Now Behold My Spacious Kingdom: Studies presented to Zoltán Imre Fábián on the occasion of his 63rd birthday 9782343137438, 2343137439

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Now Behold My Spacious Kingdom

ISBN 978-2-343-13743-8

Now Behold My Spacious Kingdom Studies Presented to Zoltán Imre Fábián On the Occasion of His 63rd Birthday

Edited by Bori Németh

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Now Behold My Spacious Kingdom Studies Presented to Zoltán Imre Fábián On the Occasion of His 63rd Birthday Editor: Bori Németh

L’Harmattan Kiadó Budapest, 2017

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Sponsored by: Katalin Wéberné Jánossy, Wéber 2000 Kft.

© Authors, 2017 © L’Harmattan, 2017 Editor: Bori Németh

ISBN 978-2-343-13743-8

L’Harmattan France 5-7 rue de l’Ecole Polytechnique 75005 Paris T.: 33.1.40.46.79.20 email : [email protected] L’Harmattan Italia SRL Via Degli Artisti 15 10124 TORINO Tél : (39) 011 817 13 88 / (39) 348 39 89 198 Email : [email protected]

Cover design by: Marianna Fa Layout editor: György Madarász Printing: Robinco Ltd., Manager: Péter Kecskeméthy

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Contents

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Zoltán Imre Fábián: A Biography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Bibliography of Zoltán Imre Fábián. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Tabula Gratulatoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

Contributions 1) Thebes: digging the necropolis Tamás A. Bács: Bits and Pieces: fragments from a ‘Lost Tomb’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Marilina Betrò: Una tavola d’offerta dalla corte di M.I.D.A.N.05 a Dra Abu el-Naga. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Susanne Brinkmann and Christina Verbeek: Online and Interactive – CTT a Platform for Conservation in Luxor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Julia Budka: Re-use of a Middle Kingdom saff tomb in the Asasif. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Orsolya László: A case of neurogenic paralysis from Tomb Kampp -43-, Thebes, Egypt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 M. Violeta Pereyra: The Portrait of Neferhotep at his Tomb in el-Khokha . . . . . 82 Gábor Schreiber: The Stamped Bricks of Chief Physician Amenhotep (DM 337). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Nigel Strudwick: The statue of Amenhotep, son-in-law of the chancellor Senneferi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104

2) Qurna Village: past presents – What about the view? Zoltán Bartos: Ein moderner Brief aus dem TT 185. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Andrew Bednarski: The Ruined Hamlets of the Theban Hills: ARCE’s record of the latest stratigraphic layers of Sheikh Abd el Qurna and El Khokha. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Eszter Feró: Nefermenu on Facebook: The Relevance of PUS and PEST Methods in the Field of Humanities and Egyptology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Horst Jaritz: KHOKHA – ein verlorener Traum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marcel Maessen: Living in Egypt; A House, A Home . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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127 142 158 162

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Patrizia Piacentini: Dallʼarcheologia agli archivi: tombe tebane a Milano . . . . . Julián Alejo Sánchez: The Space We Love: Memories and Affections in the New Kingdom Theban Necropolis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Caroline Simpson: A few fragments of Qurna history from Tarif . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kees van der Spek: Of Noble Tombs and Humble Homes: Social anthropology in the Theban Necropolis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dóra Zsom: An Arabic love charm found at the excavations in the area of Theban Tomb 184 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

169 179 187 200 222

3) Ancient Egyptian: language becomes literature Adrienn Almásy: La fonction et l’origine des catalogues de héros dans le récit démotique du Papyrus Krall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fruzsina Bartos: wbA vs. wdpw. A lexicological study on their usage from the earliest times until the Middle Kingdom. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Barbara Egedi: Hathor, the psychopompos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Éva Liptay: Ladder between heaven and earth – symbols and connotations. . . . . . György Németh: Hieroglyphs in Greek magical texts?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gyula Priskin: The description of the invisible moon at Edfu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Zsolt Simon: What did Taita import from Egypt? Hieroglyphic Luwian ASINUS2(A) Reconsidered. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Zsuzsanna Végh: The Book of the Dead Spells 145–146 and the Middle Kingdom Biographical Texts of Ikhernofret, Mentuhotep and Sehetepibre. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

