Of duty well and faithfully done: a history of the regular army in the Civil War 9780803235007, 9780803219106

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- 2009: 59,258 41,247 2,009 42,884 44,893 January 1,1862 2,388 += 40,626 = 43,014. 2,388 = 42,042 44,426 ~=—-2,388 = 45,226 47,610

April 1, 1863 2,423 40,909 43,332 2,423 41,879 44,295 2,423 45,469 47,885 January 1, 1864 2,404 41,158 43,562 2,404 42,096 44,500 2,404 45,718 48,122 January 1, 1865 21279 41,123 43,246 2,123 42,061 44,184 2,125 45,683 47,806 Source: Army Registers for 1860—65. Cadets of the U.S. Military Academy are not included. Roughly 150-225 cadets were enrolled at any given time between 1860 and 1865. The number of enlisted men under “full” authorization depended on the number of companies stationed at remote posts. That number declined from 183 in January 1860 to only 30 in January 1865.

Table 9. Present for Duty Strength of the Regular Army, 1861-1865

Officers and Men Officers and Men Percentage

Date Enrolled Present for Duty of Enrolled

Jan. 1, 1860 16,024 14,636 91.3 Jan. 1, 1861 16,367 14,663 89.6 Jan. 1, 1862 22,425 19,871 | Jan. 1, 1863 25,463 19,169 58.8 Jan. 1, 1864 24,636 17,237 56.6 Jan. 1, 1865 22,019 14,661 30.8 Mar. 31, 1865 21,669 13,880 64.1]

Source: Fry, Final Report Made to the Secretary of War by the Provost Marshal General, March 17, 1866, 102. See also Kreidberg and Henry, Military Mobilization, 95.

quent increases in the number of officersand year of the war, the Regular Army never atmen authorized, the percentage present for tained two-thirds of its authorized strength duty declined steadily throughout the war.'’ and was normally well below that level.

Even though the Regular Army was eventual- Although its “minimum” authorized ly authorized a “minimum” strength of more strength more than tripled in the first four than 43,500, there were never more than 26,000 months of the war, the Regular Army was soon

men on the rolls, and those present for duty “lost to sight among the multitude of their felalways numbered less than 20,000, as shown _ low volunteers.”'° Indeed, the initial mobili-

in table 9. zation of the Union Army was swift and draAny chance of recruiting the Regular Army matic, with the enthusiasm of Northerners in up to strength was lost when the Lincoln ad- _ the early days of the war producing numerous ministration decided to fight the war princi- enlistments in the Volunteer regiments being pally with Volunteers, whose shorter term of formed by the various states. In less than three

service, somewhat less strict discipline, and months after the firing on Fort Sumter, the the chance to serve with friends made Volun- _ size of the Union Army in the field increased teer service preferable.’ Thus, after the first twentyfold, to over 230,000 Regulars, militia,

42 Regular Army Leaders and Personnel

Table 10. Strength of the Union Army on Union Army is 2,128,948.'° Earlier estimates Selected Dates, January 1, 1861-March 31, 1865 were significantly higher, the most commonly

Bate Regulars Volunteers TOTAL accepted being that of Thomas L. Livermore, who estimated that the various calls for militia

Jan. 1, 16,422 1861 16,402 | jul. 1, 1861 170,329 186,751 16,402 and volunteersey andacai the four Aeeceiy draft calls resultJan. 1, 1862 22,425 553,492 575,917. edin the enrollment of some 2,898,304 men Mar. 31,1862 23,308 613,818 637,126 in the Union Army.” Of course, as Livermore

acetates pea ae 218,19" acknowledged, some men enlisted more than Jan. 1, 1864 24,636 836,101 860,737 oa . Jan. 1, 1865 22,019 937,441 959,460 one time, and the terms of service varied from Mar. 31,1865 21,669 958,417 980,086 afew days to the entire war. Thus the number Source: Final Report Made to the Secretary of War by the of individuals who served in the Union forcProvost Marshal General, March 17, 1866, 101. See also Kre- — €S Was something less than 2,898,304, and the

idberg and Henry, Military MMO BHON 95. The figures in number present for duty at any one time was

the “Consolidated Abstracts of Returns” (or III, vols. 1-5)

are slightly higher. For example, the aggregate strength never half that figure due to short enlistments, reported on April 30, 1865, was 1,052,038 (oR III, 4:1283) casualties, and high desertion rates.*' About 94

as opposed to 1,000,516 (Kreidberg and Henry, Military : fede oniaeierhornn

Mobilization, 95), which is usually considered the peak percent were enlisted voluntarily (bot oh strength of the Union Army during the Civil War. lars and Volunteers) and only 6 percent were raised by conscription (the draft).** Of the toand Volunteers. By the end of 1861, the Reg- __ tal, only about 67,000 men served in the Regu-

ular Army had added one cavalry regiment, lar Army between April 1861 and April 1865.” one artillery regiment, and nine infantry regiments, but during the same time the Volun- Temporary Regulars teer forces expanded from zero to 82 caval- The regiments of the Regular Army were not the ry regiments, 15 artillery regiments, and 560 _ only Federal forces to serve in the Union Army. infantry regiments, and overall strength had As the demand for manpower increased, the reached 660,971 officers and enlisted men, of | War Department created a variety of U.S. Vol-

whom only 20,334 were Regulars.'’ unteer organizations. Although not part of the After 1861, with only a slight drop at the Regular Army per se, the various U.S. Volunbeginning of 1864, overall strength increased _ teers were elements of the Federal military estabsteadily. By March 1, 1865, the Union Army to- _ lishment and were not controlled by the states. taled 965,591 officers and men, of whom 602,598 The first regiments of U.S. Volunteers were were present for duty, 132,538 were on detached _ the ist and 2d U.S. Sharpshooters, authorized service, 35,628 were present sick but unfit for in September 1861. In May 1862, the War De-

duty, 143,449 were absent in general hospitals partment authorized the 1st Regiment Indiand on sick leave at home, and 19,683 were ab- an Home Guard, composed of Native Amerisent without leave.'* The number of menun- cans. Eventually, four regiments of the Indian der arms at various times between January1, | Home Guard were authorized, but only three 1861, and March 31, 1865, is shown in table10. were organized. They served in Kansas and The number of men mobilized far exceed- in the Indian Territory. The Invalid Corps ed that of any previous conflictinthe Ameri- for wounded Union soldiers who were concas. The official Department of Defense esti- sidered fit for garrison duty or other light sermate of the number of men who servedinthe vice was established in April 1863. The Invalid

Regular Army Personnel 43

Corps was renamed the U.S. Veteran Reserve _ ties. The other temporary Regulars were more Corps in May 1864. In May 1863, the War De- — successful in helping keep the Union Army partment established the U.S. Colored Troops, strong enough to eventually succeed in win-

and by the end of the war some 178,o00 Af- ning the war. The Indian Home Guard rerican Americans, organized into 166 regi- gained and held the Indian Territory for the ments of infantry, cavalry, and artillery, had Union, the Veteran Reserve Corps provided served. The ist U.S. Volunteer Infantry reg- hospital services and guards, the U.S. Coliment, recruited from Confederate prison- _ored Troops enlisted tens of thousands of solers of war who agreed to serve inthe Union _ diers who fought gallantly, and the U.S. VolArmy, was created in April 1864. Eventually, unteers—the “Galvanized Yankees” — proved six infantry regiments of these “Galvanized _ their worth on the western plains. By the end Yankees” served on the western frontier where of 1866, all except one artillery and ten infanthey would not have to fight against former try regiments of U.S. Colored Troops on duty comrades in the Confederate Army. In August inthe South had been mustered out of Federal 1864, the War Department organized the 1st — service. In December 1867, the 124th and 125th Veteran Volunteer Engineer Regiment, which U.S. Colored Infantry were mustered out in served with the Army of the Cumberland. Fi- Kentucky, marking the end of the temporary nally, in November 1864, the War Department Regulars that made such a distinct contribuorganized veterans who volunteered to stay tion to winning the Civil War. in the Army after their enlistments expired.

The I Corps was also known as the Veteran Enlisted Personnel Volunteer Corps or “Hancock’s Corps” af- Throughout the war, the Regular Army was ter its commander, Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott at a decided disadvantage compared with the Hancock. The I Corps raised onlya few ofits Volunteers in attracting new recruits and reauthorized regiments, and none of them saw enlistments. Even the initial flush of enthuextended combat. All of the “temporary Reg- _ siasm in the first months of the war did not ulars” were mustered out of Federal service provide the number of recruits needed to

shortly after the end of the war. fill up the old Regular regiments, much less The government met with mixed success _ the larger new ones. The minimum authoin its efforts to raise U.S. Volunteer regiments. rized strength of the Regular Army more than Certainly the U.S. Sharpshooters were the most tripled (from 11,848 enlisted men on Janusuccessful, but they were a unique unit com- ary 1, 1860, to a peak of 41,158 enlisted men posed of companies raised by the states when on January 1, 1864), but the Regular Army men were flocking to the colors. Once raised consistently failed to attract the number of and organized, the companies were consol- men required. Although soldier pay was inidated into Federal regiments and lost their creased, the term of enlistment was reduced, state identities. At the other end of the spec- and various special inducements, such as entrum was the Veteran Volunteer Corps, re- _ listment bounties, were offered, enlistments cruiting for which languished due to lack of | and reenlistments remained below the numlocal support and limits on collecting boun- _ bers desired.

44 Regular Army Leaders and Personnel

ee ia ;

Recruiting Methods under Bvt. Col. Charles F. Smith of the 1oth Although the pre—Civil War Army was quite Infantry.*° Most of the recruiting continued small, Army authorities had always struggled to be done by the Regular eatny euneno et

, .uprectly. As partstrength of anand effort to recruit to the authorized ae

to stimulate enlist-

ments in the summer of 1863, the GRs was reto retain those men who did enlist. Low pay, . int Ss Sieg _ cont vived and Brig. Gen. isolated and hazardous posts, little training, Philip St. George Cooke

: was given control over all Regularserved Army repoor rations, disease, and drunkenness = . ! cruiting, and the various regimental recruitto make; us desertion a major problem. Afewim- | netoDae Kt ing organizations were subordinated him.” provements in pay and living conditions helped . = Men enlisted by thelot, ersbut for the general service ameliorate the soldier’s opening a be tires) were sent to one of two principal depots for inof new territories in the West and the conse- ioe . duction and rudimentary training: Fort Co-

quent improvement in economic opportunity . : lumbus in New York Harbor, for infantry, and for soldiers already on : the frontier (particu- , Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania, for mount-

larly the opening of the California gold fields . . ed troops. Men recruited by either the Grs or

in 1848) led to a worseningregimental of therecruiters already bad . ; for specific regiments recruitment and retention problems in the

. were sent to one of the several subdepots that years after the Mexican War. aeuring a ee Fthe also served as the headquarters the Regular fiscal year ending June 30,of1860, ;:

. : ‘fj Se ; 7

bak am y g June 3 fas Army regiment for which they had enlisted. the Army recruited 4,733 men, over one-thir ; a ee These subdepots were located at various posts of theY Army’s minimum authorized strength ee eee

: ; . east of the Mississippi River. For example, Fort

of 11,848 eaneles me: The recruiting oo Trumbull, Connecticut, served as the headods used in 1859-60 did not change aoa quarters and recruiting depot for both the 3d ly once the war began. Under the ORY Artillery and the 14th Infantry, and Newport system, the various Regular Army regimental Barracks, Kentucky, served the same functions commanders managed their own recruiting for both the 2d and 13th Infantry. efforts, and the principal method for obtaining recruits was to send out recruiting officers Recruitment, April 1861—April 1865 and NCOs, usually in the area around the reg-__ When the Civil War began, the normal term imental headquarters and home station, tore- of enlistment in the Regular Army was five

— ar specifically for their r ee de (ra- years. In July 1861, Secretary Cameron recomditional system was reformed in 1822 with the — mended that the term of enlistment be three

establishment of a General Recruiting Service years (to correspond with that of the Volun-

(crs) with depots in the major cities (New teers) and that the men receive a bounty of York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore; joined in $100 (as did the Volunteers).** Subsequently, 1823 by Boston, Providence, and Albany), but the Army Organization Act otf July 29, 1861, regimental recruiting continued alongside the provided that the term of enlistment for all crs.” The crs worked well to provide Regu- Regular Army soldiers in 1861 and 1862 should lar soldiers in the 1850s, but sank toan unim- _ be three years and then increase to five years.” portant role early in the Civil War, when it was The same Act also authorized the payment to concentrated in New York City in April 1861 men enlisting in the Regular Army after July 1;

Regular Army Personnel 45

1862, of the same $100 Federal bounty being — rescinded by the Enrollment (Draft) Act of offered to Volunteers. On August 3, 1861, Con- March 3, 1863.°**

gress abolished flogging in the Army, a not in- In the summer of 1863, a determined effort

considerable drawback to enlistment.” to increase enlistments in the Regular Army Despite some progress in making service was undertaken. The General Recruiting Serin the Regular Army more attractive, the re- _ vice was revived, and additional bonuses were sults of efforts to recruit soldiers for the Reg- offered for Regular Army enlistees. Senator ular Army in 1861 were so bad thatin Decem- Henry Wilson suggested that the sums providber 1861, Secretary Cameron wrote to President ed for reenlisting veterans or men enlisting for Lincoln: “I submit for reflection the question, long terms in the Regular Army be combined, whether the distinction between Regularsand and in June 1863, the War Department ordered Volunteers which now exists, should be per- _ that all men enlisting for five years in the Regmitted to continue. The efficiency ofthe army, ular Army within ninety days were to receive it appears to me, might be greatly increased by a combined $2 premium and $400 bounty.” a consolidation of the two during the contin- The measures taken in 1862 and 1863 to inuance of the war, which, combining both forc- crease Regular Army enlistments had some es, would constitute them one grandarmy of positive effect, but nevertheless, on January 1, the Union.”*' In fact, at one point in 1861Con- —_ 1864, the actual strength of the Regular Army gress had considered doing just that, but when _ was still only 24,636 officers and enlisted men,

the bill reached the Committee on Military against a “full” authorization of 44,500 (inAffairs, it was quickly killed, thus retaining cluding 42,096 enlisted men). Despite the best the identity of the Regulars and their contri- efforts of Army recruiters, by April 1864, the

bution to the war. 4th Infantry was reduced to four companies In December 1861, the adjutant general re- and only 329 men; the 9th Infantry to eight ported that only 7,094 men had enlistedinthe companies and only 321 men; and the 10th Innew Regular regiments authorized in July.’ fantry to four companies and only 263 men. Subsequently, anumber of measures were tried In the fall of 1864, most of the Regular regito increase enlistments. Chief among those ments in the western theater went into camp was WDGO no. 154, October 9, 1862, which in- at Lookout Mountain, and most of those in cluded inducements for Volunteers to enlistin the East were reassigned to noncombat duthe Regular Army.** The governors and adju- ties in the North. Between January 1 and Octants general of the various states vehement- __ tober 31, 1864, Regular Army enlistments inly opposed wnGo no. 154 and the other efforts cluded only 13,019 men, an actual turnover of to entice Volunteers to enlist in the Regular 50 percent.*° The following year (October 31, Army inasmuch as such efforts weakened the 1864—October 1, 1865) some 19,555 men enlistability of the states to meet their quotasand ed or reenlisted in the Regular Army.”’ Neverto maintain the strength of their regimentsin _ theless, by January 1, 1865, strength was down the field. As a result of the opposition from to 22,019 officers and enlisted men (2,617 less the states, wDGO no. 154 was suspendedinthe than January 1, 1864), and only 14,661 officers Army of the Potomac in November 1862 and and men were present for duty. On May 31,

46 Regular Army Leaders and Personnel

1865, 153 of the 448 companies authorized in was that the latter were more likely to have the Regular Army were still unorganized.** — been born abroad. Before the war, the majority of men who enlisted in the U.S. Army were

The Soldier: A Demographic Profile recent immigrants or from the urban areas Most of the men who served in the Union _ of the Eastern seaboard where economic opArmy were young. According to Long, all but portunities were less available. Many were of 1.5 percent of the enlisted men were between18 —_ [rish or German descent.** Despite the poor

and 46 years of age at the time of enlistment, conditions of service, many men regarded the

and despite the high number of aged Regu- Army asa path to a better life. The quality lar Army officers at the beginning of the war, of such recruits was never high, but most of all but 3.3 percent of the officers were in that them served loyally and effectively. For examage bracket. The Enrollment Acts of July 4, _ ple, of the 15,259 enlisted men on the rolls as 1864, and March 3, 1865, made the enlistment of December 31, 1860, only 26 left to join the of boys under the age of 16 an offense, but Confederate cause.*? Although many Regular the Adjutant General of the Army later not- Ncosand soldiers may have been born in the ed that until the passage of the two acts, boys South, or even held views similar to those of had been permitted to enlist in detachments _ the secessionists, their primary loyalty was to under instruction at each of the recruiting the Army, particularly to their regiment. One depots to be carefully trained as young sol- contributing factor may have been the high diers and musicians (drummers, fifers, and percentage of Regular Army enlisted men who buglers); they were taught common subjects were recent immigrants to the United States in the post schools and subsequently made and thus were not embroiled in the questions good soldiers, Ncos, and even officers.*" of states’ rights and slavery to the degree that Although the War Department later offi- native-born citizens may have been. cially denied that any women served as sol- The tradition of recruiting for the Regular diers, there is plenty of evidence to support Army among recent immigrants was continthe assertion that a good number of women _ ued during the Civil War. Overall, about threepassed themselves off as men and served in fourths of the more than two million men who frontline units. Both the Union and Confeder- enlisted in the Union Army were native-born ate armies prohibited the enlistment of wom- Americans. Of the ca. 500,000 men who were en, but perhaps as many as 750 women served _ foreign-born, about 175,000 were from Germain the North and 250 in the South."' Although _ ny, 150,000 from Ireland, 50,000 from England, all of the recorded incidences involve wom- —_ 50,000 from Canada and other British colonies

en serving in Volunteer units, some no doubt inthe Americas, and 75,000 from other counmade their way into the Regular Army as well. _ tries.“ Asan inducement for the enlistment of The same is true of black soldiers. Officially, foreign-born residents, the Pay Act of July 17, the Regular Army was composed entirely of 1862, provided that aliens over the age of 21 with white males, but a few black men probably — honorable service in the U.S. Army would be

“passed” as white and served. granted citizenship forthwith.” From time to The principal difference between the Vol- _ time, Union authorities also received offers of unteer recruits and the Regular Army recruits entire units to be formed abroad, and there

Regular Army Personnel 47

Table 11. Pay of Union Army Enlisted Personnel = Regular Army and the Volunteers was again

as of June 20, 1864 increased by Congress in June 1864."* The reEnlisted Grade Base Pay ($) | Sulting pay scale is shown in table 11.

ie ae Union soldiers Private in the fieldSecond were supposed Private; Engineer ; Class; Musician; Bugler 16 to be paid every two months, but often went Engineer Private First Class; Cavalry for four to eight months without being paid. Chee Bug chy Parcts OF Diackstaity Payment was in cash, but in the Act of June

Artillery Artificer 18 oe

Sergeant; Ordnance or Engineer Corporal 20 22, 1861, Congress authorized the secretary of

Quartermaster Sergeant; Commissary war to establish a system of allotments for the Sergeant; Engineer Battalion Quarter- transfer of the pay of Volunteers to their fami-

master/Commissary Sergeant; Infantry eer

or Artillery Principal Musician 0 lies."” Presumably, the same arrangements were

Hospital Steward Third Class 23 available to soldiers of the Regular Army in-

PHSh oc ecant : asmuch as Volunteers and Regulars were sup-

Hospital Steward Second Class 25 ee. h ener Infantry/Artillery Sergeant Major 26 posed to be on the same basis with respect to Hospital Steward First Class 33 pay and allowances. Until mid-1864, soldiers Ordnance or Engineer Sergeant a8 of African descent enlisted in the U.S. Col-

Engineer Battalion Sergeant Major 36 :sssol : Serer Leader of Brigade or Regimental Band 75 ored Troops received less pay than white

— diers, Regular or Volunteer. Source: Act of June 20, 1864, sec. 1 (oR IL, 4:418).

Officers

were also a number of nonresident foreigners Between the end of the Revolution and the bewho enlisted directly, including John Row- — ginning of the Civil War, the officer corps of lands, better known as Henry Morton Stan- the U.S. Army became a professional body with ley, the journalist and African explorer, who “a regular system of recruitment and professerved in both the Confederate and Union _ sional education, a well-defined area of respon-

armies and as a clerk in the Union Navy. sibility, a considerable degree of continuity in its membership, and permanent institutions to

Enlisted Pay and Allowances maintain internal cohesion and military exOne method used to improve recruitment was _ pertise.”*” Nevertheless, the pay was low and

to increase the pay and allowances for enlist- prospects for advancement were dismal uned men. When the war began in April 1861, the der asystem in which promotions were made pay ofa private in the Union Army was $11 per _ by seniority within each regiment or staff demonth plus a clothing allowance of $3.50 per partment and attrition was slow in the absence

month. One dollar of the Regular’s monthly of any retirement system. The “best” an ampay was withheld, and the accumulated sum __ bitious officer could hope for was “a bloody was paid to the soldier upon the completion war and a sickly season.” Many officers who of his enlistment.*° In August 1861, Congress would gain fame during the Civil War elected raised the pay of Army privates to $133 forthe to resign their commissions in the prewar penext three years.” In March 1863, Congress riod to seek their fortunes in business and othadjusted the rates of pay for certain gradesin er occupations. It is remarkable that so many the cavalry, and the pay of privates ofboth the competent men chose to remain in the Army

48 Regular Army Leaders and Personnel

despite the drawbacks and the opportunities 1861, resigned or were dismissed and subse-

of an expanding nation. quently joined the Confederate cause.” Of the The number of Regular officers authorized 286 officers who left after November 1, 1860, more than doubled in the first two years of 187 were West Point graduates, 99 were other the war, to a peak of 2,423 on April 1, 1863,and_ than West Point graduates, and 26 had been then declined. As with the Regular enlisted appointed from the North including 16 West men, the number of Regular officers enrolled Pointers.’ Of those who resigned or were disnever quite reached the maximum number missed, 26 took no further part in the war.” In authorized, and the number of those present fact, more Southern-born officers remained

for duty at any given time was less than the loyal to the Union than resigned and went number on the rolls. Many Regular officers South, including General in Chief Winfield resigned their commissions during the war, Scott, George H. Thomas, and John Gibbon, and a few were dismissed or cashiered. Oth- who had three brothers in the Confederate ers were retired for age, time in service, or dis- States Army (csa).°° ability, and, of course, Regular officers suf- That so many Regular officers “went South”

fered their share of death and wounds onthe at the beginning of the war is not surprisbattlefield and from disease. The present for ing. The prewar Army officer corps was domduty officer strength was further decreased by inated by Southerners, despite the fact that the number of Regular officers serving with Northerners outnumbered Southerners in all Volunteer regiments or in staff positions. The branches except the cavalry.” As of June 30, expansion of the Regular Army in July 1861 1860, 58.4 percent of the serving Regular ofinstantly created a substantial number of of- _ ficers had been appointed from free states.” ficer vacancies at various ranks, butthe more In all, there were at that time 950 officers on ambitious officers chafed underasystemthat the rolls (excluding officers of the Medical saw men of far less military training andex- Department and Military Storekeepers), of perience advance rapidly in the Volunteers. | whom 555 had been appointed from free states and 395 from slave states (including Missouri,

“Going South” Kentucky, Maryland, Delaware, and the DisFor the most part the officers of the antebel- trict of Columbia). Only in the mounted arms lum officer corps did not allow the growing did Southerners constitute a majority of the crisis to affect the conduct of military affairs, serving officers.”* but the election of 1860 and the ensuing de- Although inferior in numbers, Southernbate over secession of the Southern states fi- born officers seem to have exerted more than nally forced officers to take sides." Inthe ear- _ their fair share of influence within the antely months of the war, the officer corps of the bellum Army. Indeed, at the end of November Union Army was significantly depleted by the 1860, the four previous secretaries of war had number of Regular officers who resigned their been Southerners; all but one of the departcommissions and cast their lot with the Con- = mental commanders was a Southerner; the federacy. By most accounts, 313 Regular offi- chief of topographical engineers, the quartercers, more than one-fourth of the total num- master general, and the surgeon general were ber of officers on active duty as of January1, all Southerners; and the general in chief him-

Regular Army Personnel 49

self was a Virginian by birth. The apparent after resigning or being formally dismissed. dominance of high office by Southern-born Only one prominent serving officer, the comofficers provoked the hostility of officers from mander of the Department of Texas, Bvt. Maj. other sections of the country. One ofthe most Gen. David E. Twiggs, went over to the Convocal “Northerners” was Erasmus D. Keyes,a_ _ federacy while still on active service. On FebMassachusetts man who served as Winfield — ruary 18, 1861, Twiggs surrendered command Scott’s aide-de-camp (1837-41) and military of his Department to Texas authorities, there-

secretary (1860-61). In his memoirs, Keyes _ by blackening a distinguished career of alcomplained, “During 40 years before the re- most fifty years. Twiggs’s disloyal act was all bellion it was an axiom with the War Depart- the more lamentable in that those members ment that no officer was fit to command an __ of his command who had not already left Texarmy who was not of Southern birth.” Ina _ as became prisoners of war, and thus a sizable letter to President-elect Abraham Lincoln dat- portion of the Regular Army was lost at the ed November 26, 1860, Keyes informed Lincoln very beginning of the war.

that “the applications, conduct and prospects The substantial number of officers who of all Northern officers must pass under the “went South” at the beginning of the war revision of Southern men before they reach came as a shock to Union authorities, and the commanding general or the Secretary of | the proportion who were graduates of West War, who are both Southern men,” and that Point raised questions as to whether the Milalthough “Northern talent predominates at itary Academy itself might be responsible for the military academies...assoonastheca- the treasonous conduct of its graduates. Of dets are put in commission it isfound thatall the 1,249 graduates of West Point known to the Southern officers coalesce to assist one _ be living at the beginning of the Civil War,

another.” 89 percent served in either the Union or the Many of the officers who resigned their Confederate armies. Nearly three-quarters U.S. Army commissions to join the csA were served in the Union Army, and of the 296

highly competent soldiers, as their subsequent Academy graduates who joined the Confedperformance during the war attested. Among _ eracy, over 123 percent were born in the North the most serious losses were the adjutant gen- and over 11 percent were appointed from free eral of the Army, Col. Samuel Cooper from _ states. One authority has estimated that of New York, who became the adjutant general 350 West Point graduates from the Southern and inspector general, csa, and the recently states who were serving in the U.S. Army at appointed quartermaster general, Joseph E. _ the beginning of the war, 162 remained loyal Johnston from Virginia. In fact, the adjutant and 168 “went South.”” In July 1861, Secretary general, quartermaster general, chief of ord- of War Cameron wrote to President Lincoln: nance, commissary general, surgeon gener- “The question may be asked, in view of the al, and paymaster general of the csa wereall extraordinary treachery displayed, whether

former Regular officers. its promoting cause may not be traced to a Although a few Regular Army officersaban- radical defect in the system of education itdoned their posts without formal resignation, _ self [1.e., West Point]. A partial answer to most of those who “went South” did so only — the conundrum was provided by the Military

50 Regular Army Leaders and Personnel

Academy’s Board of Visitors in their report for Sources of Officers

1863, in which they noted that between No- Oy ce the Civil War began, finding officers vember 1860 and January 1862, some 197 grad- fy the expanded, but still quite small, Reguates of West Point had “dishonored them- J, Army was less difficult than recruiting selves and their alma mater by their shameless .nJjsted men. The principal source of Regtreason,” but that 756 graduates, including 133 yar officers was the U.S. Military Academy appointed from slave states, had maintained (usMa) at West Point, New York, and many their loyalty. They concluded, “It was not at West Point graduates and former cadets served West Point that the disloyal graduate learned 45 commissioned officers. A number of Regutreason.”*' Indeed, as William B. Skeltonhas — j,, Army commissioned officers, particularpointed out, “academy authorities labored to ly officers of the Medical Department, were dampen sectional loyalties; they banned the appointed directly from civil life, and some discussion of slavery, discouraged cadets gen- Regular officers had risen from the enlisted erally from engaging in politics, and contin- ranks. Others had resigned their commissions ually underscored the national character of before 1861, but reentered the Army once the

the military school. war began, and a few foreigners received di-

. Se rect commissions.

EXD ORIOIG REC IEP OO? The Military Academy was established in On January 1, 1861, there were 1,099 Regular — 1g92 to train officers. Reorganized by Bvt. Maj.

Army officers authorized, 1,098 on the rolls, Sylvanus Thayer in 1817, by the 1840s West Point

and only 727 present for duty. There were five was producing about forty-five graduates per general officers (including the quartermaster year. Trained primarily as engineers, the gradgeneral), 351 officers in the staffdepartments yates of West Point played a major role in the (including the signal officer), and 743 officers westward expansion and development of the in line units (351 infantry, 210 artillery, and 182 — United States. Between the Mexican War and cavalry).°° Some 684 Regular officers serving the beginning of the Civil War, about 70 perin April 1861 were graduates of West Point, al- cent of the professional officers of the U.S.

most two-thirds of the total.” Army were graduates of West Point.°* By June Save for the addition of forty-five caval- 1861, the Military Academy had graduated 1,966 ry officers in late 1861, the number of officers men, of whom 684 were serving in the Regular authorized in the infantry, artillery, and cav- Army.” In all, some 800 officers who had atalry regiments remained stable following the tended West Point served in the Union Army expansion of the Regular Army in July 1861. and 296 in the Confederate Army.” Of the 800 However, the authorized number of gener- West Point graduates who served in the Union al officers and of officers in the various staff Army, 556 served in the Regular Army, and of departments increased sporadically through- the 556, only 44 percent reached the rank of out the war: from 4 to 14 general officersand colonel or higher in either the Regular Army from 351 to 639 staff department officers. The or the Volunteers: 51 major generals, 91 brigauthorized number of Regular Army officers adier generals, and 106 colonels. The other peaked in April 1863 at 2,423 (see table 8). 308 graduates, 151 of whom were captains, re-

Regular Army Personnel 51

mained with their Regular Army units forthe Army.’ In the new uth Infantry, nineteen of duration of the war where promotion contin- _ twenty-four captains, all the lieutenants, and

ued to be based on seniority.” one major were appointed from civil life and A number of former cadets also obtained were entirely unacquainted with military afcommissions in both the Regular Army and _ fairs, and the newly appointed colonel of the the Volunteers. In 1860 there were twenty-sev- 18th Infantry, Henry B. Carrington, was so en former cadets serving as commissioned of- “unmilitary” that General Scott threatened ficers, most of them in higher rank than their — ¢ prosecute him for impersonating an officer. former classmates.” The Army Organization After the War of 1812 there had been efforts Act of August 3, 1861, made it practically impos- tg create a more “democratic” officer corps by sible for such ex-cadets to be commissionedin — Joaven ing the input of West Point graduates

HeAriny DElOre Tein IOTIMer Classniates Ul, ih Ge ta Ae rennet ta by comless they were recommended by the Academ- missioning officers from the ranks. Beginning ic Board of the Military Academy, an unlike- j, 1837 experiments were undertaken to com73

ly occurrence. . mission a few enlisted men of the Army. In

Many of the senior officers of the Army iain at ; ; een 5 5 ad : | ; ee ed for the promotion of qualified appointed directly InNcos factto of“PP ’ ficer rank, and bytrom 1860civil therelife, were thirty-one all four of the; |Regular Army general ofSuch fe former enlisted men serving officers as officers.” ; ae TR Congress enacted serving atEne the 1847 beginning of the Civillegislation War hacthat . i provid-

the line on duty on April 12, 1861 (Scott, Wool, oe ane aaa appointments were said to “spoil a fine soldier Harney, and had been so appoint’ ee the ee saat 7 . oSumner), make a bad officer,” but among Regu-

ed. All of the officers of the Medical Depart- S 6 aera lar Ncos and privates were many who could ment civil life,officers.” and such , : éwere haveappointed and didfrom make good

appointments' were uncommon in other ve a Fe, t wasnot the intention of War Department austaff departments or in the line. When the 8th ne tne ; ; raised thoritiesin to 1838, reserve its the entire originalofficer vacancies for Infantry was . ‘ :; (aaa eatswas 2d lieutenants in thecivil newlife, Regular regiments complement appointed from and mae . many of the officers appointed to fill vacan- created in 1861 to “the most deserving among cies in the four new regiments created in 1855 the non-commissioned officers of the new regwere also drawn directly from civil pursuits. ular regiments’ in order to “secure the serThe loss of capable Regular officers to the vices of brave, intelligent, and energetic offi-

Confederacy made it necessary to advance €! by appointing only those who had fully the graduation of the West Point class of 1861, proved themselves to be such, after a fair com-

commission some men from the ranks, and _ Petition with all who chose to enter the lists liberally appoint officers from civil life. The against them—and to give to the young men haste in which commissions from civil life of the country — those especially who were were granted virtually ensured that inexpe- poor, unknown, and without any social or porienced and even incompetent men would be __ litical influence —an equal opportunity with commissioned. It was suggested that Secretary the most favored.”’” With respect to the apCameron made strenuous efforts to “put the pointment of officers for the new Regular regwhole State of Pennsylvania in the Regular iments, Secretary of War Cameron reported:

52 Regular Army Leaders and Personnel

After the fullest consideration it was deter- and additional aide-de-camp in the Army of mined, under the advice of the General-in- the Potomac from September 24, 1861, until Chief, to appoint one-half of them from the July 15, 1862.°°

Regular Army and the other half from civil life. Of the civilians appointed as regimental com- Appointment in the Volunteers manders, all except one are either graduates of | For the most part, Regular officers remained West Point or have before served with distinc- with their units in the early months of the war, tion in the field, and of the lieutenant-colonels, | thereby depriving the many Volunteer organi-

majors, captains, and first lieutenants, alarge zations then forming of much needed military proportion have been taken from the Regular experience and expertise. On April 30, 1861, Army and the volunteers now inservice, while the assistant adjutant general informed Maj. the second lieutenants have been mainly creat- Gen. Robert Patterson, commanding at Philaed by the promotion of meritorious sergeants delphia, that the secretary of war had decided

from the regular service.” (upon the advice of the general in chief) that os no Regular officers could be spared to serve Epona nb onami se urce CUOme nar with the Volunteers being raised by the vari-

both the Regular Army and theous Volunteers was Nene “capes states.*' Given that policy, Regular officers

found among those graduates of the Military sey who wished to accept a Volunteer commission Academy and appointees from civil life who : . . ee were obliged to resign their commission, an had formerly held commissions in the Regu- ere earths inn= 3Kitas

e ape . ; o o

. . unpalatable choice, since no one knew how

lar Army but had resigned tnem in the years long the war would last or whether they would before the war began. Significant numbers of be able to regain their Regular commission

such former officers rushed to offer their ser- Siena eae ger.

vices, but the War Department had no poli- The appointment of Volunteer officers cy or procedures in place for their reappoint- ag highly political. Governors appointed ment. In 1861 there were ca. 900 graduates of ¢ 4jq grade officers, and company grade ofWest Point in civil life, and of those, 114 re- ficers were often elected by heaeinen: Many turned to the Union Army, including some of of those men appointed early on as officers of the Union Army's most illustrious Civil War volunteers were inexperienced and incompegenerals such as Ulysses S. Grant, George B. tent and had to be dismissed. As Shannon has McClellan, Henry W. Halleck, and William — yoted, “Captains or lieutenants of regulars of-

T. Sherman.” ten were better trained than brigadier-genA considerable number of foreign offi- — erals of the volunteers.”*? Despite the general cers sought positions on the staffs of Union prohibition against it, a very small number of Army commanders, and a small number of Regular officers did obtain leave to take Volrelatively high-ranking foreigners were com- —_ unteer commissions, and several experienced missioned in the Regular Army for short pe- former Regular officers, some of whom were

riods. Two of the most famous were Lou- graduates of West Point and veterans of the is Philippe d’Orléans, the comte de Paris, Mexican War, were appointed to staff posiand his brother, Robert d'Orléans, the duc _ tions and as brigadier generals of Volunteers de Chartres, both of whom served as captain (for example, Ulysses S. Grant) and served to

Regular Army Personnel 53

improve the level of expertise in the Volun- Committee of the United States Sanitary Com-

teer units to some degree.*” mission told President Lincoln as early as July The Battle of Bull Run (First Manassas) in 1862: “If we have learned anything, it has been July 1861 demonstrated the need for experi- _ that it was a mistake to keep the Regular Army

enced Regular officers to lead the Volunteer andthe Voluntary Army separate. ... Our litregiments, and on July 29, 1861, Congress au- _ tle Regular Army, diffused among the volun-

thorized the general in chief to detail Regu- teers of last year, would within three months lar officers to new Volunteer organizations have brought them up to its own standard of at his discretion “forthe purpose ofimpart- discipline and efficiency.”**

ing to them military instruction and effi- | ciency.’** However, General Scott and Sec- Retirement retary Cameron remained opposed to such One of the striking characteristics of the preuse of Regular officers, as was the adjutant war Regular Army officer corps was the numgeneral, so the existing policy continued. The _ ber of superannuated senior officers. There few Regular officers who had succeeded in were no provisions for the retirement of offiobtaining leave to accept command of Vol- cers, andas the normal method of Regular ofunteer regiments and brigades were ordered _ ficer promotion was by seniority within each to return to their Regular Army regiments regiment or staff department, senility and high where they subsequently served in often-mi- rank were almost synonymous throughout the

nor capacities.” Army and especially in the staff departments. Nevertheless, the pressure to utilize serving This generally meant long waits for promoRegular officers in the Volunteer forces contin- tion to each grade inasmuch as vacancies were ued to build. The commander of the Army of _ created only by death, resignation, or transfer. the Potomac, Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan, Thus decrepit colonels and lieutenant colonels, for one, wanted Regulars to command his di- aged majors, elderly captains, and grey-beardvisions, brigades, and regiments. The replace- ed lieutenants were not uncommon. In April ment of Cameron by Stanton as secretary of 1861, two of the four line generals, including

war and the retirement of General Scottand the general in chief, had held their rank since the appointment of Maj. Gen. Halleckas gen- 1841. The commissary general of subsistence eral in chief, along with the support of Presi- had held his position since 1818; the chief of dent Lincoln, finally ended the old policy,and engineers and the chief of topographical enRegular officers were permitted thereafter to gineers had been in office since 1838 and 1834, accept Volunteer commissions, usually at sig- _ respectively; and 11 of 199 colonels, including

nificantly higher rank. Colonel Whistler of the 4th Infantry, who had Once the war was over, most of those Reg- been commissioned as a 2d lieutenant in 1801, ular officers who had taken Volunteer com- were veterans of the War of 1812.*”

missions reverted to their Regular rank, and The expansion of the Regular Army in July many a major general of Volunteers became 1861 and subsequent battlefield losses opened once more a captain of infantry inthe Regu- vacancies in the Regular Army and accelerlar Army. In retrospect, the policy of prohibit- ated promotions, but the prospects for ading Regular officers from accepting Volunteer vancement of Regular officers were significommissions was a mistake, as the Executive cantly enhanced by the passage of the Army

54 Regular Army Leaders and Personnel

Table 12. Officer Pay, Allowances, and Emoluments, September 1861

Base Pay/ Rations/Day Horses (Forage Servants Total Rank Month (Commutation) Allowance) (Commutation) Monthly Pay

Lieutenant General $270.00 40 ($360) -/($50) 4 ($98.00) $778.00

Major General $220.00 15 ($135) 3 ($24) 4 ($98.00) $477.00 Brigadier General $124.00 12 ($108) 3 ($24) 3 ($73.50) $329.50 Colonel $110.00 6 ($54) 3 ($24) 2 ($49.00) $237.00 Lieutenant Colonel $95.00 5 ($45) 3 ($24) 2 ($49.00) $213.00

Major $80.00 4 ($36) 3 ($24) 2 ($49.00) $189.00 Captain $70.00 4 ($36) 1 ($8) 1 ($24.50) $138.50 Ist Lieutenant $53.33 4 ($36) 1 ($8) 1 ($24.50) $121.83 2d Lieutenant $53.33 4 ($36) 1 ($8) 1 ($24.50) $121.83

Note: Officer base pay remained the same through January 1865, although the allowances changed slightly. See Army Register for 1865, 108-12. In a process known as commutation, officers often received a cash payment in lieu of actual rations or assigned servants. Officers were required to reimburse the government for the pay and allowances of soldiers utilized as servants, per the Pay Act of July 17, 1862, sec. 3 (or IIT, 2:277). Base pay for a 2d lieutenant in the U.S, Army in 1964 Was $223.60 per month; in 2007 it was $2,097.00 per month.

Organization Act of August 3, 1861, which es- such duties as the President may deem them tablished a system for the retirement of com- capable of performing, and such as the eximissioned officers of the Army and Marine _ gencies of the public service may require.””° Corps who, “having served as such for for- Subsequently, the Pension Act of July 14, 1862, ty consecutive years, may upon own appli- _ clarified the pensions due officers, enlisted

cation to President be placed on the list of men, clerks, and others of the Army, Navy, retired officers with pay and emoluments al- and Marine Corps, and the Pay Act of July lowed by this act.”** The Act also provided for 17, 1862, provided for the retirement of offithe retirement for disability of officers deter- cers with forty-five years of service or at age mined by a board of officers to be incapable 62 and authorized the president to assign to of performing their duties. Ifthe board deter- appropriate duty any retired officer, such ofmined that the disability was incurred asare- _ ficers to receive the full pay and emoluments sult of “long and faithful service, wounds, etc. of their rank while so assigned.”' in line of duty,” the retired officer was to receive pay and allowances as prescribed by the Officer Pay and Allowances

Act, and, if not, “with his proper pay alone, Officers were authorized to receive base pay or his service rations alone, or with one year’s as well as a certain number of rations per day, pay and allowances as the President may de- forage for a certain number of horses, and a cide.”*’ Retired officers were entitled to wear fixed number of servants based on rank, or the uniform of their rank and continue tobe cash in lieu thereof (commutation). Regular listed in the Army or Navy Register and were and Volunteer officers received the same pay also subject to the Articles of Warand trial by and allowances. The basic pay scales as of Sepcourt-martial. Section 25 of the Act provid- _ tember 1861 are shown in table 12.

ed that retired officers might be assigned “to There were minor differences in officer pay

Regular Army Personnel 55

and allowances depending upon the staffde- travel but not provided with official transporpartment or arm of service to which they be- _ tation were authorized reimbursement at the longed and their actual duty assignment. For _ rate of not more than $.06 per mile unless the example, officers of the Infantry and Artil- _ travel involved crossing the Rocky Mountains, lery received slightly less monthly pay than in which case the rate was $.10 per mile.”° The officers of the Cavalry and staff departments. commutation price of officers’ subsistence was Company commanders, unit staff officers (ad- raised in March 1865 to $.50 per ration for the jutants, quartermasters, and commissaries), duration of the war, and officers serving in the and aides-de-camp to general officers received field were authorized to purchase rations for additional base pay. The surgeon generaland their own use on credit from any Commispaymaster general received annual salaries of sary of Subsistence at cost prices, the cost to be $2,740 rather than monthly pay. The Pay Act deducted from their following month’s pay.” of July 17, 1862, authorized the appointment of chaplains and established their pay at $100 General Officers

per month plus two rations and forage forone When the Civil War began, the U.S. Army horse.’ The salary of military storekeepers of had only five general officers: the general in the Quartermaster and Medical Departments — chief (Bvt. Lt. Gen. Winfield Scott); the quar-

and those of the Ordnance Department in _ termaster general (Brig. Gen. Joseph E. Johnspecified assignments was $1,490 per year.” ston); and three brigadier generals of the line Other ordnance military storekeepers received (John E. Wool, William S. Harney, and Ed-

$1,040 per year. win V. Sumner). Finding competent officers Officers absent from their duties more than for the higher grades was a problem. Of the six months, whether with or without leave, five serving on April 12, 1861, only Scott and were not entitled to the allowances authorized © Woolhad commanded as much as a brigade. by law “for servants, forage, transportation of | The overall expansion of the Union Army rebaggage, fuel, or quarters, in kindorbycom- quired a much larger number of senior leadmutation.””' The Pay Act of June 20, 1864, au- ers, nearly all of whom gained the necessary thorized each officer thirty days of leave per experience on the battlefield. By the war’s end, year without loss of pay or allowances.” Of- some forty men had served as Regular Army ficers on leave of absence for more than thir- generals, as shown in table 133. A much greater ty days in one year were placed on half pay number served as general officers in the Vol-

and allowances. unteer forces. In all, 583 men held substantive Both officers and enlisted men were enti- general officer rank in the Union Army, and tled to cash reimbursement for official trav- another 1,367 received brevets to general ofel and cash commutation for rations when _ ficer rank, many of them in 1865 as a reward not received in kind. Normally, transporta- for their services.”* tion was provided by the Quartermaster’s De- Of the forty Regular Army general officers partment and rations were issued by the Sub- __ listed in table 13, twenty-eight were graduates

sistence Department according to established of the Military Academy, ranging from the scales, but the Pay Act of July 17, 1862, provid- Class of 1805 (Brig. Gen. Joseph G. Totten) to ed that officers ordered to undertake official the Class of 1854 (Brig. Gen. Oliver O. How-

56 Regular Army Leaders and Personnel

Table 13. General Officers of the U.S. Regular Army Serving between January 1, 1861, and June 30, 1865

Officer Appointment Notes Lieutenant General

Ulysses S. Grant March 2, 1864 USMA 1843; major general, Jul. 4, 1863; general in chief from Mar. 9, 1864

Major General

Winfield Scott June 25, 1841 Brevet lieutenant general; general in chief, Jul. 4, 1841—Nov. 1, 1861; retired Nov. 1, 1861

George B. McClellan May 14, 1861 USMA 1846; general in chief, Nov. 1, 1861—Mar. 11, 1862; resigned Nov. 8, 1864

John C. Frémont May 14, 1861 Resigned Jun. 4, 1864 Henry W. Halleck August 19, 1861] USMA 1839; general in chief, Jul. 23, 1862—Mar. 9, 1864

John E. Wool May 16, 1862 Brigadier general, Jun. 25, 1841; retired Aug. 1, 1863 William T. Sherman August 12, 1864 USMA 1840; brigadier general, Jul. 4, 1863 George G. Meade August 18, 1864 UsMA 1835; brigadier general, Jul. 3, 1863 Philip H. Sheridan November 8, 1864 USMA 1853; brigadier general, Sep. 20, 1864 George H. Thomas December 15,1864 —usMa 1840; brigadier general, Oct. 27, 1863 Brigadier General

David E. Twiggs June 30, 1846 Dismissed Mar. 1, 1861; csa William S. Harney June 14, 1858 Retired Aug. 1, 1863 Joseph E. Johnston June 28, 1860 USMA 1829; quartermaster general; resigned Apr. 22, 1861; csa

Edwin V. Sumner March 16, 1861 Died Mar. 21, 1863 Joseph K. EF. Mansfield May 6, 1861 USMA 1822; died of wounds received at Antietam, Sep. 18, 1862

Irvin McDowell May 14, 1861 USMA 1838 Robert Anderson May 15, 1861 USMA 1825; retired Oct. 27, 1863 Montgomery C. Meigs May 15, 1861 USMA 1836; quartermaster general

William S. Rosecrans May 16, 1861 USMA 1842 Lorenzo Thomas August 3, 1861 USMA 1823; adjutant general James W. Ripley August 3, 1861 usMA 1814; chief of ordnance; retired Sep. 15, 1863 Phillip St. George Cooke November 12,1861 — usMa 1827

William A. Hammond April 25, 1862 Surgeon general; dismissed Aug. 18, 1864

John Pope July 14, 1862 usMA 1842 Joseph Hooker September 20,1862 usmMa 1837

Joseph P. Taylor February 9, 1863 Commissary general of subsistence; died Jun. 29, 1864 Joseph G, Totten March 3, 1863 USMA 1805; chief of engineers; died Apr. 22, 1864 James B. McPherson August 1, 1863 USMA 1853; KIA near Atlanta, Jul. 22, 1864 George D. Ramsay September 15,1863 usMA 1820; chief of ordnance; retired Sep. 12, 1864

James B. Fry April 21, 1864 USMA 1847; provost marshal general Richard Delafield April 22, 1864 USMA 1818; chief of engineers Joseph Holt June 22, 1864 Secretary of war, Jan. 18—Mar. 5, 1861; judge advocate general Amos B, Eaton June 29,1864 USMA 1826; commissary general of subsistence Winfield S. Hancock August 12, 1864 uUsMA 1844

Joseph K. Barnes August 22, 1864 Surgeon general Alexander B. Dyer September 12,1864 usMma 1837; chief of ordnance

John M. Schofield November 30, 1864 usma 1853 Oliver O. Howard December 21,1864 —usMa 1854 Alfred H. Terry January 15, 1865 Major general of Volunteers at time of appointment

John A. Rawlins March 3, 1865 Chief of staff to Grant Source: Heitman, Historical Register, 119-27. Rank shown is highest achieved during the war. Brevet and Volunteer appointments are not shown. Unless otherwise indicated, the officer named served beyond June 30, 1865. See also Army Register for 1865.

ard).”’ Twelve had been commissioned directly — erals (ten in the line and eight in the staff defrom civil life. Generals Grant, McClellan, Fré- partments). mont, Halleck, Meade, and Sherman had all re-

signed at some point before the Civil War and Losses of Personnel

were then reappointed in the Regular Army. During the course of the war, the effective Four of those listed served as generalin chief strength of the Regular Army, never large, was (Scott, McClellan, Halleck, and Grant), and constantly eroded by temporary absences, both one, Joseph Holt, the judge advocate general, authorized and unauthorized, and by permahad served as secretary of warinthe Buchan- nent losses due to desertion; the resignation, an administration immediately before the war. retirement, and dismissal of commissioned Three (McClellan, Frémont, and Johnston) re- _ officers; disability and other discharges; and signed, and six (Scott, Wool, Harney, Ander- _ battle casualties, including those killed, morson, Ripley, and Ramsay) retired during the _ tally wounded, taken prisoner, and missing. war. Two were dismissed (Twiggs and Ham- Given the difficulties of recruiting for the Regmond). Three died on active duty from natu- —_ulars, such losses meant that after the first two ral causes (Sumner, Taylor, and Totten), and years of the war, most of the Regular infantwo were killed or died of wounds (McPher- _ try and cavalry regiments were so depleted son and Mansfield). Two served in the Con- _ that they had to be withdrawn from combat. federate States Army after being dismissed

(Twiggs) or resigning (Johnston). Non-Battle Losses In the early months of the war, Congress Among Regular officers and enlisted men, authorized the president to appoint additional non-battle losses exceeded battle casualties brigadier generals and major generals of Volun- bya factor of 10 to 1. Table 14 provides a sumteers to lead the greatly expanded Union Army, mary of non-battle losses of officers and enbut it was not until late July 1861 that the num- listed men of the Regular Army and Volunber of Regular Army general officers was in- _ teer forces from 1861 to 1865. creased. On July 29, 1861, Congress added four Absenteeism was a major problem for both

major generals and six brigadier generals tothe sides. Absences, both authorized and unauone major general and four brigadier generals _ thorized, seriously reduced the number of ofalready authorized for the Regular Army.'"’ _ ficers and men available for duty at any given Accordingly, there were appointed before Sep- time, and the problem was particularly vextember 1, 1861, three new Regular Army major _ ing early in the war before effective measures

generals (McClellan, Frémont, and Halleck, were taken to reduce the number of such aball former Regular officers) and six new Reg- _ sences. In his annual report for 1862, the genular Army brigadier generals (Mansfield, Mc- _ eral in chief, Maj. Gen. Henry W. Halleck, deDowell, Anderson [the defender of FortSum- cried absenteeism as “one of the most serious ter], Meigs [quartermaster general], Rosecrans, evils in all our armies,” and the regulations reand Thomas [adjutant general]).'"' Bytheend garding approved absences were subsequentof the war, there were serving in the Regu- __ ly tightened.'”

lar Army one lieutenant general (Grant), five Absence without leave was a nuisance, but major generals, and eighteen brigadier gen- desertion was a major problem. Some 199,045

58 Regular Army Leaders and Personnel

Union soldiers (216 officers and 198,829 en- of reducing the number of men available for listed men) deserted, of whom only 75,909 duty at any given time. In August 1862, Surwere arrested by the Provost Marshal Gener- geon General William A. Hammond reportal’s Bureau and returned to duty.'’ Of the to- | ed the number of sick and wounded soldiers tal, 5 officers and 16,360 enlisted men desert- _1n hospital as being 28,383, but by November ed. They represented 56 percent of the total 1862, this had risen to around 90,000.'"’ The Regular Army losses from all causes.!°4 While number continued to rise with each great batthe desertion rate for white Volunteers inthe _ tle. At the end of June 1863, nearly 13.5 percent Union Army was 62.51 desertions per 1,000 0f the mean strength of the Army was hospi+ 108 men enrolled, and for colored troops the rate talized. was 67 per 1,000, it was highest, indeed almost Disease and wounds, even if not fatal, offour times as high, among Regular Army sol- made the soldier unfit for further military diers: 244.25 desertions per 1,000 men enrolled service. Some 285,545 Union enlisted men were

The Provost Marshal General attributed this “!8charged for disability. Of the total, 6,541

LeCrutts. ¢ f

to the “inferior character” of Regular Army ““"* Regular Army soldiers, 269,197 were white

ore Volunteers, and 9,807 were colored troops.'”” The rate of dischar ‘disability amon -

Men deserted for any number of reasons, inmarci anesoldiers - Be Obwas disability anionsanc — ular Army 75. er 1,000,

cluding fear of dying or being wounded in com- } dt

, | among theofVolunteers it for wascrimes 78.81 or perae1,000.'"° bat, boredom, fear punishment cee oe ; Mi wey The most common reasons for disability dis-

other infractions of military discipline, home-

. : charges white troops were consumpsickness, andamong the desire to reenlist underanee . tion, diarrhea and dysentery, debility, rheu-

other name in order to collect the bounties be- aa matism, and heart disease. ing offered. The provost marshal general cited

three special causes of desertion: (1) thelarge Deaths from Disease and Battle

number of volunteers who did not understand be oe ; i.severity ; ae ofAfter more than 140 eayears, there is still no dethe desertion and were of indepen-

¢>2;

. ; a - a : finitive statement of the total number of deaths

at aca al ta a o eis port; (2) the from disease, battle wounds, and other causes

pues OLE BOuMes: which encouraged on either side in the Civil War. Various official and facilitated desertion; and (3) the lack of agencies and scholars have proposed a numadequate means to apprehend desertersinthe 4, ofestimat be nadresianeconunlete be early part of the war. In his opinion: "Lives sac-__ ,,4de based on new and presumably more acrificed, battles lost, and war prolonged, incon- — cyrate data. One estimate is shown in table 1s.

sequence of the depletion of the ranks of the — The official] Department of Defense/Veterans

armies by desertion, were the natural fruits Administration estimate of Union Army caof the want of rigor in dealing with this evil sualties is somewhat different: 138,154 killed in the early stages of the war. Undue mercy to jn action (Kia) and died of wounds (pow), deserters was in reality harsh cruelty to those 32,374 other deaths, and 280,401 wounded out

who remained true to their flag.”'”° of 2,128,948 who served.!! Temporary absence due to sickness or bat- The Civil War soldier was more likely to die tle wounds was, of course, the principal cause _ of disease than to be killed in action or die of

Regular Army Personnel 59

2 F y cia—_ ree: a) a CS le) > ao) E= 3 No m 5 E lad = . al = oO a qt > vv q ° c~ ~ 2 wn a— q = v .y) a= © g > fam= Pon S a a) ~ ~ are rs aR, iE 2 5 ee ss % § = © o oe) = v ey v 4& S3en aCc ~7aeeo a |-— eo 1 i=%y _ wo < =aSN Oo cj fw are = uO ss TH DON 4 AN -* MNONhK an DN

sepals rm Nose 4 oO ae ~ a) ore) N wn ct fo ‘o) = 6 4 | Ve ey we 4 par eS Se uw) nm NN a — "S oOo Wl =

= Na co co cot No =| Q =3)ma oS of ofoo >> Sor tSH3UO uo — “I ~N tn nO,- =: =H 0 co INrm own io) cy CO ~N===|~ fe)

= ry ped Ss ne SsN ° co .eewe Smna 3oe) —ae©WS ceon oS>0) na

'@ x > Ln 0 0 4 os as) © 8) D D S + OMS Sa) S O rf = = S coy o s 2 oA as er, hee a) +) o coo Co 2 = ATA S o + Im oO ON N = ee oe a — + moO xO ; ia! v > S A aS ae g =:

— e Cl = rend ao SSC 4a FTW. —4 Oo Ba pa a Nas oe on Cc © 3 oF Von Al ¢ Oo + = vrae — oun ~N a =, ee = — | | > hy in = oa) t+ Ln Ps S S Ee? oe 07 re 3 — Ss FIT ++ aAOON Coe ceo aBa So EZ) § mnmAonn ne Oo 4 ra) oO a) Pl ay at o —_ — = N Nd GS ma 2 ee [tay 2 3 le a] § S/S] 6: O

"reaeS|= a= —™ oO. Se NoHrocdcuwHsdca — r~Sca 3PaOG zo

Nad io)& AN“I tHfon 0— FIN IN CS Cun wi & =v 5 os ve) = a a, aOC te > — = oo Cm si12s ss 5 f= > S2 Gl, Se eel oy

wae ray o. — at sat wDOMm OO x SS a ~ 4s _= — — © C) a—_— ry a ee Sy 5fom)4oa Ee 6 eel L . == Ne 3s UC Le a — onnNnes 7” P=sb ae =) ©=)a mon — fon] = 7)om t+5~i4t oNN A — = ae

4 4 ee = ge Se iewo = ; =e S osv=), there were still only twen- 4. One Chief cs (Lt. Col.) for each Army

ty-nine Regular officers authorizedin the sp. orps; and

The twelveeee Regular Army subsistence offi- tas 5. One cs (Maj.) for each division of two or

; ; more brigades."

cers on duty in April 1861 were assigned to the oces in Washington, to one of the subsistence

depots or purchasing offices, or to the staff of The minor increase in the number of Reguone of the military departments. Subsequent- lar officers by no means met the Army’s overly, the number of positions requiring the as- all requirements, and it was still necessary to signment ofa cs increased dramatically asthe augment the department’s Regular establishRegular Army was expanded anda large Vol- ment by the appointment of numerous Volununteer army was called into existence. In July _ teer officers and officers detailed from the line 1861, Congress authorized the assignment to _ to fill cs positions in the Volunteer regiments each brigade of one captain as cs."" A year lat- and the brigades, corps, and field armies." As er, Congress authorized the president to es- _ of April 30, 1865, there were on duty 535 comtablish army corps at his discretion and pro- _missaries of subsistence of Volunteers (cs of vided that each corps should have acs with — Vols.), bringing the total of officer complement

the rank of lieutenant colonel.” of the sp, Regular and Volunteer, to 564.'° In To help fill the requirements for subsistence all, some 777 men were appointed as cs of Vols. officers created by the expansion ofthe Army, during the war, of whom fifteen were still on the Regular establishment of the sp was in- active duty as late as October 1866.” creased on August 3, 1861, by twelve officers: Strictly speaking there were no enlisted perfour cs with the rank of major and eight cs — sonnel in the sp. The noncommissioned offiwith the rank of captain.'* The organization — cers (Ncos) who served as regimental and com-

of the sp was further strengthened and the pany commissary sergeants in both Regular number of Regular officers increased in Feb- and Volunteer regiments were carried on the ruary 1863, when Congress passed legislation rolls of their respective regiments, not on the

Subsistence Department 11

rolls of the sp. In the Army Organization Act _ particularly flour, were procured as close to of July 29, 1861, Congress increased the sizeof _ the troops as possible. Most of the fresh bread

the Regular Army and provided that each of | and hardtack were supplied from bakeries in the new infantry and cavalry battalions should = New York, Baltimore, and St. Louis, but the have a battalion commissary sergeant, and spb also established large bakeries in Cincineach of the new artillery regiments should have nati, Louisville, Jeffersonville (Indiana), and a regimental commissary sergeant.'* Thus after Alexandria (Virginia), and there was a large mid-1861, there were carried on the regimen- Pork packing operation in Louisville.” Beef tal strength of the Regular Army seven regi- | WaS a major item of the ration, and beef catmental commissary sergeants, thirty battal- tle were contracted for delivery at specified ion commissary sergeants, and seventy-two Points. Major cattle depots were established

company commissary sergeants. in Washington (at Giesboro, on the grounds of The sp was also authorized to employ anum- the still-unfinished Washington Monument), ber of civilian clerks and laborers, the number Alexandria, and Louisville.” The latter depot of whom was increased from time to time dur-_ ada capacity of some 30,000—40,000 head.

ing the war. For example, on February 25, 1863, Purchasing commissaries placed contracts Congress passed legislation authorizing in the for the delivery of subsistence to specified losp twelve (additional) clerks and one (addition- cations, and depot commissaries, assisted by al) laborer at a salary of $600 per year.” The a staff of clerks and laborers, received in bulk number authorized as of October 1866 was six- ane REPACKEC OF SPRICIL ~ none: ee

ty-three, of whom forty were actually on hand.” eet Se subsistence purchased on contract was higher

Operations and Issues than it should have been. For example, in OcSubsistence Operations, 1861-65 tober 1861, Assistant Secretary of War Thomas A. Scott wrote to Commissary General ‘Taylor The field organization and procedures of the — about the “very exorbitant rates” being paid

Subsistence Department were well established by the Department for subsistence of troops and tested long before the Civil War began. jy the West. According to Scott, the sp was The onset of war in April 1861 required only paying 45—50 cents per man per day when it the expansion of the existing system andthe .hould have been paying only 14-20 cents per development of some new methods for dealing yan per day.” Prices subsequently stabilized with large and highly mobile forces in the field at more nearly normal levels. in multiple theaters of operations. Generally, Subsistence officers worked closely with offiofficers of the sp purchased the components cers of the amp, who were responsible for most of the Army ration by low-bid contractin the — storage operations and for the movement of all major cities and producing areas. During the supplies by water, rail, and wagon. A good prowar, the principal subsistence depots and pur- _ portion of the materiel moved by the mp durchasing offices were located in Boston, New _ ing the war was subsistence. For example, in the York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, _ port of New York alone, the amp shipped some Cincinnati, Louisville, Chicago, St. Louis,and 7,000 packages per day of subsistence stores in San Francisco.?! Whenever possible, supplies, 1863 and some 6,727 packages per day in 1864.”°

112 The Staff Departments

In the course of the war, the sp developed _ bread and other food was retained for issue to a highly effective system of base, advanced, “those people, both white and colored, who by and temporary depots and mobile beefherds the events of the war have been reduced to a to support the Union Army in the field. Army, — suffering condition.”” Other subsistence supcorps, division, and brigade cs consolidated _ plies were transferred to locations where they and forwarded requisitions for rations and were needed, and surplus and damaged stores planned and supervised operations in sup- were sold to the public “at satisfactory prices,” port of the troops. Commissary officers and leaving sufficient stocks for any emergency.”*

sergeants at unit (regimental, battalion, and Some measure of the work of the sp durcompany) level requisitioned rations based on __ ing the war is indicated by the amounts and unit strength reports and organized the pickup __ variety of the subsistence items supplied and of ration items by the unit trains at the nearest the disbursements associated with the purrailhead or subsistence depot and their deliv- _ chase of those items. Table 22 shows the purery to forward locations where they were is- chases of subsistence items. The overall dissued to the troops. Beef cattle were slaugh- bursements of the sp are shown in table 23. tered by butchers at brigade level, usually at night, and cooked before being issued for use The Army Ration

the next day. U.S. troops were generally well fed throughout The Peninsula campaign of 1862 wassome- _ the Civil War. There were exceptions, particuthing of ashakedown cruise forthe spin man- __ larly when the troops outran their wagon trains aging the procurement and distribution of ra- or when they were cut off from their base of tions fora large army on the move in anactive supply, as in the case of the Union troops uncampaign. There were some unresolved prob- der Maj. Gen. William S. Rosecrans, besieged lems and inadequacies in the support provided, in Chattanooga after the battle of Chickamaubut on the whole the sp acquitted itself wellin gain September 1863.” Often such situations its first major field operation of the war. Sub- were the result of inadequate planning, poor

sistence officers learned to anticipate prob- execution, or interference with supply movelems and react quickly to changing tactical ments on the part of some tactical commandand strategic situations and developed pro- er rather than a fault of the sp, which was, on cedures that would be used in future cam- the whole, very successful in providing the paigns. As Secretary Stanton noted, “Itisbe- rations when and where needed. lieved that at every point the troops have been In July 1861, Secretary Cameron wrote to supplied with abundance of good wholesome President Lincoln stressing the importance of food, and that ifin movements of ourarmiesa _ proper quantities and quality of rations for the temporary want has been felt, ithasnotbeen troops and suggesting that Congress be asked due to any cause over which the officers of — to grant the sp greater authority regarding the the [Subsistence] department had control.”*° _ purchase and issue of rations. Cameron notThe end of the war in April 1865 andthe sub- ed that “a just regard to health imposes upon sequent mustering out of the enormous Union — the Government the duty of furnishing sound,

Army left on hand in various depots excess healthful, and palatable food,” and recomquantities of subsistence. A quantity of hard mended that more vegetables and fresh meat

Subsistence Department 113

Table 22. Consolidated Report of Subsistence Purchases, 1861-1865

Item Unit Quantity Cost

Pork barrels 1,559,864 $35,976,931.83 Hams pounds 15,411,776 2,070,158.50

Bacon pounds 223,/11,399 23,920,996.04

Sheep pounds 5,922.92 Sheep, Live each33,936 16,474 143,040.46

Beef Cattle, Live each 322,581 25,885,627.60 Fresh Beef pounds 106,622,816 8,029,626.53

Salt Beef barrels 613,870 9,560,028.80

Pickled Fish pounds 9,279,783 669,539.83 Dried Fish pounds 10,441,744 765,347.23 Flour barrels 4,080,300 32,059,651.55 Soft Bread pounds 8,710,957 328,817.91 Hard Bread pounds 304,133,752 28,365,301.64 Corn Meal pounds 47,307,289 1,420,291.27 Beans pounds 108,525,182 3,085,528.79

Peas pounds 46,261,057 12,208,1463,/25,221.46 384,703.50 Rice pounds Hominy pounds 18,998,058 Diy Leo Potatoes, Desiccated pounds 4,755,350 580,461.24

Vegetables, Mixed, Desiccated pounds 5,874,162 1,217,686.60

Coffee, Green pounds 35,569,758 10,826,609.22 Coffee, Roasted, and

Roasted & Ground pounds 64,600,113 26,803,254.45 ‘lea pounds 3,315,944 3,060,545.21 Sugar, Brown pounds 200,330,127 28,668,107.13

Sugar, White pounds cB BPG eB 1,144,695.21

Vinegar gallons 6,747,249 1,410,499.26 Candles pounds 16,188,937 4,059,198.92 Soap, Common pounds 43,482,601 3,/28,939.7 1

Soap, Finepounds grams 345 4,585.00 Soap, Fine 123429 10,301.50

Salt pounds 49,706,261 600,301.45 Pepper pounds 1,790,401 686,703.98 TOTAL $261,771,747.57

Source: Cushing, “Subsistence Department,” 178. The list contains only articles of the ration proper. ‘The Subsistence Department also purchased large quantities of special hospital and other miscellaneous subsistence items.

Table 23. Subsistence Department Disbursements, July 1, 1861—June 30, 1865

Fiscal Year Amount Disbursed July 1, 1861, to June 30, 1862 $48,799,521.14 July 1, 1862, to June 30, 1863 69,537,582.78 July 1, 1863, to June 30, 1864 98,666,918.50 July 1, 1864, to June 30, 1865 144,782,969.41

TOTAL $361,786,991.83 Source: ARSW (Stanton) for 1866, November 14, 1866 (or III, 5:1039). Disbursements for the period July 1, 1865, to June 30, 1866, were $144,782,969.41, bringing the total for FY 1861-1866 to $369,305,864.37.

114 The Staff Departments

be issued so as to “diminish the danger ofepi- eral officers commanding field armies, milidemics among troops.’ In August 1861, Con- _ tary divisions, or geographical military departgress increased the Army ration. The newra- ments were authorized double rations while tion consisted of 20 oz. of salt or fresh beef, serving as such.” or 12 oz. of pork or bacon; 18 oz. of soft bread The August 1861 ration was 20 percent more or flour, 16 oz. of hard bread (hardtack), or20 than the British ration, nearly twice that of oz. of corn meal; and to every 100 rations: 15 _ the French, and over twice that of the Pruslbs. of beans or peas; 10 lbs. of rice or hominy; _ sian, Austrian, and Russian armies. In 1862 the

10 lbs. of green coffee, or 8 lbs. of roasted (or ration scale was increased slightly and more roasted and ground) coffee, or 24 0z. of tea; dried vegetables were authorized. In March 15 lbs. of sugar; 4 quarts of vinegar; 20 0z. of 1863, Congress added 4 oz. of pepper for every adamantine or star candles; 4 lbs. of soap;3 100 rations.*” Companies that through overlbs. and 12 oz. of salt; 30 lbs. of potatoes, when issue or economical use of their rations accupracticable; and 1 quart of molasses.*! Thelaw mulated a surplus were able to turn them in to permitted the substitution of desiccated (de- the regimental or brigade cs for a cash credit.

hydrated) compressed potatoes, or desiccat- During the course of the war, it became ed compressed mixed vegetables, at the rate clear to many that the Army ration as increased of 1.5 oz. of the former and1o0z. of the latter in August 1861 was excessive and wasteful. In for each ration of beans, peas, rice, hominy, December 1861, Maj. Gen. Irvin McDowell tes-

or fresh potatoes. tified before the Committee on the Conduct of The normal “short” or “marching” ration the War: “The amount of the waste is fearful. for the Union Army consisted of1lb. ofhard ...I have seen loaves of bread thrown away bread (the infamous “hardtack”), *%4 lbs. of | that had not even been broken open. Our men salt pork or 4 lbs. of fresh meat (beef), 10z. will not use it if it is a little stale. ... They get of coffee, 3 oz. of sugar, and salt. Soldiers on _ large pay, and when the sutlers come around the march were issued from three to eight days __ with their pies, tarts, and cakes, the men stuff “marching” rations, which were carried by | themselves with those things and waste the rathe men in haversacks and knapsacks or on — tions drawn from the government... . I bethe unit baggage trains. Beef was slaughtered lieve we ought to supply twice the force we do and issued on the day before expected con- with what it costs us to supply this force.””° sumption. For planning purposes, the weight In March 1864, Henry Wilson of Massachuof one ration was calculated as 3 lbs. Anarmy _ setts, chairman of the Senate Military Commitof 100,000 men consumed about 150 wagon- _ tee, addressed the issue in a letter to Secretary

loads of subsistence per day. Stanton, who referred the letter to Brigadier Officers were authorized more than onera- General Taylor, who replied on March 45, stattion per day, or money in lieu thereof, accord- ing that the present ration was larger than necing to rank.** For example, as of September1, — essary and that the old (pre—August 1861) ration

1861, major generals were authorized fifteen, was sufficient.*’ Asa result, in June 1864, Conbrigadier generals twelve, colonels six, lieuten- gress returned the Army ration to the scale proant colonels five, and other officers four rations vided as of July 1, 1861, save that the addition of per day.’ The general in chief and those gen- _ pepper provided in March 1863 was retained.”

Subsistence Department 115

Under certain circumstances the sp wasau- men." The “essence of coffee” was packed in thorized to provide rations to civilians. Black tin cans and resembled nothing so much as men employed by the Army, particularly the axle grease and was reputed to taste the same teamsters and laborers hired by the gmp and as well; it was soon discontinued.”

