die Calenderbilder des Chronographen vom Jahre 354 (Berlin, 1888) [= Jahrbuch des kaiserlichen deutschen

archadologischen Instituts, Erganzungsheft I]

Valentini and Zucchetti I, 1940 = R. Valentini and G. Zucchetti, Codice topographico della citta di Roma, vol. 1 (Rome, 1940)

Valentini and Zucchetti II, 1942 = R. Valentini and G. Zucchetti, Codice topographico della citta dit Roma, vol. 2 (Rome, 1942) Webster 1938 = J. C. Webster, The Labors of the Months in Antique and Mediaeval Art to the End of the Twelfth Century (Princeton, N.J., 1938)

Wissowa 1912 = G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer, 2d ed. (Munich, 1912)

PREFACE

By modern standards, Roman methods of counting time were extremely imprecise. Yet the Romans retained their awkward system of calculating time by Kalends, Nones, and Ides for centuries. Clearly, what the Romans required in a calendar was not mere efficiency. What functions, then, did a Roman calendar serve? How does the Roman calendar reflect

the society that used it? These questions intrigued me as I wrote this book. In order to answer them, however, it seemed best to focus on a particular document, in a specific time and place. The choice was simple—only one calendar has survived in its entirety from the time of the Roman Empire: the Codex-Calendar of a.p. 354. This document represents the culmination of centuries of tradition and change in Roman calendars. It also reflects the society that produced it; written in Rome, it leads us down the streets of that late-antique city, allowing us to see aspects of daily life and institutions otherwise closed to view. In a graduate seminar, Professor Agnes K. L. Michels first opened my eyes to the possibilities calendars offered for understanding Roman religion and society. From that seminar, I proceeded to undertake dis-

sertation research; this book grew out of that work. Thus, above all, I would like to thank my teachers at Bryn Mawr College, Agnes K. L. Michels and Russell T. Scott, the supervisor of my dissertation, for sharing with me their wisdom, for giving me the tools necessary to pursue such research, and for their support through the years. I am indebted to many other teachers as well; in particular, I should like to thank Arlene Fromchuck-Feili, Julia Gaisser, and Myra Uhlfelder. My greatest debts are to Alan Cameron and Peter Brown. As a friend and colleague, Alan Cameron has made me see the world of late antiquity in a new light. I have benefited greatly from discussions with him over the years, and from his comments on early drafts of this book. As series

Xxii Preface editor, Peter Brown’s reading and criticism of the preliminary manuscript have helped enormously. His own writings first guided me in my study of late antiquity, and they have continued to inspire me. Following Pe-

ter’s lead, I have written this book in such a way that its technical discussions may, I hope, be accessible to the general reader as well as to the specialist. Many people have helped me in the completion of this book. Revised versions of chapters were read and significantly improved by the following friends and colleagues: Martin Ostwald, Ron Mellor, David Parrish, J. Arce, Steven Muhlberger, Florentine Mitterich, Marcia Kupfer, Sandra Joshel, Elizabeth Clark, and Kathleen Shelton. Richard Tarrant lent

his considerable expertise by reading and commenting on the text and translations of the poetry in Chapter 3 and in Appendix 4. Thomas Gelzer

very generously procured a photocopy of a book critical for this study and not available in this country. My colleagues at Boston University have lent their support and advice, among whom I would like to thank in particular Meyer Reinhold, J. Rufus Fears, Donald Carne-Ross, Jim Wiseman, Steve Scully, Emily Albu-Hanawalt, Ann Vasaly, and David Ulan-

sey. While I give my warmest thanks to the many who have helped, J acknowledge that any remaining errors or infelicities are my own. It would not have been possible to finish this book without the resources and refuge offered by the American Academy in Rome; its library and staff have been invaluable. I would like to thank the American Council of Learned Societies for supporting my work in its beginning stages. Iam especially grateful to the Mellon Foundation for a year-long Fellowship in Classical Studies at the American Academy in Rome, which gave me the time essential to complete this study. I would like to thank Boston University for grants that enabled me

to pursue summer research and to procure help in readying the final manuscript. Michele Ronnick was invaluable in tracking down illustrations, and Barbara Feinberg aided me greatly in manuscript preparation. Dan Caner worked with great patience on the index. The book has gained much from the editorial and production staff of the University of California Press; I would like to thank them, and especially Doris Kretschmer, Mary Lamprech, Anne Canright, and Richard Holway, for making the process such a pleasant one. Finally, I would like to thank my family, especially my parents, Aron and Sylvia, and my brother Kelvin, for their support. My gratitude to my husband, Steven Brint, for his encouragement and critical reading of this work cannot be encompassed in mere words. Boston, Mass., February 1989

* PARTI: THE BOOK: THE CODEXCALENDAR OF 354

BLANK PAGE

eIe INTRODUCTION: ANTECEDENTS AND INTERPRETATIONS OF THE CODEX-CALENDAR OF 354

A wealthy Christian aristocrat by the name of Valentinus received an illustrated codex containing a calendar for the year A.p. 354. Valentinus must have been pleased by the gift. The calligraphy was of exceptional quality, being the work of the most famous calligrapher of the century, Furius Dionysius Filocalus; Filocalus, himself a Christian, had inscribed his own name alongside the wishes for Valentinus’s well-being which adorned the opening page of the codex (Fig. 1).! The attractive illustrations that accompanied the text were also somewhat unusual; these, the earliest full-page illustrations in a codex in the history of Western art, may have also been the handiwork of Filocalus. Aside from its handsome physical apearance, the codex was of great utility for an aristocrat living in Rome. The illustrated Calendar of 354 marked the important events celebrated in the city in that year, including pagan holidays, imperial anniversaries, historical commemorations, and astrological phenomena. It was the public calendar of Rome. Thus, the

notations and illustrations conceived for the Calendar provide an invaluable source of information about public pagan religion and ritual in fourth-century Rome. Yet the Calendar was only the nucleus of a much larger manuscript, compiled as a single codex for Valentinus. For his own information, several unillustrated lists were added to the Calendar proper, containing a wide range of chronological and historical material, such as the names of the Roman consuls and prefects of the city of Rome and those of the 1. For a discussion of Filocalus and Valentinus, see Chapter 5.

4 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 bishops of the Catholic church in Rome. There were various other illustrated sections as well, including representations of the astrological signs of the planets and depictions of the eponymous consuls. Given the diverse nature of its contents, a more accurate title for the original codex would be the Illustrated Almanac of 354. But “Calendar” is the traditional title, and I will use it. Hereafter, then, I shall refer to the entire book as the Codex or Codex-Calendar of 354; the calendar section alone I shall call simply the Calendar or the Calendar of 354. The transmission of the Codex-Calendar of 354 suggests that it continued to be a valued object long after Valentinus used it in Rome in 354. Almost a century later, Polemius Silvius probably consulted it in pre-

paring his own annotated calendar for the year 449.7 A sixth-century copyist apparently used the illustrations of the Codex-Calendar of 354 in preparing a planisphere.? And we find possible traces of the CodexCalendar in the seventh century: Columbanus of Luxeuil in 602 may have

copied its Paschal Cycle, and an Anglo-Saxon text of 689 may refer to

this work.* The next secure indication of the survival of the fourthcentury original occurs in the Carolingian period, when, owing to its associations with the age of Constantine, an illustrated copy of the Codex-Calendar of 354 (the Luxemburgensis) was made.° After the ninth century, the original manuscript disappears from view. The discovery of the Carolingian copy, however, aroused great excitement in the Renaissance, inspiring several sixteenth- and seventeenth-century copies; the best of these (Romanus), executed under the careful supervision of the