247 262 273 283 298 303 317

331

4) Ancient Egyptian: archaeology, artefacts, archives M. Cristina Guidotti: Le ‘concubine del morto’ nel Museo Egizio di Firenze. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hedvig Győry: To the history of the hare amulets. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Peter Hubai: Weitere Apotropaia aus Nilpferdstoßzahn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . W. Raymond Johnson and Magdy Shaker: A Recently Rediscovered Amarna Princess Head in Red Quartzite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rosanna Pirelli: The Egyptian Min and the Greek Pan in the Egyptian Eastern Desert. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Flora Silvano: Alcuni intarsi in vetro nelle collezioni del Museo Egizio di Firenze . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

345 356 375 388 391 406

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Francesco Tiradritti: Notes on a fragment of an unusual artifact with the name of Tutankhamun (Civiche Raccolte Archeologiche of Milan E 997.02.02) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 420 Edith Varga: Jouet et concubine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 425 Gábor W. Nemes: An inscribed scarab with abridged royal prenomen . . . . . . . . . . 431

5) Miscellanea Rozália Berzsák (Transl.): Nagíb Mahfúz: a rózsakert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bence Fehér: Vitatható jogállású praefectus legionisok Aquincumban . . . . . . . . . . Monika Frazer-Imregh (Transl.): Bevezetés Marsilio Ficino De vita III. könyvének részlete elé . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Géza Komoróczy: Asszíria vagy Egyiptom? Júda külpolitikai dilemmája az i. e. 7. század végén. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Miklós Sárközy: Early Nizārī Ismaili – Bāwandid contacts in the Caspian provinces – a reassessment of our sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mária T. Bíró: Menas kultuszának ránk maradt emléke Savariából a római fennhatóság megszűnte után. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Anna Judit Tóth: Haunted Bathhouses in Late Antiquity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Miklós Vassányi (Transl.): Bevezetés Hitvalló Szent Maximos 1. Opusculumához. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

449 452 461 482 496 505 513 524

6) Ancient and modern: art works Zsófia Bezerédi – Forn/Modern oven from Bet Boghdady. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 543 Marianna Fa – El Khokha, El Qorn – camera obscura photography. . . . . . . . . . . . 544 Emese Farkas – Álajtó / False Door. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 545 Horst Jaritz – Khokha views. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 546–549 Zsuzsanna Köllő – Gurnai játék / Gurna Games – Sigga. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 550 Susan Osgood – Gurna images (notebook artwork). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 551–553 Nóra Vizsralek – Luxor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 554

7) Epilogue Krisztina Zimányi: The Portrait of a Young Man as a Master . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 557



8) List of Contributors

563

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Preface

“Now behold my spacious kingdom!” – a rather imposing line from Bluebeard’s Castle, the opera by Béla Bartók. One has been heard to introduce newcomers to the excavation area citing it… strolling along from tomb-to-shaft-to-mural-topyramid on the little hillock of el-Khokha. What a compact little hill! A bit of everything. A site to behold indeed. Zoltán has spent a considerable time engrossed in precisely this task, the outcome of which he has also shared vigorously with others, whether in person with team members, students, visitors, colleagues, enthusiastic workmen from the (now neighbouring) villages; or in print through varied publications. He is somewhat, well, omnipresent, when it comes to the Theban necropolis, ever since 1983. A visit to one of the innumerable monuments after work entails many a cry of “Ya Duktur Sultan!” resounding in the crevices of the mountains; where encounters with old cronies result in scenes of gafirs walking hand in hand with the duktur, exchanging memories and asking about relatives, until the keys are whisked out of the galabiya pockets opening the way to secrets to be fathomed yet again. These local guardians have worked many shifts on el-Khokha and other sites on the West bank of Thebes, some perhaps even joining the Hungarian missions earlier, others family members of our workmen, friends of friends, Gurnawis. Each one has a story, which Zoltán can recount. But the stories are endless; his definitely are, mine trace back to just over a decade ago when the shared excavation, his mentoring and our friendship began – but let me refer you to Krisztina’s Epilogue for the gist of things. On a more personal note, this editorship has been a long and somewhat lonesome process. A cocoon-like, dare I say, development of ‘growing up’ against the strong urge to call Zoltán for some advice on anything one can imagine. A constant inner dia/monologue, with the first phase of a somewhat intense state of ‘and what do you think?… can’t do that…’, ‘and how would you?… no, no, no!’, ‘and how does this sound?… oops, not again?!’; metamorphosing into a seemingly more quiet, yet just as daunting, second phase of ‘What. shall. I. do?’ Eventually, as such things mostly do, it somehow all got together, bit by bit, article by article, with the wonderful and varied flow of graphics as well, which I envisaged as a fundamental part of this volume ever since Horst Jaritz showed 9