SD, were normally authorized one ration in Although satisfactory as to bulk, the Army addition to their pay. As the war went on, the — ration did not provide an entirely adequate number of refugees and Negro “contrabands” diet by today’s nutritional standards. It was increased substantially. Most were without woefully deficient in antiscorbutics, particumeans of obtaining food, andthe Union Army _ larly fresh fruits and vegetables, and to pre-

assumed responsibility for them.” vent scurvy, Union troops were sometimes 1sIn 1832 the commanding general, Winfield sued small quantities of onions, dried apples Scott, had ordered the substitution of coffee or peaches, pickles, or sauerkraut. Canned and and sugar for the spirit (whiskey) ration,and dehydrated foods were introduced in 1857, but by 1865, coffee had long been a mainstay of condensed (“consecrated”) milk and desicthe Army ration.*° Soldiers might go for days cated (“desecrated”) vegetables found little without bread or meat but were likely to grum- acceptance among the troops. E. N. Gilpin ble if the coffee ration was curtailed for any — of the 3d Iowa Volunteer Cavalry, a clerk in reason. An allowance of 4 lbs. of coffeeand8 Brig. Gen. Emory Upton’s headquarters on Ibs. of sugar for every 100 rations in 1832 was _ the Wilson cavalry raid in the spring of 1865, increased to 6 lbs. of coffee and 12 Ibs. of sug- _ later recalled: “They [the U.S. Sanitary Comar for every 100 rations in 1838.*! Many Army mission] also sent us compressed cakes which leaders believed that the substitution of cof- | Lun, our mess cook, calls “desecrated vegefee and sugar for whiskey was conducive “to _ tables.” We have boiled, baked, fried, stewed, the interests of the service, by the greatlyin- _ pickled, sweetened, salted it, and tried it in creased health, comfort, and power of endur- — puddings, cakes, and pies; but it sets all modes ance a liberal use of its infusion will bestow _ of cooking at defiance, so the boys break it up upon all who drinkit.”"* In his annualreport and smoke it in their pipes!”"° for 1859, Secretary of War John B. Floyd sup- There were other items that every Civil War ported the arguments in favor of anincrease veteran remembered with distaste, including in the ration of coffee and sugar, and final- _ the hardtack, which often contained weevils ly, in June 1860, the ration was increased to10 and was so hard that it could not be eaten unlbs. of coffee and 15 Ibs. of sugar forevery 100 _ less soaked in water or coffee, a process also rations.” In July 1862, Congress provided that useful for drowning the weevils, which could the normal ration of coffee and sugar might then be skimmed off. The usual method was be commuted to “the extract of coffee, com- to soak the hardtack and then fry it in bacon bined with milk and sugar,” at the rate of1 gal- grease or crumble it up ina stew. Perhaps the lon per 100 rations, if the secretary of war de- most despised item was the salt beef (or “salt termined that it would be “conducive to the horse,” as it was often called by the troops). health and comfort of the Army, and not more Defects in the packing process usually guaranexpensive to the Government than the pres- _ teed that the salt beef issued to the troops was ent ration, and if it shall be acceptable tothe unappealing in sight and smell if not down-

116 The Staff Departments

right dangerous to their health. Mock burials the commanding officer, 63 had one named were sometimes staged to dispose of the ined- _ by the secretary of war, 14 had one selected ible mess.*’ The ambivalence of the Civil War _ by a board of regimental officers, 5 had one soldier toward his rations was expressed by named by the governor of a state, and the reAdolphus W. Greely, who was later the leader mainder had none. Most commanders saw of an Arctic expedition notable for enduring — the sutler as a necessary evil, but in generan extended period of starvation and after- al the sutler system was considered “inadewards the Army’s chief signal officer, when he quate, corrupt, and a source of great profit to recalled his days asa private on outpost duty a few men at the expense of the soldier.””? In near the Great Falls of the Potomac in late 1861: | November 1863 the general in chief, Maj. Gen. “Once a week one of us went to headquarters Henry W. Halleck, observed, “There is no arfor the week’s rations. These were prized occa- _ ticle legitimately supplied by sutlers to officers sions, for then we got a good meal: fresh meat, | and soldiers which could not be furnished at

baked beans, rice pudding, and at rare times a much less price by the Quartermaster’s and soft bread and apple sauce—from dried ap- Commissary Departments.””

ples—not to be despised in the field.” In March 1865 Congress authorized the sale The official Army ration was also supple- of rations on credit to officers serving in the mented by special items, especially fresh fruits _ field for their personal use and at the same time and vegetables, for the sick and wounded, sup- authorized the issue of not more than 16 oz. of

plied by either the Subsistence Department or tobacco per month to the enlisted men of the the Medical Department.” The U.S. Sanitary Army, the cost to be deducted from their pay Commission and civilian churches and oth- in the same manner as for clothing.” Finaler organizations also provided supplemental _ ly, in July 1866, Congress abolished the sutler food for the troops, particularly the wound- — system and authorized the sp, effective July ed and sick. Before the war it was common for 1, 1867, “to furnish such articles as may from units stationed on the frontier and elsewhere _ time to time be designated by the inspectorto maintain gardens to provide fresh vegeta- general of the army, the same to be sold to ofbles, but this was no longer practicable once _ ficers and enlisted men at cost prices.””” the Army began active mobile operations. One major drawback of the subsistence sysSoldiers and officers also supplemented tem of the Union Army (and that of the Conthe issued rations by foraging, packages from federate Army as well) was that there were home, and purchases from the sutler autho- no trained cooks assigned to units. Soldiers rized to accompany the armies in the field.°” took care of their own cooking in small “mess” Rich packages, even barrels, from home packed groups or suffered the culinary efforts of their with delicacies were eagerly awaited and grate- _ fellow soldiers detailed to mess duty on a com-

fully received. More common, however, was _ pany basis. Improper preparation of the rathe purchase, often at exorbitant prices, of food tion was a major contributory factor in disfrom the regimental sutler, an independent ease and discomfort among soldiers, and the civilian purveyor authorized to do business _ lack of clean, potable water was often a greatin camp.”! Of the 200 regiments of the Army — er problem than spoiled or improperly prein October 1861, 103 had a sutler named by _ pared food. Congress acted to ameliorate the

Subsistence Department 117

problem in the Engineer and Ordnance Ef- problems in the procurement of the supplies ficiency Act of March 3, 1863, which provid- for which it was responsible beyond occasioned that the Medical and Subsistence depart- al spot shortages of supply and some specuments should “unite” with the line officers _ lation and price gouging by commercial conto supervise the preparation of rations. The _ tractors at the beginning of the war. New and Medical Department was charged with pre- emerging technologies for the processing and paring and issuing regulations “as may tend _ preservation of food were readily adopted by to insure the proper preparation ofthe ration — the sp, although some were not yet perfected of the soldier.” The act directed that “cooks _ or always accepted by the troops. The sp exshall be detailed in turn, from the privates of | perienced few problems with regard to their each company of troops in the service of the — relationship with commanders in the field. United States, at the rate of one cook for each There were, of course, a number of minor

company numbering over thirty men, who _ challenges that required the close attention of shall serve ten days each.” The act also au- the cas. One of the most persistent problems thorized the president to cause to be enlisted, was educating the Volunteer officers drawn for each cook, “two under-cooks of African from civil life or the line officers detailed to descent, who shall receive for their full com- commissary duties in the proper maintenance pensation ten dollars per month, and onera- of accounts. In general, such problems were tion per day—three dollars of said monthly overcome with time and experience, and those

pay may be in clothing.” officers who failed to meet the established standards were dismissed or otherwise relieved of

Challenges and Achievements duty with the sp. The supply of subsistence for the Union Army The principal achievement of the Regular presented few major challenges beyond those _ officers of the sp during the Civil War was that

associated with the tremendous increase in despite their small number and the challenges the number of troops served and the geo- _ they faced, they succeeded admirably in overgraphical dispersion of active, mobile mili- seeing the procurement, storage, and distributary operations. Agricultural production in — tion of wholesome food in a timely manner to the North was more than adequate to meet anarmy of over 1,000,000 men scattered across demands, and markets and transportation acontinent and in the midst of active, mobile networks were well developed. The Regular field operations without default or scandal. officers of the Subsistence Department, al- In his annual report for the fiscal year ended though few in number, were experiencedand June 30, 1865, Secretary Stanton praised the competent and had in the prewar years devel- _ officers of the sp for their conduct throughoped effective routines for the purchase, stor- out the war, stating that “during the entire age, and distribution of subsistence. Whilethe war no campaign, contemplated movement, most senior officers of the Department were — or expedition has failed on account of the inindeed aged and infirm, younger, more vig- _ ability of the Subsistence Department to meet orous men soon came to the fore. Unlike the its proper requirements.” Quartermaster’s and Ordnance Departments, the Subsistence Department experienced few

118 The Staff Departments

BPA a y?Vv | cp VTIIMAITIA Cc mt, Ordnance Department WiGwueuv. ia

The supply of weapons, ammunition, andre- over four million small arms as well as copilated equipment was a significant logistical ous amounts of ammunition. challenge for both sides in the Civil War, but once again the advantage lay with the North, Mission and Functions

which possessed the raw materials, facto- During the Civil War the principal funcries, and skilled workmen needed for mas- tions of the head of the Ordnance Departsive production of munitions. Moreover, the ment remained much the same as prescribed Ordnance Department (orpp) of the Union _ in the Act of February 8, 1815:

Army, while generally conservative with re- . the , to enlist artisans and laborers; to direct spect to the adoption of new and untried weap- ; ie

inspections and proof of all cannon and small ons, was technically ;competent and well orarms; to direct the construction of gun carriagganized and thus fully capable of managing 2 . es, equipments, implements, and ammunition;

the procurement and production of arms and Ae | to make estimates and contracts for, and purammunition for the rapidly expanding Army. . ; . chase of ordnance supplies and stores, and to

In the year preceding the war, Secretary of . ; issue them to the army; to exact from armories

War John B. Floyd, a Southern sympathizer,

artransfer , and arsenals quarterly amounts returns ofof property and ordered the of substantial a Z ape to receive from all responsible officers reports

ordnance material from ofNorthern to Southdamages to ordnance material; to establish

ern arsenals, anddepots; once the rebellion began,for the : ; ; ordnance to prepare regulations

the Confederates quickly seized control of the

: Dak government of theThus Ordnance Department and Federal arsenals in the South. the in1i ; forms of returns and reports.’

tial demand for arms for the growing Union Volunteer forces soon outstripped the avail- In short, the principal functions of the orpp able supply in ordnance arsenals and led to asa whole were to develop, test, procure, store, hasty contracting at often exorbitant prices. distribute, and repair Army ordnance and ordThe difficulties encountered in procuringthe nance-related equipment. The orpp was also necessary arms were compounded by thein- _ responsible for the purchase of horses for the ability of Union leaders to foresee early on _ light (field) artillery until June 1861, when rethe scale and scope of the war. Although at — sponsibility was transferred to the Qmp.° first overwhelmed, the orpp quickly recovered and aggressively attacked the many challenges Leadership

posed by the war. In the end, the Department Four men served as chief of ordnance achieved a great deal, including providing the (cHorD) during the Civil War. The first three Union Army with nearly 7,900 field gunsand were either relieved or forced to retire, princi119

pally because they resisted the hasty adoption At the time of his appointment, Ripley was of new and untried weapons during wartime _Craig’s second-in-command and was almost and thereby incurred the enmity of numer- sixty-seven years old.’ He had been appointous inventors, manufacturers, contractors, ed captain in the orpp on May 30, 1832, and and “military experts,” who complained in- promoted to lieutenant colonel in December cessantly to the Congress, the president, and 1854. When the war erupted, Ripley was in the secretary of war that the Union Army was Japan ona fact-finding tour, but he returned not being supplied with the latest and best and assumed direction of the orpp on April

available weapons. 23, 1861. He was brevetted brigadier general In April 1861, the chief of ordnance was sev- on July 2, 1861, and formally appointed briga-

enty-year-old Col. Henry K. Craig, who had dier general and chief of ordnance on August been in the Army since 1812." Craig had as- 3, 1861. Described as “zealous and incorruptsumed the leadership of the orpp on July 10, _ ible, if not always imaginative,” Ripley had 1851, upon the dismissal of Col. George Talc- many doubts about the wisdom of adopting ott, and had led the orpp with some distinc- new weapons without adequate testing and tion throughout the 1850s, a time of consid- field trials during the middle of a war.* He erable advancement in weapons technology. was also resistant to the appeals of inventors, Somewhat unfairly, Craig received most of the | contractors, and their supporters in Congress blame for the poor state of preparation of his and the executive branch. He thus suffered department when the war broke out and for — the same fate as Colonel Craig in that Secrethe subsequent confusion and delay inarming — tary of War Stanton forced his retirement on the rapidly growing Union Army. He resist- September 15, 1863, principally because of Ried the hordes of potential suppliers of faulty, pley’s strong resistance to adopting breechuntried, or overly expensive weapons who ap- _ loading rifles.” peared in the first months of the war, but set Ripley was replaced by Col. George D. Ramthe orpp ona steady course of increasing pro- say (USMA 1820), a Virginian who was appointduction at the national armories and arsenals, ed brigadier general and chief of ordnance contracting for the purchase of proven weap- on September 15, 1863, being then sixty-one ons from reputable domestic manufacturers at years of age with forty-one years in the Army.” reasonable prices, and limited foreign procure- Ramsay had served in the artillery until bement.’ Not only did Craig attempt to thwart ing appointed captain of ordnance on Februthe ambitions of unscrupulous but politically — ary 25, 1835. Although somewhat more open well connected contractors; he also opposed _ to the adoption of breech-loaders and repeatthe reassignment of ordnance officers to ar- ers for military use, Ramsay still did not have tillery duty and is said to have been unloved _ the confidence of Secretary Stanton." Indeed, by his subordinates, being considered “obsti- Stanton inserted his own man, Capt. George nate, crusty, and harsh.” He was relieved ofhis ‘T. Balch (usMa 1851), into orpp headquarters duties as head of the orpp and replaced by Lt. _ to “call the shots.”'* Ramsay endured the sitCol. James W. Ripley (usMa 1814) on April 23, uation for almost a year before he was forced 1861, but subsequently served as inspector of _ to retire on September 12, 1864. arsenals until he retired on June 1, 1863.° Ramsay’s successor was yet another Virgin-

120 The Staff Departments

ian, Maj. Alexander B. Dyer (usMa 1837), who quired, the vast majority of the commissioned was appointed brigadier general and chief of officers (seventy-four) were graduates of the ordnance on September 12, 1864, atthe age of Military Academy, ranging from the Class of forty-nine after only eleven years in the de- 1814 to the Class of 1864, and one was a former partment, thereby passing over several more West Point cadet. Of the ten non—West Pointsenior officers.'* Before becoming chief of ord- ers, three transferred from the Regular Army, nance, Dyer, as superintendent of the Spring- and seven were appointed from the Volunteers. field Armory from 1861 to 1864, had increased Three of the ten had prior enlisted service. production to 1,000 rifles per day. He was also At the beginning of the war, seven experithe inventor of the 3-inch “Dyer shell.” Like his enced Regular ordnance officers were lost to

three predecessors, Dyer resisted the threats the Confederacy. Six resigned, and one was of “political demagogues, charlatan inventors, dismissed.'’ Two senior and distinguished and knavish contractors.”"' However, Dyer was Southern-born ordnance officers, Maj. Wilmore bureaucratically adept than his prede- liam H. Bell (UsMa 1820) and Maj. Alfred Morcessors and remained on better terms with decai (usMA 1823), both from North Carolithe irascible Secretary Stanton. He wasalsoa na, resigned in May 1861, but took no part in more enthusiastic proponent of breech-load- _ the war. Another, Bvt. Maj. John F. Lee (UsMA ing and repeating weapons, andthushe man- 1834), a Virginian, was serving as judge advoaged to survive the bureaucratic firein Wash- cate of the Army in April 1861 and continued to ington. He even survived a court of inquiry — serve until September 1862, when he resigned that he requested in 1867 to clear his name of following the appointment of Joseph Holt as

charges brought by unhappy contractorsand judge advocate general of the Army. At least congressmen. He thus continued to serve as__ thirteen other Southern-born ordnance offichief of ordnance until his death in May 1874. cers remained loyal and continued to serve in the department during the war.

Personnel Of those ordnance officers who remained

By the eve of the Civil War, the officers and _ loyal, three resigned during the course of the enlisted men under the direction of the chief war, four retired, two died, two were killed of ordnance were mostly seasoned technical in action, and one died of wounds."° Three experts, thoroughly familiar with the techni- reached the substantive rank of major general cal and administrative details of their profes- (Jesse Lee Reno [usMa 1846], George Crocksion. Although few in number, they were pre- ett Strong [USMA 1857], and Oliver Otis Howpared for almost any emergency, except along, ard [USMA 1854]), and four received brevets

widespread, and mobile civil warin whichthe as major general. Four more reached the Union Army would field over a million men. substantive rank of brigadier general, and In all, 84 men served as Regular officersin nine became brigadier generals by brevet. the Ordnance Department between January Three Civil War veterans later became chief 1, 1861, and June 30, 1865; another 33 servedas_ of ordnance.!’ Three ordnance officers were

ordnance military storekeepers;and morethan awarded the Medal of Honor for gallantry 1,060 served as ordnance sergeants and other during the Civil War, two while serving as enlisted men. Due to the technical skills re- ordnance officers."

Ordnance Department 121

In addition to the Regular Army commis- depots hada full complement of officers, and sioned officers, thirty-three men served as ord- the many new field commands created as the nance military storekeepers during the Civ- Army expanded also required ordnance offiil War. All but one of them (John B. Butler, — cers. In June 1861, Lieutenant Colonel Ripley then an additional paymaster) was appoint- wrote to Secretary Cameron stating the obed directly from civil life. Four had prior ser-_ vious: “The present organization of the Ordvice as Regular officers and another four as nance Department was intended, and is only Volunteer officers. One (Luther Leonard) was _ suitable, for an army ona peace establishment. an 1808 graduate of West Point. Two had pri- __ Its strength is now entirely inadequate to the or enlisted service (Theodore J. Eckerson in proper discharge of the many duties pertainthe infantry and artillery, and William Ad- _ ing to it.”*!

ams in the orppD). x

The turnover among ordnance military Officers and Military Storekeepers

storekeepers was high. Five appointed before Lieutenant Colonel Ripley’s recommendation the war resigned, four of whom went over to for “the least admissible increase to meet the the Confederates."” Another three holding pre- _ necessities of the public service” was “an orgawar appointments were dismissed or removed nization like that of the Quartermaster’s Defrom office. Another four ordnance military partment as regards senior officers.”** Congress storekeepers resigned during the war, one was approved the requested increase on August 3, dismissed, three died, and two retired. One 1861, bringing the authorized Regular Army left to accept a Regular Army commission in complement of the orpp to one brigadier genthe 3th Infantry but retired in December 1864; eral (the cHorD), two colonels, two lieutenant one to accept a Volunteer commission but re- _ colonels, four majors, twelve captains, twelve tired in March 1864; one to acceptacommis- 1st lieutenants, and twelve 2d lieutenants, a tosion in the Q@mpb; and one to accept appoint- _ tal of forty-five commissioned officers plus fif-

ment as a military storekeeper in the Qmp. teen ordnance military storekeepers.” Of the more than 160 ordnance sergeants Despite the August 1861 increase, the overand more than 900 other enlisted men who — all number of ordnance officers as well as the served in the orpp during the Civil War, we —orpbp’s rank structure remained insufficient. know few details. The same is true ofthe hun- In his annual report for 1862, Ripley again citdreds of clerks, laborers, and other civilian ed the need for additional officers and noted,

employees who worked in the various armor- “The ordnance officer, whose duties are thus ies, arsenals, and depots as well as inthe field. arduous and useful, and whose profession-

a al acquirements, if reputable, demand liber-

Organization al education and severe studies, has but little When the Civil War began, the Ordnance De-_ opportunity of public distinction, and none partment was authorized 40 Regular commis- for promotion but such as comes in the regsioned officers, 15 ordnance military storekeep- ular course of casualties in his own corps.””* ers, 70 ordnance sergeants, and 400 enlisted A partial solution, in Ripley’s opinion, would men.’ The relatively small force soon proved _ be greater use of the brevet promotion system. inadequate. Not one of the Army’s arsenals or Ripley’s successor, Brig. Gen. George D.

122 The Staff Departments

Ramsay, also pressed for an increase inthe captain or lieutenant of the line, either Regnumber of ordnance officers and adjustment ular or Volunteer) who would report directof the rank structure. He noted in particular ly to the chief ordnance officer of the military that the law authorizing the temporary rank department or field army in which he served. of lieutenant colonel for corps staff officers Although entirely necessary to make up for omitted corps ordnance officers, “a distinc- _ the lack of Regular officers, the use of acting tion manifestly invidious and without just ordnance officers had many drawbacks, chief reason.’ He went on to note that many ord- among them the lack of the long study and exnance officers of junior rank had heavy fis- perience required of the Regulars. As Dyer obcal responsibilities and that the demands of | served, “The frequent employment of acting simple equity also argued for rank increases. ordnance officers caused much embarrassHe also proposed that the ordnance military ment and confusion, and was detrimental to storekeepers and paymasters should receive _ the public service and interest.””*

the same compensation as those of the Qmp. . The recommendations of the chiefs of ord- E"/isted Men nance were supported by the secretary of war, Among the Civil War supply bureaus, only the and in March 1863, Congress passed legisla- © Ordnance and Medical departments were aution that added another nineteen officers to thorized enlisted personnel. In 1860 the oRDD

the orpp: one lieutenant colonel, two majors, was authorized 70 ordnance sergeants and eight captains, and eight ist lieutenants. This 400 other enlisted men on the departmenbrought the total Regular Army authorization — tal strength, and another 96 artillery artifiof the orpp to sixty-four officers and fifteen cers, essentially ordnance specialists, were military storekeepers, where it remained for carried on the strength of the various artil-

the duration of the war.” lery regiments.”’ Ordnance sergeants were asAlthough the Acts of August 3, 1861, and — signed to various duties requiring supervisoMarch 3, 1863, substantially increased the — ryskills. Some were put in charge of ordnance

number of ordnance officers on duty, there depots, and others were assigned to the varremained a serious shortage of qualified Regu- ious arsenals. Most of the enlisted men were lar ordnance officers right up to the end ofthe employed as technicians at the armories and war. As Brig. Gen. Alexander B. Dyer pointed arsenals, and the artificers were responsible for out in 1865, in peacetime the arsenals alonere- the maintenance of weapons in the hands of quired fifty-six officers, and headquartersand _ troops. The authorizations generally increased

inspection duties required eight more. Un- throughout the war, as shown in table 24.

like the other staffdepartments, theorppdid not commission Volunteers during the Civil Cwihans War. There were, however, anumber ofacting In addition to the usual clerks, messengers, ordnance officers drawn from the line of the teamsters, and laborers, the orpp also emArmy. wpGo no. 193, dated May 7, 1864, pre- ployed a substantial number of highly skilled scribed that the staff of every Army division, and experienced technicians and supervisors separate brigade, and military district should in its armories, arsenals, and depots. The var-

have attached an acting ordnance officer (a ious technicians employed at the armories

Ordnance Department 123

Table 24. Enlisted Ordnance Personnel of the Regular Army, 1860-1865

Position 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865 Ordnance Sergeants 70 84 99 106 136 163 Ordnance Enlisted Men 400 440 905 905 905 560 Artillery Artificers 96 120 120 120 120 120 Source: Army Registers, 1860-65. In the Army Registers the ordnance sergeants are listed among the “Non-Commissioned Staff Unattached to Regiments” rather than with the Ordnance Department per se. There were also artificers in the Corps of Engineers not accounted for here.

Table 25. Permanent U.S. Army Ordnance Installations, 1794-1865

Installation Location Date Est. Comments Springfield Armory Springfield MA 1794 Principal usa armory Harpers Ferry Armory Harpers Ferry va 1796 Destroyed by Federal troops in April 1861, then seized by csa

Allegheny Arsenal Pittsburgh pa 1814 Watervliet Arsenal West Troy ny 1814 Champlain Arsenal Vergennes vir 1816 Discontinued in 1855, but reestablished in 1861

Frankford Arsenal Philadelphia pa 1816

Rome Arsenal Rome ny 1816 Washington Arsenal Washington pc 1816 Watertown Arsenal Watertown MA 1816

Pikesville Arsenal Pikesville mp 1819 Augusta Arsenal Augusta GA 1826 Seized by Georgia troops in January 1861 Baton Rouge Arsenal Baton Rouge LA 1826 Seized by Louisiana troops in January 1861

Kennebec Arsenal Augusta ME 1827 St. Louis Arsenal and

Powder Depot St. Louis Mo 1827 Moved to Jefferson Barracks Mo Mount Vernon Arsenal Mount Vernon at 1829 Seized by Alabama troops in January 1861

Detroit Arsenal Dearbornville m1 1832

Apalachicola Arsenal Apalachicola Fi 1833 Seized by Florida troops in January 1861 New York Arsenal Governor's Island Ny 1836 Fayetteville Arsenal Fayetteville Nc 1836 Seized by North Carolina troops in April 1861 Little Rock Arsenal Little Rock ar 1837 Seized by Arkansas authorities in February 1861

Fort Monroe Arsenal Old Point Comfort va 1838

Charleston Arsenal Charleston sc 1841 Seized by South Carolina troops in December 1860

Leavenworth Arsenal Leavenworth Ks 1847

Benicia Arsenal Benicia CA 1851

San Antonio Arsenal San Antonio Tx 1855 Seized by Texas troops in February 1861 Vancouver Arsenal Fort Vancouver WA 1859

Fort Union Arsenal Fort Union NM 1860

Columbus Arsenal Columbus on 1863 Indianapolis Arsenal Indianapolis In 1863 Rock Island Arsenal Rock Island 11. 1863 Source: Basic legislation, personnel data, and other factual materials on the oRDD, 1832-1902, compiled by Cletis M. Warman while a student at the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in 1977-78.

124 The Staff Departments

and arsenals were first given military status The Arsenal System

in March 181 July 1862 passof arms, siaice : vs arch 1814, but in Julyin 1862 Congress passedCongress The principal sources ammunition,

legislation that redesignated thewere enlisted men 7 | and other ordnance stores the Army’s of the orpp.*” .Master workmen becameand ser-depots. _ own armories, arsenals, In 1860 geants; armorers, carriage makers, and blackba ee there werecorporals; two Federal armoriesbecame (at Springsmiths artificers ,: a Pbecame field, Massachusetts, and Harpers Ferry, Vir-

vates second class.

privates first class; and laborers became pri- ._.. ginia) and twenty-five arsenals, as shown in ta-

ble 25. Almost all small arms (muskets, rifles,

As was the case with the other staff depart- ; j carbines, and pistols as well as bayonets, lanc-

ments of the Union Army, the number of clerks, a : es, and swords) and ammunition were made at messengers, andtwenty-seven laborers assignedfacilities, to the Office oe the al . those but

depart-

of the Chief of Ordnance in Washington quickly Mane sate ment also contracted with civilian firms for became insufficient once the war began. How-

. eee ‘ the production of cannon, gunpowder, and

ever, it was not until February 1863 that Congress ie

= - limited quantities of new pattern firearms,

authorized the hiring of an additional twenty-

oe such as breech-loaders, for test and evaluathree clerks in thepurposes. oco.*! This broughtof thethe to-weapons na : , - tion A portion protal number of clerks in thevane office to thirty-six, 4 ; é E E ‘ E uced each year were parceled out to the states

but the number tootheir small, and hisof: them : oe were eo aewas re forstill use by militia, butin most

annual report for 1863, Brigadier General Ram- . y at ; kept in the arsenals and depots as a reserve say recommended further increases to bring the for emergency use.

number up to 130 clerks plus 3 folders and press- cacao d

39 hia The armory Harpers Ferrythe was destroyed men and 7 messengers.” By theatfall of 1863, ; aa 2yy clerks employed in the oco in Washington were by Union authorities in the night of April 38, divided into eleven divisions, presumably along 1861, and was immediately occupied by Virginfunctional lines. Each division was headed by 1# Sfle Troops.” The loss of the Harpers Feran experienced senior clerk through whomall TY Armory was a par ticular blow. Respondbusiness pertaining to the division’s particular 18 t© arequest for information from the Hon.

PiAcion wmasconduated John P. Hale, chairman of the Senate Military

° . 74 < - 34 a

Affairs Committee, Lt. Col. William Mayna-

Field Organization dier estimated the monetary loss at a total apThe principal work of the Ordnance Depart- Praised value of some $1,470,513."' Moreover, in

ment was done by the officers, noncommis- addition to the gun-making machinery from sioned officers, enlisted men, and civilians Harpers Ferry, the Confederates seized from assigned to the various ordnance armories, Federal arsenals at the beginning of the War arsenals, and depots, where arms, ammuni- 159,000 small arms of all types, 429 cannon, tion, and other ordnance stores were manufac- and some 4.5 million rounds of small arms tured, procured on contract, or stored awaiting ammunition, all of which greatly aided the issue to troops in the field upon submission of | Confederate war effort. an approved requisition. In addition, a small Eight other Federal arsenals located in the number of ordnance officers and Ncos were _ seceding states were also seized by the rebels assigned to troop units operatingin the field. at the beginning of the war. In many cases,

Ordnance Department 125

those arsenals were commanded by Regular dren worked in both Northern and Southern Army ordnance officers who later resigned arsenals during the war despite the obvious their U.S. Army commissions to jointhe Con- dangers. It was thought that the smaller hands federacy. Almost without exception, however, and nimble fingers of women and children they faithfully performed their duty to pro- were more efficient in assembling cartridgtect the Federal stocks of weapons, ammuni- es and that female employees paid more attion, and other property in their charge un- tention to detail and safety measures. Moretil they were either overpowered or formally over, women and children were cheap—and resigned and handed over theircommandto —expendable.*® proper authorities. A case in point was the Frankford Arsenal in Philadelphia was esFederal arsenal in Charleston, South Caro- _ tablished in 1816. At the beginning of the Civil lina. The Charleston Arsenal was principal- War, it was commanded by Capt. Josiah Gorly a storage depot, although it did produce gas, who resigned and became the Confedersome artillery and small arms ammunition — ate Army chief of ordnance. In October 1864, during and after the war with Mexico.Com- Frankford Arsenal employed some 1,226 permanded by Ordnance Storekeeper Frederick sons, described as “hired men” but probably C. Humphreys, the Charleston Arsenal em- including a substantial number of women and ployed only fourteen enlisted men when it — children.*’ The workers were paid between 60 was seized by South Carolina militiamenon cents and $2.40 per day depending on skill, December 30, 1860.*° Humphreys did every- experience, and position. The principal tasks thing in his power to prevent the seizure of | they performed were making percussion caps the arsenal, but he had to yield to force ma- and minié balls; storing and repairing small jeure. He resigned on May 22, 1861, and sub- arms, artillery pieces, accoutrements, and sequently served as a major inthe Confeder- harnesses; and testing gunpowder and fuzes.

ate Ordnance Department. The two oldest U.S. arsenals were WatervThroughout the war, the United States ar- _liet Arsenal in West Troy, New York, and Almories and arsenals not seized by the Con- __ legheny Arsenal in Lawrenceville, Pennsylvafederates remained under the command of _ nia. At the height of its Civil War production, officers of the Regular Army Ordnance De- Watervliet employed around 65 soldiers, 1,500 partment. Several new arsenals were estab- adult civilians, and 500 children. The arsenal lished in the North, and temporary ordnance — produced cartridges, artillery carriages and

depots were set up in Louisville, Kentucky, ammunition, anda variety of accoutrements Nashville, Tennessee, and other locations dic- such as belts and cartridge boxes. Allegheny tated by the flow of operations. The arsenals Arsenal occupied some thirty acres on the Aland depots varied in size, number ofemploy- _legheny River near Pittsburgh and was an 1mees, and items produced or stored. By 1863, the portant cartridge manufacturing and supply larger arsenals, such as Watervliet, New York, center. The number of civilian employees at Watertown, Massachusetts, and Frankford, Allegheny Arsenal increased from 308 in April Pennsylvania, employed between 1,000 and 1861 to 1,189 by January 1862.*° 2,000 civilians each, mostly women and chil- Allegheny Arsenal was the scene of a terdren. Indeed, thousands of womenand chil- _ rible disaster, the worst at any U.S. arsenal

126 The Staff Departments

during the Civil War.’ An explosion at the ordnance sergeant assigned to each regiment.” main laboratory on September 17, 1862, killed At brigade level, the assigned quartermaster 78 of the 186 workers in the lab, 70 of the dead __ officer often served as the brigade ordnance being women and girls, including the daugh- _ officer as well, but an ordnance officer in the ter of the lab superintendent, Alexander Mc- grade of major was authorized at division lev-

Bride. The accident was apparently caused _ el, as was a lieutenant colonel at corps level by a buildup of loose black powder in and andacolonel at army or military department around the lab, particularly on the adjacent _ level.** Although sometimes drawn from the roadway. The arsenal commander, Col. John line and appointed an acting ordnance offiSymington, was acquitted of any wrongdo- cer, the chief ordnance officer at corps, army, ing bya military court of inquiry but was re- and military department level was most often lieved of his command by the chief of ord- a Regular Army ordnance officer. nance. Symington retired in 1863 and died The duties of the division or brigade ord-

in April 1864. nance officers were to “keep themselves thorArsenals and ordnance depots were danger- oughly acquainted with the armament of each ous places, and similar incidents occurred on regiment and battery... to see that all arms,

smaller scales throughout the warinboththe accoutrements, and equipments are kept ina North and the South. For example, on June17,__ serviceable condition by timely repairs,” and 1864, there was an explosion in the U.S. arse- to report to the chief ordnance officer of the nal in Washington that killed nineteen workers department or field army any loss due to the outright (all young women), mortally wounded negligence of the regimental or company comthree, and injured another fifteen to twenty.*” manders. They also had charge of the ammuOn May 25, 1865, not long after the end of the nition supply trains attached to the division or war, a Federal ordnance depot in Mobile, Ala- _ brigade and were responsible for seeing that bama, exploded, killing around 300 peopleand “ample supplies of ammunition are at all times leveling the northern part of town.*! The Con- in the hands of the troops, and that there is a federates had a number of similar incidents."* full reserve supply in the train or the district depot.’”** They also were responsible for the

Ordnance Personnel with Troop Units collection of captured or abandoned ordnance Although the organization of Regular and Vol- materiel, approving requisitions for ordnance unteer troop units varied slightly and naturally materiel, accounting for all weapons, ammuchanged a bit over time, in the fieldeachinfan- nition, and related ordnance items, and maktry, cavalry, and artillery regiment was autho- ing periodic reports. rized a regimental ordnance officer, usually

a lieutenant of the line designated as an act- Operations and Issues ing ordnance officer, who requisitioned arms, Ordnance supply was a challenge for both sides

ammunition, and other ordnance stores, ac-_ in the Civil War, but the Union Army was counted for such items, and issued them to _ better able to solve the many problems asthe troops. The regimental ordnance officer sociated with supplying weapons, ammunialso managed the movement of the regimen- tion, and related equipment to troops in the talammunition train. He was assisted by the _ field. In the North, arms and ammunition

Ordnance Department 127

were produced in government armories and Prewar Transfers of Arms to the South

rsenal ntr 1 from domestic produc- :; : :

arsenals, contracted Irom domestic produc- Before 1861, senior ordnance officers had tried

ers, and imported from abroad. There were , : aS to amass a reserve of weapons, ammunition, eventually eighteen government armories es to meet yelp BON and other ordnance stores sufficient arsenals, aand foundries inThey the North Sai any emergency. had beenduring fairly successthe war,but boththeir military and civilian. In 1865 and ai ataadequately | ful, ability to quickly

U.S. government arsenals alone produced a arm the rapidly growing Union Army1.7 in;the

million pieces of ordnance, and between 1861 ' . spring and summer of 1861 was made more and 1866, the Ordnance Department delivered = ;

, hae d f difficult by artillery the earlier of Secretary of nearly pieces andactions some four ;orders on zd aa7,900 ) War John of B. Floyd, who had issued

di, c . . our rounds per gun per day. 5;

million stands of ;small to troops in thefor 5 bthe Letransfer See arene . ee! arms ecember 29, 1859, of eee 105,000

field. Union artillery fired some five million ee oe founds duinpt hecauiseortiewamabout muskets from Springfield Armory and 10,000 F ; ' rifles from Watertown and Watervliet Arsenals

The problems bl Tee that ee ee tothearsenals beset orpp werein North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Louisiana.” These most intense at the beginning ofthe war when” > een nine: : drsoupanacinelarsoresenrenioc eotarnn: and other extraordinary transfers of arms from

we , Northern Southern andj the and ammunition, wastofaced witharsenals the need aaa:sale :

Cc £ c c Cc i

to arm an expanded Regular Army and rap of Union arms to the various Southern states idly growing Volunteer force in a very short depleted stocks in the North and made large period of time. The difficulties of increasing numbers of Union weapons vulnerable to seiproduction in the Army’s arsenals and pur- “"* by rebellious Southerners chasing arms abroad were surpassed by the In late December 1860, public concern began challenge of dealing with unscrupulous but °° be expressed in the North over the trans‘call COnnseled venbomandcouttactorede. 4cF Obanms to Southem:- arsenals and theirsale

. re Cie Cc

re zure by rebellious Southerners.

termined to see their latest innovation adopt- to the states likely to enter into rebellion. On

ed by the Army the last day of the year, the Congress initiatThe successive chiefs of ordnance were very ed inquiries into the matter, and the head of conservative and were slow to set up quick, the oRDD was called upon to provide the figeffective procedures for examining and test- _ Ures for such transfers and sales. Colonel Craig

: : : arc nity 47

ing new armaments, particularly the many subsequently made several reports regarding apparently workable breech-loading and re- _ the transfers of arms and the state of Federal peating rifles that had yet to be fully testedin arsenals in the South.

combat. Although they had good reason to go wipe 5 :Reacts 1e Ordnance slow in accepting breech-loaders and repeat-Department P ers, Colonel Craig, Brigadier General Ripley, Given the prewar transfer of arms to the and Brigadier General Ramsay were all criti- | South, the orpp was ill-prepared to quickcized for failing to provide the Army with the ly arm and equip the rapidly growing Union most up-to-date tools of war and were shunt- Army in the spring and summer of 1861. Aled aside, despite their many positive achieve- though at first overwhelmed, the orpp quick-

ments and sound reasoning. ly recovered and aggressively attacked the

128 The Staff Departments

problem in three ways. By increasing pro- liveries, and so on. Between August 12, 1861, duction in the Federal arsenals, the develop- and January 10, 1862, the Army contracted with ment of private arms production athome,and commercial firms for nearly two million musselective purchase of munitions abroad, the kets and rifles, many of which proved to be of ORDD was able to meet the demands placed _ inferior quality when compared to the prod-

upon it. ucts of the Federal arsenals and thus had to

In early 1861, the production capacity at be replaced. The problem was due in part to the Springfield Armory was only about 800 an insufficient number of experienced ordmuskets and rifles per month, but produc- nance officers to oversee contracts and inspect tion increased rapidly and reached 6,900 per the arms received. Then, too, irregularities in month in October 1861, with expectations contracting were permitted because of the urthat it would reach 200,000 per year in 1862.** gent need to arm the Volunteers, and SecreThat figure was indeed reached, and by Janu- _ tary Cameron was not overly scrupulous when ary 1, 1863, Springfield Armory alone was pro- it came to awarding government contracts to

ducing 24,000 muskets and rifles per month, his friends.

more than the combined prewar production Despite the best efforts of the leaders of of both Harpers Ferry and Springfield.” The — the orpp, irregularities in ordnance contractsuccessive chiefs of ordnance heavily favored _ ing threaten to get totally out of control and production of arms and ammunition in gov- prompted Senator James Grimes of Iowa to ernment arsenals rather than purchase on write to his colleague, Senator William P. Festhe commercial market. To that end,a pro- — senden of Maine, “The truth is, we are going to

gram was undertaken for the enlargement destruction as fast as imbecility, corruption, of the U.S. arsenals at Watertown, Waterv- and the wheels of time can carry us.” Howliet, Allegheny, St. Louis, Washington, and _ ever, in March 1862, the new secretary of war, Benicia, and new U.S. arsenals at Columbus Edwin M. Stanton, established a special Com-

(Ohio); Indianapolis (Indiana); and Rock mission on Ordnance and Ordnance Stores Island (Illinois) were authorized by Con- led by former secretary of war Joseph Holt and gress on July 11, 1862, and went into opera- Robert Dale Owen “to audit and adjust all con-

tion in 1863.” tracts, orders, and claims on the War DepartTo cover the shortfall in weapons immedi- ment in respect to ordnance, arms, and amately required by the expanding Volunteer forc- | munition.” The commission began meeting es in the spring and summer of 1861, the orDD ~— on March 17, 1862, and considered 104 cases of

was forced, much against the will ofits senior potential fraud involving some $50 million. By leaders, to place large contracts forsmallarms, rejecting some claims, reducing others, and field artillery pieces, ammunition, and other _ redefining the terms of still other contracts, ordnance material with commercial firms.*! the commission claimed to have saved the govThe orpp thus opened itself up to all of the ernment some $17 million.**

problems associated with wartime contract- In the early months of the war, the Army ing: political influence, devious contractors, was forced to rely heavily on overseas purimportuning middlemen, faulty weapons not _ chases to help meet the demand for weapons up to government standards, late (or no) de- and ammunition ofall types. On July 29, 1861,

Ordnance Department 129

President Lincoln appointed Col. George L. automated machinery in the production of Schuyler as an agent of the U.S. government weapons and other items.”* to purchase arms overseas.” The chief of ord- The twenty years immediately before the nance provided Schuyler with alist ofthearms Civil War were a period of great ferment in and quantities desired, and Schuyler subse- the Army’s ordnance armories and arsenals, quently purchased in France, England, and which became “the model workshops of the elsewhere a substantial number of rifles, car- country.”°? Scientifically adept ordnance offibines, pistols, and swords.°*° The various Eu- cers such as Maj. Alfred Mordecai (UsMA 1823) ropean governments were more than happy — and Capt. Thomas J. Rodman (UsMa 1841) con-

to dump their excess and obsolete arms on ducted experiments on gunpowder and castthe United States (or on the Confederacy, for iron guns that significantly advanced the dethat matter). However, the urgent need for for- sign and functioning of heavy artillery. Major eign arms quickly dissipated, andin Novem- Mordecai, in particular, was a brilliant expert ber 1862, Brigadier General Ripley was able to on many scientific subjects, and his spirit of state, “The resources of ourown countryare systematic, accurate, and immediately useful ample to supply for an indefinite period allour research pervaded the Ordnance Department. possible wants for such munitions of war..., Between 1840 and 1860, the Ordnance Board and the longer the demand for them shallcon- was established (1841), the equipment of light tinue the more will those resources be devel- (field) artillery batteries was completed (1842) oped and enlarged.” He went on to note that and proven in the war with Mexico (1846-48), increases in production at U.S. arsenals and and the rifled musket was adopted by the Army vigilance in overseeing contracts had put the — in place of the smooth-bore (1855), as was the U.S. government “beyond the reach ofspecu- Sharp’s carbine, a breech-loader, after some lations and exorbitant prices.”*’ The purchase _ resistance (1857). Two important inventions, of arms from abroad was subsequently termi- Rodman’s pressure gauge and Benton’s elec-

nated in January 1863. tro-chronograph, revolutionized the study of both interior and exterior ballistics.

Emerging Weapons Technology Although ordnance officers mastered the In the first half of the nineteenth century, the — science and technology of weapons production, pace of scientific discovery and technologi- _ they were not equally adept at devising efficacal innovation accelerated rapidly, but from cious processes for considering new weapons. a military point of view there were no stun- Faced witha great many new, mostly untried ning new developments, just the steady appli- ideas for weapons, the leaders of the orpp adcation of existing technology to military uses, opted a very conservative attitude and refused such as the steamboat, the railroad, the teleg- _ to adopt any innovation until it was thoroughly raphy, canned and dehydrated foods, metallic proven. As Victor S. Clark has written, “Even cartridges, and repeating firearms. Not only — in the field of military devices the governdid new tools of war evolve, but the process- ment accepted but tardily any idea that had

es by which they were produced significant- the taint of novelty!” ly improved. By 1861 the United States led the It was not so much that the successive world in the use of interchangeable partsand heads of the Ordnance Department were set

130 The Staff Departments

in their ways and suspicious of new and un- have already attained.” The devils were, of proven ideas, although they were that tosome course, in the details. degree. But considerations of cost, varieties of ammunition, operation and maintenance Infantry Weapons in the field, the need for retooling at the na- The technology of infantry weapons changed tional arsenals, and the question of “when to — substantially between the War of 1812 and the

buy in” also inhibited the adoption of the lat- Civil War. Two developments in particular, est breech-loading and repeating firearmsand the percussion cap and the cylindro-conoidal of the machine gun, several models of which — bullet, greatly increased the reliability, range,

were presented to the department for consid- and accuracy of infantry weapons. The pereration during the war.” The chiefs of ord- cussion cap, invented by Joshua Shaw of Philnance thus generally resisted the adoption in —_ adelphia before the War of 1812, was patented

quantity of new weapons during the war, of- — andin general use by the mid-1820s. It reduced ten against the expressed wishes of the pres- misfires and facilitated development of breech-

ident, the secretary of war, the Congress, the |gaders and repeaters. After 1820, the Army

Army at large, and the public. began conversion from flintlock to percusPresident Lincoln was aed ieee 'N sion, but the process took some time. Mexican oe ies oad ees often involved him- War Volunteer units were armed mostly with

self in the testing of new weapons. The suc- ;

. ne ra a. the new percussion weapons, but the cessive secretaries of war were also favora ; setiae ; Reguidisposed ia eet to Y consider ~ Jars still carried flintlocks little different from introduction of the most

E . those used in 1812. Eventually, the Model 1841 modern weapons. For example, in 1860 Secre-

Eiennoted eensanditeapproved re cap-lock musket tary Floyd of the ongo-

became the standard infan-

y m PP try shoulder weapon, and after 1842 U.S. arse-

ing experiments being conducted by ordnance , nals ceased to produce flintlocks altogether.

officers to improve heavy artillery, cannon . The cylindro-conoidal bullet with aee holpowder, =and the conversion of smooth-bore , low base that expanded to catch the rifling to rifled cannon.” In 1861 Secretary Cameron ;

5 ss : ——

also recommended several of the changes sug- BReONe ree Uy ep esn

; . of the British army but usually known as the gested by Secretary Floyd.® Even the chiefs of a } ue

Srdnianicé-were tot éntively negative veeard: minié a after the paene! officer who proing new weapons. Colonel Craig and Briga moted its use, made possible the manufacture dier General Ripley were strongly opposed to of an accurate, dependable muzzle-loading riany innovation that would disrupt the smooth tle at least as quick to load as the smooth-bore

flow of functional arms to the troops in the musket. Production of muskets was stopped field, but their successors, Brigadier Generals in U.S. arsenals in 1855, and many of the oldRamsay and Dyer, were more amenable to in- © smooth-bore weapons were converted. Alnovation. In fact, Dyer wrote in 1864, “These though many state troops were still armed

inventions and improvements should not be With the smooth-bore musket at the begindisregarded, as they may result inimportant ng of the Civil War, the Regulars, and ultibenefits to the public service. It will not do Mately all the Volunteers as well, carried the to stand still and rest content with what we Model 1855 (or slightly improved Model 1861)

Ordnance Department 131

58 caliber Springfield rifled musket with an _ peating rifles were also used in the Civil War, 18-inch socket bayonet. Using the minié ball, the seven-shot, rim fire, .52 caliber Spencer paper cartridge, and improved percussion cap, carbine being perhaps the most famous. The the Springfield’s maximum range was1,000— Spencer increased the rate of fire of an indi2,000 yards, and its effective range of 200-500 __ vidual soldier to sixteen shots per minute and yards (vs. 50-75 for the smooth-bore musket) played an important role in several Civil War made possible fairly rapid aimed fire against _ battles, notably those around Atlanta and at individuals. Consequently, a unitarmed with Franklin, Tennessee. the new rifled musket could tear an attack to pieces before it could close with the defenders, Artillery a fact which led in turn to new tactics favoring Improvements in both light (field) and heavy open formations, indirect (flanking) attacks, (coast) artillery weapons lagged somewhat beand greater use of cover and concealment. The hind those for small arms until the Mexican new rifled musket thus strengthened the de- | War.°° There were four main improvements in fensive and almost eliminated cavalry as an artillery weapons during the nineteenth cenimportant “shock” element on the battlefield. tury: rifling, breech-loading, improvements in The new percussion cap technology led to interior ballistics, and development of a better the perfection of the Colt revolver in 1835, the — recoil mechanism.” Of the four innovations, first practical repeating firearm. A few were — only rifling was perfected before 1865. The de-

used in the Second Seminole War, but the velopment ofan elongated expanding projecreal test for the Colt came during the Mexi- _ tile (similar in principle to the minié ball) imcan War, and it was subsequently improvedin proved both accuracy and effectiveness and various ways. The metallic cartridge was in- permitted the outstanding nineteenth-century vented in 1856 but was not producedinnum- development in artillery technology, the rifled bers until after 1861. The metallic cartridge cannon with both increased accuracy and almade the breech-loading repeating rifle pos- | most doubled effective range. In 1851 Ordnance sible, although further advances in metallurgy Capt. Robert P. Parrott (usma 1824) developed and methods of accurate measurement were _ rifled cannon with cast-iron bands reinfore-

needed before a practical production model _ ing the breech and using percussion and time could be developed. The first really satisfac- fuzes.°* The 10-pounder Parrott had a range tory breech-loader was the single-shot Sharps _ of 1,900 yards. Parrotts ranged in size up to carbine perfected by Christian Sharpsat Harp- an enormous 300-pounder and were adapters Ferry in 1859. The Army conducted tests of | ed for naval as well as field use. The lightest the available models of repeating breech-load- and strongest of the Civil War rifled cannon ers before the Civil War, but the decision was. was the 3-inch ordnance rifle, which had an made not to produce and issue them in large _ effective range of 1,830 yards anda maximum numbers due to the problems of retooling at range of 4,000 yards, mostly wasted due to the arsenals in wartime. The Sharps rifle was the lack of adequate indirect fire control techused in the Civil War, notably by Berdan’s reg- niques. One advantage of the rifled gun was iment of U.S. Sharpshooters, and the Sharps _ that its ammunition could be fitted with an imcarbine was used by cavalrymen. A few re- pact (percussion) fuse. Although no effective

132 The Staff Departments

breech-loading cannon were used in any sig- __ late and fix the number and type of guns in nificant numbers during the Civil War, there field batteries. Eventually, the Army of the were several other improvements and innova- Potomac standardized its field artillery with tions in artillery weapons. The first true ma- _3-inch Parrotts and 12-pounder Napoleons. chine gun, the Gatling, invented by Dr. Rich- Civil War artillery had a rate of fire of about ard Gatling in 1862, could fire approximately two rounds per minute using various types of 550 rounds per minute, but was not adopted ammunition. Round shot consisted of a solid as a standard weapon until after 1865. Railway cast-iron ball and was used against fixed tarartillery was also introduced in the Civil War. _ gets and at a distance, particularly to batter The chief innovation in artillery before 1846 obstacles and fortifications or against troops was the introduction of an improved carriage in column. Spherical case shot consisted of a for the light field piece that permitted the de- hollow cast iron-ball filled with lead balls and velopment of light, mobile horse artillery, a asmall black powder charge. It was fused and characteristic feature of both the war with — burst at a predetermined interval after being Mexico and the Civil War. The Model 1841 _ fired. It was used primarily against troops at bronze 6-pounder muzzle-loading cannon of _ ranges of 300 to 1,300 yards. Canister consisted Mexican War fame was stillin use duringthe — of twenty-seven balls packed in sawdust and Civil War. It had a maximum range of 1,523. enclosed ina tin can. It was employed against yards. Design improvements in the 1850s re- _ troops at close range, less than 400 yards. Some duced the weight and increased the reliabil- other varieties of exploding shell were also ity of the bronze cannon. Perhaps the most used against cavalry, artillery, and infantry important new artillery weapon introduced _ in the open or in trenches at ranges of up to in the aftermath of the Mexican War was the 1,300 yards. The British and other European 12-pounder smooth-bore brass “Napoleon,” armies had long used rockets to bombard endeveloped for the light artillery batteriesand emy troops and fortifications. However, the introduced in 1857. It had an effective range of - Union Army's experience with rocket batteries

800 to 1,000 yards and could firea12-pound during the war was “not at all favorable,” and cast-iron shot nearly a mile. The 12-pounder _ they were not adopted by the Union Army.” Napoleon was the favorite gun of both sides during the Civil War. It was preferred by ar- Breech-Loaders and Repeaters

tilleryman over rifled cannon because it was The principal controversy focused on the easier to clean; it was much more effective at adoption, manufacture, and issue of breechshort range when firing canister against en- loading and repeating rifles. The first successemy infantry; and, because its trajectory was ful American breech-loader had been inventnot so flat, it could fire on reverse slopes. On — ed by Capt. John Hall around the time of the November 26, 1861, the general in chief, Maj. War of 1812, and a few had been produced in Gen. George B. McClellan, appointedaboard U.S. arsenals. By 1861, there were numerous of officers to “regulate and fixthe numberand _ types of both breech-loading and repeating caliber of cannons to be mounted in casemate _ rifles and carbines, some good and many bad. and barbette at each of the permanent forti- Among the best were the Sharps breech-loadfications of the United States” and to regu- ing rifle and carbine, both of which used a pa-

Ordnance Department 133

per cartridge; the fifteen-shot Henry repeating officers had to focus on finding a sufficient rifle, which fired a.44 caliber rim fire metal- number of muskets and rifles of the standard lic cartridge; and the Spencer .52 caliber rifle patterns to meet the immediate needs of a rapand carbine. The Spencer was perhaps the best idly growing army. Once the crisis had passed, of the lot. The Spencer carbine hadatubular attention turned to “improved” weapons, and magazine that held seven rim fire brass car- considerable controversy arose regarding the tridges and had a rate of fire of about fourteen adoption of one or another of the many varirounds per minute from horseback.’' In De- _ eties of available breech-loaders and repeatcember 1861 Christopher Spencer finally man- _ ers. Brigadier General Ripley was particularaged to get a contract for 10,000 carbines and __ ly loath to adopt any of the new-fangled arms rifles, and before the war ended he sold the inthe middle of the war. While still only actgovernment over 12,400 rifles, around 94,200 ing chief of ordnance, he sent Secretary Camcarbines, and more than 58 million Spencer eron a memorandum regarding contracting cartridges.”* As James A. Huston has written, | for small arms in which he noted that “a great “The Spencer seven-shooter probably was the — evil now specially prevalent in regard to arms greatest advantage in weapons that the North _ for the military service is the vast variety of

had over the South.””” the new inventions, each having, of course, Although the leaders of the orppD were re- _ its advocates, insisting upon the superiority luctant to commit funds and effort to the pro- of his favorite arm over all others and urging duction of weapons that they considered tobe its adoption by the government.””*

untried, there was great interest in the adop- Ripley’s thorough and well-reasoned ration of effective breech-loaders and repeat- _tionale served only to hasten his removal as ers on the part of President Lincoln, Secre- chief of ordnance in the hope that his succestary Stanton, the Congress, and troopsinthe sor might be more amenable to risking the govfield. Indeed, both Congress and the War De- — ernment’s money on expensive and complex partment had been interested in the transi- weapons still unproven in battle and requirtion to breech-loaders even before the war. ing ammunition neither perfected nor availIn 1858 Congress passed legislation calling for able in great quantity. While Ripley’s succes“the alteration of oldarmssoastomakethem — sors may have been less conservative and less breech-loading arms, upon a model to be se- set in their ways, they also had the advanlected and approved bya board of ordnance _ tage of experience in the performance on the officers,’ and the sum of up to $5,000 was battlefield of several types of breech-loading approved for the secretary of war to spend at and repeating firearms. In August 1864, Brig. his discretion.’ The orpp began the conver- Gen. George D. Ramsay reported that between sion of its stock of muzzle-loaders to breech- January 1and August 1, 1864, his department loaders in 1860 at Harpers Ferry Armory un- _ had purchased 33,652 repeating rifles and carder the direction of George W. Morse, but the _ bines (20,182 Spencer carbines, 11,470 Spencer project ended when Morse “went South” and ___ rifles, and 2,000 Henry rifles) and 15,051 sinthe Confederates captured and destroyedthe — gle-shot breech-loaders of various patterns, a

armory in April 1861.” total of 48,703 weapons using the copper carWhen the war began in April 1861, ordnance _ tridge. Another 78,100 repeaters and 11,850 sin-

134 the Staff Departments

gle-shot breech-loaders (89,950 weapons) were The process of finding the right breechscheduled for delivery between August 1864 loader was long and complex. In October 1865, and August 1865. Ramsay also reported that Dyer reported, “Extensive experiments have the estimated annual expenditure of copper been made by a board of officers, and also cartridges was estimated at 500 rounds for sin- under my direction and supervision, to efgle-shot breech-loaders and 1,000 rounds for fect that object [i.e., select the best model of repeaters, and that the number of such car- _ breech-loading rifle]; but as yet no arm has tridges on hand was 6,924,709, with 19.5 mil- been presented which I have been willing to

lion more on order.”” recommend for adoption. The selection of a Despite his apparent willingness to pur- proper model is considered so important a chase and issue breech-loaders and repeaters measure that I have preferred to act slowly and in quantity, Brigadier General Ramsay also — with great care in its selection rather than take fell victim of the enthusiasts for such weap- a false step and have to retrace it.”” The Civil ons and was soon replaced by Brig. Gen. Al- War would long be over before the Ordnance exander B. Dyer. Dyer was no political nov- Department completed its deliberations and ice, but he also recognized that breech-loaders a standard pattern breech-loading rifle was

and repeaters, particularly the Spencer car- adopted for general issue. bine, had contributed significantly to the success of the Union armies. Thus when he wrote Challenges and Achievements

to Secretary Stanton on the matterin Decem- In 1894 Civil War veteran Maj. Clarence E. ber 1864, he was not just bowing to political Dutton wrote, “The close of the war was folpressure when he stated, “The experience of | lowed by dark days for the Ordnance. Disthe war has shown that breech-loading arms appointed contractors and inventors whose are greatly superior to muzzle-loaders forin- hopes had not been realized were embittered fantry as well as for cavalry, and that mea- against the bureau and carried their grievsures should immediately be taken to substi- ances into Congress.”*° Indeed, the postwar tute a suitable breech-loading musket in place criticism of ordnance leaders and of the erof the rifle musket which is now manufac- rors they made during the war has been contured at the National Armory and by private — tinuous, harsh, and often unwarranted. The contractors for this department.” Dyer add- chief criticisms have been directed at the reed that before such a step was taken, howev- _ sistance of the successive chiefs of ordnance er, it was necessary to decide upon a breech- to new weapons technology and their failure loader that clearly met all requirements and to establish effective procedures for examindemonstrated that it was “a decided andim- ing, testing, producing, and fielding new arportant improvement” over the weapon it was | maments. to replace. To that end, he recommended for- Such negative views should not be allowed mation of a board of ordnance, infantry,and to overshadow the great achievement of the cavalry officers “to examine, test,andrecom- Ordnance Department of the Union Army in mend for adoption” a suitable breech-loader — the Civil War. Despite many difficulties, the for muskets and carbines and a suitable re- orpp successfully adapted the techniques of

peater or magazine carbine.” mass production to meet the needs of mass

Ordnance Department 135

Table 26. Items Provided for Military Service by — armies requiring enormous amounts of weap-

June 30, 1866 ;

the Ordnance Department, January 1, 1861, to ons, ammunition, and other ordnance mate-

$$ ——eeeeeeeeS—Sriel. Between 1861 and 1866, Federal arsenals

Quantity Item produced 7,892 pieces of artillery and some 7,892 Cannon four million stand of small arms. In 1865 alone 11,787 Artillery Carriages they produced 1.7 million pieces of ordnance. 6,335,295 Artillery Projectiles (Shot and Shell) Ey Pe oe re eer TOT eer

Pistols) ; ; ;

6,539,999 Lbs. of Grape and Canister Shot F a :

2,862,177 Rounds of Fixed Artillery Ammunition Nance supplied by the orpp to the Army dur-

3,477,655 Small Arms (Muskets, Rifles, and ing the Civil War can be gained from the fol-

: lowing li le 26) prepar he chief of

544,475 Swords, Sabers, and Lances Owls ast (table 26) pices ed by eeere 2,146,175 Complete Sets of Infantry ordnance in 1866.

Accoutrements The appropriations received and funds ex-

216,371 Complete Sets of Cavalry

pended by the orpp from ry 1861 through Fy 539,544 Complete Sets of Horse Equipments 1865, shown in table 27, are equally striking. Accoutrements

28,164 Sets of Two-Horse Artillery Harness The challenges faced by the Ordnance De-

eee ee artment were similar those 1,022,176,474 Cartridges for Smallto Arms ys ,faced by the 1,220,555,435 Percussion Caps for Small Arms other supply departments, save for the burden

10,281,305 Cannon Primers of dealing with emerging technology, which 4,226,377 , than ae , fell moreFuzes heavily on Shell the orpp any other. 26,440,054 Lbs. offor Gunpowder ) seceg |

6,395,152 Lbs. of Niter Army ordnance officers were unable to pre90,416,295 Lbs. of Lead in Pigs and Bullets vent the prewar transfer of arms to arsenals

Source Aneos (Dyer) shee. October 241866. anew. in the South and the subsequent dispersion of

(Stanton) 1866, 656. those arms from Federal arsenals to the state

militias in arms against the government of

and Expenditures, Fychallenge 1861—-Fy 1865 : of procuring the necessary materi-

Table 27. Ordnance Department Appropriations —_ the United States. Such losses increased the

Fiscal Year. Appropriations Expenditures el greatest in the first year of the war, which

ete was compounded by the largePnumbers of in1861-62 $41,367,765.00 $38,805,223.15 y5 1863 72,066,888.00 42,313,630.21 ventors, manufacturers, middlemen, influence 1864 42,015,000.00 38,902,822.99 peddlers, and government officials who had an

oe ic aieel$194,249,653.00 dae 1911209127 + terest in obtaining large contracts for their TOTAL $162,734,207.62 at are

$$ favorite weapon at high prices. But the DepartSource: Annual Reports q Be Chief of Ordnance, FY 1862— ment soon eased the difficulties of contract-

FY 1865. The appropriation in Fy 1866 was $31,550,000.00, ; ,

and expenditures were $16,551,677.38. See arco (Dyer) Ing by Increasing production in the Army S 1866, October 23, 1866, in arsw (Stanton) 1866, 653. Note = Own armories and arsenals and by imposing

that expenditures exceeded appropriations in FY 1865, as strict controls over the procurement of ord-

funds were from other War Department b counts totransferred cover the deficit. nance items acby. contract. While it is certainly true that the chiefs of ordnance who served during the Civil War — with the exception of the last, Alexander B. Dyer—were older men and set in

136 The Staff Departments

their ways, their resistance to change arose not so much from age, infirmity, apathy, or opposition to new ideas as it did from their assessment of the practical consequences of introducing new and untried weapons in the midst of the war. Nevertheless, the challenge of

managing emerging technology was the most difficult of all the many problems faced by the ORDD during the war, and it was the one that

the orpp handled least well. The successive chiefs of ordnance failed to establish a quick and effective process for testing and evaluating new weapons, and, lacking such a process, the decisions on the acquisition tended to be ad hoc and subject to political pressure rather than based on sound technology, the Army's needs, and the existing limitations of production, distribution, and support. However, despite the many difficulties, ordnance officers endured and met the challenge of arming a large and rapidly growing Army engaged

in mobile operations over half a continent. Consequently, Union troops seldom lacked for arms, ammunition, or supporting artillery necessary for victory.

Ordnance Department 137

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Quartermasters Department ws ea wo LGL & In the nineteenth century, the Quartermaster’s the many challenges; indeed, they aggressiveDepartment (Qmp) fairly claimed the position ly promoted effective solutions to entirely new of primus inter pares.' Its operations, particu- problems. Asa result, the Union Army in the larly its transportation operations, supported field rarely lacked necessary supplies and serthose of the other departments and were criti- vices, and then only for short periods of time, cal to not only the success but the very survival usually asa result of enemy action. of the Union Army. As the wartime quartermaster general (QmMG), Brig. Gen. Montgomery Mission and Functions C. Meigs, stated, “The business of the depart- [pn April 1861 the forces supported by the amp

ment is very large and complicated; upon its yumbered less than 17,000 officers and men faithful execution the health, efficiency, and and were located mainly in fixed installations mobility of all armies very much depend.” east of the Mississippi River, on the West Coast, The gop also felt the impact of the war per- and at a few scattered posts, mostly of a temhaps sooner and more directly than any oth- porary character, in between. Mobile expedier staff department. By the end of June 1861, tionary forces, principally patrols and small QMD operations had increased twenty-fold nits operating against the Plains Indians, as the Union Army rapidly expanded to over — were limited in size and scope and required 500,000 men. The tempo and scope of opera- _Jitt}e in the way of supplies and transport. All tions increased as well, but the amp was “per- of that changed dramatically as the Civil War haps the first Army bureau to respond etfec- progressed. The size of the forces supported tively to the unprecedented demands of the grew by 1865 to over a million men arrayed Civil War and then maintain a high level of i, a number of large field armies conduct-

support throughout the war. ing mobile operations from Pennsylvania to Despite the increased workload, the Reg- New Mexico. As the Union Army expandPane Ey On PORCET Ce DOOM Ores ed and its operations became more complex es Proporticnatsly, and for some nme rel- and widespread, the missions and functions ARGH EDIOR GMD OMIC OLS eG ney posions of the gmp expanded as well. Ultimately, the

involving the support of thousands of troops ee i

and the disbursement of millions of dollars. pane ee = a eae

to include the following: What the department lacked in terms of experienced personnel, it made up in effective 1. The procurement, storage, and distribuprocedures and strong leadership. Innovation — tion of cloth, clothing, and equipment for was the order of the day, and Meigs and his camp and garrison; of all horses and mules; key subordinates proved more than equalto ofall forage, straw, and fuel (coal, wood,

139

etc.); and of wagons, ambulances, traveling __ ies; the organization, training, and command

forges, and harness (other than that sup- of civilian employees of the department emplied by the Ordnance Department). ployed as auxiliary combat troops; and over2. The purchase, charter, hire, and main- seeing the Cavalry Bureau, the U.S. Military

Fe EY os | en STO On ee Railroads, the U.S. Railroad Construction vessels used by the Army for ocean, coastal, Corps, and the U.S. Military Telegraph.

and river transport. P Leadership

.yAll military railroad transportation, ineein :cluding Bvt. Maj. Gen. Thomas Sidney Jesup died the management and operation of

railways.

pS office on June 10, 1860, having served as quartermasterofgeneral constructionnee and oo maintenance militar :of the Army for forty-two captured and military rail systems and the

Y years.’ Secretary of War John B. Floyd passed over two colonels, two lieutenant colonels, four

4. The management of military supply majors, and twenty-four captains of the amp,

trains in the field. as well as several other well known officers 5. The construction, maintenance, andop- | recommended by General in Chief Winfield

eration of military telegraph lines. Scott, to select Vi rginian Joseph ioe Joh nston 6. The construction or lease of all barracks, (USMA 1829), then the lieutenant colonel of the

hospital buildings, storehouses, stables, ist Cavalry, to succeed Jesup.° Johnston, the wharves, bridges (other than railway bridg- _ first graduate of West Point to hold the office es), and lumber and hardware for building of QMG, assumed his duties on June 28, 1860,

purposes. but had little impact on the department. He re; 43disbursement ; signed on April 22, 1861, was subsequent 7. The of funds for and payments 5PqY appointed general, csa, in August 1861; he beto wagon and forage masters; mileage and . came one of the Confederacy’s foremost field

other travel allowances for officers and their

ae commanders. baggage; courtsmartial, military commis- ak . set ata’ Upon Johnston’s resignation, Maj. Ebene-

sions, boards of inquiry; the purchase . ; ; ; zerand S. Sibley (USMA 1827) served as acting QMG

of heating and cooking stoves; supplies and igh 7 until Montgomery C. Meigs (USMA 1836) was transportation for prisoners of war and ref- a

; Ma appointed brigadier general and quartermas-

ugees; stationery and printing for the de-

ter general of the Army on May 5, 1861, and partment; and expenses for the movement took up his duties on June 13. At the time of his

and operations ofMeigs the Army not been specially as,signed : appointment, had just appointed to any other department. colonel of the new uth Infantry. Before that he

Over the course of the Civil War, the gmp _ had been only a captain of the Corps of Engipicked up a number of additional major func- neers but had made a reputation as the officer tions. They included responsibility forthe con- in charge of several important construction struction and operation of the Union gunboat _ projects in the District of Columbia, includfleet in the western theater of war; formalre- ing the Washington Aqueduct and the Cabsponsibility for the collection and burial ofthe in John Bridge as well as the wings and dome dead and the maintenance of national cemeter- of the Capitol.’ Immediately before the war

140 the Staff Departments

began, Meigs, along with Lt. Col. Erasmus went over to the Confederacy, were graduates D. Keyes and Navy Lt. David Dixon Porter, of West Point, and two others were ex-cadets. planned and executed on the orders of Pres- ‘Twelve had prior enlisted service. Only one of ident Lincoln and Secretary of State Seward — the Regular amp officers died in combat, but a secret expedition to relieve Fort Pickensin four others died of other causes.’ During the Florida. The success of the endeavor consid- war, eight Regular Qmp officers, in addition erably enhanced Meigs’s reputation and led _ to those who left to join the Confederacy, re-

to his appointment as QMc.* signed their commissions, and five were disMeigs was a man of great intelligence, vig- | missed, cashiered, or dropped from the rolls. or, and administrative ability, and he managed None of the military storekeepers resigned or the wartime expansion of the gmp with skill “went South,” but one declined his appointand efficiency. He suppressed waste and fraud, ment, two died on duty, one retired, one ac-

promoted organizational efficiency, and en- cepted appointment as captain in the uth sured that the Union armies in the field were Infantry, and one transferred to the Pay Deadequately supplied and provided with trans- partment. port. His advice on matters of policy was of- Six of the eight Regular amp officers who ten sought by President Lincoln and Secre- _ resigned to join the Confederacy became gentary Stanton, and he was frequently involved _ eral officers in the Confederate service. Joseph in important affairs well beyond the scope of — E. Johnston was the fourth most senior Conhis duties as quartermaster general. He was __ federate general, and the other five— Henry also a “hands-on” leader and frequently took C. Wayne (UsMA 1838), Thomas Jordan (USMA to the field to oversee Qmp operations. During 1840), James G. Martin (usMa 1840), William the fall and early winter of 1863, he was absent __L. Cabell (usMa 1850), and Alexander W. Reyn-

from Washington, personally handling logis- olds (usMa 1838) — served as brigadier genertical matters in the western theater. In hisab- als, csa. Abraham C. Myers became colonel sence, Col. Charles Thomas was acting @Mc. and quartermaster general, csa, and Eugene Meigs commanded Grant’s base of supply at Eckel McLean served as major and QM, csa. Fredericksburg and Belle Plain in 1864, com- One Regular gmp officer, Alfred T. A. Torbert manded a division of War Department em- (USMA 1855), was appointed ist lieutenant of ployees in the defense of Washington against artillery, csa, to rank from March 16, 1861, but the raid by Gen. Jubal Early in July 1864, and _—_ declined the commission. He was subsequent-

supervised the refitting of Sherman’sarmyat ly appointed captain and assistant quarterSavannah in January 1865 and again at Golds- master (AQm) on August 3, 1861, and went on boro and Raleigh, North Carolina, in March — to become a brigadier general of Volunteers

and April 1865. in the Union Army in November 1862. Of those gmp officers who remained loyal,

Personnel one, Capt. and aqm Winfield Scott Hancock In all, 104 Regular officers andi7 RegularArmy (usma 1844), became a major general of Volunmilitary storekeepers served in the QmD be- _ teers.'” Nine others became brigadier generals tween December 31, 1860, and June 30, 1865. Six- of Volunteers (Robert Allen, Justus McKinstry,

ty-four of the officers, including alleightwho Stewart Van Vliet, Rufus Ingalls, Alvan C. Gil-

Quartermasters Department 141

lem, Rufus Saxton, Alfred T. A. Torbert, and ciently to meet the requirements. Already in Robert O. Tyler). Fourteen received brevet pro- his annual report for 1861, Quartermaster Genmotion to major general and twenty-one oth- _ eral Meigs was obliged to admit that “the deers to brigadier general. In addition to Meigs, partment finds itself seriously embarrassed six Regular amp officers became quartermas- _ for want of officers of experience and knowlter general of the Army (Daniel H. Rucker, edge.”'’ However, just a month after the war Rufus Ingalls, Samuel B. Holabird, Charles began, the War Department had authorized G. Sawtelle, George H. Weeks, and Richard four additional Qms (majors) and eight adN. Batchelder). Roger Jones (UsMa 1851) trans- ditional aqns (captains), thus bringing the ferred to the Inspector General’s Department total number of Regular officers authorized and was later appointed brigadier generaland to forty-nine.'* Less than three months later,

inspector general of the Army. Congress added one assistant Qmc (colonel); Three Regular officers who served inthe two deputy mas (lieutenant colonels); four QMp were awarded the Medal of Honor for QMs (majors), and twenty Ags (captains). wartime actions. Rufus Saxton (usma 1849) {In the same act, Congress also provided for and Charles H. Tompkins were decorated for the promotion to major of any Regular Army gallantry in action while serving asa brigadier ¢aptain with fourteen years of continuous sergeneral of Volunteers in 1862 and as a 1st lieu- vice in the gmp. In July 1862, Congress also autenant of the 2d Cavalry in June 1861, respec-__ thorized the president to appoint up to twelve

tively. However, Richard N, Batchelder was Mulitary storekeepers in the gp." awarded the Medal of Honor on May 20, 1895, Although the Regular Army component of for most distinguished gallantry in defense the department was but little increased, the of the army trains against Mosby’s guerrillas @M@D workforce was expanded significantly between Catlett and Fairfax Stations, Virgin- through the commissioning of assistant quaria, October 13-15, 1863, while serving as acting termasters of Volunteers and the detail of line lieutenant colonel and chief aM of the I Corps officers to duty as acting assistant quarterof the Army of the Potomac." He armed and masters (AAQM). In all, more than nine hun-

led his teamsters in constant skirmishes with ed men served as Volunteer officers of the the Confederate guerrillas and got the trains amp during the Civil War, some even rising through without the loss of a single wagon. to the rank of brigadier general. Many were very competent and contributed significant-

Organization ly to the successful operations of the department, but there were a number appointed soleCommissioned Officers and Military Storekeepers lyon account of their political connéetions.

On April 12, 1861, the gmp was authorized only some of whom were incompetent, criminal, thirty-seven Regular officers, seven military or both. Even the better Volunteer officers restorekeepers, thirteen civilian clerks,andno quired time to learn their business, and in the enlisted personnel. Despite the tremendous meantime they were a drag on operations and

increase in the business of the department proper accounting. during the war, the Regular officer compo- Despite the substantial augmentation, nent of the QMp was never increased suffi- the total number of officers in QMD posi-

142 the Staff Departments

tions— Regulars, Volunteers, and officers de- listed personnel per se in the qmp.'” The wagtailed from the line—remained comparatively on masters and wagoners were carried on the small throughout the war. In 1864 the number __ rolls, but they did not wear uniforms and were was about 2,142, including some 1,500 regimen- __ not, at least initially, subject to the Articles of

tal quartermasters and 9 military storekeep- War. Nor were the quartermaster sergeants acers.'° As of June 30, 1865, there were on duty 68 — tually members of the gmp. They were nonRegular Army gmp Officers, 1 military store- | commissioned officers (Ncos) of the line reg-

keepers, and 553 AgMs of Volunteers.” iments who had special skills and expertise For Regular and Volunteer Qmp officers and were detailed to handle quartermasteralike, the lack of opportunity for promotion _ related duties at company, battalion, regimendespite significantly increased responsibili- tal, and brigade levels. The number of wagty was a problem. Depot quartermasters re- on masters and wagoners employed as well as sponsible for thousands of men and animals — the number of Ncos detailed as quartermaster and millions of dollarsin fundsand supplies sergeants was quite large and increased over were often mere captains. To provide depot the course of the war. The overall increase in quartermasters with higher rank, some were — the number of enlisted personnel performing appointed as additional aides-de-camp with quartermaster-related duties in Regular Army the temporary rank of lieutenant colonel or units from 1860 to 1865 1s shown in table 28. colonel, and the amp Organization Act of July 4, 1864, provided for the temporary appoint- Civilian Personnel

ment as colonel of not more than ten of the When Meigs took office in June 1861, there depot commanders.’* Some of the officers as- were thirteen clerks in the oqma. They were signed to the most responsible andimportant accustomed to dealing with a budget of $4 to positions received commissions as brigadier $5 million per year, but in FY 1862 the amp generals of Volunteers or were brevetted brig- budget rose to $75 million without an inadier general in consideration of theirimpor- crease in the number of clerks.*” Moreover, tant and valuable service. By the end of the war, as Meigs lamented, “An army of over 500,000 most of the officers in the Office of the Quar- men, engaged in active operation over so wide termaster General (OQMG) in Washington, at a field, is to be supplied by the office which the depots, and with troops in the field, held was scarcely adequate in its force and accom-

a rank higher than their lineal rankinthe de- modations to the supply of the old Army of partment, but such rank was temporary and __ less than 20,000.””!

ceased when the individual was transferred Clerks remained in short supply through-

to other duties. out the war, even though the workforce in the OQMG expanded significantly. By 1863 the num-

Enlisted Personnel ber of civilian clerks and other employees in Although the quartermaster general was au- Washington headquarters had grown to 213, thorized to hire wagon masters and wagoners twice as many as the entire War Department and the brigades, regiments, battalions, and had had in 1859, but still not enough to hancompanies of the Army were authorized quar- dle all of the business.” In February 1863 Con-

termaster sergeants, there wereinfactnoen- gress authorized 94 additional clerks for the

Quartermasters Department 143

Table 28. Quartermaster-Related Enlisted Personnel in Regular Army Regiments

Position 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865 Regimental Quartermaster Sergeants 19 20 21 21 pA re

Battalion Quartermaster Sergeants 30 af Pad 27 ay.

Company Quartermaster Sergeants 84 84 84 84 Regimental Saddler Sergeants 6 6 6 6 Battalion Saddler Sergeants 3 Discontinued

Saddlers 12 72 72 72 io)

Chief Farriers/Blacksmiths 6 Discontinued

Farriers and Blacksmiths 96 84 144 144 144 144

Master Wagoners ‘ :84* ‘ 784* Wagoners 24* 84” 84* Teamsters 144 Battalion Veterinary Sergeants 3 Discontinued

*Section 3 of the Army Organization Act of August 3, 1861 (or III, 1:396-97) added “as many master wagoners, with the rank, etc. of sergeants of Cavalry, and as many wagoners with rank, etc. of corporals of Cavalry, as the President deems necessary to the military service.” The numbers given in the table for wagoners and teamsters are those specifically authorized and listed in Army Registers. Source: Army Registers, 1860-65.