great scholar Nicholas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc, is now in the Vatican Library.° Unfortunately, the Luxemburgensis was damaged and several pages were lost prior to the production of the Renaissance copies. Today the Codex-Calendar of 354 survives only in fragments and only in copies made either from the original codex or from the Carolingian copy. Even the Carolingian version is lost; happily, Peiresc’s detailed description of that important copy survives.’ 2. Stern 1953, p. 35; and see Chapter 6 below. 3. A planisphere for 579; see Eastwood 1983, p. 39. 4. Stern 1953, p. 35. 5. Another Carolingian copy, the unillustrated Sangallensis (= ms. 878, St. Gallen, Bibliotheque du Convent), may have been copied from either the fourth-century original or a later intermediary. See Appendix 1 for discussion. 6. The Vatican Library has Romanus 1 = Barb. lat. 2154 and Romanus 2 = Vat. Lat. 9135. The German manuscripts S. and T., derived probably from L., date to the fifteenth century. For a fuller discussion, see Chapter 3 and Appendix 1. 7. Peiresc’s description in a letter of 1620 is printed in part by Mommsen, MGH 1892, pp. 17-29; printed in full by Strzygowski 1888, pp. 7—20. For discussion of the transmission of the manuscripts, see Chapter 3 and Appendix 1.

Introduction: Antecedents and Interpretations 5 The history of the Codex-Calendar of 354 suggests the difficulties

inherent in an attempt to reconstruct the contents and format of the original codex. Yet it is a task worth undertaking. The small number of surviving late-antique manuscripts—fewer than twenty—partly justifies studying copies of a copy.® Moreover, no other fourth-century codexcalendar has come down to us; thus, analysis of the contents and formal aspects of this work provides invaluable information about fourth-century Rome. Prior to this study, though, such an analysis was difficult because no modern work provided a complete edition of the text and illustrations of the Codex-Calendar of 354. The interested reader had to turn to several different publications to gain a sense of its original nature.

This study attempts to address that difficulty. ,

Although the Codex-Calendar of 354 is a unique document, certainly numerous other calendars were circulating in Rome that year, in all sorts of media. Hence our Calendar, albeit unique to us, cannot be interpreted without an understanding of its antecedents, of the traditions of Roman calendars and their coded language. The Codex-Calendar of 354 allows us the rare opportunity of entering into the world that produced it, of seeing the daily round of social and religious events—the urban rhythms—in the life of a fourth-century resident of Rome. This, to my mind, is the most significant aspect of this study. The unique yet traditional Codex-Calendar provides access to the year 354 in Rome ina way that no other artifact, literary or archaeological, can. Moreover, the year and place—a.p. 354 in Rome—are important. As the Codex-Calendar will show, this was a critical point in the transition from paganism to Christianity among the aristocracy of Rome. In this period, as the Calendar reflects, the forces for accommodation and assimilation facilitated the Christianization of Rome and the continuation of aristocratic culture into the Christian present.

THE ROMAN CALENDAR The Romans recognized early in their history the need to regulate their activities, in which task the construction of a calendar was an obvious first step. Roman writers of the Augustan Age attributed the earliest calendar either to King Romulus, the legendary founder of Rome, 8. See E. A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores (Oxford, 1934), vol. 1, codex nos. I, IV, XIV—XV.

6 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 or to King Numa, the alleged author of Roman religion.” These origins are purely conjecture, being as obscure to the Romans of the Augustan Age as they are to us today. Nevertheless, this attribution suggests a fundamental truth about the importance of the calendar in Roman society: the calendar was considered the product of one of Rome’s most honored founders and was granted an antique pedigree because it enjoyed status as a Roman institution deserving of appreciation in its own right.

Although establishment of the Roman calendar by Romulus or Numa made mythical sense, the most likely historical origin is the 450 B.c. publication (on wood?) by the Decemvirate of a calendar of named days—holidays, the days on which legal actions could not proceed—as part of the Twelve Tables. !° According to Livy, Cicero, and other Roman

sources, it was the curule aedile, Flavius, who in 304 B.c. posted in the Roman Forum a calendar of the year designating the legal days for conducting business, recorded in inscriptions on white tablets.!! This calendar probably also listed the legitimate dates for the meetings of the assemblies (comitia) and holidays.

The public posting of a calendar in the Forum is explained by Livy as a patrician response to the plebeian demand for access to this vital information, which until that time the aristocratic priests and magistrates had jealously guarded. As Rome had grown, the complexities of daily life had only increased the value of this information. The denial of free access to the calendar was one of many battles that the plebeians fought in order to gain greater political and economic freedom. A compromise was reached; the senatorial aristocracy—the priests and magistrates—established and promulgated the civic calendar in the republic, an activity that in the empire was assumed by the imperial government. In 189 B.c., the consul M. Fulvius Nobilior compiled the first commentary on a Roman calendar (fasti). This he deposited in the temple of

Hercules and the Muses, which he had just built.'* We do not know whether Fulvius’s calendar was a roll or an inscription or, if an inscription, whether it was incised or painted on the wall of the temple; generally, though, it is assumed to have been painted on a temple wall for 9. Plutarch Numa 18-19; M. York, The Roman Festival Calendar of Numa Pompilius (New

York, 1986); Michels 1967; and E. Liénard, “Calendrier de Romulus: Les débuts du calendrier romain,’”’ AC 50 (1981): 469-482.

10. Michels 1967, p. 129, observes that “in antiquity a strong tradition [existed] that a code of laws should contain a calendar.”’ The Twelve Tables are the earliest written laws of Rome, traditionally dated to 450 B.c. 11. See Michels 1967, pp. 108-109, for full citations; Cicero Att. 6.1.8 and Pro Murena 25; Livy 9.46.5. 12. Michels 1967, pp. 124-125; Macrobius Sat. 1.12.16.

Introduction: Antecedents and Interpretations 7 decoration, like the only surviving pre-Julian calendar, the Fasti Antiates Maiores. Fulvius’s calendar may have inspired Verrius Flaccus, whose commentary on the days of the year, it is almost certain, was added to the calendar inscribed on marble that has come to light in Palestrina. !° Verrius Flaccus’s calendar and his personal prestige, along with Augustus’s support for such antiquarian undertakings, made fashionable

the practice of inscribing calendars on stone to decorate the walls of public and private buildings. This custom reached the height of its popularity (to judge by extant carved wall calendars) in the years beginning with Augustus and continuing into the reigns of Tiberius and Claudius. Out of a total of forty-eight extant calendars from the Italian peninsula

from Roman times, some forty-four are from this period.'4 The redpainted highlighting of lettering against a white background, whether inscribed in stone or painted in fresco, would have made these calendars highly desirable wall decorations, as well as useful. Indeed, the bright letters gave rise to their name: fasti picti, or painted calendars.!°

| Until the discovery of the frescoed wall calendar from S. Maria Maggiore in Rome in 1966, the practice of decorating walls with calendars was believed to have disappeared after the Julio-Claudian period. This calendar, dated to the late second or early third century a.p.,1© demonstrates that this presumption was not true; even the fashion of inscribing calendars on stone walls probably continued, although it was less popular. While no calendars in stone exist from after the first century A.D., we do have shorter lists of holidays inscribed in stone or written in manuscripts—ferialia, meant for “specific states, regions, sacred precincts, private associations or for the army.’’’” One such feriale from Rome is dated to A.D. 362 and was inscribed in stone for a wall decora-

dius. | tion. /® The continued custom of inscribing ferialia on walls for ornamental

purposes suggests that wall calendars may have been similarly intended.