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us his exceptional collection of Gurna sketches. I thought of them as not only an ‘escape route’ available to those who are less inclined to write – and indeed are best at making art by disposition; but also as a possibility to gather together an ‘archive’ of graphic material in connection with the life of Gurna the village and its inhabitants, quintessential to the area of the Theban necropolis itself, where Zoltán has spent a substantial amount of his life so far. As the village has gradually disappeared, it may also serve, together with a number of articles on this topic, as a small tribute to its diverse characteristics and characters, now surviving mostly in the stories one recites and listens to. Zoltán has dedicated, in the broadest sense of the word, his whole life to the excavations at Khokha, with the entailing and continuous studies and research that these imply, as well as necessitate to some extent. From his liebling epigraphical achievements to varied archaeological tasks, he has always demonstrated a thorough and wholehearted performance on site and at home, in both written and spoken form, whether giving lectures to colleagues, or his wide-eyed students, or an audience eager to hear about the wonders of the mystical land of Egypt. He is capable of fulfilling the expectations of all without too much, if any, compromise, always adding a distinct and peculiar humour so typical of him. The following collection of studies, gladly offered by his colleagues and friends, is a humble hats off to all that. The articles have been grouped into categories that focus on various aspects of scholarly work primarily within the field of Egyptology, with a handful of essays from other disciplines. The first two categories focus on excavations and finds from Thebes, ancient and modern, with some more abstract theories included; followed closely by that of a philological, and another similarly dig-andfind-based selection from other areas of Egypt, sometimes involving museums and archives as modern sources. The next category is a medley of variegated studies and translations in the miscellanea; to top off the whole volume with the powerful graphic section at the end. The above mentioned topics may overlap at times, but so it goes in this field as well. Finally, the thank-yous: Gábor Schreiber initiated the idea in the first place, so without him… who knows what would have happened? A big, heartfelt thanks to all the authors who conspired (to some extent) and collaborated on this volume, and also for bearing with me through all these years (I have always wanted to write that) and still responding with such positive feedback – thank you for your patience! To Katalin Wéberné Jánossy and the Wéber 2000 Kft. for truly saving the day and the publication itself.

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Thanks, of course, to family and friends, especially to Dóra: for your sincerity and enthusiasm. To Julián: for your woody friendship. To Dad and Balázs: no more articles! To Blanki: let’s chase cormorants! And to Zoli: everything else, but I hope there is some element of surprise left…

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Zoltán Imre Fábián: A Biography