Qmp, but the lack of authorization for clerks _ the field.*° Such persons were employed at the

in the intermediate grades failed to provide depots and with quartermasters in the field. the means for promotion, and thus “many Their wages and conditions of employment of the most efficient clerks, to whom higher varied somewhat according to place and cirpositions have been tendered elsewhere, have cumstances, and the management of such emresigned, and the office has been deprived of _ ployees, particularly the teamsters, was a diffitheir services at the time when they were not cult task. Although civilian teamsters worked only most valuable, but really indispensable.”* on or near the battlefields, they were not sol-

Accordingly, Thomas and Meigs repeatedly diers and were not, at first, subject to miliasked for substantial increases in the num- _ tary discipline. Consequently they were ofber of clerks. In part to make up for the lack ten balky. One Qmp officer characterized his of qualified male clerks, the gmc begantoem- _teamsters in Virginia in mid-1861 as “mostly ploy women, some of whom were the widows _ rowdies and wharf rats from the Ohio river citor sisters of soldiers. The first 3 female clerks ies, who were too cowardly to enlist, too lazy were hired in 1862, and by the end of 1864, to labor, and came to Virginia with expecta-

there were 29 female and 184 male clerks in tion of having a good time, and plundering the oqma.** The following year, the number “Secesh” property.’ Eventually the quarter-

rose to 591 clerks overall.” master general obtained legislation making ciIn addition to the clerks and other civilian vilian gmp employees subject to military law personnel (messengers and laborers) inthe and discipline.** 0QMG in Washington, the @mp employed a One ready source of reasonably reliable lalarge number of other civilians as clerks, mes- borers and teamsters was found among the sengers, craftsmen, laborers, and teamstersin thousands of Negro refugees and freed or es-

144 The Staff Departments

Figure. 2.. General Organization of the Quartermaster’s Department, 1861-1865 Quartermaster General

Washington Office of the

Quartermaster General

Chief Quartermaster -- Chief Quartermaster -- Quartermaster

Military Department Field Army Depot Commander

(Colonel) (Colonel) (Captain to Colonel)

NB: Thedepartment chief quartermaster a. ; ; of a military Chief Quartermaster Contro

often served as the chief Army Corps __-----. Coordination quartermaster of a field (Lieutenant Colonel) army or corps as well. Division

Quartermaster (Major)

Brigade

Quartermaster (Captain)

Regimental

Quartermaster (Lieutenant)

caped slaves (“contrabands”) who made their struction and camp duties at wages of $10 per way into Union lines. The employment of able- | month and one ration, such persons enrolled bodied black men, many of whom were famil- _ to be free along with their mothers, wives, and iar with hard physical labor andthe handling children.*’ By 1864 the amp depended largeof animals, provided the Union Army with _ ly on liberated slaves and “contrabands” to much needed labor and at the same time off- serve as teamsters, grooms, and skilled and set the expense of providing relieftothe many unskilled laborers of all kinds. They generally poor black families and individuals cast adrift gave great satisfaction and, as Meigs stated in by the progress of the war into the statesinre- his annual report for 1864, they were “not an bellion. In July 1862 Congress authorized the embarrassment, but a great aid, in the conhiring of “persons of African descent” forcon- duct of the war.”*°

Quartermasters Department 145

Field Organization hiring and supervising his own force of civilThe Civil War Qop was organized hierarchi- ‘*” oe ape anner woes: ey by 1864,

: eaeasaaal _, in the exigencies of the were situation cally shown figure 2, but operations . oh had induced ; Brigadier General highly decentralized, and amp depotMeigs com- j .to reduce the number of disbursing agents and to better control

manders and those gmp ;officers as staff ;senior PeraanP epartmenta!serving funds by designating officers, at various echelons of command in the aaa aie supervising whom the ee defield had Ae wide discretion inquartermasters the procurement to P 54 a . partmental and army chief QMshowwere:toaereof goods and services. In one respect, | ; port.” Bvt. Maj. Gen. Robert Allen (usMa 1836) ever, the department was highly centralized. — ; ara , at St. Louis (later at Louisville) was made reThe 0ame in maintained strict ieValley ee (the , : Washington sponsible for the entire Mississippi

control over the disbursement of funds and .

tability £ 5 , d Departments of the Northwest, the Missouri, accountability government property, anGen. | y is eae thefor Tennessee, and Kansas).** Bvt. Maj. exercised increasing central control over the | a Thomas Swords (usMa 1829), headquartered procurement of suppliesatand services.” a , Cincinnati, was made responsible for the

“ae (i: .InPoy Serre the Cumberland).* Bvt. Maj.35 Gen. Rufus galls, chief qm of the Army of the Potomac and In peacetime, a senior Regular officer was nor- ; ; ; Chief Quartermasters of Military Departments Ohio Valley (the Departments of the Ohio and

eee eae later of all the armies operating against Rich-

many Aevened ae Cluerquariennasts otra mond, submitted his estimates for funds and

department. Once the war began, thetonuman supplies directly theeTquartermaster

gener-

ber of military departments increased, and al in Washington, as did the chief Qs of the a new echelon of command, the geographic yysqgjep epartment and the Departments of military division, was introduced to oversee jpop ast, the South, the Gulf, the Susquehanoperations in two or more militar Y depart- na, the Monongahela, West Virginia, Virginments. The number and boundaries of the ia, and North Carolina.*® geographical military divisions and departments changed frequently during the course Depots

: 32 . ‘pe . ‘ .

of the war, but by June 1865 there were twen- The amp operated a number of permanent ty-one such commands.” In some cases, the (base or general) depots located in major citchief gm ofa military division or department jes scattered throughout the country.*” The served simultaneously as chief Qo of a field principal depots were located in New York, army or corps, particularly when the army or Philadelphia, Washington, Baltimore, Decorps commander was also the military divi- troit, Cincinnati, Louisville, St. Louis, Chi-

sion or department commander. cago, Columbus (Ohio), and New Orleans. The chief Qm of a military division, de- | Major wartime depots were also located at partment, or field army acted as the chiefdis- | Fort Leavenworth (Kansas), City Point (Virbursing agent and had various administrative ginia), and Fort Monroe (Virginia), and smalland supervisory duties regarding reports, es- er depots were located in other important cit-

timates of funds and materiel, and disburse- ies around the country. ments. Each chief QM was also responsible for The depot commanders were responsible

146 The Staff Departments

for the procurement, receipt, storage, and dis- er Union armies operating on the East Coast, tribution of goods and the disbursement of was typical of the many smaller depots and public funds for services such as transporta- | was commanded by Capt. James G. C. Lee.”

tion. They received allocations of funds from In the western theater the principal base the ogMG in Washington and either fabricated depots for the Union armies were at St. Louitems in-house or made contracts for goods _ is, Louisville, and Cincinnati. Bvt. Brig. Gen. and services with commercial firms. Cloth- William Myers (UsMA 1852) was the chief QM ing and other supplies manufactured in house of the depot at St. Louis, the great steamboat or delivered in bulk to the major depots were center on the Mississippi River. The Qmp dethen reshipped to units in the field based on _ pot at Louisville was commanded by Acting requisitions received from unit quartermas- Col. and qm George F. Clark, a Volunteer ofters. In some cases items were shipped direct- _ ficer, and in 1865 the depot at Cincinnati was ly from the factory to the field. Unit quarter- | commanded by Acting Col. and qm Charles masters received supplies at advanced depots W. Moulton, a Regular Qmp captain. Union or railheads, moved them to the units, andis- forces in the lower Mississippi Valley and on

sued them. the Gulf Coast were supported principally by The major base depots forthe Union armies the depot at New Orleans, which was comin the East were at New York, Philadelphia, and manded by Capt. and Aan of Vols. Cyrus K. Washington. The amp depot in New York City, Mark. Union troops on the West Coast were an important procurement and distribution — supported by the depot at San Francisco, which center, was under the direction of Bvt. Maj. was commanded by Bvt. Brig. Gen. Ralph W. Gen. David H. Vinton (usMA 1822).** Schuykill Kirkham (usMa 1842), another Regular officer.

Arsenal (Depot) in Philadelphia was the chief Advanced and temporary depots were esmanufacturing center and depot for clothing — tablished as needed to support active operfor the Army, and for most of the war it was ations in the field. For example, during the under the command of Bvt. Brig. Gen. George Peninsula campaign in 1862 the base depots H. Crosman (usMa 1823) and then, after Feb- were at Washington and Alexandria, Virginia; ruary 15, 1865, of Acting Col. and qm William _ the depot for land transport was at Perryville,

W. McKim. The Washington Depot was one Maryland, at the mouth of the Susquehanof the Army’s largest and most importantand na River (and later at Fort Monroe, Virginwas the principal depot for the support ofthe ia); and the main or advanced depot was at Union armies operating against Richmond Fort Monroe. In the course of the campaign, and along the Atlantic coast. It was command- several advanced depots were established and ed by Bvt. Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Rucker.” At subsequently broken up. On May 20, 1862, a the beginning of the war, Rucker organized temporary depot was set up at White House the depot and systematized its operations. By on the Pamunkey River. The White House April 1865 the Washington Depot had some depot was moved to Harrison’s Landing on 9,251 employees, and in Fy 1865 its operations the James River during the famous “change involved more than $8.8 million.“° The gmp _ of base” in early July 1862.

depot in Alexandria, Virginia, a key point of The larger advanced depots, for example, supply for the Army of the Potomacand oth- those at Nashville, Fort Monroe, and City

Quartermasters Department 147

Point, often became as large and as busy as_ Regular regiment and one battalion quarterany general depot. City Point eventually be- master and commissary for each Regular batcame the main advanced depot supporting the _ talion, such officers to be chosen from among Union armies operating against Richmondand _ the lieutenants of the regiment or battalion."°

grew to enormous size and complexity.** Lo- An assistant Qm with the rank of captain cated about ten miles from Petersburg, where was authorized for each brigade by the Act the Appomattox River meets the James Riv- _ of July 22, 1861.” They were appointed by the er, the City Point depot was served by three _ president, and their duties were to manage railroad lines, and as many as 40 steamers, 75 __ the brigade trains and to handle receipts and sailing ships, and 100 barges might be pres- _ issues of Qmp items. In 1862 Congress autho-

ent at any one time. rized the president to appoint for each army Little is written in Civil War documents corps one QM with the temporary rank, pay, about maintenance, but animportant part of and allowances ofa lieutenant colonel of cavthe City Point logistical complex was a Qqmp re- _ alry.** Although recognized by War Departpair depot under the command of Bvt. Lt. Col. ment General Orders and actually at work in of Vols. Edward J. Strang."* The repair depot _ the field, division ams with the temporary rank alone employed over 1,600 men including car- of major were not authorized by Congress unpenters, blacksmiths, saddlers, laborers, clerks, _ til July 1864. The gmp Organization Act of July and supervisors. In Fy 1865, they repairedsome 4, 1864, also authorized the secretary of war 3,653 wagons and 2,414 ambulances and shod _ to appoint a chief or senior Qm with the tem-

19,618 horses and 31,628 mules.** porary rank, pay, and emoluments of a colonel of cavalry for each army in the field having

Quartermasters with Troops in the Field more than one corps, each military departQuartermaster operations in the field with ment, and each depot (not to exceed ten in troop units required the bulk ofthe available all).*” The duties and responsibilities of the Qmp personnel, both Regular and Volunteer, chief QmMs of armies and independent corps officers and civilians. The organization for were outlined succinctly by Meigs in a generQMD field operations changed somewhat over al order issued on October 8, 1863, at Chattathe course of the war, and it was not finalized nooga, in which he emphasized the supervi-

until mid-1864.* sory and administrative duties of a chief QM In April 1861 existing legislation provided _ but also stated that he should be “an out-offor the selection by regimental commanders door, not an office, man.””” (both Regular and Volunteer) of a lieutenant of the line to act as regimental quartermas- Washington Office of the Quartermaster General

ter. He was responsible for all assigned Q@mp Effective organization of the Office of the property, the wagons and animals of the reg- Quartermaster General in Washington was imental trains, and the requisition, receipt, the key to efficient amp operations during the and issue of quartermaster supplies such as___ war. Ad hoc adjustments in the internal orclothing and forage. The Army Organization ganization of the headquarters were made as Act of July 28, 1861, authorized one regimen- _ required from the beginning of the war, but tal quartermaster and commissary for each it was not until July 1864 that Meigs succeed-

148 the Staff Departments

Table 29. Organization of the Office of the Quartermaster General from July 1864

Division Responsibility Head Ist Public animals Bvt. Brig. Gen. James A. Ekin

2d Clothing and equipment Bvt. Brig. Gen. Alexander J. Perry

3d Ocean and lake transportation Bvt. Brig. Gen. of Vols. George D. Wise 4th Rail and river transportation Bvt. Maj. Gen. of Vols. Lewis B. Parsons

5th Regular supplies Bvt. Brig. Gen. of Vols. Samuel L. Brown 6th Barracks and quarters Bvt. Brig. Gen. James J. Dana 7th Military trains and incidental allowances Bvt. Brig. Gen. Benjamin C. Card

8th Inspections Bvt. Brig. Gen. of Vols. George V. Rutherford 9th Records and correspondence Bvt. Brig. Gen. Benjamin C. Card

Source: Quartermaster Organization Act of July 4, 1864, sec. 11 (or TIT, 4:508—-11), and ARQMG (Meigs) 1865, November 8, 1865 (oR III, 5:343). Rank given is highest achieved.

of “ os “ y: ’ . : i me ; ! ; ; oanizati r 7 7 ee a > ee Rute Acid 1 eee ae .

ed in obtaining from Congress authorization Expenditures and Disbursements

for a formal reorganization of the office. The amp General Orders No. 62 provided for an passage of the amp Organization Act of July accictant QMG, who, in addition to such oth4, 1864, and the subsequent reorganization of 4+ dutiesas the quartermaster general might the oama has been called “the most impor- assign to him, was to be responsible for “the tant administrative achievement of Meigs’ ten- oy amination and analysis of the money ac-

; ; : ; a] 51 : ; . . i

lineas quartermaster eeneral ST NeAMIeNt se stage Rrra cd eens eee pes of Congress was to improve the organization public funds.”*' The magnitude of the auditand functioning of the department byestab- j, ¢ task was enormous. Between July 1, 1861, lishing in the oqmé nine divisions, each led and June 30, 1865, the omc received some by an experienced officer, to handle the vari- 476,402 accounts (28,378 money accounts, ous functional areas under the purview of the 193,963 property accounts, and 44,961 com-

QMG, as shown in table 29.” pany accounts).*° In section 2, Congress provided that the In FY 1860, 203 QmD officers and agents disofficers heading the various divisions of the bursed just over $24 million, and as Secretary oQMG should be responsible for advertising of War John B. Floyd proclaimed, “A strictfor bids, contracting, and purchasing all QM er accountability or a more faithful disbursesupplies and services, for ensuring that sup- ment it would be difficult to secure.”** Between plies purchased were inspected for quality April 12, 1861, and June 30, 1865, the number of and workmanship, and for directing the dis- disbursing officers more than tripled and the bursement of funds for the purchase of such — gmp became responsible for the disbursement

supplies and services. Congress also autho- and accounting of far larger sums of money rized commanders in the field to order their _ than ever before, but the same strict accountchief Q@m to make emergency purchases of ability and “faithful disbursement” was main-

supplies and services necessary to the con- tained. The annual expenditures of the amp duct of movements and operations “in the and the amount to be accounted for by the most expeditious manner, and without ad- department in the five fiscal years from 1861

vertisement.”™ to 1865 are shown in table 30.”

Quartermasters Department 149

Table 30. Funds Handled by the Quartermaster’s Department, Fy 1861—FY 1865

Fiscal Year Annual Expenditures Total Amount Handled

1861 $8,066,118.30 $10,603,033.75 1862 40,631,147.65 176,348,419.60 1863 118,463,312.03 375,096,282.27 1864 284,809,697 .72 581,778,567 .08 1865 226,119,362.24 732,295,924.68

TOTAL $678,089,637.94 $1,876,122,227.38

Source: Oscar F. Long, “The Quartermaster’s Department,” in The Army of the United States, ed. Rodenbough and Haskin, 58.

“Quartermaster Volunteer” Brigades gades, which by the morning of July 12 numThe officers and civilian employees of the bered some 4,914 officers and men and a section Qmp often came under fire in the performance of artillery. That day, the Confederates apof their duties, but active armed participation peared, and Meigs’s skirmish line was engaged.

in battle was not normally required of them. The Volunteers of the qb suffered two casuHowever, they did have occasion for more di- alties: one man was slightly wounded and anrect participation in battle. In the summer of other was shot and killed instantly. On July 1863, Meigs organized the clerks and other ci- the Quartermaster Volunteers returned to vilian employees of the amp in the Washington Washington and their normal duties. area, including a large number of Negro labor- In all, some 2,700 Qmp employees were ers and teamsters, into armed companies and placed under arms during the Confederate regiments led by gmp officers for the purpose attack in July 1864. For the most part, they of participating actively in the defense against Were all patriotic citizens eager to serve their any Confederate attack, but the units fellinto | Country in whatever capacity, and they eagerdisarray during Meigs’s absence at Chattanoo- _ ly took their place in the trenches, thereby bega in late 1863. However, when the Confeder- coming “the only Government | civilian] emate forces under Gen. Jubal Early threatened ployees who saw service at the front.” Meigs Washington in July 1864, Meigs revived the _ later reported that the effect on the gmp em-

“Quartermaster Volunteers,” and on Julya__ ployees of active service in the field was to 250-man battalion of clerks of the ogmc un- awaken “a military spirit” and that their subder Capt. and aq James J. Dana took over sequent participation in drill and exercises the responsibility for guarding qmp facilities | was quite cheerful. in the Washington area. The same day Meigs By February 9, 1865, the Quartermaster Voland acommand of some 1,900 men under Col. _ unteers included two brigades in Washington

Daniel H. Rucker, chief am of the Washing- with 4,968 officers and men and three briton Depot, reported to Maj. Gen. Alexander gades in Nashville with around 6,500 officers McCook and occupied about one mile of de- — and men.°' The Quartermaster Volunteers in fensive trenches north of Washington. Meigs Nashville also saw limited action in the dewas placed in command of that sectorandor- _ fense of Johnsonville on November 3-10, 1864, ganized his forces as a division of three bri- and under the command of chief am Bvt. Brig.

150 The Staff Departments

Gen. James L. Donaldson, they held part of the compliance with the applicable laws and reguUnion line on December 15—16, 1864, during _ lations. Thus after the first few months of the the decisive phase of the battle of Nashville.” war there were fewer complaints.

. The principal problems were created by un-

Operations and Issues scrupulous civilian contractors, speculators,

The Union Army expanded quickly to over _ war profiteers, and politicians who sought to a million men in thousands of units spread _ take advantage of the urgent need for supplies across the country, and the military opera- and services and the confusion. For the most tions to be supported increased to unprece- part, mp officers, both Regulars and Volundented levels of scale, scope, dispersion, and teers, were honest and faithful servants, and complexity. The early months of the war were some even suffered for their virtue.*’ Howevparticularly trying as the amp struggled to _ er, as Russell Weigley has observed, “Nobody clothe, equip, and transport the rapidly grow- questions that a goodly number of people were ing Volunteer forces while competing for _ lining their pockets by dubious means, and

scarce resources with the states and trying that some of them were officers of General to bring order out of the chaos ofa procure- Meigs’ Quartermaster’s Department.”*' The ment environment rife with waste, fraud,and most notorious of such miscreants was Brig. political interference. In time, Meigsand his Gen. Justus McKinstry (USMA 1838), chief QM subordinates brought order and efficiency to of Maj. Gen. John C. Frémont’s Department their operations and thus ensured the sup- _ of the West in St. Louis, who has been charport of forces in the field. The Union Army acterized as “one of the most thoroughgoing was seldom deprived of adequate clothing, rogues ever to wear a United States uniform.” camp equipment, animals, forage and fuel, McKinstry’s blatant sins provoked investigaocean, river, rail, and wagon transport, orany tions by Meigs, Congress, and a three-man of the other supplies and services for which “Commission on the Debts of the Western the Q@mp was responsible. To be sure, there Department” headed by former secretary of were miscalculations, mistakes, occasional war Joseph Holt. Asa result, Frémont was re-

lack of coordination, and defects in plans moved from command, and McKinstry was and their execution, but no operation ofthe — tried and convicted by court-martial for fraud Union Army, large or small, failed for lack and “neglect and violation of duty, to the prej-

of QMD support. udice of good order and military discipline”

| . and cashiered in January 1863. The Procurement of Supplies and Services For the first three years of the war, the purThe procurement of supplies and services was chasing system for the Union Army was dea particular problem for the Qmp, especiallyin centralized. Depot ams purchased by low-bid the early months of the war when fraud, war contract or, in emergencies, by “open market profiteering, scarcity of key goods and materiel, purchase” for the areas and armies for which and political interference were rampant. Over they were responsible. The chief Qms of the time Congress enacted legislation prohibiting military departments and various QmD dethe worst offenses, and Meigs tightened inter- pots made contracts and purchases, supernal inspection and audit procedures toensure vised the inspection, storage, and safekeeping

Quartermasters Department 151

of the supplies, and provided for the transpor- cept horses for the light artillery, responsibiltation to move supplies from the principal de- ity for which was transferred to the gmp from pots in the North to advanced depotsandon the Ordnance Department on June 24, 1861.” down through the hierarchy of army, corps, After July 28, 1863, responsibility for cavalry

division, and brigade until they reached the horses was transferred to the newly formed regimental Qo, who then received, issued,and Cavalry Bureau, the chief qm of which, Lt.

accounted for the supplies. Col. James A. Ekin, was also responsible for In July 1864, a more centralized purchas- the centralized procurement of animals in his ing system was initiated. The oame division _ role as chief of the ist Division (Public Anichiefs assumed responsibility for placingand mals) in the oqma.””

administering most major contracts, and all At the beginning of the war there was no departmental, depot, and field Q@Ms were re- centralized procurement of animals, and midquired to forward their contracts to Washing- dlemen and brokers added to the cost with ton for review and approval. Payments were criminal collusion and deception. However, then made only at the direction ofthe appro- qmp officers gradually brought the situation priate division chief after receipt of aninspec- under control. The amp Organization Act of tor’s certificate. In an emergency, the chiefam — July 4, 1864, centralized procurement decisions of an army or separate unit could still procure regarding horses and mules in the hands of supplies and services directly and without ad- _ the chief of the ist Division of the oqma, and vertisement on order of his commanding offi- an efficient purchase, inspection, and districer. Meigs reviewed such contracts, andifhe bution system evolved. Horses and mules purdetected any significant irregularity, he no- chased by amp officers at the various depots, tified the secretary of war, who then issued _ in the field, or by the oqMc were sent to one

corrective orders.” of the Union remount depots and from there were issued to units 1n the field.

Procurement of Animals In November 1864, Meigs reported that Civil War armies relied on horses and mulesas Union armies in the field totaling 426,000 men the primary motive power for field transport, had some 221,000 animals, or more than one

and animals were used up on a grand scale. for every two soldiers.’' The total number of Public animals, particularly cavalry horses, animals purchased by the Union Army can were used hard and received inadequate care, only be estimated but probably amounted thereby requiring their frequent replacement. to nearly a million horses and half a million In the first eight months of Fy 1864, the Army mules, and between July 1, 1862, and June 30, of the Potomac required two full remounts, 1865, Congress appropriated more than $102.8 nearly 40,000 horses, and Maj. Gen. Phil Sher- = million for their purchase.” idan’s cavalry in the Shenandoah Valley re-

quired some 150 fresh horses per day.°* Cavalry Bureau When the war began, the g{mp was respon- Union cavalry forces were expensive to main-

sible for the procurement, maintenance, dis- tain, and as the use of field fortifications betribution, and disposition of all riding and came the norm on most battlefields, the utilidraft animals (horses, mules, and oxen), ex- _ ty of large numbers of cavalry units came into

152 The Staff Departments

question. By mid-1863, the need for greater ef- manufacturing center for Army clothing, and ficiency in the assembly, training, and equip- in July 1861 major clothing depots were opened ment of cavalry forces became obvious. Ac- in New York City and Cincinnati.”* Additioncordingly, in July 1863, a Cavalry Bureau was al branch clothing depots were opened later in established and made responsible for organiz- major cities where clothing was manufactured ing and equipping Union cavalry forces and from material supplied by the three major desupplying horses.’* Depots for the collection pots. The smaller depots employed many desand training of both cavalry recruits and their titute women, either refugees or dependents horses were set up, and procedures were pre- _ of soldiers, to make up Army clothing. Clothscribed for the purchase of all horses for cav- ing and equipment were issued to the troops alry service by gmp officers under the direc- by regimental ams or the qs at mustering-in tion of the chief of the Cavalry Bureau. The locations who obtained it by requisitions subnew Cavalry Bureau thus assumed some of mitted to the servicing depot through the ams the responsibilities of both the quartermas- of the intervening levels of command. Some ter general and the chief of ordnance, neither idea of the enormous quantities of clothing and of whom was particularly happy withthe new camp equipment required by the Union Army arrangement.” Bvt. Maj. Gen. August V. Kautz can be gained from the fact that between July (USMA 1852), who served in the Cavalry Bureau 1, 1861, and June 30, 1862, the first full fiscal year

in early 1864, later recalled that “the objection- of the war, the emp purchased 1,281,522 greatable feature was that it had been madea Bu- coats, 1,446,811 uniform coats, 3,039,286 pairs reau of Supply when all that was needed was _ of trousers, 1,458,808 blankets, 85,656 shelter a Bureau of Inspection.””° When Brig. Gen. _ tents, 70,735 common tents, 24,500 wall tents, James H. Wilson was reassigned in April 1864, 42,729 Sibley tents, and 5,518 hospital tents.” there was confusion and disagreement at the

highest levels over who should be named to Regular Supplies head the Bureau, the two leading candidates The Q@mp was responsible for the purchase, being Wilson’s deputy, Kautz, and the chief storage, distribution, and issue of forage qo of the Bureau, Ekin. Eventually, Maj.Gen. and fuel for the Army. When the war beHenry Halleck, the chief of staffofthe Army gan, the procurement of such “regular supunder Lieutenant General Grant, was given _ plies” was completely decentralized, and the

direction of the Bureau.” chief ams of the various military departments, field armies, and depots frequently compet-

Clothing and Equipment ed with one another for the available supThe emp furnished the clothing and equip- _ ply of forage, firewood, and coal. After July ment required by both Regularand Volunteer 4, 1864, however, the procurement of forage soldiers by purchase or itsown manufacture. and fuel was centralized in the 5th Division After July 1864, overall supervision of clothing (Regular Supplies) of the oqmae, thereby elimpurchases and manufacturing wasinthehands inating much of the competition among Qmp of the 2d Division of the oama, headed by Col. purchasing agents in the field.*° The normal Alexander J. Perry (USMA 1851). Schuykill Ar- practice was to purchase forage and fuel by

senal in Philadelphia was the chief depotand contract, but in some circumstances it was

Quartermasters Department 153

necessary to purchase on the open market at oner of war camps, and other facilities. After

prevailing prices. July 4, 1864, those responsibilities fell under No other commodity was more criticalthan the 6th Division of the oqmc headed by Actforage, the “gasoline” of Civil Wararmies. Giv- ing Col. and Qo James J. Dana.*

en the number of animals, the quantities of No permanent barracks were constructed forage required were enormous, and no oth- during the war, only temporary buildings of er commodity was so bulky or so difficult to wood. The most expensive construction overtransport. Any deficiency in the supply of for- seen by the amp was that of hospitals. Hospiage directly affected military operationsand _ tals and hospital tents were erected and then thus was of great concern to commanders in turned over to the Medical Department for the field. In the winter of 1863-64 the animals occupation and use. Maintenance was perof the Army of the Potomac alone consumed formed by the gmp on request by the surgeon some 37,000 bushels of grain and1,150 tonsof general, and when a hospital was no longer hay daily.*! The requirement for the entire U.S. required by the Medical Department, it was Army at that time was some 2.5 million bush- disposed of by the gmp. In all, from Fy 1860 els of grain and 50,000 tons of hay per month.” through Fy 1865, the gmp expended more than Quartermaster General Meigs estimated that $23 million for the rental, construction, and the supply of forage by the Union Army dur- maintenance of Army property and related ing the entire war exceeded 22,816,217 bush- _activities.*°

els of corn, 78,663,799 bushels of oats, 1,518,621 . . tons of hay, and 21,276 tons of straw plus barley, Graves Registration

fodder, and feed, the whole amounting in cost The purchase of land, construction, and mainto more than $155,262,732.°° The amp also fur- tenance of military cemeteries and the collecnished 551,436 cords of wood and 1,620,910 tons tion, burial, and recording of soldiers who were of coal with a total value of some $16,535,915. —_ killed in action or who otherwise died in active

service was a responsibility of the gmp.” After

Construction and Building Supplies July 4, 1864, responsibility within the emp for The construction, maintenance, and dispo- military cemeteries and records pertaining to sition of all barracks, hospitals, storehouses, — the burial of deceased soldiers was charged to stables, bridges (other than railroad bridges), | the Chief of the 6th Division in the oqo, and

wharves, and other wooden structures; the Capt. James M. Moore was placed in charge supply of all lumber, nails, and other hardware of cemetery activities.*” Among other tasks, for building purposes; the hiring of quarters Moore and his subordinates laid out the new

for troops and of land for cantonments and Arlington National Cemetery. other military purposes, except those lawfully As casualties mounted, public pressure under the charge of other bureaus ofthe War for decent burials moved the Army and the Department; and the extra pay of soldiersem- Congress toward more efficient and more reployed in erecting barracks or on other fatigue spectful treatment of fallen soldiers. In Sepduty were all responsibilities of the gmp. The — tember 1861, Secretary Cameron issued orders

QMD was also responsible for the rental, con- designed to improve the recording of deaths struction, and maintenance of barracks, pris- andthe marking of gravesites.** In April 1862

154 the Staff Departments

the War Department required commanding _ partially vested in a civilian, John Tucker, as generals in the field to lay out military ceme- general agent of the War Department. After teries near every battlefield, interthe remains July 4, 1864, responsibility for ocean and lake of those killed in action, install suitable grave transportation was centralized in the 3d D1markers, and preserve a register ofeach buri- vision of the oqmMa, which became responsi-

al ground.” ble for the purchase, charter, hire, and mainThe first steps toward the creation ofana- tenance of all vessels used by the Army, except tional military cemetery system were taken for steamboats and barges used on the westin July 1862, when Congress authorized the — ern rivers.”

president to purchase land.’ The War De- Initially, the amp chartered nearly all of the partment established no less than fourteen seagoing vessels it required. However, the cost national cemeteries before the end of 1862, of such charters was often outrageous, and including post cemeteries at Fort Leaven- over time the department exercised its options worth and Fort Scott in Kansas, at the Sol- — to purchase many of the vessels under chardier’s Home in the District of Columbia, and _ ter as well as ones newly constructed. By July at Alexandria, Virginia. The decision was also 1, 1865, the mp fleet consisted of 590 vessels made to transform burial sites at the scenes _ (193,936 tons) at a daily cost of $82,405.00.” At of major battles, such as Antietam and Get- _ that time, the gmp owned outright 115 steamtysburg, into national military cemeteries. ers, 23 tugs, 12 sailing vessels, and 20 barges, a In May 1864, Robert E. Lee’s plantation at _ total of 55,496 tons of shipping, and had unArlington, Virginia, was chosen as the site der charter 177 steamers, 69 tugs, 74 sailing of a major Union military cemetery. Efforts vessels, and 100 barges, a total of 138,440 tons to collect and identify the dead and to give _ of shipping.”

them a proper burial continued for many years under the aegis of the gap, and by 1870 Management of River and Rail Transportation

there were seventy-three national military The qmp was responsible for inland transporcemeteries containing the remains of near- tation by both water (river steamboats and ly 300,000 Union soldiers, and another 13,575 barges) and railroad and managed the two Union soldiers were buried in post cemeter- modes together throughout the Civil War. At

ies and private plots.”! the beginning of the war, inland water and rail transport were managed by the various

Ocean and Lake Transportation departmental and depot ams. Special War The Union Army used oceangoing steamers Department agents appointed by Secretary and sailing vessels extensively. Union control Cameron, and later several of the assistant of the Eastern and Gulf coastal waters made — secretaries of war who served under Stanit possible to employ this relatively cheap and _ ton, also played important roles. However, efficient means of moving large numbers of in December 1863 Col. Lewis B. Parsons at men, animals, and supplies. The gmp was re- St. Louis was made responsible for all rivsponsible for obtaining and controlling vessels er transport on the western rivers, and after to be used on the high seas, in coastal waters, the 4th Division (Rail and River Transporand on lakes, but in 1861-62 this function was __ tation) of the oqmcG in Washington was as-

Quartermasters Department 155

signed responsibility for all Army riverand Gunboat Fleet

rail transport in July 1864, Parsons was nam tes ; ail transport in July 1864, Parsons wasnamed From the beginning of the war until July 1862, S the amp was responsible for the construction,

its chief on August 2. ; ; Colonel (later Brevet Major General) Par- ere

maintenance, and operation of the steam gun-

sons was the Army’s most able expert on river 9¢

seerail y :transportation.” P ; boat fleet inHe thewas western theater and a strong ad- ; of war.’ The

: P Nae ead 8 ve fleet was commanded turn by Navy vocate of centralized control and ingreater eim-Capts. a John Rodgers, Andrew H. Foote, and Charles ciency in the management of Army transpor- , . ae H. Davis. The gunboats themselves were comtation, and while still in St. Louis he prepared os

| . He manded by naval officers, but the crews were

several reports suggesting ways to accomplish

P 55 eh P o, Part Army and part Navy, and employees of

those aims and realize significant savings.”°

the gmp commanded and manned some of Parsons’s recommendations wereThe adopted, and for a and See the auxiliary vessels. Qmp paid they substantially improved the management . . ; supervised the construction and maintenance

of river transport and railroads. ; . of the gunboats, but their guns and ammuni-

River Transport tion were supplied in part by the Navy and in ; art by the Army’s Ordnance Department.'” Steamboats and barges operating on major pore ey Y ae ve In all, the gunboat fleet consisted of forty-five rivers were important means of moving men, animals, equipment, and supplies, especial- SU Un Oats tty Cig HEMOnian Boats; aud sev ly in the western theater. The ordinary Ohio eral auxiliary vessels.'”' To supplement the River steamboat could carry about 520 tons gunboat fleet, the secretary of war authorized enough to support a force of 40,000 men and the purchase and conversion into steam rams 18,000 animals for about two days.” In the of a number of steamboats. Five stern-wheel East, the older canal systems also played a steamboats and four side-wheel steamboats role. River steamers, barges, and other ves- Were selected by Col. Charles Ellet Jr., a dis-

a . Cc

>

‘ re, ee . “ 102

sels were chartered, hired, or purchased by tinguished civil engineer, and fitted out as the amp. The closing of the Mississippi Riv- Steam rams.

er at the beginning of the war threw a large Pee ailroads number of steamboats out of work, and thus

the Department was able to obtain them at Although railroads had already been used favorable rates for movements on the Ohio, 12 Europe on a limited basis for the moveMississippi, Cumberland, and Tennessee riv- ent of troops and supplies in time of war,

-.‘|:"‘11

ers until the Mississippi was again opened af- the American Civil War was the first major ter the taking of Vicksburg in July 1863. The conflict in which railroads played an imporgmp also purchased a significant number of _ tant role.'"’ In fact, they proved an indispensriver steamers and barges, and by June 30, 1865, able part of the transportation system of the the amp river fleet numbered some 599 vessels, Union Army and were a major factor in straincluding 91 steamers, ferry boats, and tugs; _ tegic and operational movements. Indeed, an 353 barges of various types; 139 boats of var- _ efficient railroad system proved a decisive adious types; and 15 skiffs, floating docks, and vantage for the North. Even with a relatively

other equipment.” large system to maintain, the North success-

156 The Staff Departments

fully overcame the problems of properly coor- lines. Robert F. Morley, president of the Aldinating and maintaining its raillinesevenin — leghany Railroad, was named as Scott’s assisareas of active operations, although conges- _ tant.'°° Morley focused on the building and tion in forward areas, detention of cars,and repair of railroads, and when Scott was apinterference by field commanders withtrain pointed assistant secretary of war on August movements decreased effectiveness. Inade- 3, 1861, Morley took over as general manager quate railroads, the lack of means toimprove of the usmrr. Although Scott and Morley were them, and poor management of the railroad both honest and able men, there were still acsystem were important factors in the defeat — cusations of favoritism in the granting of War

of the Confederacy. Department business to the Illinois Central The arrangements for supporting the Union and Pennsylvania Central railroads.'”

Army by railroad actually encompassed two In general, the policy of the War Departrather different systems. In the loyal states, ment was to guide the activities of the northrail movements were managed by the appoint- ern railroads with respect to military moveed civilian officials and amp officers in coop- ments rather than to seize and operate them eration with the various railroad companies directly. The only controls imposed by the in accordance with established tariffs. Asthe | government over the northern railroads was Union Army moved into rebel territory, rail- to determine the kind of passengers and suproads were seized, operated, and maintained _ plies that should not be transported and to by the U.S. Military Railroads (usmrr) aid- obtain the agreement of the various railroads ed by the U.S. Military Railroad Construc- that troops and military supplies should take tion Corps (usmrrcc).'”* Both systems were — precedence over other traffic. Asa result, the directed by experienced railroad executives rates and conditions of carriage imposed by and engineers serving as Volunteer officers the northern railroads on the movements of

under the quartermaster general. troops and military equipment and supplies Initially, the procurement and manage-___ were not favorable to the government. Having

ment of commercial rail transportation was negotiated with the various railroad compaleft to the various departmental, depot, and nies, on July 12, 1861, Scott issued a “card” of unit ams. However, the efficient management railroad rates to be used as the “general baof rail transportation in the North was com- _ sis” for setting the rates at which the northplicated early in the war by Secretary Camer- ern railroads would charge the government on, who, in May 1861, named Thomas A. Scott, for military movements.’ The rate for the a vice president of the Pennsylvania Central movement of troops was set at two cents per Railroad, as general manager of military rail- mile per man, and the movement of military roads and telegraphs and vested in him con- equipment, munitions, and supplies was to be trol over the use of commercial rail lines by _ set at “first class local rates.” In fact, Scott’s tarthe Army.'”’ As general manager, Scott con- iff was also unfair to the government, which trolled the railroads temporarily seized bythe | should have qualified for lower freight rates. War Department and negotiated with the var-_In the spring of 1862 the new secretary of war, ious northern railroad companies for the rap- Edwin M. Stanton, convened a meeting of rail-

id movement of men and materiel over their road managers in Washington and success-

Quartermasters Department 157

fully negotiated a new uniform tariff for mil- U.S. Military Telegraph itary railroad pleies that was accepted byall 1, the mid-nineteenth century the railroad and the northern railroads and’ gave the rest the telegraph were closely linked. In most cases, the telegraph lines paralleled the railroads,

ment more favorable rates.'”’ The cooperation ; ; side: of the railroad owners was ensured by the pas- Bc

ie eit and theAct telegraph the principal means sage of Januarywas 31, 1862 ates movement ‘ 5 ) ofatsthe*Kailroad by which instructions for the of which authorized the government to take pos; __ trains were communicated between the varsession of any railroad in the United Statesif . ; . PETS erecta enerit.”ious the public safety required With stations. only mi-

Thus it was natural that when P Y qd ha ae Secretary Cameron made Thomas A. Scott

nor modifications, the 1862 tariff military served for ;i; : responsible for managing railroads the remainder of 1861, the war, andcharged although the . i on May 23, he also Scott with expense of commercial rail movements re- Sete

?scaSi : :; -

. . the management of telegraph lines.''’’ How-

mained high,bethe speed andScott’s convenience Se ia took eeu icupeamost oe ase ahca ever, railroadofduties o

such movements justified the costs. In Fy 1863 ms P

| ee isome his time, andtroops Edward S. Sanford, alone, 1,264,602 were moved by

the presi-

ailatac ,030,003.03. .

silat EOE ORGS IO Oem dent of the American Telegraph Company, der chemmanaeerient or scoreane Mot unofficially assumed most of the duties as-

les Gutohacerein these continued oa sociated with organizing and directing the range far the mioverneucormenand applies War Department telegraph system in the early

within the parameters of the agreements ne- Gays Ot nea apse quem epee COL

; ; ; a Anson Stager, the general superintendent of

gotiated with the railroad companies. In July 1864 responsibility for the management of rail the Western Union Telegraph Company, was transportation for the Union Army was cen- summoned to Washington and charged with tralized in the 4th Division (Rail and River developing a plan for unification of the miliTransportation) of the oqme, and the issu- tary telegraph system.''' Stager recommended ance of General Orders by the oqme in early the establishment of a telegraph bureau un1865 further clarified and standardized pro- der the direction of the secretary of war with cedures and improved management of mili- 4 general manager to purchase, transport, and tary rail movements. Thus in his annual re- distribute all materials and supplies required port for 1865, Brigadier General Meigs was able for the construction, maintenance, and operto report, “The agreement made early inthe ation of military telegraph lines. The general war witha convention of railroad companies Manager was to appoint an assistant for each has continued in force through all the chang- Military department, as well as other employes in values which the war has brought. The _ ¢es, and to coordinate with private telegraph railroad officers have responded to every de- companies in using their lines and operators mand of the transportation department ofthe as required. On November 25, 1861, Secretary government and by their cordial co-operation Cameron authorized the creation of the U.S. with the officers of the Quartermaster’s De- Military Telegraph (usmr), and Captain Stagpartment have made these great movements _ er was later appointed its general manager.’ of troops easy of execution and unexampled As was the case with the usmrr and USMRRCC,

: : . ; GE. Se er nena 2

in dispatch.”'" the UsMT was nominally under the control

158 The Staff Departments

of the quartermaster general, but it generally Department building, headed by Stager’s depoperated as a semiautonomous War Depart- uty, Maj. Thomas T. Eckert, to support his

ment agency. communications with civilian and military President Lincoln took military possession authorities.'’? The third competitor was the of all the telegraph lines in the United States © Army’s signal officer, Col. Albert J. Myer.’*°

on February 25, 1862. Thereafter, the govern- _ . ment exercised some control over the volume Mlélitary Wagon Trains

and content of telegraphic traffic, but nor- Inthe mid-nineteenth century the principal mally left the operation of the commercial means of moving supplies, ammunition, and telegraph lines in the North to their civilian the wounded was the horse- or mule-drawn managers and owners while taking over and wagon or ambulance. The size and consequent operating only those lines in rebel territory daily resupply requirements of the field armies seized as the Union Army advanced. The War _ in the Civil War imposed enormous demands Department order of February 25, 1862, also for animal-drawn transportation, and the gmp named Edward S. Sanford as “military super- was responsible for the procurement, issue, and visor of telegraphic messages throughout the | maintenance of wagons, ambulances, harness, United States” and confirmed Anson Stag- and related equipment as well as the necessary er as “supervisor military superintendent of animals. After July 4, 1864, that responsibiliall telegraphic lines and offices inthe United _ ty was centralized in the 7th Division (MiliStates.”''© The usmt then became deeply in- _ tary Trains and Incidental Allowances) of the volved in two activities not directly associat- 0Qmga, led by Col. Benjamin C. Card.'*! The ed with providing reliable communications organization and management of army wagfor the Army: censorship and signals intelli- on trains was the responsibility of the senior gence.'’” By the end of the war, the usmr un-__ a officer at each level of command. der Stager’s leadership had some 1,437 employ- The equipment of the Army’s trains had ees and had constructed and operated some _ been improved by long experience on the west15,389 miles of military telegraph lines atato- ern plains and was perfected in the first years

tal cost of more than $3.2 million.'® of the Civil War. Over the course of the war, The usmt was not the only War Department the Q@mp purchased more than 51,000 stanorganization involved with “electric telegra- dard Army wagons, more than 5,300 ambuphy.” In fact, there were three separate War lances, and almost 200,000 sets of harness.'”” Department organizations that competed for The standard army wagon with the usual team control of military telegraph operations. The — of four horses could haul about 2,400 lbs. on usMtT under Colonel Stager was responsible good roads, and a four-horse team averaged 2.5 for the coordination of commercial telegraph miles per hour under favorable conditions.'~° lines in the North used for military purposes The rate of march of wagon trains varied from and the construction, repair, and operation of 12 to 24 miles per day depending on road conmilitary telegraph lines in those areas of the ditions. Confederacy in which the Union Army op- Defects in the transport of the Union Army erated, but Secretary Stanton maintained a__in the field became apparent in the first masemiautonomous telegraph officeinthe War jor battle of the war at Bull Run on July 21,

Quartermasters Department 159

1861, when inexperienced personnel, worth- wrote to President Lincoln: “In all armies the less teamsters, “green” teams, andashortage second best man should be the Quartermasof wagons were evident.'** The main prob- _ ter General. In this 1am not sure but that he is lem later became an overabundance of wag- _ the best man.”'”*° Ingalls was named chief qm ons for most Union Army units. The trains of the Army of the Potomac on July 10, 1862, of the Union Army were of three kinds: head- and he took charge of the bloated and conquarters trains, regimental trains,and supply _ fused trains on the Peninsula, streamlining trains. The size of a supply train was deter- and organizing them into an efficient and efmined by the types and quantities of supplies _ fective logistical tool. Almost immediately he required and thus had no set size or organiza- faced the daunting task of arranging the return tion. The headquarters and regimental trains, of the Army of the Potomac from Fort Monon the other hand, consisted primarily of bag- roe to Washington and, after Second Manasgage and unit impedimenta, and unless strict- sas, that of refitting the troops, reorganizing ly regulated, they were apt to be much larger _ the supply services, and supplying the army than necessary. In general, the oversupply of during the Maryland campaign of 1862, durwagons hampered tactical operations, espe- ing which he worked out many improvements cially in the pursuit, and they were very ex- in the organization and management of the pensive to purchase and maintain. However, _ trains of the Army of the Potomac.

as the war went on, the organization and op- Ingalls developed a system for marking eration of wagon trains became systematized each wagon in unit baggage trains with the

and more efficient. corps badge, division color, and number of Brigade and regimental QMs were respon- _ the brigade to which it belonged, and he also sible for the brigade and regimental baggage _ had the general supply wagons marked to intrains, which generally moved right behindthe dicate their contents. He also demanded that unit on the march with the unit’s ready reserve as soon asa wagon was unloaded, it should be of small arms ammunition marching first for sent back to the nearest depot for another load ready access. The unit of organization forthe ofthe same commodity. He enforced requiresupply trains of subsistence, ordnance, and for- ments for definite march orders and march age was by division, and the division qm con-__ discipline, established “rules of the road” for trolled them. Division trains were sometimes _ the trains, and instituted other important imgrouped and moved by corps. The wagons of provements. Ingalls also thought that the supthe division and corps supply trains were also _ ply trains should not be brought too near the used to move supplies from advanced depots _ battlefield, and at Gettysburg he kept them and railheads to smaller temporary dumpsor at Westminster, Maryland, twenty-five miles

train areas in the immediate proximity ofthe from Gettysburg, and only the ammunition troops. During active operations, the trains wagons and ambulances were brought up to were guarded by cavalry or reserve infantry the immediate rear of the army.'’’ Ingalls’s

units detailed for that purpose. measures significantly reduced the size of the Brig. Gen. Rufus Ingalls (usMaA 1843) was _ trains of the Army of the Potomac and faciliperhaps the most competent field Qm of the _ tated their effective movement without interwar on either side.'*” Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker fering with the movement of troops.

160 The Staff Departments

On June 16, 1864, Ingalls was named chief _unteers, but for the most part, the old hands Qo ofall the Union armies operating against of the department, even some of the oldest, Richmond, to which position he brought his _ proved able to handle the many new demands considerable management skills. The degree _ that they faced. Meigs himself was a comparof efficient organization and control of the ative babe among his fellow bureau chiefs, but trains of the Union armies operating against he lacked for nothing in intelligence, vigor, Richmond is clearly set forth in Headquar- stamina, and managerial aptitude. Indeed, he ters, Armies of the United States Special Or- _ is generally considered the best of all the staff ders no. 44, issued at City Point, Virginia,on department heads who served during the war. June 28, 1864.'** Special Orders no. 44, which With his example, many of the junior Regprescribed the restriction of personalandunit ular officers rose to significant responsibilibaggage, the allotment of wagons, the orga-_ ty and prominence, often as chief am of one nization of trains, allowances of forage, and of the armies in the field. Among that cotethe responsibilities of individuals at various rie were Bvt. Maj. Gens. Robert Allen (UsMa echelons, represented the culmination ofthe 1836), Rufus Ingalls (usMa 1843), Langdon C. efforts of Ingalls and others to maximize the Easton (usMa 1838), and James L. Donaldson tactical mobility of the armies in the field. (USMA 1836). Even at the lowest levels, many a Their reforms and innovations significantly captain and assistant Qm quickly learned his improved the efficiency of the wagon trains of trade and practiced it with success. the Union Army and substantially increased As with the other staff departments, the lack

its tactical mobility. of prewar planning and preparation slowed the initial response of the Q@mp but did not prove

Challenges and Achievements insurmountable. Perhaps its most notable efAs Russell Weigley has written, “The transition fect was the confusion, fraud, war profiteerfrom an army of 17,000 to one of halfa million ing, and shoddy goods foisted off on the deina period short of a year made the task ofthe partment in the early months due to the lack services of supply nothing less than stagger- ofregulations governing procurement of suping.”!*? The gmp bore the brunt of that tran- _ plies and services and the avarice of unscrusition but soon recovered its equilibrium and _pulous contractors, many of them well conwent on to organize and manage the supply _ nected politically. Correcting this situation and transportation of the Union Army with — was perhaps the greatest challenge faced by great efficiency. The scope and scale of the Civ- Meigs and his subordinates, but given time il War were far beyond anything eventhe pre-and effort they brought amp procurement acscient quartermaster general, Brig. Gen. Mont- __ tivities under strict control. gomery C. Meigs, could envision early in the The Civil War saw the application of many

war, but under his leadership the Qmp react- new technologies to warfare, but none had ed quickly and effectively to every challenge. amore profound impact on military operProfessional competence was not an issue ations than steam propulsion. Made practiin the gmp. Like the other staff departments, it cable early in the nineteenth century, both had its share of dullards, incompetents, shirk- _ the railroad and the steamboat were imporers, and senile old men, both Regularsand Vol- tant elements in the movement and supply of

Quartermasters Department 161

the Union Army. Their impact was mostly at the strategic or operational level, and tactical mobility remained limited by the speed of a man afoot, a horse and rider, and a horse- or mule-drawn wagon. The officers of the gmp soon mastered the management and employment of steamboats and railroads as well as

wagon trains. Quartermaster officers at all levels, by virtue of their control of critical supplies and even

more critical transport, often found themselves in conflict with commanders in the field

who demanded supplies that were not available or attempted to commandeer railroad trains or interfere with the conduct of wagon trains. In most cases such conflicts were resolved on the spot and to the satisfaction of the QM involved, who usually had both logic and the Army Regulations on his side. The number of such incidents decreased significantly with the publication of specific War Department General Orders prohibiting the interference of field commanders with the operations of the gmp. And as the war proceeded, field commanders gained a better understanding and appreciation of their supporting quartermasters and the important role played by the Quartermaster’s Department in providing the equipment, supplies, and transport needed to defeat the rebellion.

162 The Staff Departments

py 2A TIT AN & 4 Medical Department iF GWU i GL O

The prompt evacuation of the sick and wound- “inefficient, inactive, and confused.”* Such ed from the battlefield, their effective treat- were not ideal characteristics for an organiment in field and general hospitals, theircom- zation soon to face the necessity of meeting fort and continued care during convalescence the needs of a rapidly growing, active Army or disability, and the adequate supply of med- engaged in widespread and often bloody baticines, medical equipment, nourishing food, _ tles. Nevertheless, like the other staff departand other necessities were of high importance ments, the amp persevered, solved many of not only to the individual soldier and his offi- the problems it faced, and provided essential cers but to the public at large, whose sons, hus- support to the Union Army. bands, and fathers served in the Union Army. Those needs and concerns were attended to by Mission and Functions

the Army Medical Department (Amp), which The Medical Department was responsible was rivaled in sizeandinthescopeandcom- for providing medical treatment for sick and plexity of its operations only by the Quarter- wounded soldiers, the operation of field and

master’s Department (Qmp).' general hospitals in time of war, the supply of In April 1861 the Amp was led by Col. Thom- medicines and medical equipment and sup-

as Lawson, a superannuated surgeon gener- plies, and general oversight of the health of al (sc) in ill health, who was concerned pri-_ the Army in the field and in garrison. Cermarily with the prestige and prerogatives of — tain allied functions, such as the evacuation his department, the maintenance of existing of the sick and wounded from the battlefield methods and procedures, and ensuring that and their subsequent transportation to generthe meager annual budget was not overspent. al hospitals, the provision of food to sick and His subordinates, many of them well past mid- | wounded soldiers, and the erection and equipdle age, were also generally conservative in out- ment of military hospitals were in the hands of look. The few progressive officers in the de- other supply departments. In March 1864, the partment were handicapped bya promotion Amp assumed responsibility from the Qmp for

system based on seniority that ensured that the organization and operation of ambulance their “elders” dominated every decision. Ac- _ trains to evacuate the wounded from the batcordingly, the number of competent person- _ tlefield. At about the same time, the amp also nel was smallin proportion to their assigned — took control of field medical supply trains from tasks, methods were antiquated, stocks of med- _ the amp. The design, construction, and equip-

ical supplies were low, and many of thosein ment of military hospitals were placed under positions of leadership were inflexible. Con- the direction of the amp in December 1864, sequently, the amp has been characterizedas as were hospital trains and ships in February 163

1865. The Subsistence Department, however, Lawson’s successor, Clement A. Finley, was remained responsible for the supply ofrations nearly as old as Lawson, having been born in to soldiers in hospitals throughout the war, Pennsylvania about 1797.° Finley was appointalthough the amp supplemented the autho- ed colonel and surgeon general on May 145, 1861, rized ration with selected food items intend- and soon proved to be another old soldier illed to hasten the recovery of hospital patients. suited to lead the department into a large-scale As the war went on, the AMD assumed sev- modern war, being, if anything, more inflexeral new responsibilities. They included the ible and outdated in his thoughts and actions care of disabled veterans, and in some cases — than Lawson had been. One of his contempotheir families as well, to include the provision — raries characterized him as “utterly ossified of artificial limbs; the care of prisoners of war; and useless,” and Amp historian Dr. Mary C. the care of refugees and freed slaves; the col- Gillett added that he “apparently had little to lection and classification of medical specimens recommend him for so high a post except his and case histories inan Army medical muse- forty years in the Army.” um; the maintenance of records of the dead As the Union Army expanded rapidly and and wounded and providing information re- _ the battles began, Finley failed to request sufgarding same to the Pension Bureau and oth- ficient numbers of additional personnel for er War Department agencies; and the prepa- the AMp and did not even spend the small adration of a grand-scale medical and surgical ditional appropriations provided. Due to the

history of the war. lack of effective organization and qualified medical personnel, camps were unsanitary,

Leadership and the evacuation and treatment of the sick The Army Medical Department had fourlead- and wounded remained disorganized and iners, the first two being completely inadequate adequate. General hospitals were established to the tasks assigned to them. In fact, when the promiscuously, often in unsuitable existing war began, the surgeon general, Col. Thom- _ structures, and there were not sufficient numas Lawson, age seventy-nine, lay on his final _ bers of trained and caring attendants to tend sickbed in Norfolk, Virginia.’ His duties were to the needs of the sick and wounded, Surgeon being performed by one of his assistants, Sur- General Finley being particularly opposed to geon (Maj.) Robert C. Wood, the fifth ranking — the use of female nurses. Accustomed to years

officer in the amp.‘ Although something ofa of tight control over the expenditures of the martinet, Lawson obtained for medical offi- department, he was also slow to authorize the cers the right to wear uniforms and hold mil- purchase and issue of much needed stocks of itary rank and increases in their payas wellas medicines, equipment, and supplies. increases in the number of surgeons and as- Such qualities and inaction did not endear sistant surgeons in the Army and theauthor- Finley to his superiors in the War Departity to enlist a substantial number of hospital ment or to the many outsiders keenly interstewards. At the time of his death in May 1861, ested in the welfare of the growing Volunteer he had just overseen a revision of the medical army. When Edwin M. Stanton became secsupply tables and had appointed a board to — retary of war in January 1862, Finley’s fate was seek out a new design for Army ambulances.’ _ sealed. He was forced into retirement on April

164 The Staff Departments

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general in chief of the Army in 1861, is shown here in all his glory. trprary OF CONGRESS, PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION.

. as 5. Henry W. Halleck was known throughout the

hes $ | Army as “Old Brains.” t1prary OF CONGRESS,

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Union armies in 1864. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, “Ree=

PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION. ~ =

7. John E. Wool, a hero of the War with

Mexico, was one of the Army’s most senior | general officers at the beginning of the Civil War and rose to the rank of major general.

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OF CONGRESS, PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS se ee DIVISION.

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and Henry L. Burnett. Holt was earlier secretary of war under President Buchanan, and Bingham was a Republican congressman from Ohio, 1854-63. All

three men played key roles in the prosecution of the Lincoln assassination conspirators. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION.

14. James B. Fry was appointed brigadier general

and provost marshal general of the Army in March 1863. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION.

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Ln uniform with cap) and George D. Wise (in cap and vest). LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, PRINTS

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chief quartermaster of the armies operating against Richmond. Liprary

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found the civilian telegraphers difficult to . y control. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION. :

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- 6: den es A A SO Teale ape . a ion—SeSeae-ee~ 23. The commander of the Army of the Potomac, George G. Meade, posed with some of his senior commanders and staff at Culpeper, Virginia, September 1863: (left to right) Gouverneur K. Warren, William H. French, George G. Meade, Henry J. Hunt, Andrew A. Humphreys, and George Sykes. tiprary OF CONGRESS, PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION.

24. Elements of the 8th Infantry parading at Fairfax Courthouse, Virginia, June 1863. For most of the war the 8th Infantry formed part of the Provost Guard of the Headquarters of the Army of the Potomac. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS

DIVISION.

25. Company K, 1st Cavalry, posed at Brandy Station, Virginia, February 1864. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION.

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26. Battery A, 4th Artillery, arrayed at Culpeper, Virginia, February 1864. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION.

27. Regular Army artillery officers at Culpeper, Virginia, September 1863. The photo caption given by the Library of Congress is both inaccurate and incomplete. There are eight officers in the photograph, but only seven are named. They are (1. to r. with the unidentified officer not located):

Samuel S. Elder, Alanson M. Randol, Charles N. Warner, Alexander C. M. Penning, Rufus King, Terrence Reilly, and Horatio B. Reed. tiprary oF CONGRESS, PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION,

28. Joseph G. Totten, the chief of engineers from 1838 to 1864 and a veteran of both the War of 1812 and the

War with Mexico, was representative of the older bureau chiefs. LrBRARY OF CONGRESS, PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION.

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14, 1862, his passing marked only byacurtof- _ tablished, field and general hospitals were put

ficial notice.* on a sound basis, and an ambulance corps Finley and the man who replaced himcould was created. In 1862 Hammond proposed the not have been more different in terms of age, creation of an Army medical school to train inquisitiveness, innovative spirit, adminis- surgeons, but the idea was opposed by Secretrative acumen, and the ability and desire to _ tary Stanton, who believed the students would

work long hours to put things right. In pick- spend all their time attending the theater.” ing Asst. Surgeon William A. Hammondtobe However, two long-term projects initiated by surgeon general, Secretary Stanton reached far Hammond were continued long after the guns down the seniority list to finda man of great were silent and the last wounded soldier had ability and experience, a man supported by _ been released from hospital. The first was the both the U.S. Sanitary Commission and Maj. establishment of an Army medical museum Gen. George B. McClellan. But Hammond was and library. The second was the compilation also aman of independent spirit, and Stanton of a medical and surgical history of the war. would have cause to regret his choice. Stan- Both hada significant impact on pushing for-

ton and his new surgeon general clashed at ward military medical science. their very first meeting, two days after Ham- Hammond was thought by many to be mond’s appointment, when Hammond ob-_ “rarely anything but captious, irritable, and jected to Stanton’s overbearing manner and pompous.”” Although his achievements were lack of tact, courtesy, and respect, andthe re- many and varied, some of them encroached

lationship never improved.’ on other entrenched interests, including those In October 1860, Hammond, tired of the re- of powerful members of Congress.'’ His indestrictions of Army life, had resigned hiscom- _ pendent attitude did not endear him to Secremission in order to take up a lucrative private tary Stanton. Matters came to a head in May practice anda professorship at the University 1863, when Hammond eliminated from the of Maryland. He was recommissioned in May Army's medical supply tables two popular but 1861, but was forced to retake the qualifying potentially dangerous preparations, calomel

examination and placed at the bottom ofthe and tartar emetic, a move that many Army seniority list despite his former service, expe- and civilian surgeons vehemently opposed rience, and reputation. Nevertheless, he was as both unwarranted and an infringement promoted to brigadier general and assumed _ of their professional independence. Stanton the position of surgeon general on April 25, took advantage of the situation by appointing 1862.'° At that time, he was only thirty-three several of Hammond ’s enemies to a commis-

years of age. sion charged with investigating him. Stanton Immediately upon being named surgeon — then attempted to shunt Hammond aside by general, Hammond set about the reorgani- sending him on an extended inspection tour zation of the amp, eliminating red tape and _ in the western theater on September 3, 1863, streamlining its operations. Under his ener- and made one of his own protégés, Medical getic and well-focused direction, competent Inspector General (Col.) Joseph K. Barnes, young men were promoted to responsible po- acting surgeon general. Hammond injured his sitions, a corps of medical inspectors was es- legs in a fall in Nashville and used his infir-

Medical Department 165

mity as an excuse to return to Washington, 10. In September 1863, Secretary Stanton, havwhere he demanded a court-martial to clear ing exiled Hammond on inspection duty, ap-

his reputation. pointed Barnes as acting surgeon general, in Hammond was arrested on January 17, 1864, | which position he served until Hammond was

and his trial on charges related to irregularities dismissed, and Barnes himself was promotin the purchase of blankets and other medical _ ed to brigadier general and assumed the full supplies began two days later. As Hammond __ duties of surgeon general on August 22, 1864. might have expected, the court was packed by Barnes demonstrated administrative ability Secretary Stanton with his enemies, and key and aggressiveness coupled with a good deal of documents for his defense disappeared." It tact and diplomacy that enabled him to bring was no surprise when he was convicted ofall to fruition many of the reforms first recomcharges. The proceedings of the court-martial mended by Hammond, most notably the eswere approved on August 18, 1864,and Ham- _ tablishment of an Army ambulance corps.” mond was dismissed from the Army thesame He was much admired and attracted brilliant day. Hammond was a reformer and friend of men tothe department. His chief advantage, reformers, and so his court-martial conviction other than his own ability, hard work, deterand dismissal were seen by the “old guard” mination, and tact, was his excellent relationwithin the AMD asa sign of victory and license — ship with Secretary Stanton, who until his own

to return to their comfortable old ways.’ In _ resignation from office in May 1868 supportfact, it was more a case of one aggressive per- ed all of Barnes’s efforts, including projects sonality (Hammond) losing aclash withan- _ that he had disapproved when they had been other aggressive, but more senior, personal- suggested by Hammond." Asa result, Barnes ity (Stanton). Hammond subsequently had — was able to lead the amp successfully through a most distinguished career, mainly in New | the last year and a half of the Civil War and York City, and was recognized asa pioneerin on into the postwar era.

the treatment of nervous and mental disor- Barnes was brevetted major general, usa, ders. In August 1879 Congress restored himto in March 1865 in recognition of his wartime the Army’s retired list as a brigadier general service. In April 1865, he dressed the wounds

without pay or allowances. of Secretary of State William Seward and atHammond’s successor, Medical Inspec- tended the dying President Lincoln, just as tor General (Col.) Joseph K. Barnes, wasalso he would attend the dying President James comparatively young (just forty-six years old A. Garfield after Garfield, too, fell to an aswhen he took office on August 22, 1864), in- _ sassin’s bullet many years later. telligent, aggressive, and technically competent.'° Barnes was assigned to Washington in Personnel

May 1862, and soon attracted the friendship of In all, some 235 physicians and more than Secretary Stanton and other prominent men, 1,000 enlisted men served as Regulars in the some of whom were his patients. He was ap- amp during the Civil War. That comparativepointed medical inspector (lieutenant colo- ly small number of Regulars was augmented nel) in February 1863, and was advanced to bya considerable number of Volunteer and medical inspector general (colonel) on August contract medical officers as well as a host of

166 The Staff Departments

soldiers detailed from line units and civil- killed in action, died of wounds, wounded in ian nurses, laundrywomen, and laborers.In action, missing in action, or died of accident 1865 Surgeon General Barnes reported that _ or disease is not clear. In his annual report for between April 1861 and October 1865, there 1866, Surgeon General Barnes put total amp had been 2,109 regimental surgeons and 3,882 casualties (Regular and Volunteer) from April regimental assistant surgeons of Volunteers 1861 to October 1866 at 336 (29 killed in action; mustered into service; 547 surgeons andassis- 10 died of wounds; 12 killed in accidents; 35 tant surgeons of U.S. Volunteers appointed; wounded; 4 died in Confederate prisons; and 75 acting staff surgeons appointed; and 5,532 281 died of disease, including 7 from yellow feacting assistant surgeons hired on contract.” ver and 3 from cholera).*' The number of other civilians employed by All of the Regular medical officers were ap-

the amp during the war plus the number of pointed from civil life, from the Volunteers, soldiers from line regiments utilized as litter or from the U.S. Navy. None was a graduate of bearers, ambulance attendants, and hospital West Point. Most of them had attended formal attendants is unknown but surely numbered medical schooling and had undergone rather

in the thousands. rigorous examinations for appointment and The number of AMD personnel varied great- promotion, but as men of their era, they had ly over the course of the war due to deaths, few “modern tools” and only a limited knowl-

wounds, resignations, dismissals, and other edge of the surgical techniques, aseptic surcauses. The largest single loss of Regular offi- gery, and germ theory that would be available cers came early in the war when a number of a few decades later.” them resigned to join the Confederacy. Twen- Four Regular amp officers had prior service ty-four Regular medical officers resigned be- in the U.S. Navy, but only one had previousfore September 1, 1861, twenty-one of whom _ ly served in the Army.*’ On the other hand, of subsequently served as surgeons inthe Con- _ those appointed during the Civil War, twentyfederate States Army (csa), and three others nine had served previously as surgeons in the (two of whom were dismissed and one who _ Volunteers. Three officers resigned their Regwas dropped from the rolls) also took com- ular commissions and subsequently accepted missions as csa surgeons.”’ The other three of- | commissions as surgeons in the U.S. or state ficers who resigned early apparently returned Volunteers (Robert O. Craig, Richard D. Lynde, to civil lifeand took no partin the waronei- and Thomas F. Perley). One assistant surgeon,

ther side. Samuel W. Crawford, resigned his Regular amp A total of 45 other Regular medical officers commission on May 14, 1861, to accept a Regresigned, 5 were retired, 5 were dismissed (in- | ular commission as a major in the th Infancluding Surgeon General Hammond), and2__ try. He was subsequently appointed brigadier were dropped from the rolls. Nine Regular general of Volunteers in April 1862, and com-

medical officers died on active duty, includ- manded successfully at brigade and division ing Surgeon William J. H. White, who was _ level, mainly in the Army of the Potomac. One killed on September 17, 1862, at the Battle of — officer who left the department before the war Antietam. In point of fact, the number of Reg- also merits mention. Albert James Myer of New ular amp officers and enlisted men who were York was appointed assistant surgeon on Sep-

Medical Department 167

Table 31. Regular Army Medical Personnel, 1860-1865

Position 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865

Surgeon 26 36

Surgeon General (Colonel) ] 1

Assistant Surgeon 80 100

Brigadier General (Surgeon General) l 1 1 l Colonel (Assistant Surgeon General) ] ] 1 1 Colonel (Medical Inspector General) 1 1 1 1

Lieutenant Colonel (Medical Inspector) 8 16 16 16 Major (Surgeon) 50 50 50 50 Captain (Assistant Surgeon) 14 5 3 Ist Lieutenant (Assistant Surgeon) 100 109 111 114 Military Storekeeper 6 6706 Medical Cadet 50) 70 706 70

TOTAL Commissioned (Including Cadets) 107 187 351 378 404 259

TOTAL Enlisted (Hospital Stewards) 59 2 201 47] 650 951 TOTAL Regular Army Personnel 166 299 552 849 1,054 1,190 Source: Army Registers, 1860-65.

tember 18, 1854, but vacated his appointment men. By January 1865, however, the number when he was appointed major and signal of- had grown to 183 Regular officers, 6 military

ficer of the Army on June 27, 1860. storekeepers, 70 medical cadets, and 931 RegThree amp Regular officers (Joseph K. _ ular enlisted hospital stewards.” Barnes, William A. Hammond, and Samuel Although the authorized strength of the W. Crawford) reached brigadier general rank Amp increased substantially during the war, during the war, and both Barnes and Crawford _ it was still necessary to augment it in a variety were brevetted major general. Another ten re- of ways. Each state Volunteer regiment musceived brevet promotion to brigadier gener- _ tered into service brought with it one or more al for wartime service. Six Civil War veterans regimental medical officers, and the Federal of the department subsequently rose to the government appointed both surgeons and asposition of surgeon general (Robert Murray, _ sistant surgeons of U.S. Volunteers and hired Charles H. Crane, Charles Sutherland, John — civilian contract physicians as acting assistant Moore, George M. Sternberg, and William — surgeons. Despite the large augmentation of

H. Forwood). Volunteer and contract physicians, Regular officers occupied the key administrative and

organization leadership positions and dominated the opOn April 12, 1861, the Amp was the largest of _ erational direction of the Amp, just as Reg-

the staff departments. There were 59 Regu- ular officers dominated the direction of the lar Army enlisted hospital stewards and 14 other administrative and supply departments. Regular Army officers (the surgeon general, 30 surgeons, and 83 assistant surgeons).** This Regular Army Medical Personnel

force, while large, was barely sufficient for the The surgeon general, assistant surgeon existing Army of less than 17,000 officersand general, medical inspector general, medi-

168 The Staff Departments

cal inspectors, surgeons, assistant surgeons, eight medical inspectors with the rank, etc., medical storekeepers, and medical cadetscon- ofa lieutenant colonel of cavalry; established stituted the Regular Army officer corpsofthe acorps of twenty medical cadets; and authoAMD, and the Regular Army enlisted comple- _ rized the surgeon general to appoint as many ment consisted of those hospital stewards on hospital stewards as he deemed necessary and

the departmental (rather than regimental) — set their pay at $30 per month. strength. Table 31 is a recapitulation of the In 1862 Surgeon General Hammond advoauthorized numbers of Regular officers, ca- cated further increases in both the Regular dets, and enlisted men by rank foreach year and Volunteer medical corps, noting that the

from 1860 to 1865. Act of July 2, 1862, did not provide adequately for the cavalry and artillery regiments and

Surgeons and Assistant Surgeons that positions in the general hospitals had to Almost as soon as the war began, it became be filled largely by contract surgeons.” Acobvious that the 114 Regular medical officers cordingly, he recommended that twenty surauthorized were not sufficient to meet even geons and forty assistant surgeons be added the needs of the small Regular Army, much _ to the Regular medical establishment and that less to oversee the expansion of the medical _ the existing complement of 200 surgeons and service of the rapidly growing Volunteer forc- 120 assistant surgeons of U.S. Volunteers be es. The first increase was made in May 1861, augmented by an additional 50 surgeons and when the War Department authorized tenad- 250 assistant surgeons. Hammond also asked ditional surgeons and twenty additional as- _ that the situation be addressed with respect to sistant surgeons to cover the ten new Regu- cavalry and artillery regiments by authoriz-

lar Army regiments just added.”° ing one surgeon and two assistant surgeons to Surgeon General Finley was slow to rec- each regiment of cavalry and heavy artillery ommend the necessary increases in the size (same as infantry regiments) and one assisof the amp, but he did request the promotion _ tant surgeon to each battery of light artillery. of ten senior assistant surgeons to be surgeons The additional Regular Army physicians reand the appointment of another ten assistant quested by Surgeon General Hammond were surgeons.” He also raised the question ofthe not forthcoming, and the department finished inequality of rank in proportion to respon- the war with authorization for only 50 surgeons sibility of Regular medical officers as com- and 114 assistant surgeons. However, Congress pared to officers of the other staffdepartments. did fix the authorization for cavalry and arIn April 1862, Congress substantially reorga- _ tillery regiments in January 1863, by authonized the amp and increased its size by add- _rizing two assistant surgeons for each Reguing ten surgeons and ten assistant surgeons.“ _ lar cavalry regiment, putting the cavalry on In the same act Congress raised the rank of — a par with the infantry.°°

the surgeon general to that of brigadier gen- For the rest of his term in office, Hameral; added an assistant surgeon generaland mond continued to press for additional pera medical inspector general of hospitals, each sonnel with rank and pay commensurate with with the rank, pay, andemoluments ofacolo- their responsibilities. His efforts were mostnel of cavalry; authorized the appointment of — ly unsuccessful, and the lack of opportunity

Medical Department 169

for promotion or other recognition rankled ment, although there was no statutory basis the officers of the amp, as Surgeon Charles for such designation and assignment. Under Smart later stated: “Promotion or increased _ the orders of his commander, each medical di-

rank is the reward in the military service for rector oversaw the organization and operation duty well performed; but little incentive of — of the field hospitals and associated medical this kind was offered to medical officers dur-_ personnel of the command, field sanitation, ing the War of the Rebellion. Many who en- and medical supply. However, until late in the tered as surgeons had no promotion to look — war, the organization and operation of amforward to; and they saw their comrades of | bulance and medical supply trains remained the line, formerly their equals or inferiorsin officially in the hands of the amp, although rank, mount upwards step by step whilethere aggressive medical directors did assume reremained to them nothing but the reward of | sponsibility for such matters on an ad hoc ba-

a good conscience.””! sis. At military department level, the medical Hammond’s successor, Joseph K. Barnes, director regulated the distribution of the sick had somewhat better success in obtainingin- and wounded to the hospitals within the milcreased rank for amp officers in special posi- itary department to which he was assigned. tions, such as corps, army, and military depart- For most of the war, medical directors were ment medical directors. As Barnes stated, “The not entitled to the temporary rank, pay, and proposed well-deserved promotion of merito- emoluments authorized for other staff offirious medical officers cannot fail to increase cers. The Militia Act of July 17, 1862, section their efficiency by placing them upon an equal 10 of which prescribed the staff officers aufooting with those of other staff corpsin re- _ thorized for each army corps, did not include gard to local rank.”*’ The claims of Regular mention of a corps medical director. It was medical officers for greater rank and recog- not until February 1865 that Congress, reactnition were justified in part by the fact that ing to pressure from the amp and various ciall of them had to pass rigorous examinations _ vilian medical organizations, passed legislaby boards of officers before being appointed _ tion officially recognizing officers serving as

or promoted. medical directors of armies, military depart-

| . ments, and corps and giving them addition-

Medical Directors and Medical Purveyors al rank, pay, and emoluments while in such Regular Army physicians were assigned toa __ positions.** The medical directors of armies variety of duties. Some served as administra- in the field and of military departments with tive officers in the Office of the Surgeon Gen- general hospitals containing more than 4,000 eral (osc ) in Washington, some served inthe _ beds were given the rank, pay, and emoluments field with Regular regiments or as surgeons ofacolonel of cavalry. The medical directors and attending physicians in general hospitals, of corps in the field and of military departand others had medical supply duties. Asub- ments with general hospitals containing less stantial number served as medical staff offi- than 4,000 beds were given the rank, etc., ofa cers, or medical directors as they were desig- _ lieutenant colonel of cavalry. Such increases in nated, in the headquarters of commanders at rank were for the duration of the assignment various levels from division to military depart- only, and Congress required that two-thirds

170 The Staff Departments

of the officers assigned to such positions be 2 of the act, Congress defined the duties of selected from the Volunteer service.*’ the medical inspector general as having, unSome Regular Army medical officers were der the surgeon general, “the supervision of designated as medical purveyors. Medical pur- all that relates to the sanitary conditions of veyors ran the medical supply depots and asso- the Army, whether in transports, quarters, ciated laboratories, purchased medicines and or camps, and of the hygiene, police, disciother medical equipment and supplies, and _ pline, and efficiency of field and general hosarranged the movement of same to surgeons __pitals, under such regulations as may hereafter in the field upon receipt of valid requisitions — be established.” Similarly, Congress charged

from medical directors in the field or at gen- the eight new medical inspectors with “the

eral hospitals.*° duty of inspecting the sanitary conditions of transports, quarters, and camps, of field and

Assistant Surgeon General general hospitals,” and reporting to the medIn April 1862, Congress authorized the appoint- _ ical inspector general as to “the sanitary con-

ment of an assistant surgeon general withthe dition and wants of troops and of hospitals, rank, pay, and emoluments ofacolonelofcav- and to the skill, efficiency, and good conduct alry.*° Surgeon Robert C. Wood, who had been _ of officers and attendants connected with the acting surgeon general during the final illness Medical Department.””

of Surgeon General Lawson, was quickly ap- In December 1862 Congress added to the pointed.” The principal function of the assis- duties of medical inspectors responsibility for tant surgeon general appears to have beento making “regular and frequent inspections of run the ose and to assist the surgeon general all military general hospitals and convalescent as required. In May 1864, the secretary of war camps” and reporting to the surgeon in charge restated the duties and functions of the assis- of such hospital or camp all soldiers who in tant surgeon general, moved his office to Lou- _ their opinion should be either discharged for isville, Kentucky, and assigned Assistant Sur- disability or returned to their unit as fit for geon General Wood to assume controlofthe duty." In fact, the medical inspectors had been medical affairs of the military departments of | empowered to issue certificates of discharge the Northwest, the North, Kansas, and Mis- _ for disability to enlisted men since passage of souri, and those departments composing the the Act of May 14, 1862. Medical inspectors is-

Military Division of the Mississippi.°* suing certificates of disability were required to certify that they had personally inspected

Medical Inspectors the soldier in question with the soldier’s conRegular Army medical officers were also de- sent and that the “nature, degree, and origin” tailed to act as medical inspectors, butin April of the disability were correctly described in 1862 Congress added to the Medical Depart- _ the certificate of disability.”

ment the authorized position of medical in- The appointment of the new medical inspector general with the rank, pay,andemol- _spector general and of the eight new medical uments ofa colonel of cavalry, and authorized inspectors was “political” and very controvereight medical inspectors with the rank, etc., _ sial in view of the advantages of rank and powof a lieutenant colonel of cavalry. In section er the new inspectors would enjoy over other

Medical Department 171

officers in the department."* Surgeon Gener- ers to the Regular strength of the amp for the al Hammond recommended the appointment duration of the war.*’ The law provided that of Surgeon Charles S. Tripler as medical in- the men selected should be skilled apothecarspector general, but on July 1, 1862, Secretary ies or druggists and that they should serve unStanton appointed a former brigade surgeon, der the same conditions as QD storekeepers. Thomas F, Perley,a man unknown in either Medical storekeepers had no prescribed rank, military or civilian medical circles, butame- although they were considered officers, usunable to Stanton’s control.’ Perley lasted just ally the equivalent of captains. Candidates for over one year before resigning on August 10, appointment were to be between the ages of 1863. He was replaced by Regular Army Sur- _ twenty-five and forty-five, physically fit to per-

geon Joseph K. Barnes. form their duties, and of good moral characThe appointment of the eight new medical _ ter. They were required to pass an examination inspectors was equally controversial. The U.S. _ of their general education and of their knowlSanitary Commission and Surgeon General edge of pharmacy and materia medica, and to Hammond submitted a list of suitable candi- give proof of their business qualifications for dates to the secretary of war, but Stanton, after the position. They then had to successfully some delay, appointed four Regular and four pass an examination by a board of three medVolunteer officers on the basis of political con- _ ical officers and, if appointed, to post a bond nections rather than either seniority or merit. of $40,000 before entering upon their duties. On December 27, 1862, Congress added eight Hammond consider the medical storekeepmore medical inspectors to be appointed under _ ers to be “a very useful class of officers,” notthe same terms and conditions as the existing ing that they could relieve surgeons of duties eight, and Secretary Stanton again delayed the as medical purveyors and recommending that appointments and then appointed only four of ten more medical storekeepers be added to his the officers nominated by Hammondandthe department.** However, such an increase was other four on the basis of political influence.* —_ never made, and the position of medical storeIn November 1862, Hammond noted that keeper was abolished in June 1876. the corps of medical inspectors had been productive but that more medical inspectors were Medical Cadets

needed.* Although he seldom agreed with On August 3, 1861, Congress added to the amp Hammond on anything, Secretary Stanton acorps of medical cadets “to act as dressers in also mentioned subsequently that “the corps _ the general hospitals, and as ambulance atof medical inspectors, by the system of in- _tendants in the field, under the direction and spections established, has added materially to control of the medical officers alone.”*’ The the efficiency of medical and hospital service, law provided for the appointment of not more and a marked improvement in all matters of | than fifty such medical cadets with the rank sanitary precaution and police is exhibited.”*° and pay of West Point cadets. All were to be young men of liberal education between the

Medical Storekeepers ages of eighteen and twenty-three who had In May 1862, Congress authorized the secre- read medicine for at least two years and had tary of war to add up to six medical storekeep- attended at least one course of lectures in a

172 The Staff Departments

medical college. Medical cadets were tobe a full-time dentist.) After 1864 Regular Army enlisted for one year and were subject to the hospital stewards had to pass an examination

Articles of War. by a board of three medical officers and were The medical cadets were a useful addition required to demonstrate a practical knowledge to the amp, but they were too few in num- _— of medical care and pharmacy. They enlisted ber to have a significant impact. In Novem- for five years and were paid $30 per month,

ber 1861, Surgeon General Finley reported, less than their Navy counterparts but more “All of those appointed are now activelyem- than twice what civilian nurses employed by ployed; they have been found to be of great the Army were paid. The position was sought service in the field and in hospitals, increas- after by druggists and medical students, anda ing the efficiency of the medical department few were even trained physicians. Many of the by an intelligent assistance and gleaning for Regular Army hospital stewards were highthemselves an amount of knowledge impos- ly competent men and gained the respect of sible to be attained by the study of their pro- medical personnel and patients alike, but as fession in civil life, except at the cost of the la- Dr. Mary C. Gillett has pointed out, “As enbor of years.” Finley asked for an additional listed men they never received the respect to fifty medical cadets and requested that they — which their professional attainments might be allowed one ration per day and campand__ otherwise have entitled them.”

field equipment the same as lieutenants. Con- In addition to the hospital stewards cargress responded in April 1862, byaddingtwen- ried on the amp strength (59 in 1861), once ty medical cadets, bringing the total number _ the war began, Congress authorized hospital authorized to seventy, where it remained un- stewards for the line regiments, both Regulars til the end of the war when the medical cadet and Volunteers. Although under the technical

program expired.” supervision of the surgeon general and subject to the same standards as hospital stewards

Hospital Stewards on the amp rolls, the hospital stewards in the Enlisted hospital stewards were first autho- line regiments were carried on the regimenrized in April 1818, but it was not until 1856 _ tal rolls and are thus not considered part of that Congress authorized the regular enlist- the amp strength. Initially, both Regular and ment of one hospital steward per post, who Volunteer regiments were authorized one hoswas to have the rank, pay, and emoluments of _ pital steward.’ In May 1861, the secretary of a sergeant of ordnance.” When the Civil War — war authorized one hospital steward for each began, there were 59 hospital stewards onthe of the new Regular infantry and cavalry batdepartment's rolls. That number grew to 931 _ talions and one hospital steward for the one

by January 1865. new Regular artillery regiment, and those alHospital stewards were senior enlisted men, locations were later confirmed by Congress in and their duties included nursing, minor sur- July 1861.°? In April 1862, Congress authorized gery, simple dentistry, wound dressing, taking the surgeon general to enlist as many hospicharge of the medicines and medical supplies, tal stewards as might be required for the dukeeping records, and managing the post hos- __ ration of the war.*® The subsequent growth in pitals. (At least one hospital steward workedas the number of Regular hospital stewards on

Medical Department 173

Table 32. Regular Army Hospital Stewards, 1860-1865

Position 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865 ON MEDICAL DEPARTMENT STRENGTH

Hospital Stewards 59 | le 201 471 650 931

ON REGIMENTAL STRENGTH

Regiment Hospital Stewards 12 13° 13° 13° 13° Battalion Hospital Stewards 30° 278 27S PH bi oi * One for sth Artillery. ° One for 5th Artillery and two for each of the six U.S. cavalry regiments. © One for each battalion of the 6th Cavalry and one for each battalion of the nine new U.S. infantry regiments. ¢ One for each battalion of the nine new U.S. infantry regiments. Source: Army Registers, 1860-65.

both the departmental and regimental rolls _ lieutenants and employed mainly in the gen-

is shown in table 32. eral hospitals (5,532 employed).