13. Michels 1967, p. 6. |

14. See Degrassi 1963, pp. xxiiff. All the fasti that can be dated belong to the times of Augustus and Tiberius, but some contain additional notes added during the reign of Clau15. Ovid Fasti 1.11; and see the commentary by F. Bémer, P. Ovidius Naso. Die Fasten (Heidelberg, 1957).

16. Salzman 1981, pp. 215-227. |

17. Degrassi 1963, pp. 277ff.: “spectant et ad civitates regionesve et ad fana et ad

collegia et ad exercitus.” :

18. Degrassi 1963, pp. 277-283, notes all ferialia on stone: (1) Feriale Cumanum (a.v. 4-14), pp:' 278-280; (2) Feriale Amerinum (Augustan Age or a little later), p. 281; and (3) Feriale Campanum (A.D. 387), pp.: 282-293. There are also ferialia on papyrus: (1) Feriale Tebtunense (A.D. 169-176, in Greek); see S. Eitrem and L. Amundsen, Papyri Osloenses, 3 (Oslo, 1936), no. 77, pp. 45-55; (2) Feriale Duranum (A.D. 225-235, in Latin); see Fink, Hoey,

8 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 Forty-six of the forty-eight extant calendars from Italy are fragmen-

tary’? and were either painted or inscribed on the walls of houses or temples. The two complete surviving ancient Roman calendars are in the form of a book or codex. This study is about one of those calendars: the Codex-Calendar of 354, the only Roman calendar that can be securely

dated to the fourth century a.p.7°

Private Calendars and Ferialia The production of a calendar for a private individual in the year 354 was not unusual. Texts from antiquity provide other examples. Petronius describes one such private calendar in the dining room of the nouveau riche Trimalchio: Under this inscription a double lamp hung from the ceiling, and two calendars were fixed on either doorpost, one having this entry, if I remember right: ““Our master C. goes out to supper on December 30th and 31st,”’ the other painted with the moon in her course, and the likenesses of seven stars. Lucky and unlucky days were marked too with distinctive knobs.?}

and Snyder 1940; and Degrassi 1963, p. 277, for further bibliography; (3) Fertale di Spello (A.D. 14—A.p. 37?); see S. Priuli, ““Osservazioni sul Feriale di Spello,”’ Tituli 2 (1980): 47—80; and (4) one disputed feriale, Feriale Rusticum Volsiniense, MEFR 84 (1972): 623-638. Degrassi (1963, p. 277) considers three Latin epigraphic documents similar enough to be considered ferialia: CIL 14.2112 = ILS 7212; CIL 6.10234 = ILS 7213; CIL 6.33885 = ILS 7214. A fourth epigraphic document can be added, CIL 6.31075 (A.D. 362): “Descriptio fer[iarum————] / quae in cohorte [————vig(ilum)————].”" These ferialia provide important information

about the development of the Roman calendar year in the post—Julio-Claudian period. 19. Degrassi 1963, pp. 29-277, published forty-four calendars or fasti from Italy. The Fasti Tauromentani were published as an addendum at the end of fascicle 2; they were also published by G. Manganaro, Arch. Cl. 15 (1963): 13ff. Since this calendar is not from Italy, it lies outside our total number. Three new fasti have been found in Italy and published: Magi 1972 published the Fasti from S. Maria Maggiore in Rome; and S. Panciera published two very fragmentary calendars, ‘‘Due nuovi frammenti di calendario romano,” Arch. Cl. 25-26 (1973-1974): 481-90. New fragments of the already known Fasti Cuprenses have also come to light and been published by G. Paci, ““A proposito di un nuovo frammento del calendario romano di Cupra Maritima,” Annali Macerata 13 (1980): 279-295. The fortyeighth calendar came to light in excavations of the Horologium Augusti in Rome, published by E. Biichner, ‘Solarium Augusti und Ara Pacis,’”” MDAIR 83 (1976): 319-365; and ‘“Horologium Solarium Augusti,’”” MDAIR 87 (1980): 355-372; reprinted in E. Buchner, Die Sonnenuhr des Augustus (Mainz am Rhein, 1982).

20. The other calendar is that of Polemius Silvius, dated to a.p. 449, printed by Mommsen, MGH 1892, pp. 511-552; text only in Degrassi 1963, pp. 263-276. It provides an invaluable comparandum. See my discussion in Chapter 6. 21. Petronius Sat. 30, trans. M. Haseltine (London, 1975): ‘Sub eodem titulo et lucerna bilychnis de camera pendebat, et duae tabulae in utroque poste defixae, quarum

Introduction: Antecedents and Interpretations 9 The tablets (tabulae) with distinctive knobs (distinguente bulla) suggest the type of calendar known as a parapegma, a limited list of festivals written or inscribed on wood or clay plaques, with holes and pegs to mark special days not noted in the civil calendar—the ancient equivalent of the mod-

ern agenda. One such parapegma, dating to the Constantinian period, was found in the Baths of Trajan on the Caelian Hill in Rome; it indicates the continuing popularity of such private, small-scale, practical calendars

into the fourth century. These unofficial parapegmata and the abbreviated agricultural calendars, or menologia rustica, were regularly illustrated. Most often, they depicted the astrological signs. The parapegma from the Baths of Trajan, for example, included an astrological circle as well as illustrations of the seven planetary gods.* The first-century Menologium Rusticum Colotianum depicts, at the head of a column of festivals and agricultural activities for each month, the appropriate astrological sign: thus January is illustrated by the sign of Capricorn, February by that of Aquarius, and so on.*4 These illustrations, not to mention the contents of the parapegmata and menologia rustica, indicate the growing tendency to include astrological information in Roman calendars made for private individuals as

_ early as the first century a.p. Scattered literary references support this conjunction of astrology and calendars, as in the passage from Petronius’s Satiricon cited above. Another instance is provided by Juvenal, who satirizes popular belief in astrology when he describes a calendar with astrological information carried by a Roman lady of somewhat dubious character.*° Pliny also remarks on the use of astrological texts by individuals, though not in conjunction with a calendar.*® Extant specimens provide the best evidence for the conjunction of astrological and chronological information in the official Roman calendar. Perhaps the most spectacular example is the monumental calendar and horologium (ancient clock), decorated with monumental bronze letters,

recently excavated in the Campus Martius in Rome.*” A monumental

altera, si bene memini, hoc habebat inscriptum: ‘III. et pridie kalendas Ianuarias C. noster foras cenat,’ altera lunae cursum stellarumque septem imagines pictas et qui dies boni quique incommodi essent, distinguente bulla notabantur.” 22. Degrassi 1963, pp. 308-309; D. Manicoli, “Un calendario astrologico al Museo della Civilta Romana,” Bollettino dei Musei Comunali di Roma 28—30 (1981-1983): 18-22.

23. Degrassi 1963, pp. 308-309. 24. Ibid., pp. 286-290. 25. Juvenal Sat. 6.569-—575.

26. Pliny N. H. 29.9. 27. Buchner, ‘Solarium Augusti und Ara Pacis,” pp. 319-365.

10 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 horologium and solar calendar was constructed by Augustus; later in the first century (the excavator dates it to the Domitianic period),° the horologium was reconstructed and a zodiacal calendar parallel to a calendar of the Julian months was added. Hence, the astrological notations in the calendar from S. Maria Maggiore and in the Calendar of 354 follow traditional, indeed imperial, precedents. Most other references to private calendars are to portable ones in the form of papyrus rolls. Only Ovid’s Fasti (1.657—658) provides a clear-cut reference to a Roman calendar in a papyrus roll, however. Other passages mentioning calendars or papyrus rolls are ambiguous because they can refer either to calendars or to consular lists, both of which were called fasti. Moreover, since consular lists were often added to calendars, reference to one might well include the other.*? If calendars in rolls followed the patterns of other secular books, it would seem likely that the papyrus roll remained the norm for calendars until the third century A.p. While no such calendars survive, we do have

ferialia in this form, one of which dates from the third century A.D. (though no papyrus-roll feriale exists from the fourth century).°° Based on surviving examples and textual references, we cannot be certain if these papyrus-roll ferialia were illustrated; in any case, their restricted purposes may explain the lack of illustration.