1954, 22nd November Born in Budapest, Hungary. 1974-1980 Studied at ELTE University, Budapest; MA in Egyptology, History and English (Professors of Egyptology: László Kákosy, Ulrich Luft). 1976-1977 Scholarship (one semester) at St. Petersburg (Leningrad) University (Professors: M. A. Dandamajev, I. V. Vinogradov, N. S. Petrovskij). 1981 Scholarship (one year) in Italy (Istituto italiano per gli studi storici (Benedetto Croce Foundation), Naples; Universitá La Sapienzia, Roma; Universitá di Pisa). Studies: Oriental cults in the Roman Empire, Book of the Dead, Demotic Studies (Professors: P. Carratelli, S. Donadoni, E. Bresciani). 1982-1988 Curator at the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest, Collection of Egyptian Antiquities (Szépművészeti Múzeum, Egyiptomi Osztály). 1983-1995 Permanent member of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission in Egypt, main functions: epigraphist and archaeologist (directed by László Kákosy at Theban Tomb 32 – Djehutimes), 12 seasons. 1983-1984 15-month scholarship to Egypt, granted by the Hungarian Scholarship Committee. 1985−2017 Egyptian yearly grant for 3 months by the Hungarian Scholarship Committee and the Egyptian Ministry of Higher Education. 1986-1993 Founder and teacher at MOZAIK Preparatory School (for university admittance), Budapest (directing the school and teaching history and English). 1989-1994 Teacher at Veres Pálné Secondary Grammar School (Veres Pálné Gimnázium), Budapest (part time, teaching history and English).

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1993-present Associate professor of the Hungarian Academy of Fine Arts, Department of Art History (Magyar Képzőművészeti Egyetem, Művészettörténet Tanszék), Budapest (currently part time, lecturing: Art of the Ancient Near East, Egypt and Greco-Roman Art). 1993-1998 John Wesley Theology College (Wesley János Lelkészképző Főiskola), Budapest (Lecturing: The Old Testament in the World of the Ancient Near East). 1995-present Field Director of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission at El-Khokha in the area of TT 184 – Nefermenu. 1998-2006 University of Pécs, Department of Ancient History and Archaeology, Doctorial School (Pécsi Tudományegyetem, Ókortörténeti és Régészeti Tanszék, Doktori iskola), Pécs (Lecturing: History and Culture of Ancient Egypt). 2001 PhD (ELTE University, Budapest). Dissertation: Book of the Dead and Opening of the Mouth in the Mortuary Monument of Djehutymes (TT 32). 2002 3-month scholarship to Italy, granted by the Hungarian Scholarship Committee. 2008 3-month scholarship to Italy, granted by the Hungarian Scholarship Committee. 2008-present Associate professor at the Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church in Hungary, Department of Ancient History (Károli Gáspár Református Egyetem, Ókortörténeti Tanszék) Budapest (Lecturing: History and Culture of Ancient Egypt and the Near East, History of Religions). 2010 Dr. habil. (ELTE University, Budapest).

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Bibliography of Zoltán Imre Fábián

1981 Az orákulumok jogi és vallási jelentősége az Újbirodalom korában. Antik Tanulmányok – Studia Antiqua, 1981 (1), 231-239 [in Hungarian; The legal and religious significance of oracles in the New Kingdom]. 1983 A Rylands IX. démotikus papirusz Amon-himnuszai: Versfordítási kísérlet. In Luft, U., Vanek, Zs. (eds), Studia Iuvenim in Honorem V. Wessetzky. Egyiptológiai Füzetek I. Budapest, ELTE, 37-52 [in Hungarian; The Amun Hymns of the demotic pRylands IX. An attempt at poetic translation]. 1984 Il Libro dei Morti del Museo Archeologico di Napoli. In Gigante, M. (ed.), Atti del XVII. Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia. Napoli, Centro Internazionale per lo Studio dei Papiri Ercolanesi, 707-718. 1989 •  Bringing About BD 25: Attempts of Text-Critical Analyses of CT 410 and 412. In Vanek, Zs (ed.), Studia in Honorem L. Fóti. Studia Aegyptiaca 12, 29-50. •  Heart Chapters in the Context of the Book of the Dead. In Schoske, S. (ed.), Akten des Vierten Internationalen Ägyptologen Kongresses, München 1985. Hamburg, Helmut Buske Verlag, 249-259. •  Leltár miatt festve. INTERPRESS Magazin, 1989 (6), 10-13 [in Hungarian; Painted due to inventory]. 1992 Graffiti in TT 32. In Luft, U. (ed.), The Intellectual Heritage of Egypt. Studies presented to László Kákosy by Friends and Colleagues on the Occasion of his 60th Birthday. Studia Aegyptiaca 14, Budapest, ELTE, 134-156.