: 5. Acting Staffof Surgeons, Army Other Medical Officers the UnionU.S. Army 7 $ Jwere SCOfor4 mer regimental surgeons of Volunteers hired

Regular officers constituted onlyaverysmall 9 contract from 1864 onward and used pripart of the overall number of medical off- marily as staff medical officers (75 employed).

cers in the treatment Medical Off fthe ViCorps -7 58 involved 6. Medica cers ofand thehospitalVeteran Reserve

ization of Union soldiers. George W. and Adams oe P os ot served as regimental surgeons assistant divided the whole into seven distinct groups,

as follows:

surgeons for Invalid Corps/Volunteer Reserve Corps units (total number unknown but prob1. Regular Army Medical Officers were used ably quite small and may be included in oth-

“ “ 114 “ > Y< as -s . . .

mostly in staff assignments, particularly at er categories).

field army and military department level (235 7. Other Categories, including surgeons and as-

commissioned). sistant surgeons of Colored Troops, physicians 2. Surgeons and Assistant Surgeons of U.S. Vol- who were members of the local boards of en-

unteers were appointed by the president and __rollment under the provost marshal general used to supplement the Regular Army med- — after March 1863, doctors appointed to presical officers, principally in staffassignments idential commissions, and a few physicians

? , : ; TP d ; ie ) “IP . .

(547 commissioned). employed in other capacities.”

3. Regimental Surgeons and Assistant Surgeons should pe noted thatthe Guerll diceeiion of Volunteers were appointed by state gover- of medical support for the Union Army was nors (some 2,109 surgeons and 3,882 assistant most definitely in the hands of Regular Army

surgeons of Volunteers commissioned). medical officers. They ran the Office of the 4. Acting Assistant Surgeons, U.S. Army were Surgeon General in Washington, held most civilian doctors employed under contract who _ of the senior (field army and military departreceived no commission but were paid asist ment) field staff positions (medical director

174 The Staff Departments

and medical inspector), and ran the general _ teer medical officers considered their Regular hospital and medical supply systems. In the colleagues to be arrogant and professionally general hospitals, most of the attending pro- inferior.’ Given their diversity and large numfessional medical personnel were employed on _ bers, the fact that all of the different categocontract as acting assistant surgeons. Medi- __ ries of medical personnel of the Union Army cal service to troops in the field was provided _ were able to work together as well as they did is principally by junior Regular Army doctorsin perhaps one of the minor miracles of the war. the case of Regular battalions and regiments, or by Volunteer officers appointed by the state Hospital Chaplains

governors. The latter were far more numer- ‘The corps of hospital chaplains appointed to ous, and although subject to the regulations serve in general hospitals after May 1862 were of the amp and the orders of the surgeon gen- also U.S. Volunteers. In May 1862 Congress aueral, except as to stationing, the regimental _ thorized the president to appoint chaplains for surgeons and assistant surgeons of Volunteers each permanent hospital, whose pay should be were likely to be the only medical officersseen the same as regimental chaplains in the Vol-

by most soldiers. unteer forces.’ In July 1862 the secretary of Finding qualified men to serve as Army war required that hospital chaplains appointsurgeons was difficult throughout the war, ed by the president be assigned by the surgeon but the successive surgeons general man-_ general toa specific hospital, and that when aged to fill the critical vacancies. By and _ that hospital was disestablished, the chaplain large, the professional medical personnel of | should be reported to the adjutant general as the Union Army— Regular, Volunteer, and supernumerary.” Hospital chaplains were subcontract— met the minimal professional stan- ordinate to the hospital surgeons. By the end dards of the day, although there was the usual of the war, when they were mustered out, 265 proportion of impostors, drunks, idlers, dull- | men in all had served as hospital chaplains.° ards, and incompetents. By the spring of 1864,

the examination process required for both Medical Department Civilian Personnel Regular and Volunteer officers had weeded The amp remained desperately short of exout most of the unqualified and undesirable. perienced clerical personnel, particularly in The quality of physicians employed as contract the osc in Washington. In April 1861, the osG surgeons (acting assistant surgeons) contin- consisted only of the surgeon general, two surued to be questioned, but even most of them —geons who acted as his assistants, two assis-

met minimum standards. tant surgeons whose duties were mostly cleriThe relationships among the various cat- cal, and just three clerks, the chief clerk having egories and ranks of Regular and Volunteer — served in that position since the department medical officers were not always smooth or — was established in 1818, and another clerk haveven polite. The Regular medical officers con- ing served for twenty-one years.” Despite the sidered the Volunteers ill-trained, insubordi- | tremendous increase in business after the war nate, and totally inexperienced in Army ad- _ began, Congress did not increase the number ministration and the all-important required — of clerks in the ose until July 1862.° A largforms and records. At the same time, Volun- er complement had to wait until March 1863,

Medical Department 175

when Congress increased the clerical force of see the efforts of various civilian groups to

the ose by twenty-five clerks.* aid Union soldiers in garrison and field. The The Amp used substantial numbers of en- | War Department sanctioned the creation of listed men drawn from the line of the Army _ the ussc on June 9, 1861, and nine days later to man the field ambulances and to attend to President Lincoln approved the action of the the needs of sick and wounded soldiers in hos- secretary of war, thereby creating the ussc as pital. The amp also hired thousands of civil- an official government organization. The first ians, both men and women, to perform du- _ president of the ussc was the Rev. Henry Whitties as nurses, hospital attendants, laundry ney Bellows, the general secretary was landpersonnel, laborers, etc. Such nurses and at- scape architect Fredrick Law Olmsted, and tendants, uniformed and civilian, were nev- _ the treasurer was George Templeton Strong. er sufficient in numbers to meet the Army’s Although the leadership of the ussc was preneeds, and they raised numerous questions dominately male, women contributed a major

of efficiency and propriety.™ part of the volunteer effort required to carry

out the work of the commission.”

U.S. Sanitary Commission The men and women who worked for the The military and civilian personnel of the — ussc, both paid employees and volunteers, perArmy Medical Department were augment- formeda number of tasks, including collecting

ed by the men and women who worked for and distributing money and goods, running the many private and quasi-official agencies, _ kitchens in the field, serving as nurses and sansuch as the U.S. Christian Commission and _ itary inspectors, operating a fleet of hospital the Young Men’s Christian Association, ded- ships, making clothing items, and organizing

icated to improving the life ofthe Union sol- “sanitary fairs” to raise money and supplies. dier and in particular the sick and wounded. After the war, the ussc aided Union veterans Foremost among such groups was the U.S. in obtaining the enlistment bounties, back Sanitary Commission (ussc), which played _ pay, and pensions to which they were entitled.

a key role in supplementing the diet of sick The ussc was organized with a central and wounded soldiers, providing clothingand headquarters anda number of local chapters hospital supplies, and improving the sanitary throughout the North. Internally, it had three

condition of camps and hospitals. main departments.® The Preventive Service The ussc grew out of a conference called employed a number of medical inspectors to by the Women’s Central Relief Association of | visit Union Army camps, hospitals, and amNew York City in April 1861 to coordinate the bulance trains to assess the quality of care, collection and distribution of food, clothing, _ field sanitation, and medical supply as well as and other goods for Union soldiers by the var-_ the environmental conditions affecting solious churches, ladies’ aid societies, and other dier welfare. The Department of General Rephilanthropic organizations. Supported by _ lief encompassed the bulk of the ussc’s activithe Army Medical Department, a delegation _ ties and oversaw the supply of food, clothing, of leading participants in the conference sub- medical supplies, and hospital furniture for sequently lobbied the War Department toap- the sick and wounded. The Department of prove the creation of a commission to over- Special Relief looked after soldiers, such as

176 The Staff Departments

recruits, those on leave or medical furlough, suchas it was, for the evacuation of the woundetc., who could not obtain housing, food, or _ ed, their treatment in the field, and subsequent medical care from normal Army sources. The removal to general hospitals fell apart almost ussc was disbanded in May 1866, having played completely. Chaos prevailed: regimental sur-

a prominent role in improving the lot of the geons refused to treat men other than those

Union soldier. from their own regiment; there was no coordination of the field hospitals or of evacuation;

Operations and Issues and the few ambulances available were poorly When the Civil War began, Acting Surgeon managed, and many of their civilian drivers General Robert C. Wood attempted to make robbed the wounded or ran away.” Eventually the necessary preparations, but neither Wood _ the casualties from the battle found their way, nor anyone else in the War Department had _ often on their own, to one of the six hospitals any idea of the magnitude of the problems to — established in Washington, but then there was come or of the rapidity with which they would no provision for returning them to their unit arise. Two weeks after the first firingon Fort once they had healed or for discharging them Sumter, Wood wrote to Secretary Cameron — if they were permanently disabled.

suggesting that in view of the large number The challenges that arose at the battle of of troops descending on Washington andthe — Bull Run foreshadowed the challenges that the approach of warm weather, it would be expe- amp would face ona much larger scale during dient to make proper sanitary arrangements, the next four years of war. The proper organiincluding the selection of healthy locations for zation of field medical treatment, particularly camps away from the city, itselfa notoriously _ the effective evacuation of the wounded and noxious swamp for the most part.” He also _ the efficiency of field hospitals, the develop-

reported that the medical purveyor in New ment and enforcement of field sanitation stanYork had been asked to send medical supplies _ dards, the establishment of an efficient generfor 75,000 men to Washington, which supplies al hospital system, finding sufficient numbers

would be distributed to those points most of trained nurses and attendants for the sick convenient to large groups of troops. Wood and wounded in general hospitals, and the also noted that until the properamountsand _ relationships of the Army’s medical officers types of tentage could be obtained, suitable © with commanders in the field would be the arrangements could be made in the city for more important of those challenges. housing the sick and wounded, such arrangements already having been made for 400 sick Field Medical Service

soldiers. The medical service of the Union Army in Whatever plans Wood and others had made _ the field consisted of six principal segments:

for the disposition of medical personnel, the (a) first aid on the field of battle, (2) evacuasanitation of the camps, and the treatment of _ tion from the battlefield to the field hospital, the sick and wounded were soon proven inad- (3) treatment in the field hospital, (4) evacuequate. In the first major battle of the war, at ation to an Army general hospital in the rear, Bull Run on July 21, 1861, the number of wound- (5) treatment and recovery in the general hosed far exceeded expectations, and the system, _ pital, and (6) medical supply.

Medical Department 177

FIRST AID and, to a much lesser degree, the inadequaMedical treatment on the battlefield itself ies in number and design of the existing field consisted of little more than whatever first @™bulances. All of these challenges were met aid (self-administered or provided by a com- successfully, and by late 1864, the evacuation rade) a wounded soldier might receive and be- of the wounded from battlefield to field hosing borne by comrades or designated stretch-_ Pital was well organized and effective in both

er-bearers to the collecting point where the the East and the West. field ambulances picked them up and moved The comprehensive solution to the probthem on to the field hospital. In some situa- _ !¢™ of how to best organize and operate the tions, the junior regimental assistant surgeon, tMy’s field medical evacuation system owed aided by an orderly and equipped with the much to many people but is usually creditstandard medical knapsack, might establish ed, and justly so, to one man, Surgeon Jonaa battlefield aid station (known as a “primary than Letterman, who was without question station”) immediately behind the battle line the ablest and most effective field medical ofand just outside musket range to provide es- ficer of the war on either side. Letterman resential, immediate life-saving treatment be- P laced Surgeon Charles S. Tripler as medical

fore evacuation to the field hospital. director of the Army of the Potomac at HarTraditionally the members of the regimen- rison’s Landing, Virginia, on July 4, 1862. He tal band, usually fourteen men, plus another ‘“° trusted by Major General McClellan and ten men detailed from the line as a “hospital later commanders of the Army of the Potomac, detail,” were used in battle as stretcher-bear- and over tume Letterman improved camp saners and hospital attendants for each regiment. itation and the diet of the soldiers and reorgaHowever, in July 1862, Congress disestablished BIER sine nace lear se eine Ont er Oule the bands of the Volunteer regiments and re- Potomac for greater efficiency and effectiveturned the men to line duty but at the same ness. The improvements and Man oNgeLons he

time established brigade bands of sixteen introduced, most notably his scheme for the

a gee eae a ee, Rn eer er organization and employment of an ambuly redtice-the number of enlisted personnel lance corps, were widely adopted elsewhere in

BES eee ree Pe ae the Army. He has been called both “an organizational genius” and “the father of modern EVACUATION FROM THE BATTLEFIELD TO THE FIELD — battlefield care for the wounded.”

aa All of the deficiencies of the Army’s medWithout doubt, the most problematic segment ical evacuation system were made obvious in of Civil War field medical service was the evac- _ the battles of 1861 and 1862. The terrible conuation of casualties from the battlefield tothe dition of the Union wounded after First Bull

field hospitals. The basic difficulties centered Run in July 1861 prompted improvements in around the fact that the gmp rather than the the Army medical service, but the equally conAMD was initially responsible for evacuation fused and shocking treatment of the woundand the operation of medical wagon trains, ed following the Second Battle of Bull Run the lack of a dedicated corps of enlisted men in early September 1862 brought matters to to act as ambulance drivers and attendants, ahead. On September 7, 1862, Surgeon Gen-

178 The Staff Departments

eral Hammond wrote to Secretary Stanton was delayed by the defeat of Pope’s army at pleading for an ambulance corps to be orga- Second Bull Run and the ensuing Maryland nized and set in instant operation, ending, “I campaign and battle of Antietam.” However, only ask that some system may be adopted by on August 21, 1862, McClellan presented Letwhich the removal of the sick from the field terman’s system for Secretary Stanton’s apof battle may be speedily accomplished, and _ proval. Stanton balked, as did Major General the suffering to which they are now subjected — Halleck, citing the increased costs and the illbe in the future as far as possible avoided.” — founded assumption that such an ambulance Letterman’s plan for an ambulance corps system would hamper the mobility of the foreenvisioned the corps medical director as re- es in the field.”° Finally, Congress passed legsponsible for the corps ambulance service.” —islation in March 1864 establishing an Army Each regiment was to be authorized two light, ambulance corps.” Although the bill left the four-wheel, two-horse ambulances and each —qop responsible for the Army’s ambulances corps an additional two, all equipped with andthe horses that pulled them, and it was not

two stretchers, to provide evacuation from the permanent corps of medical officers and the battlefield to the aid (collecting) stations enlisted men desired by many amp reformers, where the seriously wounded were transferred it nonetheless specified that the medical dito four-horse ambulances for movement to — rector or chief medical officer of each corps, the field hospitals and beyond. Aline captain under control of the medical director of the was to be placed in overall command of the _ field army to which the corps belonged, was corps’ ambulances, drivers, and attendants, given the direction and supervision of all amand was to report to the corps medical direc- bulances, medicine, and other wagons, horstor. Each corps ambulance train was tobeac- es, mules, harness, etc., and of all officers and companied by medical officers from each divi- men detailed to assist in their management. sion, but all administration and management The plan authorized by Congress was similar of the ambulance train was the responsibility to, but not identical to, that laid out by Letterof the line officers detailed to the ambulance man for the Army of the Potomac. corps. A line lieutenant was to lead each division and brigade ambulance corps, andaser- S'tP HOSPITALS geant was to lead each regimental ambulance Perhaps the first, last, and only time a wound-

corps. Three privates (one driver andtwoat- ed soldier might be seen by an Army surgeon tendants) were to be assigned to each ambu- was in the field hospital. The basic Union Army lance, and one private was to be assigned to _ field hospital was established on a regimental drive each medical wagon. The command- basis one and a half or two miles back from ers of line regiments were enjoined to pro- _ the line of battle.”* It was manned by the regvide only “active and efficient” men to serve imental surgeon assisted by one or two assis-

with the ambulance corps. tant surgeons, the regimental hospital steward Letterman persuaded McClellan toimple- who looked after the medicines and supplies, ment his ambulance systeminthe Army ofthe and perhaps a dozen men detailed from the Potomac, and on August 2, 1862, the necessary _ line or regimental band to serve as hospital atorders were issued, although implementation —_ tendants as well as cooks. Normally the reg-

Medical Department 179

imental field hospitals were housed in tents hospital, he either recovered sufficiently to reor suitable houses, barns, or other structures. turn to his unit or had to be evacuated to one of The organization and operation of field hos- — the Army’s general hospitals for further treat-

pitals remained much the same after the first ment and recuperation. This was normally acfew months of the war, although there wasa_ complished by railroad or steamboat, and the trend toward consolidation and greater effi- transportation arrangements were controlled clency as a result of experience, better admin- by the gmp. The specially equipped railroad istration, and better use of surgical personnel. ambulance car and hospital train were innoAfter the great battles of 1862 and 1863, many vyations of the Union Army.®! In general, the of the regimental field hospitals were consol- system of hospital trains and hospital steamidated into larger groupings for central con- ers that evolved provided some minimal detrol and better efficiency. In 1862 consolidated gree of comfort for the sick and wounded bebrigade field hospitals were organized on the ing transported.

Peninsula and at Fort Donelson in the West. The gmp was responsible for the manBy the end of 1862, consolidated division hospi- agement of both hospital trains and hospital tals were the rule in the Army of the Potomac, steamers, It was not until 1865 that the surgeon and in 1863 even consolidated corps hospitals general was given greater control over the hoswere common. The consolidation of regimental pital steamer fleet. In February 1865, Secretary

> - ee | "19 ¢ ») > : ad wee ; a a eo meetin sive control of the amp and were not to be di) verted by local or departmental commanders vance¥ )Asan in :5 or bymilitary the officers ofmedicine.”” other staff departments.” poopie ee larger cae MCEa ee ee Stanton ordered that all hospital transports

pee ane nt Specie zan1on, one BONER. - cared hospital boats were to be under the exclumedical supply, and constituted “a major adThe consolidated corps hospitals were large,

semi-fixed facilities that oftenincludedtheir Gpngpat HOSPITALS

own ;dispensary, commissary gen} Te, Y S Prior to the Civilstorehouse, War, the Army did| im not have

eral and special diet kitchens, convalescent iein _ i. a system of permanent general hospitals dining room, and U.S. Sanitary Commission —— . ;

cae -in: addition which sick orusual wounded soldiers could be givstation to the offices, op, en definitive medical treatment and convaerating rooms, wards. The development ne ae casuee de.and 4inescent care. the number of; Union of the field hospital the Civil WarAs reached : , alties rose, became clear that such a system its peak in 1864 withitthe establishment of the required and that it would have to be great field hospital at the Unionwas Army base

BcPoint, ak both large andwhich widespread. Insevsheer numat ay: Ay ae esoa a6) eee OO A:Sele =mt A Smt oA Ar 8rot Yosh v

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bdfa inal ~a=e © za ASS hy —% o) —_ _a"~oo —_ aSS ie> ébe? _ cS of —= 4eSSp Bet iange R=OO = TI o/s Ee Ss oO ads ae = SO > gO S 5 4 D Vv _ SC = Pte a cs ~ S CS cS T "Oo e of‘© aoa ~~= ae —oy ~_— ake RES aoD eM «6 sia! fare in ae, S2 oOo ww iF a)

246

The Army in the Field

leaving command of their regiments inthe Table 41. Regular Army Cavalry Regiments

field to junior officers. Originl «= First | 1861

Organized Designation Regiments oo —— Designation eo ———— so 7? Ist Dragoons 1833 Ist Cavalry

There were six cavalry regiments in the Reg- 2d Dragoons 1836 2d Cavalry ular Army during the Civil War. Five ofthem Regiment of

had been mounted regiments before Ist the Cavalry war: megan een 4th Bit na paca! 1855 Cavalry

the ist and 2d Dragoons, the Regiment of — 2q Cavalry 1855 5th Cavalry Mounted Riflemen, and the ist and 2d Cay- 3d Cavalry 1861 6th Cavalry alry. In July 1861, Congress increased the size source: woo no. 55, August 10, 1861 (oR III, 1:403).

of the Regular Army and added a third regiment of cavalry. The new unit, designated — er when he referred to the “ill-advised act of the 3d Cavalry, had twelve companies rather Congress” that “wiped out time-honored regthan ten as in the other mounted regiments imental names with the romantic and heroic already in the Regular Army. In the new reg- _ history which had distinguished them —the imental organization, two companies consti- glory and inspiration of the oldest mounted tuted a squadron, and two squadrons madea_ _ regiments—forever.”* battalion commanded by a major with a small With their new designations, all six registaff. The new organization was therefore au- ments were supposed to wear the yellow trim of thorized three majors, one more than the oth- cavalry, but the former dragoons and mounted er mounted regiments. Although the new reg- __ riflemen resisted making the required changiment was organized with three battalions, es. As it turned out, because of an economy unlike the new infantry regiments, the bat- measure that authorized the use of old unitalions did not have specific companies as- forms until they were worn out, the orange of

signed to them. ' the Dragoons and green of the Mounted RifleA month after authorizing the 3d Cavalry, men lasted well into the war. As 1st Lt. Theoph-

much to the dismay of the older regiments, _ilus F. Rodenbough, whose 2d Dragoons beWDGO no. 55 designated all six Regular mount- came the 2d Cavalry, noted, “The marvelous ed units as cavalry. The new cavalry designa- durability of orange facings, or the prodigious

tions were determined by starting with the quantity of similar clothing ‘on hand’ in the oldest regiment and renumbering them se- ‘Second,’ enabled that regiment to postpone quentially, as shown in table 41.° According — for more than two years the thorough executo Capt. Albert G. Brackett, who had served _ tion of the order.” Indeed, some remnants of in the 2d Cavalry since 1855, “This changing _ the old regiments never went away. The motto of names of the old regiments had a bad ef- of the modern 3d Armored Cavalry Regiment, fect, because by it they lost the honor which “Brave Rifles,” originated in the Mexican War was attached to their old names.”* The bad when it was the Regiment of Mounted Riflemen.

effect outlasted the war. William W. Aver- Even though the regiments were all desigell (UsMA 1855), a Mounted Riflemen lieuten- nated cavalry, they continued to have differant who found himself in the 3d Cavalry as ent organizations. The biggest disparity was a result of the order, was still upset years lat- _ that the first five regiments had only ten com-

The Cavalry 247

panies while the 6th Cavalry had twelve along Company K, stationed at Fort Scott in Januwith an additional major. In 1862 wpGo no. 91 _—_ ary, reached Washington in July, where it par-

established that “each regiment shall consist ticipated in the Battle of Bull Run. The rest

of twelve companies or troops.”° of the regiment soon followed, and by JanuThe bulk of the Regular cavalry served east ary 1862 seven companies of what was by then of the Mississippi River during the war. Four — the 2d Cavalry were camped near Washingregiments, the 1st, 2d, 5th, and 6th, were with — ton, where they were part of the provost guard

the Army of the Potomac, while two, the 3d for the Army of the Potomac, an assignment

and 4th, were in the western theater. they would have for much of the war. The other three companies were still serv-

ist Cavalry ing in the West. Company C was in Paducah, At the beginning of the Civil War, the head- Kentucky, and was at the Battle of Wilson’s quarters and eight companies of the ist Dra- Creek in August 1861, after which it was asgoons were stationed in the Department of | signed to the 1st Division of the Army of the the Pacific. Companies D and G were at Fort Tennessee. The company remained in the westBreckenridge, New Mexico. By January 1862, _ ern theater for the first two years of the war, all but companies Dand Gof the1st Cavalry seeing action at Shiloh and serving for some (formerly the ist Dragoons) had assembled at _ time as Maj. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant’s escort. In Camp Sprague near Washington. Companies June 1863 it rejoined the rest of the regiment D and G remained in New Mexico, where they at Washington. Companies G and I were stawere serving as the escort for Col. Edward R. — tioned in New Mexico at the beginning of the S. Canby, 9th Infantry, the department com- war. In February 1862 Company G manned an

mander. Both companies participated inthe artillery battery at the Battle of Valverde. In battle at Valverde, New Mexico, in February October 1861 Company I moved to Fort Gar1862, and they remained in that department land, Colorado, where it remained until Sepuntil June 1863, when they were disbanded. The tember 1862. At that time it joined Compaofficers and noncommissioned officers went ny Gat Camp Picket Wire, New Mexico, and to Carlisle Barracks, where the two compa- the two companies escorted Brig. Gen. E. R. nies were reorganized, and they rejoinedthe S. Canby to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, arrivregiment at Camp Buford, Maryland, in Oc- ing there in late October. They proceeded on tober 1863. The regiment was assigned tothe to Washington, where they joined the rest of Army of the Potomac for the duration ofthe the regiment in November.® war. In May 1865 it escorted Maj. Gen. Philip In December 1862, after Congress authoSheridan to Washington and participated in rized twelve companies for all cavalry regthe Grand Review before departing for New iments, Company L was organized. At the Orleans in preparation for returning tofron- same time, Companies A, B, and D received

tier duty in California.’ recruits and were reestablished at Carlisle Barracks. Company M received its quota of re-

2d Cavalry cruits in February 1863, and after training in The companies of the 2d Dragoons were scat- Washington, it joined the regiment in May. By tered across the West at the beginning of 1861. June 1863 the 2d Cavalry had its entire com-

248 The Army in the Field

plement of twelve companies assembled with and were serving at Columbus, Kentucky.” a total strength of 832 officers and men. For The regiment served in the District of Memthe next year and a half, the regiment was _ phis until October 1863, when it traveled to with the Cavalry Corps in the Army of the Cherokee, Alabama, as part of the XV Corps Potomac. On January 21, 1865, the 2d Cavalry, in the Army of the Tennessee. In November, reduced to three officers andin enlisted men, it reported a strength of 219 officers and men, departed for Hagerstown, Maryland, where it of whom only 1o officers and 9 enlisted were performed picket and reconnaissance dutyin present." northern Virginia, and on July 28 it was sta- In March 1864, the regiment was assigned to tioned in Monrovia, Maryland, where it pre- the 2d Cavalry Brigade in the District of Little

pared for postwar duty.’ Rock, where it remained until the end of the war. While in Arkansas, the primary func-

3d Cavalry tion of the regiment was to suppress guerilla The war got off to a bad start for the 3d Cav- bands and put a stop to any attempts by the alry, and the regiment never really recovered. Confederates to organize new commands. As In July 1861, a detachment that included men _ the regimental history notes somewhat cynfrom Companies B, F, and] of the Regiment _ ically, the duty “involved hard riding, much of Mounted Riflemen, as it was then known, __ risk, but no engagements of magnitude to atwas captured at San Augustine Springsin New _ tract attention, while Sheridan was winning Mexico. The two officers and eighty-eight cap- glory for his cavalry with probably no harder tured soldiers were paroled and consolidat- work.” With the end of the war, the regiment ed into Company F, which was then sent to was able to organize its missing companies as Fort Wayne, Michigan, where it waited to be _ wellas the two new ones authorized in 1863 in

exchanged, although few of the men ever re- anticipation ofa return to the frontier. Comturned to the regiment. According to the regi- panies A, D, E, H, L, and M were manned at mental history, “They soon dwindled downto Carlisle Barracks and sent to Little Rock in nothing by discharge, desertion, and death.” January 1866. The regimental history casuIn August 1861, with the regiment taking ally assessed its experience during the war as more casualties than it could replace, Com- “probably the easiest it had ever experienced panies A, B, and H were disbanded andthe in the same period of time.”"” officers and men were transferred into other companies. In May 1862 the regiment dis- 4th Cavalry banded two more companies, Dand E. The — Unlike the 3d Cavalry, the war for the 1st (later

four remaining companies (C, G,I,and K) 4th) Cavalry started on a much more positive were consolidated at Fort Union in September, note. By the end of 1861, half of the companies

and they left for Jefferson Barracks attheend in the regiment had seen action. Companies of the month, arriving there in late Novem- A and E were at Bull Run in July, and after ber after a march of 1,280 miles. In December _ the battle they stayed with the Army of the the regiment moved to Memphis, where it was Potomac, escorting the army's commanding attached to the XVI Corps. Inthe meantime, general until rejoining the regiment in OctoCompanies B and F had been reconstituted _ ber 1863.'° In August 1861 Companies D and

The Cavalry 249

I fought at Wilson’s Creek, and in Decem- although it had to leave its horses behind. Once ber Companies B, C,and D sawactiononthe remounted at Carlisle Barracks, the regiment

Blackwater River in Missouri. deployed two battalions. One, consisting of By the end of 1862, six companies of the Companies B, E, G, and I, went to Washingregiment were together as the escort forthe ton to guard the White House and the Treacommanding general of the Army of the Ohio. | sury buildings. In June, all four companies During the Stone’s River campaignin Decem- became part of the Regular cavalry battalber 1862 and January 1863, the 4th Cavalry saw ion that saw action at Bull Run. The second limited action during the fighting, although _ battalion, Companies A, C, F, and K, went to Maj. Gen. William S. Rosecrans, command- Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, where it served ing the corps, reported that the “regiment ren- under Maj. Gen. Robert Patterson during his dered important and distinguished service, operations in the Shenandoah Valley. At the gallantly charging and dispersing the enemy’s — end of 1861, the regiment was reassembled with

cavalry, in their attack upon our train.” the Army of the Potomac, where it served for In October 1863, the 4th Cavalry provid- the rest of the war." ed the escort for Maj. Gen. James H. Wilson When Congress authorized the addition(UsMA 1860), commander of the Cavalry Corps al two companies for the cavalry regiments, in the Military Division of Mississippi. By then, Company M was organized at Carlisle Barthe regiment was reduced to about 175 men.'’ racks in February 1863, and it joined the regiThe regiment escorted Wilson for the rest of ment in May. Company L, however, remained the war, seeing action on occasion. On Christ- a paper organization until October 1865. At the mas Eve 1864 Wilson directed two divisions of | end of the war, Companies A, E, G, H, I, and Federal cavalry to attack the flanks of the Con- © M moved to Cumberland, Maryland, wherefederate defenses near the West Harpeth Riv- as Companies B, C, D, F, and K were assigned erin Tennessee.'° Maj. Gen. George H. Thom- _ to duties in Washington.*? Like many Reguas (USMA 1840), commanding the Department lar regiments, the 5th Cavalry was commandof the Cumberland, reported that when Wil- | ed by captains and lieutenants for most of the son ordered his bodyguard, the 4th Cavalry, war. Command of the regiment changed thirto charge the enemy, “the gallant little com- _ ty-four times. mand charged, with sabers drawn, breaking the enemy’s center.”"” In late November 1865 6th Cavalry

the 4th Cavalry was ordered back to Texas, For the 3d (later 6th) Cavalry, the newest where the regiment had started the war asthe mounted regiment in the Regular Army, it

ist Cavalry." was not a matter of assembling companies; its first order of business was to recruit and

5th Cavalry assemble men to form the companies. The All ten companies of the 2d (later 5th) Cavalry regiment was organized at Pittsburgh, Pennwere stationed in Texas, when Bvt. Maj.Gen. — sylvania, in July 1861 as the 3d Cavalry, and it David E. Twiggs surrendered the Union forc- became the 6th Cavalry a month later. The

es in the state to Confederate authorities. The regiment was recruited and organized unregiment successfully deployed out of Texas, der the supervision of Lt. Col. William H.

250 The Army in the Field

Table 42. Regular Army Cavalry Casualties in the Civil War

Killed Died of Disease

Ist 9 Fb. 2 9] 175 2d ) i 3 92 173 3d 2 30 3 105 140 4th B 59 ] 108 171

Regiment Officers Enlisted Officers Enlisted TOTAL

Sth 27 50 60 I2106 90 159 6th 159 TOTAL 28 345 12 592 Sie Source: Dyer, Compendium, 1690-93.

Emory (UsMA 1831), a veteran of the Mexi- 6th Cavalry, summed it up this way: “Young

can War.?! men from the North and East, whether from The 6th Cavalry found recruiting to bea the town or country, were more used to drivchallenge. When Capt. Charles R. Lowell Jr, ing than riding. They were also quite as unaccommissioned into the Army from civilian customed to the use of firearms as to horselife, reported to Pittsburgh, he was sent on re- | manship and none had ever seen a sabre and cruiting duty. Assigned to western Pennsyl- very few a revolver.””’ vania, Lowell rode some twenty-five miles a By the end of December, Lieutenant Coloday looking for prospects but had little suc- nel Emory had organized eleven of the twelve cess. After being transferred to Ohio, he setup companies in the regiment and transferred an office in Warren, where he became known them to a camp of instruction near Washas the agent for “that Cavalry company.” He ington. The 6th Cavalry was assigned to the found the duty “dreadfully tedious” and de- | Army of the Potomac, where it served for the scribed himself as “a mounted officer with- duration of the war. Company L, the last comout a horse, a Captain without a Lieutenant pany to be organized, joined the regiment on or a command, a recruiting officer without July 13, 1862, at Harrison’s Landing, Virgina sergeant and with but one enlisted man.”” ia. By July 1863, according to the regimental Once recruited, the new soldiers hadto be history, the “regiment had now lost all but trained, a more difficult task than that faced three or four officers and a few men.” The by the infantry regiments. Many, ifnot most, much reduced regiment spent the winter livof the cavalry recruits had no experience with ing in huts the men constructed near Branhorses prior to joining the regiment, andthose dy Station, remaining there until May 1864, at who did usually only knew how to handle a_ which time it became the escort for Maj. Gen. horse pulling a cart or a wagon, not how to Philip H. Sheridan, who had assumed comride one. Nor were they particularly familiar mand of the Army of the Potomac’s Cavalry with firearms. Lieutenant Averell, an experi- Corps. At the end of the war, the 6th Cavalenced officer of the Mounted Riflemen who _ ry was posted to Frederick, Maryland. In Ocwas raising a Volunteer regiment of Pennsyl- _ tober 1865 the regiment was assigned to fronvania cavalry at about the same time asthe _ tier duty in Texas.**

The Cavalry 251

Casualties purchased by regimental officers in Kentucky. As with the infantry, the cavalry regiments However, Capt. Eben Swift, the repumental

: historian, wrote,the “After six years of the hardwere never close to full strength during j : : est kind of service most of these horses were

war and had to consolidate companies at var- .

, ;times. | left behind with deepinsorrow whenthe General ious For example, July 1862, 2d a 7 : Twiggs surrendered to the State of Texas.”

Cavalry consisteddeveloping of only nine officers and 240 : ee Sa eae , : “roperly the enlisted men, so Companies A, B, and and Dmaintaining were P Y PINS S

relationship between man and horse that brokenSsup and the privates were transferred ., . makes cavalry successful in battle required

to the remaining companies while the offi-

time and patience. The Regulars were expectcers, Ncos, and buglers were sent on recruit; BL ke ed to be gentle with their horses. As Pvt. Per-

ing duty. The 3d Cavalry disbanded six ofits

; civalinLowe, 2d Dragoons, recounted, officers companies 1861 and 1862.didWhen the first five ,,, not tolerate soldiers showing any “peeregiments were authorized to addjerking, two com- swearing Sit a casita ;at, ; oi ; vishness, kicking,

unpanies, recruiting difficulties and casualties weer er necessary spurring or violence of any kind.” kept them from being organized immediately. ;

Table 42 shows the number of officers and en-

Everything was done for the comfort of the horse. In return, the horse was expected to car-

listedj men theman cavalry regiments who died j . j ryinthe wherever he was asked. Some: hors-

or were killed during the war. As with the in- ,

:antry . es even learned the bugle calls and respondregiments, the table does not snow the ed before the rider, and it was not unusual for number onmen lost to the eee es a horse that lost its rider to find its way back

asa pest of being wounded or incapacitated yp with ane mpty saddle, although that by disease. These losses were at least as great may have been simply the natural instinct for as those who were lost by death, which would 4 horse to remain with its herd so as not to be have further reduced the number of soldiers jo behind to fend for itself. Whether in bateach regiment would have available in the field. 46 oF on picket duty, man and beast shared

Cavalry Horses

the dangers. On the battlefield, a horse was an easy target for even poor marksmen.

The thing that most clearly distinguished the cavalry from the infantry was the horse. Hors- Cavalry with the Army of the Potomac

es, however, were both the cavalry’s greatest When Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan took asset and its worst liability. They provided the — command of the Army of the Potomac, he ap-

cavalry with far greater mobility than thein- pointed George Stoneman, who had just been fantry, but they also required much more lo- promoted to brigadier general, to be the army’s gistical support. Horses were expensive to chief of cavalry. McClellan also established a buy and maintain. In spite of their sizeand Cavalry Reserve. Commanded by Brig. Gen. strength, horses were fragile animals that re- Phillip St. George Cooke, the Cavalry Reserve quired a significant amount of careandatten- included three of the four Regular cavalry regtion. When the 2d Cavalry was formed in 1855, iments with the Army of the Potomac—the the regimental history records thatithadthe 1st, 5th, and 6th. It is not clear exactly what “very best horses,” most of which had been McClellan had in mind in forming the Cav-

252 The Army in the Field

alry Reserve. It did not have a clear mission, alry, anindependent Volunteer company from and McClellan parceled out most of the cav- the town of Oneida, New York.*° alry by assigning a regiment to each division, so the Cavalry Reserve may have simply been Gaines’ Mill, June 1862 an administrative organization for cavalrynot Early on the morning of June 27, 1862, the V assigned elsewhere in the army. Another in- Corps of the Army of the Potomac was deterpretation is that he wanted to establish a ployed ina semicircle near Gaines’ Mill, Virreserve of Regulars that he could use wherev- _ ginia, with the Regular infantry holding the er he needed them, muchas he had done with _ right flank. The Cavalry Reserve, under Brigthe division of Regular infantry. Knowing Mc- —_ adier General Cooke, was positioned to the Clellan’s preference for Regulars, he mayin- rear of the left of the line. A Confederate atdeed have had in mind creatingadependable — tack began about midday, and the fighting lastforce that would be available in emergencies.” ed until dark. The infantry line held until late In his report on the Army of the Potomac, in the day when the left began to fall back, exMcClellan implied there was a selection pro- posing the artillery to the attacking Confedcess for the units he assigned to the reserve erate infantry. The cannoneers opened fire when he wrote that it would consist of the Reg- — with canister as Cooke ordered the 5th Cavular regiments “and some picked regiments — alry, commanded by Capt. Charles J. Whiting of volunteer cavalry.”** In September 1861, he (usMa 1835), to charge. With only five compawrote, “As to the regular Cavalry—lI have di- nies and 220 men, the regiment advanced at a rected all of it to be concentrated in one mass _ gallop under heavy fire. Six of the seven offithat the numbers in each company may be cers in the regiment became casualties durincreased & that I may have a reliable & effi- ing the charge, forty-nine enlisted men were cient body on which to depend ina battle.”” killed, wounded, or captured, and twenty-four It would appear, therefore, that hisintent was _ horses were killed. Captain Whiting, his horse for the Reserve Cavalry to be just that, an elite shot out from under him, was captured. Haltmounted force that he could call upontoturn ed bya line of dense woods at the bottom of

the tide of a battle at a critical point. the plateau, the remaining troopers wheeled In March 1862 the Cavalry Reserve was re- to the right and withdrew back up the slope.

organized into two brigades under Cooke’s While the charge failed to stop the attackcommand. The ist Brigade, commanded by ing Confederates, it gave the artillery time to Brig. Gen. William H. Emory, consisted of the withdraw some of its guns.”! 5th and 6th Cavalry and the 6th Pennsylvania W. H. Hitchcock participated in the charge Volunteer Cavalry, known as “Rush’s Lancers” —_ and recalled the event almost twenty years later:

because they were commanded by Col. Rich- “We dashed forward with a wild cheer ... but ard H. Rush and armed with nine-foot lanc- our formation was almost instantly broken by es. Col. George A. H. Blake, ist Cavalry,com- the necessity of opening to our right and left to manded the 2d Brigade of the reserve, which _ pass our guns.” His assessment of the charge included his own regiment, the 8th Pennsyl- was that “we certainly did our whole duty, just vania Volunteer Cavalry, a squadron of IIli- as we were ordered. We saved some of the guns, nois Volunteer Cavalry, and the Oneida Cav- _and tried to save them all.”** Viewed from the

The Cavalry 253

other side, Capt. Charles Fenton James, 8th Vir- _ part of a brigade assigned to the Center Grand ginia Infantry, corroborated Hitchcock's recol- _ Division while the 6th Cavalry remained with lection: “On came that splendid body of regu- _ Pleasonton’s two-brigade division. Buford re-

lar cavalry at breakneck speed, while our boys mained in his staff position as the chief of calmly waited until they were within about — cavalry.”

seventy-five yards and then there shot from Command of the Army of the Potomac that ragged line a continuous sheet of flame, changed once again in January 1863, when Maj. emptying many a saddle and hurling back the Gen. Joseph Hooker assumed command. As

charging squadron in wild confusion.” was the habit with new commanders, HookIn his report of the charge at Gaines’ Mill, er reorganized the army. For the cavalry, it Brigadier General Cooke reported that it “failed marked a significant change and the beginto be carried home” and that its only success ning of a new chapter of the war. In Army of in his view was in “enabling the batteries to get the Potomac General Orders no. 6, Hooker off.”** The regimental history takesa more pos- ordered that Burnside’s three grand divisions itive view and records that the charge “was the _ be discontinued. He organized the army into supreme moment for cavalry, the opportuni- seven corps and consolidated the cavalry into ty that comes so seldom on the modern field a corps commanded by Major General Stoneof war, the test of discipline, hardihood, and = man.** Stoneman structured his new comnerve. Right well was the task performed.”* — mand into three divisions and the Reserve Brigade. When Stoneman issued his Gener-

Evolution of the Cavalry Corps al Orders no. 4 on February 12, which specFor the Maryland campaign, McClellan left ified the corps organization, the 1st, 2d, 5th, most of the cavalry distributed throughout and 6th Cavalry were consolidated into the the army, although there was a cavalry di- Reserve Brigade under Buford’s command.” vision with five small brigades commanded ‘The Regulars were glad of their new organizaby Brig. Gen. Alfred Pleasonton (usMaA 1844), tion. As ist Lt. Frank W. Dickerson, 5th Cavwho had served with the 2d Dragoons inthe alry, wrote to his father in February, “We are Mexican War where he was brevetted for gal- all glad enough, I assure you, of the change, lantry. The 1st Brigade of Pleasonton’s divi- _ specially so on account of getting away from sion consisted of the 5th and 6th Cavalry, the | the volunteers.”*® Upon taking command of only Regular regiments in the division. Mc- _ the Reserve Brigade, Buford set about to imClellan also appointed Brig. Gen. John Buford — prove their readiness and morale. They con(USMA 1848) to be the chief of cavalry, alarge- ducted drills and spent time patrolling in all

ly administrative post. Buford, like Pleason- kinds of weather, keeping a watchful eye on ton, was a veteran of operations on the west- _ the fords across the Rappahannock River and

ern frontier with the 2d Dragoons.*° skirmishing with Confederates whenever the When Maj. Gen. Ambrose Burnside took opportunity presented itself."! command of the Army of the Potomac on November 9, 1862, he organized three grand di- The Stoneman Raid, April-May 1863

visions and sent elements of cavalry to each In April 1863, Stoneman prepared the Cavof these new formations. The 5th Cavalry was alry Corps for a large operation as a prelude

254 The Army in the Field

to Hooker’s offensive against Robert E. Lee’s fifteen wagons, seventy-five horses and mules, Confederate Army, which was in strong de- some prisoners, anda supply of forage.” The fensive positions at Fredericksburg along — sixty mules were subsequently distributed to

the Rappahannock River. The idea was for men whose horses were worn out. the Cavalry Corps to move northeast along On May 3, in accordance with Stoneman’s the river, cross north of Fredericksburg, and instructions to divide the command into small then move south to interrupt the Confeder- groups to destroy military property and facilate main line of communications by destroy- ities that would disrupt the Confederate line ing rail lines, rolling stock, warehouses, and of communications, the Regulars dispersed telegraph lines as well as any other military in all directions. A detachment from the 5th targets they could find. On April 29, aftertwo Cavalry, commanded by Capt. James E. Harweeks of delays because of pouring rainand _rison, was at Fleming’s Cross Roads on May high water in the Rappahannock, the Cavalry 4, when it encountered a force of some 1,000 Corps, with almost 10,000 horsemen, crossed Confederate cavalrymen. A former enlisted the river at Kelly’s Ford with the Reserve Bri- _ soldier in the regiment, 2d Lt. James Hastings,

gade in the vanguard. Buford’s command had had fourteen men with him, but he charged been strengthened by the addition of the 6th — straight away and turned back the advance Pennsylvania Volunteer Cavalry, still carry- guard of twenty-five Confederates. Seeing the

ing their lances.” advancing Confederate cavalry, Harrison imThe Regulars, along with the rest of the mediately decided to charge the main body Cavalry Corps, carried three days of rations — with only thirty men. He later reported: “The for themselves and their horses, andanother — shock of the charge was so great that my forethree days worth followed on pack mules.On most horses were completely knocked over. I April 30 the Reserve Brigade crossed the Rapi- fought them as long as I deemed prudent, and, dan River at Morton’s Ford, where it scattered finding that I was overpowered by numbers, a body of Confederate cavalry and captured | wheeled about and retreated on the road to fifteen prisoners. By May 2 they were at Lou- Yanceyville.” “* The impetuous action delayed

isa Court House. It was the first time many the Confederates long enough for Harrison of the Southerners had seen Union soldiers. A and his men to make good their escape. trooper in the 2d Cavalry reported that they The brigade kept moving and fighting for found “instead of an armed garrison, terri- _ the next five days, offering little chance for the fied citizens, who evidently anticipated in- men or horses to rest. According to one histostant death at the hands of the bloodthirsty _ rian, by the time they returned to Kelly’s Ford, Yanks!”** While at Louisa, the ist Cavalry was “Men were straggling and wandering off from detached from the brigade “to destroy the rail- their units at an alarming rate.””” A trooper road and burn the bridge over the North Anna, from the 2d Cavalry recalled that there were on the road from Fredericksburg,” a mission — sergeants sitting along a fence rail calling out Buford reported was accomplished “thorough- the names of their regiments, “by which proly.”"" At the same time, the 5th Cavalry was cess many missing troopers were reclaimed.”"*

sent to observe along the bank of the South The Cavalry Corps inflicted considerable Anna River where they captured “a train of damage during the raid, but Hooker declared

The Cavalry 255

the raid a farce, sent Stoneman to Washing- ing move to the Rappahannock, where they ton on medical grounds, and named Pleason- _ planned to cross at Beverly’s Ford.”

ton to command the Cavalry Corps. For the At about 2:00 a.m. on June 9, Buford’s Regulars, the change at the top had littleim- troopers were awakened and had a cold breakmediate impact. They continued tomanthe fast before quietly feeding and saddling their picket lines of the army until the brigade was __ horses. Two hours later the leading elements relieved and sent to the rear on May 17 to get were at the river and ready to cross. It was

some well deserved rest.” a foggy morning, making it difficult for the troops to see each other clearly. Sidney Davis,

Beverly's Ford, June 1863 a trooper in the 6th Cavalry, remembered that On June 5, Buford reported that he had re- the “dull gray dawn gave a weird shadowy apceived information from a reliable source that pearance to the landscape and those morning “all of the available cavalry of the Confedera- _ figures.”** The 8th New York Volunteer Cavalcy isin Culpeper County.”*’ The estimate was _ ry was the first to cross, followed by the 2d and

20,000 horsemen, but Hooker considered that 5th Cavalry. Shortly after reaching the other figure too high. J. E. B. Stuart, the Confeder- side of the river, the New Yorkers, moving in ate Cavalry Corps commander, actually had a column of fours along a narrow road, suronly about half that number. Hooker direct- prised the pickets of the 6th Virginia Cavalry, ed Pleasonton to march on Culpeper and de- who immediately began firing as they frantistroy any Confederate forces in the area. For — cally mounted their horses.”

the mission, the Cavalry Corps was reinforced A hastily mounted Confederate charge with two infantry brigades. The corps wasto slowed the New York Cavalry and killed the march in two columns. One, commanded by _ regimental colonel, Benjamin F. “Grimes” DaBuford, consisted of the ist Cavalry Division, vis (USMA 1854). Davis was also a captain in the Reserve Brigade, and one of the infantry | the 1st Cavalry and a popular officer with the brigades, while the other includedthe 2dand Reserve Brigade. Word of his death so early in 3d Cavalry Divisions and the second infan- _ the battle stiffened the Regulars’ resolve. As

try brigade.”’ Capt. Wesley Merritt (USMA 1860), 2d CavalPleasonton’s plan was for the two columns _ ry, later put it, “Many a veteran of the First,

to cross the Rappahannock River at Bever- Second, and Fifth drew his chin more grimly’s Ford and Kelly’s Ford, move on separate _ ly to his breast and with clenched teeth awaitroutes, and converge on Culpeper. On June8 _— ed the shock of battle, anxious to avenge the Buford’s command moved to Beverly’s Ford. death of his hero.”

In the meantime, unbeknownst to Pleason- Davis's death was followed by massed fire ton, Stuart was planning his own operation from the advancing Confederate cavalry, and had moved from Culpeper in prepara- which brought the Reserve Brigade’s attack tion for moving north across the Rappahan- to an abrupt halt. When the troopers of the 2d nock on June 10. While the Union cavalry was Brigade arrived on the field, it was enough to moving into position, Stuart heldagrandre- turn the momentum, and the combined briview of his corps for Lee, after which the Con- —_ gades pushed the Confederates back. As both

federate cavalry prepared for an early morn- sides brought more forces to bear, the bat-

256 The Army in the Field

tle continued all day, with mounted and dis- officers and men killed and wounded out of mounted soldiers fighting fiercely with sabers 225 engaged. The regiment also lost 73 horses and carbines. Merritt recalled that the fight- killed or wounded.°” Losses in the 6th Cavaling started about 5:00 a.m. “and was kept up ry were similar—67 officers and men killed continuously for more than twelve hours; for or wounded out of 254 who entered the fight."! it was not till after five in the evening of that In the 5th Cavalry there were 39 officers and day that the Second was withdrawn fromthe men killed or wounded and 62 horses killed.” hottest part of the fight, and not till seven that Because the 1st Cavalry was holding the fords

we finally left the field.” at the rear of the battle, it suffered minimal It was the first time the cavalry corps of — losses, but one of those killed was “Grimes” the Army of Northern Virginia and itscoun- Davis, colonel of the 8th New York, who fell terpart in the Army of the Potomac were en- early in the fighting.” gaged on a large scale, and neither side was On June 28, Maj. Gen. George G. Meade reready to concede without a fight.°° The histo- — placed Hooker as the commander of the Army

ry of the 5th Cavalry recorded that “both sides of the Potomac. One of Hooker’s last orders were distinguished for superb fighting and was to assign Maj. Gen. Julius Stahel’s cavalry conspicuous gallantry.”’’ At 8:00 p.m., after division to Pleasonton’s Cavalry Corps. The the Reserve Brigade withdrew across the riv- additional troops brought Pleasonton’s Caver, Pleasonton reported to Hooker that “Bu- —_alry Corps to 12,700 officers and men.” Pleaford’s cavalry had a long and desperate en- sonton was promoted to major general of Volcounter, hand to hand, with the enemy, in — unteers on June 22, and on June 29 Merritt was which he drove handsomely before him very appointed a brigadier general of Volunteers, at

superior forces.””° which time Pleasonton assigned him to comWhile Buford was fighting at Beverly’s Ford, mand the Reserve Brigade, which included the Pleasonton’s other column was heavily engaged 1st, 2d, 5th, and 6th U.S. Cavalry as well as the

at Brandy Station, where it too fought well 6th Pennsylvania Cavalry. against Stuart’s surprised Confederate caval- The same day that Merritt received his prory. For the first two years of the war, Confed- motion, two other young cavalryman, George erate horsemen had the advantage over their Armstrong Custer (usMa June 1861) and Elon Union counterparts. After Beverly’s Fordand John Farnsworth, were promoted to brigadier Brandy Station, the Union cavalry demon- — general. Both received brigade commands in strated that it was the equal of the Southern- _ the 3d Division of the Cavalry Corps. Custer’s ers. One historian has written that asaresult first duty as a 2d lieutenant had been to carof the battles, “The Northern horsemen were _ ry messages to Brig. Gen. Irwin McDowell at finally the equals of their Southern counter- the Battle of Bull Run in July 1861, but he rose

parts, and they would never look back. Ma- rapidly in rank and ended the war as a ma-

jor victories lay ahead.” jor general. In 1866 Custer was assigned to the The Regulars in the Reserve Brigade were newly organized 7th Cavalry as its lieutena major factor in the Union success, but as__ ant colonel. Ten years later, on June 25, 1876, was often the case, it came witha high price heand his entire command were killed at the of men and horses. The 2d Cavalry lost 68 Little Big Horn. The spectacular defeat made

The Cavalry 257

him more famous than most of the victori- were two Confederate cavalry brigades operous cavalry commanders in the Civil Waron ating in the area. When the regiment drew either side. Farnsworth’s career as a general within a mile of Fairfield, it met and drove officer lasted less than a week. He was killed back a Confederate picket line of cavalry. At on July 3 while leading his brigade inacharge _ that point, a large body of mounted Confeder-

at Gettysburg. ates, about four regiments, launched a charge into the 6th Cavalry. The surprised Regulars

Gettysburg, July 1863 dismounted and continued the fight on foot Major General Hooker had already started from inside an orchard and behind fences.** moving the Army of the Potomac toward Get- The regimental history recounts that “the men tysburg when Meade took command, andthe remained firm, firing and inflicting severe loss new commander made no alterations tothose onthe advancing column, until literally ridden plans. Pleasonton deployed his three cavalry down.” Eventually, the position was overrun, divisions to cover the army’s movements on — and the regiment lost 242 men, 203 of whom June 29. He instructed Buford’s ist Division were captured. Initial estimates were that as to move by way of Emmitsburg, Maryland, to many as 290 men out of a total of almost 400 Gettysburg with two brigades. The other bri- _ were lost, but over the next few days, several gade in the division was to remain with the dozen of those presumed lost at Fairfield manwagon trains. Buford gave the mission of pro- aged to find their way back to the regiment.” tecting the wagons to the Reserve Brigade. The While the 6th Cavalry endured its worst four Regular regiments in the brigade had each _ losses of the war, the rest of the Reserve Brifurnished a detachment to the army's provost gade proceeded toward Gettysburg. The 6th guard, so they did not have their fullcomple- Pennsylvania was the first regiment in the briment of companies. Because they were secur- gade to become engaged as they moved up ing the trains, the Regulars were not withthe the Emmitsburg Pike. Fighting dismounted, division on July1, when it made its standand the Pennsylvanians moved forward to meet held up the advance of a Confederate division the Confederate infantry. The Regulars then at Gettysburg long enough for the | Corps to joined the fight, and the brigade was initially

arrive on the field. successful in pushing the Confederates from On July 2 the Reserve Brigade moved to _ their positions. But the attacking cavalrymen Emmitsburg, where the Regulars patrolled were soon confronted with more infantry supand picketed on the left of the Army of the — ported bya number of cannons, which brought Potomac. The next day the brigade moved _ the Union advance toa halt. At about 5:30 p.m. along the Emmitsburg Road toward Gettys- it began to rain, which dampened the spirits burg, where Merritt had instructions to strike on both sides and brought the engagement to the Confederate right. Before reaching Gettys- a halt. The Reserve Brigade suffered about fifburg, Merritt detached the 6th Cavalry from _ ty casualties during the action.”

the Reserve Brigade to capture a Confeder- | ate wagon train that was reportedly in the vi- Refitting cinity of Fairfield, Pennsylvania.” But, unbe- By mid-1863, Union cavalry forces had become knownst to the Union cavalry leaders, there very expensive to organize and maintain. Thus

258 The Army in the Field

on July 20, 1863, the War Department created asystem that issued new, untried equipment, a Cavalry Bureau, the purpose of which was _ he made it clear that during the time the brito organize, train, and equip cavalrymenand _ gade was at Giesboro, “everything was done their horses. Although the bureau was anad- __ that was possible.””

junct to the Quartermaster’s Department, it While the Reserve Brigade was refitting, was commanded by a seasoned cavalry offi- Brigadier General Buford’s health was rapcer.’ The purchase of cavalry remounts was re- _ idly deteriorating. In late November he took organized, and depots were established where medical leave to Washington, where he stayed cavalry forces could be created or refitted and at Stoneman’s house, confined to bed with ty-

retrained. phoid fever. His condition rapidly worsened, After Gettysburg, the cavalry ofthe Army and he succumbed to his illness on December of the Potomac was much in need of refur- 16, having received an appointment to major bishment. On July 18, 1863, the Reserve Bri- general of Volunteers on his deathbed. Mergade crossed the Potomac River into Virginia, — ritt replaced Buford in command of the ist still pressing the Confederates, buton August Division, and Col. John Gibbs (usma 1846), 15, Merritt received orders to report to Major 19th New York Volunteer Cavalry, assumed General Stoneman, head of the newly creat- command of the Regular Brigade. Gibbs comed Cavalry Bureau in Washington, so that his manded the Regular Brigade at various times brigade could be “placed in depot to be re- until the end of the war and was promoted to filled and remounted.” In compliance with _ brigadier general in October 1864.”°

instructions, the Regulars turned their hors- In late March 1864, Pleasonton was rees over to the other regiments inthe division lieved of command of the Cavalry Corps, and reported to the cavalry depot at Giesboro and on April 4, Maj. Gen. Philip H. SheriPoint in the District of Columbia. The bri- dan (usMa 1853) was assigned to command gade stayed in camp until October, when it the corps. Shortly after taking command, once again joined the Army of the Potomac. Sheridan assigned Brig. Gen. Alfred T. A. Although it had been out of the field for al- Torbert (UsMa 1851) to command the 1st Dimost two months, refitting and recruiting, vision, which bumped Brigadier General MerMerritt expressed his doubts as to the useful- __ritt back to commanding the Reserve Brigade ness of the time spent at Giesboro Point. In — while Colonel Gibbs returned to his regiment. his opinion, when the regiment “again took Although there was considerable reshuffling the field — which it was forced to do before it of units and commanders within the Cavalwas prepared for active service —it found it- ry Corps, at the end of April, the Reserve Briself encumbered with new horses and materi- gade remained unchanged from its organizaal which, while laboring under the disadvan- tion through the winter. tage of being new and unused to war, was not Sheridan did not have to wait long to try his

better in point of capacity forendurancethan hand at commanding a corps operation. On that we had part with on leaving the field.” May 4, 1864, the Army of the Potomac crossed He went on to write that he would have pre- the Rapidan River in an attempt to turn the ferred to have preserved “the old tried and _ right flank of Lee's Army of Northern Virgin-

The Cavalry 259

valuable matériel.” In spite of his criticism of ia. The Cavalry Corps was initially detailed to

protect the left flank ofthe infantry and guard _ the ist and 3d, went with Sheridan to what bethe army’s trains near Todd’s Tavern. The cav- came the Army of the Shenandoah. The 2d alry troopers were engaged in nearly continu- Division remained with the Army of the Poous dismounted fighting for the first few days tomac. The Reserve Brigade moved with the of the campaign. On May 8 Sheridan received 1st Division. Sheridan organized the two di-

instructions to disengage his corps, move it visions from the Army of the Potomac along around the Confederate flank, andengagethe witha cavalry division that was already in the enemy cavalry. Sheridan set outon Mayg with — valley into a corps commanded by Brigadier

about 10,000 men, moving south along Tele- General Torbert. Merritt returned to comgraph Road toward Richmond in the hope of | mand the 1st Division, and Gibbs moved up bringing Stuart and his Confederate caval- from his regiment to once again command ry to battle. As they rode forward, the Union _ the Reserve Brigade.”

horsemen destroyed sections of track along For the first month of the campaign, the

the Virginia Central Railroad.” Reserve Brigade consisted of the ist, 2d, and When Stuart learned of the Union move, 5th Cavalry (less the three companies assigned he set out in pursuit. After leaving four ofhis as Grant’s escort) and the 6th Pennsylvania seven brigades with Lee’s army, Stuart had but andi9th New York Volunteer Cavalry (ist New 5,000 troopers with him. On Maynihereached York Dragoons). The 1st Rhode Island VolunYellow Tavern with two brigades and deployed _ teer Cavalry was serving as Brigadier General

them for battle. The Regulars of the Reserve Torbert’s escort. On September 8 the Reserve Brigade led the advance of the Cavalry Corps Brigade was reorganized. The 2d Massachuas it approached Yellow Tavern. After a brief setts Volunteer Cavalry, commanded by Col. engagement, there wasalullinthe action. Late Charles R. Lowell Jr., replaced the 19th New in the afternoon Custer, whose brigade was York, and the 6th Pennsylvania received oron the right of the Union line, sent one of his ders to report to Pleasant Valley. When ColoMichigan regiments charging into the Con- _ nel Gibbs departed with his regiment, Colonel federate position. Soon the entire brigade was — Lowell became the senior officer and assumed engaged, and the Confederate line collapsed. command of the brigade. Although Lowell held

In the melee, Stuart was mortally wounded. a Regular Army commission as a captain in Taken from the field, he died the next day.In the 6th Cavalry, he was not a veteran cavalsweeping Stuart’s forces from the field, Sher- ryman. He was commissioned from civilian idan gave the Union cavalry its first signifi- life in May 1861 and served with the 6th Cavcant victory of the war and demonstrated his alry during the Peninsula campaign. In late

capabilities as a corps commander.” 1862 he organized the 2d Massachusetts. His new regiment took the field in May 1863, and

The Army of the Shenandoah he hoped it would be assigned to the Reserve In August Sheridan received command ofthe Brigade. However, the regiment was relegated Union troops in the Shenandoah Valley with — to the defense of Washington until Septeminstructions to put an end tothe threat posed _ ber 1864, when it was finally assigned to the by Maj. Gen. Jubal Early (usMa 1837) and his _ Reserve Brigade.” As the senior officer presarmy. Two divisions from the Cavalry Corps, — ent, Lowell assumed command of the brigade.

260 The Army in the Field

He was delighted and wrote to his wife, “Iam from his horse. His orderly wanted Lowell to perfectly satisfied to be a Colonel, ifI canal- move to the rear for medical treatment, but

ways have a brigade to command.” the colonel would not hear of it. Instead, he Things changed little for the brigade un- _ sent the orderly to borrow Brigadier General der Lowell’s command. It continued to con- Merritt’s whiskey flask. In short order Merritt duct reconnaissance patrols, ride picket lines, himself arrived to see Lowell; they were soon and skirmish with Confederates. On Septem- joined by Brigadier General Torbert. Lowell’s ber 19, Sheridan organized an attackon Win- two commanders tried to persuade him to go chester that drove the Confederates from the _ to the rear, but to no avail. After a sip or two of town. During the battle, the Reserve Brigade, whiskey, the colonel’s voice improved, and he led by Lowell, launched a decisive attack dur- insisted on staying with his brigade. An hour ing which the 1st, 2d, and 5th Cavalry “charged or so later, Lowell was at the front of the Rea battery supported by infantry and cavalry; serve Brigade, conspicuous by the colors that

captured two guns, with their caissons and accompanied him. When he gave the order

most of the horses and drivers.”” to begin the advance, his voice was so weak that his staff had to relay the commands. With

Cedar Creek, October 1864 3,000 troopers behind him, Lowell started forIn mid-October 1864 Sheridan left the Shenan- ward at a trot, increased to a gallop, and finaldoah Valley for a trip to Washington. He re- _ ly ordered the buglers to sound the charge as

turned on October 18 and stayed the night the Confederate fire against them increased in at a private residence in Winchester. While — intensity.*! In his report of the battle, Torbert he was away, Early managed to surprise the wrote, “It was truly grand to see the manner in Army of the Shenandoah at Cedar Creek. A which the cavalry did their part.”** Charles H. large part of Sheridan’s army broke and ran, _ Veil, a 1st lieutenant in the 1st Cavalry serving although the VI Corps and the cavalry held on Lowell’s staff, remembered that the charge

the line under heavy pressure. The sound of finally broke the Confederate line “and kept artillery booming through Winchester awak- them on the run till midnight.”* ened Sheridan, and he immediately galloped But for Lowell it was not so grand. Almost off toward the sound of the guns with his es- immediately, he was shot from the saddle. As cort, the 6th Cavalry, riding hard to keep up _ the brigade swept by, his orderly stopped in with him. Upon reaching the battle at mid- time to catch the colonel as he fell. The morday, Sheridan’s presence helped stem the re- _ tally wounded Lowell was carried to the britreat and turned a potential rout intoa victory gade’s field hospital. After the battle, his offithat ended Early’s operations inthe Shenan- cers stopped by to inform him of the victory,

doah Valley.” and the next morning the men of his regiAgain success came at a high cost forthe ment passed by his bedside to bid him fareRegular Brigade. This time it lost one of its well. Just before he died, he told them, “You most promising young officers. Atabout3:00 — did well.”** Lowell died without knowing that

p.m., as the army was preparing to move for- his promotion to brigadier general had been ward, Colonel Lowell was hit in the chest by approved the same day he had been mortala minié ball, although it did not knock him ly wounded.

The Cavalry 261

With Lowell’s passing, his lieutenant col- On March 14, the brigade received orders onel, Caspar Crowninshield, assumed com- _ to destroy the bridges of the South Anna and mand of the Regular Brigade as the senior of- Little Rivers. When the 5th Cavalry reached ficer present. The three Regular regiments in _ the bridge, it came under fire from a Confederthe brigade had nota field grade officeramong ate battery on the far side. According to Sherthem. Two were commanded by captainsand _ idan’s report of the engagement, the 5th Cavone by a lieutenant. After the battle of Ce- — alry “charged up to the bridge, dismounted, dar Creek, Sheridan reported that “nothing dashed across it, and drove away the company of importance occurred in the Valley up to — of artillery who tried to defend it.”* The cavFebruary 27, 1865, the day on which the caval- alrymen captured three 3-inch ordnance riry moved from Winchester to Petersburg.”* _ fles and turned them on their former owners

For the rest of the year, the Reserve Brigade when they attempted to counterattack. continued its routine of reconnaissance and By March 27 the brigade was at Petersburg. picketing, reporting that the duty was “light Two days later, Brigadier General Gibbs rebut tedious.” On January 4, 1865, the brigade _ ported that the brigade, consisting of the 1st, received word to go into winter quartersnear 5th, and 6th Cavalry and the 2d Massachu-

Winchester.*° setts Cavalry, left camp with 20 officers and There were some changes in the Reserve 437 enlisted men. The 6th Pennsylvania was Brigade during the winter of 1864—65. The 6th on detached duty until April 2. For the next Cavalry was back with the brigade on No- _ twelve days, the brigade was part of the cavvember 27. On December 83, Brig. Gen. Alfred alry pursuit that applied constant pressure Gibbs assumed command of the brigade. Gibbs _ to Lee’s retreating Army of Northern Virhad been promoted on the same day as Low- _ ginia and was engaged in almost daily skirell. In December the 1st Cavalry was assigned mishes. On April 1, at Five Forks, accordto the headquarters of the Cavalry Corps of ing to its regimental history, the ist Cavalry

the Army of the Shenandoah.*’ “made a brilliant charge on an entrenched position of the enemy” that netted two hun-

The Last Campaign, 1865 dred prisoners.”