Codex-Calendars The codex became popular for illustrated secular texts only in the late third or early fourth century. Previously, the papyrus roll was most often used.°! We can thus date the production of codex-calendars, like the illustrated Codex-Calendar of 354, to, at the earliest, the late third century. Consequently, the designer of the Codex-Calendar of 354 may well have had to work out certain problems of design without the aid of codex prototypes. Nor can we assume that there were illustrated calendars in papyrus rolls to serve as a guide; none are extant, and their importance, if any, has yet to be shown.** The likelihood that a codex28. Ibid., pp. 359ff. 29. Stern 1953, pp. 302-303; Michels 1967, p. 98. 30. The Feriale Duranum is dated to the first quarter of the third century; see Fink, Hoey, and Snyder 1940; Degrassi 1963, p. 277. 31. See C. H. Roberts and T. C. Skeat, The Birth of the Codex (Oxford, 1983), pp. 247, 67-76.

" 32. "The connection between illustrated papyrus rolls and the illustrated codex re-

mains the essence of the theory advanced by K. Weitzmann; see his Illustrations in Roll and Codex: A Study of the Origin and Method of Text Illustration, 2d ed. (Princeton, 1970), passim,

Introduction: Antecedents and Interpretations 11 calendar was a fourth-century innovation receives further support from the illustrations found in the Codex-Calendar of 354. Not only are these the earliest known full-page illustrations for a codex in Western art, but the extensive number of motifs pictorializing each month also coincides with fourth-century artistic trends in other media. The novelty of an illustrated codex-calendar in the fourth century

must remain a hypothesis, but analysis of the formal aspects of the Codex-Calendar of 354 does indicate the transference of certain characteristics of inscribed Roman wall calendars to the codex medium. The 1966 discovery of the wall calendar from 5. Maria Maggiore in Rome is significant in this regard. This calendar, dated to the late second or early

third century, indicates the vitality of inscribed Roman wall calendar traditions well past the Julio-Claudian period, when (or so scholars believed) they were last attested.°° The traditions for inscribing Roman calendars on walls provide a fruitful and underappreciated source of inspiration for the design and illustration of the Calendar of 354. Although the Codex-Calendar of 354 is the only fourth-century calendar we have, its unique survival and the silence in our sources concerning codex-calendars in general are surely accidental. Four illustrated consular annals dated to the late fourth and early fifth centuries are relevant as comparanda; so too are the illustrated World Chronicles, one of which even contains a calendar, or at least illustrations of the months of the year.°* Such illustrated chronographic works and calendars in co-

dices were no doubt numerous; unfortunately, we do not know how numerous or when they became so.

Contents of a Roman Calendar The organization of information remained generally the same for the six centuries of the Roman calendar’s recorded usage. Each month occupies a column, with the name of the month at the top and the days of the month listed vertically below (see Figs. 24, 25). Most calendars conesp. pp. 83~84, 106; and Ancient Book Illumination (Cambridge, 1959), passim, esp. pp. 5960; see also K. Weitzmann, Studies in Classical and Byzantine Illumination, ed. H. L. Kessler

(Chicago, 1971), pp. 96ff. |

33. See Magi 1972, pp. 1ff.; Salzman 1981, pp. 215-227. 34. See Weitzmann 1971, pp. 121-124; and my discussion of illustrated consular lists and World Chronicles in Chapter 2, notes 31-32 and 82. A World Chronicle was a very abbreviated history of civilization, beginning with Adam and continuing ina year-by-year summary to contemporary times.

12 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 tain at least three columns of information for each month. At the extreme

left is a column of letters, A through H, which repeats throughout the year; these letters, the so-called nundinals, record the traditional Roman market week, which followed an eight-day cycle. Next is a column recording the name of the day—-either the festival name, written in full or abbreviated, or the Kalends, Nones, and Ides. In the Calendar of 354, and in approximately half of extant Roman calendars, the Kalends, Nones, and Ides, located immediately to the right of the nundinals, are included to allow calculation of the day of the month; the festival name is written directly to the right of this column. After the name of the day is often a column of letters designating the specific nature of the day: for instance, “F’’ for dies fasti, days on which legal business could be transacted; ‘’N’’ for dies nefasti, days on which legal business could not be transacted; or ““C” for dies comitiales,

days on which the comitia (in the republican period and early empire) could meet. On unnamed days, these designations appear directly after the nundinals. The Calendar of 354 omits these letters, as do certain other calendars, notably that from S. Maria Maggiore in Rome.*° The disappearance of these letters from late Roman calendars reflects the decline of the institutions for which the notations were devised. Conversely, the contemporary importance of the Senate in Rome probably explains why the Calendar of 354, unlike those of the early empire, records the meeting days of this body.°° In some calendars another column of letters, the hebdomadales, running A through G, indicates a seven-day weekly cycle.°” This column appears in the Calendar of 354 to the left of the nundinals and to the right of the named days. The Calendar of 354, moreover, is unique in including, to the left of the hebdomals, one other sequence of letters, A through K, which were used to calculate the days of the full and new moon.?® The inclusion of the lunar and solar weekly cycles underscores the influence of astrology, both in the Calendar and as attested elsewhere in the Codex as well.°? 35. This discussion of named and unnamed days is a simplification and distillation of a rather complex and controversial topic. For the ancient evidence concerning these designations, see Degrassi 1963, pp. 331-337; and Michels 1967, the most lucid modern discussion of these letters and their significance. 36. Degrassi 1963, p. 569. 37. Ibid., p. 326. 38. Ibid.; Stern 1953, pp. 55-57; T. Mommsen, Die rémische Chronologie bis auf Caesar, 2d ed. (Berlin, 1859), pp. 309ff. 39. See my discussion of the astrological sections of the Codex-Calendar in Chapter 2.

Introduction: Antecedents and Interpretations 13 Following the columns of weekly cycles are entered the names of the festivals and holidays in honor of the pagan gods and goddesses or the

emperor and the imperial cult, or in commemoration of some event in Roman history or for contemporary life. Roman calendars often included information about individual days, ranging from brief notations of games (ludi) or circus races (circenses) to quite lengthy commentary on historical events or religious activities. The best-known annotated calendar is the Fasti Praenestini, generally attributed to Verrius Flaccus.*° Consider, for example, what this calendar says about the festival to honor the Magna Mater on 4 April: F, on the day before the Ides, c[omitialis]. The Games to the Idaean Great Mother of the Gods. These are called Megalensia because that goddess is called Megale. Mutual exchanges of dinner invitations are frequently

and customarily made by the nobles, because the Great Mother who had been summoned in accord with the Sibylline books changed her locale from Phrygia to Rome.*!