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1993 Kákosy, L., Fábián, Z. I., Hárfásdal Dzsehutimes sírjában. Antik Tanulmányok – Studia Antiqua 37 (1), 178-187 [in Hungarian; A harper’s song in the tomb of Dje­hu­times]. 1995 •  Kákosy, L., Fábián, Z. I., Harper’s Song in the Tomb of Djehutimes (TT 32). Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 22, 211-225. •  Notes on the Opening of the Mouth in Theban Tomb 32. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 47, 11-22. 1997 •  The Artist of TT 32: sS qd Pay? Revue Roumaine d’Égyptologie 1, 39-50. •  Preliminary Report on the First Two Seasons in Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu). Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 24, 81-102. 1998 Some Unusual or So-Called Late or Cryptic Hieroglyphs in Djehutimes’ TombChapel (TT 32). Revue Roumaine d’Égyptologie 2, 29-34. 1999 Did They Say ‘Yes’ in the 19th Dynasty Version of Book of the Dead 145? Specimina Nova Dissertationum Ex Instituto Historico Universitatis Quinqueecclesiensis De Iano Pannonio Nominatae 15, 13-25. 2000 Harper’s Song Scene in the Tomb of Nefermenu (TT 184). Specimina Nova Dissertationum Ex Instituto Historico Universitatis Quinqueecclesiensis De Iano Pannonio Nominatae 16, 1-13. 2002 Stripes in Dados for Dating New Kingdom Theban Tombs? In Bács, T. A. (ed.), a Tribute to Excellence, Studies Offered in Honor of Ernő Gaál, Ulrich Luft, László Török. Studia Aegyptiaca 17. Budapest, La Chaire d’Egyptologie, 217-224. 2004 Editor and author in Kákosy, L., Bács, T., Bartos, Z., Fábián, Z. I., Gaál, E. (eds), The Mortuary Monument of Djehutymes (TT 32) 1–2. Studia Aegyptiaca, Series Maior 1. Budapest, Archaeolingua, passim. 16

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2005 •  Nefermenu (TT 184), April 2003. Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 79, 41-59. •  Nefermenu kormányzó sziklasírja a Khokha-domb déli lejtőjén. Ókor 4 (4), 60-67 [in Hungarian; The rock cut tomb of the mayor Nefermenu on the southern slope of el-Khokha]. •  Friezes in Post-Amarna Tombs of Thebes. Specimina Nova Dissertationum Ex Instituto Historico Universitatis Quinqueecclesiensis De Iano Pannonio Nominatae 19, 31-46. 2006 Another Pyramid of El-Khokha. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 46, 39-58. 2007 •  Translations of the Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead in the Hungarian publication of Kemp, B., Az egyiptomi Halottak Könyve. Bevezetés. Corvina Tudástár. Budapest, Corvina, passim. •  Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu) and the Upper Section of the South Slope of El-Khokha Hillock – 2005. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 58, 1-42. 2008 •  Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu) and the Upper Section of the South Slope of El-Khokha – 2008. (Hungarian Archaeological Mission). Available at the Hungarian Cultural Office website: < http://www.kairo.balassiintezet.hu/en/ hungarian-archeological-expeditions/> •  A Halottak Könyve a thébai nekropolisz újbirodalmi sírjaiban. Ókor 7 (1-2), 14-28. [in Hungarian; The Book of the Dead in the New Kingdom tombs of the Theban necropolis. Including translations of BD 78, 136.A and 153.A into Hungarian, 15-24]. •  The Opening of the Mouth Ritual in the Theban Tomb of Nefermenu (TT 184) and Other Post-Amarna Monuments (The “El-Khokha Tomb-Group”). In Szabó, Á., Vargyas, P. (eds), De Oriente Antiquo et Regione Danuvii Praehistorica: Cultus deorum: studia religionum ad historiam. In memoriam István Tóth 1. Ókortudományi Dolgozatok; 1. Pécs, Pécsi Tudományegyetem, 29-96.