On February 27, 1865, the Reserve Brigade left The war for the Reserve Brigade and the Winchester with fifteen days’ rations. The bri- Regular regiments assigned to it ended on gade was part of the 10,000 cavalrymen Sher- April 9, when Lee surrendered his army to Lt. idan was leading to Petersburg to reinforce Gen. Ulysses S. Grant at Appomattox Courtthe Army of the Potomac. Along the way he house. With the fighting over, the 1st Cavalplanned to destroy the Virginia and Central ry was assigned as Sheridan’s escort and acRailroad and the James River and Kanawha companied him to Washington, where it took Canal, which were important supply lines for part in the Grand Review of the Army of the the Confederate troops at Petersburg and Rich- Potomac on May 23. Companies A, E, G, H, mond. In early March the Reserve Brigade was __I, and M of the 5th Cavalry moved to Cum-

reported to be “burning mills, warehouses, berland, Maryland, and Companies B, C, D, factories, forges, and Confederate storesand __F, and K of that regiment, which had been es-

subsistences of all kinds.”** corting General Grant, were assigned to duty

262 The Army in the Field

in Washington. The 6th Cavalry, like the 1st, from the volunteer ranks. This process of as-

was in the Grand Review.”! similation was continued, the volunteers acquiring the characteristics of the regulars, and

Regular Cavalr yin the War the regulars those of the volunteers, until all Unlike the Regular infantry and artillery, no distinction was merged in the resulting comRegular cavalry units remained in the Far West pound — the American cavalryman.” during the Civil War. Four of the six Regular Army cavalry regiments, the 1st, 2d, 5th, and 6th, fought with the Army of the Potomac. For most of the war they were organized into what was termed the Reserve Brigade, although el-

ements were periodically detached for other duties. Two regiments, the 3d and 4th, served in the western theater, although they were not together. The 3d Cavalry was in Tennessee and

Arkansas where the regiment saw little action. The 4th Cavalry’s primary duty was to escort the commanding general of the Army of the Ohio. Regardless of where they served, the Regular Army cavalrymen were models for their Volunteer comrades. In March 1892, Capt. Moses Harris, 1st Cavalry, offered his views on the relationship between the Regular and Vol-

unteer cavalry of the Union Army in an article in the Cavalry Association’s journal. It is a fitting assessment of the Regular’s role in the war: While the regulars exemplified the value of discipline, and correct methods in camp and field, the volunteers reciprocated by showing

the value —the fighting force —of that patriotic impulse which had prompted them to abandon counting-houses, work-shops, colleges and homes, to respond to the Nation’s trum-

pet call—to arms. The regulars gave their ed-

ucated and experienced officers to command

and instruct, and when their squadrons were weakened by the casualties of battle and the field, the losses were made good by transfers

The Cavalry 263

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The Artillery 9 nny | JUVE EG When the Civil War began, the Regular Army while field artillery was often referred to as artillery was far from prepared to fightalarge light artillery. There were two types of field war of maneuver. Thirty batteries were scat- artillery horse and mounted. The primary tered across the West in small, isolated posts, difference between horse artillery and mountand most of them did not even have any can- _— edartillery was the number of men and horses nons. To provide fire support to the large in- _in the battery. In a horse artillery battery, all fantry and mounted formations fielded bythe of the cannoneers had a horse to ride, makUnion Army, the artillery had to have prop- ing ita highly mobile organization. Mounted er guns, horses, and additional men. Asar- artillery batteries had only enough horses to tillery batteries moved into the eastern the- pull the guns and other equipment; the canaters of war, they received the necessary field noneers walked, giving the battery about the guns and equipment, quickly learned howto same mobility as the infantry. On occasion, use them, and moved on to the battlefield. | cannoneers in mounted batteries could ride Of the nine Regular Army batteries at Bull onthe limbers and caissons, although that was Run in July 1861, fewer than halfhadbeenor- discouraged except in emergencies, because

ganized and equipped as field artillery six it meant extra weight for the horses to pull. months earlier. Companies H and K, 2d Ar- Horse artillery supported cavalry; mounted tillery, and B and D, 3d Artillery, were not artillery supported infantry. organized as field artillery. The two 2d Ar- During the Mexican War, most of the artiltillery companies were in Florida for most of — lery fought as infantry. When Brig. Gen. Zach-

the war, and the two 3d Artillery companies ary Taylor organized his army on the Texas stayed in San Francisco for the entire war.' frontier in 1845, he had four batteries that were Initially senior commanders were not famil- manned and equipped as horse artillery. With iar with how best to employ their artillery, the mobility to rapidly maneuver on the batbut after four years of fighting, the artillery _ tlefield, they came to be known as “flying baton both sides had lived up to its reputation as _ teries,” because they raced across the battle-

the king of battle. field to put their guns into action under enemy fire. Taylor organized the rest of the artillery,

Artillery in the Mexican War which did not have any guns, into a provisionPrior to the Mexican War, the primary mission — al artillery battalion that served as “red-legged of the Army’s artillery was coastal defense. The infantry.”’ Taylor followed the tradition of pre-

forts along the Atlantic coast were manned by vious American wars and assigned a battery foot artillery. Because of the size ofthe guns, of artillery to each brigade, leaving the batfoot artillery was also called heavy artillery, teries with no centralized control. 265

The first battle of the war was fought at Palo By 1860, the Army’s seven mounted batterAlto on May 8, 1846. It was a relatively smallen- ies were scattered across the frontier, where gagement, but it hada majorimpactonAmeri- as one historian has noted, “They were uttercan artillery. Battery A, 2d Artillery,command- ly useless when needed, in 1861, and those in ed by Capt. James Duncan (uUsMA 1834),and_ Texas only escaped the enemy by sacrificing Battery C, 3d Artillery, commanded by Maj. _ their horses and materiel.”*° The Army’s othSamuel Ringgold (UsMA 1815), were placed in — er forty-one artillery batteries were operatline with the infantry in accordance with Napo- ing as infantry or cavalry, garrisoning forts leon’s maxim: “The batteries should be placed along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, or guardin the most advantageous positions as faras ing Federal arsenals in the South. In the first possible in advance of the lines ofinfantryand year of the Civil War, the Regular artillery cavalry, without, however, compromising their had to transform itself from predominantly safety.’ From their advanced position, Dun- foot artillery occupying fixed installations to can and Ringgold fired at the massed Mexi- mounted and horse artillery capable of procan infantry, and because their guns outranged viding fire support to infantry and cavalry the Mexican artillery, they decided the battle. formations in the field. Most of the estimated 300—400 Mexican casualties were the result of artillery fire. Taylor was Regimental Colonels

impressed. In his report of the battle he wrote, At the beginning of 1861, the four artillery reg-

“Our artillery, consisting of two 18-pounders iments had the oldest colonels in the Army. and two light batteries (C, Third, A, Second), By August, three of those colonels had retired was the arm chiefly engaged, and to the excel- or resigned, as shown in table 43. Matthew M. lent manner in which it was maneuvered and Payne, 2d Artillery, resigned in July and took

served is our success mainly due.” no part in the war, and in August John Erving, During the Mexican War, Congress add- 1st Artillery, and Francis S. Belton, 4th Artiled two batteries to each artillery regiment. _ lery, both retired. No artillery colonels joined The legislation also provided that an addi- _ the Confederate Army. Because the regimental tional four batteries, one from each regiment, headquarters were never in the field, the colocould be organized as field artillery, bringing _ nels had very little influence on their batteries to eight the authorized number of field bat- and made virtually no impact on the course teries in the Army. The number of batteries of the war. Of the colonels serving in August actually equipped as field artillery fluctuated, 1861, John L. Gardner, 2d Artillery, retired in but by 1860 there were seven, although none of | November 1861 and was replaced by William them were horse artillery. After the Mexican W. Morris, who stayed with the regiment until War, Ringgold’s Battery C, 3d Artillery, then the end of the war. William Gates (UsMA 1806), commanded by Capt. Braxton Bragg (usMa Justin Dimick (usMa 1819), Charles S. Mer1837), had marched to Santa Fe, put its guns chant (USMA 1814), and Harvey Brown (USMA into storage, and was reorganized asacaval- 1814) all retired in 1863. ry company. In 1850 it moved to Fort Leaven- Only two of the fourteen men who served worth, where it became a mounted battery as Regular Army artillery colonels during the

rather than a horse artillery.’ war, [homas W. Sherman (UsMA 1836) and Is-

266 The Army in the Field

Table 43. Artillery Regimental Colonels

Regiment Colonel Dates Comments Ist Artillery John Erving Oct. 5, 1857—Oct. 26, 1861 Retired, Oct. 26, 1861 Justin Dimick Oct. 26, 1861—Aug. 1, 1863 Retired, Aug. 1, 1863 Israel Vogdes Aug. 1, 1863—Jan. 2, 1881 Brig. Gen. of Vols., Nov. 29, 1862; retired, Jan. 2, 1881

2d Artillery Matthew M. Payne Nov. 11, 1856—Jul. 23, 1861 Resigned, Jul. 23, 1861

John L Gardner Jul. 23, 1861—Nov. 1, 1861 Retired, Nov. 1, 1861 William W. Morris Nov. 1, 1861—Dec. 11, 1865 Died, Dec. 11, 1865

3d Artillery William Gates 13 Oct. 1845-1 Jun. 1, 1863 Retired, Jun. 1, 1863 Thomas W. Sherman Jun. 1, 1863—Dec. 31, 1870 Brig. Gen. of Vols., May 14, 1861; retired, Dec. 31, 1870

4th Artillery Francis S. Belton Jun. 10, 1857—Aug. 28, 1861 Retired, Aug. 28, 1861 Charles S. Merchant Aug. 28, 1861—Aug. 1, 1863 Retired, Aug. 1, 1863 Horace Brooks Aug. 1, 1863—Jan. 10, 1877 Retired, Jan. 10, 1877

5th Artillery = Harvey Brown May 14, 1861—Aug. 1, 1863 Retired, Aug. 1, 1863

George Nauman Aug. 1—Aug. 11, 1863 Died, Aug. 11, 1863 Henry S. Burton Aug. 11, 1863—Apr. 4, 1869 Died, Apr. 4, 1869 Source: Heitman, Historical Register, vol. 1.

rael Vogdes (UsMa 1837), became general offi- _ field officers of the regiment were so infirm or

cers. Sherman was a veteran of the Mexican _ so far advanced in years as to be wholly unWar, in which he received a brevet promo- able to undergo the fatigues of active service.”’ tion for gallantry at Buena Vista. Promoted For most of the Mexican War, the senior offito lieutenant colonel in the 5th Artillery in cer “present for duty” in the 1st Artillery was May 1861, he served briefly with his regiment, | Bvt. Maj. Justin Dimick, who had been in the helping to organize the first batteries before Army for almost thirty years. Dimick evenbeing appointed a brigadier general of Volun- tually became the colonel of the regiment in teers in August 1861. Vogdes spent twelve years October 1861 and retired in 1863, having reteaching mathematics at West Point. He was mained with the regimental headquarters at captured at the beginning of the Civil War Fort Warren in Boston Harbor during his tenat Fort Pickens, Florida, in 1861. After he was ure in command. exchanged a year later, he designed and built coastal fortifications in South Carolina. Vog- Regiments des was promoted to brigadier general of Vol- In May 1861 the Army added a fifth artillery unteers in November 1862. After the war, Sher- regiment with the same general organization man and Vogdes returned to their regiments as the existing four regiments.* Designated as colonels and commanded them untiltheir the 5th Artillery, it had one notable difference

respective retirements in 1870 and 1881. from the other artillery regiments: its orgaWith no retirement system in place, col- nization specified batteries rather than comonels were not the only old men in the regi- —_ panies, which reflected the Army’s increased ments. As the regimental history of theist Ar- interest in field artillery. For the ist through tillery records, even in the Mexican War, “the _ the 4th Artillery regiments, the first mission

the Artillery 267

was to move their companies from the fron- _ three saw action at Port Hudson on the Mistier and reorganize them as field artillery bat- — sissippi River, and two fought in the Shenanteries. The 5th Artillery concentrated on re- doah Valley. All of the batteries in the regi-

cruiting as its first order of business. ment were mounted during the war. Seven Artillery operations in the Civil War were _ batteries (A, B, C, D, F, L, and M) served in fundamentally different from those of the — the South or along the Gulf coast, while five maneuver arms—#infantry and cavalry. The (E, G, H, I, and K) were with the Army of the maneuver arms conducted operations atthe Potomac. In 1864 four batteries were consoli-

regimental level, but field artillery batter- dated into two: Cand D in July, A and F later ies operated as separate units. For infantry in the year. I and K were horse artillery batand cavalry, the regimental headquarters had _ teries serving with the Army of the Potomac.”

both a tactical and administrative function. Several former officers of the ist Artillery For the artillery, the regiment was essential- rose to prominence during the Civil War. On ly an administrative headquarters that had _ the Union side, Joseph Hooker and Irvin Mcvirtually no influence on how the batteries Dowell commanded field armies. One of the were deployed. In the 1st Artillery, forexam- most famous Confederate generals, Thomas ple, the regimental headquarters was never J. “Stonewall” Jackson, had served with the in the field, and from July 1862 untilthe end regiment during the Mexican War.'! of the war, it had no officer serving as adju-

tant. Nor did it have a regimental quarter- 2d Artillery master appointed between June 1860 and June As with the 1st Artillery, most of the 2d Artil1876. The regimental history records that “al- _ lery was stationed in the Department of the most at the very beginning of the Civil War | East when the war began. All but two batter... the regimental organization simply went _ ies in the regiment, H and K, were mounted.

to pieces.” Batteries H and K were sent to Fort Pickens, Florida, in April 1861 and remained there until

ist Artillery May 1864, when Battery H moved to Fort HamWhen the Civil War started, most of the ist —ilton, New York, and Battery K went to Fort Artillery was stationed in the Department of |. McHenry, Maryland. Battery | arrived at Fort the East. The regiment had the distinction of McHenry in April 1861, having moved from firing both the first and last shots of the Civ- Fort Ridgely, Minnesota. It stayed there until il War: at Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861,and May 1864, when it went to Washington where directed at elements of Lee's Army of North- it was engaged in the defense of the city in July. ern Virginia on April 9, 1865. Between the two In April, the battery deployed to Alabama as events, the regiment was represented at nine- infantry but returned to Fort McHenry when ty-eight “battles, sieges, combats, actions, skir- _ the rest of the regiment assembled there in Au-

mishes, or affairs.” To mention just a few of gust. Battery C served on the Gulf coast, and those fights, two of the regiment’s batteries Battery F was in the western theater of operawere at Bull Run in July 1861, one was in ac- tions. The rest of the regiment, Batteries A, B, tion at Antietam, six were at Chancellorsville, D,E,G, L, and M, were with the Army of the two were on Cemetery Ridge at Gettysburg, Potomac. In September 1861, Batteries B and

268 The Army in the Field

L were consolidated into what was knownas_ a mounted battery. Battery A was equipped Battery B/L and remained in that configura- as a mounted battery, joined the California tion until the end of the war. Batteries B/L, D, Brigade of Volunteers in April 1862, and supand H all served as horse artilleryinthe Army ported the brigade in the Southwest for the

of the Potomac’s Cavalry Corps." rest of the war." The 2d Artillery provided several distin- Of the regiment’s eight batteries that fought guished artillerymen to the Union Army. Wil- _ in the East, Battery E served in the Department

liam F. Barry and Henry). Hunt were the first of the South, and the other seven were with two chiefs of artillery in the Army ofthe Po- the Army of the Potomac, where they initialtomac. They had both served with the regi- _ ly were part of the Artillery Reserve. Batteries ment for many years before being promoted Cand G were consolidated in early 1862 and and transferred to the 5th Artilleryas majors organized as horse artillery. In October Batwhen that regiment was organized in 1861.Sev- _ tery G was disbanded until April 1864, when it

eral commanders of the horse artilleryinthe was reorganized as a mounted battery and reArmy of the Potomac were officers of the 2d _ turned to the Army of the Potomac. Batteries Artillery, including William Hays (usMa 1840), | F and K and Batteries Land M were consoli-

John C. Tidball (usMa 1848), and James M. dated in late 1861 and organized as mounted Robertson, who served in the regiment asan batteries. In 1864 Battery F/K was consolidated enlisted man for ten years before being com- with Battery Cas horse artillery and served in missioned a 2d lieutenant in 1848. Allthree re- — the Shenandoah Valley with Maj. Gen. Philip ceived brevets to brigadier general in 1865 for Sheridan until April 1865."

gallant and meritorious service. John F. Reynolds (UsMA 1841) was one of the regimental officers who distinguished

3d Artillery themselves. He was a major general of VolunAt the beginning of the war, all but three ofthe | teers commanding the I Corps in the Army batteries in the 3d Artillery were on the Pacif- of the Potomac when he was killed at Getic coast. Batteries F and K were at Fort Mon- _ tysburg on July 1, 1863. Another prominent roe, Virginia, and Battery E was at Fort Ridge- | Union officer, Romeyn B. Ayres (USMA 1847),

ly, Minnesota. Initially the batteries movedto served with the regiment for fourteen years San Francisco to protect the harbor. Butasthe before being transferred to the 5th Artilneed for artillery in the East grew, Batteries lery when that regiment was organized. Asa C, G, H, L, and M left their horses and guns _ brigadier general of Volunteers, Ayres comand, along with the regimental headquarters, manded the Regular Infantry Division in the sailed for New York in October 1861. Batteries Army of the Potomac from June 1863 until A, B, and I continued to occupy the harbor _ the end of the war. fortifications at San Francisco, while Battery D remained at Fort Vancouver, Washington 4th Artillery Territory. In February 1862, Battery DD moved With the exception of the two batteries (D to San Francisco, where, along with Battery and L) stationed at Fort Monroe, all of the B, it stayed until the end of the war. Battery 4th Artillery was serving west of the Missis-

the Artillery 269

moved east in July 1864 and was equipped as __ sippi River at the beginning of 1861. Batteries

Table 44. Regular Army Artillery Casualties in the Civil War

Killed Died of Disease

Ist 6 75 116 175 2d 2 30 | 118 174 3d Z 39 3 67 11] 4th 6 87 ‘t Li 216 Sth 7 87 ] 145 240

Regiment Officers Enlisted Officers Enlisted TOTAL

TOTAL 26 338 9 565 916 Source: Dyer, Compendium, 1697, 1700, 1703, 1706, and 1710.

D and L were organized as mounted artillery, nized as horse artillery. Battery F left the but they never ventured far from Fort Mon- Army of the Potomac after Gettysburg and roe and spent the war on the Virginia Pen- moved to Tennessee, where it became part insula. Batteries E,G, and I were stationed at of the Army of the Cumberland. In OctoFort Randall, Nebraska, in early 1861. In July ber 1864 it was dismounted, and the privates Batteries G and I joined Maj. Gen. George B. were assigned to Battery M while the offiMcClellan in western Virginia and were pres- cers and noncommissioned officers went on ent at Rich Mountain, the battle that brought recruiting duty." McClellan to national attention. In August Battery Ejoined theminthe Army ofOccu- > th Artillery pation. In 1862 Batteries Eand G moved to The5th Artillery was authorized by wpco no. join the Army of the Potomac, while Battery 16, May 4, 1861.'’ On July 4, 1861, the West Point

I served with the Army of the Ohio. Batter- Battery, which had been in Washington since ies Hand M also served with the Army ofthe January, became Battery D, 5th Artillery, the Ohio, and from February 1862 to January 1863, __ first battery in the new regiment. In June the

the two batteries were consolidated. Battery new regimental lieutenant colonel, Thomas H was consolidated with Battery I from Oc- W. Sherman, who had already been appointed tober 1864 until February 1865, when it was __a brigadier general of Volunteers, established reorganized and became part of the defens- a training camp near Harrisburg, Pennsylva-

es of Washington."” nia. At Camp Greble, the regiment received The rest of the regiment, Batteries A, B, recruits, conducted drills, and fitted out batC, F,and K, served with the Army of the Po- _ teries for field service. By November seven battomac. Batteries A and C were consolidat- _ teries had been organized and sent to the field. ed between October 1861 and October 1862. The first was Battery A, which reported to the

Battery A suffered serious losses at Gettys- Army of the Potomac in July. Batteries C, F, burg in July 1863, and after the battle it was 1, and K joined the same army in September. briefly attached to Battery I, 1st Artillery, be- Battery H was also organized in September, fore being reorganized as a horse battery. In but it was assigned to the Army of the Ohio. April 1864 Battery C was consolidated with In December Battery M joined the Army of Battery E and the combined unit was orga- the Potomac."*

270 The Army in the Field

In early 1862 the regimental colonel, Har- present for duty strength of the batteries in vey Brown, returned from Florida, where _ the field. he had directed the defense of Fort Pickens, closed Camp Greble, and moved the head- Guns quarters to Fort Hamilton, New York. Battery The Union field artillery was armed with a E was organized in May 1862 and remained at variety of cannons, both smooth bore and riFort Hamilton until June 1863, when it moved _ fled. Just as the horse defines the cavalry, so to the Department of the Susquehanna. In dothe guns make the artillery distinctive. For April 1864 it was assigned tothe Army ofthe cannoneers, the gun is the center of attention Potomac. In June 1862 Battery G was orga- for everything they do. On the battlefield it nized, and in December it moved to New Or- was not uncommon for artillerymen to conleans, where it served in the South until No- _ tinue firing their guns until they were literalvember 1864, when it was consolidated with _ ly overrun by advancing infantry or cavalry. Battery Din the Army of the Potomac. Bat- In 1857 the Army adopted the bronze muztery L was organized in October 1862, and _ __zle-loader named for Napoleon III of France. it served in the defenses around Baltimore The Napoleon, which proved to be the most and Washington until July 1864, when itwas popular cannon in the Civil War, remained organized as horse artillery and assignedto the Army’s standard artillery piece until the the Army of the Shenandoah. The last bat- 1880s. It was a versatile weapon, effective with tery of the regiment to be organized was Bin _ solid shot or shell at longer ranges and capable November 1862. It remained at Fort Hamil- _ of devastating fire at close range with canister. ton until June 1863, when it went tothe De- _ Batteries equipped with Napoleons proved to partment of West Virginia, where it served — be highly mobile in providing support on the

until July 1865." large Civil War battlefields. American engineering and ingenuity made

Casualties significant contributions to improving artillery The Regular batteries were always shorthand- _ before the Civil War. In the mid-1840s, Capt.

ed. As the war went on, it was not unusual Thomas J. Rodman (usMa 1841), an ordnance for two, and in one case (Battery C/F/K, 2d officer, developed a new method of casting Artillery) three, batteries to be consolidated iron cannons by cooling them from the into provide enough manpower to service the _ side, giving them additional strength in firguns. Volunteers were also detailed to Regular ing. In another approach to improving field batteries. Even with augmentation from the artillery, Capt. Robert P. Parrott (usMa 1824), Volunteers, recruiting for the Regular Army 3d Artillery, developed a muzzle-loading cancould not keep up with the casualties from non that was strengthened by a hoop around combat and disease. Table 44 shows the losses _ the breech, the point of greatest stress during for each of the artillery regiments. However, _ firing. The rifled pieces made of cast iron beit does not show the number of men wound- came available in the winter of 1860—61, just

ed or incapacitated by disease who were lost in time for the Civil War. Parrott guns were to the regiments during the course of the war. manufactured in a variety of sizes, but the Those losses would have further reduced the 10-pounder was the most popular for field use.

the Artillery 271

First developed with a 2.9-inch diameter bore, in the chest. A 12-pounder chest, for examit was later manufactured with a3-inch bore _ ple, contained thirty-two rounds, while the so that the cannons could use the same am-___ chests for 3-inch rifles and 10-pounder Par-

munition as the 3-inch ordnance rifle. rotts each had fifty. To give them the mobility needed to ma-

neuver effectively in the field, the cannons Artillery Horses were mounted on a two-wheeled carriage that | Horses were an essential part of the Regular

was attached to a limber, anammunitionbox Army field artillery batteries. Each gun ina mounted on an axle with two wheels. Each _ battery had two six-horse teams, one for the gun was accompanied by a caisson that car-_ cannon and another for the caisson. A fourried an ammunition chest anda spare wheel. gun battery therefore had a requirement for The caisson was also pulled bya limber, giving forty-eight horses, while one with six guns each gun a total of three ammunition boxes. needed seventy-two horses just to pull the canThe combined weight of the limber andacar- nons and their immediate supply of ammuniriage or caisson was close to two tons. A Na- _ tion. Additional horses were required to pull poleon cannon, for example, witha fullam- the battery support wagons. Before being put munition chest on the limber weighed about into service witha battery, artillery horses had 3,865 pounds while the limber-caisson com- _ to be trained to work in harness. The teams

bination was 3,811 pounds.” were controlled by drivers who rode the left Civil War artillerymen had various types of horse of each pair in the team. Drivers were ammunition for their guns. Solid shot was used _ responsible for the care of the horses, and they

against enemy guns, wagons, or other targets kept them close by the guns when they were that needed a large impact to destroy them. inaction so they would be available to move Shell was a hollow projectile filled with explo- them quickly out of harm’s way if necessary. sives with a time or impact fuze. Its most effec- The horses were also expected to pull the guns tive characteristics were its loud sound, bright into position at a full gallop, under fire, withflash, shrapnel, and concussion. A refined ver- _ out hesitating or bolting out of control. sion of shell was case, a projectile packed with Mules were not satisfactory for artillery cast-iron balls and explosives that was very ef- use because, unlike horses, they were skittish fective against personnel. Canister wasaclose- under fire. For example, during an exchange range munition with balls that spread out as of artillery fire at Port Republic in June 1862, they left the muzzle of the cannon, effective- the mules ina Confederate battery reacted vi-

ly making it a huge shotgun. olently to the sound of the guns. Brig. Gen. Ammunition was packed in detachable John D. Imboden later reported, “The mules chests carried on the limbers and caissons became frantic. They kicked, plunged, and with the guns. They could be removed when — squealed. It was impossible to quiet them,

empty and replaced with a full one to ex- and it took three or four men to hold one pedite ammunition resupply during a bat- mule from breaking away.”*! Horses, howtle. The number of rounds carried in each ever, remained calm and steady under fire. chest depended on the caliber of the gun. Some would not even flinch when hit. John D. The larger the caliber, the fewer the rounds Billings, a Volunteer artilleryman from Mas-

272. The Army in the Field

sachusetts, recalled seeing one horse “at the ommended that there should be two pieces of very moment when a bullet entered his neck, artillery for every 1,000 cavalrymen to be “asbut the wound had no other effect upon him — sembled in horse artillery batteries.”*° than to make him shake his head as if pes- In September Battery A, 2d Artillery, was tered by a fly.”** Writing after the war, 2d Lt. reorganized as horse artillery in Washington, John H. Calef (usMa 1862), who command- marking the first time since the end of the ed Battery A, 2d Artillery, at Gettysburg, re- Mexican War that the Regular Army had a membered that during the opening engage- horse artillery battery. Battery M, 2d Artilment of the battle, some of his drivers were _ lery, was converted in November. Because of feeding oats to their horses, “who ate them personnel shortages, in September 1861 Batwith as much relish and as little concern as _ teries B and L, 2d Artillery, which had been though they were on the picket-rope, merely stationed together at Fort Monroe before the raising their heads ifa shell burst near,some war, were consolidated into a single unit. The of them being killed while munching their consolidated unit, Battery B/L, 2d Artillery,

oats.”*° was reorganized into horse artillery in early 1862. At about the same time, Battery C, 3d Ar-

Horse Artillery tillery, was organized as horse artillery. These Most of the field artillery in the Union Army _ four batteries were organized into the 1st Briwas mounted, but there werea number ofhorse _ gade (Horse Artillery) of the Army of the Poartillery batteries that supported the cavalry tomac’s Artillery Reserve during the Peninand were considered elite units, muchasthey sula campaign of 1862.°° had been during the Mexican War. Writing During the winter of 1862—63, several more some years after the Civil War, John Calef, by Regular batteries were converted to horse arthen a colonel, described horse artilleryinel- _ tillery. By May 1863 there were two brigades of oquent terms: “The popular appellation for — horse artillery in the Army of the Potomac. A this arm is ‘flying artillery, from the speed of year later each of the brigades consisted of six its evolutions. It combines the dash of cavalry _ batteries, but because of the manpower shortwith the power of artillery, and from the ad- ages in the Regular ranks, almost half of them venturous character of its service it has ever were consolidated units. In May 1864 the 1st Bribeen an attractive arm to the youngartillery- gade consisted of Batteries B/L, D, and M, 2d officers. There is no more inspiriting military Artillery; Aand C/E, 4th Artillery; and the 6th spectacle than a horse-battery in full uniform Battery of the New York Volunteer Light Ar-

and in full swing.”** tillery. The 2d Brigade included Batteries E/G, There were no horse artillery batteries at H/I, and K, 1st Artillery; A/G, 2d Artillery; and Bull Run in July 1861, but it was apparent that — C/F/K, 3d Artillery. Seven of the twelve batteries

with the increase in cavalry, horse artillery inthe two brigades were armed with six guns. would be needed. When McClellan assumed Each of the other five batteries had four cancommand of the Army of the Potomac, Maj. _ nons. There were sixteen Napoleons and fortyWilliam F, Barry, the army’s chief ofartillery, six 3-inch rifles in the two brigades. The horse offered his suggestions on how best to orga- artillery brigades in the Army of the Potomac nize the army's artillery. On August 23 he rec- consisted almost entirely of Regular Army bat-

The Artillery 273

teries, although the 6th New York Independent pulled through somehow, and in camp it was Battery and the 9th Michigan Battery servedat a pleasure to see these swells, with their open

times with the 1st Brigade.*’ jackets, tight trousers with the double crimOn May 31, 1864, the horse artilleryinthe son stripes, their gorgeous badges, their ridArmy of the Potomac was reorganized and ing whips, and their fast horses.” reduced to eight batteries, each of which had four guns: two Napoleons and two 3-inchri- Artillery in the Army of the Potomac fles. The new brigade consisted of Batteries The artillery went through a significant evoK and H/I, ist Artillery; Batteries A, B/L,D, —Jution during the Civil War. When the war and M, 2d Artillery; Battery C/F/K, 3d Artil- started, batteries were employed as they had lery; and Battery C/E, 4th Artillery. The oth- een in the Mexican War, one with each iner four batteries turned in their horses and fantry brigade. Commanders had little or no reported to the inspector general of artillery experience on how to employ artillery to best in Washington for duty in the defense of that advantage. As in the Mexican War, infantry ak In August, gi of the a se batter a were was looked upon as the dominant force on the assigned to Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan's battlefield. The apparent lack of interest was

command tor the enenandoa abe an felt at the lowest levels of the army. One veter-

paign. left only two horse artillery batee anThat artillery corporal shared his assessment of

teries with the Army of the Potomac, which Pee cate ; the situation with a new recruit, telling him, by that:time hadserved begunfor siege at, army, eee and I have twooperations years in this

Petersburg.** er

: there is nothad a general officer intheit horse who underCavalrymen a high regard for ; ac stands how to use artillery, not one.” artillery that as supported them on not the battleteat Base ile there may have been any, generfield. Capt. Frederic C. Newhall, 6th PennYe . als who understood how to use the big guns, sylvania Volunteer Cavalry, left a colorful j pce of, Ae there were company grade officers who had description: “All of our horse-artillery was :empeace) the experience to properly eld artilsplendid, commanded by young and dash- P hee ‘ P oe ce aed : :

ing fellows, whose delight was to fight with “7” Pe ESt aon ener ees Sane noe

the battle of Bull Run in July 1861, there were the cavalry in an open country where they ~~

could run a section up to the skirmish-line ™€ Regular and two Volunteer field artiland second the carbines with their whistling lery batteries with a total of forty-nine guns shells; and, if we were retreating and hotly 19 4 variety of types and calibers. Although pursued, as sometimes used to happen, the the individual batteries performed well at Bull eager enemy was always held at bay by the Run, they were employed poorly during the rattling fire of these steady canonniers [sic] battle by an inexperienced army commandwho would cling to a ridge till the gaining ¢"- Brig. Gen. Irvin McDowell followed the of it was hardly worth the cost.” He wenton Army's traditional method of attaching the to say that the officers were “not very often batteries to brigades with no centralized conheard of and not much known beyond the _ trol. McDowell appointed Maj. William F. army, but where the sharp fighting was they __ Barry, 5th Artillery, as his chief of artillery,

could be found; in the hardest marches they but Barry was not given tactical control of

274 The Army in the Field

the batteries, so he was unable to effective- _sea-boards and ordered to this point as early ly coordinate their movement or fires. Bar- a date as possible, to be mounted as field arry had been in the 4th Artillery for twenty- _ tillery.”*’ He also offered “a proposed orgathree years before being promoted to major nization of the artillery for the Army of the in the 5th Artillery when that regiment was Potomac.”’’ It was a brief but specific recomorganized in 1861. As a company grade offi- mendation. There were to be three guns for cer, he had seen active service in the Mexi- each1,ooo men. Infantry and cavalry formacan War, the Seminole Wars, and on the fron- _ tions would have two guns per 1,000 men, and

tier in Kansas. At the beginning of the Civil there would be an artillery reserve that had War, he helped defend Fort Pickens beforethe one gun per 1,000 men. Barry also included battle at Bull Run. In August 1861 Barry was a proposed distribution of various types and appointed a brigadier general of Volunteers, calibers of guns and howitzers. and he served with the Army of the Potomac Barry later developed a more comprehensive during the Peninsula campaign, after which plan for McClellan, which the general accepthe was transferred to Washington, where he ed. His proposals included assigning batteries was the chief of the artillery defensive sys- tO divisions rather than brigades. He suggested tem that circled the city. In 1864 he became _ four batteries per division, one of which would

the chief of artillery for Sherman and par- be a Regular Army unit. The commander of ticipated in the Atlanta Campaign. He wasa__ the Regular battery would also command the brevet major general of Volunteers by theend division's artillery. The division artillery comof the war. In December 1865 he was promot- Mander was to provide instructions in the theed to colonel in the 2d Artillery,andhecom- ory and practice of gunnery and artillery tacmanded the regiment until his death in 1879. _ tics to the Volunteer batteries. In addition to After Bull Run, McClellan took command _ the division artillery, Barry wanted the army of what became the Army of the Potomac. The _ to have an artillery reserve of 100 guns that inarmy had nine batteries of artillery with thir- | cluded both mounted and horse artillery. Mc-

ty pieces of various calibers. Barry remained Clellan accepted Barry’s ideas and put him in the chief of artillery and assessed that the bat- charge of implementing them.” teries “were insufficiently equipped in officers In his report of the operations of the Army and men and in horses, harness, and materi- ofthe Potomac, McClellan credited Barry with

al generally.”*! “organizing this most important arm” and On August 23, 1861, Barry offered McClel- complimented the Regulars who had helped lan some suggestions for improving artillery him, writing, “The creation of an adequate

support. By then, thirteen of the twenty-five artillery establishment for an army of so batteries in the Army of the Potomac were _ large proportions was a formidable underRegulars. But Barry believed, “The volunteer taking, and had it not been that the country artillery do not possess the knowledge or ex- possessed in the regular service a body of acperience requisite for thoroughly efficient complished and energetic artillery officers, the service,” so he recommended “that compa- task would have been almost hopeless.”*” Mcnies of regular artillery be withdrawn from Clellan went on to say that Barry's “industry many of the forts on the Atlantic and Pacific and zeal achieved the best results.”

The Artillery 275

One of Barry’s most important innovations ular Army therefore were with the Army of for the Army of the Potomac was the artillery the Potomac. The artillery reserve consisted reserve. The reserve enabled the army com- of eighteen batteries, fourteen of which were mander to use artillery to influence the battle Regulars, although five of those batteries conwithout going through the corps or division _ sisted of two batteries organized into one. As commanders. The artillery reserve was also with the infantry and cavalry reserves that Mca source of additional ammunition for bat- _Clellan organized, the concentration of Regteries that were in action duringabattle. The ulars in the artillery reserve reflected his dereserve was organized into four brigades: one _ sire to have a core of competent Regulars to with four Regular Army horse artillery bat- back up the Volunteers.*® teries, one with four Volunteer batteries, and Although McClellan had a formidable force two that included ten Regular Army field artil- of artillery that was well organized, the queslery batteries. The fourteen Regular batteries tion of how much authority the chief of artilassigned to the reserve all had their full com- __lery had was not fully resolved. Despite Barry’s plement of six guns. About half were equipped arguments to the contrary, McClellan decid-

with Napoleons, while the rest had 3-inchri- ed that his chief of artillery would be primar-

fled cannons.”° ily a staff officer. Barry could inspect, equip, The artillery reserve was initially headed and supply the batteries, but he did not have by Maj. Henry J. Hunt (usMA 1835), 5th Ar- command authority over them. So, too, were tillery. During the Mexican War he served _ the division artillery chiefs limited in their with the 2d Artillery and earned two brevet authority. The rationale was that most of the promotions for his performance in combat. junior Regular officers commanding the batAt Churubusco he led two cannons galloping _ teries had limited experience with field artiltoward a fortified church, unlimbered them _lery, and in many cases the commanders of under fire, and soon had both guns inaction, Volunteer batteries outranked the Regulars. in what Bvt. Maj. Gen. William J. Worth lat- Therefore, McClellan considered the artillery er termed “a fire of astonishing rapidity.” At chiefs to be staff officers.” the end of the Mexican War, Hunt remained Barry wanted two brigadier generals of arwith the 2d Artillery. After commanding his _ tillery in the Army of the Potomac: one to be battery at Bull Run in July 1861, he became the _ the chief of artillery and command the artilchief of the artillery defenses around Wash- _ lery with the divisions, while the other would

ington before taking charge of the Army of _ head the artillery reserve. But conventional

the Potomac’s artillery reserve. Army wisdom was that because the battery When the Army of the Potomac embarked was the tactical and administrative unit for on the Peninsula campaign in April 1862, it the artillery, there was no need for higher echhad forty-nine batteries with 299 guns, 100 of | elons of command in the field. The War Dewhich were in Hunt’s artillery reserve. Ofthe partment reinforced this idea in September forty-nine batteries, twenty were Regulars, al- 1862, when it established a policy that “as a though with the consolidations that hadtaken general rule, artillery will be called for, and place, twenty-six batteries were represented. received, by batteries, thus rendering the field Almost half of the sixty batteries in the Reg- and staff unnecessary.”*°

276 The Army in the Field

The infantry and cavalry were authorized — tember 15, 1862, he had fifty-five batteries ready a brigadier general for every forty companies, for action during the battle of Antietam. About and the same rule applied to artillery. Because two-thirds of the batteries were with the front-

the Army of the Potomac expected to haveas line troops, and the remaining batteries were many as sixty artillery batteries, it was autho- in the artillery reserve under Hays. The orrized one general officer, so Barry was promot- _—_ ganization of artillery in the Army of the Po-

ed to brigadier general of Volunteers in Au- tomac continued relatively unchanged until gust 1861. When McClellan appointed Major February 1863, when Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker

Hunt to head the army’s artillery reserve in directed that “hereafter the corps will be conSeptember, he wanted to make him a briga- _ sidered asa unit for the organization of the ardier general, too. But that was not possible. — tillery.”** By March 31, the artillery had been

To get around the restrictions and give Hunt reorganized and had seventy-seven batteries some additional rank to go with his greater with more than 400 guns distributed among responsibilities, McClellan appointed himan the Army of the Potomac’s eight corps and additional aide-de-camp with the rank of col- _ the artillery reserve. onel. This made Hunt a colonel, but it rein- In May 1863, the artillery in each corps was forced the idea that he was a staff officer, not organized into a brigade with four to eight

a commander.” batteries and an ammunition train. The se-

Hunt succeeded Barry as chief of artillery nior artillery officer in the corps, often a field for the Army of the Potomac in September _ grade officer with Regular Army rank from 1862. At the same time, he was promoted to _ his regiment, was designated the chief of artilbrigadier general of Volunteers. When Hunt — lery and was given a small staff to assist him. became the army’s chief of artillery, he ap- | While the artillery officers considered an arpointed Lt. Col. William Hays to head the _ tillery brigade to have the same amount of artillery reserve. Like his predecessor, Hunt combat power asa division, they were unable sought to take command of the guns, but Mc- to convince the War Department that artilClellan initially stuck to the traditional view _ lery brigades should be commanded by genthat the chief of artillery was a staff officer eral officers. Therefore, while the divisions with administrative duties. Eventually Hunt had general officers in command, the artilpersuaded McClellan to give him authority for _lery brigades were usually headed by captains full supervision over the artillery, but that au- and even lieutenants.” thority changed as the Army of the Potomac At lower levels of command, artillery ofwent through a succession of commandersin _ ficers lagged well behind their counterparts

1862 and 1863.*” in the infantry and cavalry with respect to Hunt’s first priority was to refitthe army’s rank. Even when placed in positions of great artillery. His assessment was that many ofthe — responsibility, artillery officers did not receive batteries “had not been refitted since the Au- commensurate rank. For example, at Gettysgust campaign; some had lost more or less _ burg in July 1863, the artillery brigade comguns; others were greatly deficientinmenand manders for the seven corps in the Army of horses, and a number were wholly unservice- _ the Potomac included two colonels, one maable from all these causes combined.”* BySep- _ jor, three captains, and one lieutenant. In ad-

The Artillery 277

dition, captains commanded the two horse ar- Horse Artillery Brigade of Brig. Gen. John Butillery brigades, and the artillery reserve was _ford’s Cavalry Corps. At Buford’s direction,

led by a field grade officer.*° Calef emplaced his six guns across the Cashtown Road, spaced widely apart to fool the

Gettysburg JH ASes Confederates into thinking there was more Regular artillery batteries participated inev- than one battery facing them.” ery major battle during the war. As with the After the battle, in what could be considinfantry and cavalry regiments, the Regular ered a bit of understatement, Calef reported batteries were far outnumbered by the Vol- that “the enemy’s infantry advanced rapidly, unteers, but that did not diminish the ser- and the musketry and artillery fire soon bevice they rendered on the battlefield. William came extremely warm.” Estimating that the F. Fox listed the sixty-two field artillery bat- | Confederates had some “twenty-seven to thirteries that suffered the highest losses inasin- ty guns” opposing him, Calef reported the sitgle engagement in his Regimental Losses in the uation to Buford. The cavalry general had just American Civil War. Nineteen of those bat- completed an inspection of his lines and re-

teries were from the Regular regiments. Two Marked to Calef, “Our men are ina pretty hot of them (Batteries I and K, ath Artillery) ap- pocket, but, my boy, we must hold this posipear on the list twice, and six of the Regular tion until the infantry come up; then you withbatteries are on the list because of their casu- raw your guns in each section by piece, fill

alties at Gettysburg.” up your limber chests from the caissons and At Gettysburg, each corps of infantry in await my orders.” Calef held until the infanthe Army of the Potomac had an artillery bri- “Y of the I Corps arrived and then withdrew gade with four to eight artillery batteries as- his battery, occupying successive positions unsigned, and the Cavalry Corps had nine horse der fire in accordance with Buford’s instrucartillery batteries. Most of the batteries (80 tions. Calef reported his losses as twelve men percent) had six guns while the rest had four. badly wounded and twelve horses killed. BuEach of the brigades had at least one Regu- ford commended Calef’s men after the batlar battery assigned. Of the sixty-seven bat- tle, telling them, “Tnever saw a battery served

teries in the Army of the Potomac at Gettys- so wellin nee nee burg, twenty-three were Regulars, including Onbie ale neon Ouuie scone Car Qreie

seven of the nine horse artillery batteries."* Daley vale aorta are Hhant ioatebtly- credited withecoordinatine manded by ist Lt. Charles E. Hazlett, received

the massed fires that were a major factor in ores nom Ee conmandenoreiey oe : ihe Unionsictoiy bat handlnedhe batter artillery brigade to move 0 the top of Little ies and servicing the guns was in the hands SOHUE OES Ny Or a Ho Toad; eat afi aniBe ricer say heawers learainearnile ed oe the left of the Federal line. The terrain

cher wees AE HIAe was eee to HORS: so the Soa . had to drag their 3-inch rifled guns up the hill gaan . eee seen ee by hand. Brigadier General Hunt later wrote of

joa aenne os Peoee vner nou ae the climb that “under ordinary circumstanc-

Gettysburg. Calef’s battery was with the 2d . ; es it would have been considered an impossi-

278 The Army in the Field

ble feat, but the eagerness of the men” made it 1st lieutenant in the 4th Artillery, was in the possible.' Once on the top, it was impossible _ line of Union artillery emplaced on Cemetery to depress the muzzles enough to use canis- Ridge. During the morning of July 2, Cushing’s ter on the Confederates at the bottom of the _ battery of six 3-inch rifles occupied its place hill, but the battery was able to engage those on Cemetery Ridge near a clump of chestnut

at longer ranges with case and shot. oaks where it was in support of Brig. Gen. The battery was supporting the 3d Brigade Alexander S. Webb’s brigade of Pennsylvaof the 2d Division (the Regular Infantry Di- nia Volunteers. The battery was periodicalvision) of the V Corps, commanded by Brig. ly engaged during the course of the day but

Gen. Stephen H. Weed, a captaininthe 5th suffered no damage or casualties. At about Artillery. Weed had commanded the V Corps 8:00 a.m. on July 3, however, things got a bit artillery brigade at Fredericksburg and Chan- hotter when Confederate artillery destroyed cellorsville and had been promoted to briga- _ three limbers. No one was injured, and the dier general on June 6, at which time he was _ battery ist sergeant, Frederick Fuger, later reassigned to the Regular Infantry Divisionand called, “Only a few of the wheel horses had given command of the Volunteer brigade. Brig. _ their tails singed.””' There were periodic exGen. Romeyn B, Ayres, who commanded the changes of artillery volleys until 11:00 a.m., division, was also a captain in the 5th Artillery. when the firing stopped. While directing the fire of Hazlett’s battery, At about 1:00 p.m., Hunt was on Little Weed was mortally wounded. As he lay dying, Round Top with Lieutenant Rittenhouse Hazlett leaned over to hear his last words, and when more than 100 cannons in the Army of he, too, received a mortal gunshot wound from Northern Virginia opened fire in a thundera Confederate sharpshooter. In his report of — ous barrage of shot and shell. To Rittenhouse the battle, Hunt praised Hazlett as “a young the sound was “one loud thunderclap,” while officer, who had gained an enviable reputation Fuger thought it was “terribly grand and subfor gallantry, skill, and devotion to hiscoun- _lime.”** In accordance with Hunt’s directive try and the service.””’ Weed and Hazlett both _ to fire slowly and deliberately, Cushing wait-

died of their wounds that evening. ed for ten or fifteen minutes before returning When Hazlett was wounded, ist Lt. Benja- fire. For the next hour and a half, the artillery min F, Rittenhouse, who had been appointed on both sides continued their barrages, and to the 5th Artillery in May 1861 from civilian Cushing’s battery began to take a beating, but life, assumed command, and the battery re- his cannoneers stood by their guns and kept mained on Little Round Top during the night. them in action. At about 2:30 p.m., with amOn July 3, as Hunt related in his report, the munition running low, the fire slacked off, battery “was in an excellent position for the | but Cushing had only two serviceable guns service of his rifled guns,” and they provided remaining, and he had been wounded in both enfilading fire across the front of the Feder- legs. Expecting an assault by the Confederates, al line during the Confederate charge in the Cushing positioned his two guns behind a low

afternoon.” stone wall just in front of a clump of trees.°° Battery A, 4th Artillery, commanded by Bvt. Shortly before 3:00 p.m., Confederate infanMaj. Alonzo H. Cushing (usMa June 1861), a try began to form for their assault on Cemetery

The Artillery 279

Ridge. As they moved across the open field, this war were so many batteries subjected to so Cushing’s battery and the rest of the Union terrible a test. Horses, men, and carriages were artillery fired shot, shell, and case into their piled together, but the fire scarcely slackened ranks, thinning but not stopping them. Even- for an instant so long as the guns were standtually the line reached and swept over the stone ing. Lieutenant Cushing, of Battery A, Fourth wall in front of Cushing. He called to Fuger U.S. Artillery, challenged the admiration of all to double shot the guns with canister as the who saw him. Three of his limbers were blown Confederate infantry swarmed into what was up and changed with the caisson limbers unleft of the battery. It was Cushing’s last com- der fire. Several wheels were shot off his guns mand. At the same time the guns fired, he and replaced, till at last, severely wounded himwent down with a mortal wound to the head. self, his officers all killed or wounded, and with

Fuger caught his young commander and gen- but cannoneers enough to man a section, he tly lowered him to the ground. After directing pushed his gun to the fence in front, and was several cannoneers to carry Cushing's body killed while serving his last canister into the to the rear, Fuger turned his attention back to ranks of the advancing enemy.”

the5fighting raging around him,ofleadto A Binsthat Thewas artillery with the Army the Potomac

ing his few remaining: reached men in hand to hand ; battle of Gettysits high pointnae at the

combat to protect the guns.”

burg. Afterwards Hunt continued to press for For his actions, 1st Sergeant Fuger was com, the es greater authority over the artillery with missioned a 2d lieutenant inArmy theof4th Artillery Disa the Potomac, but he was limited to

and awarded a Medal of matters Honor. He commandof equipment, supply, and instruction ed Battery A for the rest of the war. By March ; of personnel. When the army went into win1865 he had received; ter two brevets to captain. es quarters, he went to work to refurbish batFuger remained with the teries regiment after the . damaged in battle, train recruits, reas-

war and retired as a major on June 18, 1900. . e ing was soon over, and what was

rR eee sign personnel, and ensure the health of the

ee naman “sht horses. Whenwas the troops returned to the field eltte 5ofii, batter rtillery, with: pigs i ane y . in early 1864, Hunt believed that he had the

drawn from. finest the line. Cushing a histo.. artillery commandreceived in American

posthumous brevet to lieutenant colonel for ; fighting Be uc hadi ee ry. But the nature of the terrain and his “conspicuous gallantry.”** In his against report isc]maintaining Bu sasadnid a : would soon mitigate of the battle, Col. Norman J. Hall, 7th Mich- . ; a igan Volunteer Infantry, who commanded

large artillery establishment with the army.

ieee On May 4 the Army of the Potomac crossed the 3d Brigade of the 2d Division in the Army

be the Rapidan River to open the a campaign against ofPhe theaie Potomac’s II Corps, summarized Se tgh P the Army of Northern Virginia. Thene so-called

a Wilderness was a tangle of trees and ing in particular: . ;under-

actions of the artillery in general and Cush-

growth interlaced with steep ravines and wanI cannot suffer this opportunity to pass with- dering waterways. The infantry had great diffiout paying just tribute to the noble service of | culty navigating through the area; the artillery the officers and men of the batteries that were found it virtually impossible. By May 16 Ulysserved within my sight. Never before during — ses S. Grant, the commanding general of the

280 The Army in the Field

Army who was accompanying the Army of _ nessee.®’ At Stone’s River in December 1862 the Potomac, had determined thatasthearmy and January 1863, Maj. Gen. William S. Rose-

moved through the wooded areas, the artil- crans assigned the artillery batteries to brilery would be unable to keep up with the in- _ gades, but by October 1863, at Chickamauga,

fantry and its effectiveness would decrease. the control of the artillery had been transHe therefore directed Hunt to decrease the ferred to the divisions. Shortly thereafter, the size of the artillery force.*' The Regular bat- artillery in the Army of the Tennessee was teries serving with the army remained with it, Consolidated under corps control.’ No other but their continuing problem with manpow- Union army had horse artillery batteries as er made it necessary to continue the process they existed in the Army of the Potomac, al-

of consolidating batteries. though the western armies did have a number of lightly equipped mounted batteries

Other Union Army Artillery that could provide effective support to the The organization of artillery in most Union cavalry when necessary. armies depended on the type of country, the Shiloh, April 1862

scope of operations, and the desires of the gen- .

:officer bi ; Thecommanding. bulk of the Regular artillery was conceneral Initially command). : : ; trated in the Army of the Potomac. In April ers simply assigned batteries to brigades. But . 1862 it had forty-nine artillery batteries, twenty by the second year were of the war, the trend was to . ste of which Regulars.*' By way of compariconsolidate batteries under division and corps s) heer son, that same month, at Shiloh, the Army of control. The artillery organization for comthe Tennessee had twenty-two batteries, none bat evolved throughout the Union Army in

bh ce’ of which were and the much thepak same pattern as Regulars, 1n the Army or Army the : ;of the * P 7 : Ohio had three batteries, two of which otomac, although no other army had an ar- , were a1 : od re Regulars: Battery H/M, tillery reserve on the same scale. Nor did they -4th Artillery, com‘ y ee oe . manded by Capt. John Mendenhall (usma ips ee oeY ehirrissaee ee “ 1847) was with the 5th Division, and Battery

principle es assigning one to each division. H, sth Artillery, with Capt. William R. TerAlthough fewer in number than their coun- | +1 (UsMA 1853) in command, supported the terparts with the Army of the Potomac, the 4 pjvicion 63 Regular batteries in the western theater of war The two Regular battery commanders were were no less effective in providing fire support — both considered chiefs of artillery of their re-

when and where it was needed. spective divisions, although Terrill’s battery At Wilson's Creek in July 1861, Brig. Gen. was the only artillery in the 2d Division. BatNathaniel Lyon assigned his artillery batteries tery FA. 5th Artillery, was armed with four in the Army of the West to brigades. In Oc- _ 12-pounder Napoleons and two 10-pounder tober 1861 Ulysses S. Grant, a brigadier gen-_ Parrotts. The battery was with the Regular

eral at the time, organized his forces inthe Infantry Brigade for much of the war, and at same manner, but at Shiloh, in April 1862, he Shiloh the brigade was part of Maj. Gen. Alhad started to consolidate the artillery bat- exander McCook’s 2d Division. But when Ter-

the Artillery 281

teries at division level in his Army of the Ten- _ rill arrived on the battlefield of Shiloh on the

morning of April 7, his battery was commit- —_loh, Captain Terrill was promoted to brigadier ted to support Brig. Gen. William Nelson’s 4th — general of Volunteers on September 9, 1862.

Division.” The battery arrived just as the di- The 5th Division had two artillery battervision’s advance had stalled, and Terrill wast- _ ies assigned. In addition to Mendenhall’s bated no time getting into action. A private in _ tery of Regulars, there was Battery G, 1st Ohio the 6th Ohio Volunteer Infantry, part of the Light Artillery. On the morning of April 7, as

4th Division, remembered seeing the battery Battery H/M, 4th Artillery, armed with two come onto the field: “I saw artillery coming Napoleons and two 3-inch Rodman rifles, arthrough the woods at a gallop! It was Captain _ rived at Shiloh, it advanced with the 5th D1Terrill’s battery of regulars, just up from Sa- vision, but it was soon detached and sent toa vannah by boat.... He dashed out tothe edge __ position to the right of Nelson’s 4th Division. of the wood, and, with a single sweep of the When the battery was engaged by a Confedeye taking in the whole situation, waved his _ erate battery, Captain Mendenhall’s cannonhand for the battery to wheel into position.” — eers used the smoke of enemy guns as their Initially, Battery H successfully silenced the aiming points to silence them. After a short Confederate guns, but when the infantry that break in the action, another Confederate batwas supporting the battery fell back in what _ tery opened fire from a different direction. In Captain Terrill described asa “storm of mus- anticipation of a general advance on the Union ket balls, canister shot, and shell, which was _ position, Mendenhall turned his guns to the truly awful,” he was forced to withdraw. Ter- front “and replied first with case shot and subrill ordered the battery to move back a sec- sequently with canister, as the enemy’s infantion at a time with one covering the other’s _ try advanced through the underbrush.””!

retreat. The guns kept firing as they retired Mendenhall’s battery changed positions from the field, and when the enemy attempt- several times during the day as the Union ed to charge the withdrawing battery, Ter- forces repulsed successive Confederate attacks rill reported that they “were staggered by our against their lines. In his after-action report, discharges of canister.” In his report of the Brigadier General Nelson recognized the efbattle, Brigadier General Nelson wrote, “This forts of both of the Regular batteries when he battery was a host in itself....Its fire was ter- wrote that “Captains Terrill and Mendenhall rific. It was handled superbly. Wherever Cap- and the officers and soldiers of their battertain Terrill turned his battery, silence followed ies are entitled to the thanks of the Fourth

on the part of the enemy.” Division.” ”* By 3:30 p.m. the firing in front of the 4th Division stopped, but by then Major General Regular Artillery in the War McCook’s 2d Division was being hit hard by The Civil War was a transforming event for the a Confederate battery. Terrill turned his at- artillery. After years of manning the big guns tention to that threat, moved two of his Na- in coastal fortifications and serving as infanpoleons in that direction, and “enfiladed the _ try and cavalry on the western frontier, batenemy's line with shells and spherical case- _ teries were reorganized as mounted and horse shot.””° That ended the fighting for the battery artillery to support mobile warfare. Compathat day. In recognition of his actions at Shi- ny officers found themselves learning on the

282 The Army in the Field

job. Senior commanders with little or no ex- Experienced artillery officers such as Barry perience with field artillery were initially re- and Hunt provided the organizational skills sistant to massing the guns as knowledgeable at senior levels essential for the proper emartillerymen suggested. A notable exception ployment of artillery on a rapidly changing was at Stones River on January 2, 1863, when _ battlefield. Equally as important were the ju-

Mendenhall, by then chief ofartillery forthe nior officers who employed the batteries on left wing of the Army of the Cumberland un- _ the battlefield. With promotion opportunider Maj. Gen. Thomas L. Crittenden, was able _ ties for Regular Army artillery officers limto mass some fifty-eight pieces ofartilleryin ited, many experienced artillerymen sought less than twenty minutes to stop a Confeder- and found higher ranking appointments in ate infantry attack.”* Crittenden later report- _ the Volunteers, leaving the batteries under the ed that when the artillery opened fire, the at- command of young, competent officers such as tacking Confederates “cannot have been said John H. Calef, Charles E. Hazlett, and Alonzo to have checked in their advance—from a Cushing, many of whom joined their batterrapid advance they broke at onceintoarapid _ ies on the battlefield directly from West Point. retreat.”’' After seeing what well-handled artillery batteries could do on the battlefield, senior commanders eventually supported forming artillery brigades that operated under the direction of artillery officers.

As with the other combat arms, the infantry and cavalry, Volunteers in the Union Army significantly outnumbered the Regulars in artillery. But as Maj. John C. White aptly phrased it in his review of the Regular Army in the Civil War, “The Regular batteries came to form so many nuclei around which gathered the volunteers.”””

The Regular Army artillery came much closer than the infantry or cavalry to Lieutenant General Scott’s desire for the Regulars to serve as an example to the Volunteers and be available in a crisis. Because the batteries

were dispersed throughout the Union Army, they were seen by more Volunteers than the infantry or cavalry regiments that were organized into large formations of Regular troops. In the Army of the Potomac, the Regular artillery batteries were assigned to divisions spe-

cifically for the purpose of training the Volunteer batteries.

the Artillery 283

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| L. 2m ! : Gee , iH) ; The Fighting Bureaus a AGW UL AU

Prior to the Civil War, the Army’s engineer ing area. It seemed like a good idea, so he and officers were assigned to either the Corps of _ his division commanders, along with a group Engineers or the Corps of Topographical En- of engineers, boarded a steamer to take a look gineers. Almost all of them were graduates of at the defenses confronting them. When the the United States Military Academy at West vessel was about a mile and a quarter from the Point, although there were a few who received coastal fortifications, the defenders opened direct appointments into one or the other of _ fire. As artillery rounds landed perilously close the two corps. The Army’s only enlisted en- _ to the Patricio, the captured Mexican steamgineers were in Engineer Company A, which _ er that Scott and his party were using to obwas stationed at West Point, where it was to serve the town of Vera Cruz and the adjacent “aid in giving practical instructions.”'In1860 _ beaches, the reconnaissance suddenly did not most of the Army’s engineers were engaged seem like sucha good idea at all. Had the canin preparing coastal fortifications, supervis- nons been aimed better or had the gunners ing civil works, and conducting explorations been a bit luckier and actually hit the Patricio, and reconnaissance. During the war, the two — the Civil War, still more than a decade away, corps were merged into the Corps of Engineers, might have had a much different outcome.’

which experienced a significant expansion in The engineers with Scott on the Patricio troops and missions that put engineersonthe in March 1847 included Maj. Joseph E. Johnbattlefield alongside, and sometimes ahead of, | ston (USMA 1829) and 1st Lt. George G. Meade

the combat arms. (UsMA 1835), both of whom were topographiThe Army had but one signal officer be- cal engineers. Also aboard were Capt. Robert fore the war, and he had only been assigned to —_E. Lee (UsMA 1829) and 1st Lt. Pierre G. T. Be-

that duty in 1860. There were no signal troops. auregard (USMA 1838), who were members of Like the Corps of Engineers, however, the Sig- Scott’s engineer staff. All four Regular Army

nal Corps grew rapidly, responding toanin- engineers would go on to hold major comcreasing demand for its services. By the end mand positions during the Civil War. Three of the war, both corps, tested under fire, were of them resigned to serve in the Confederate important elements of the Army in the field. _ Army, while one remained loyal to the Union. In 1861 Beauregard commanded the Confed-

Corps of Engineers erate force at Charleston that opened fire on While waiting for his amphibious assault force Fort Sumter in April, and Johnston came to to assemble off the coast of Mexico, the com- _ the rescue at Bull Run in July when he moved manding general, Winfield Scott, decided to his forces across the Blue Ridge to join Beaumake a personal reconnaissance of theland- regard. In 1862 Lee assumed command of the 285

Army of Northern Virginia. All three men — eral in June 1860. They were among the first rose to the rank of general. Meade remained _ five officers to be promoted to full general in with the Union and assumed command ofthe the Confederate Army in August 1861. On the Army of the Potomac in late June 1863. Afew Union side, George B. McClellan (usMa 1846) days later, he met and defeated Lee at Gettys- was an engineer officer until 1855, when, like burg. He ended the war as a major general.’ _ Lee, he transferred to the cavalry. McClellan resigned from the Army two years later, but

Two Engineer Branches he returned to uniform in 1861 and became

When the U.S. Military Academy was estab- the commanding general of the Army in Aulished at West Point, it was essentially the Ar- gust 1861.° my’s Corps of Engineers. The March 16, 1802, . law that established the corps stipulated that Engineer Troops

it “shall be stationed at West Point, inthe state Unlike the artillery, cavalry, and infantry, of New York, and shall constitute a military where officers composed only about 5 or 6 academy.’ * Over time, the Military Academy _ percent of the branch, officers outnumbered broadened its curriculum and provided offi- the enlisted men in the Corps of Engineers. cers to all branches of the Army, but gradu- Although the Continental Congress had auates at the top of their class continued to be — thorized George Washington to raise a comcommissioned into the Corps of Engineers.In pany of engineers in December 1776, it was a 1831 the secretary of war established the Top- temporary organization, as were the Army’s ographical Bureau as a separate staffagency. later bodies of engineer troops. That changed Its officers, the topographical engineers, ex- at the beginning of the Mexican War. On May plored, surveyed, and mapped large portions 16, 1846, Congress authorized the Army to or-

of the American West. ganize a company of 150 engineers to perform The number of officers assigned tothe en- “all the duties of sappers, miners and pontongineer branches was never very large. On De- _ iers.”° As of December 31, 1860, there were no cember 31, 1860, the Corps of Engineers had — enlisted men in the Corps of Topographical

forty-eight officers on its rolls, and there were Engineers. The Corps of Engineers had only forty-five in the Corps of Topographical En- _ninety-eight enlisted soldiers assigned, most gineers. Of these ninety-three officers, thir- of whom were stationed at West Point with ty-three became general officers inthe Union Engineer Company A.’ Army, and another eighteen attained that rank Shortly after Engineer Company A was in the Confederate Army. Those numbersdo formed at West Point, it joined Maj. Gen. Zachnot include former engineers who had re- ary Taylor in Mexico and afterward was with signed from the Army or had transferred to Scott during his campaign to capture Mexiother branches, anumber of whom became co City. After the Mexican War, the compaprominent figures in the war. Lee and John- ny returned to West Point. Brig. Gen. John E. ston, for example, were no longer engineers by Wool, commanding the Department of the 1861. Lee transferred to the 2d Cavalry in 1855, | East, moved the company to Washington on when that regiment was created, and John- January 18, 1861, to protect public property. ston became the Army’s quartermaster gen- During Abraham Lincoln’s inauguration in

286 The Army in the Field

March the company provided the bodyguard neers were numbered. The new company was that marched ahead of the open carriage car- never formed, and of the forty-five topographrying Lincoln and President James Buchanan _ ical engineer officers on the rolls at the end of from Willard’s Hotel to the Capitol. Afterthe 1860, only thirty-two remained in the Army inauguration, the company went to Florida, a year later: eight had joined the Confederawhere it spent five months strengthening the cy, four had retired, and one had died. Ten defenses of Fort Pickens before returning to — of the thirty-two who remained in the Army West Point. By October 31, 1861, the compa-__ were general officers in the Volunteers servny was back in Washington, where it became inginsome capacity other than as engineers. the nucleus of the engineer brigade that sup- As the demand for engineers throughout the

ported the Army of the Potomac.* Union Army increased, and with most of its civil works suspended, the War Department

More Regular Engineers detailed the topographical engineers to other On August 3, 1861, Congress added six lieu- organizations. In the field, it was not practical tenants each to the Corps of Engineers and to drawa distinction between the two types of the Corps of Topographical Engineers. Atthe engineers. Reconnaissance and construction same time, it authorized three more compa- _ of defensive works were routinely conducted nies of engineers in the Regular Army. Each _ by officers from both branches. With most of of the new companies was to have the same _ its officers serving elsewhere and only a small organization as the existing Company A with civilian staffin Washington, the Topographi“ten Sergeants, ten Corporals, two Musicians, cal Bureau as a separate organization was besixty-four Privates of the first class, or artifi- coming less relevant to the war effort. In March cers, and sixty-four of the second class” fora 1863, therefore, Congress passed an act intendtotal of 150 soldiers.’ The legislation increased ed to “promote the efficiency of the Corps of the size of the Corps of Engineers from 144 of- | Engineers” and abolished the Corps of Topficers and men to 655. The increase did notin- ographical Engineers “as a distinct branch of clude any sort of headquarters for the new- _ the Army.” The same act that did away with the ly formed companies, but during the course ‘Topographical Engineers provided additionof the war they were generally organized as al officers to the Corps of Engineers. It was to a battalion with the senior officer present for have “one chief engineer, with the rank, pay, duty serving as the commander. It was gener- and emoluments of a brigadier-general; four ally known as the U.S. Engineer Battalionand colonels; ten lieutenant-colonels; twenty maserved with the Army of the Potomac forthe jors; thirty captains; thirty first lieutenants; entire war. On August 6, 1861, Congress add- and ten second lieutenants."

ed two lieutenant colonels and four majors to Although the Topographical Bureau was each of the engineer branches and authorized merged into the Corps of Engineers, one of its formation of Company A, Topographical En- most important functions, supplying maps, gineers, which was to be organized thesame continued to bea critical element of the war

as the other engineer companies." effort. In the Army of the Potomac, Maj. Gen. In spite of being authorized Company A, George B. McClellan, a former engineer ofthe days of the Corps of Topographical Engi- _ ficer, had anticipated the merger of the two

The Fighting Bureaus 287

corps during the Peninsula campaign in 1862. _ tion the topographical department of the Army

He reported, “During the campaignit wasim- of the Potomac had produced “a large numpossible to draw a distinct line of de-marka- _ ber of original drawings of campaign maps” tion between the duties of the two corpsofen- inanticipation of the army’s crossing the Rapgineers, so that the labors of reconnaissance idan River and advancing toward Petersburg. of roads, of lines of entrenchments, of fields To be ready for movement in any direction, for battle, and of the position of the enemy, the department prepared twenty-nine sheets, as well as the construction of siege and de- covering “the country from Gettysburg south fensive works, were habitually performed by _ to Petersburg, and from the Chesapeake Bay details from either corps.” Before the Mary- as far west as Lexington.” Each sheet covland campaign in 1862, McClellan merged the ered 875 square miles of territory, and once two corps in the Army of the Potomac un- they were drawn they were sent to the Buder the direction of Capt. James C. Duane _ reau of Engineers at Washington to be “either (USMA 1848) and considered the arrangement photographed, lithographed, or engraved.”

satisfactory.” They were then reproduced and distributed With few maps available to commanders throughout the Army." at the beginning of the war, the Topographic Engineers developed several methods for pro- U.S. Engineer Battalion

viding essential information about the ter- The only Regular Army engineer units were rain over which they were operating. Field the four companies of the U.S. Engineer Battalarmy headquarters established topographi- ion. The battalion began to take form toward cal departments to produce maps. After the | the end of 1861 in Washington when Compatwo corps were merged, these departments nies Band C arrived and joined Company A in continued to make maps under the supervi- winter quarters opposite the Arsenal Grounds. sion of engineer officers. In the Army of the Company B was recruited in Portland, Maine, Cumberland, Maj. William E. Merrill(usmMa and Company C in Boston, although neither 1859) was responsible for creating maps forthe of them was at full strength. Captain Duane, Army of the Cumberland during the Atlan- _ the chief engineer in the Army of the Potomac, ta campaign. His office was well equipped to took command of the three companies and

accomplish the task. In the words of one his- organized them into a battalion. Although torian, “The army [of the Cumberland] was authorized four companies of 150 men each so far from Washington that it had to havea for a total of 600, the battalion had only 276 complete map establishment of its own. Ac- menon the rolls by July 1, 1862. In November cordingly, the office of the chief topographical Company D joined the battalion. But the com-

engineer contained a printing press, two lith- panies remained short of men until the War ographic presses, one photographic establish- Department authorized Regular Army units ment, arrangements for map-mounting,and to recruit from Volunteer regiments in Oca full corps of draughtsmen and assistants.”'’ tober 1862. The battalion was part of the EnIn 1864 Maj. Nathaniel Michler (UsMaA 1848), gineer Brigade in the Army of the Potomac,

a former member of the Corps of Topograph- so it took advantage of the new regulation to ical Engineers, reported that under his direc- recruit from the two New York regiments in

288 The Army in the Field

the brigade and increase its ranks to close to tal of twenty-two guns were brought up to

authorized strength.” clear the far bank of snipers, and that afterOne of the first tasks McClellan gave noon Franklin’s troops began crossing the rivDuane was to build pontoon boats and “pro- _ er. The bridge remained in constant use for the

cure the new model French bridge train.”'® next five days during the fighting at FrederIn February 1862 the battalion tested its en- _icksburg. After failing to dislodge the heavily gineering skills at Sandy Hook, Maryland. entrenched Confederates, Union forces withUsing forty-one boats, the pontoniers built drew back across the Rappahannock. At 4:30 an 840-foot bridge across the Potomac Riv- a.m. on December 16, after the rear guard of er. On March 1, they put a smaller bridge — the Left Grand Division of the army completacross the Shenandoah River east of Harp- ed its crossing, the battalion dismantled the ers Ferry that Pennsylvania troops used to — bridge in about an hour with no loss of ma-

cross into Virginia. teriel or personnel."* During the Fredericksburg campaign, the When the Army’s engineers were consoliEngineer Battalion emplaced one of the six dated into a single branch in March 1863, the pontoon bridges that the Army of the Potomac War Department issued a general order that used to cross the Rappahannock River on De- added what it termed the “late Company A, cember 11, 1862. The battalion’s bridge was at ‘Topographical Engineers” as Company E to the lower end of the crossing site and was in- _ the battalion. But that company was not ortended for the Left Grand Division ofthe army, ganized until after the war, and the few recommanded by Maj. Gen. William B. Frank- — cruits who had signed up for it were assigned lin (USMA 1843). At about 3:00 a.m. the battal- to the other companies in the battalion. The ion arrived at the site with thirty boats and | same order specified that the new organizabridge material that had to be hauled about 200 _ tion be designated the Battalion of Sappers, yards to the river’s edge. Construction began Miners, and Pontoniers. It also made Duane four hours later. Because Captain Duanehad a major and formally designated him to combeen detailed to assist with operations against mand the battalion. In spite of the grander Charleston, ist Lt. Charles E. Cross (usMaA May — sounding name, it continued to be known sim-

1861), Corps of Engineers, who had graduat- ply as the U.S. Engineer Battalion in most ored second in his West Point class, was putin ders and correspondence. With Duane servcommand of the battalion. Cross supervised ing as the chief engineer for the Army of the the construction and reported that “progress Potomac, Cross, who had been promoted to was much retarded by ice on the river.”'? The captain in the same order, actually commandice, almost half an inch thick and covering — ed the battalion.

much of the river, was not the only hazard, In June 1863, the battalion was encamped however. Confederate skirmishers wounded at Falmouth, Virginia, with a strength of five one engineer soldier and captured two oth- officers and 446 enlisted men. On the fifth ers who were working on the far side of the of the month, it moved to Franklin Crossriver. In spite of the ice and skirmishers, the ing, Virginia, near Deep Run, in support of bridge was ready for use by 11:00 a.m. Short- a reconnaissance in force by the VI Corps of ly thereafter, five artillery batteries withato- the Army ofthe Potomac. When the battalion

The Fighting Bureaus 289

attempted to build two bridges, Confederate investment of Petersburg, the battalion spent fire from across the Rappahannock prevent- the last month of the war maintaining the ed any work. To eliminate the threat, the 5th roads as the Army of the Potomac conducted Vermont and 26th New Jersey Volunteer In- operations against the Army of Northern Virfantry used forty-five pontoon boats, manned — ginia. On April 9, 1865, when General Robert E.

by pontoniers from the Engineer Battalion Lee surrendered to Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, and the 5oth New York Volunteer Engineers, the Engineer Battalion was on guard duty at to cross the river. During this operation Cap- Grant’s headquarters. In June the battalion, tain Cross was killed while helping to man less one company that went to West Point, was one of the boats. Command of the battalion ordered to Willet’s Point in New York Harbor then passed to Capt. George H. Mendell (usma with Capt. Henry L. Abbot (usMa 1854), a for1852), formerly of the Corps of Topographical mer member of the Corps of Topographical

Engineers, who had spent the first two years Engineers, in command. Abbot remained in

of the war in staff assignments.” the Regular Army after the war and retired From May to August 1864, the battalionwas as acolonel in 1895. At the same time, Duane, busy repairing roads, building fortifications, | by then a colonel, was relieved from duty with and constructing bridges as the Army of the | the Army of the Potomac and ordered to take Potomac moved into Virginia. During much command of Willet’s Point. He, too, remained of the time, its officers were on detached duty inthe Army and retired in 1888 as a brigadier reconnoitering for the cavalry, guidingtroops general, having served as the Army’s chief of into position, and serving as staff officers, leav- engineers since 1886.~°

ing the companies under the command of ser- . . geants. In June, Captain Mendell reported that Engineer Brigade

his pontoniers “did a great part of the workof To provide support for the Army of the Pothrowing the bridge over the James,” the larg- tomac, McClellan organized the Engineer est pontoon bridge ever constructed up tothat Brigade with two state regiments, the 15th point in history—2,170 feet long with 101 wood- = and 50th New York Volunteers, along with en pontoons.*’ Because the tidal current rose _ the U.S. Engineer Battalion. The brigade was and fell about 4 feet, three schooners had tobe commanded by Brig. Gen. Daniel P. Woodanchored in the middle of the river to secure bury (UsMA 1836), a major in the Corps of Enthe bridge. Work began about 4:00 p.m. on _ gineers. Woodbury conducted valuable reconJune 15 with two companies working on each _ naissance work at Bull Run in July 1861 and was side of the river, and the bridge was complet- commissioned a brigadier general of Voluned by 11:00 p.m. Inthe next three days the en- _ teers in March 1862. He commanded the Engitire Army of the Potomac as well as 3,000 head _ neer Brigade at Fredericksburg in March 1863, of beef cattle and 50 miles of wagons used it to — where he supervised emplacement of the poncross the James River.*! Viewed from the oth- _ toon bridges across the Rappahannock River. er side, Brig. Gen. Edward P. Alexander (usMA During the summer of 1861, when the two 1857), reportedly declared it “the greatest bridge New York regiments reported for duty with

since the days of Xerxes.” the Army of the Potomac, McClellan was conAfter working on the siege lines duringthe cerned about the lack of engineers. Because

290 The Army in the Field

the two regiments included “many sailorsand U.S. Veteran Volunteer Engineer Regiment

eae he decided they would become _,, April 1863 the War Department started aga and placed them under the super- forming U.S. Veteran Volunteer regiments

vision of Lt. Col. Barton S. Alexander (usMA pitt ees aesca ;

ie1: rps i forofsoldiers whoMwanted to stay 1842 Engineers. n re- : da alee in the Union 842) } ‘ — fi ee ‘ Army after completing their initial term of

orted that under Alexander’s tutelage durin : P i 5 service. This concept was extended to include the winter of 1861-62, the new engineers “were . ; re ee engineers in 1864 when Maj. William Merbrie PeG tea Tie CUMS OR DORE Diese anes rill, who had been the chief engineer with the

came somewhat familiar with those ofwas sappers - : to be : PP _ Army of the Cumberland, appointed and miners.” In March 1862of thethe Engineer Bri- Veteran Volunteer . the colonel ist U.S.

gadeaccompaniedtheArmyofthePotomacas . "

it embarked on the Peninsula campaign dur- PSEC SCR HD Ab ule eS Olea alecet a

:5

Tennessee. The regiment suping which the newly; Chattanooga, minted engineers built coe ass ; ported the Army of the Cumberland until the

; ; : a end of the war.~”

5,000 yards of roads, three pontoon bridges, ae two log bridges, and a floating raft. McClel-

lan kept the brigade busy for the entirecam- fp, gineers during the War

paign. Between May 26 and June 27, the en- . .

gineers constructed twelve bridges across the EPeIECS repent a enone

Ghickahaminn Riven dle prieadewemained Union Army. Like the rest of the Regulars, the with the Army of the Potomac throughout Engineer Battalion was decidedly in the mi-

pee nority when compared with the Volunteers. The Engineer Brigade was one of the few or- The Army of the Potomac, with its Engineer ganizations that had Volunteer engineer reg- Brigade, had the greatest concentration of en-

iments. Although Congress authorized com- gineer troops due primarily to McClellan's manders to recognize existing Volunteer units 'itiative. As a former engineer in both milas engineers in July 1862, it did not explicitly ary and civilian life, he quickly recognized create any units, nor did it require command- the value of having a readily available, wellers to establish them. In addition to the sth trained force of engineers. and 5oth New York in the Engineer Brigade At the beginning of the war, senior comin the Army of the Potomac, there were three ™anders did not fully comprehend that the regiments and two independent companies of Weapons with longer ranges and increased fire-

Volunteer engineers in the Union Army. In power would make the battlefield a veritable addition, between June 1863 and early 1864, killing ground without significant defensive five regiments of engineers were organized fortifications. McClellan, with his engineering in the Corps d’Afrique in Louisiana and sup- background and understanding of field fortiported operations in the Department of the _ fications from his observation of the CrimeGulf. These regiments were redesignated the an War, spent time building an engineering 95th through 99th U.S. Colored Infantry in organization for the Army of the Potomac. April 1864, although they generally contin- At the same time, his high regard for fortified ued to serve as engineers until mustered out positions subjected him to widespread criti-

of the Army.*° cism for his reluctance to attack them. Else-

The Fighting Bureaus 291

where, commanders were slow in recogniz- cannon emplaced along Bull Run. Closer ining the value of engineers, if they ever did. For spection revealed a Union column moving to the first two years of the war, there were too — turn his army’s left flank. He used his signal few engineer officers to provide one to every flags to warn them: “Look out for your left. corps and army staff, eveninthe Army ofthe Your position is turned.” He then sent a similar Potomac where McClellan had made thema _ message to his commander, Brig. Gen. Pierre priority. In the western theater, the shortage Beauregard, who quickly dispatched additionwas even more severe. At Vicksburg, for ex- al troops to the threatened flank. The timely ample, Grant had only three engineer officers information proved to be an important eleand no engineer troops when he undertook ment in the outcome of the battle. Ironicalthe siege of that city. Line officers with engi- ly, the signal officer, Capt. Edward P. Alexneering backgrounds found themselves giving ander (UsMA 1857), was using wigwag signals

on-the-job training to pioneers and sappers he had learned from their inventor, Maj. Al-

detailed from Volunteer regiments.” bert J. Myer, during his earlier service in the Engineers built pontoon and trestle bridg- Regular Army. It was an ignoble beginning es, kept roads passable, constructed fortifica- for what would eventually become the U.S. tions and siege works, emplaced mines, made Army Signal Corps.” maps, and conducted reconnaissance in the field. Although there were never enough Reg- Birth of the Corps ular Army engineers to satisfy the demands of Unlike the other branches of the Regular Union commanders, they still managed to pro- = Army, the Signal Corps did not have a histo-

vide a remarkable level of support that helped ry dating back to the eighteenth century. In win the war. Unlike most of the rest of the fact, in 1861 it consisted of a single officer, MaArmy, the Corps of Engineers could not de- jor Myer, a former assistant surgeon who had vote its entire attention to fighting the war,im- developed a military signaling system based portant as that was. In addition totheir work on sign language for the deaf. Myer had rein the field, Army engineers were actively en- ceived his medical degree from the University gaged in maintaining andimprovingthena- of Buffalo, where he had also worked for the tion’s seacoast defenses, repairing seawalls, New York State Telegraph Company. Comand preserving lake harbors. According tothe bining his medical knowledge with his expechief of engineers, on June 30, 1865, thirty-one rience as a telegraph operator, he proposed a of the eighty-five officers in the Corps of Engi- system of personal communication based on neers were on “duty superintending sea-coast tapping a person’s hand or cheek. He joined defences, lake surveys, lake and sea-coast har- the Army as an assistant surgeon in 1854, and bor improvements, Military Academy, andas- while serving in Texas he developed this sign sisting the Chief Engineer in connexion with — language into a signaling system that, unlike

all these duties.”** semaphore with its two flags, used a single flag that was moved back and forth. Because

Signal Corps of this unique method of signaling, the sysEarly on the morning of July 21, 1861,asharp- tem became known as “wigwag.” eyed Confederate signal officer spotted a brass Myer’s system used flags during the day

292 The Army in the Field

and torches at night. The signalman moved appointing a major as the Army’s signal ofthe flag or torch to the left to indicate a one _ ficer. When the House approved the Army’s and to the right for a two. Each letter of the 1861 appropriations, it included an amendment alphabet had a numerical code assigned to authorizing the addition of one signal officer it, and by sending a series of numbers witha to the Army staff with the rank of major and brief pause between each sequence, messages providing $2,000 for equipment. When the could be transmitted from one signal station — bill reached the Senate, Davis objected to the to another. To speed up the process, abbrevi- amendment. While he agreed that the Army ations were used for commonly used words. | should use Myer’s system of communications, For example, / meant “immediately” and Y _ he did not want to create the office of a signal

asked “why?” officer, anticipating that it would eventualIn 1856 Myer wrote to the secretary of war, _ ly lead to establishing an entire department. Jefferson Davis, from Fort Duncan, Texas,and The Senate, however, approved the bill and offered his system to the War Department. _ the position, and President James Buchanan Although Davis rejected it because Myer did — signed it into law on June 21, 1860. Six days latnot include any details, Col. Joseph G. Tot- er, Myer was appointed a major and became ten (USMA 1805), the Army’s chief of engineers, the Army’s first signal officer.’

supported the idea. So after John B. Floyd re- Within a month, Myer was off to the Deplaced Davis as secretary of war, Totten rein- partment of New Mexico, where he was astroduced the proposal. Floyd liked the idea _ signed to duty in the field with Maj. Edward and invited Myer to Washington to appear _R.S. Canby of the 10th Infantry. Myer’s party before a board of examination in March 1859. included two 2d lieutenants, William J. L. NiThe board, headed by Lt. Col. Robert E. Lee, | codemus (usMa 1858) and Samuel T. Cushing 2d Cavalry, gave Myeralukewarm reception, (UsMA 1860), and an enlisted assistant for each but did recommend further study of the pro- _ officer. During operations against the Nava-

posed system.”! jos, Canby proposed a corps of officers who Myer began tests at Fort Monroe, Virgin- would specialize in signaling, an idea Myer ia. He was assisted by several officers, chiefof naturally embraced. whom was 2d Lt. Edward Alexander, Corps of Myer received orders to travel east in May Engineers. Myer and Alexander were able to 1861, and he reported for duty at Fort Moncommunicate at distances up to fifteen miles. roe, Virginia, in June. There he established a In late November, Myer informed the War De- temporary school to create a nucleus of perpartment that his tests had exceeded expec- sonnel trained in his signal system. Fort Montations and that if the Army adopted his sys- roe was the home of the Artillery School of

tem, he should be put in charge of it.** Practice, and soon the officers and men who In February 1860 Myer and Alexander tes- had been detailed to learn signals were using tified before the Senate Committee on Mili- them to direct artillery fire on the Confedtary Affairs, chaired by Jefferson Davis, then erate works across the Hampton Roads from a senator representing the state of Mississip- _ the fort. It proved to be an effective method, pi. Myer then met with the House Commit- and during the Civil War it was not uncomtee on Military Affairs, which recommended mon for signal officers to direct artillery fire.