Unlike the Fasti Praenestini, the Calendar of 354 includes only brief notices for the holidays and activities on each day. Although reference to cult ritual and sacrifice is generally omitted, the Calendar does include some such information. For example, on 13 February is entered “Virgo Vesta[lis] parentat,” signifying that the Vestal Virgin holds a memorial service on this Roman holiday in honor of dead parents or relatives, a day that in earlier calendars is referred to as the Parentalia. As we shall see, because of its recorded holidays, the Calendar of 354 is a rich source of information about late Roman paganism. The Christian holidays noted in the other sections of the Codex were as yet not of civic significance in

Rome and thus were omitted from the Calendar. Furthermore, the inclusion of a seven-day hebdomadial cycle in the Calendar of 354 does not have any peculiarly Christian meaning; seven-day weekly cycles came to Rome via an interest in astrology as early as the first century B.c.*4 Thus,

the Calendar of 354 follows its calendrical antecedents in recording a seven-day week and in including astrological information in the text; not only is the position of Sol in the astrological firmament noted every month, but the unlucky days (dies aegyptiaci) are also recorded.*® 40. Degrassi 1963, pp. 107-145; Suetonius De Grammaticis et Rhetoribus 17, ed. G. Brugnoli (Leipzig, 1963). 41. Degrassi 1963, p. 127: “[F] pr.(idie), c(omitialis). Ludi M(atri) D(eum) M(agnae)

I(daeae). Megalensia vocantur, quod [e]Ja dea Megale appellatur. Nobilium mutitationes cenarum solitae sunt frequenter fieri, quod Mater Magna ex libris Sibyllinis arcessita locum mutavit ex Phrygia Romam.” 42. Michels 1967, p. 89 n. 6. 43. Degrassi 1963, p. 569.

14 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 Using a Roman Calendar To its fourth-century Roman recipient, the Codex-Calendar of 354 was not just an object of visual delight and a handy reference work; it was also, in itself, the embodiment of a venerable tradition. Centuries of writers, grammarians, historians, and specialists had devoted themselves to the study of the Roman calendar and the rites it recorded. Varro, Ovid, Censorinus, and later Ausonius, Macrobius, and Dracontius, to name but a few of the outstanding writers on the subject, had deemed the Roman calendar a topic worthy of poetry, praise, and scholarly investigation.44 For centuries Roman children learned about the calendar and its rites as part of their schooling in the Roman past. The didactic function of the calendar continued into the Christian times of the fifth and sixth centuries, as the fifth-century calendar of Polemius Silvius and the writings of Macrobius attest: This then is what I would have this present work be: a repository of much to teach and much to guide you, examples drawn from many ages but informed by a single spirit, wherein—if you refrain from rejecting what you already know and from shunning what you do not—you will

| find much that it would be a pleasure to read, an education to have read, and of use to remember; [11] for, to the best of my belief, the work [the Saturnalia] contains nothing that is either useless to know or difficult

to comprehend, but everything in it is calculated to quicken your understanding, to strengthen your memory, to give more dexterity to your discourse, and to make your speech more correct.*

The prologue to Macrobius’s Saturnalia, a long dialogue devoted in large part to explaining the intricacies of the Roman calendar and the religion it records, underscores the value of the Calendar of 354. The setting is the house of the Roman aristocrat Agorius Praetextatus, who lived in the second half of the fourth century. During the festival of the Saturnalia, he and several of his fellow aristocrats meet and discuss as-

pects of Roman paganism, including the calendar and its holidays as well as the greatest Latin author, Virgil. Information about the Roman calendar and Roman paganism was considered by Macrobius essential 44. For a bibliography of the Roman calendar, see ibid., pp. 314-316. 45. Macrobius Sat. 1 praef. 10-11, trans. P. Davies (New York, 1969): “Tale hoc praesens opus volo: multae in illo artes, multa praecepta sint, multarum aetatium exempla, sed in unum conspirata: in quibus si neque ea quae iam tibi sunt cognita asperneris, nec quae ignota sunt vites, invenies plurima quae sit aut voluptati legere aut cultui legisse aut usui meminisse. nihil enim huic operi insertum puto aut cognitu inutile aut difficile perceptu, sed omnia quibus sit ingenium tuum vegetius, memoria adminiculatior, oratio sollertior, sermo incorruptior.”

Introduction: Antecedents and Interpretations 15 to his son’s education, for whom this work is ostensibly written. Nor was Macrobius’s son unusual. There is good evidence that from the earliest times of the Roman Republic and continuing well into the fifth century, schoolchildren memorized the list of named holidays (as well as, probably, the more daunting list of consuls), disseminated via papyrus rolls, tablets, or verbal transmission.*© Although Macrobius emphasizes the didactic function of such knowledge, the renowned speakers in his

dialogue indicate that this learning was what distinguished a Roman aristocrat. In a letter by the eminent Roman noble Symmachus, the man’s

pride in having acquired this knowledge is evident: “You perform the duty of a good brother, but stop reminding me. We are knowledgeable concerning the ceremonies of the gods and the festivities of the divinity that have been commanded.’’*” These two elements—didactic function and aristocratic distinction— were the result of the special development of the Roman calendar, in both its use and its role within Roman society and education. To the fourth-century recipient of the Calendar of 354, traditional formal aspects as well as content were appropriate reflections of the venerability of this item and served only to increase its value. Indeed, it should be emphasized that the traditional appearance and content of the Calendar of 354 reflect the very ideals of the society that produced it, for in this society

an object or idea was all the more revered if it was antique: ““Love of custom is great.’’4®

By the time of Macrobius, much of the information he was explaining to his son must have referred to holidays that were no longer celebrated. Nevertheless, knowledge of these festivals and their rites—and of how to use the Roman calendar—was still valued in the Christian fifth century, for it was useful for the study of classical history and literature. To know, for example, that the Roman holiday of the Regifugium commemorated the expulsion of the kings and the beginning of the republic was

to have a basic understanding of some of the most fundamental institutions and facts of the history of early Rome. Certainly, to understand allusions to the deities and their rites is essential for appreciating much of Latin literature, as even a glance at any contemporary college text amply indicates. The didactic impulse also lay behind the creation of the 46. Michels 1967, p. 136. 47. Symmachus Ep, 2.53, ed. O. Seeck (Berlin, 1883), MGH 1883, 6.1, before a.p. 395: “Fungeris boni fratris officio, sed desine memorem commonere. Notae nobis sunt caerimoniae deorum et festa divinitatis imperata.” 48. Symmachus Ep. 3.7: “Consuetudinis amor magnus est.”

16 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 fasti of Polemius Silvius.4? One could even learn elementary math through calculation of dates in the Roman calendar. The educational function of the Roman calendar probably began in the period of the republic and continued through the six centuries of the calendar’s attested usage, if not longer.°° Hence, it was to a large degree

true that knowledge of the Roman calendar and its contents was the earmark of a learned aristocrat, as Symmachus implied. And the inclusion of such a calendar in the Codex-Calendar of 354 fits well within the aristocratic milieu in which this work belongs. Yet the many antecedents of the Codex-Calendar of 354 should not obscure its essentially functional

nature. Unlike the calendar of Polemius Silvius from 449, we can be certain that the Calendar of 354 was intended for practical use, for its notations accurately record the contemporary holidays and festivals actually celebrated in mid-fourth-century Rome.

INTERPRETATIONS OF THE PAGANISM IN THE CALENDAR OF 354 Because the antecedents of the Calendar of 354 and the peculiar but stock elements of a Roman calendar were not fully understood, some nineteenth- and some twentieth-century scholars mistakenly argued that the Calendar of 354 was merely a piece of antiquarianism. The omission of the letters specifying the nature of individual days (F, N, C, and so on) and of lengthy descriptions of cultic acts, coupled with the changed nomenclature for certain holidays in this fourth-century calendar as compared with those of the first century, led Mommsen, for one, to suggest that the holidays recorded in the Calendar of 354 were no longer cele-

brated with cultic acts in the Christian fourth century.°! Comparison with earlier Roman calendars, however, has shown this view to be untenable. Descriptions of cultic acts were not always included in Roman calendars; the pre-Caesarian Fasti Antiates Maiores contains none, nor do 49. See Mommsen, MGH 1892, p. 518, the prologue to that calendar. Elizabeth Dulabahn has argued convincingly that the calendar of Polemius Silvius was created for a didactic function and that calendars were used in the Roman school setting; see her ‘The Laterculus of Polemius Silvius,” Ph.D. diss., Bryn Mawr College, 1986. 50. Michels 1967, p. 136, suggests: “I would guess that the memorization of the list [of named days] would be a part of a Roman’s education, just as he must have had to face the appalling task of memorizing the list of consuls.”” The use of school calendars and their didactic function probably explains the lists of holidays known as hermeneumata as well. See Dulabahn, ‘The Laterculus of Polemius Silvius.” 51. Mommsen, MGH 1892, p. 28.