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2009 •  Editor and author in Bács, T. A., Fábián, Z. I., Schreiber, G., Török, L. (eds), Hungarian Excavations in the Theban Necropolis. A Celebration of 102 Years of Fieldwork in Egypt. Catalogue of the Temporary Exhibition in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo November 6, 2009 – January 15, 2010. Budapest, Mester nyomda, passim. •  Editor and author in Schreiber, G., Bács, T., Fábián, Z. I., Török, L. (eds), Alḥafā’ir al-mağariyya fī ğabbānat Tība. Budapest, ELTE, passim. •  A thébai el-Hoha domb déli lejtőjének feltárása Nefermenu TT 184 számú sziklasírjának körzetében – 2009. Orpheus Noster 1 (1), 5-32 [in Hungarian; Excavations at the southern slope of el-Khokha in the area of Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu) – 2009]. 2010 •  Paintings of a  Mud Brick Chapel from the 18th Dynasty in the Theban Necropolis. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 50, 1-26. •  Paintings of a  Mud Brick Chapel from the 18th Dynasty in the Theban Necropolis. In Czeglédy, A., Horváth, L., Krähling, E., Laczkó, K., Ligeti, D. Á., Mayer, Gy. (eds), Pietas non sola Romana: Studia memoriae Stephani Borzsák dedicata. [Conference in Hungary, Budapest, 2010]. Budapest, Typotex Kiadó – Eötvös Collegium, 473-500. 2011 •  News from Old Kingdom Thebes. In Bechtold, E., Gulyás, A., Hasznos, A. (eds), From Illahun to Djeme. Studies Presented in Honour of Ulrich Luft. BAR International Series 2311. Oxford, Archaeopress, 43-53. •  Egyetlen barátok az óbirodalmi Thébában: Az el-Hoha domb déli lejtőjének feltárása Nefermenu TT 184 számú sziklasírjának körzetében – 2010. Ókor 11 (2), 43-63 [in Hungarian; Sole companions in Old Kingdom Thebes. Excavations at the southern slope of el-Khokha in the area of Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu) – 2010]. •  Epigraphy in TT 184 (Nefermenu). In Hawass, Z., Bács, T. A., Schreiber, G. (eds), Proceedings of the Colloquium on Theban Archaeology at the Supreme Council of Antiquities. November 5, 2009. [Conference in Cairo, Egypt, 2009.11.05]. Cairo, American University in Cairo Press, 43-55. •  A thébai el-Hoha domb déli lejtőjének feltárása Nefermenu TT 184 számú szik­lasírjának körzetében – 2010: 1. rész: Qurna egy sarka. Orpheus Noster 3 (1), 5-26 [in Hungarian; Excavations at the southern slope of el-Khokha in the area of Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu) – 2010: a corner of Qurna]. 18

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2012 •  A 18. dinasztia idején épült thébai vályogtégla szentély rekonstrukciós kísérletei. Orpheus Noster 4 (4), 17-47 [in Hungarian; Attempts at reconstructing an 18th Dynasty Theban mud brick chapel]. •  A Krall-papirusz elbeszélése az Iret-Hor-eru (Inarosz) herceg vértjéért vívott küzdelemről. Orpheus Noster 4 (1), 71-94 [in Hungarian; The narrative of pKrall on the contest for the armour of prince Iret-Hor-eru (Inaros)]. 2014 Feltárás az el-Hoha domb déli oldalán a TT 184 számú sír (Nefermenu) körzetében – 2013. Orpheus Noster 6 (2), 7-71 [in Hungarian; Excavations at the southern slope of el-Khokha in the area of Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu) – 2013]. 2015 •  Egy ókori egyiptomi sírról. In Dúll, A., Varga, K. (eds), Rábeszélőtér: a szuggesztív kommunikáció környezetpszichológiája. Budapest, L’Harmattan Kiadó, 493-522 [in Hungarian; On an Ancient Egyptian Tomb]. •  Attempts of Reconstruction of an Eighteenth Dynasty Mud Brick Mortuary Chapel in the Theban Necropolis. In Bács, T. A., Schreiber, G. (eds), Current Research of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission in Thebes: 2014–2015. Publications of the Office of the Hungarian Cultural Counsellor in Cairo; 1. Cairo, Office of the Hungarian Cultural Counsellor in Cairo, 23-39. 2016 Feltárás az el-Hoha domb déli oldalán a TT 184 számú sír (Nefermenu) körzetében – 2014. Orpheus Noster 8 (2), 7-43 [in Hungarian; Excavations at the southern slope of el-Khokha in the area of Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu) – 2014].