The Fighting Bureaus 293

In July Myer was in Washington to meet with ic equipment, Myer wanted an appropriation Congress, and he was present at the Battle of | of $50,000. But no action was taken. In NoBull Run. He served as an aide during the bat- vember Myer submitted a report to the War tle and watched his protégé, Captain Alexan- Department summarizing signal operations der, put the system they had developedin New _ in 1861; once again he proposed a temporary

Mexico to good use.” Signal Corps for the duration of the war.°*’ He

. | also suggested adding a course on signals to the

Growing Pains curriculum at West Point. This proposal fared In the aftermath of Bull Run, McClellan ap- no better than the one in August. Congress pointed Myer as the chief signal officerofthe remained reluctant to create another body of Army of the Potomac in addition to his po- _ specialized officers in the Army, although it sition as the U.S. Army’s signal officer. Myer did appropriate money for signal equipment. established a Signal Camp of Instruction at In 1862 Major Myer accompanied the Army Red Hill, Georgetown pc, where contingents of the Potomac during the Peninsula camof officers and enlisted men detailed from reg- _ paign. In October, he asked to be relieved of iments in the Army of the Potomac received _ his duties as the chief signal officer of the Army instructions from officers Myer had trainedat of the Potomac so he could concentrate his efFort Monroe. After learning the system, thede- forts on establishing a more permanent Signal tailed officers opened smaller training camps Corps. In his annual report to the secretary of where they passed on what they had learned. war on November 10, Myer again argued fora Myer organized the personnel detailed tohim — separate corps of trained officers to properly in what he called “sets,” each of which consist- support the Army’s signal operations. Myer ed of two officers and four enlisted men. His _ believed that it would be in the best interest of

concept was for each regiment to havea set the United States to have a permanent corps that could be divided into half-sets to oper- rather than detailing officers of the line for sigate in two locations as required. As men were _ nal duty. He reported that between November trained, signal sets were dispatched to stations 1861 and November 1862, 199 officers had been along the Potomac to establisha line ofcom- detailed for “instruction as acting signal offi-

munications from Washington to Maryland. cers in the different military departments of Lt. Samuel Cushing, who had served with Myer _ the United States.” Of that number, 146 were

in New Mexico, was responsible for running _ serving in signal assignments with different the Red Hill camp while Myer turned his at- armies and departments, each of which had tention to developing a plan for establishing — different procedures for using their signal de-

a permanent Signal Corps.” tachments. Myer wanted to standardize proIn August Myer sent a proposal to the sec- cedures. He was of the opinion that each corps retary of war in which he outlined his concept headquarters in a field army should have a for organizing “a signal corps to serve during — signal officer who understood how to propthe present war,” in which all officers would _ erly deploy the available signal forces to best be “thorough telegraphist|s], practicedinthe advantage.** use of both aerial and electric signals.”*° To In 1863 Myer began a wider campaign. He equip the Army with appropriate telegraph- _ provided copies of his 1862 report to members

294 The Army in the Field

of the House and Senate Committees on Mil- Aerial Telegraph itary Affairs and the House COMBUESE On It took Myer almost two years to persuade the Ways and Means, wrote another ofauthorize an secretary of war anddraft Congress to

rganizational bill, app sional committees, solicited support from se- one ; ;

ss of ieahiona! bull, ap E ae before congres permanent personnel for the Signal Corps, but

he was more successful in getting the funds nior officers, and circulated petitions to act- BS Bick neeay oe to; Sere to _,. equip ing signal officers supportnecessary legislation for

the detailed officers and en-

one PP ; S listed men. Between June 30, 1860, and August

a. separate corps. In March Congress autho-which ;:. 1, 1861, Congress appropriated $7,000, rized the establishment of a Signal Corps for _ . :

eerebellion. included money forincludMyer’s. field tests in New the duration of the The bill

. a i Mexico, signal equipment for field use, and

eda chief signal officer with the rank of col- . . a signal train for the Army of the Potomac.

onel, a lieutenant colonel, two majors, and a, , , For the so-called aerial telegraph that transcaptain and up to eight lieutenants for each , mitted messages using flags or torches, each army corps or department. The was | off ‘od ee ; . signal officer carriedcolonel a set of signal apparatus

provided with two clerks in Washington, and 6 . PP

there were to be a sergeant and six privates for acoso PUL as Seen een ey a year to maintain. The equipment included

each officer. Officers and enlisted men had ” 16 eed | a case, a a signal kit packed in atocanvas carrying

be examined and approved by a military board S ; P . yes .

befere beme-adimiited tothe Gienal Corps. a half-gallon copper canteen with turpentine Because it was a temporary organization for to fuel torches, and a haversack with wicking, the duration of the war, Regular Army offi- matches, pliers, shears, a funnel, two flame cers appointed to the new corps would be al- shields, and a wind shade. The signal kit conlowed to return to their regiments at the end tained a variety of flags in several sizes and col-

Bei herds Ponta lees Oren ors, four-foot sections of hickory wood to asMyer was appointed colonel and chief sig- semble flagstaffs, torches for night signaling, nal officer of the Army on March 3, 1863. By 2 torch case, and a wormer for extracting the October, some 198 signal officers were serv- wick when it got stuck in the torch. In addiing with various armies and departments of "0: signal officers used telescopes for longthe Union Army. In his annual report for 1863, ange observation and field glasses for readMyer reported that things had improved for ing signals at less than four miles. The cost of the Signal Corps. He credited that to gener- the glasses, reputed to be the best available in al officers who were becoming more experi- the United States and Europe, was between enced and had a better understanding of the $14 and $30." value of the signal detachments. But the mem- Typically, officers sent and received mesbers of the Signal Corps had also become more Sages from signal stations with the assistance proficient. He wrote, “There have been few- of two enlisted men, one to operate the flag or er unauthorized interferences with signal du- _ torch and an orderly who held the horses. One ties, and parties have been able to take tothe veteran of the war remembered that it was not field with more complete appliances for the unusual to seea “signal officer and his squad rendering of their services, and with a skill of trained flag swingers” located near every

increased by practice.”*° corps headquarters.** There were two gener-

The Fighting Bureaus 295

al types of stations, communications and ob- _ signal officer discovered the enemy massing servation, but a station frequently served both upon General Sickles’ left, and reported the purposes. Signal stations could beassimpleas fact to General Sickles and to the general coma tree or hilltop, but tall buildingsand church manding.”** When Maj. Gen. Gouverneur K. steeples were used when they were available. Warren, chief engineer of the Army of the PoWooden signal towers, some as tall as1o00 feet, tomac, arrived to find Little Round Top unocwere also used to relay messages, and during cupied except for Captain Hall and his signalthe course of the war the Union Army built men, he rushed to find troops to occupy the hill some 100 of them. By November 1862 Colo- and told Hall to keep waving the flags to crenel Myer hada line of signal stationsthat ran ate the impression that the hill was occupied. from Maryland Heights, overlooking Harpers It worked. Confederate Lt. Gen. James LongFerry, Virginia, to Washington that kept the — street (UsMa 1842) later wrote that his advancPotomac River under continuous observation ing column halted on its way to begin an atand provided communications with the forc- _ tack against the Union left because there were es surrounding the capital. Stations used to — several places along the route that “exposed relay messages to and from the War Depart- _ the troops to the view of the signal station on ment were usually manned twenty-four hours Round Top.’ Although Longstreet eventuala day. In 1865, as the war approached its final _ ly told his commanders to ignore the station, phases, the permanent stations were closed. _ the resulting delay gave Warren enough time The last two, one on top of the Winder Build- _ to find the troops to reinforce Little Round ing in Washington and the other across the ‘Top. After the war Col. Edward P. Alexander, Potomac River, exchanged their last messag- who started the war as a Confederate signal

es in August 1865.*° officer at Bull Run in 1861 and was the chief Because they were on high ground or in _ ofartillery for the Army of Northern Virginprominent structures, the signal stations were ia at Gettysburg, recalled, “That wretched litoften the target of enemy fire from sharpshoot- _ tle signal station upon Round Top that day ers or artillery, especially before and duringa caused one of our divisions to lose over two battle when Union signal stations were posi- hours and probably delayed our assault neartioned to overlook and observe Confederate ly that long.”*® lines. With his telescope mounted on a tripod, the signal officer manning the station watched Flying Telegraph

for and reported enemy movements. One of In August 1861 Myer had been authorized to the most effective signal stations overlooked “purchase a small telegraphic train” that he the battle of Gettysburg. During the night of — called the “flying” telegraph.*” Myer’s conJuly 1-2, 1863, Capt. James S. Hallestablished cept for his flying telegraph was two wagons a signal station on Little Round Top. The next equipped with five to ten miles of insulated day, according to the report of Capt. Lemuel wire on reels, lightweight iron lances with inB. Norton, chief signal officer of the Army of sulators, telegraph sets, and tool kits. In the the Potomac, “The greater part oftheenemy’s field, one wagon remained at a start point forces could be seen and their movements re- while the other traveled behind the supportported. From this position, at 3.30 p.m., the ed headquarters, stringing wire behind it. It

296 The Army in the Field

was a novel idea that was completely differ- itary use as a portable telegraph. The generent from the permanently installed civilian ator produced current by means of a crank

telegraph lines.** that rotated a set of magnets, thus eliminatAfter the war, a soldier who saw the flying ing the heavy batteries. The Beardslee system telegraph in action at Fredericksburg provid- also used a dial indicator to send each letter, eda colorful description: “The wire could be which meant that the operators did not have rapidly reeled off the hose-carriage-looking to know Morse code and use a key, thus elimivehicle that carried it on to the ground, even nating the board’s concern about the requireduring a battle, and signal communication ment for skilled personnel.*' A modified train

kept up through it even while it lay on the incorporating the Beardslee innovations was ground or in the water. A corps of men with _ ready for field testing by the Army of the Powagons arranged to carry cords of their little | tomac in May 1862. In his report of the army’s

circus-tent telegraph poles would run along operations during the Peninsula campaign, after the reel, like a hook-and-ladder compa- McClellan stated that the flying telegraph was ny, and were drilled to rapidly pick up the wire useful to contact “any point within our lines and suspend it overhead, where it was not li- not reached by the military telegraph.””

able to be injured by men or horses coming The new telegraphic trains, commanded by

against it.”*” Capt. Frederick Beardslee, son of the invenMyer contracted with Henry J. Rogers to — tor, were in the field by the end of 1862. They build the first prototype of the flying telegraph. were used at Fredericksburg and ChancellorsRogers was a New York telegraphic engineer _ ville, receiving generally good reviews, which who had helped Samuel F. B. Morse buildthe enabled Myer to purchase additional equip-

first commercial telegraph line between Bal- ment. It is perhaps not surprising that Captimore and Washington in 1844. Rogers deliv- _ tain Beardslee reported that at Fredericksburg, ered the first version of the train to the George- “Everything worked remarkably well.””’ By the town signal camp in January 1862, where it was end of 1863, there were thirty trains in service

examined by a board of officers. While the inthe Union Army. After the war one observboard generally approved the model for ex- er wrote, “Every old army man will rememperimental purposes, it noted some problems _ ber the signal telegraph lines that were conthat needed to be corrected before it would be — structed, as if by magic, on the little ten-foot useful for field service. The chief concerns were poles, which were stretched along the roads

that the apparatus required skilled operators like miniature telegraph, always taking the and that the heavy galvanic electric batteries shortest cuts through the camps.” required for transmitting signals were diffi- Because the Beardslee machines had some cult to transport in the field. If these short- _ technical difficulties and a limited range, Myer comings could be overcome, the board be- decided to convert them to using Morse code. lieved the telegraph train would be a useful That meant, however, that he needed trained supplement to the permanent civilian lines.” operators. In September 1863, acting on his own The answer to the battery problem was a___ initiative with no authorization from Secremagneto-electric generator invented by George _ tary of War Stanton, Myer placed advertiseW. Beardslee of New York especially for mil- ments inthe Army and Navy Official Gazette

The Fighting Bureaus 297

asking qualified telegraphers to apply forcom- notified him that he had once again been apmissions in the Signal Corps. The action ex- pointed a colonel and would be the chief sigacerbated a long-standing disagreement be- nal officer of the Army, although he was not tween Myer and Stanton as to who should be confirmed in the position until February 1867,

in charge of telegraph systems.” and it took until August before he was finally ordered back to active duty.”

Chief Signal Officers With Myer’s departure from Washington In October 1861 Anson Stager, the general su- in November 1863, Stager assumed responsiperintendent of the Western Union Telegraph _ bility for all the Army’s electronic telegraphCompany, had been named to head the newly — ic equipment. Civilians in the usmr considcreated U.S. Military Telegraph. Myer thought ered the Beardslee machines unreliable and the usmt should be controlled by the chief sig- | made no use of them for the rest of the war. nal officer, but Stanton did not want to lose The usmt, however, did use Myer’s flying telepersonal control of that vitalcommunications graph concept to construct telegraph lines in system. When Myer placed the announcements _ the field.”

for new telegraphers, Stager recommended to In his 1864 report Nicodemus tried to reStanton that the usmt should assume respon- kindle interest in the Beardslee machines in sibility for all electronic telegraphy or that it © conjunction with the flying telegraph trains. should be abolished and replaced by the Sig- | He recommended that they be returned to the nal Corps. Stanton decided in favor of Stag- Signal Corps, pointing out that they had beer and replaced Myer with Maj. William J.L. come part of the equipment for a corps and Nicodemus, who, when he was a 2d lieuten- _ that they were “a valuable auxiliary to the sigant, had helped Myer conduct the signal ex- nal service.”””

periments in New Mexico.” Nicodemus did not last long as the chief After turning the Signal Corps over to Ni- _ signal officer. He, too, ran afoul of the secrecodemus, Myer left Washington and went to — tary of war when he reproduced copies of his Memphis, Tennessee, where he continued to 1864 annual report on a Signal Corps printing serve in the Signal Corps. In May 1864 fortune press without Stanton’s approval. The report smiled on the exiled signal officer when Maj. made mention of the fact that signal officers Gen. Edward R. S$. Canby, who had worked could read the enemy’s signals, and Stanton with Myer in New Mexico, became command- considered revealing that information a breach er of the Military Division of West Mississip- of security. The secretary sent men to seize pi and asked Myer to be his chief signal offi- the press and as many copies of the report as cer. While working for Canby, Myer learned — they could locate. Nicodemus was dismissed that his appointment as colonel had not been from the Army in November 1864. In March confirmed by the Senate, and he reverted to 1865 he was reinstated as a lieutenant colothe rank of major in July 1864. Determined to nel in the Signal Corps, but in August he rebe reinstated, Myer hired lawyers and secured turned to his Regular Army rank of captain the assistance of powerful members of Con- in the 12th Infantry. He remained in the Army gress. In October 1866 Myer’s efforts to be re- until 1870, at which time he was mustered out instated finally came to fruition when Stanton at his request.®°

298 The Army in the Field

Col. Benjamin F. Fisher replaced Nicode- _ officer. Although Myer had no experience with mus as chief signal officer of the Army on De- _ balloons, he intended to use it as an observacember 26, 1864. Fisher stayed in office until tion and signal platform. Wise had to use city July 1866, at which time his commission ex- gas in Washington to inflate the balloon, so he pired, and he returned to civilian life. Shortly was using a ground crew to tow it to the batthereafter, Myer returned to the post and re- _ tlefield. Because the crew had to maneuver the mained in office until his death in 1880, there- inflated balloon around trees and other over-

by cementing his position as the father of the head obstacles, the route was circuitous and

Signal Corps. the pace slow. Myer, anxious to get the balloon into service, ordered that it be attached

Balloons and the Signal Corps to a wagon to get it moving faster. In spite The Union Army made periodic use of bal- of Wise’s objections, Myer directed the drivloons for reconnaissance, and Signal Corps of- er to move ahead at a trot, which almost imficers sometimes went aloft to make observa- mediately caused the balloon to be caught in tions and relay their sightings to the ground nearby tree branches. Rather than try to disusing flags or an electric telegraph. The war’s _ entangle the balloon, Myer directed that it be most prominent balloonist was Thaddeus _ pulled out of the tree by force, whereupon the Sobieski C. Lowe, a civilian employed by the _ branches ripped a gaping hole in the silk, end-

Union Army in 1861 for ten dollars a day to ing any chance of aerial observation at Bull make aerial observations. By the end of the Run. Wise was out of the balloon business for year, balloon observations had becomearou- the day, while Major Myer abandoned the entine part of reconnaissance, andthe concept __terprise and spent the rest of the day simply had met with the approval of several gener-_ observing the battle as an aide and had no efal officers, including Irwin McDowell, Fitz fect on its outcome.® John Porter, and George B. McClellan, each In spite of its early successes and endorseof whom had made one or more ascentsinone ments by senior officers, the Army’s “balloon of Lowe’s balloons and praised the informa- corps” was something of an orphan. Thadde-

tion he supplied.° us Lowe had been supplying most of the balAlthough Lowe was the best-known bal- loons to the so-called corps since 1861. At varloonist, several others provided aerial recon- ious times in its brief history, it was the ward naissance for the Union Army, including James of the Topographic Engineers, the QuarterAllen, John La Mountain, and John Wise. At master Corps, the Corps of Engineers, and the beginning of the war, the Corps of Topo- _ the Signal Corps, none of which had any real graphical Engineers were responsible for devel- interest in balloons. In March 1863 the Corps oping balloons. After requesting bids from sev- of Engineers was assigned responsibility for eral balloonists, the engineers awarded Wise them, and Capt. Cyrus B. Comstock (UsMA a $300 contract to build a military balloon.” — 1855), the chief engineer of the Army of the PoWise and his balloon made their first ap- _tomac, was assigned responsibility for the balpearance at Bull Run in 1861. Arrivingin Wash- loons, including approval of all expenditures

ington, Wise found himself under the direc- and requisitions on April 7. Even though he tion of Maj. Albert Myer, the Army’s signal knew nothing about balloons, Comstock had

The Fighting Bureaus 299

a major impact on the balloon corps. Hein- Signal Corps manned hundreds of high obserstituted tighter controls over the operation of vation posts during the war and sent countthe balloons, including a policy: “No absences _ less signals by flag and torch. Ironically, even from duty without my permission willbeal- as they labored to provide line of sight comlowed, and pay will be stopped for the time of | munications, others in the same corps were absence.”*' On April 12, he notified Lowe that working to develop an electric telegraph syshe was reducing Lowe’s daily salary fromten tem that would render the flags and torches dollars a day to six, and he dismissed two of obsolete. Although the Beardslee machines Lowe’s assistants, one of whom was Lowe’s fa-__ saw only limited service during the war, they ther. Lowe informed Comstock that the terms _ were the first electric telegraph apparatus de-

for his continued employment were not ac- signed specifically for military use during acceptable, but Lowe and his balloons contin- _ tive operations.®° ued to support the Army of the Potomac dur- In October 1865 the Signal Corps consist-

ing the Battle of Chancellorsville. ed of 160 officers and enlisted men. Because Responsibility for the remaining balloons _ the corps was created for the duration of the then passed to the Signal Corps, andalthough _ rebellion, its postwar status was uncertain. Myer, the signal officer of the Army at the Most of the Regular Army officers who had time, requested men and money for their sup- _ been assigned to the corps reverted to their port, he failed to get either. With Lowe gone — permanent ranks and returned to their regiand no military champion interested in tak- ments. In his 1865 report Colonel Fisher, chief ing care of it, for all practical purposes, the — signal officer of the Army, suggested that “a balloon corps had disappeared by the sum- small permanent organization with specifimer of 1863. Ironically, the Confederate Army’s _ cally defined duties” be formed to carry on affirst signal officer, Edward P. Alexander, said _ ter the war. He believed the usefulness of the

after the war that he “never understood why — corps during the war had been crippled bethe enemy abandoned the use of balloons ear- cause its duties and responsibilities were not ly in 1863, after having used them extensive- _ clearly defined, and he wanted a board of exly up to that time. Even ifthe observers never _perienced officers to rectify that for the fusaw anything, they would have been worthall ture. In July 1866, Congress did authorize a they cost for the annoyance and delays they peacetime Signal Corps, but it ignored Fishcaused us in trying to keep our movement out — er’s recommendations and did not define its

of their sight.”* responsibilities, nor did it provide a permanent organization. The chief signal officer was

Signal Corps tn the War to be a colonel, and up to six officers and one During the course of the war, there were 297. hundred enlisted men could be detailed from acting signal officers, although some served _ the Battalion of Engineers.”

only briefly. About 2,500 enlisted men served In spite of the tepid support from Conin the Signal Corps at one time oranother.In gress in 1866, the Signal Corps had proven itmany ways they were pioneers, laying the foun- _ self. From its inauspicious introduction at Bull dation for modern military battlefield commu- Run in 1861 with a single officer present on the nications. The officers and enlisted men of the _ battlefield, the corps grew into a capable orga-

300 The Army in the Field

nization that provided both strategic and tactical communications for commanders. With

more than a million men in the Union Army fighting on multiple battlefields hundreds of miles from the War Department in Washington, the officers and men of the Signal Corps were instrumental in coordinating both the fighting elements of the Army and the massive

logistical effort that supported them.

The Fighting Bureaus 301

Blank page

Reflections on the Regular Army in the Civil War

During four years of civil war, the Regular also changed to deal with the introduction Army of the United States underwenta pro- of conscription and the employment of sigfound transformation. Its combat elements nificant numbers of colored soldiers as well more than doubled in size and accommodat- as the management of refugees. ed their organization and tactics to the new Thus no element of the Regular Army esrealities of the battlefield just then emerg- _caped the need to transform its organization ing. New weapons and equipment were intro- and procedures to deal with the new realities duced, and new functions were performed, of war. And then, just as suddenly and pronotably those related to combat engineering foundly, the Army in mid-1865 returned to a and communications. At the same time, the peacetime basis, albeit one in which nearly tasks performed by the Army’s staff depart- everything was quite different from the situments became more diverse and more com- ation that pertained before April 1861. To the plex by virtue of the need to manage the mo- __ traditional functions of protecting the nation bilization, organization, equipping, support, from external attack and the suppression of

and eventual demobilization ofan enormous internal disorder, particularly that arising Volunteer army bigger than any seen before from the increased encroachment of white on the North American continent. The meth- — settlers on the traditional lands of the Indiods by which the Army was administered and an tribes of the West, were added new funcsupplied were reorganized and improved to — tions such as the occupation and control of

deal with a force some twenty-seven times the states previously in rebellion, the need the size of the prewar Regular Army, andthe to keep close watch on our border with everstaff departments assumed new functions to tumultuous Mexico, care for former slaves accommodate the rapidly changingtechnol- and refugees as well as those soldiers disabled ogy of war. The movement of large forces by in the war, and renewed emphasis on explosea, river, and railand their support overlong ration, development, and scientific research distances became the norm rather than the _ plus the assimilation of the additional terexception. The use of the telegraph to trans- __ritory gained through the purchase of Alasmit orders and reports became common,and_ ka in 1867. Thus within barely five years, the procedures were developed for the evaluation U.S. Army experienced not one but two ma-

and testing of new weapons. The increased jor transformations, either of which might destructiveness of new weapons and tactics have befuddled a less flexible and less talforced profound changes inthe wayin which — ented organization. Nor did the pace of pomedical evacuation and treatment were car- litical, economic, social, and technological

ried out. The administrative departments change abate after 1865; rather, it continued 303

to accelerate, andthe Regular Army contin- and the rights of all citizens were upheld. Oth-

ued to adapt. er new missions fell primarily on the staff departments. Among them were the establish-

Transition to Peace ment and operation of the Bureau of Refugees, General hostilities between the Union and _Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, the care of Confederate armies ceased with the surren- _ veterans, the settlement of wartime claims, and der of the Confederate forces under Gen. Rob- the compilation of official records of the war. ert E. Lee in the eastern theater on April 9, 1865, | Some of the missions would soon be completGen. Joseph E. Johnston in the western the- — ed, but others would linger on.

ater on April 26, 1865, and Gen. Kirby Smith In view of the expanded missions assigned in the trans-Mississippi West on June 2, 1865, to the post—Civil War Army, Congress recogalthough it was not until August 20, 1866, that nized the need for a Regular Army substantialPresident Andrew Johnson declared that peace _ ly larger than that which had existed in April had been reestablished throughout the United 1861. Accordingly, in the Army Organization States. At the beginning of April 1865, the U.S. Act of July 28, 1866, Congress authorized an Army was one of the largest and most pow- _ increase to 54,851 officers and men and preerful military forces in the world, but it was — scribed new organizations for both the staff

quickly demobilized as the nation sought to departments and the line regiments. The reput the Civil War behind it and get on with — sulting structure is shown in figure 3. the settlement of the West and other pursuits. In a little more than five years, the Army Almost immediately after Lee’s surrender, or- had undergone two dramatic and far-reachders were issued to begin the process of reduc- ing transformations. During the first one, it ing expenditures, disposing of excess public had grown rapidly from a small static force of property, mustering out the enormous Volun- _ less than 17,000 men in widely scattered garteer force, and returning the administrative — risons with limited capabilities and missions and supply bureaus as well as the line units to a highly mobile field army of over a milof the Regular Army to their prewar status. lion men. During the Civil War, large formaThose efforts proceeded smoothly and rap- tions engaged in complex active operations on idly. By June 30, 1866, more than one million a continental scale involving the interaction Volunteers had been released from service, of the various arms and intricate support arand the Regular Army regiments, rebuilt by rangements by the administrative and supa flood of new recruits, returned to their old — ply departments. After the war, the second mission of protecting settlers andimmigrants transformation saw it reduced from an army on the western frontiers from the depreda- of more thana million soldiers to a constabtions of the various Indian tribes. The Regu- —_ ulary force of less than 55,000 men stationed lars also took up several new missions, such once again in small numbers across the South

as keeping a close eye on events in Mexico and the western frontier. Although there were where the French were struggling to prop up_—s many slips along the way, the Regular Army

the emperor Maximilian and occupying the emerged asa seasoned, competent force prestates formerly in rebellion and ensuring that pared to carry out its assigned missions effecthe laws were obeyed, order was maintained, _ tively and efficiently.

304 Reflections

Fig. 3. Organization of the U.S. War Department, August 1, 1866 President and Commander in Chief

Secretary of War

Staff Lieutenant General Assistant Secretary

Departments Commanding of War Adjutant General Inspector General

. * mS ig aris ney -

Judge Advocate Chief of Staff Includes Be sonn el assigned

Quartermaster ihe eee ** Scouts andSe others.

— of the Army to the various staff depart-

¥..

Subsistence

Ordnance Regular Army . ed “e 54,581 officers and

Medical z a

eee enlisted men* Signal

Bisel mens Biseal 45 Infantry Regiments 5 Artillery Regiments 10 Cavalry Regiments Other Field Elements**

Source: Army Register for 1866 (“Organization of the Regular Army of the United States, under the Act Approved July 28, 1866”), 150c. See also Kreidberg and Henry, History of Military Mobilization, 95 (table 7), and 133 (chart 5). Neither the cadets of the U.S. Military Academy nor the 1,000 Indian scouts authorized by the Act of July 28, 1866, are included in the 54,581 officers and men authorized.

Reflections 305

“The Efficient Discharge of Duty” that respect, the Regular Army played a maOne of the most frequently forgotten verities )°" role in me =e eens of war is the enormous effort that must be ex- The ence Civil ar — the first "mod-

* 6 . ° ° re 2 tf tf =

pended on the administrative and logistical ern’ W ann ne sense that it involved ne gen

;the a4 eral mobilization by the state of substantial resupport of fighting troops. Since the mid; ; sources of men, and nineteenth century, victory money, has been not so jmateriel and the deployment ofnumber those resources toof conduct a much a .function of the and valor . eset . . variety ofithighly mobile operations in widethe combat forces as has been a function ahaa spread theaters of operations using weapons of of theFe state’s ability to marshal the resources soneitssubstantial Although needed to mae sustain armies inpower. the field. The ;the es tactical and . . strategic lessons of the Civil War were victory of the Union Army over the Confedie gener-

. ally aignored European military experts, the erate forces was prime by example. By all acae a ; ot innovations in administration and logistical

counts, the leadership, tactical proficiency, ; support that transformed the Union Army atand bravery of the Confederates were often . tracted considerable attention. The challenges superior to that of the Union troopsfaced facing, ;: by its staff departments were many and

them. Nevertheless, the Union Army . . varied. Many were dealtwas with far successfully; othbetter supported and thus infused with the . . ae ers were not. Nevertheless, it should be rememstamina necessary to t and win a pro. ee y 8 P bered that it was the Regular Army staff deCheer are . partments that managed what has been called

The North had obvious advantages over theand«the- greatest ; ee the most rapid mobilization

South both effort agricultural industrial propistes re | . . inwar in and American history.

duction, but it was the staff departments of The performance of the staff departments the Union Army that organized the employ- _ },, frequently been called into question. Dement of those superior resources and ensured tractors cite the advanced age and calcified their effective appearance on the battlefield. mentality of the leaders; the confusion, waste, And the staff departments of the Union Army — f;aud, and abuse in contra cting for supplies were led by Regular Army officers who occu- and services early in the war; the failure to pied most of the key positions at higher levels adopt the latest weapons and medical techand thus were responsible for the key decisions. nology; and the inability of the officers of the The Regular officers and enlisted personnel of staff departments to “get along” with the comthe Union Army also provided the instruction — manders of forces in the field. Such criticisms

and guidance required to bring the enormous are generally unfounded. Many arose at the Volunteer augmentation up to speed on crit- time from politicians, contractors, middleical administrative and logistical procedures men, and speculators who felt they had not and methods. Although the Regular Army received their share of the bounty being discombat forces were soon lost to view among _ tributed by the Federal government. Other the large contingents of state Volunteers and complaints came from field commanders, genmilitia, the support of the entire Army, Reg- _ erally Volunteers, who did not understand the ulars and Volunteers, remained firmly inthe Army’s administrative and logistical procehands of seasoned Regular officers. And in dures and were frustrated in their attempts

306 Reflections

to obtain supplies and services without going attitudes of the time, such a charge is manithrough the proper channels. Theirencoun- _ festly unjust. Contingency planning was an ters with dedicated staff department officers unknown art in the years before the Civil War, zealously trying to follow the existing regu- and the existing laws and government poli-

lations were often unsatisfactory. cies effectively prohibited any action on the While it is true that in April 1861 many of _ part of the staff departments that might be the Army’s staff department chiefs were aged construed as preparing for a conflict among and infirm men with many years of service, the states. Thus the preparation of war plans, the blanket condemnation of them as senile, | mobilization plans, and industrial production decrepit, opposed to any innovation, andun- plans was unknown, and the stockpiling of able to cope with the demands of a large, fast- | weapons or supplies, the repositioning of exmoving war are, with only a few exceptions, isting materiel, or measures to provide addisimply not true. The older and more infirm _ tional security for existing depots and camps leaders quickly disappeared, through death or were prohibited. retirement, and they were replaced by younger, It cannot be denied that great confusion more aggressive, and more progressive men, arose at the beginning of the war regarding the most of whom were eager to face the challeng- | manufacture and purchase of arms, clothing, es of a new kind of warfare. However, these camp equipment, horses and mules, and othwere men of experience and judgment, and er commodities. The Army expanded so rapsome actions they felt were not prudentinthe idly that existing stocks were soon exhausted

midst of active warfare. and the capacity of manufacturers was outA case in point was the reluctance of the — stripped. The rush to arm, equip, and field the successive chiefs of ordnance to introduce new Volunteer forces thus produced a situation in breech-loading and repeating riflesonalarge which the existing regulations and standards scale despite the outcry by inventors, politi- were set aside in favor of quick delivery, and

cians, soldiers, and the public. The fact that costs and procurement regulations were igsuch weapons were untried on the battlefield, nored in order to meet immediate demands. the difficulties and time associated with re- Such irregularities were tolerated, indeed oftooling the factories and bringing production _ ten initiated, by the highest military and ciup to necessary levels, and issues surround- vilian authorities, and the staff department ing the maintenance and supply support of _ chiefs were able to regain control over the pro-

new weapons in the field all argued against curement process only with great difficulty the general adoption of new weapons dur- and considerable time. ing wartime. Nevertheless, the chiefs of ord- Finally, the complaint that the officers of nance have been roundly criticized ever since __ the staff departments were insufficiently acby those who have not understood the situa- | commodating to the commanders of the field

tion in its entirety. forces is yet another canard perpetuated by The staff departments of the Union Army _ those field officers, mostly Volunteers, who have often been criticized for failing to pre- ran afoul of officers who were carrying out pare adequately for a war that almost every- their instructions with zeal and fidelity. Deone expected to occur. Given the laws and mands for supplies and services beyond what

Reflections 307

was authorized in the Army regulations were ular Army artillery regiments, only four did generally unfulfilled, and staff department not serve with the armies in the field; they officers who insisted that the regulations be manned the coastal fortifications in San Franfollowed were generally viewed unfavorably — cisco. More than half of the Regular artillery by those seeking preference or extraordinary served with the Army of the Potomac, where support. To have discarded the regulations Regular batteries anchored the Volunteer batand capitulated to every whim of every Vol- _ teries and pioneered modern field artillery tacunteer commander would have quickly meant _ tics. Regulars also provided almost all of the the collapse of the administrative and logis- horse artillery that supported the Army of the tical system of the Union Army and its con- Potomac’s Cavalry Corps.

sequent defeat. The ist, 2d, 5th, and 6th Cavalry were part The key role played by the staff departments of the Reserve Brigade of the Cavalry Corps was acknowledged by Secretary of War Edwin of the Army of the Potomac, where Maj. Gen. M. Stanton in his annual report for 1865. He George B. McClellan concentrated “the reguwrote: “By the heads of the respective bureaus lar regiments and some picked regiments of of the War Department and their staffs the volunteer cavalry.”’ In 1862 a battalion of the Government has been served witha zealand 5th Cavalry lost all but one of its officers durfidelity not surpassed by their brethreninthe inga dramatic charge against Confederate infield. To them the honors and distinction of | fantry and artillery at Gaines’ Mill. The 6th an admiring public have not been opened, but _ participated in fifty-seven engagements from in their respective vocations they have toiled Williamsburg to Appomattox. The 3d Cavalwith a devotion, ability, and success for which ry spent the entire war in the western theater,

they are entitled to national gratitude.”” as did most of the 4th, which proved a mainstay of the Army of the Cumberland, although

"The Performance of Gallant Deeds” for a time two of its companies were the headDuring the first year of the war, a good deal quarters escort for the Army of the Potomac. of the Regular Army's time and energy went The largest concentration of Regular intoward concentrating its far-flung forcesand _fantry regiments was in the Army of the Poorganizing eleven new regiments. Atthe same tomac, where the 2d, 3d, 4th, 6th, 7th, 10th, time, the Regular leadership in the field was 1th, 12th, 14th, and 17th Infantry all saw acin turmoil. Some Regular officers resigned to tion with Sykes’s Regular Infantry Division, join the Confederate Army or accepted com- — which had its origins in the infantry reserve missions to lead the many state Volunteer reg- that McClellan organized when he assumed iments that were forming. Some were simply command. The 8th Infantry spent the war as too old for the rigors of war. Nevertheless, the Army of the Potomac’s provost guard. The the Regulars succeeded in meeting all of the 13th, 15th, 16th, 18th, and 19th Infantry fought challenges of the war in 1861 and then went _ in the western theater of operations, where the on to make significant contributions to the _ latter four regiments formed the Regular Bri-

Union victory. gade of the West. Two Regular Army infanRegulars served in every theater of oper- _ try regiments served on the western frontier; ations. Of the sixty batteries in the five Reg- _ the 5th Infantry spent the war in the South-

308 Reflections

west and the 9th Infantry remained on the — ican War and service on the western frontier.

Pacific coast. According to historian T. Harry Williams, “Of By 1865, the Regular regiments were worn _ the sixty biggest battles, West Point graduates

thin. Of the 448 companies of artillery, cav- commanded both armies in fifty-five, and in alry, and infantry authorized , 153 companies, the remaining five a West Pointer commandmostly in the infantry regiments, had not been — ed one of the opposing armies.”

organized. Virtually none of the 295 existing One thing that did not change was the atticompanies were close to full strength, anda __ tude of the people and their elected represennumber of the field artillery batteries had been _ tatives in Congress toward the Regular Army. consolidated in order to have enough cannon- As Margaret Leech wrote: eers to properly service the guns. But by July There was little sympathy with West Point at the

1866, a year after the end of the war, ay of Capitol. From its foundation, the republic had the shortages had been made up largely as a looked with aversion on the standing armies result of men from disbanded Volunteer units Of paid mercenaries Which supported thedeswho wanted to remain in the Army joining potic governments of the Old World. The volthe Regular ranks. Congress, in the meantime, unteers were the embodiment of an article of had reached the conclusion that the nation the American faith. In the varied uniforms on needed a more capable Regular Army. It in- Pennsylvania Avenue, the politicians had seen creased the number of infantry regiments to marching the tradition of the stockade, Lexingforty-five and added four cavalry regiments. ton, the prairie wagon.°

The result was a postwar Regular Army of an a i | Indeed, faith in the militia tradition remained nearly 55,000 officers and men, twice thethe numithofne strong, and outcome the war was atber authorized when the war ended. The inaa . ae . tributed more often to the virtues of a Volcreases marked one of onlyunteer twoarmy times that the than to the leadership and staff Regular Army got substantially larger, rather Regs work of the Regulars. The distinguished Amerthan smaller, after a war, the ican other being af-Russell 1 aR ete put military historian ter World War II. In both cases the Regular mo : Weigley came f

ess it this way:

Army was given significantly greater respon-

had before the war. fought the Civil War were volunteers and draftAt the highest levels of comma nd, Regu- ed men, volunteers mostly, with only da handlar officers serving on both sides rose to the ful from the regular army. Not even the greatchallenge of maneuvering large formations of est national trial by fire could impel Congress troops and waging battles that dwarfed any- to forsake the national antimilitarist tradition. thing the U.S. Army had seen up that time. In In 1861 the authorized strength of the regulars what is perhaps unique in the annals of mili- increased to 34,000, but the regular army nevtary history, the senior commanders in both er attained even this limit during the conflict. the Union and Confederate armies were all ed- The regular army continued to be small. When ucated at the Same institution, the LES. Mili- the War ended and the volunteer forces melted

tary Academy at West Point, and they shared away, it was upon the small regular army that the same prewar experience during the Mex- the defense of the nation, the occupation of the

Reflections 309

conquered South, and the patrolling of the vast re for the wartime Army. Keeping the Regu-

western frontier again devolved.° lar Army intact deprived the Volunteer army The value of Regulars and the doubtful value of leaders and instructors during the crucial of militia had been amply proven in the War months of the initial mobilization.” of 1812. Accordingly, in 1820 Secretary of War It may seem obvious that the Union would John C. Calhoun promoted the idea ofan “ex- have been better SERVER DY SEES ne the

“ ee oa ; oe Regular Army and distributing its officers and

pansible army, a small peacetime Regular es- sitet :

tablishment to be filled out by volunteers in ar casas pease ‘ Pr ie rae time of crisis. Nevertheless, in the Mexican VCLUDIE ESitOOtgan eae ee ae that vid iments. However, is not so clear how

War the small Regular Army had been kept . . might have been accomplished. The states intact while a large volunteer force which was raised : ._ raised their regiments, the. Federal

to fight war. Thethen sameused thingashappened in Goverh ps site .the overnment necessary.

the Civil War and in the Spanish-American Cie inner Y ,to nors appointed who 6then turned War.of, :1898. Only with the colonels reforms oftheear_ , PP ; friends to raise a company with the promly twentieth century did Calhoun’s concept of — . ee hu ise of becoming its captain. Recruiting was

using the small peacetime Regular Army to eho done at the local level with prominent men cadre and instruct a large mobilization come ae becoming company officers for theII,men they to fruition: in. raised. World War I, World War . _ : up This induced young men to sign Korea, and Vietnam. Since the 1960s, a third

because they could serve together under ofmode has prevailed: the U.S. Army has gone to | ” aa saa candied ficers they knew and respected. Once raised, withthe theregiment peacetime Regular Army strucesareae was mustered into Federal ser-

ture augmented by ine Beers and pa vice and became part of the Union Army. In Guard forces already in existence. For thein- the first call for troops in 1861, the response

eae in Grenada and Panama, theGulf od. Qverwhelmin g. Governor William DenWar of 1990-91, and the subsequent conflicts nison of Ohio wrote to the secretary of war in Iraq and Afghanistan there has been nei- asking for an increase in the quota assigned ther the mobilization ofa great volunteerarmy Hig state: “Without seri ously repressing the nor the creation ofa large nationalarmycad- a, dgor of the people, I can hardly stop short

red by Regulars. of twenty regiments. My belief has been that In the Civil War, Army leaders chose to they would all be needed.”*

keep the Regular Army intact and rely on It is doubtful that the young men of Ohio a newly created Volunteer army to bear the — would have expressed as much ardor had they brunt of the fight. That decision has gener- been asked to sign up for a regiment led by 2a ally been considered to have been unwise. In Regular officer whom they did not know. The

their classic study of military mobilization recruiting challenges would certainly have Marvin A. Kreidberg and Merton G. Henry _ increased. State-appointed colonels were genlisted as one of the important lessons of the — erally men who could call upon local leadCivil War: “7. The officers and enlisted men _ ers for assistance in their recruiting effort. A of the Regular Army by virtue of theirexpe- Regular officer, likely unknown at the local rience and training must be used as the cad- level, would not have that advantage. Regu-

310 Reflections

lar officers were not particularly successful commanded them. With the prevailing attiat recruiting. First Lt. Franklin D. Howell — tude of a short war, the Volunteers were not recalled trying to sign up men for the 17th going to be particularly receptive to the RegInfantry next to a recruiting office for Vol- ular Army’s high standards of discipline and unteers. He managed to get only two men _ training. After the battle, however, as it befor every hundred who opted for the Vol- came apparent that the war was going to last unteers.” When the Regulars did meet with for a while, interest in learning the basics of some success, they often received local assis- fighting and surviving on the battlefield picked tance. In Wisconsin, ist Lt. Samuel Newber- up on the part of officers and enlisted men in ry procured the help of James Jackson, alo- the Volunteer regiments. After Bull Run, Mccal recruit, to help him raise more thantwo Clellan dispatched teams of Regulars to teach hundred men for the regiment.’ The Reg- _ the Volunteers the basics of soldiering, and by ular regiment with the most successful re- 1862 they were up to the challenge.

cruiting record was the 18th Infantry, the only The Regular regiments provided a yardone whose colonel was not a Regular Army _ stick by which the Volunteers could measure officer before the war. Henry B. Carrington — themselves in camp and on the battlefield. Al-

was the adjutant general of Ohio before be- though there was friction, as Bell Irvin Wiley ing appointed colonel of the 18th Infantry, expressed it, “The volunteers’ hostility toward which was headquartered at Columbus. With — the professionals was blended with admirahis considerable local influence, the 18th In- _ tion. “We're as good as the regulars, or, as some fantry was the only regiment that organized _ putit, “better, was deemed one of the highest

all twenty-four of its authorized companies _ tributes that the volunteers could pay them-

during the war. selves.” One Massachusetts Volunteer wrote, Once the regiments were raised, there was “Oh, Father, how splendidly the regulars drill. no guarantee that Regular officers would have _ It is perfectly sickening and disgusting to get

done any better at handling themearlyinthe back here and see our regiment and officers war than the Volunteer officers. Certainly, not maneuver, after seeing those West Pointers all of the Regular officers who were appoint- and those veterans of eighteen years’ service ed to general officer rank were successful. It go through guard mounting. I am only glad took President Lincoln two years and sever- I saw for now! know! am a better soldier afal generals before he found Ulysses S. Grant _ ter seeing them perform.”"' Of course, not all to lead the Union Army to victory. Many of Volunteers actually saw the Regulars at drill the less able Regular officers, who might have _ or in battle, but enough of them did to estabbeen appointed to command regiments, fell lish that the Regulars set the standard for the

by the wayside. Union Army.

In the opening months of the war, regi- Keeping the Regular Army intact proved ments were forming faster than the Union _ fortuitous. When the fighting ended, the VolArmy could absorb them. As fast as regiments unteers were understandably anxious to get were raised and sent to Washington, therewas back home. But the Federal government faced not much time to prepare them for the fight- two formidable tasks that required military ing at Bull Run in July 1861, no matter who force: occupying the South and protecting set-

Reflections 31

tlers in the West. Because the Regular regi- during Chickamauga in September 1863. The ments did not have to be reorganized, they Regular Infantry Division with the Army of were available for both missions. And as Vol- the Potomac demonstrated discipline under unteer regiments disbanded, men who de- fire at Gaines’ Mill in June 1862, at the Seccided they liked army life signed up for the ond Battle of Bull Run in August 1862, and at Regulars, bringing a much-needed influx of | Gettysburg in July 1863. experienced soldiers. Once bolstered with re- By the end of 1863 most of the Regular inplacements, the Regular regiments were quick- _fantry regiments had been severely depleted ly dispatched to the South and the West while in manpower. Most spent the rest of the war

the Volunteers headed home. in relatively quiet sectors, refitting and preparing for their return to the western fron-

An Epitaph for the Regular Army tier and occupation duties in the South, alAs Leonard L. Lerwill wrote, “The conclu- though a few, in reduced form, served with sion is inescapable that except for furnishing the Army of the Potomac during the last cammany of the general officers who eventually _ paigns of the war. won the war, the Regular Army, as such, had The mounted forces at Bull Run in July very little influence on the outcome of the 1861 were all Regulars. After that battle it bestruggle.”'* Nothing could be further from came apparent that the Union Army needed the truth. The Regulars did not win the Civil a capable cavalry force to counter the highly War alone, but without them, all might have _ proficient Confederate horsemen. As with the been lost. They provided the core of field com- infantry regiments, Volunteers provided the manders at various levels, including those who _ bulk of the cavalry during the war. The Regugained great fame for their effectiveness as _ lar regiments were concentrated in the Army commanders, and the few Regular combat _ of the Potomac, where they formed the Reserve units provided set the standard for discipline, _ Brigade of the Cavalry Corps. Like their infanendurance, and bravery. Early in the war, the — try counterparts, the strength of the cavalry Regulars had a significant impact on the bat- regiments steadily declined as the war took its tlefields of Bull Run, Wilson’s Creek, and Val- _ toll of casualties, but they too fought on and

verde. While none of those battles could be were present at Appomattox before they reconsidered Union victories, had the Regu- turned to duties on the western frontier, even lars not been there, the Confederates might as the Volunteers were headed home. have been in Washington in July 1861, con- While the first challenge of the war for the trolled Missouri in August 1861, and occu- Regular Army infantry and mounted regipied New Mexico in February 1862. As the ments was to consolidate their far-flung comwar moved into its second year, the Regular panies, the artillery had to transform itself Army infantry regiments, old and new, con- from companies manning fixed coastal fortitinued to set the example under fire whenev- _ fications and serving as infantry and mounter they were called upon. In the western the- ed units and become field artillery batteries ater of the war, the Regular Infantry Brigade that could support the large maneuver forcplayed key roles in the battle of Shilohin April — es. This they did in remarkably short order. 1862, at Stones River in December 1862, and Inthe Army of the Potomac, the artillery was

312 Reflections

organized with a Regular battery and two to No army ever had such a well-deserved acfour Volunteer batteries supporting each divi- _ colade. Small and generally forgotten amidst sion. This arrangement allowed the Regulars an enormous host of Volunteers and militiato train the Volunteers under fire. Virtually men, the Regulars efficiently discharged their all of the horse artillery consisted of Regular duties and performed many gallant deeds. batteries that carried on the tradition of the famous flying batteries in the Mexican War. Throughout the Civil War, cavalrymen praised the fire support they received from the horse artillery batteries. Few in number when compared with the Volunteers in the Union Army, the Regulars nonetheless responded in good order whenever they were called upon to cover a withdrawal, hold a critical flank, or set the standard for discipline and courage on the hottest battlefield. Moreover, the administrative and logistical support structure of the entire Union Army was designed and operated at the highest echelons by Regular Army officers of the

staff departments, and it was that structure which made possible the mobilization, fielding, and support of an army of more than a million men.

A fitting epitaph for the Regular Army in the Civil War was provided by President William Howard Taft early in the twentieth century at the dedication of amonument at West Point to those Regular officers who fell during the Civil War. Taft’s encomium deserves to be quoted at length. He said: “All

honor to the Regular Army of the United States! Never in its history has it hada stain

upon its escutcheon. With no one to blow its trumpets, with no local feeling or pride to bring forth its merits, quietly and as befits a force organized to maintain civil institutions and subject always to the civil control, it has gone on doing the duty which it was its to do, accepting without a murmur

Reflections 313 the dangers of war.”

Blank page

Appendix Selected Acts of Congress Pertaining to the Regular Army

Date Passed Title “An Act...” Source/Reference Before 1861

April 24, For organizing the general staff and Thian, Legislative

1816 making further provisions for the History, 110 Army of the United States (General Staff Act of April 24, 1816) (3 Stat 297)

March 2, To reduce and fix the military peace Thian, Legislative

1821 establishment of the United States History, 110 (3 Stat 615)

April 5, Providing for the organization of the Tschappat, “Early

1832 Ordnance Department (4 Stat 504) History,’ 44

July 5, To increase the present military Ingersoll, History of the 1838 establishment of the United States, War Department, 261-62 and for other purposes (5 Stat 259)

March 2, Concerning the Pay Department of the Carey, “The Pay 1849 Army (Pay Department Act of March 2, Department,’ 109-10 1849)

August 16, Providing for a necessary increase Thian, Legislative

1856 and better organization of the History, 414 Medical and Hospital Department of the Army (11 Stat 51)

June 21, Making appropriations for the support Thian, Legislative

1860 of the Army for the year ending June History, 414 30, 1861 (Army Appropriations Act of June 21, 1860) (12 Stat 64) 1861

July 22, To authorize the employment of wpco 49, Aug. 3,

1861 volunteers to aid in enforcing the 1861; or IIL, laws and protecting public property 1:380-83 (12 Stat 268-69)

July 27, Making additional appropriations for U.S. Statutes at Large 186] the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial Expenses of the Government for the year ending June 30, 1862, and appropriation of arrearages for the year ending June 30, 186] (12 Stat 276-78)

315

July 29, To increase the present military wpGo 48, July 21 1861 establishment of the United States [should be 31], 1861; (Army Organization Act of July 29, or III,

1861) (12 Stat 279-81) 1:373-74

August 3, Providing for the better organization WDGo 54, Aug.

186] of the military establishment (Army 10, 1861; oR

Organization Act of August 3, 1861) ITI, 1:396—400 (12 Stat 287-91)

August 6, To promote the efficiency of the wbGo 54, Aug. 1861 Engineer and Topographical Engineer 10, 1861; OR Corps, and for other purposes ITI, 1:401 (Engineer Efficiency Act of August 6, 1861) (12 Stat 317)

August 6, To authorize an increase in the Corps wpco 54, Aug.

1861 of Engineers and Topographical 10, 1861; oR

Engineers (Engineer Personnel Act of ITI, 1:420-3 August 6, 1861) (12 Stat 318)

August 6, To increase the pay of the privates wnpao 54, Aug.

1861 in the Regular Army and the 10, 1861; oR volunteers in the service of the III, 1:402—3 United States, and for other purposes (Pay Act of August 6, 1862 (12 Stat 326)

December To provide for allotment certificates wbcGo 111, Dec. 24, 1861 among the volunteer forces (Allotment 30, 1861; OR

Act of December 24, 1861) ILI, 1:764 December Relative to courts-martial in the wpco 111, Dec. 24, 1861 Army (Courts-Martial Act of December 30, 1861; oR

24, 1861) II1,1:764

1862

January 27, Authorizing an increase of the U.S. Statutes at Large 1862 clerical force in the War and Navy Departments (12 Stat 333)

January 31, To authorize the President of the wpco 10, Feb. 4,

1862 United States in certain cases to 1862; or III, take possession of railroad and 1:879 telegraph lines, and for other purposes (Railroad Act of January 31, 1862)

April 16, To reorganize and increase the wpGo 43, Apr. 1862 efficiency of the Medical Department 19, 1862; oR of the Army (Medical Efficiency Act T2223 of April 16, 1862) (12 Stat 378)

May 20, 1862 To authorize the appointment of WDGO 55, May 24,

316 Appendix medical storekeepers and chaplains of 1862; or III,

hospitals (12 Stat 403) 2:67

June 2, 1862 To prevent and punish fraud on the wbDGO 58, June 4,

part of officers entrusted with 1862; or ILI, making contracts for the government 2:106—107

July 2, 1862 To provide for additional medical wDGo 79, July officers of the volunteer service {12 15, 1862; oR

Stat 502) Il, 2:224—25 July 5, 1862 Making appropriations for the support wbGo 77, July of the army for the year ending June 11, 1862; oR

30, 1863, and additional III, 2:214-17

appropriations for the year ending June 30, 1862, and for other purposes (Army Appropriations Act of July 5, 1862) (12 Stat 505)

July 11, For the establishment of certain Thian, Legislative 1862 national arsenals (National Arsenal History, 59] Act of July 11, 1862) (12 Stat 537)

1862 29, 1862; OR

July 14, To grant pensions wpco 91, July ITI, 2:270-73

July 16, Transferring the Western gunboat wbco 80, July

1862 fleet from the War to the Navy 16, 1862; oR

Department 26227

July 16, To prevent members of Congress and wpaco 91, July

1862 officers of the Government of the 29, 1862; OR United States from taking ILI, 2:273 consideration for procuring contracts, office, or place, from the United States, and for other purposes

July 17, To suppress insurrection, to punish wpao 81], July

1862 treason and rebellion, to seize and 29, 1862; OR

confiscate the property of rebels, UI, 2:275-76 and for other purposes (12 Stat 592)

July 17, To define the pay and emoluments of wpeo 91, July

1862 certain officers of the Army, and for 29, 1862; OR

other purposes (Pay Act of July 17, III, 2:277-90 1862) (12 Stat 594-96)

July 17, To amend the Act calling for the wbco 91, July 1862 militia to execute the laws of the 29, 1862; oR Union, suppress insurrections, and ITI, 2:280-82; repel invastions, approved February reannounced in 28, 1795, and the Acts amendatory wbGo 152, Oct.

thereof, and for other purposes 6, 1862; or III, (Militia Act of July 17, 1862 EA ejoi | (12 Stat 597-600)

Appendix 317

July 17, To suspend temporarily the operation wboo 91, July

1862 of an act entitled “An Act to prevent 29, 1862; oR and punish fraud on the part of III, 2:283 officers intrusted with making contracts for the Government,” approved June 2, 1862

December To facilitate the discharge of wDGoO 3, Jan. 3,

27, 1862 disabled soldiers from the Army and 1863; or ILI, the inspection of convalescent camps SMe, and hospitals (12 Stat 633) 1863

January 7, To improve the organization of the WDGO 7, Jan. 7,

1863 Cavalry forces 1863; or III, 3:4

February 9, Making appropriations for the support wpco 40, Feb.

1863 of the Army for the year ending June 11, 1863; oR 30, 1864, and for a deficiency for ILI, 3:39—42 the signal service for the year ending June 30, 1863 (Army Appropriation Act of February 9, 1863)

February 9, To promote the efficiency of the wpao 40, Feb. 1863 Commissary Department (Commissary 11, 1863; oR

Efficiency Act) (12 Stat 648) III, 3:43 February Making appropriations for the wbco 73, March

25, 1863 Legislative, Executive, and Judicial 24, 1863; oR expenses of the Government for the IIT, 3:85—-86 year ending June 30, 1864, and for the year 1863, and for other purposes (Appropriations Act of February 25, 1863, for 1863)

February Making appropriations for the wpco 73, March 25, 1863 Legislative, Executive, and Judicial 24, 1863; OR expenses of the Government for the III, 3:85-86 year ending June 30, 1864, and for the year 1863, and for other purposes (Appropriations Act of February 25, 1863, for 1864)

March 2, To prevent and punish frauds upon the wpGo 73, March

1863 Government of the United States 24, 1863; OR III, 3:86-88

March 3, For enrolling and calling out the wpoGo 73, March

1863 national forces, and for other 24, 1863; OR purposes (Enrollment [Draft] Act of [II, 3:88—-93 March 3, 1863) (12 Stat 731-37)

318 Appendix

March 3, To promote the efficiency of the wbcGo 73, March

1863 Corps of Engineers and of the 24, 1863; OR Ordnance Department, and for other ITI, 3:93-94 purposes (Engineer and Ordnance Efficiency Act of March 3, 1863)

March 3, Making appropriations for sundry wpGo 73, March 1863 civil expenses of the Government for 24, 1863; OR the year ending June 30, 1864, and ITI, 3:94—95 for the year ending June 30, 1863, and for other purposes (Appropriations Act of March 3, 1863) (12 Stat 744)

March 3, To amend an act entitled “An Act to wpcGo 73, March

1863 authorize the employment of 24, 1863; OR volunteers to aid in enforcing the III, 3:98

laws and protecting public property,” approved July 22, 1861 1864

February 24, To amend an act entitled “An Act for WbDGoO 75, Feb.

1864 enrolling and calling out the 25, 1864; OR

national forces, and for other III, 4:128—33 purposes,’ approved March 3, 1863 (Enrollment Act of February 24, 1864) (13 Stat 6-11)

March 11, To establish a uniform system of wbco 106, March

1864 ambulances in the armies of the 16, 1864; oR United States (13 Stat 20) III, 4:185-87

April 21, To amend an act for enrolling and wpaGo 176, Apr.

1864 calling out the national forces so as 22, 1864; oR to increase the rank, pay, and IIT, 4:242 emoluments of the provost marshal general (13 Stat 54)

June 11, Relating to members of Congress, WDGO 212, June

1864 heads of departments, and other 15, 1864; oR officers of the Government Ill, 4:432

June 20, To increase the pay of soldiers in WDGO 216, June 1864 the U.S. Army, and for other purposes 22, 1864; or LIL, (Pay Act of June 20, 1864) (13 Stat 144-45) 4:448—49

July 4, 1864 Further to regulate and provide for wnGo 224, July the enrolling and calling out the 6, 1864; or III,

national forces, and for other 4:472-74

purposes (Enrollment Act of July 4, 1864) (13 Stat 379-81)

1864 organization of the Quartermaster’s 18, 1864; or

Department (QMp Organization III, 4:508-11

Appendix 319 Act of July 4, 1864) (13 Stat 394)

1865

February To increase the efficiency of the WDGO 29, Feb. 25, 1865 Medical Corps of the Army (Medical 28, 1865; OR Corps Act of February 25, 1865) (13 ILI, 4:1204 Stat 437)

March 3, To amend the several acts heretofore wbGo 31, March

1865 passed to provide for the enrolling 8, 1865; or III, and calling out of the national forces, 4:1223-26 and for other purposes (Enrollment Act of March 3, 1865) (13 Stat 487-91)

March 3, For the better organization of the wbDco 31, March

1865 Subsistence Department (sp 8, 1865; or III, Organization Act) (13 Stat 513) 4:1227

March 3, A resolution to encourage enlistments wpco 33, March

1865 and promote the efficiency of the 11, 1865; oR

military forces of the United States III, 4:1228 March 3, Making appropriations for the support wpaGo 45, March

1865 of the Army for the year ending June 21, 1865; oR

30, 1866 (Army Appropriations Act of III, 4:1244—-46 March 3, 1865) (13 Stat 495)

March 3, To establish a bureau for the relief wbco 91, May 12, 1865 of freedmen and refugees (Freedmen’s 1865; or III, Bureau Act of March 3, 1865) (13 Stat 507) 5:19-20 1866

July 28, To increase and fix the military See WDGO 56, 1866 peace establishment of the United Aug. 1, 1866; Thian, States (Army Organization Act of July Legislative History,

28, 1866) (14 Stat 332) 76-77

ane Appendix

Notes

The Regular Army on the Eve of the Civil War Status Quo during the Civil War,” Defense Manage1. Howard Meneely, The War Department, 1861: A ™evtJ ournal 12, no. 3 (July 1976): 26.

Study in Mobilization and Administration (New York: 9. James B. Fry, Final Report Made to the SecreColumbia University Press, 1928), 14. The Jeffersonian tary of War by the Provost Marshal General, March distaste for standing armies was offset to some de- 17 1866, 101. gree by the enthusiasm of Alexander Hamilton and 10. George T. Ness Jr., The Regular Arnty on the Eve the Federalists for a substantial professional army. of the Civil War (Baltimore: Toomey Press, 1990), 2.

The debate between the two views has been a cen- u. For the age and time in service at promotion tral theme of American military history. For the de- Of colonels before the Civil War, see Ness, Regular velopment of the issue before the Civil War, see Wil- AT, 9, 21, 37-38, and 42. liam B. Skelton, An American Profession of Arms: The 12. The position of judge advocate general of the Army Officer Corps, 1784-1861 (Lawrence: University | Army was authorized by the Act of March 2, 1849, but

Press of Kansas, 1992); Richard H. Kohn, Eagle and military justice bureau was not created until July Sword: The Federalists and the Creation of the Mili- 17, 1862. The position of signal officer of the army was tary Establishment in America, 1783-1802 (New York; authorized on June 21, 1860, but a signal department

Free Press, 1975); and Lawrence D. Cress, Citizens in With a corps of assigned officers and enlisted men Arms: The Army and the Militia in American Society Was not formed until 1863. to the War of 1812 (Chapel Hill: University of North 13. Fry, Final Report, 101.

Carolina Press, 1982). 14. Marvin A. Kreidberg and Merton G. Henry, 2. Emory Upton, The Military Policy of the Unit- History of Military Mobilization in the United States ed States (Washington: Government Printing Of- Army, 1775-1945 (Washington: Department of the

fice, 1904). Army, June 1955), 88.

3. Russell F. Weigley, History of the United States 15. See U.S. War Department, Office of the Adju-

Army (New York: Macmillan, 1967), 140-43. tant General, “Statement Showing the Distribution 4. Lurton D. Ingersoll, A History of the War De- of the U.S. Army on the ist Day of January, 1861, with partment of the United States with Biographical Sketch-__ the Changes between That date and the 15th of April,

es of the Secretaries (Washington: Francis B. Mohun, 1861” (or III, 1:23—26).

1879), 325. 16. Army Register for 1865, 116-17. 5. Fred A. Shannon, The Organization and Admin- 17. Brigadier General Twiggs was dismissed

istration of the Union Army, 1861-1865, 2 vols. (Cleve- from the Army per War Department General Or-

land: Arthur H. Clark, 1928), 1:27. ders (wpGo) no. 5, March 1, 1861 (or I, 1:597), “for his 6. Annual Report of the Adjutant General (ARAG) _ treachery to the flag of his country, in having sur(Cooper) 1860, November 20, 1860, in Annual Report rendered, on the 18th February, 1861, on the demand of the Secretary of War (arsw) (Floyd) 1860, Decem- _ of the authorities of Texas, the military posts and

ber 3, 1860, 2:189, 208-13. other property of the United States in his Depart7. ARSW (Cameron) 1861, December 1, 1861, The War ment and under his charge.” He subsequently acof the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records — cepted a commission as major general in the Con-

of the Union and Confederate Armies (or III, 1:701). federate States Army. 8. James A. Huston, “Challenging the Logistics 18. Kreidberg and Henry, Military Mobilization, 89. 321

19. Rufus Fairchild Zogbaum, “The Regulars in the 9. Hattaway and Jones, How the North Won, 695. Civil War,” North American Review 167 (July 1898): 26. 10. T. Harry Williams, Lincoln and His Generals (New York: Knopf, 1952), 8. Lincoln and Stanton did

1. Headquarters of the Army set up an Army Board, headed by retired Maj. Gen. 1. The principal sources for the history of the head- — Ethan Allen Hitchcock, to coordinate military policy

quarters of the U.S. Army in the Civil Wararethean- and provide military advice, but the Board achieved nual and special reports of the secretary of warandthe little in the way of coordinated strategic planning. general in chief of the Army. Also of particular interest | See Herman Hattaway and Archer Jones, “The War and value are Ingersoll, War Department; Shannon, — Board: The Basis of the United States First General Organization and Administration; Meneely, The War _ Staff,” Military Affairs 46, no. 1 (February 1982): 1-5.

Department, 1861; Raphael P. Thian, Legislative History u. The powers and responsibilities of the secreof the General Staff of the Army of the United States (Its tary of war were prescribed by Title 10, United States Organization, Duties, Pay, and Allowances), 1775 to 1901 Code, Subtitle B, pt. 1. See William Gardner Bell, Sec-

(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1901);and _retaries of War and Secretaries of the Army: Portraits Theophilus F. Rodenbough and William L. Haskin, — and Biographical Sketches (Washington: U.S. Army eds., The Army of the United States: Historical Sketch-. Center of Military History, 1982), 17n1.

es of Staff and Line with Portraits of the Generals-in- 12. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 27, and

Chief (New York: Maynard, Merrill, 1896). Stewart Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civil War (New 2. For the text of the Constitution, see Borgna York: Facts on File, 1988), 220. Brunner, ed., The TIME Almanac, 1999 (Boston: In- 13. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 37. The os-

formation Please, 1998), 62-72. tensible cause of his resignation was President Bu3. Thomas Harry Williams, Americans at War: The — chanan’s refusal to order the withdrawal of U.S. troops Development of the American Military System (Baton — from Fort Sumter.

Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1960), 57-58. 14. Annual Report of the Secretary of War (Arsw) The reference is to Karl von Clausewitz, On War,ed. — (Floyd) 1860, December 3, 1860, 3-12.

and transl. Michael Howard and Peter Paret (Princ- 15. Letter, President James Buchanan to Joseph eton: Princeton University Press, 1976), 608. Jefferson Holt, Washington, December 31, 1860 (or III, 1:21).

Davis (UsMA 1832) had greater military experience, 16. For details of the life and career of Joseph Holt having commanded troops in the Mexican Warand (1807-94), see Bell, Secretaries, 68—69, and Roger Bate-

served as secretary of war in the administration of | man, “The Contribution of Joseph Holt to the Polit-

Franklin Pierce (1853-57). ical Life of the United States,” PhD diss., Fordham 4. Herman Hattaway and Archer Jones, How the — University, 1958. North Won: A Military History of the Civil War (Ur- 17. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 54—55.

bana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), 9. 18. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 29, 33, and 5. Williams, Americans at War, 60—61. sy and Kreidberg and Henry, Military Mobilization, 83. 6. Erasmus D. Keyes, Fifty Years’ Observation of 19. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 105. Men and Events, Civiland Military (New York: Charles 20. For details of the life and career of Simon Cam-

Scribner’s Sons, 1884), 438. eron (1799-1889), see Bell, Secretaries, 70-71, and Er7. Hattaway and Jones, How the North Won, 56. win Stanley Bradley, Simon Cameron, Lincoln’s Sec8. Patricia L. Faust, ed., Historical Times Ilustrat- retary of War: A Political Biography (Philadelphia: ed Encyclopedia of the Civil War (New York: Harper — University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966).

and Row, 1986), 63. Jefferson Davis, on the other hand, 21. Ingersoll, War Department, 328.

soon found superior field commanders but never- 22. Quoted in Ingersoll, War Department, 526. theless frequently countermanded their orders and 23. For details of the life and career of Edwin Mcimposed his own views. For abriefexcursusonLin- Masters Stanton (1814-69), see Bell, Secretaries, 72— coln’s lack of interference, see Hattaway and Jones, 73; George C. Gorham, Life and Public Services of Ed-

How the North Won, 371-7220. win M. Stanton (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1899);

322 Notes to pages 13-21

Frank A. Flower, Edwin McMasters Stanton, The Au- 37. Christopher P. Wolcott (d. 1863) of Akron on, tocrat of Rebellion, Emancipation, and Reconstruction was a graduate of Kenyon College who married Stan(Akron: Saalfield, 1905; reprint, New York: Ams Press, __ ton’s sister, Pamphyla, and studied law in Stanton’s 1973); Benjamin P. Thomas and Harold M. Hyman, _ law office. See Wyman W. Parker, “Edwin M. StanStanton: The Life and Times of Lincoln’s Secretary of | ton at Kenyon,” Ohio History 60 (July 1951): 233-56. War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962); and Fletcher 38. Ingersoll, War Department, 345. Pratt, Stanton: Lincoln’s Secretary of War (New York: 39. See Charles A. Dana, Recollections of the Civil

W. W. Norton, 1963). War: With the Leaders at Washington and 1n the Field 24. Ingersoll, War Department, 330. in the Sixties (New York: D. Appleton, 1902); James 25. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 372-73. H. Wilson, The Life of Charles A. Dana (New York:

26. Ingersoll, War Department, 533-34. Harper Brothers, 1907); and Harry J. Maihafer, The 27. Louis Garesché, Biography of Lieut. Col. Julius — General and the Journalists: Ulysses S. Grant, Horace P. Garesché, Assistant Adjutant-General, U.S. Army, — Greeley, and Charles Dana (New York: Brassey's, 1998).

by His Son (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1887), 389. 40. Letter, Edwin M. Stanton to Charles A. Dana,

28. Ingersoll, War Department, 347-48. Washington, March 12, 1863 (or III, 3:63). 29. William G. Le Duc, Recollections of a Civil War 41. “Charles A. Dana (1819—1897),” in Mr. Lincoln’s

Quartermaster: The Autobiography of William G. Le | White House, at www.mrlincolnswhitehouse.org.

Duc (St. Paul Mn: North Central, 1963), 67. 42. William Gardner Bell, Commanding Generals 30. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 278-79 — and Chiefs of Staff, 1775-1983: Portraits and Biographi-

and 372-73. cal Sketches of the United States Army’s Senior Officers, 31. Ingersoll, War Department, 376-77.In Decem- __ rev. ed. (Washington: U.S. Army Center of Military ber 1869, President Grant named Stanton to the Su- —_ History, 1999), vil. From 1821 to 1855, the Army’s se-

preme Court, and he was confirmed by the Senate _ nior officer bore the title of commanding general of but died in Washington on December 24, 1869, be- — the Army, and from 1855 to 186s, that title was gener-

fore being sworn in. alin chief. The use of both titles was common, and 32. Army Organization Act of August 3, 1861, sec. _ they are used indiscriminately herein.

1 (or III, 1:396), and Meneely, The War Department, 43. Lt. Gen. John M. Schofield, Forty-six Years in

1861, 375. the Army (New York: Century, 1897; reprint, Glouces33. See Samuel R. Kamm, The Civil War Career of _ tershire: Dodo Press, 2007), 333.