Introduction: Antecedents and Interpretations 17 other first-century calendars, such as Fasti Maffeiani (a.p. 8), one of the most complete calendars extant.°* The letters F, N, C, moreover, probably disappeared from the Roman calendar during the second century A.D. in connection with the calendar reforms of Marcus Aurelius and the

waning importance of the republican institutions to which they referred;°° they are missing by the late second or early third century, when

the calendar from S. Maria Maggiore was painted.*4 ,

Knowledge of the antecedents of the Calendar of 354 has disproved Mommsen’s denial of the contemporary reality behind the text. Corroborating evidence from archaeological, literary, artistic, and epigraphic remains likewise argues convincingly against such an assessment of the text and illustrations of the Calendar of 354. Because it was the calendar of the city of Rome, the Calendar of 354 provides accurate and unique information about late Roman paganism. But there is one noteworthy limitation to any study of paganism that is

based—as the present study is—on the Roman calendar, a limitation that results from the particular role and development of the calendar itself. Roman calendars recorded only public, officially recognized events

and festivals, and not private festivals or ceremonies; that is, Roman calendars noted only those aspects of pagan cult that were significant to the state and its officially recognized cults. Hence, this examination of the Calendar of 354 and the religion it records will, owing to the very nature of the Roman calendar, focus on public cult. The concentration on public cult should not, however, be seen negatively. Too often, to a modern mind brought up in the Judeo-Christian

tradition, personal religion and individual feelings of spirituality are considered to be the only truly valid religious impulses. Yet in fourthcentury Rome, as we shall see, public cult and its official manifestations in urban life were the true mainstays of late Roman paganism. Indeed, it is in the public pagan cults, so intimately woven into the fabric of the urban daily life of the Roman aristocracy and so closely tied to the emperor and the Roman state, that we will gain insight into the appeal of late Roman paganism. Recognition of the vitality of Roman calendric traditions and of late Roman paganism in a post-Constantinian calendar is a relatively recent scholarly achievement. The problem of how to interpret the Codex-Calendar of 354—above all, the nature of the paganism recorded in the text

and illustrations of the Calendar of 354—was first recognized by the 52. Degrassi 1963, pp. 1-28, 70-84.; Stern 1953, pp. 96--99. 93. H.A. Marc. Ant. 10.10; Stern 1953, pp. 97-98. 54. Salzman 1981, pp. 215-227.

18 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 Renaissance scholar Peiresc.°° Peiresc was aware that this pagan calendar belonged to the reigns of mid-fourth-century Christian emperors. To Peiresc, its pagan contents were compiled at a time that was at odds with its date, some thirty years after the Emperor Constantine had converted to Christianity. Moreover, as Peiresc knew, laws prior to 354 had outlawed pagan sacrifice.°° How, then, if its date was correct, to explain the pagan religion it recorded? Peiresc believed that by this time paganism was actually almost extinct. The Calendar was compiled and celebrations allowed because Constantine’s son, Constantius, not wanting to destroy all of paganism, had retained certain of the games in the circus because of their historic significance for the Roman people.°” Mommsen, the first modern scholar to clarify the manuscript tradition of the Codex-Calendar of 354 and to analyze its text, interpreted the original as a piece of fourth-century nostalgia, written after pagan rites had ceased to have any real religious significance in a Christian empire. In Mommsen’s view, the festivals noted in the Calendar were essentially neutral ceremonies, celebrated without offensive pagan sacrifice or attendance at pagan temples.°® These religious celebrations, allotted originally for the cults of the pagan gods, were merely formal holidays, or dies feriati; only the games (ludi) were allowed to remain intact.°? Mommsen supported this view by pointing to the evidence within the Calendar, whose format and text included no description of cultic acts or religious indications of days (dies fasti and nefasti), as he believed earlier Roman calendars had. Yet the lists of Christian information and the dedication of the codex with a Christian formula indicated that the Calendar was written in Christian times.®!

Subsequent studies of the Calendar in the late nineteenth century and in the first half of the twentieth focused on isolated issues without challenging Mommsen’s basic premise concerning the paganism attested in the Calendar of 354. Strzygowski focused on the illustrations of the

months in the Calendar, which he deemed a nostalgic reproduction of an earlier calendric cycle, devoid of any real religious content.©? The 55. Mommsen, MGH 1892, p. 28, records Peiresc’s remarks, as does Strzygowski 1888, pp. 1ff. 56. Mommsen, MGH 1892, p. 28, prints Peiresc’s statements. 57. Ibid. 58. Mommsen 1850b, pp. 63-74. 59. Mommsen, 1850a, p.570. 60. Ibid.; Mommsen, MGH 1892, p. 48. 61. Mommsen, MGH 1892, pp. 38, 70-71.

62. Strzygowski 1888, pp. 82ff. Nordenfalk and Byvanck studied the art historical significance of the images for illustrations in books; see Nordenfalk 1936; A. W. Byvanck, “Antike Buchmalerei III. Der Kalender vom Jahre 354 und die Notitia Dignitatum,”” Mnemosyne, 3d ser., 8 (1939-1940): 186ff.

Introduction: Antecedents and Interpretations 19 attempt by Volgraff to redate the Calendar to the pagan revival under Julian is noteworthy, for it indicates the degree to which certain scholars had found the dating of the Calendar at odds with their interpretation of the religious and social climate that produced it. Although Mommsen’s views dominated studies on the Calendar per se, general studies of paganism began slowly to undermine his position. Wissowa, in his monumental study of Roman religion, observed that Mommsen had failed to appreciate the essential paganism of the Calendar; he took another view, explaining the document's existence as the result of the unique situation of pagan cult in Rome in the middle of the fourth century.°* Wissowa did not expand on these remarks, however, and when Geffcken later developed Wissowa’s views on the vitality of late Roman paganism, he did not apply them to the Calendar of 354. Finally, in one specific instance, A. Alféldi demonstrated how the Calendar of 354 represented real cultic practice.© Only in 1953, with the work of H. Stern, was the Calendar considered in its entirety and interpreted as a compendium of pagan festivals and imperial anniversaries that reflected the living reality of late Roman paganism. Stern studied the text of the Calendar to elucidate the real practices of pagan cult in Rome, which in turn would enable him to analyze more accurately the illustrations in the Codex-Calendar, the focus of his study.°” Stern viewed the text of the Calendar as “le dernier témoin de la pratique intégrale du culte paien a Rome” and its illustrations as ‘““une somme de I’art que pratiquaient les milieux qui conservaient ce culte.’”©° Stern’s work reflected the shift of scholarly attention to the survival of pagan rites in post-Constantinian Rome—the starting point for my own studies of the Codex-Calendar.

PRINCIPAL CONSIDERATIONS OF THIS STUDY Building on the work of earlier scholars, I have been guided through-

out by four principal considerations. First, by placing the iconography and text of the Calendar within the context of archaeological and literary evidence, I argue that it is possible to extend and emend previous inter63. G. Volgraff, ‘De Figura Mensis Ianuarii e Codice Luxemburgensi Deperdito Exscripta”, Mnemosyne 59 (1931): 401. 64. Wissowa 1912, p. 97 65. Geffcken 1978, pp. 115-222. 66. A. Alféldi, A Festival of Isis in Rome Under the Christian Emperors of the Fourth Century (Budapest, 1937), pp. 32ff.

67. See Stern 1953, p. 10. 68. Ibid., p. 11.

20 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 pretations and so arrive at a more accurate idea of pagan ritual and religion in fourth-century Rome. In the years since Stern’s publication, much new evidence—archaeological, literary, epigraphic, and scholarly—has come to light to clarify these interpretations. In addition, new calendars must be taken into account, the number of calendar inscriptions having almost doubled since 1892 when Mommsen published all then known Roman calendars. Stern, in 1953, was not able to utilize Atilio Degrassi’s magnificent edition of the complete corpus of Roman calendars with its exhaustive commentaries and indices, published in Inscriptiones Italiae 13.2 in 1963.°? And new inscriptions of calendars have

come to light since Degrassi’s publication as well,” perhaps the most spectacular of these being the painted calendar from 5. Maria Maggiore in Rome.”! With ail this new material and new scholarly tools, the time seemed right to undertake a new study of the Codex-Calendar of 354. The second consideration is methodological. Unlike Stern, who seeks far and wide for visual and textual evidence throughout the empire and beyond, I believe that the proper context for explication of the document can be found in the city of Rome itself. This approach can be jus-

tified because (1) we know from the Calendar that it was produced in Rome for use in the year 354 and (2) we know that Roman paganism was essentially a localized phenomenon, flourishing, expressing itself, and finally vanishing locality by locality.’* Thus the Calendar, intended for use in Rome in 354, must reflect-—by definition—-the paganism of its immediate milieu. As far as possible, therefore, [have restricted my focus in discussing the Calendar to Rome and to local Roman practices. Third, I hold that a close reading of the text in conjunction with indepth historical research allows for a determination of the dominant cults

in the fourth-century city and a deeper understanding of the particular appeal and vitality of Roman paganism in late antiquity. In short, I have extended my discussion beyond analysis of the particulars of pagan cultic rites and practices to include a synthetic analysis of the nature of paganism as practiced in Rome in the mid fourth century. Fourth, I believe that by decoding the information contained in the

Calendar, we can bring the world that produced it into sharper focus. Indeed, it is a world and a period of critical importance in understanding 69. Degrassi 1963. 7Q. See Chapters 1, 3, and 4, and my forthcoming article on the Roman fasti in ANRW.

71. Magi 1972, pp. Iff. |

72. For the production of the Calendar, see Chapters 2, 3, 4, and 5; and Stern 1953,

pp. 42-47. For Roman paganism as a localized phenomenon, see, for example, R. MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire (New Haven, Conn., 1981), pp. 1-17, 41ff.; and A. Wardman, Religion and Statecraft in Rome (Baltimore, 1982), pp. 1ff.

Introduction: Antecedents and Interpretations 21 the transformation and conversion of pagan Rome into a Christian city. Surprisingly, this period has received little scholarly attention. The conversion of Constantine to Christianity and his subsequent establishment of his new religion (313-337), as well as the pagan revivals associated with the Emperor Julian (361-363), with the return of the Altar of Victory to the Roman Senate (382-384), and with the usurpation of Eugenius (391-394), have been the subject of much modern scholarship. The valleys of relative quiet between these dramatic historical moments are less often considered, but they are perhaps of even greater importance if we are fully to comprehend the nature of Roman society and religion in the fourth century: during these times of relative calm fundamental changes in thought and belief took hold, and in such a way as to preserve rather than eradicate the pagan past. Personal artifacts like the pagan Calendar of 354 written for a Christian aristocrat or the silver casket of the Christian bride Proiecta deco-

rated with the image of the pagan goddess Venus take on much significance, for they reflect the mundane reality that lay behind largescale social and religious change.” Indeed, precisely this level of daily reality is so often lost when we try to comprehend the ancient world. Through the inclusion of pagan and Christian information in a single, ornate edition, the Codex-Calendar of 354 makes clear what the abstract terms pagan and Christian actually meant to a person living in the mid fourth century. It may also indicate the areas and ways in which pagans

and Christians accommodated themselves to coexistence, enabling them, with time, to share a common cultural heritage. To be sure, the assimilation of pagan culture into a Christian framework was well under way in 354, and would ultimately end in the conversion of Roman society and its aristocracy to Christianity—yet along with the preservation of much of (traditionally pagan) Roman culture.”4 The Codex-Calendar of 354 can illuminate this complicated and lengthy process for us, as can the identity of its recipient, Valentinus, who, as I will demonstrate, was probably a Christian member of one of the most staunchly pagan aristocratic families in Rome. (See Chapter 5.) Examples of the light that the Codex-Calendar can shed on Roman 73. For discussion of the Proiecta casket, see K. Shelton, The Esquiline Treasury (Lon-

don, 1981), pp. 1-11 and passim. For the controversy over the dating of this object and the Treasure, see Chapter 5, note 94. 74. One of the best studies of this process is still C. N. Cochrane, Christianity and Classical Culture: A Study of Thought and Action from Augustus to Augustine (Oxford, 1940);

and see the sound remarks of P. Brown, “Aspects of the Christianization of the Roman Aristocracy,”’ JRS 51 (1961): 1-11; reprinted in Religion and Society in the Age of St. Augustine (London, 1972), pp. 161-182.

22 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 society abound. Not only do we gain insight into how Romans thought about the dominant institutions of the city, but through similarities in the unillustrated lists of pagan and Christian information included in the text we can also see how Christian religious institutions were assimilated to preexisting secular models of political life. Likewise, the Chronicle of Rome (section XVI in the Codex) reveals fourth-century attitudes toward the Roman emperor and his role in Roman urban life. (See Chapter 2.) The Rome that emerges from the pages of the Codex-Calendar of 354 is best characterized as a city dominated by the processes of accommodation and assimilation, as the inclusion of two separate but equiva-

lent lists of holidays, one pagan and one Christian, emblematizes. Discussion of contemporary historical evidence will corroborate this view. (See Chapter 5.) By the beginning of the fifth century, the tide had turned; the forces for accommodation and assimilation had made possible the gradual and relatively peaceful Christianization of Rome and its aristocracy, the impact of which can be seen in the fifth-century calendar of Polemius Silvius. (See Chapter 6.) In sum, the Codex-Calendar of 354 is a specific historical document, a deluxe codex produced by the famous fourth-century calligrapher Furius Dionysius Filocalus for a wealthy Christian, Valentinus, for use in Rome in A.p. 354. Yet this edition has wider significance—for the study of late Roman religion and society, for the study of late Roman paganism, for analysis of relations between pagans and Christians, and for understanding the assimilation of classical culture into a Christian framework.

° Il ° DESCRIPTION OF THE CONTENTS OF THE CODEX-CALENDAR OF 354

To create the Codex-Calendar of 354,! more than a dozen diverse texts were brought together and united into one codex. These texts were already in circulation and readily available in Rome when work began on this deluxe edition in A.p. 353.2 Each text, therefore, has an independent existence, can be located within its own tradition, and is of interest in its own right; indeed, the background and sources for these diverse texts have been much discussed. Little analyzed or appreciated, however, is the fact that each of these texts was chosen for this particular codex. Consequently, the process by which these texts were joined together to form a coherent whole, as well as the inherent logic and organization of the codex, which would have been apparent to its fourth-century reader, remains to be explored. The purpose of this chapter is therefore threefold: first, to describe the discrete texts, or sections, of the original fourthcentury Codex-Calendar of 354; second, to analyze the organizing impulse or logic behind the compilation of the Codex-Calendar, a logic seen in the choice of the texts for inclusion, in the editing of certain texts, and in the interrelationship of the texts; and third, to discuss how the CodexCalendar opens out into Roman society of the mid fourth century in its 1. As noted in Chapter 1, the designation of the entire book as the Codex-Calendar of 354 is intended to distinguish it from the section of the Codex that is the Calendar for Rome for A.p. 354; this section (VI in the list pp. 24—25) is hereafter referred to simply as the Calendar or the Calendar of 354. 2. For a detailed discussion of the dating of the original Codex-Calendar of 354, see Appendix 5.