Thomas A. Scott (Wheaton tr: Privately printed, 1940). 44. Daniel R. Beaver, Modernizing the American 34. L. P. Brockett, Men of Our Day; or, Biograph- =War Department: Change and Continutty in a Turical Sketches of Patriots, Orators, Statesmen, Gener- — bulent Era, 1885-1920 (Kent on: Kent State Universials, Reformers, Financiers, and Merchants, Now on _ ty Press, 2006), 3-4. the State of Action: Including Those Who in Military, 45. Beaver, Modernizing the American War DePolitical, Business, and Social Life, Are the Prominent — partment, 12.

Leaders of the Time in This Country (Philadelphia: 46. See Bell, Commanding Generals, 74-75; Allan

Ziegler and McCurdy, 1872). Peskin, Winfield Scott and the Profession of Arms (Kent 35. Ingersoll, War Department, 345. After the war, | oH: Kent State University Press, 2003); Timothy D. Watson became the president of the Erie Railroad. Johnson, Winfield Scott: The Quest for Military Glory He was a business associate of John D. Rockefeller (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1998); John S. and was involved with the Standard Oil Company. __D. Eisenhower, Agent of Destiny: The Life and Times 36. Letter, Simon Cameron to Heads of Staff De- of General Winfield Scott (New York: Free Press, 1997); partments, Washington, May 8, 1861 (or III, 1:175).See and Winfield Scott, Memoirs of Lieut.-General Scott, also Erna Risch, Quartermaster Support ofthe Army: | LL.D., 2 vols. (New York: Sheldon, 1864). A History of the Corps, 1775-1939 (Washington: Quar- 47. Margaret Leech, Reveille in Washington, 1860termaster Historian’s Office, Office of the Quarter- 1865 (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1941), 1, 2.

master General, 1962), 368. 48. Bell, Commanding Generals, 13.

Notes to pages 21-26 323

49. The Eastern and Western Divisions were geo- ‘Kelton as adjutant, supplemented by officers from graphically determined administrative entities, not the various staff departments, notably Acting Ad-

bodies of troops in the field. jutant General Edward D. Townsend, Quartermas50. For details of the life and career of Erasmus ter General Montgomery C. Meigs, and John G. BarDarwin Keyes (1810-95), see his memoir, Fifty Years’ nard of the Corps of Engineers. Observation. George Washington Cullum (1809-92) 58. Executive Order of President Abraham Linis perhaps best known as the author of the Biograph- — coln, Washington, March 10, 1864 (or III, 4:160-—61), ical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the U.S. and wpcGo no. 98, March 12, 1864 (or III, 4:172). HalMilitary Academy at West Point, New York, Since Its — leck was also reassigned to duty as the chief of staff

Establishment in 1802 (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, | of the Army under the secretary of war and the lieu-

1891, and other editions). tenant general commanding per wpGo no. 98. 51. Scott’s retirement was announced in wpGo no. 59. See Jean Edward Smith, Grant (New York: Si94, November 1, 1861. The old general lived longenough monand Schuster, 2001); William S. McFeely, Grant:

to see the final triumph of the Union Army before he A Biography (New York: W. W. Norton, 1981), and

died at West Point on May 29, 1866. Grant’s own Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant, 2 vols. 52. AaRsw (Cameron) 1861, December 1, 1861 (or — (New York: Charles L. Webster, 1885—86), reprinted

III, 1:707). in Ulysses S. Grant— Memoirs and Selected Letters: 53. See Thomas J. Rowland, George B. McClellan — Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant [and] Selected Letand Civil War History: In the Shadow of Grant and __ ters, 1839-1865, ed. Mary Drake McFeely and William Sherman (Kent on: Kent State University Press, 1998); S. McFeely (New York: Library of America, 1990). Stephen W. Sears, George B. McClellan: The Young Na- 60. Williams, Americans at War, 79.

poleon (New York: Ticknor and Fields, 1988); Warren 61. For a brief synopsis and evaluation of the forW. Hassler Jr., General George B. McClellan: Shield mulation and execution of Union strategy in the Civof the Union (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univer- il War, see Hattaway and Jones, How the North Won, sity Press, 1957); Hamilton J. Eckenrode and Bryan — chapter 20.

Conrad, George B. McClellan: The Man Who Saved 62. On the formulation and execution of stratethe Union (Chapel Hill: University of North Caro- — gy in the Civil War, see Hattaway and Jones, How the lina Press, 1941); and George B. McClellan, McClel- = North Won; Williams, Americans at War; and Ruslan’s Own Story: The War for the Union, the Soldiers _ sell F. Weigley, The American Way of War: A HistoWho Fought It, the Civilians Who Directed It, and _ ry of United States Military Strategy and Policy (New His Relations to It and to Them (New York: Charles | York: Macmillan, 1973).

L. Webster, 1887). 63. Letter, Bvt. Lt. Gen. Winfield Scott to Presi54. WDGO no. 94, November 1, 1861 (oR I, 5:639). dent James Buchanan, October 29, 1860, quoted in

55. Eisenhower, Agent of Destiny, 395. Eisenhower, Agent of Destiny, 346. 56. See Bell, Commanding Generals, 78-79; John F. 64. Eisenhower, Agent of Destiny, 357. Marszalek, Commander of All Lincoln’s Armies: A Life 65. Eisenhower, Agent of Destiny, 386. The famous of General Henry W. Halleck (Cambridge: Belknap “Anaconda Plan” has been described often and in great Press of Harvard University Press, 2004); John Y.Si- —_ detail by almost every writer who has addressed the mon, Grant and Halleck: Contrasts in Command (Mil- _ strategy of the Civil War. Eisenhower (Agent of Deswaukee: Marquette University Press, 1996); and Ste- _ tiny, 385-86) provides a succinct précis of the intent

phen E. Ambrose, Halleck: Lincoln’s Chief of Staff and features of the plan. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1962). 66. Letter, Bvt. Lt. Gen. Winfield Scott to Maj. Gen. 57. Hattaway and Jones, How the North Won, 55, 283, | George B. McClellan, May 3, 1861 (or I, 51, pt. 1:369—-70).

286—88; Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civil War, 276. 67. Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army, 422.

As general in chief, Halleck had a staff of twenty- 68. Antoine-Henri Jomini, Traité de grande tacthree officers and enlisted men, including Brig.Gen. _—_ tique, ou, Relation de la guerre de sept ans, extraite de

George W. Cullum as chief of staffand Col. John C. Tempelhof, commentée at comparée aux principales

324 Notes to pages 26-32

opérations de la derniére guerre; avec un recueil des — eral’s Office, Circular No. 28, Washington, July 25, maximes les plus important de l'art militaire, justi- 1864 (or III, 4:543).

fiées par ces différents évenéments (Paris: Giguet et 80. U.S. War Department, Provost Marshal GenMichaud, 1805), and Antoine-HenriJomini, Précisde — eral’s Office, Circular No. 63, Washington, August 4, l’Art dela Guerre: Des Principales Combinaisons dela 1863 (or III, 3:621).

Stratégie, dela Grande Tactique et de la Politique Mil- 81. Shannon, Organization and Administration, itaire (Brussels: Meline, Cans & Cie., 1838). The Pré- 2121. cis was translated into English in 1854 by Maj. O. F. 82. In the 1850s Clara Barton anda few other womWinship and Lt. E. E. McLean (The Art of War [New — enhad served as clerks in the Patent Office, but womYork: G, P. Putnam, 1854]), but the longer Traitéwas — en were not officially employed by the U.S. governnot translated until 1865 by Col. Samuel B. Holabird ment until the Civil War. See Mary Elizabeth Massey, (Treatise on Grand Military Operations; or, A Critical Bonnet Brigades (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966), 9. and Military History of the Wars of Frederick the Great 83. Risch, Quartermaster Support of the Army, 337.

as Contrasted with the Modern System, 2 vols. [New 84. On War Department working hours, see MeYork: D. van Nostrand, 1865]|). For the impact of Jo- neely, The War Department, 1861, 26, 11, and 371.

mini on American military thought, see Hattaway 85. On United States defense expenditures, 1815— and Jones, How the North Won, 21—-24n9. 65, see Charles Reginald Shrader, ed., Reference Guide 69. Hattaway and Jones, How the North Won,12— to United States Military History, 1815-1865 (New York:

13. Professor Mahan stressed the use of field forti- Facts on File, 1993), 4. fications and the primacy of the defense. Jomini’s 86. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 22. War DeLrealise was used as a lexl at West Point from 1832, al- — partment expenditures in Fy 1860 amounted lo some

though it was not translated into English until 1854. $16,409,767. See Armed Forces Information School, The

70. Williams, Americans at War, 66—67. Army Almanac (Washington: Government Printing 71. Hattaway and Jones, How the North Won, 284— Office, 1950), 692. Huston (“Challenging the Logis-

85, 288. tics Status Quo,” 33) noted that between Fy 1861 and 72. Williams, Americans at War, 79, 81. FY 1865 the Army budget increased 45-fold vs. 10-fold 73. Huston, “Challenging the Logistics Status during the War of 1812, 26-fold during World War I,

Quo,” 26. and 17-fold during World War II. For the amounts 74. Of the ninety-three civiliansemployed bythe appropriated for the Army by budget category in a War Department in Washington in 1860, fifty-sixhad single year, see, for example, the Army Appropriabeen appointed from the District of Columbia, twelve — tion Act of February 9, 1863 (or III, 3:39—42).

from Virginia, one from Mississippi, nine from bor- 87. During the same period, the expenditures of der states that remained in the Union, eleven from — the Navy Department rose from nearly $12.4 milnorthern states, and four from the Army. See Me- __ lion in Fy 1861 to over $122.6 million in Fy 1865, and

neely, The War Department, 1861, 26n2. total Navy expenditures during the Civil War were 75. Leech, Reveille in Washington, 4. nearly $327 million. See Armed Forces Information 76. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 106, 203. School, The Army Almanac, 183.

77. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 2013. 88. “Statistical Summary, America’s Major Wars I, 78. For example, Union Army Maj. Gen. Ethan Al- __ II. Financial Cost” (at http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/other/

len Hitchcock served as commissary general of pris- _ stats/ warcost.htm). The figures omit pension costs

oners, and in his office there were only seventy-five and the cost of damage to the national infrastrucclerks to maintain the records and accounts forover ture. Confederate figures are estimated. 100,000 Confederate prisoners of war. See Ethan Al- 89. Quoted in Flower, Edwin McMasters Stanton, len Hitchcock, Fifty Years in Camp and Field: Diary 369-70. of Major-General Ethan Allen Hitchcock, ed. William go. Ingersoll, War Department, 344. A. Croffut (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1909), 472. 91. Ingersoll, War Department, 346—47.

79. U.S. War Department, Provost Marshal Gen- 92. Williams, Americans at War, 4-5, 47. For the

Notes to pages 32-37 325

American Civil War as a “total war,” see Mark E. United States on the ist of March, 1865) (or III, 5:137). Neely, “Was the Civil War a Total War?” Civil War 19. U.S. Department of Defense, Office of the SecHistory 50, no. 4 (December 2004): 434-58; Daniel retary of Defense, Statistical Services Center, “PrinE. Sutherland, The Emergence of Total War (Abilene — cipal Wars in Which the U.S. Participated: U.S. MiliTx: McWhiney Foundation Press, 1998); and Lance __ tary Personnel Serving and Casualties” (Washington,

Jorda, “Shutting the Gates of Mercy: The American rev. November 7, 1957). Origins of Total War, 1860-1880,” Journal of Military 20. Thomas L. Livermore, Numbers and Losses in

History 59, no. 1 (January 1995): 7-26. the Civil War in America, 1861-65 (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1900), 50 (Table Showing Number of Men in

2. Regular Army Personnel, 1861-1865 Union Army, Their Actual Term of Service, and the 1. McClellan, McClellan’s Own Story, 97. Equivalent Number of Men Serving Three Years). 2, Eisenhower, Agent of Destiny, 383. 21. Kreidberg and Henry, Military Mobilization, 97. 3, Army Organization Act of July 29, 1861, sec. 8 22. E. B. Long, with Barbara Long, eds., The Civ-

(en MiareaA): il ae Day by Day: An Almanac, 1861-1865 (Garden 4. Grant, Personal Memoirs, in Ulysses S. Grant, me eae POnbiecsy. 1971), 707-708.

ed. McFeely and McFeely, 1:187—88. Se a A ge el a Rehoneld foram Voanian eATiHids 24. ARAG (Cooper) 1860, November 28, 1860, in ARSW

JA (Floyd) 1860, December 3, 1860,235. 231. si 6. Upton, Military Policy, 7. Shannon, Organization and Administration, : g ci ea linia Pe eee en ene =

. up is outlined in arac (Townsend for Thomas) 1864,

ies October 31, 1864 (or III, 4:807). 8. Report, Simon Cameron to President Abraham ; :

26. Lerwill, Personnel Replacement System, 80.

Lincotn, July 1, 1861 (or IT, se 04). 27. WDGO no. 245, July 28, 1863 (oR TTI, 3:582—83). OPE Teenie pre aman, May aon (edt The regimental commanders continued to control

1:145--46). the regimental recruit depots. Cooke was assigned 10. WDGO NO. 16, May 4, 1861 (or IIT, 31°154—57). as the superintendent of the GRS with headquaru. Army Organization Act of July 29, 1861, sec. 1 ters in New York City by woco no. 186, May 24, 1864

(or IIT, 1:373-74). (or III, 4:402).

12, WDGO NO. 55, August 10, 1861, sec. IT (or IIT, 1:403). 28. Report, Cameron to Lincoln, July 1, 1861 (oR

13. Fry, Final Report, 101 (table 1: Strength of the yy], -304),

United States Army, January 1, 1861). 29. Army Organization Act of July 29, 1861, sec. 5 14. Phisterer concluded that the Regular Army (gp III, 1:374). See also wpco no. 56, August 12, 1861 was able to maintain an average effective strength of (op ITI, 1:406), and the Army Organization Act of Au710 per 1,000 men vs. only 646 per 1,000 for Volunteer gust 3, 1861, sec. 9 (oR III, 1:398).

units and 796 per 1,000 for colored units. Frederick 30. Army Organization Act of August 3, 1861, sec. Phisterer, Statistical Record of the Armies of the Unit- 3 (or ITI, 1:401).

ed States (New York: Scribner's, 1883), 63. 31. ARsw (Cameron) 1861, December 1, 1861, 10 (OR 15. Leonard L. Lerwill, The Personnel Replacement III, 1:704). General Grant held a similar view (Ulysses System in the United States Army (Washington: De- __ S, Grant, ed. McFeely and McFeely, 188). The three of-

partment of the Army, August 1954), 77. ficers on the 1861 board that studied the expansion of 16. John C, White, “A Review of the Services ofthe the Regular Army suggested that the Volunteer reg-

Regular Army during the Civil War, Pt.1,” Journal iments be incorporated into the Regular Army and of the Military Service Institution of the United States | numbered accordingly, but Secretary of the Treasury [hereafter ymsrus] 45 (September/October 1909): 216. | Chase squelched that idea and insisted that the Vol17. ARSw (Cameron) 1861, December 1, 1861 (oR II], | unteer regiments be identified by state.

1:699). 32. Letter, Brig. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas to Simon 18. ARAG (Townsend for Thomas) 1865, October Cameron, Washington, December 27, 1861 (or III, 20, 1865 (Statement C: Exhibit of the Forces of the —_1:761-62).

326 Notes to pages 39-46

33. WDGO no. 154, October 9, 1862 (or LII, 2:654). 47. Pay Act of August 6, 1861 (or III, vol. 1:402—403).

34. Enrollment (Draft) Act of March 3, 1863, sec. 48. Enrollment (Draft) Act of March 3, 1863, sec.

36 (or III, 3:93). 37 (or III, 3:88—93), and Pay Act of June 20, 1864 (oR 35. Shannon, Organization and Administration, III, 4:448—49). 2:62; WDGO no. 190, June 25, 1863 (or III, 3:414); and 49. Act of July 22, 1861, sec. 12 (or ITI, 1:380—83).

WDGO no. 66, February 20, 1864 (or III, 4:123). 50. Skelton, An American Profession of Arms, xiii. 36. ARAG (Townsend for Thomas) 1864, October 31, In perhaps the best account of the development of 1864 (Statement A) (or III, 4:812), and Lerwill, Per- — the antebellum officer corps, Skelton argues convinc-

sonnel Replacement System, 82. ingly for development of a professional officer corps 37. ARAG (Townsend for Thomas) 1865, October — in the United States Army before the Civil War, with

20, 1865 (Statement A) (or III, 5:133). West Point a principal agent of that development. 38. Lerwill, Personnel Replacement System, 82-84. 51. Skelton, An American Profession of Arms, 353. 39. Long, Civil War Day by Day, 707. Although — Skelton (351) states that “Regulars’ journals and pribased on statistical data on Volunteers, Long’s de- __ vate letters indicate few signs of strong sectional alignmographic profile of the Union Army applies equal- — ments within the officer corps. Instead, they reveal

ly to the Regulars. networks of friends and colleagues, sometimes cen40. ARAG (Townsend for Thomas) 1865, October tering on West Point classes or common branches

20, 1865 (oR IIT, 5:130). of the service but usually crossing sectional lines.” 41. DeAnne Blanton, “Women Soldiers of the Civ- While personal friendships frequently trumped secil War,” Prologue 25, no. 1 (Spring 1993): 27-34. Massey __ tional loyalties, officers from both the North and the

(Bonnet Brigades, 79) estimated the number of women — South held strong views on slavery, states’ rights, and

soldiers in the Union Army at around 400. See Ani- _ other issues dividing the country, and they expressed ta Silvey, ll Pass for Your Comrade: Women Soldiers — those views in public as well as private venues. See, in the Civil War (New York: Clarion Books, 2008); for example, Keyes, Fifty Years’ Observation. Richard H. Hall, Women on the Civil War Battlefront 52. Fry, Final Report, 6-7. However, Heitman actu(Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2006); Bon- _ ally lists only 286 officers who left the Regular Army nie Tsui, She Went to the Field: Women Soldiers in — after November 1, 1860, and subsequently joined the the Civil War (Guilford cr: TwoDot, 2006); DeAnne — csa. The discrepancy may be accounted for by the Blanton and Lauren M. Cook, They Fought Like De- fact that Heitman does not account for those who remons: Women Soldiers in the American Civil War (Ba- signed before November 1, 1860. Francis B. Heitman, ton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2002); Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States and Elizabeth D. Leonard, All the Daring of the Sol- — Army, from Its Organization, September 29, 1789, to dier: Women in the Civil War Armies (New York: W.— March 2, 1903 (Washington: Government Printing

W. Norton, 1999). Office, 1903), 2:180—84. 42. John C. White observed, “The Germans were 53. Heitman, Historical Register, 2:180-84, and the best all-around soldiers; the Irish were so pug- Long, Civil War Day by Day, 709. Warner puts the nacious that they often fought among themselves.” number of Regular officers who resigned in 1861 to White, “A Review... , Pt.1,” yusius 45 (September/ “go South” at 239, 26 of whom (about 11 percent) were

October 1909): 216. originally appointed from a Northern state. Ezra J. 43. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 106,and Warner, Generals in Gray: Lives of the Confederate

Long, Civil War Day by Day, 709. Commanders (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univer44. Long, Civil War Day by Day, 707. sity Press, 2006), xxii. White states that 127 officers 45. Pay Act of July 17, 1862, sec. 21 (or III, 2:277-80).. commissioned directly from civil life from South-

46. The amount retained per month wasincreased ern states “went South.” See White, “A Review..., to $2 by sec. 10 of the Army Organization ActofAu- Pt. 1,” ymsrus 45 (September/October 1909): 218. See gust 3, 1861 (or III, 1:398), but see arsw (Cameron) also Skelton, An American Profession of Arms, 356, ta-

1861, December 1, 1861 (or III, 1:705). bles 18.1 and 18.2. Skelton states (355) that between the

Notes to pages 46-49 327

election of 1860 and the summer of 1861, 269 Regular 67. Kreidberg and Henry, Military Mobilization, us.

officers (24.7 percent of the total officer corps) left 68. Richard Bruce Winders, Mr. Polk’s Army: The

to join the Confederacy. American Experience in the Mexican War (College Sta54. Ness, Regular Army, 251. tion: Texas A&M University Press, 1997), 54 and 65. 55. Warner, Generals in Gray, xxiii-xxiv. At least 69. Kreidberg and Henry, Military Mobilization, one Regular officer, Capt. Francis C. Armstrong of 15. Between May 6, 1861, and June 23, 1865, the Milithe 2d Dragoons, a native of Arkansas, fought for the tary Academy graduated 227 cadets. See Cullum, BiUnion at First Manassas and then resignedin August 987 aphical Register, 28-35. 1861 to become a brigadier general in Nathan Bed- 70. Kreidberg and Henry, Military Mobilization, 16

ford Forrest’s Confederate cavalry. 71. By not integrating the graduates who remained 56. Kreidberg and Henry, Military Mobilization, 80. with their regiments into Volunteer units, Emory Up-

57. Warner, Generals in Gray, xxiii. ton (Military Policy, 236-37) estimated that the na58. Warner, Generals in Gray, xxiii. The number tion squandered some 2,000 years of military eduof Northerners to Southerners in various categories cation and training. was as follows: Mounted Arms, 72 to 104; Artillery, 72. Ness, Regular Army, 4. 142 to 67; Infantry, 200 TO 139; Staff Departments, 141 /3- Army Organization Act of August 3, 1861, sec.

to 85; and Field Grade Line Officers, 76 to 30. 8 (or III, 1:398). 59. Erasmus Darwin Keyes (1810-95) was born in 74. White, "A Review... , Pt. 1," JMsius 45 (Sep-

Brimfield, Massachusetts, and was graduated from Peet Coben 902) -

2:792), and Report of Capt. and ao of Vols. George 236, and Kamm, Civil War Career of Thomas A. Scott

D. Wise (Chief qm, Gun-Boat Flotilla), St. Louis, Sep-.M 106>aa Department, 237 te War lar De, “TH1EF, 1861, 861, 238-42.

tember 14, 1863 (or III, 5:476—78). iE OSNEe ahaa aie? eh cae

. ; 108. Letter, Thomas A. Scott (Gen. Mer., USMRR

102. Charles; Ellet Jr. (1810-62) appointed col- ee Sil i ic a 1s ) | to Maj. Ebenezer was oibley (acting QMG), Washington,

onel and aanc on April 1862. commanded jul (or III ) 8 QMG) 8 :28, uly 12,onHe 1861 (OR III,the 2:837). steam rams in action ;and died June 21, 1862, of a 37.

- 109. ARQMG (Meigs) 1862, November 18, 1862 (OR wounds received on June 6 in an engagement off Mem- pees ITI, 2:794—95). The committee’s report and the rephis, Tennessee. See AaRQMG (Meigs) 1862, November , ; sulting tariff are reproduced in enclosures nos. 10

_ and u (or ILI, 2:838—41). ‘od no. of January 31,River 1862Army (oR III, 1:879). sive. SeeRailroad Lewis B.Act Parsons, Rail and Trans;;

18, 1862 (oR III, 2:793).

103. The literature on Civil War railroads is exten- ,

‘on in the War (St.War Louis,(St. 1809): G " Although President Lincoln took possession orlation in Civil the Louis, 1899); George B. 8formally ae Bere oe Foe ae =Civil o€°* of all railroads in the United States on May 25, 1862,

Turner, Victory Rodefederal the Rails: The Strategic Place ofitsa control ae hip “the government rarely exercised

the Railroads in the Civil War (Indianapolis: Bobbs, ; : } areas ; of the South option except in the conquered

Vd lar: Q > / PVYAOF Jartnr . .

Merrill, 1953); and John E. Clark Jr., Railroads in the AritimeceL ee

Civil War: The Impact of Management on Victory 11. AROMG (Thomas for Meigs) 1863, December 4, and Defeat (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univer- 1863 (or III, 3:1125).

sity Press, 2001). 112. ARQMG (Meigs) 1865, November 8, 1865 (or III, 104. Both the USMRR and the USMRRC were i1m- 5230-31).

portant semiautonomous organizations reporting 113. The history of the U.S. Military Telegraph to the quartermaster general, but very few Regu- (usMT) is covered in the annual reports of the chief, lar Army personnel were involved in their opera- —_ ygrr, for Fy 1863—FY 1866; William R. Plum, The Mili-

tions. The UsMRR was under the direction of Brig. tary Telegraph during the Civil War in the United States Gen. Daniel C. McCallum, former vice president of — (2 vols.; Chicago: Jansen, McClurg, 1882); David H.

the Erie Railroad, and the usMrrcc was managed Bates, Lincoln in the Telegraph Office: Recollections by Brig. Gen. Herman Haupt (usMa 1835), another —_ of the United States Military Telegraph Corps during famous railroad engineer and manager. In his final the Civil War (New York: Century, 1907); and Rebecreport on May 26, 1866 (or III, 5:1003—1004), McCal- ca Robbins Raines, Getting the Message Through: A lum noted that during the war the UsMrR took over — Branch History of the U.S. Army Signal Corps (Washand operated fifty railroads, built or rebuilt over 26 — ington: U.S. Army Center of Military History, 1996). miles of bridges and 642 miles of track, employed at Both Plum and Bates were military telegraphers durany one time nearly 25,000 men, and operated some __ ing the war.

Notes to pages 156-158 347

14. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 1B31and _ of all telegraph service for the Union Army in 1863,

246—49. he was rebuffed and relieved of his position as sigAnson Stager (1825-85) was born in New York. He __ nal officer in November 1863 by Stanton, who wanted

was appointed captain and aqm of Volunteerson No- no interference in his close control of the telegraph vember un, 1861, and colonel and aapc in February 1862. _ service. See Raines, Getting the Message Through, 21.

115. WDSO no. 313, November 25, 1861 (or III, 1:672). 121. Benjamin Cozzens Card (1825-1916), who also

Stager was announced as “military superintendent headed the oqma ‘s 9th Division (Records and Corof telegraph lines throughout the United States” by — respondence), was appointed 1st lieutenant, 12th In-

wbGo no. 38, April 8, 1862 (or III, 2:12-13). fantry, on September 27, 1861, and captain and AQ 16. War Department Orders, February 25, 1862 onthe same day. He served from August 1864 to Jan-

(or III, 1:899). uary 1867 as acting colonel and QM. 117. It appears that Sanford had more to do with 122. ARQMG (Meigs) 1864, November 3, 1864 (or III, censorship than telegraph operations. Matters of gov- —_4:888), and Report of Col. Benjamin C. Card (Chief,

ernment policy, Army administration, and Army 7th Div., oama), October 12, 1865 (or III, 5:323). movements were normally enciphered for transmis- 123. On the capacity and speed of wagon trains, sion over both commercial and military telegraph — see Risch, Quartermaster Support of the Army, 420lines, and, of course, it was desirable for sensitive in- 23. Mules were preferred over horses as draft animals formation to be withheld from the public. However, due to their lower cost, better endurance, and smallcensorship of telegraph traffic in the United States er forage requirement. eventually came to include prohibitions on trans- 124. Meneely, The War Department, 1861, 188, 194. mitting any material damaging to the character of | See the Report of Col. Erasmus D. Keyes, 11th Infanthe administration and its civil and military offi- try (Cmdg, 1st Bde., ist Div.), Camp on Meridian Hill, cials. Until Secretary Stanton took office, censorship | Washington, July 25, 1861 (or I, 2:356).

was ad hoc and not particularly effective, but Stan- 125. Rufus Ingalls (1818-93) was born in Maine and ton issued “sweeping and drastic” orders regarding — served in mounted units until January 12, 1848, when

the use of the telegraph. See Meneely, The War De- he was appointed captain and ago. He then served

partment, 1861, 250n1, 251. on the Pacific coast, in Washington, as assistant QM 118. Report of Bvt. Brig. Gen. Anson Stager, Chief, | onthe transcontinental expedition of Col. E. J. StepUSMT, Cleveland, August 31, 1866, in arsw (Stanton) — toe (May 1854—April 1855), and as chief am of the De-

1866, November 14, 1866, 299-301. partment of Oregon. He participated in the expe119. Thomas Thompson Eckert (1825-1910), an _—_ dition to reinforce Fort Pickens in April 1861 before Ohioan, was appointed major and AApc onthe staff — serving as assistant QM of the Department of Florida of Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan in April 1862,and_ — and then as chief Qm of the Union forces occupying

captain and aq of Volunteers the following July. In Washington south of the Potomac. He was appointSeptember 1862 he was appointed head of the War De- ed brigadier general of Volunteers on May 23, 1863, partment Telegraph Office and became one of Stan- and on March 10, 1882, he was appointed quartermaston’s most trusted assistants. While he was ostensi- __ ter general of the Army. He retired from active serbly Stager’s assistant, Eckert infact ranthe Telegraph vice in July 1883. See Risch, “Quartermaster Generals Office as asemiautonomous service under the direct of the Past [Rucker, Ingalls, and Holabird],” 126-30. supervision of Secretary Stanton. In July 1866 he was 126. Quoted in Risch, “Quartermaster Generals of named assistant secretary of war but resignedin Feb- _ the Past [Rucker, Ingalls, and Holabird],” 128. ruary 1867. After the war, he eventually became the 127. Sharpe, “The Art of Supplying Armies in the chairman of Western Union. President Lincoln wasa Field in the Civil War,” 79, and Risch, Quartermasfrequent wartime visitor to the Telegraph Officeand — ter Support of the Army, 425-26. was well known to Eckert and to the telegraphers and 128. Headquarters, Armies of the United States, Spe-

cipher clerks who worked there. cial Orders no. 44, June 28, 1864 (oR I, 40, pt. 1:40—42). 120. When Colonel Myer attempted to gain control 129. Weigley, Quartermaster General, 4.

348 Notes to pages 158-161

8. Medical Department born in Pennsylvania and graduated from both Dick1. See Mary C. Gillett, The Army Medical Depart- '80n College (1815) and the University of Pennsylvament, 1818-1865 (Washington: U.S. Army Center of 2S Medical School (1818). He entered the Army as a Military History, 1987) [cited hereafter as Gillett, amp, SUF8eon's mate in the ist Infantry on August 10, 1818, 1818-65]; George W. Adams, Doctors in Blue: The Med- WS appointed assistant surgeon in June 1821, and

ee ae . oc

ical History of the Union Army in the Civil War (Ba- “*S P romoted to surgeon in July 1832. He served in ton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1966); the Black Hawk War, against the Seminoles, and as

ar if Aaoca1nhs Rt z

Charles M. Smart, “The Medical Department,” in medical erecter to both ee payer and Win

; sy A : . Gillett, AMD, 1818—65, 154.

,; ; 254).

The Army of the United States, ed. Rodenbough and held i Sunnie the Wat Wit Mexico:

Haskin, 83-99; and 8. Louis C. Duncan, 7. Gillett : i 8Orders : a4 ae1862, ‘ . Leah wDGO no. 46, The AprilMedical 23, 1862 (General

Department of the United States Army in the Civil Be ( : War (Gaithersburg mp: Olde Soldier Books, 1987).AMD, 54) Gill1818—65, , . Gillett,

177-78. See also Mary C. Gillett,:The Army Medical Departie ‘ ate (or III, III, 2:26). 2:26).WilWil 5 10. WDGO no. 48, April 28, 1862 (or

ment, (Washington: Army Center of sae ot Ae1865-1917 liam Alexander Hammond U.S. (1828—1900) was born in

Military History, 1995), oe and the great compilation eae mle Maryland, received his primary education in Har-

prepared by Joseph J. Woodward ;ofthe Office ofthe risburg, Pennsylvania, and was graduated from the

Surgeon General, U.S. Army, known as The Medical > ‘ ay Medical College of New York University in 1848. He

and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion, 2 vols. Lie ie was appointed assistant surgeon on June 29, 1849,

(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1870-88). ;

. and had are served for tenArchives, years onRecord the frontier during The gen official records in National a abs : ; : which time he published a widely acclaimed trea-

(A tise on nutrition. era rmy), 1775-1987. ( a ee ids 11. Adams, in Blue, 37. 227. . 2. Meneely, The WarDoctors Department, 1861, Group 112: Records of the Office of the Surgeon Gen- Dae

' e es Henry Yarrow, >.a a,aaa c iS a.12. 1 =o 1 Crecy Fe , ve - . ~“Personal >» “7°Recollections =)

: ae a res (cas/oEsIBOt) 8 ‘< oe ag : of Old Medical Officers,” Military Surgeon 60 (1927): ginia and began his career asa oui geon s mate in the 174 (quoted in Gillett, amp, 1818-65, 179). .S. Navy on March 1, 1809. He resigned fr oe the Navy 13. Adams, Doctors in Blue, 35, 37, and 41.

a ie uary 1811, but anes 2 ted appointment asa 14. On Hammond’s court-martial and subsequent garrison surgeon's mate in the Army. In May 181, he dismissal, see Gillett, amp, 1818-65, 225-26; Smart, rose to be surgeon of the 6th Infantry andtwo years «Tye Medical Department,” 93; and Louis C. Dunlater transferred to the 7th Infantry. When the Army can, “The Strange Case of Surgeon General Hamwas reorganized in June 1821, Lawson was appointed mond,” Military Surgeon 64 (January 1929): 98-114 staff surgeon. Lawson was named surgeon generalon and (Febr uary 1929): 252-67 November 30, 1836. He commanded a regiment of Lou- 15. Adams, Doctors in Blue, 41.

a1 r When tl r « a

isiana volunteers in Florida under General Gaines, 16. Joseph K. Barnes (1817-83) was born in Philand he received brevet promotion to brigadier gen-—_ adelphia and attended Harvard before graduating eral in May 1848 for meritorious conduct during the from the University of Pennsylvania Medical School

war with Mexico. in 1838. He had been appointed assistant surgeon on 4. Robert Crooke Wood (1801-69) was born in June 15, 1840, and had served in operations against Rhode Island and was appointed assistant surgeon —_ the Seminoles in Florida and then with the “Army on May 28, 1825. He was promoted to surgeon in July — of Occupation” and with General Scott during the 1836 and served as colonel and assistant surgeon gen- war with Mexico. He was promoted to surgeon in Au-

eral from June 1862 to October 1865. gust 1856 and was stationed at Vancouver Barracks 5. ARSG (Lawson) 1860, November 1, 1860,in ARSW ~~ when the war began.

(Floyd) 1860, December 4, 1860, 244. Lawson’s death 17. Gillett, amp, 1818—65, 227. was officially announced in wpGo no. 23, May 30, 1861 18. Gillett, Amp, 1865—1917, 7.

(General Orders 1861, 46). 19. Annual Report of the Surgeon General (ARsG) 6. Clement Alexander Finley (ca. 1797-1879) was (Barnes) 1865, October 20, 1865 (or III, 5:150).

Notes to pages 163-167 349

20. Army Registers, 1860-1865; Gillett, amp, 1818— _ ical directors of military geographical departments

65, 1533 and Smart, “The Medical Department,” 90. | were retained without the increased pay, rank, and Three surgeons and twenty-one assistant surgeons allowances prescribed by the Act of February 25, 1865. left the Union Army for the csa Medical Depart- 35. Act of April 16, 1862, sec. 5 (or III, 2:22). ment. Former surgeon David C. De Leon became the 36. Act of April 16, 1862, sec. 2 (or III, 2:22). first surgeon general, csa. Former assistant surgeon 37. Gillett, AMD, 1818-65, 179. Charles H. Smith served in that capacity temporar- 38. wDGO no. 198, May 12, 1864 (or III, 4:287). ily, and then the position was taken by former sur- 39. Act of April 16, 1862, secs. 2 and 3 (or III, 2:22). geon Samuel P. Moore, who remained surgeon gen- See also WDGO no. 308, September 12, 1863 (or III,

eral, csA, for the duration of the war. 3:790—91). 21. ARSG (Barnes) 1866, October 20, 1866, in ARSW 40. Act of December 27, 1862, sec. 2 (or III, 3:3—-4).

(Stanton), November 14, 1866, 383. It is unclear wheth- 4l. WDGO NO, 65, June 12, 1862, paragraph IT (or

er or not Barnes included enlisted men in his casu- HL 2:145.

alty figures, and the distinction is also unclear in 42. Act of April 16, 1862, sec. 6 (oR IIL, 2:23).

en Renee te 43. Gillett, amp, 1818—65, 180. Thomas Fitch Perley s5aA dane: Doswisan Blic ue The velueerand: 8° born in Maine, graduated from Bowdoin Colcontract surgeons, barring a few outstanding men, lege in 1837, and was appointed brigade surgeon (Le.

competent, ae el js

; surgeon of U.S. Volunteers) October 23, 1861. Afwere generally less well educated, less tested, and lesson aeete

ter serving as medical inspector general, Perley was reappointed as surgeon of U.S. Volunteers on Au-

23. Surgeon General Lawson and Asst. Surgeons PP ; os

ust 10, 1863. John Vansant, Henry L. Sheldon, and Joseph E. Sem53

. , 44.inAct December 27, 1862, sec. 1 (or III, 3:3), ple ahad all and served theof Navy. Medical Inspector : ou Adams, Doctors in Blue, 39—40. (Lt. Col.) George W. Stipp had served as ist lieuten| 10, 1862 (oR ma 45. ARSG (Hammond) 1862, November

. . , 2!751-52). with Mexico. | ant, 4th [linois Volunteer Infantry, during the war ee

46. ARSW (Stanton) 1863, December 5, 1863 (or ITI,

the Act of June 21, 1860. a P 47. Act of May 20, 1862, sec. 1, and wpDGO no. 55, 24. Army Register for 1860, 41—42, as amended by se

> Army Register for aay 1865, 106A. May 24, 1862 (both in or III, 2:67).

26. WDGO a 20, May 14, 1861 (General Orders, Het aa caneen Hainiienid) iaeo, Nesciibenioeises (OR 43). The additions were confirmed by Congress in yyy 0:752) sec. 2 of the Army Organization Act of August 3, 49. Army Organization Act of August 3, 1861, sec.

1861 (OR Lis 1:396). 5 (OR ITT, 1:397-98).

27. ARSG (Finley) 1861, November 12, 1861 (or III, 50. ARSG (Finley) 1861, November 12, 1861 (or III,

1:636). | ae | 1:635).

28. Medical Efficiency Act of April 16, 1862 (or 51. Medical Efficiency Act of April 16, 1862, sec. 1

IIT, 2:22-23). (or III, 2:22).

29. ARSG (Hammond) 1862, November 10, 1862 (OR 52. Act of August 16, 1856 (Thian, Legislative His-

III, 2:751), and Act of July 2, 1862 (or III, 2:224). tory, 414).

30. Act of January 7, 1863 (or III, 3:4). 53. Gillett, Amp, 1818-65, 18-19, 156, and Adams, 31. Smart, “The Medical Department,” 92. Doctors in Blue, 67. 32. ARSG (Barnes) 1864, October 20, 1864 (or III, 54. The custom in the Volunteer regiments was 4:792). Barnes also argued in favor of granting bre- _ for the regimental surgeon to select his hospital stew-

vet promotions to amp Officers. ard from among the men of the regiment. See Gil33. Medical Corps Act of February 25, 1865 (oR lett, amp, 1818—65, 156.

III, 4:1204). 55. WDGO no. 16, May 4, 1861 (or III, 1:155—-56), and 34. Such temporary assignments were discontinued the Army Organization Act of July 29, 1861, sec. 2 by woco no. 121, July 1, 1865 (or III, 5:65), butthe med- (or TIT, 1:373).

350 Notes to pages 167-173

56. Medical Efficiency Act of April 16, 1862, sec. 1 67. See, for example, Mary Ashton Livermore, My

(or III, 2:22). Story of the War: A Woman's Narrative of Four Years 57. Adams, Doctors in Blue, 47-48. Personal Experience as Nurse in the Union Army, and 58. The characterizations are drawn from Adams, _ if Relief Work at Home, in Hospitals, Camps, and at

Doctors in Blue, 51-52. the Front, during the War of the Rebellion (Hartford 59. Act of May 20, 1862, sec. 2 (or III, 2:67). Insec.g | CT: A. D. Worthington, 1890).

of the Pay Act of July 17, 1862 (or III, 2:278), Congress 68. See http://americancivilwar.com/sanitary_ set the pay of chaplains, in the field or at Army hos- ©9/"mission. html.

pitals, at $100 per month and two rations. 69. Letter, Surgeon Robert C. Wood (Acting sc) 60. WDGO no. 78, July 14, 1862, paragraph III (or © Simon Cameron, Washington, April 25, 1861 (OR

III, 2:222). IIT, 1:115).

61. aRsG (Barnes) 1865, October 20, 1865 (or IIL, 70. For the medical debacle at First Bull Run, see

51150). Adams, Doctors in Blue, 25—27.

. . Sifakis W Telia the Til WY,

tors in Blue, 5. : e 62. ARSG (Lawson) 1860, November 1, 1860, in ARSW 71. Pay Act of July 17, 1862, sec. 5 (or III, 2:278).

(Floyd) 1860, December 4, 1860, 244, and Adams, Doc- 72. Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civil War, 384.

: Jonathan Letterman (1824-72) was born in Pennsyl-

>I°F))> 2 Z

63. A small increase was provided by the Army ney sea oka Maen Jefferson Medi-

Appropriations Act of July 5, 1862, sec. 5 (or LI, 2:217). Ea ON eRe wes 5 carc aie Rae re

doe . JuneAct 29,of1840, and servedsec. in 2Florida, 64. Appropriations March 3, 1863, (OR 11 Minnesota, and

nies New Mexico before the Civil War. He was promoted

surgeon on April 16, 1862. Letterman left his post 65. By one estimate, more toasthan 21,000 women alone medical director of the Army of the Potomac in were on Union payrolls as “nurses, cooks, matrons, | cae January 1864 and resigned his commission on Delaundresses, seamstresses, waitresses, and chamberbong cember 22 of that year. He subsequently practiced

maids,” not all of them in the amp, however. See Jane Nee nae ee BS see

medicine in California untilWomen his death. E. Schultz,:“Ten Common Myths about in ;See Jonathan ese i Civ1 re ee _ Letterman, Medical Recollections of the Army of the, the aran ow to Vispel Lhem, footnotes: ie1e eaeNewsletter Bae : - Potomac (New York: D. Appleton, 1866), and Memoir of epri’s Wachman Center 13, no. 1. bot i et oe ° ? of Jonathan Letterman, M.D. (New York: G. P. Put-

Guly aa ; ; ; . nam’s Sons, 1883). oe Me aus ewe Ser ualy So 73. Letter, Brig. Gen. William A. Hammond (SG) sion (ussc) is voluminous. A eee: summary of to Edwin M. Stanton, Washington, September 7, 1862 the organization and its operations may be found in (or ILL, 2:525). The Sanitary Commission and Other Relief Agen- 74. For the details of Letterman’s plan, see Gilcies,” derived from Holland Thompson’s The Photo- lett, AMD, 1818-65, 228. For earlier schemes, see Adgraphic History of the Civil War, at http://www.civil- ams Doctors in Blue, 8 4-86. warhome.com/sanitarycommission.htm. See Charles 75. Gillett, amp, 1818-65, 190. By the battle of GetJ. Stille, History of the United States Sanitary Com- _ tysburg in early July 1863, the system was in full opermission; Being the General Report of Its Work during ation with some 1,000 ambulances and nearly the full

the War of the Rebellion (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippin- complement of 3,000 drivers and attendants. Some cott, 1866; reprint, Gansevoort ny: Comer House His- 14,000 Union wounded were evacuated from the Gettorical Publications, 1997); anon., The United States _ tysburg battlefield to the field hospitals with admiraSanitary Commission: A Sketch of Its Purposes and ble efficiency. See Adams, Doctors in Blue, 91. Its Work (Boston: Little, Brown, 1863); and William 76. Gillett, Amp, 1818—65, 190-91, and Adams, DocQuentin Maxwell, Lincoln’s Fifth Wheel: The Politi- tors in Blue, 77. cal History of the United States Sanitary Commission 77. Act of March 11, 1864 (or III, 4:185—87).

(New York: Longmans, Green, 1956). The records of 78. On the organization of regimental field hosthe ussc, 1861-78, are preserved in the New York Pub- __ pitals, see Smart, “The Medical Department,” 93-94,

lic Library. and Adams, Doctors in Blue, 66—67 and 104.

Notes to pages 173-179 351

79. Adams, Doctors in Blue, 67, 88. 21, 1865 (oR III, 4:1243), formally transferred control 80. For a description, see Gillett, amp, 1818—65, 240. | of the 2d Battalion of the vrc from the provost mar-

81. See Capt. Wilkinson, An Historical Study of — shal general to the surgeon general.

Rail Transportation (Philadelphia: Quartermaster 100. Report of Capt. J. W. De Forest, November Corps School, Schuykill Arsenal, 1928), 16, and Ad- 30, 1865 (or III, 5:567).

ams, Doctors in Blue, 109. 101. Various categories of civilians were consid82. woco no. 18, February 8, 1865 (or III, 4:1156). ered, tried, and found wanting as hospital attendants.

83, Adams, Doctors in Blue, 150. Adams (Doctors in Blue, 69) notes that some regi84. aRsw (Cameron) 1861, November 12, 1861 (or ‘ents had “vivandieres” or “matrons,” generally em-

IIL, 1:704). ployed as washerwomen, who could act as nurses in gs, Adams, Doctors in Blue, 151. an emergency. “Contrabands” were also used, nota86. A list of the 182 general hospitals as of October bly during the 1862 Peninsula campaign, but proved 31, 1863, is in the arsG (Barnes, Acting sc) 1863, Octo- U" successful. Even paroled Confederates were tried

ber 31, 1863 (or III, 3:964). after Gettysburg. 87. ARSG (Barnes) 1865, October 20, 1865 (or III, 102, Gillett, AMD, 1818-65, 156.

Bae: 103. Richard Smith Satterlee (1798-1880) was born 88. AROMG (Meigs) 1865, November 8, 1865 (or III, in New York and was appointed assistant surgeon on

5239-40), and Report of Acting Col. and om James February 25, eee oe ne promoted to surgeon 2 July Te Danae Chick CHD Woe OOS IE GREE IGE 1832 and had a distinguished career in the Seminole

eae: and Mexican ere In eeoee was appoin ted lieutenBi aiiGb RO AOR RCSA SER On EL RG: ant colonel and chief medical pu rveyor of the Army.

104. ARSG (Hammond) 1862, November 10, 1862 go. Adams, Doctors inaBlue, 159-60, and Gillett, .. (or ITI, 2:752—-53). In 1863 additional medical depots AMD, 1818—65, 182,Head 289—92. ;.: Be were established at Hilton (South Carolina),

EEG Oe eae New Bern (North Carolina), New Orleans, Louis-

eno Nene Baeeres pueust 5:1864,(OnIIT, 42570): ville, Memphis, Chicago, and San Francisco. See aRSG

93. On the use of enlisted men and convalescent (Baie Retispke nee Octdbeuni ance (onilleoe:

soldiers as hospital attendants, see Adams, Doctors : - 94. m . 105. Smart, “The Medical Department,” in Blue, 69, 184-85. 106. Adams, Doctors in Blue, 14.

54, anse (Finley) 1861, November 12, 1861 (oR II, 107. On the factors contributing to the high in1:636). At the same time, Finley recommended that cidence of disease in the Union Army, see Adams, two enlisted men be added to each company to tend Doctors in Blue, 13-16. For a few notorious examples to the sick and wounded in the field under the or- of filthy encampments, see Adams, 19—23.

ders of the regimental surgeon, 108. Adams, Doctors in Blue, 196—98. Adams (page 95. Gillett, AMD, 1818-65, 181. 197) notes that the Volunteer regiments “fairly wal96. Adams, Doctors in Blue, 185. lowed in abominable filth.” 97. The Invalid Corps was established by wpGco 109. Adams, Doctors in Blue, 21. no. 69, March 20, 1863. See Report of operations of 110. ARSG (Hammond) 1862, November 10, 1862 (OR

the Veteran Reserve Corps from its organization to [J], 2 :750). September 30, 1865, of Capt. J. W. De Forest (Acting in. Gillett, amp, 1818-65, 229. Chief, vrc Bureau) to Brig. Gen. James B. Fry (Pro- 112. In the war with Mexico, 103.9 out of every vost Marshal General), Washington, November 30, __ 1,000 soldiers on the Army rolls died from disease, 1865 (or III, 5:543). Capt. J. W. De Forest is not listed — but in the Civil War the rate was only 7.2 out of ev-

in Heitman, Historical Register, vol. 1. ery 1,000, See Armed Forces Information School, The 98. aRSG (Barnes, Acting SG) 1863, October 31, 1863. = Army Almanac, 91.

(or ITI, 3:966). 113. Adams, Doctors in Blue, 62, 196. 99. WDGO no. 306, December 27, 1864, paragraph 114. Gillett, amp, 1818—65, 195-98, 208, and Adams, IV (or ILI, 4:1017). Subsequently, woGco no. 43, March — Doctors in Blue, 62, 83.

352 Notes to pages 180-187

115. Report, Simon Cameron to President Abra- _ fice, “Statement Showing the Distribution of the U.S. ham Lincoln, Washington, July1, 1861 (or HI, 1:306).. Army on the 1st Day of January, 1861, with the Chang116. ARSG (Barnes, Acting SG) 1863, October 31, 1863. es between That Date and the 5th of April, 1861” (or

(or ITI, 3:964). In Fy 1863, the AMD spent more onre- __ III, 1:23) [cited hereafter as Aco Statement on Disfrigeration in one year than the entire departmenthad _ tribution]. spent in all of Fy 1860. See Adams, Doctors in Blue, 32. 13. AGO Statement on Distribution (or III, 1:23), and 117. ARSG (Barnes) 1866, October 20, 1866, in arsw = William A. Simpson, “The Second Regiment of Ar-

(Stanton) 1866, November 14, 1866, 379-80. tillery,” in The Army of the United States, ed. Roden18. Ingersoll, War Department, 248, and Gillett, | bough and Haskin, 321.

AMD, 1818—65, 275. 14. Abner Doubleday, “From Moultrie to Sum119. Gillett, Amp, 1818—65, 273-74. ter,” in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, ed. Rob120. ARSG (Barnes) 1865, October 20, 1865 (or III, ert Underwood Johnson (New York: Thomas Yosel-

57152). off, 1956), 1:40—45.

15. Note, James Chesnut Jr. (apc) and Capt. Stephen

9. Transition to War D. Lee, csa (apc) to Maj. Robert Anderson (Cmdg, 1, W. Stitt Robinson, ed., “The Kiowaand Coman- Ft. Sumter), Charleston, South Carolina, April 12, che Campaign of 1860 as Recorded in the Personal 1861 (3:20 a.m.) (or I, 1:14).

Diary of Lt. J.E.B. Stuart,” Kansas Historical Quar- 16. Doubleday, “From Moultrie to Sumter,” 48. terly 23, no. 4 (Winter 1957): [388, 391, 393]. Pagination 17. Jeremiah H. Gilman, “With Slemmer in Pen-

uncertain in online version consulted. sacola Harbor,” in Battles and Leaders of the Civil 2. Quoted in Warner, Generals in Blue, 431. War, ed. Johnson, 1:28. 3. Robinson, “The Kiowa and Comanche Cam- 18. Gilman, “With Slemmer in Pensacola Har-

paign of 1860,” [392]. bor,” 29.

4. Jon Latimer, 1812: War with America (Cam- 19. Loomis L. Langdon, “The Relief of Fort Pickbridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, — ens, Florida,” ymsrus 45 (1909): 267—69.

2007), 308-18, 323-30. 20. J. O. Kerbey, “Fort Pickens from the Confed5. John S. Kirwin, “Patrolling the Santa Fe Trail: — erate Side,” ymsius 45 (1909): 280.

Reminiscences of John S. Kirwin,” with an introduc- 21. Langdon, “Relief of Fort Pickens,” 270-71. tion by Merrill J. Mattes, Kansas Historical Quarter- 22. James H. McRae, “The Third Regiment of In-

ly 21, no. 8 (Winter 1955): 570. fantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. Rodenbough 6. Quoted in Edward M. Coffman, The Old Army: — and Haskin, 444; and Simpson, “Second Regiment A Portrait of the American Army in Peacetime, 1784— __ of Artillery,” 325.

1898 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 67. 23. See the series of orders and correspondence re7. Quoted in Robert Wooster, Frontier Crossroads: lating to Twiggs’s surrender and relief in or I, 1:589—93. Fort Davis and the West (College Station: Texas A&M 24. WDGO no. 5, February 28, 1861 (oR I, 1:597).

University Press, 2006), 30, 57. 25. Kreidberg and Henry, Military Mobilization, 89. 8. Eugene Bandel, Frontier Life in the Army, 1854- 26. William H. Bell, “Ante Bellum; or, Before the 1861, trans. Olga Bandel and Richard Jente, ed. Ralph = War,” in Sketches of War History, 1861-1865: Papers P. Bieber (Glendale ca: Arthur H. Clark, 1932), 286-87. Read before the Ohio Commandery of the Military Or9. Augustus Meyers, Ten Years in the Ranks, U.S. _ der of the Loyal Legion of the United States, 1883-1886

Army (North Stratford Nu: Ayer, 2002), 128. (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke, 1888; reprint, Wilming10. Percival G. Lowe, Five Years a Dragoon (49 to. — ton Nc: Broad foot, 1991), 56—58.

54) and Other Adventures on the Great Plains (1906; 27. George F. Price, Across the Continent with the reprint, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, Fifth Cavalry (New York: Antiquarian Press, 1959),

1965), 23. 97-98.

u. Meyers, Ten Years in the Ranks, 43. 28. AGO Statement on Distribution (or III, 1:25—26). 12. U.S. War Department, Adjutant General’s Of- 29. Report of Corporal John C. Hesse, Company

Notes to pages 188-200 20

A, 8th Infantry, of the rescue of the colors of his reg- | Lynde’s surrender of U.S. troops at San Augustine iment, at San Antonio, Texas, Washington, Septem- Springs in or I, 4:4—5, 15, 19, and 37-38.

ber 6, 1864 (oR I, 1:566—67). 47. Upton, Military Policy, 233-34. 30. AGO Statement on Distribution (or III, 1:23). 48. Upton, Military Policy, 234, and John K. Ma31. Brig. Gen. William S. Harney (Cmdg, Dept. of | hon and Romana Danysh, Infantry, Part I: Regular the West) to Lt. Col. Edward D. Townsend (Asst. ac), Army, rev. ed. (Washington: U.S. Army Center of St. Louis, April 11, 1861 (or I, 1:665), and aco State- Military History, 1984), 24-25.

ment on Distribution (or III, 1:23). 49. Lerwill, Personnel Replacement System, 78. 32. Report of 2d Lt. William H. Averell (Regt. of 50. Upton, Military Policy, 234-35, 252. See also Mounted Riflemen), Washington, May 31, 1861 (oR =wpcGonos. 15 and 16, both May 4, 1861 (or ITI, 1:151-57).

I, 53:494-96). 51. WDGO no. 16, May 4, 1861 (or III, 1:154—-57). 33. Letter, Col. Edward D. Townsend (Asst. AG) to 52. Report of Simon Cameron to President AbraLt. Col. William H. Emory (ist Cavalry), Washing- ham Lincoln, Washington, July 1, 1861 (or III, 1:305);

ton, March 18, 1861 (oR I, 1:656). WDGO no. 33, June 16, 1861 (General Orders, 1861, 64— 34. Letter, Townsend to Emory April 17, 1861 (or —_77); Coffman, The Old Army, 60.

I, 1:667). 53. Cameron to Lincoln, July 1, 1861 (or III, 1:305). 35. Report of Maj. Samuel D. Sturgis, 4th Caval- 54. Quoted in Upton, Military Policy, 243. ry, of the Seizure of Fort Smith, Arkansas, Camp on 55. Frank J. Welcher, The Union Army, 1861-1865: Walnut Creek, Kansas, May 21, 1861 (or I, 1:650-51).. Organization and Operations (Bloomington: Indi36. Letter, “Late” Lt. Col. William H. Emory, ist ana University Press, 1989), 1:629—30. Cavalry, to Col. Edward D. Townsend (Asst. AG), Fort 56. W. Glenn Robertson, “First Bull Run,” AmeriLeavenworth ks, May 31, 1861 (oR I, 1:649). ca’s First Battles: 1776-1965 (Lawrence: University Press 37. William E. Birkhimer, “The Third Regiment — of Kansas, 1986), 91-92.

of Artillery,” in The Army of the United States, ed. 57. William M. Wright, “The Second Regiment of

Rodenbough and Haskin, 345. Infantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. Roden38. AGO Statement on Distribution (or III, 1:24), bough and Haskin, 422; McRae, “Third Regiment and Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of — of Infantry,” 444-45; and Richard H. Wilson, “The

the Rebellion (Des Moines: Dyer, 1908). Eighth Regiment of Infantry,” in Army of the United 39. AGO Statement on Distribution (or III, 1:26). States, ed. Rodenbough and Haskin, 521. 40. WDSO no, 8612, May 17, 1861 (oR I, 1:604). 58. P. G. T. Beauregard, “The First Battle of Bull 41. Letters, Byt. Lt. Col. (later Col.) Edward R. — Run,” in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, ed. John-

S. Canby (Cmdg, Dept. of New Mexico) to Col. Ed- son, 1:197. ward D. Townsend (Asst. AG), Santa Fe, New Mexi- 59. Timothy J. Reese, Sykes’ Regular Infantry Dt1co Territory, June 11, June 16, and August 16, 1861(OR vision, 1861-1864: A History of Regular United States 1, 1:606; oR I, 4:35-36; and or I, 4:63—65, respectively). Infantry Operations in the Civil War’s Eastern The42. Report of Maj. Isaac Lynde, 7th Infantry, Fort — ater (Jefferson Nc: McFarland, 1990), 33.

Craig, New Mexico Territory, August 7, 1861 (or I, 60. “Organization of the Army Commanded by

4:5—6). Brig. Gen. Irvin McDowell at the Battle of Bull Bun, 43. Letter, 2d Lt. A. L. Anderson (Acting Asst. ac, Va. July 21, 1861” (or I, 2:314-15); Report of Maj. Wil-

HQ, Dept. of New Mexico) to Maj. Isaac Lynde (7th liam F. Barry, 5th Artillery (Chief of Artillery, Army Infantry), Santa Fe, June 16, 1861 (oR I, 4:37—38). of Northeastern Virginia), Arlington, Virginia, July 44. Report of Maj. Isaac Lynde, August 7, 1861 (OR —_23, 1861 (oR I, 2:345).

I, 4:5). 61. Daingerfield Parker, “The Battalion of Reg45. Report of Lt. Col. John R. Baylor (Cmdgcsa — ular Infantry at the First Battle of Bull Run,” Milin Arizona), Dofia Afia, Arizona, September 21, 1861 — itary Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States,

(or I, 4:18). Commandery of the District of Columbia, War Paper 46. See the reports and correspondence relatedto no. 36 (Wilmington Nc: Broad foot, 1993), 2:207—208.

354 Notes to pages 200-206

62. Quoted in Reese, Sykes’ Regular Infantry Di- 77. Henry Clay Wood, “The Left of the Federal

VISION, 35. Line of Battle at Wilson’s Creek,” ymsrus 39, no. 144 63. Parker, “ Battalion of Regular Infantry,” 222. (November/December 1906): 341-43. 64. McRae, “Third Regiment of Infantry,” 444. 78. WDGO no. 40, July 3, 1861 (oR I, 3:390); unnumSee also Report of Maj. George Sykes, 14th Infantry —_ bered orders, Ha, Army of the West, Springfield Mo, (Cmdg, Battalion of Regulars), Camp Turnbull, Vir- — July 24, 1861 (or I, 3:406).

ginia, July 24, 1861 (or I, 2:390—91). 79. Report of Maj. Samuel D. Sturgis, ist Cavalry 65. Report of Maj. Innis N. Palmer, 2d Cavalry (Ha, Army of the West), Camp Cary Gratz near Rol(Cmdg, Battalion), Cavalry Camp near Arlington, la Mo, August 20, 1861 (oR I, 3:64—65).

Virginia, July 23, 1861 (or I, 2:393). 80. William M. Wherry, “Wilson’s Creek and the 66. John Scott, “The Black Horse Cavalry,” in The Death of Lyon,” in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Annals of the War, ed. Alexander Kelly McClure (Phil- — ed. Johnson, 1:291—94. adelphia: Times, 1879; republished by Civil War Times, 81. Wherry, “Wilson’s Creek,” 295-97.

1974, 590—93). 82. Report of Maj. Samuel D. Sturgis, August 20, 67. Report of Maj. William F. Barry, July 23, 1861 1861 (or I, 3:71).

(or I, 2:345); Report of Capt. Romeyn B. Ayres, July 83. Report of Capt. Frederick Steele, 2d Infantry 25, 1861 (oR I, 2:372-73); and Report of Lt. John Ed- (Cmdg, Battalion), Camp near Rolla Mo, August 17,

wards, July 27, 1861 (or I, 2:381—82). 1861 (oR I, 3:78-79), WDGO no. 111, December 30, 1861 68. Report of Capt. Charles Griffin, 5th Artillery (or I, 3:93). (Cmdg, Battery D), Camp near Arlington, Virgin- 84. Quoted in Heitman, Historical Register, 1:650. ia, July 23, 1861 (oR I, 2:394); William Woods Averell, 85. AGO Statement on Distribution (or ITI, 1:23Ten Years in the Saddle: The Memoir of William Woods 26), and Dyer, Compendium, 1710-12.

Averell, 1851-1862, ed. Edward K. Eckert and Nicholas 86. AGO Statement on Distribution (or IT], 1:23J. Amato (San Rafael ca: Presidio Press, 1978), 299. 26), and Dyer, Compendium, 1712-16. 69. Edward G. Longacre, The Man behind the Guns: 87. AGO Statement on Distribution (or III, 1:23A Biography of General Henry J. Hunt, Command- 26); wpGo no. 55, August 10, 1861 (oR ILI, 1:403); and er of Artillery, Army of the Potomac (New York: A.S. Dyer, Compendium, 1689-92.

Barnes, 1977), 90—92. 88. AGO Statement on Distribution (or ILI, 1:2370. Report of Bvt. Maj. Henry J. Hunt, 2d Artil- 26), and Dyer, Compendium, 3, 1693-1709. lery (Cmdg, Light Co. M), Camp near Fort Albany,

Virginia, July 25, 1861 (or I, 2:377—80). 10. The Infantry 71. Upton, Military Policy, 243. 1. Heitman, Historical Register, 2:598—99. 72. McRae, “Third Regiment of Infantry,” 445. 2. WDGO no, 33, June 18, 1861 (General Orders, 1861,

73. Letter, Simon Cameron to Capt. Nathaniel 64). Lyon, Washington, April 30, 1861 (or I, 1:675). 3. Report of Simon Cameron to President Abra74. Letter, Brig. Gen. William S. Harney (Cmdg, ham Lincoln, Washington, July 1, 1861 (or ITI, 1:305). Dept. of the West) to Col. Edward D. Townsend (Act- 4. Military Service Institution of the United States, ing AG), St. Louis, May 14, 1861, enclosure (Proclama- “The First Regiment of Infantry,” in Army of the Unit-

tion of May 14, 1861) (or I, 3:371-72). ed States, ed. Rodenbough and Haskin, 406. 75. Letter, Brig. Gen. William S. Harney to Brig. 5. Report of Maj. Samuel D. Sturgis, ist Cavalry Gen. Lorenzo Thomas (ac), St. Louis, May 31, 1861,and (Cmdg, Army of the West), Camp Cary Gratz near General Orders no. 5, HQ, Department of the West, Rolla, Missouri, August 20, 1861 (or I, 3:64), and “First St. Louis Arsenal, May 31, 1861 (both in or I, 3:381); Regiment of Infantry,” 407.

and wpso no. 135, May 16, 1861 (or I, 3:374). 6. Report of Brig. Gen. John Pope (Cmdg, District 76. Thomas L. Snead, “First Year of the Warin of the Mississippi), New Madrid, Missouri, March Missouri,” Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, ed. —_ 14, 1862 (oR I, 8:82-83).

Johnson, 1:267. 7. Report of Capt. George A. Williams, ist Infan-

Notes to pages 207-219 355

try (Cmdg, Siege Artillery, Army of the Mississippi), 25. Mahon and Danysh, Infantry, 25. Battery Williams, Corinth, Mississippi, October 16, 26. Lerwill, Personnel Replacement System, 84.

1862 (or I, 17, pt. 1:247—48). 27. John H. Patterson, “The Eleventh Regiment of 8. “First Regiment of Infantry,” 409—n. Infantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. Roden9. William M. Wright, “The Second Regiment of | bough and Haskin, 545-47. Infantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. Roden- 28. Charles W. Abbot, “The Twelfth Regiment of

bough and Haskin, 423. Infantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. Roden10. Augustus Meyers, Ten Years in the Ranks U.S. _ bough and Haskin, 555; Thomas M. Anderson, “CivArmy (New York: Stirling Press, 1914), 177-78, 181-82. 1 War Recollections of the Twelfth Infantry,” jasius u. Wright, “Second Regiment of Infantry,” 423, 427. 41 no. 150 (November/December 1907): 382.

12. James H. McRae, “The Third Regiment of In- 29. Abbot, “Twelfth Regiment of Infantry,” 556. fantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. Rodenbough 30. Ulysses G. McAlexander, History of the Thir-

and Haskin, 444-45. teenth United States Infantry Regiment: Compiled from 13, William H. Powell, A History of the Organi- Regimental Sources and Other Sources (Fort McDowzation and Movements of the Fourth Regiment of In- ell ca: Regimental Press, 1905), 20-23.

fantry, United States Army, from May 30, 1796, to De- 31. Quoted in Terrence J. Winschel, “The First cember 31, 1870 (Washington: McGill and Witherow, Honor at Vicksburg: The 1st Battalion, 13th U.S. In1871), 51-52, and James A. Leyden, “The Fourth Res- fantry,” Civil War Regiments: A Journal of the Ameriment of Infantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. ican Civil War 2, no. 1 (1992): M:

Rodenbousitadd Haslansie: 32. McAlexander, Thirteenth Infantry, 16, 37-39,

14. Military Service Institution of the United aes

States, “The Fifth Regiment of Infantry,” in Army of 33. McAlexander, a san),

the United States, ed. Rodenbough and Haskin, 472. op atone. ee me oe ee sScOhatlee bynes The Gath Re snneni ori: iment of Infantry,” in ao of the United States, ed.

ts éin, Army Rodenbough andStates, Haskin, 588-89. « , . try,” of the United ed. Rodenbough 35. Anderson, “The Fourteenth Regiment,” 590.

ane asic acres . 36. Henry R. Brinkerhoff, “The Fifteenth Regi-

16. Alfred B. Johnson, “The Seventh Regiment of yi) 5. fee ment of Infantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. Infantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. Roden- ae Rodenbough and Haskin, 612-13. Rete conor ee oor 37, White, “A Review... , Pt. 4, Section 2,” yusrus 17. The 8th Infantry had only nine companies at 48 (March/April 191); 244. the time of the surrender, Company G having been 38. Charles St. J. Chubb, “The Seventeenth Reg-

disbanded some years betore the wat. iment of Infantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. 18. Wilson, “The Eighth Regiment of Infantry,” 519. Rodenbough and Haskin, 635. 19. Thomas Wilhelm, Synopsis of the History of the 39. Charles H. Cabaniss Jr., “The Eighteenth RegEighth U.S. Infantry and the Military Record of Offt- iment of Infantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. cers Assigned to the Regiment, from Its Organization, pod enbough and Haskin, 644-45. July, 1838, to Sept., 1871 (David's Island ny: By the Reg- 40. Christian C. Hewitt, “The Nineteenth Regi-

iment, 1871), 100-104. ment of Infantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. 20. Wilhelm, Synopsis, 90-94. Rodenbough and Haskin, 657-58. 21. Wilhelm, Synopsis, 93, 96-97. 41. Letter, General Samuel Cooper (AG and IG, csa) 22. Dyer, Compendium LI:712. to Brig. Gen. Henry H. Sibley (csa), Richmond, Vir23. Edgar B. Robertson, “The Ninth Regiment of ginia, July 8, 1861 (or I, 4:93).

Infantry,” in Army of the United States, ed. Roden- 42. Letter, Sibley, to Cooper, San Antonio, Texas,

bough and Haskin, 528. November 16, 1861 (oR I, 4:141). 24. S. Y. Seyburn, History of the Tenth United States 43. Letter, Col. Edward R. S. Canby, 19th InfanInfantry (Detroit: Winn and Hammond, 1890), 31-37. try (Cmdg, Dept. of New Mexico) to Asst. AG, HQ,

356 Notes to pages 219-227

Western Department, Santa Fe, New Mexico Terri- to Dodge Shot,” Civil War Times Illustrated 6, no. 4

tory, October 27, 1861 (or I, 4:74). (August 1967): 43. 44. Letter, Canby to ac of the Army, Santa Fe, De- 65. Report of Brig. Gen. George Sykes, July 7, 1862

cember 8, 1861 (or I, 4:78). (or I, u1, pt. 2:349-50). 45. Joseph I. Lambert, One Hundred Years with the 66. Meyers, Ten Years in the Ranks, 230-31.

Second Cavalry (Fort Riley ks: Commanding Offi- 67. Quoted in Wright, “Second Regiment of In-

cer, Second Cavalry, 1939), 62. fantry,” 424. 46. Canby to Asst. AG, HQ, Western Department, 68. Telegram, Maj. Gen. George B, McClellan

October 27, 1861 (oR I, 4:74). (Cmdg, Army of the Potomac) to Edwin M. Stan47. Ray C. Colton, The Civil War in the Western ton, Savage Station, Virginia, June 28, 1862 (or I, 1, Territories: Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah pt.1:61).

(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1959), 26-28. 69. Report of Brig. Gen. George Sykes, Septem-

48. Colton, Western Territories, 29-30. ber 6, 1862 (or I, 12, pt. 2:482—83). 49. George Cook, Letter to his niece, Civil War 70. William E. Dougherty, “Recollections of a Times Illustrated 2, no. 1 (April 1963): 48. Campaign,” The United Service: A Monthly Review 50. Reports of Maj. Thomas Duncan, 3d Cavalry — of Military and Naval Affairs 9, no. 4 (October 1883): 351.

(Cmdg Regiment), Fort Craig, New Mexico Territo- 71. Meyers, Ten Years in the Ranks, 264.

ry, February 23, 1862 (or I, 9:497—99). 72. Report of Brig. Gen. George Sykes, U.S. Army 51. Reports of Col. Edward R.S. Canby, 19th Infan- = (Cmdg, 2d Div.), of the battle of Bull Run, Camp at

try (Cmdg, Dept. of New Mexico), Fort Craig, New Vanderwerken’s, Virginia, September 6, 1862 (or T, Mexico Territory, February 22, 1862 (oR I, 9:487-88). 12, pt. 2:482).

52. Charles Morton, “The Third Regiment of Cav- 73. Report of Lt. Col. Robert C. Buchanan, 4th alry,” in Army of the United States,ed. Rodenbough Infantry (Cmdg, ist Bde), of the battle of Bull Run,

and Haskin, 201-202. Camp near Hall’s Hill, Virginia, September 6, 1862 53. Cook, Letter to his niece, 48. (or I, 12, pt. 2:488). 54. Colton, Western Territories, 33-34. 74. Report of Brig. Gen. George Sykes, September

55. Cook, Letter to his niece, 48. 6, 1862 (or I, 12, pt. 2:482-83). 56. Timothy J. Reese provides a detailed history 75. Meyers, Ten Years in the Ranks, 265. of the Regular Division’s service in the Army of the 76. Thomas H. Evans, “As a Federal Regular Saw

Potomac in Sykes’ Regular Infantry Division. Second Bull Run,” Civil War Times Illustrated 6, no. 57- Quoted in Reese, Sykes’ Regular Infantry Di- 9 (January 1968): 38.

VISION, 45. 77. Meyers, Ten Years in the Ranks, 265. 58. Welcher, The Union Army, 1:250. 78. Evans, “Federal Regular Saw Second Bull 59. “Troops of the Army of the Potomac sent tothe Run,” 38. Peninsula in March and Early in April 1862” (or I, 5:19). 79. John Pope, “The Second Battle of Bull Run,” 60. Dyer, Compendium, 282, and Clifford L.Swan- in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, ed. Robert son, The Sixth United States Infantry Regiment, 1855 | Underwood Johnson (New York: Thomas Yoseloff, to Reconstruction (Jefferson Nc: McFarland, 2001), 70. 1956), 2:489.

61. James B. Ronan, “Regulars to the Rescue at 80. William H. Powell, Letter to The Century, from Gaines’ Mill,” America’s Civil War 7, no. 5 (1994): 53. Fort Omaha, Nebraska, March 12, 1885, quoted in John

62. Ronan, “Regulars,” 54-55. Pope, “The Second Battle of Bull Run,” 2:489 note. 63. Report of Lt. Col. Robert C. Buchanan, 4th In- 81. Letter, Capt. Salem S. Marsh, 2d Infantry fantry (Cmdg, ist Bde), of the battle of Gaines’ Mill, (Cmdg Regiment) to Lt. E. E. Sellers (Acting Asst. engagement at Turkey Bridge, and battle of Malvern a, Ha, 2d Bde, Sykes’ Div., Army of the Potomac), Hill, Camp near Harrison’s Landing, Virginia, July Camp near Falmouth, Virginia, January 31, 1863 (OR

6, 1862 (oR I, 11, pt. 2:359). I, 25, pt. 2:14). 64. Thomas H. Evans, “There Is No Use Trying 82. Frederick W. Lewis, “The Regular Infantry

Notes to pages 227-234 357

in Gettysburg Campaign,” yausius 45 (July/August Brave Men: The U.S. Regular Infantry and the Civ-

1909): 42. il War in the West (New York: Da Capo Press, 2003). 83. Chubb, “Seventeenth Regiment of Infantry,” 101. Lewis M. Hosea, “The Regular Brigade of the

636. Army of the Cumberland,” in Sketches of War Histo84. Lewis, “Regular Infantry in Gettysburg,” 44. ry, 1861-1965. Papers Prepared for the Commandery of 85. Report of Col. Sidney Burbank, 2d Infantry — the State of Ohio, Military Order of the Loyal Legion (Cmdg, 2d Bde, 2d Div., V Army Corps), July 21, 1863. of the United States, 1896-1903 (Cincinnati: Robert

(or I, 27, pt. 1:645). Clarke, 1903), 5:329.

86. Report of Brig. Gen. Romeyn B. Ayres, U.S. 102. Brinkerhoff, “Fifteenth Regiment of InfanArmy (Cmdg, 2d Div., V Army Corps), July 28, 1863 try,” 613, and Hewitt, “Nineteenth Regiment of In-

(or I, 27, pt. 1:634—-35). fantry,” 657-58. 87. Louis Philippe d’Orléans, comte de Paris, His- 103. Hosea, “Regular Brigade,” 329 tory of the Civil War in America (Philadelphia: Por- 104. Both quoted in Gerald J. Prokopowicz, All for

ter and Coates, 1883), 3:627. the Regiment: The Army of the Ohio, 1861-1862 (Chapel 88. Quoted in Bradley M. Gottfried, Brigades of — Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 48—49.

Gettysburg: The Union and Confederate Brigades at 105. Hosea, “Regular Brigade,” 331-32. the Battle of Gettysburg (New York: Da Capo Press, 106. Quoted in Thomas R. Bright, “Yankees in

2002), 257. Arms: The Civil War asa Personal Experience,” Civil 89. Henry F. Weaver, “At Gettysburg— Under War History 19, no. 3 (September 1973): 201. Frontand Rear Fire,” in Under the Maltese Cross —An- 107. Lewis M. Hosea, “The Second Day at Shiloh,” tietam to Appomattox: The Loyal Uprising in West- — Sketches of War History, 1861-1965. Papers Prepared for ern Pennsylvania, 1861-1865 — Campaigns 155th Penn- — the Commandery of the State of Ohio, Military Orsylvania Regiment Narrated by the Rank and File,ed. — der of the Loyal Legion of the United States, 1896-1903 John T. Porter (Pittsburgh: 155th Regimental Asso- — (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke, 1903), 6:196.

ciation, 1910), 552. 108. Report of Brig. Gen. Lovell H. Rousseau, U.S. go. Quoted in Noah Andre Trudeau, Gettys- Army (Cmdg, 4th Bde), Battlefield of Shiloh, Tenburg: A Testing of Courage (New York: HarperCol- _ nessee, April 12, 1862 (or I, 10, pt. 1:310).

lins, 2002), 380. 109. Hosea, “Regular Brigade,” 331-32. gi. “Return of Casualties in the Union forces, com- no. Hosea, “Second Day at Shiloh,” 196. manded by Maj. Gen. George G. Meade, U.S. Army, 11. Hosea, “Second Day at Shiloh,” 199-200. at the battle of Gettysburg, Pa., July 1-3, 1863” (or I, 112. Report of Brig. Gen. William T. Sherman, 27, pt. 1:179), and Fox, Regimental Losses (1889), 523. U.S. Army (Cmdg, 5th Div.), Camp Shiloh, Tennes-

92. OR I, 33:737, 1039. see, April 10, 1862 (or I, 10, pt. 1:252). 93. White, “A Review... , Pt. 4, Section 5,” JMsIus 113. Report of Brig. Gen. Lovell H. Rousseau, April

49 (November/December 1911): 409-10. 12, 1862 (oR I, 10, pt. 1:309—-10).