24 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 highlighting of the three dominant institutions in Rome—the imperial government, the urban bureaucracy (with its close links to the senatorial aristocracy), and the Christian church. The material in the Codex-Calendar concerning these institutions was in part useful, indicating, for example, who was bishop, urban prefect, or emperor, and when. Yet utility was not the only criterion for inclusion. Taken as a whole, the sections reveal the growth and contemporary significance of these three most important institutions of the fourth-century city, each of which seems to make parallel claims to status. Indeed, the Christian church is represented here, for perhaps the first time in the century, as a respectable Roman institution with traditions and a past venerable enough to appeal to any aristocratic Roman. Nevertheless, the centerpiece of the Codex-Calendar of 354 was its illustrated Calendar, a section based entirely on pagan and secular imagery and recording only pagan festivals and imperial anniversaries. Thus, in 354 these pagan festivals and traditions, associated with the Roman senatorial aristocracy and the imperial government, and not the rites and traditions of the church, were accorded the greatest communal support. The sections at issue are as follows:

Section I Dedication to Valentinus Section I Representations of the Public Fortune (Tyche) of Four Cities

Section II] Imperial Dedication List of Natales Caesarum

Section [V The Planets and Their Legends section V Effectus XII Signorum. Text and Signs of the Zodiac* 3. Those sections in brackets and starred were probably not included in the original Codex-Calendar of 354. The numbering of the sections is conventional; see Stern 1953, pp. 14-16; and Mommsen, MGH 1892, pp. 13-148. Mommsen, MGH 1892, p. 37, includes as section XVII the Vienna Annals. These are made up of the Fasti Vindobonenses priores, a set of consular annals covering the periods 44 B.C.~A.D. 403 and 455--493, and the Fasti Vindobonenses posteriores, consular annals for 44 B.C.~A.D. 387, 439-455, and 495-539. Both are found in the Vindobonensis ms., MS. 3416 (fols. 15-24, 47-53), together with the Codex-Calendar of 354. Fuller entries of the Vienna

Annals for the years 390-473 appear in the Sangallensis ms., MS. 878 (fol. 303), again together with the Codex-Calendar of 354. Yet because these fasti were definitely not included in the original Codex, they are not included here. For discussion and text, see Mommsen, MGH 1892, pp. 31-32, 37ff., and 263ff.

4. Stern 1953, p. 16, n. 16, and pp. 60ff., questions the inclusion of the text (that survives only in the unillustrated Sangallensis ms., MS. 878) in the fourth-century manuscript. I do not, however, see any valid reason to doubt the inclusion of the text in the

Description of the Contents 25 Section VI Calendar Text and Illustrations Distichs of the Months? [*Tetrastichs of the Months]

Section VII Portraits of the Consuls Section VIII —_ List of Consuls

Section IX Easter Cycle Section X List of Urban Prefects of Rome Section XI Depositions of the Bishops of Rome Section XII Depositions of Martyrs Section XIII _ List of Bishops of Rome ("Section XIV. _—w Regions of the City of Rome (Notitia)]

(*Section XV World Chronicle (Liber Generationts)| Section XVI _— Chronicle of the City of Rome (Chronica Urbis Romae)

The Codex-Calendar of 354 can be divided into two parts. The first part (sections I—VII) is illustrated and contains texts with information about

the imperial, astrological, pagan religious, or urban/civic realms. The second part (sections VIII—XVI) is not illustrated and includes texts on the imperial, urban/civic, or Christian realms. While Christian themes are omitted from the first part, pagan religion per se is missing from the second, although historical and legendary information is included. To understand the relationship between the illustrated and unillustrated sections and to gain perspective on the unity of the original Codex, I shall describe the sections and their contents as they appeared in the original Codex-Calendar, based on a collation of the various Renaissance manuscripts. (See Appendix 1.) This sequential analysis will, in the con-

clusion to this chapter, enable us to analyze the intended effect of the Codex.

THE ILLUSTRATED SECTIONS OF THE CODEX-CALENDAR OF 354

Dedication (Section I) The Codex-Calendar, like all ancient codices, begins with a dedica-

tion page (Fig. 1), which in this case supplies information about the circumstances of the Codex’s production. The dedicatory wish, that Valoriginal and have thus included text and illustrations in this section. See my discussion of section V below. 5. These verses may have been part of the original Codex-Calendar, though they were created earlier; see Chapter 3.

26 The Book: The Codex-Calendar of 354 entinus flourish in God (Floreas in Deo)—that is, with God’s assistance— is inscribed on both sides of an elaborate monogram reiterating that same

wish. Two putti hold up a rectangular box, also inscribed with wishes that Valentinus live, flourish, and enjoy (Vivas, Floreas, Gaudeas). On either

side of this box, in smaller lettering, is the name of the artist, Furius Dionysius Filocalus, and the latin verb titulavit, indicating, literally, that Filocalus “wrote the title for’ this work. This title page is our only clue to the identity of the recipient. Since this dedication uses a Christian formula and since the Codex includes Christian information, we may assume that Valentinus was a Christian.°® The title page and the personalized nature of this highly decorated Codex indicate that its recipient probably belonged to the uppermost stratum of Roman society. Most likely he was a wealthy Roman, probably an

aristocrat or one of the new men who, in a position of power, had to mingle with the old aristocracy still in Rome. (See Chapter 5.) The title page also identifies the creator of the manuscript, Furtus Dionysius Filocalus titulavit, an artist who, in the opinion of his most re-

cent biographer, was “one of the greatest Roman calligraphers of all time.”” He has been credited with the creation of the monumental majuscule alphabet used in inscriptions.® Indeed, the term titulavit is the common term for engraving found in stone and marble inscriptions. The Codex-Calendar is the only instance of the term on vellum, where presumably it refers to the layout and execution of the lettering, not just on the title page but throughout the book. Moreover, the location of Filocalus’s name on the first page in the position where ancient Greek and Roman books conventionally present the author’s name or portrait suggests that Filocalus was responsible not only for the lettering and illustrations, but perhaps for the content of the Codex as well. The inclusion of the name of the calligrapher or artist in a codex is unusual, and it implies that Filocalus was no mere calligrapher. Either he was already an artist of some renown at the time the Codex-Calendar was executed or he was a man of the same social standing as Valentinus. His later epigraphic work for Pope Damasus reinforces this view of Filocalus’s status in Roman society and indicates that he, like Valentinus, was probably a Christian. Whatever Filocalus’s situation in A.D. 354, the inclusion of his name underscores the special nature of this edition. 6. R. Von Haehling, Die Religionszugehérigkeit der hohen Amtstrdger des Rémischen Reiches seit Constantins I. Alleinherrschaft bis zum Ende der Theodosianischen Dynastie (324-450 bzw. 455

n. Chr.) (Bonn, 1978) (= Antiquitas, 3d ser., 23), pp. 19ff., establishes criteria for religious affiliation. 7. Ferrua 1939, pp. 42ff. 8. Ferrua 1942, pp. 21-35.

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