94. OR I, 36, pt. 1:123. 114. Hosea, “Second Day at Shiloh,” 203. 95. OR I, 36, pt. 1:141, and White, “A Review. .., Pt. 115. Hosea, “Regular Brigade,” 336—37. 4, Section 5,” asus 49 (November/December 1911): 41. 116. Quoted in Bright, “Yankees in Arms,” 202.

96. Wright, “Second Regiment of Infantry,” 429. 117. Henry B. Freeman, “Eighteenth U.S. Infan-

97. Powell, Fourth Regiment, 61-63. try from Camp Thomas to Murfreesboro and the 98. McRae, “Third Regiment of Infantry,” 447. Regular Brigade at Stones River,” in Glimpses of the 99. Quoted in William Winthrop, Military Lawand — Nation’s Struggle. Papers Read before the Minnesota Precedents (Boston: Little, Brown, 1896), 2:1181 note. © Commandery of the Military Order of the Loyal Le100. The most comprehensive work onthe Regu- gion of the United States, 1889-1892 (New York: D. D. lar regiments that served in the Regular Brigade with Merrill, 1893), 109-10.

the Army of the Ohio and its successor, the Army of 18, Freeman, “Eighteenth U.S. Infantry,” 119, 120. the Cumberland, is Mark W. Johnson’s That Body of 19. Headquarters, Center, 144th Army Corps, De-

358 Notes to pages 234-240

partment of the Cumberland, General Orders no.1, | ment of Cavalry,” in The Army of the United States,

January 6, 1863 (oR I, 20, pt. 2:303). ed. Rodenbough and Haskin, 159—60, 164. 120. Hosea, “Regular Brigade,” 337-38. 8. Lambert, One Hundred Years, 61—67. 121. Hosea, “Regular Brigade,” 340. 9. Lambert, One Hundred Years, 67. 122, Freeman, “Eighteenth Infantry,” 128. 10. Charles Morton, “The Third Regiment of Cav123. Report of Maj. Gen. Lovell L. Rousseau, U.S. — alry,” in Army of the United States, ed. Rodenbough

Army (Cmdg, ist Div.), Nashville, Tennessee, Janu- and Haskins, 201.

ary 11, 1863 (oR I, 20, pt. 1:381). u. “Abstract from Returns of the Union Forces

659. I, 31, pt. 2:13).

124. Hewitt, “Nineteenth Regiment of Infantry,” at and about Chattanooga, November 20, 1863” (or

125. Quoted in Hosea, “Regular Brigade,” 343. 12. Morton, “Third Regiment of Cavalry,” 202-203. 126. Cabaniss, “Eighteenth Regiment of Infan- 13. Military Service Institution of the United States,

try, 648. “The Fourth Regiment of Cavalry,” in Army of the 127. Hewitt, “Nineteenth Regiment of Infantry,” United States, ed. Rodenbough and Haskin, 213-14.

659. | 14. Addendum to Report of Maj. Gen. William 128. James B. Ronan, “Desperate Stand at Chick- S, Rosecrans, HQ, Department of the Cumberland,

P : e EP ane a op Sh Toe eave Be ake Civil War, July 1920 o/ | Murfreesboro, Tennessee, February 12, 1863 (or I, 20, 129. Report of Capt. Robert E. A. Crofton (Cmdg,

pt. 1:203).

16th U S.evInfantry), Bivouac 15. at Military Chatt:Service a, I S-Institution, ag avs“Fourth conete St OE Salient) ouac al Cant ancenaeutes Regiment he mber 26, 186 RI, 30, pt. 1:318). rs Seer psEtmave (0 -Gen. pea) John of Cavalry,” 215. 130. Reports‘of863 Brig. H. King, U.S. Army rs Sas a ‘ a 5 pea = Ck } 16. “Organization of the U.S. Forces CommandCmdsg, : e, ist Div. rmy Corps), ChattaaleeArmy, i 7 No( & 3 pee ed by Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas, U.S. nooga, Tennessee, September 24,vember 1863 (or I, 30, pt. - 4 cadets 30, 1864” (or I, 45, pt. 1:1204); “Organization

1:309). e ons er

oe , . of Troops in the Cavalry Corps, Military Division 1331. Quoted in Bright, “Yankees inof Arms,” 206. ; bet font cp ie sce the Mississippi, Commanded by Brevet Maj. Gen. 1332. Report of 2d Lt. Robert Ayres, 19th Infantry a 2 James H. Wilson, U.S. Army, December 31, 1864” (oR

(Adjutant, ist Battalion, 19th Infantry), Chattanoo- ais ee.

I, 45, pt. 2:465); “Organization of the Cavalry Corps, ga, Tennessee, September 26, 1863 (or I, 30, pt. 1:323). ae 2 ors ese : ; Military Division of the Mississippi, Bvt. Maj. 133. Report of Brig. Gen. John H. King, SeptemeeGen. :j

| James H. Wilson Commanding, March 22—April 24, ber 24, 1863; Bueader (or pt. 1:310). ae apeninaHen Pci > ’I,ae»30, pt. aticathe ) ie Kleseas “Renulan 1865” (OR1.402); I, 49, pt. 1:40 )3 Cc O sao the Cavalry Corps, Military Division of the Missis-

nu. The Cavalry sippi, Commanded by Brevet Maj. Gen. James H. 1. WDGO no. 16, May 4, 1861 (or III, 1:154—-57). Wilson, U.S. Army, February 28, 1865” (or I, 49, pt.

555 10, , 11403).

2, WDGO no. 55, August 10, 1861 (oR III, 1:403) 1:799); and James H. Wilson, “The Union Cavalry 3. Albert G. Brackett, History of the United States 10 the Hood Campaign,” in Battles and Leaders, ed. Cavalry, from the Formation of the Federal Govern- _ Johnson, 4:470. ment to the 1st of June, 1863 (New York: Harper and 17. Report of Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas, U.S.

Brothers, 1865), 219. Army (Cmdg, Dept. of the Cumberland), Eastport 4. Averell, Ten Years in the Saddle, 330. Ms, January 20, 1865 (or I, 45, pt. 1:41). 5. Theophilus F. Rodenbough, ed., From Everglade 18. “Fourth Regiment of Cavalry,” 216, and Dyer, to Canyon with the Second United States Cavalry: An Compendium, 1691. Authentic Account of Service in Florida, Mexico, Vir- 19. Price, Across the Continent, 101-103. ginia, and the Indian Country, 1836-1875 (Norman: 20. Price, Across the Continent, 125.

University of Oklahoma Press, 2000), 238. 21. William H. Carter, “The Sixth Regiment of 6. WDGO no. 91, July 29, 1862 (or III, 2:281). Cavalry,” in Army of the United States, ed. Roden7. Robert P. Page Wainwright, “The First Regi- bough and Haskin, 232-33.

Notes to pages 240-251 359

22. Quoted in Carol Bundy, The Nature of Sacri- 33. Quoted in O’Neill, “Federal Cavalry,” 128 fice: A Biography of Charles Russell Lowell, Jr., 1835- 34. Report of Brig. Gen. Philip St. George Cooke 1864 (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005),191. | (Cmdg, Cavalry Reserve) of the Battle of Gaines’ Mill,

23. Averell, Ten Years in the Saddle, 333. Camp on James River, July 3, 1862 (or I, 1, pt. 2:42). 24. Carter, “Sixth Regiment of Cavalry,” 232, 236-37. 35. Swift, “Fifth Regiment of Cavalry,” 225.

25. Eben Swift, “The Fifth Regiment of Cavalry,” 36. U.S. War Department, Adjutant General’s Ofin Army of the United States, ed. Rodenbough and ___ fice, “Organization of the Army of the Potomac, Maj.

Haskin, 221, 222. Gen. George B. McClellan, U.S. Army, Commanding, 26. Lowe, Five Years a Dragoon, 119. September 14-17, 1862” (or I, 19:169—70, 180). 27. Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan, Report of the 37. “Organization of the Union Forces at the BatFirst Period of Operations of the Army of the Po- _ tle of Fredericksburg, Va., December 1-15, 1862” (oR tomac, August 4, 1863, enclosure (Troops ofthe Army I, 21:48, 53, and 57).

of the Potomac Sent to the Peninsula in March and 38. HQ, Army of the Potomac, General Orders no. Early in April 1862) (or I, 5:19); Welcher, The Union — 6, February 5, 1863 (or I, 25, pt. 2:51). Army, 1:250; Edward G. Longacre, Lincoln’s Cavalry- 39. HQ, Cavalry Corps, Army of the Potomac, Genmen: A History of the Mounted Forces of the Army of — eral Orders no. 4, February 12, 1863 (or I, 25, pt. 2:71-72).

the Potomac (Mechanicsburg pa: Stackpole Books, 40. Quoted in Eric J. Wittenberg, The Union Cav2000), 66; and Stephen Z. Starr, The Union Cavalry — alry Comes of Age: Hartwood Church to Brandy Stain the Civil War (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Uni- tion, 1863 (Washington: Brassey’s, 2003), 26.

versity Press, 1979), 1:262. 41. White, “A Review..., Pt. 2, Section 1,” JMsIus 28. McClellan, Report of the First Period of Op- 45 (November/December 1909): 389; Lambert, One erations of the Army of the Potomac, August 4, 1863 Hundred Years, 67; and Wittenberg, Union Cavalry

(or I, 5:13). Comes of Age, 111.

29. Quoted in Robert O’Neill, “Federal Cavalry 42. Report of Brig. Gen. John Buford, U.S. Army Operations in the Peninsula Campaign,” in The Pen- | (Cmdg, Reserve Bde), Ha, Cavalry Reserve, Deep Run, insula Campaign of 1862: Yorktown to the Seven Days, Virginia, May 15, 1863 (or I, 25, pt. 1:1089); Starr, Union

ed. William J. Miller (Campbell ca: Savas Wood- — Cavalry, 1:351-52; Edward G. Longacre, General John

bury, 1997), LI, 87. Buford: A Military Biography (Cambridge Ma: Da Capo 30. HQ, Army of the Potomac, Special Orders no. Press, 1995), 148; and From Everglade to Canyon, ed. 90, March 24, 1862 (or I, 11, pt. 3:36), and Charles D. Rodenbough, 275. Rhodes, History of the Cavalry of the Army of the Po- 43. Quoted in Everglade to Canyon, ed. Rodentomac Including That of the Army of Virginia (Pope's), | bough, 279.

and also the History of the Operations of the Federal 44. Report of Brig. Gen. John Buford, May 15, 1863 Cavalry in West Virginia during the War (Kansas City — (or I, 25, pt. 1:1088).

mo: Hudson-Kimberly, 1900), 8. 45. Price, Across the Continent, 116. 31. “Organization of Troops and Return of Casu- 46. Report of Capt. James E. Harrison, 5th Cavalalties in the Army of the Potomac during the Opera- ry, Ha, 5th Cavalry, May 14, 1863 (or I, 25, pt. 1:1093). tions before Richmond, Va.; June 25—July 2, 1862” (oR 47. Lambert, One Hundred Years, 69.

I, 1, pt. 2:36); Report of Capt. Joseph H. McArthur, 48. Rodenbough, ed., Everglade to Canyon, 282. 5th Cavalry, of the Gattle of Gaines’ Mill, Ha, 5th Cav- 49. Wittenberg, Union Cavalry Comes of Age, 2293 alry, in the Field, July 3, 1862 (or I, 1, pt. 2:46); Swift, © Starr, Union Cavalry, 1:367—68; and Longacre, Gener-

“Fifth Regiment of Cavalry,” 224-25; Price, Across — al John Buford, 156.

the Continent, 108-109; and Rhodes, History of the 50. Telegram, Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker (Cmdg,

Cavalry, 3-14. Army of the Potomac) to Edward M. Stanton, Ha, 32. W. H. Hitchcock, “Recollections of a Partic- | Army of the Potomac, June 5, 1863, forwarding tele-

ipant in the Charge,” in Battles and Leaders of the | gram of Brig. Gen. John Buford, Warrenton JuncCivil War, ed. Johnson, 2:346. Emphasis in original. tion, Virginia, June 5, 1863 (or I, 27, pt. 1:32).

360 Notes to pages 251-256

51. Starr, Union Cavalry, 1:370-73. Halleck (usMa 1839), then chief of staff of the Army. 52. Starr, Union Cavalry, 1:377; Wittenberg, Union — See the discussion of the Cavalry Bureau in chapter 7.

Cavalry Comes of Age, 258; and Longacre, General 72. Merritt, “Recollections,” 301; Starr, Union Cav-

John Buford, 160. alry, 2:37.

53. Wittenberg, Union Cavalry Comes of Age, 259, 73. HQ, Army of the Potomac, Special Orders no.

260-61. 205, August 2, 1863 (or I, 51, pt. 1:1083), and Merritt, 54. Starr, Union Cavalry, 1:378-79, and Wainwright, “Recollections,” 301-302.

“First Regiment of Cavalry,” 161. 74. White, “A Review... , Pt. 2, Section 2,” jm55. Wesley Merritt, “Personal Recollections—Bev- _ srys 46 (January/February 1910): 61, and Starr, Union erly Ford to Mitchell’s Station (1863),” in From Ever- Cavalry, 2:103.

glade to Canyon, ed. Rodenbough, 286. 75. Starr, Union Cavalry, 2:104, and Longacre, Lin56. Longacre, Lincoln’s Cavalrymen, 154-55. coln’s Cavalrymen, 268.

57. Price, Across the Continent, u8. 76. “Itinerary of the U.S. Forces commanded by 58. Telegram, Brig. Gen. Alfred Pleasonton (Cmdg, Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan” (or I, 43, pt. 1:94); Wain-

Cavalry Corps, Army of the Potomac) to Maj. Gen. wright, “First Regiment of Cavalry,” 161-62; and Lam-

Joseph Hooker (Cmdg, es the Eoin), Near bert Oine Hundred Saree" 8 Rappahannock Station, Virginia, June 9, 1863 (or I, 77. “Itinerary of the U.S. Forces commanded by

2p Pt.‘f1:904). Gen.72. Philip ALOK: Maj. >C ome 211.H. Sheridan” (or I, 43, pt. 1:94), and

39. : pense gil pare Comes of Age, 311 Report of Col. Charles R. Lowell, Jr., 2d Massachu-

saeecaas ee im os Rinne he : sells Volunteer Cavalry (Cmdg, Reserve Bde), of op-

61. Carter, gee “Sixth Regiment of Cavalry,” 235. ,from Seperations of the Cavalry Reserve Brigade 62. Price, Across the Continent, 118. ees a tember 8, 1864, to October 4, 1864 (or I, 43, 63. Merritt, “Personal Recollections,” 290. ; :pt.oe1:490). , 78. Quoted in Bundy, Nature of Sacrifice, 415-16. 64. WDGO no. 194, June 27, 1863 (oR I, 27, pt. 3:369), a

; 7 79. Report of Col. Charles R. Lowell, Jr. (or I, 43,

and HQ, Army of the Potomac General Orders no. 67,

1:490-91). June 28, 1863 (or I, 27, pt.pt.3:374). “a ay s 80. Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan, Report of the 65. HQ, Army of the Potomac, Special Orders no, ois the Valley of the Shenandoah, commenc174, June 28, 1863 (or I, 27,campaign pt. in3:373). a, eae

66. 19, Cavalry Corps, Army of the Potomac, Spe- ing August 4, 1864, He, Military Division of the Gulf,

dial Omens moan jinesa ties (Geeta os New Orleans, Louisiana, February 3, 1866 (or I, 43,

i 56 vere dy

401), and Theophilus F. Rodenbough, “The Regu- pt. 1:54-55); Lt. Col. Caspar Crowninshield, 2d Maslar Cavalry in the Gettysburg Campaign,” ymstus 45 sachusetts Volunteer Cavalry (Cmdg, Reserve Bde),

(July/August 1909): 29 Report of Operations of the Cavalry Reserve Brigade 67. Report of 2d Lt. Nicholas Nolan, 6th Cavalry from October 5, 1864, to October 31, 1864, n.d. (or I, (Cmdg Regiment), Ha, Reserve Cavalry Brigade, July 43> Pt 1:492); and Merritt, “Sheridan in the Shenan-

27, 1863 (oR I, 27, pt. 1:948—49). doah,” 518-19. 68. Longacre, Lincoln’s Cavalrymen, 200-201. 81. “Itinerary of the U.S. Forces Commanded by 69. Carter, “Sixth Regiment of Cavalry,” 236, and Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan” (or I, 43, pt. 1:96); un“Return of Casualties in the Union Forces, Com- dated report of Lt. Col. Caspar Crowninshield (or I, manded by Maj. Gen. George G. Meade, U.S. Army, 43» Pt. 1:492); and Bundy, Nature of Sacrifice, 468-70. at the Battle of Gettysburg, Pas, July 1—3, 1863” (OR I, 82. Report of Brig. G el; Alfred T. A. Torbert, US:

27, pt. 1:185). Army, (Ch of Cavalry, Middle Military Div.), of op70. Merritt, “Recollections,” 295, and Longacre, erations August 8 to October 31, November 12, and

Lincoln’s Cavalrymen, 201-202. November 21-23, 1864 (or I, 43, pt. 1:434. 71. The Cavalry Bureau was commanded in turn 83. Charles Henry Veil, The Memoirs of Charles by Maj. Gen. George Stoneman (usMA 1846), Brig. | Henry Veil: A Soldier’s Recollections of the Civil War Gen. Kenner Garrard (usMa 1851), Brig. Gen. James H. — and the Arizona Territory, ed. Herman J. Viola (New Wilson (usMa 1860), and finally Maj.Gen. Henry W. York: Orion Books, 1993), 57.

Notes to pages 256-261 361

84. Quoted in Bundy, Nature of Sacrifice, 473. 2. Oliver Lyman Spaulding, The United States 85. Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan, Report ofthe Army in War and Peace (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Campaign in the Valley of the Shenandoah, Febru- Sons, 1937), 175.

ary 3, 1866 (or I, 43, pt. 1:55). 3. Quoted in Janice E. McKinney, The Organiza86. “Itinerary of the U.S. Forces commanded by _ tional History of Field Artillery, 1775-2003 (Washington: Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan” (or I, 43, pt. 1:96—98); U.S. Army Center of Military History, 2007), 41n75.

“Return of Casualties in the Union Forces, Com- 4. Quoted in William E. Birkhimer, “The Third manded by Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan, U.S. Army, | Regiment of Artillery,” in The Army of the United at Fisher’s Hill, Va., September 21-22, 1864” (or I, 43, S#ates, ed. Rodenbough and Haskin, 336.

pt. 1:123); and “Organization of the Union Forces, 5. William E. Birkhimer, Historical Sketch of the Commanded by Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan, U.S. Organization, Administration, Matériel, and Tactics of Army, at the Battle of Cedar Creek, Va., October 19, the Artillery, United States Army (Washington: James

1864” (or I, 43, pt. 1:125). J. Chapman, 1864), 65-68. 87. “Itinerary of the U.S. Forces commanded by 6. Birkhimer, Historical Sketch, 68-69. Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan” (or I, 43, pt. 1:96, 98), 7. William L. Haskin, “The First Regiment of Arand “Return of Casualties. .. September 21-22, 1864” tillery,” in Army of the United States, ed. Rodenbough

(or I, 46, pt. 1:124). and Haskin, 304.

88. “Itineraries of the Army of the Potomac, Sheri- 8. WDGO no. 16, May 4, 1861 (or III, 1:156).

dan’s Cavalry Command, and the Army of the James,” 7 ag Est eee oe oe fanaa te Aprile (on ae peasy 10. aaraaal _ rst Regiaient of shawnee 306, Bo; Report ob MaisGeu: Prats Hy Sheridan: 11. pan First Pesan of soon s 307. |

x oa 12. W. A. Simpson, “The Second Regiment of Artil-

U.S. Army, Commanding Expedition, February 27 tee ; ;

to March 28, 1865. Expedition from Winchester to the — peers ae ee ee Front of Petersburg, Va.” (or I, 46, pt. 1:479). Pee ee ee UREA mae Cees

es : ; 13. Birkhimer, “The Third Regiment of Artillery,

, go. Report of Brig. oe Alfred Gibbs, U. 3 eon aie aid Dyer C ofpeniliOO-0U

ones: De eee cree see peu ia 14. Birkhimer, “The Third Regiment of Artillery,” April 15, 1865 (or I, 46, pt. 1:1127—28), and Wainwright, 346-49, and Dyer, Compendium, 1700-1701.

a oer 15. Alexander B, Dyer, “The Fourth Regiment of

91. Report of Brig. Gen. Thomas ©. Devin, U.S. Artillery,” in Army of the United States, ed. RodenArmy (Cmdg, ast Cavalry Div.), #9, First Cavalry Di- bough and Haskin, 361-71, and Dyer, Compendium, vision, April 1865 (or I, 46, pt. 1:1125); Wainwright, 1703-1706.

“First Regiment of Cavalry,” 164; Price, Across the 16. Dyer, “The Fourth Regiment of Artillery.” Continent, 125; and Carter, “Sixth Regiment of Cay- 17. WDGO NO. 16, May 4, 1861 (or IIT, 1:15). The War

alry,” 239. Department action was subsequently confirmed by 92. Moses Harris, “The Union Cavalry,” Jour- Congress in the Army Organization Act of July 29, nal of the United States Cavalry Association 5,n0.16 _ 4g@1, sec. 1 (oR III, 1:373).

(March 1892): 10. The views of Moses Harris (1837— 18. James C. Bush, “The Fifth Regiment of Artil1927) have special meaning because they are those lery,” in Army of the United States, ed. Rodenbough of an experienced soldier who served in the Regu- and Haskin, 376-77, and Dyer, Compendium, 1707-1709.

lar Army as both an enlisted and a commissioned 19. Dyer, Compendium, I1:1707-1709. cavalryman. He enlisted in 1857 and served as a pri- 20. James R. Cotner, “Horsepower Moves the vate and nco in the 4th Cavalry in the western the- Guns,” America’s Civil War, March 1996, 36, and L. ater until he was appointed 2d lieutenant, ist Cav- Van Loan Naisawald, Grape and Canister: The Story

alry, in May 1864. of the Field Artillery of the Army of the Potomac, 1861— 1865 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960), 551.

12. The Artillery 21. Quoted in Cotner, “Horsepower Moves the 1. Dyer, Compendium, I1:1699-1700. Guns,” 36.

362 Notes to pages 261-272

22. John D. Billings, Hardtack and Coffee: The Un- hind the Guns: A Biography of General Henry J. Hunt, written Story of Army Life, ed. Richard Harwell (Chi- | Commander of Artillery, Army of the Potomac (New

cago: R. R. Donnelley and Sons, 1960), 364. York: A. S. Barnes, 1977), 52. 23. John H. Calef, “Gettysburg Notes: The Open- 38. Report of Barry, September 1, 1862 (or I, 5:68—

ing Gun,” JMSIUS 40 (1907): 51. 69). 24. Calef, “Gettysburg Notes,” 44. 39. Naisawald, Grape and Canister, 30-33. 25. Brig. Gen. William F. Barry (Chief of Artil- 40. WDGO no. 126, September 6, 1862 (or II, 2:519). lery, Army of the Potomac) to Maj. Gen. George B. 41. Longacre, Man behind the Guns, 100. McClellan (Cmdg, Army of the Potomac), Washing- 42. Longacre, Man behind the Guns, 118.

ton, August 23, 1861 (or I, 5:580). 43. Report of Brig. Gen. Henry J. Hunt, U.S. Army 26. Birkhimer, Historical Sketch, 7o. (Chief of Artillery, Army of the Potomac), of opera27. “Organization of the Army of the Potomac, — tions September 5—20, [1862], Camp near Falmouth, Maj. Gen. George G. Meade, U.S. Army,Command- Virginia, February 6, 1863 (or I, 19, pt. 1:205).

ing, July 31, 1863” (or I, 27, pt. 3:805), and “Organiza- 44. Headquarters, Army of the Potomac, Gention of the Forces Operating against Richmond, un- eral Orders no. 6, February 5, 1863 (or I, 25, pt. 2:51). der Lieut. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, U.S. Army, on the 45. Headquarters, Army of the Potomac, Special Morning of May 5, 1864” (or I, 36, pt. 1:116). Orders no. 129, May 12, 1863 (or I, 25, pt. 2:471-72). 28. Report of Brig. Gen. Henry J. Hunt, U.S. Army 46. Report of Brig. Gen. Henry J. Hunt, U.S. Army (Chief of Artillery, Army of the Potomac), October — (Chief of Artillery, Army of the Potomac), Septem31, 1864 (OR I, 36, pt. 1:289), and “Organization of the _ ber 27, 1863 (or I, 27, pt. 1:242).

Union Forces, Commanded by Maj. Gen. Philip H. 47. Fox, Regimental Losses (1889), 463-64. Sheridan, U.S. Army, at the Battle of Winchester (or 48. Birkhimer, Historical Sketch, 84. the Opequon), Va., September 19, [1864]” (or I, 43, 49. Calef, “Gettysburg Notes,” 47—48.

pt. 1:112). 50. Report of 2d Lt. John H. Calef, 2d Artillery 29. Quoted in White, “A Review ..., Pt. 3, Sec- | (Cmdg, Battery A, 2d Artillery), Camp near Warren-

tion 5,” yusius 47 (November/December 1910): 430. ton, Virginia, July 27, 1863 (or I, 27, pt. 1:1031-32), and

30. Quoted in Downey, Sound of the Guns, 125. Calef, “Gettysburg Notes,” 48, 52. 31. Report of Brig. Gen. William F. Barry (Chief 51. Quoted in Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civof Artillery, Army of the Potomac), of the Organi- — il War, 300. zation and Operations of the Artillery of That Army 52. Report of Brig. Gen. Henry J. Hunt, Septemfrom July 25, 1861, to September 1, 1862, Washington, _ ber 27, 1863 (or I, 27, pt. 1:237).

September 1, 1862 (or I, 5:67). 53. Report of Hunt, September 27, 1863 (or I, 27, 32. First letter, Brig. Gen. William F, Barry (Chiefof pt. 1:238).

Artillery, Army of the Potomac) to Maj. Gen. George 54. Quoted in Kent Masterson Brown, Cushing B. McClellan (Cmdg, Army of the Potomac), Wash- — of Gettysburg: The Story of a Union Artillery Com-

ington, August 23, 1861 (OR I, 5:579-80). mander (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 33. Second letter, Brig. Gen. William F. Barry —_ 1993), 75, 132-33.

(Chief of Artillery, Army of the Potomac) to Maj. 55. Both quoted in Longacre, Man behind the Gen. George B. McClellan (Cmdg, Army ofthe Po- = Gums, 173. tomac), Washington, August 23, 1861 (or I, 5:580—81). 56. Brown, Cushing of Gettysburg, 241-43.

34. Birkhimer, Historical Sketch, 80. 57. Brown, Cushing of Gettysburg, 250-51. 35. Report of Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan of 58. Report of Hunt, September 27, 1863 (or I, 27, the Operations of the Army of the Potomac from pt. 1:239). July 27, 1861 to November 7, 1862, New York, August 59. Report of Col. Norman J. Hall, 7th Michigan

4, 1863 (oR I, 5:14). Volunteer Infantry (Cmdg, 3d Bde, 2d Div., IT Corps, 36. McKinney, Organizational History, 64-65. Army of the Potomac), Pleasant Valley, Maryland, 37. Quoted in Edward G. Longacre, The Man be- July 17, 1863 (or I, 27, pt. 1:437).

Notes to pages 273-280 363

60. Longacre, Man behind the Guns, 18, 191. U.S. Army Center of Military History, 1993), 181, and

61. Longacre, Man behind the Guns, 196. Eisenhower, Agent of Destiny, 238-39. 62. “Organization of the Union Forces and Return 3. Trass, From the Golden Gate to Mexico City, 181. of Casualties at the Battle of Pittsburg Landing, or 4. Quoted in Weigley, History of the United States Shiloh, Tenn., April 6-7, 1862” (or I, 10, pt. 1:101-108).. Army (New York: Macmillan, 1967; enlarged ed., 63. Headquarters, Army of the West, Orders no. _, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), 105.

July 24, 1861 (or I, 3:406). 5. Abstract from Returns of the U.S. Army, De64. Report of Barry, September 1, 1862 (or I, 5:68— Cember 31, 1860" (or III, 1:22); Trass, From the Golden

69). Gate to Mexico City, 224; and White, “A Review ..., 65. ‘Organization of the Union Forces and Return Pt. 1,” ymsrus 45 (September/October 1909): 226-27.

of Casualties at the Battle of Pittsburg Landing, or 6. Quoted in Abbot, “Corps of Engineers,” 16. Shiloh, Tenn., April 6-7, 1862” (or I, 10, pt. 1:101-108). 7. “Abstract from Returns of the U.S. Army, De66. Report of Brig. Gen. William Nelson, U.S. cember 31, 1860” (or III, 1:22), and Abbot, “Corps of Army (Cmdg, 4th Div.), Camp on the Field of Bat- Engineers," 111-13.

tle, April 10, 1862 (or I, 10, pt. 1:325) 8. U.S. War Department, Adjutant General’s Of-

| . I at Date < i 1”

67. Quoted in Mark W. Johnson, That Body of fice, “Statement showing the De aeeD of the U.S.

Brave Men: The U.S. Regular Infantry and the Ciwil Army on the ist Day of Janu hi eee - Chang-

War in the West, 1861-1865 (Cambridge Ma: Da Capo ek ree acer ne Stee ote ream ce

Press, 2003), 111. je : bbe ah oh 68, Report of Capt. William P. Terrill, sth Artillery € oe ens Re en ene eet ET 1523):

; ; ; a ¢ OR me De :

(Chief of Artillery, 2d Div.), Battleground of Pittsburg gene sd .

| 10. Engineer Personnel Act 10, of August 6, 1861, secs. Landing,eos Tennessee, 8,1:402). 1862 (or pt. 1:321-22). fe es ie 1 and April 2 (or III, See I, also Upton, Military Poli-

69. Report of Brig. Gen. William Nelson, April 10, ee rahe. , 1862 (oR pt.Staff1:325). Re a ee eae at, ofI, the10, General of the Army.of:the United States

cy, 254-55, and Henry C. Corbin, Legislative History

510; DE.12 322). ; = oe

70. Report of Capt. William P. Terrill, April 8, 1862 Sa a obt eee

I (Its Organization, Duties, Pay, and Allowances), from

On Pit 2): 1775 to 1901 (Washington: Government Printing Of71. Report of Capt. John Mendenhall, 4th Artil- ,

ee ee ae fice, 1901), 508.

ty SGML Orn oy Su yeu cuac nea yEus. 1. Engineer and Ordnance Efficiency Act of March burg, Tennessee, April 9, 1862 (or I, 10, pt. 1:373-74). Wea eeck tee oe Ills sua) sceealso. WEGO Gao. oe Report of Brig. Gen. William Nelson, April 10, March 31, 1863 (General Orders, 1863); Corbin, Legis-

1862 (or I, 10, pt. 1:325). lative History, 509; and Trass, From the Golden Gate 73. Report of Captain John Mendenhall, 4th Ar- to Mexico City, 221-24. tillery, Chief of Artillery, January 10, 1863 (or I, 20, 12. Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan, Report of the

Pt. 1:455-56. “First Period” of the Operations of the Army of the 74. Report of Maj. Gen. Thomas L. Crittenden — potomac from July 27, 1861, to November 9, 1862, New (Cmdg, Left Wing of the Army of the Cumberland), — york, August 4, 1863 (or I, 5:25).

January 15, 1863 (oR I, 20, pt. 1:451). 13. Thomas B. Van Horne, History of the Army of the 75. White, “A Review... Pt. 3, Section 1,” jusius_ Cumberland (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke, 1875), 2:456.

46 (March/April 1910): 278. 14. Report of Maj. Nathaniel Michler, Corps of

a eee oe Engineers, U.S. Army (Acting Chief Engineer, En-

bane Pignting Bureaus gineer Dept.), Ha, Army of the Potomac, October 20,

1. Henry L. Abbot, “The Corps of Engineers,” 1864 (or I, 36, pt. 1:292). in Army of the United States, ed. Rodenbough and 15. Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers (ARCOE)

Haskin, 16. (Totten) 1862, November u, 1862 (or III, 2:763), and 2. Adrian George Trass, From the Golden Gate Charles K. Rockwell, “The Engineer Battalion in the to Mexico City: The U.S. Army Topographical Engi- Gettysburg Campaign,” ymsius 44—45 (July/August neers in the Mexican War, 1846-1848 (Washington: — 1909): 23.

364 Notes to pages 280-289

16. McClellan, Report of the “First Period,” Au- of the Potomac), of operations from July 17 to 20, 1861,

gust 4, 1863 (OR I, 5:24). Manassas, Virginia, July 17, 1861 (or I, 2:446). 17. Report of ist Lt. Charles E. Cross, U.S. Corps of 30. Raines, Getting the Message Through, 5-6, and Engineers (Cmdg, Engineer Bn), Camp of the Engi- — Bonomo et al., “U.S. Signal Corps,” 22.

neer Battalion, December 18, 1862 (or I, 21:169). 31. Raines, Getting the Message Through, 5-6, and 18. Report of Lt. Cyrus B. Comstock, U.S.Corps William A. Glassford, “The Signal Corps,” in Army of Engineers (Ch Engineer), Ha, Army of the Po- ofthe United States, ed. Rodenbough and Haskin, 436. tomac, Near Falmouth, Virginia, December 20, 1862 32. Raines, Getting the Message Through, 6. (or I, 21:167-68), and Welcher, The Union Army, 1:702- 33. Paul J. Scheips, “Union Signal Communica-

703, 713. tions: Innovation and Conflict,” Civil War History 19. WDGO no. 79, March 31, 1863 (General Orders, 9, no. 4 (December 1963): 399-400.

1863); Rockwell, “Engineer Battalion in the Gettys- 34. Raines, Getting the Message Through, 8-9.

burg Campaign,” 2325. 35. Annual Report of the Signal Officer of the Army 20. Report of Capt. George H. Mendell, Corps of (arsoa) (Myer) 1861, November 30, 1861 (or III, 1:698), Engineers, U.S. Army (Cmdg, Engineer Bn),Camp — and Raines, Getting the Message Through, 9-10.

near Petersburg, Virginia, August 5, 1864 (or I, 40, 36. Letter, Maj. Albert J. Myer (soa) to Simon Cam-

pt. 1:300). eron, Washington, August 1, 1861 (or III, 1:375). 21. Report of Maj. Nathaniel Michler, October 20, 37, ARSOA (Myer) 1861, November 30, 1861 (or III,

1864 (or I, 36, Pe 1:301, 317, ' pes. | 22. Quoted in Spaulding, The United States Army 48: ARSOA.(Miyet) 1863, Novembers6; 1862 (OR TIL

ba Wat ane Peace, 33 2:754-60), and Raines, Getting the Message Through, u1. ZS SSO: 285, JUNE 7.8 ORL. A6, Pt. 3:1263-64); 39. Appropriations Act of March 3, 1863, sec. 17 eos sale oe qunE M4, 1805 AOR 1, 46, car ee anche: (or ILI, 3:94-95), and Raines, Getting the Message

lip M. Thienel, “Engineers in the Union Army, 1861— : és 1865,” Military Engineer 47 (January/February 1955): 41. hi ia

“a es 40. ARSOA (Myer) 1863, October 30, 1863 (or III, “First Period” of the Operations of the Army of the 3:949). | | 24. Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan, Report of the ‘

Peconic Angusea ames (On Tt sua). 41, ARSOA (Myer) 1861, OVE 30, a (OR hs 25. Edward Hagerman, The American Civil War Emepauel-O aes ake: pyre occult i and the Origins of Modern Warfare: Ideas, Organi- 4 ae paigtisa dea ending ones as eta

zation, and Field Command (Bloomington: Indiana Re eg pee yen ae Pee Crt aca University Press, 1988), 236; Thienel, “Engineers in Dune G A aataa te cand Warials (micas 0- One the Union Army,” 36-37; and Dyer, Compendium, hue, Henneberry, 1892), 455.

I11:1718, 1737. 42. Kerbey, Boy Spy, 455. 26. Thienel, “Engineers in the Union Army,” 37. 43. Bonomo et al., “U.S. Signal Corps,” 22 and 27. Hagerman, The American Civil War and the 2 and Stephen Siemsen, “The ‘Aerial Telegraph’:

Origins of Modern Warfare, 234-36. A Brief History of the Signal Corps in the Civil War 28. ARCOE (Delafield) 1865, October 30, 1865 (or Eta» Military Images u, no. 6 (May/June 1990), 25.

III, 5:162). 44. Report of Capt. Lemuel B. Norton (Ch Sig29. Aimee Bonomo, Shruthi Kasi, and Jeannene nal Officer), Ha, Army of the Potomac, September Dioguardi, “Members of the U.S. Signal Corps 38, 1863 (or I, 27, pt. 1:202). Earned the Proud Nickname ‘Knights without Ar- 45. James Longstreet, “Lee in Pennsylvania,” in mor,” America’s Civil War 7, no. 6 (January 1995): 22; The Annals of the War, ed. Alexander Kelly McClure George Raynor Thompson, “Civil War Signals,” Mil- (Philadelphia: Times, 1879; republished by Civil War itary Affairs 18, no. 4 (Winter 1954): 188; Raines, Get- Times, 1974, 423. ting the Message Through, 29. See also Report of Gen- 46. Quoted in U.S. Army Signal School, “Signals’

eral P. G. T. Beauregard (Cmdg, Confederate Army in the Civil War,” in Historical Sketch of the Signal

Notes to pages 289-296 365

Corps (1860-1928) (Fort Monmouth ny: U.S. Army _ Reflections on the Regular Army in the Civil War

Signal School, 1929), 16. 1. Huston, “Challenging the Logistics Status Quo,” 47. ARSOA (Myer) 1861, November 30, 1861 (or III, 33.

1:697). 2. ARSW (Stanton) 1865, November 22, 1865 (or III, 48. Raines, Getting the Message Through, 17-18. 51533).

49. Kerbey, Boy Spy, 456. 3. Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan, Report of Op50. Raines, Getting the Message Through, 18. erations of the Army of the Potomac from July 27, 51. ARSOA (Myer) 1862, November 10, 1862 (or ITI, 1861, to November 9, 1862 (or I, 5:13).

3:759), and Scheips, “Union Signal Communications,” 4. T. Harry Williams, “The Military Leadership

408-409. of the North and South,” in Why the North Won the 52. McClellan, Report of the “First Period,” Au- — Gjyj] War, ed. David Donald (Baton Rouge: Louisi-

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54. Kerbey, Boy Spy, 455. 8. Letter, William Dennison (governor of Ohio) 55. Raines, Getting the Message Through, 21. to Simon Cameron, Columbus, April 22, 1861 (or III, 56. Office of the Chief Signal Officer, General Or- 191), ders nos. 17 and 19, November 15, 1863 (or ITI, 3:1043), 9. Franklin D. Howell, “Reminiscences of 1861,” and Scheips, “Union Signal Communications,” 410-12. jy, Military Essays and Recollections of the Pennsyl57. Annual Report of the Chief Signal Officer (ARC- yania Commandery Military Order of the Loyal Leso) (Nicodemus) 1864, October 31, 1864 (oR III, 4:830); gion of the United States (Wilmington nc: BroadRaines, Getting the Message Through, 42-43; and foot, 1995), 1:148—49.

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Thompson, “Civil War Signals,” 200. rill, 1952), 325. 61. Adolphus W. Greely, “Balloons in War,” Harp- 12. Lerwill, Personnel Replacement System, 84. er’s Monthly Magazine 101 (June 1900): 39—40, and Law- 13. Quoted in White, “A Review ..., Pt. 4, Section rence A. Frost, “Balloons over the Peninsula: Fitz John 2,” jusius 50 (March/April 1912): 249-50. Porter and George Custer Become Reluctant Aeronauts,” Blue and Gray Magazine 2, no. 3 (December/ January 1984-85): 7.

62. H. V. Canan, “Balloons in the Civil War,” Signal 12, no. 1 (September 1957): 27.

63. Ben Fanton, “View from Above the Battlefield,” America’s Civil War 14, no. 4 (September 2001): 25.

64. Capt. Cyrus B. Comstock (Chief Engineer, Army of the Potomac) to Thaddeus S. C. Lowe, Ha, Army of the Potomac, April 12, 1863 (or III, 3:302-303).

65. Fanton, “View from Above,” 28, 70. 66. Scheips, “Union Signal Communications,” 406. 67. ARCSO (Fisher) 1865, October 20, 1865 (or ITI,

5:156), and Army Organization Act of July 28, 1866, sec, 22 (WDGO no. 56, August 1, 1866).

366 Notes to pages 296-313

Glossary of Acronyms Used in the Text

AAAG acting assistant adjutant general DOW died of wounds

AADC acting aide-de-camp FY fiscal year

AAG assistant adjutant general HQ headquarters

ADC aide-de-camp IG inspector general

AG adjutant general IGD Inspector General’s Department AGD Adjutant General’s Department JAG judge advocate general AGO Adjutant General’s Office JAGD Judge Advocate General’s Department AIG assistant inspector general justus_ Journal of the Military Service Institution

AMD Army Medical Department of the United States AQM assistant quartermaster KIA killed in action ARAG Annual Report of the Adjutant General NCO noncommissioned officer ArcGS — Annual Report of the Commissary OCGS Office of the Commissary General of

General of Subsistence Subsistence

ARCO Annual Report of the Chief of Ordnance opmG — Office of the Provost Marshal General ARCOE — Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers oamMG Office of the Quartermaster General

Arcso Annual Report of the Chief Signal Officer OR Official Records ARJAG ~~ Annual Report of the Judge Advocate ORDD Ordnance Department

General PM paymaster

ARPMG ~~ Annual Report of the Provost Marshal PMG provost marshal general

General QMD Quartermaster’s Department

ARPYMG Annual Report of the Paymaster General QMG quartermaster general

ARQMG Annual Report of the Quartermaster sD Subsistence Department

General USA United States Army

ARSG Annual Report of the Surgeon General USMA U.S. Military Academy ARSOA Annual Report of the Signal Officer of the UsMRR U.S. Military Railroads

Army usmRRcC U.S. Military Railroad Construction Arsw Annual Report of the Secretary of War Corps BMJ Bureau of Military Justice USMT U.S. Military Telegraph CGS commissary general of subsistence USSC U.S. Sanitary Commission

CHORD — chief of ordnance VRC Veteran Reserve Corps COE Corps of Engineers wpGo War Department General Orders cs Commissary of Subsistence wpso War Department Special Orders CSA Confederate States Army

367

Blank page

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Nc: McFarland, 2001. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006. Thienel, Phillip M. “Engineers in the Union Army, Wilson, Richard H. “The Eighth Regiment of Infan1861-1865.” Military Engineer 47 January/Febru- try.” In Army of the United States, ed. Rodenary 1955): 36-41, and 47 (March/April 1955): 110-15. bough and Haskin.

374 Selected Bibliography

Wittenberg, Eric J. The Union Cavalry Comes of Age: Hartwood Church to Brandy Station, 1863. Washington: Brassey’s, 2003. Woodward, Joseph J. The Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion. 2 vols. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1870-88.

Zogbaum, Rufus Fairchild. “The Regulars in the Civil War.” North American Review 167 (July 1898): 16-26.

Selected Bibliography 375

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Index

Page numbers tn italics refer to photo- Beall, Lloyd J., 99 Burns, William Wallace, 110, 338n8

graphs, figures, or tables. Beardslee, Frederick, 297 Burnside, Ambrose E., 81-82, 87, 207,

Beardslee, Abbott, Henry L., 290 aa S George ag: ‘ W,, 297 254 . Beauregard, Pierre Gustave Toutant Burton, Henry S., 267

Abert, John J., 7, 75 : Beckwith, Amos, 82 ‘ ad

Abercrombie, John J., 216(P.G.T.), Gs 3, 20, 197, 205-6, 285-86, 292 Butler, John B., 122

a Beaver, Daniel 25, 68, 77, 80 Butterfield, Daniel, 216, 223, 232 Adams, George W.,R.,174, 352101

Adams, Quincy, 25 hs Cabell, William L., am John Beebe, William Sully, 340—41n18 , 335n70 : 141 Adams, William, 122 aren eee Cadwalader, George, ; ell, Williameee H.,a 111, 121,199 a Alexander, Barton S., 291ellows, inHenry ? : Cady, Albemarle, 216 Whitney, 176278, ’ 7283 Alexander, Edmund B., 216 ees Ki ney, . h Calef, John H., 273, elton, Francis S., 266, 2 x Alexander, Edward P., 290, 292-94, 3 7 Calhoun, John C., 2, 24, 39, 67—68, 310 Beman, Edgar C., 338n17 :;. 296, 300 Cameron, Brua, 335n83 Benét, Stephen Vincent, 340n17 x As e Allen, James, 299 Cameron, Simon, 3—4, 5, 19, 19, 20-21,

. Berdan, Hiram, 132 , xo as Billings, John D., 272-73 B

Allen, Robert, 141, 146, 161, 344n34 ay 23-24, 30, 36, 40, 45-46, 52-54, 76,

Alvord, Benjamin, 100Bingham, 78, 113-15, 122, 134, -154-55, John129, A.,131, 95-97 g8

air, William B., 110 , ;

Anderson, Robert, 3, 57, 58, 197, 223 Blix William B 157-58, 177, 181, 203—4, 335N83, 339Nn6

Anderson, Thomas. M., BI : A. G ‘A Edward S., (a 202, ake,223-24 George H.,a Canby, 245-46, 246, R. 253 | 1204, 217, 218,

Andrews, George L., 211 B oggs, ae . aWilliam Ties Tao a 226-29, 248,ile,293, 298-99 R., 340n1 rats Caen Pa aeRN EA

:aeBolles, John A.,V., 95 81int ae 335077 Boer | Wee acon omford, James 27 Armstrong, Francis C., 32855 ‘ ss ais Napoleon, af ae Carlisle, J. Howard, onaparte, 32-33, 2 oe ; 208

Andrews, Timothy Patrick, 74, 99-103, o& rere a Card, Benjamin Cozzens, 149, 159,

Averell, William W., 201, 208, 247, 251 : ; a a) : - : Carpenter, Arthur, 238-39, 241

ree Obed Bonneville, Benjamin L. E., 216 Carpenter, Stephen D., 237-38, 240

; Boyle, 82 reer 269, 279 - inJeremiah BT]T.,pe 3

Ayres, Romeyn B., 59, 208, 234-35, 237, Bowers, bcc 5. 33454 Carrington, Henry B., 52, 204, 217, 218,

Br ackett, Albert G., 247 Casey, Silas, 216 Backus, Electus, 216 Bradford, James A. J., 340n15 Chaffee, Adna R., 328n76 Bailey, Guilford D., 337n7 Bragg, Braxton, 240, 266 Chamberlain, Oscar, 237 Baird, Absalom, 87, 92, 333n34 Brice, Benjamin William, 74, 99, 102, Chapman, William, 230

Balch, George T., 120, 340n12 104, 335n78 Chase, Salmon B,, 21, 41, 203—4, 326n31 Baldwin, Briscoe G., Jr., 341n19 Brooks, Horace, 267 Chase, William H., 198 Balloch, George W., 33817 Brown, Harvey, 204, 266, 267, 271 Chilton, Robert H., 99 Bandel, Eugene, 195-96 Brown, Jacob Jennings, 24-25 Churchill, Sylvester, 7, 74, 90-91, Barnard, John G., 324n57, 342n69 Brown, Samuel Lockwood, 149, 333n29

Barnes, Joseph K., 57, 75, 165-68, 170, 346n80 Clark, George F., 147 172, 181-83, 189-90, 349n16 Buchanan, James, 20, 26, 287, 293, Clark, Victor S., 130

Barr, Thomas F., 95 322n13 Clitz, Henry B., 223 Barry, William F., 198, 206, 208-9, 269, Buchanan, Robert C., 216, 220, 230-31 Comstock, Cyrus B., 299-300

273-77, 283, 342n69 Buckner, Simon Bolivar, 110 Connelly, Jesse B., 237 Barton, Clara, 325n82 Buell, Don Carlos, 87, 187, 336n105 Conrad, Charles M., 19 Batchelder, Richard Napoleon, 142, Buffington, Adelbert Rinaldo, 340n17 Cook, George, 229-30

343n11 Buford, John, 92, 254, 256-59, 278 Cooke, Phillip St. George, 8, 11, 45, 57, Baylor, John R., 202-3 Burbank, Sidney, 216, 234-35 245, 246, 252-54, 32627 Beall, Benjamin L., 245, 246 Burnett, Henry L., 95 Coolidge, Sidney, 226, 241 SE.

Cooper, Samuel, xii, 50, 74, 77, 86 Easton, Langdon C., 81-82, 161 Gibbs, Alfred, 262 Craig, Henry Knox, 7, 74, 120, 128, 131, Eaton, Amos Beebe, 57, 74, 110, 337n6 Gibbs, John, 259-60

339nn4—6 Eckerson, Theodore J., 122 Gibson, George, 7, 74, 109-10, 337N4, Craig, Presley O., 339n4 Eckert, Thomas Thompson, 159, 337N7

Craig, Robert O., 167 348n119 Giddings, Grotius R., 225 Crane, Charles H., 168 Edie, John R., 242 Gillem, Alvan C., 141-42 Crawford, George W., 19 Eisenhower, John S. D., 27 Gillett, Mary C., 164, 173 Crawford, Samuel W., 167-68 Ekin, James Adams, 149, 152-53, Gilpin, E. N., 116

Crawford, William H., 67 346n70 Gorgas, Josiah, 126, 34015 Crittenden, George B., 12, 245 Ellet, Charles, Jr., 156, 347n102 Graham, Lawrence P., 246

Crittenden, John J., 11 Elliott, Washington L., 211 Grant, Ulysses S., xii, 8, 10, 17, 19, Crittenden, Thomas L., 283 Emory, William H., 201, 250-51, 253 22-25, 26, 27-31, 33-34, 38, 40, 53,57;

Crofton, Robert E. A., 241 Erving, John, 266, 267 58, 80—83, 95, 153, 187, 224—25, 236-37, Crosman, George H., 147 Evans, Thomas H., 231, 233 2.48, 262, 280-81, 290, 292, 311, 323N31,

Cross, Charles E., 289-90 331N50, 338n29, 340n18 Cross, Trueman, 72 Farnsworth, Elon James, 257 Gray, John Chipman, 96

Crowninshield, Caspar, 262, 361n80 Fatherly, Richard, 341n19 Grayson, John B., 110, 337n7 Cullum, George W., 26, 324n50, Fauntleroy, Thomas T., 245, 246 Greeley, Horace, 23

Po 4 ada ay Kellie = .

324057 Fessenden, William P., 129 Greely, Adolphus W., 117 Cushing, Alonzo H., 279-80, 283 Finley, Clement Alexander, 74, 164-65, Greene, James D., 216, 226 Cushing, Samuel 'T\, 111, 293-94 169, 173, 183-84, 189, 349n6, 352n94 Greene, Oliver Duff, 87

Custer, George Armstrong, 257-58, Fisher, Benjamin E., 75, 299-300 Griffin, Charles, 208

260 Flagler, Daniel Webster, 340n17 Griffin, William, 212

Franklin, 226James, ee, Seen Dana, Charles A., 23,Flint, 23, 23-24 Grimes, 129 Dana, ] el ei ae Flower, Frank 149, A., 37150, 154, Foes 0 James Jackson,

2 - po Floyd, John B., 11-12, 19, 19-20, 26, 77, Haines, Peter C., 208

JERE ee 116, 119, 128, 131,140, 149, 293, 334ns2__—«=Hale, John P., 125 Floyd-Jones, DeLancey, 223 all, James S., 296

Davis, Benjamin F."Grimes, 256 Hall ie Davis, Charles H., 156 , : wath aS Hall. Joh Davis Jeters le eee Foote, Andrew H., 156 all, John, 133

scalp aia ca lara reeaa Forwood, William H., 168 Hall, Norman J., 280

86, 293,Sidney, 3223, 322n8, 337N5 ~harles Warr | Hall, Robert H., 228-29 Davis, 256 Foster, Charles Warren, 89, 332n23 ;

mae M2 Fox. William FE. 53 Halleck, Henry W., 17, 19, 24-25, 26, Dawson, 241 ide id cae wor53-54) ke ean57a 59 | 38 8 ; FratSamucl I li Willi:K., B 02-4. 2 20-31, 33-34) 95,Eon 90, 117, Day, Hanibal. 216 ranklin, 1am b., 41, 203-4, 204,

s : 217, 223; 280 153, 179, 324NN57—58, 36171 44 ae (lp > i ¢ ¢ Cc ry . > Le Delafield, Richard, $7, 75, 182 ) 4+) 20) 57; 505 151, aay

Deas, George, 86 ice : ieee Hamilton, Alexander, 32101

Deitzler, George W., 212 Sea iohne ds uataetont Hammond, William Alexander, 57,

ecg ae ae : - 58-59, 75, 97, 165-69, 172, 178-79, 182, :ry,fy)James B :Hancock, 9Barnet, 6 184, 186, 189, 349n10 57,Winfield 74, 87, 104-6, iy44, 57,141, eeni Male William, 310 Scott, Dickerson, 254 336N105 sland imic ti 6 -Frank Fuger,W., Frederick, 279-80 fase De Leon, David C., 350n20 Fry, Cary Harrington, 74, 99, 335n75

ses Justin, - James 67,207L., 6 a150-51, Hardee,161 William Jonaldson, ead ; J., 245 Bek 4 Ware F pee Gaines, Edmund Pendleton, 25,349n3 ~~ Hardie, James A., 87, 93-94

ougherty, William E., 232 S ; ; a ,

Draper, 6 Gi ? Z Gallatin, Albert, xi Harney, William S., 4, 8, 10, 52, 56, 57; Simeon, 74, 104-5, 336n10 “

uane, James C., 288—90 : ;| Du Barry, Beekman, 110 7 eee Gardner, W.V. W.,D., 224211-12 Harrison,:James E., 255 DuBois, John aed eae ae ; D E 7 C Si Saas ss Galt, John M., 341n19 58, 201, 210-11, 329n101 q Gardner, John L., 266, 267 Harris, Moses, 263, 362n92

ee nee Garesché, Julius P., 21-22, 87, 332n6 Hartsuff, George L., 87, 335n70

ae + Garesché, Thomas, Louis, 21-22 Hartz,229 Edward,; 195, 200 Duncan, ioe Garfield, James A., 166, 343n10 Hastings, James, 255

Dunn, William McKee, 95, 334n53

: Garland, John, 216 Hattaway, Herman, 18-19, 33, 328n62

Dutton, Clarence E., 135

Garrard, Kenner, 346n74, 361n71 Haupt, Herman, 347n104

378 Index Dyer, Alexander Brydie, ae 57, 74, 80, 121, ‘ , : Haan Joka Pane NAIF awkins, John 123, 131, 135-36, 3401113 Gates, William, 266, 267 aP., 1

Gatling, Richard J., 79, 133 Hays, William, 269, 277

Early, Jubal, 141, 150, 260-61 Gibbon, John, 49 Hazlett, Charles E., 278-79, 283

Heintzelman, Samuel P., 204, 208, Jones, Roger (son; inspector general), Long, Stephen H., 75

217, 226 142 Longstreet, James, x11, 99, 296

Heitman, Francis B., 59, 327n52 Jones, Roger (It., Mounted Riflemen), | Loomis, Gustavus, 216

Henry, Merton G., 310 341N33 Loring, William Wing, 8, 12, 202, 245,

Hesse, John C., 200 Jordan, Thomas, 141 246

Hewit, Henry S., 187 Lothrop, Warren L., 210

Hitchcock, Ethan Allen, 28, 33, 86, 182, ee aca once Lovell, Charles S., 217, 231

Kearny,Lowe, Stephen W., 340n13 322n9g, 325n78, 335n70 Percival, 196, 252

Hoffman, William, 216 Keno John; 33707 Lowe, Thaddeus Sobieski C., 80, Holabird, Samuel B., 142 Ren On Ones Paya 74na7 299-300 Holt, Joseph, 19, 20, 57, 58, 74, 95-97, lee Cre i é Lowell, Charles R., Jr., 251, 260-61

Ketchum, William S., Elisha 182, 217 :H., ; 94 121, 129, 151, 33452 Ludington, ge Keyes, Erasmus D., 18, 26, 50, 141, 204, ;

Hooker, Joseph, 57, 81, 87, 160-61, 187, Lynde, Isaac, 202-3, 221

254, 256-58, 268 ced peg deh OD Lynde, Richard D., 167

Hosea, Lewis M., 237-40 ee Eovareoess26 Lyon, Nathaniel, 200, 210-12, 281 Howard, Oliver O., 56-58, 57, 106-7 pine Ona 237 740-32

. ; fee Kirkham, Ralph W., 147 Macfeely, Robert, 110

121, 336N115, 34118 Kirwin, John S., 195 Mackall, William M., 86 Howe, Marshall S., 245-46, 246 pide Suen: Maconib: Altsander 3s

Howell, Franklin 31Madison, ne i al poten AL Kreidberg, MarvinD., A., 310 James, 33704

Ei er> Penlaneiy, 2400" Kroutinger, Adolph W., 182 Mahan, Dennis Hart, 32, 325n69

Humphrey, Charles F., 328n76 * Mansfield, Joseph King Fenno, 57, 58, Humphreys, Frederick C., 126, 341n19 Lacey, Francis E., 231 62, 91, 333028 Hunt, Henry J., 198, 209, 269, 276-81, La Mountain, John, 299 March, Salem S., 233

283, 342n69 Larned, Benjamin Franklin, 7, 74, 88, Marcy, Randolph Barnes, 74, 91-93, Hunter, David, 99-100, 204, 245, 246 99, 101, 335N73 100; 3330n32-33 Huston, James A., 78, 134 Lawson, Thomas, 7, 74, 163-64, 171, Marcy, William L.., 26

Hutter, George C., 99 189, 349n3, 350N23 Mark, Cyrus K.. 147

ERCP eens Ome a7e Ne Nea 147 a unease Ingalls, Rufus, 81, 141-42, 146, 160-61, inc ones Martin, James G., 141 er aes at eee Martindale, John H., 335n7o Ingersoll, Lurton D., 21-22, 37, 107 DR ue an een og Ve cae Maury, Dabney H., 86

33405901 Maynadier, William, 125, 339n5

Jackson, Andrew, 68—69, 337n4 Lee, Richard B., 110 McBride, Alexander, 127 Jackson, James, 223, 311 Lee, Robert E., xii, 30, 99, 155, 199, 234, McCallum, Daniel C., 347m104 Jackson, Thomas J. “Stonewall,” xii, 236, 245, 246, 255-56, 259-60, 262, McClellan, George B., xii, 17, 23-25,

268 285-86, 290, 293, 304 26, 27-28, 31, 33-34) 39; 53-54) 575 58,

James, Charles Fenton, 254 Leech, Margaret, 26, 309 80-81, 87, 91, 93, 100, 133, 165, 178-79, Jefferson, Thomas, 1, 321n1 Leib, Charles, 345n63 187, 210, 218, 220, 230-32, 239, 252-54, Jesup, Thomas Sidney, 72, 140, 343n5 Leonard, Luther, 122 270, 273, 275-77, 286-92, 294, 297, Johnson, Andrew, 22, 30, 90, 96-97, Lerwill, Leonard L., 312 299, 308, 311, 333132, 348N119

106-7, 304 Lesley, James, Jr., 35 McCook, Alexander, 150, 281-82 Johnson, Mark W., 358n100 Letterman, Jonathan, 178-79, 186, 189, McCook, Edward M., 82

Johnston, Albert Sidney, 8, 12, 99, 199, 351n72 McCulloch, Ben, 211 201, 237, 245, 246 Lewis, Theodore, 341n19 McDowell, Irvin, 41, 57, 58, 87; 115, Johnston, Joseph E., 7, 50, 56, 57, 58, Lieber, Francis, 89, 98, 334n54 203, 205-10, 233, 257, 268, 274, 299, 74; 77, 140—41, 205, 207, 285-86, 304, Lieber, Guido N., 95, 334n54 336N105, 343N9

329N101 Lincoln, Abraham, 3, 5, 17-20, 23-24, McElroy, James N., 95 Jomini, Antoine-Henri (Baron), 28, 27-30, 33-34, 37-41, 46, 50, 54, 89,95, McKim, William W., 147

32-33, 325N69 98, 109, 113, 130-31, 134, 141, 159-60, McKinstry, Justus, 141, 151, 345n65

Index 379 Jones, Archer, 18-19, 33, 328n62 166, 176, 197, 203, 209, 286—87, 311, McLane, George, 12

Jones, David R., 86 322N9, 347N110, 348n119 McLean, Eugene Eckel, 141 Jones, Roger (father; adjutant gen- Livermore, Thomas L., 43, 59 McLean, John, 337n5

eral), 86 Long, E. B., 47 McLoughlin, George H., 212

McPherson, James B., 57, 58, 62 Owen, Robert Dale, 129 Rosecrans, William S., 23, 57, 58, 87,

McRae, Alexander, 227-29 PaicedAne Nn: toaase suas 113, 239—40, 250, 281, 338n29 Meade, George G., 30, 57, 58, 81, 230, packee Daingerfiel d ahels ; Rousseau, Lovell H., 237-40

233-34, 236, 257, 285-86 Rowlands, John (Henry Morton

Meigs, Montgomery Cunningham, sles ‘Oe a a TAOS Stanley), 48

57, 58, 74, 76, 81, 139-46, 148-52, Parsons, Lewis Baldwin, 149, 155-56; Rucker, Daniel Henry, 142, 147, 150,

154, 158, 161, 217, 223, 324N57, 343N7, 346n95 34439 |

| Patterson, Robert, 250 34431, 34558, 345n67 evs53,Runyon, Theodore, 205

Mendell, George H., 290 Paul, Gabriel R., 217 RusheRichard Lio

Mendenhall, John, 95, 281-83, 33454 Payne; Matthew M., 266, 267 Rutherford, George V., 149, 345n67

Meneely, A. Howard, 75 Perley, Thomas Fitch, 167, 172, 350n43 Merchant, Charles S., 266, 267 Perry, Alexander J., 149, 153 Sacket, Delos B., 93-94

Merrill, William E., 288, 291 Phelps, John W., 195 Sanderson, John P,, 217, 225 Merritt, Wesley, 256-61 Phisterer, Frederick, 59, 326n14 Sanford, Edward S., 158-59, 348n117 Meyers, Augustus, 196, 220, 232-33 Pierce, Franklin, 26, 68 Satterlee, Richard Smith, 184, 352n103

Michler, Nathaniel, 288 Platt, Edward R., 95, 334054 Saunders, John Selden, 340n15 Miles, Dixon S., 205-6, 216 Pleasonton, Alfred, 254, 256-58 Sawtelle, Charles G., 142

Monroe, James, 68 Plummer, Joseph B., 211-12, 219 Saxton, Rufus, 142 Moore, James Miles, 154, 346n87 Polk, James K., 26 Schofield, John M., 24, 32, 40, 57, 83

Moore, John, 168 Pope, John A., 57, 87, 232-33 Schriver, Edmund, 223 Moore, Samuel P., 350n20 Porter, Andrew, 204, 209-10, 217, 225 Schuyler, George L., 130

Mordecai, Alfred, 121, 130 Porter, David Dixon, 141 Schwan, Theodore, 328n76 Morgan, Michael R., 110 Porter, Fitz John, 87, 97, 100, 204, 217, scott, Henry L., 91, 333031

Morine (Lance Sgt.), 212 225, 231-32, 299 Scott, Robert N., 90 Morley, Robert E., 157-58 Porter, Horace, 34018 Scott, Thomas A., 22-23, 23, 112,

Morris, William W., 266, 267 Pound, Roscoe, 83 157-58 Morrison, Pitcairn, 216 Powell, William H., 233 Scott, Winfield, 3—4, 5, 20, 24-27, 26,

Morse, George W., 134 Prince, Henry, 100 30-34, 39-41, 49-50, 52, 54, 56, 57, 58,

Morse, Samucel EF. B., 297 116, 140, 197—98, 201, 204, 206, 236, Mosby, John S., 142 Ramsay, Douglas, 208 283, 285, 329101, 349N6, 349N16

Moulton, Charles W., 147 Ramsay, George Douglas, 57, 58, 74, Seawell, Washington, 216, 221

Mower, Joseph A., 219 Ss a cre eae eg a Sedgwick, John, 62, 193, 245, 246

Mulligan, James B., 240-41 S40NIMO- Selden, Henry R., 229

Murray, Robert, 168 Rawlins, John A., 57 Semple, Alexander W., 82

Myer, Albert James, 7, 75, 159, 167-68, Reeve, Isaac V, D., 217 Semple, Joseph E., 350n23

292-300, 348n120 Reno, Jesse Lee, 62, 121, 340116 Seward, William H., 141, 166, 336n104 Myers, Abraham C., 141 Reynolds, Alexander W., 141 Shannon, Fred A., 36, 40, 53 Myers, William, 147 Reynolds, John F., 62, 216, 225, 269 Sharpe, Henry G.,337n4

Naglee,; Henry M., 225 a ae:B.,ee208 ae Saar DJoshua, es Oheseate mi Ricketts, James Shaw, 131 3

papeleon, a onc0F Riggin, John,267 82-83i" Sheldon, Henry L., 350n23 Nauman, George, | ; curse ares Weléonn Walleawaobs Ringgold, Pamilel, 265 Shepherd, Oliver L., 206, 217, 226,

hate eee Ripley, James Wolfe, 57, 58, 74, 79-80, 239-40 Newberry, Samuel, 223, 311 ae a Newhall Predenie Coz 120, 122, 128, 130-31, 134, 340N7, Sheridan, Philip H., 23, 40, 57, 152,

Nicodemus, William J. L., 75, 293, eons eee sans 240 ADs 251s 259-021 2091274, JOInvO

55856 Oe re eat F., 279 Sherman, Thomas W., 266-67, 267,

Navan: rannel ese Roberts, en) amin §., 228-29 270

Robertson, James M., 269 Sherman, William Tecumseh, xii, 10, O’Connell, John D., 225 Rockefeller, John D., 323n35 23, 31, 53.57 58, 80-82, 102-3, 110, 141, Olmsted, Fredrick Law, 176 Rodenbough, Theophilus F., 247 187, 204, 217, 224-25, 239, 242, 275,

Orléans, Louis Philippe d, comte de Rodgers, John, 156 33334, 339150

380 Index Paris, 53, 234 Rodman, Thomas J., 130, 271, 342n69 Shiras, Alexander Eakin, 109-10 Orléans, Robert d, duc de Chartres, Rogers, Henry J., 297 Sibley, Caleb C., 217

53 Ropes, John C., 96 Sibley, Ebenezer S., 74, 140

Sibley, Henry H., 227-30 Swift, Eben, 252 Warner, Ezra J., 81, 327n53 Sickles, Daniel Edgar, 296 Swords, Thomas, 146, 34435 Warren, Gouverneur K., 230-31, 296 Sigel, Franz, 106, 212 Sykes, George, 206-7, 209, 220, Washington, Edward C., 224

Sill, Joshua Woodrow, 340n16 225-26, 230-34 Washington, George, 286 Simons, James, 187 Symington, John, 127 Watson, Peter H., 23, 23, 82-83, 90,

Simonson, S., William 245, 246 aeHoward, tee 323N35, 340n12 ; ant niceJohn Taft, 313 sen .

Skelton, William B., 51, Talcott, 327—28n53, Wayne, Henry C., 141 George, 120

327nn50-51 Weaver, Henry F., 235

: Taylor, Joseph Pannell, 57, 58, 74, 81, : Slemmer, Adam J., 197-98, 226, 240 Webb, Alexander 7 109—10, 112, 115, 3375, 337N ; S., 279

; Taylor, 337n5 ‘ 142 Smead, Abner,Richard, 198Taylor, aeZachary, Weeks, George H., 26, 265, 286, 337nn5— 0 Smart, Charles, 170 id 2 PU ates Weed, Stephen H., 279

eit 6, 340N10, 349n6 cates arThayer, . lerry, Alfred H.,Gee 57 ae Smith, Kirby, 304 Whistler, William, 54,ea 216 iSmyser, Sylvanus, 51 Jacob H., 82 : White, John C., xili—xiv, 283, 32742, ; ps Thomas, Charles, 74, 141, 144 Smith, Albert J., 99 Weigley, Russell, 151, 161, 309-10 Bias Charles Terrill,H.,William R., 281-82 a 87 Smith, 350n20 2 Whipple, William, D.,

Smith, Charles Ferguson, 31, 45, 216 ie Welcker, William Thomas, 34015

Spencer, Christopher, 13449,. 327n53 ; Thomas, George H., 29, 31, 57, 58,

Stager, Anson, 82-83, 158-59, 340n15 240,298, 245,White, 246,Moses 250 J., eee

348n1197,si41, White, William J.neH., z348n114, lhomas, Lorenzo, 57, 74, 86-88,J., : 167 Stahel, Julius, 257 203, Whiting, Charles 200, 332n _ 7 253 Stanley, Henry Morton (John Row- John a . Wilcox, Cadmus, 225-26 Vidball, C., 208-9, 269 lands), 48 Tillinghast. inghast, Otis H ;Wiley, Bell vo Irvin, 311 343n Stanton, Edwin McMaster, 19, 19, 7 8Otis / iedH., Williams, Seth, 87

. lompkins, Charles H., 142 i

21-24, 27-30, 36-37, 54, 76, 78, 83, 86, Williams, T. Harry, 18, 37, 309 Tompkins, Daniel D., 344n38

93, 96, 98-99, 107, 113, Torbert, 115, 118, 120-21, i Wilson, Henry, 46, 88, 115, 216, 218 eee, Alfred T. A., 141-42, 259-61

129, 134-35, 155, 157-59,Totten, 164-66, Wilson, James H., 153, 250, 346n74, James, 200, 210-11

172, 179-80, 182, 184, 189, 297-98, : 361N71

Totten, Joseph G., 7, 56, 57, 58, 75, 194, : 308, 322N9, 323N31, 335N76, 340N12, Wilson, Joseph K., 200

8 pcg ?293, 342n69 Wi eo81, Renin 348n117, 348nn119—-120 ingate, Benjamin, eta Townsend, Edward D., 74, 86, 88, i 22 .334n54 ‘4 Steele, Frederick, 211-12 Winthrop, William W., 98, 324057, 3325 i- H., 97 Steptoe, FE. J., 348125 Wirz, Henry Towson, Nathan, 99 Sternberg, George M., 168 cana . ‘ Wise, George D., 149, 346n92 l'ripler,91 Charles S., 172, 178 299 Steuben, Baron von, Wise, John, 7 Tucker, John, 23, 23, 78, 155 Stewart, H., 92 110, Withers, i : Turner,Harris John Wesley, 338n9John, ape ae86

Stipp, George W., 350n23 s3, Wolcott, Christopher 23,. 23, 323n37 ; id Twiggs, David E., 8,217, 12-13, 20, 50,P., 57, Stone, Charles Pomeroy, 31, 204, Wood, Henry Clay, 87 58, 198, 250, 321N17 :

225 Pa Wood, Robert Crooke, 164, 171, 177,

p i lyler, George, Robert252, O.,254-56, 142 259, 349n4 Stoneman,

346n74, 361N71 Upton, Emory, 1, 40, 209, 328n71 Wood, Thomas J., 245, 246

Strang, Edward 345n43 Woodbury, Daniel 6.A eee .Jenner, Van 148, Duzer (Duser), John C., P., 83,290:

Strong, George Crockett, 121, 340n16 Woodward, Joseph J., 349n1 1n50 Strong, George Templeton, 176 ies Wool, John E., 4, 8, 10, 52, 56, 57, 58,

: Vansant, John, Stuart, J. E. B., 193, 207,350n23 256, Se 76, 286, 329N101 :Sturgis, ee Van Vliet, Stewart, 141,260 344n38 Samuel D., 201, 211-12, 219 Worden, John L., 198

ws a : Veil, Charles H., 261 eu

Sullivan, Thomas C., 110-11inton, Vinton David ; Worth, William J., 276 David H.,8147, 344n3 a

Sully, Alfred, Israel, 220 eae Wright, George, 11-12, 216, 218, 222 Send Vogdes, 198, 266-67, Sumner, Edwin Vose, 4, 12, 267 52, 56, 57, :

. Yates, Richard, 29

58, 201, 246, 329n101 Waggaman, George B., 110

Surratt, Mary, 97 Waite, Carlos A., 198, 216 Zogbaum, Rufus Fairchild, 13 Sutherland, Charles, 168 Warman, Cletis M., 339n1

Index 381

Studies in War, Society, and the Military

Military Migration and State Formation A Strange and Formidable Weapon The British Military Community in British Responses to World War I Poison Gas

Seventeenth-Century Sweden Marion Girard

Mary Elizabeth Ailes petites Civilians natesin the Path of War

Pradeep P. Barua pass | Picture This

The State at War in South Asia Edited by Mark Grimsley and Clifford J. Rogers

An American Soldier in World War I World War I Posters and Visual Culture

George Browne Edited and with an introduction by Peal James Edited by David L. Snead

For Home and Country

Beneficial Bombing World War I Propaganda on the Home Front The Progressive Foundations of Celia Malone Kingsbury

waa ace :Clodfelter I Die with My Country ¥ | Mark

American Air Power, 1917-1945

Perspectives on the Paraguayan War, 1864-1870

Imagining the Unimaginable Edited by Hendrik Kraay and World War, Modern Art, and the Politics Thomas L. Whigham

of Public Culture in Russia, 1914-1917 : North American Indians in the

Aaron J. Cohen

Great World War

The Rise of the National Guard Susan Applegate Krouse The Evolution of the American Militia, Photographs and original documentation

1865-1920 by Joseph K. Dixon

Jerry Cooper Sa at

Citizens More than Soldiers

The Thirty Years’ War and German The Kentucky Militia and Society in

Memory in the Nineteenth Century the Early Republic

Kevin Cramer Harry S. Laver

Political Indoctrination in the U.S. Army Soldiers as Citizens from World War II to the Vietnam War Former German Officers in the Federal

Christopher S. DeRosa Republic of Germany, 1945-1955

; Jay Lockenour

In the Service of the Emperor

Essays on the Imperial Japanese Army Deterrence through Strength

Edward J. Drea British Naval Power and Foreign Policy

ee1e Age Se SHReER of the Ship of the Line under Pax Britannica s os P Rebecca Berens Matzke The British and French Navies, 1650-1815 Jonathan R. Dull Army and Empire

ptt Ge, heTanks ae British Soldiers on the American YouoFCan't Fight with Bayonets Pathuleecal Wak arenat 1758-1775 sychological againstFrontier, the Japanese 4 é Je $Warfare P Michael N. McConnell

Army in the Southwest Pacific

Allison B. Gilmore

Of Duty Well and Faithfully Done A History of the Regular Army in the Civil War Clayton R. Newell and Charles R. Shrader With a foreword by Edward M. Coffman

The Militarization of Culture in the Dominican Republic, from the Captains General to General Trujillo Valentina Peguero Arabs at War Military Effectiveness, 1948-1991

Kenneth M. Pollack The Politics of Air Power

From Confrontation to Cooperation in Army Aviation Civil-Military Relations Rondall R. Rice Andean Tragedy Fighting the War of the Pacific, 1879-1884

William F. Sater The Grand Illusion The Prussianization of the Chilean Army William F. Sater and Holger H. Herwig Sex Crimes under the Wehrmacht

David Raub Snyder In the School of War Roger J. Spiller Foreword by John W. Shy

The Paraguayan War Volume 1: Causes and Early Conduct Thomas L. Whigham The Challenge of Change Military Institutions and New Realities, 1918-1941

Edited by Harold R. Winton and David R. Mets To order or obtain more information on these or other University of Nebraska Press titles, visit www.nebraskapress.unl.edu.