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Tabula Gratulatoria

Eszter Bechtold Susanne Bickel Éva Birkás Annamária Csáki György Csáki Tamás Csörgő Márti Csukai Noémi Darvas Gabriella Dembitz Günter Dreyer Dieter Eigner Kata Endreffy Gabriella Esposito Andrea Fullér Péter Gaboda András Gulyás Ádám Hajdú Andrea Hasznos Noémi Háklár Zoltán Horváth Salima Ikram Sergej Ivanov Kata Jasper Nozomu Kawai Lola Kálóczi Imre Kiss Krisztián Kovács Katalin Kóthay Isolde Lehnert Andrea Loprieno-Gnirs Antonio Loprieno Ulrich Luft

Tamás Mekis Árpád Miklós Nagy Zoltán Niederreiter Gáspár Parlagi Szilvia Patkós Máté Petrik Ágnes Pintér Stephen Quirke Kinga Rippl Júlia Schmied Erika Siller Juju Simon Rita Simon Nóra Somodi Zbigniew Szafrański Barbara Szecső Boglárka Szentirmai Gábor Tajta Gábor Takács Szandi Tasnádi Balázs Tihanyi Fiorella Tortoriello Eszter Tóth László Török Jacobus van Dijk Zsuzsanna Vanek Krisztián Vértes Cornelius von Pilgrim Katalin Wéberné Jánossy Harco Willems Tamás Zomborácz Gábor Zólyomi 21

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Contributions 1) Thebes: digging the necropolis

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Tamás A. Bács

Bits and Pieces: fragments from a ‘Lost Tomb’

Of the so-called ‘Lost Tombs’ of the Theban necropolis1 tomb number C4 of a certain Merymaat, wab-priest of the goddess Maat, belongs to the regrettably few that have been eventually re-discovered.2 Cleared and fitted with a new entrance by the Egyptian Antiquities Organisation in the 1960’s following its chance reappearance, the tomb’s history and decoration was studied later in detail by L. Manniche [Figure 1].3 Dating preferably to the first half of the reign of Amenhotep III, it belongs to the Menna-Nakht type of small, elaborately painted (“Ornate/Formalistic” style) tomb-chapels on the mid-slope of Sheikh Abd el-Gurna.4 Accordingly, it is situ1

2

3

4

PM2 I:1, 447-461; Kampp, F. 1996. Die thebanische Necropole: zum Wandel des Grabgedankens von der XVIII. bis zur XX. Dynastie. Theben 13. Mainz, Zabern, 615-621. PM2 I:1, 457-458; Kampp 1996, 618-619. For the re-discovery of TT A21 and TT A24, see Kondo, J. 1992. The Re-discovery of Theban Tombs of A21 and A24. In Atti del VI Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia. Vol. I. Torino, International Association of Egyptologists, 371374; for the Ramesside tombs, see now Manniche, L. 2011. Lost Ramessid and Post-Ramessid Private Tombs in the Theban Necropolis. CNI Publications 33. Copenhagen, Museum Tusculanum Press. Manniche, L. 1988a. Lost Tombs. A Study of certain Eighteenth Dynasty monuments in the Theban Necropolis. London, Kegan Paul International, 100-124, pls. 25-43; for the history of research and travellers and Egyptologists visiting the tomb, see esp. 100-101; more briefly in Manniche, L. 1987. The Tombs of the Nobles at Luxor. Cairo, American University in Cairo Press, 109-110. Manniche 1988a, 102-103. For the tomb type see Kozloff, in Kozloff, A. P. and Bryan, B. M. 1992. Egypt’s Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep and his World. Cleveland, Cleveland Museum of Art in cooperation with Indiana University Press, 268-273; see also Kozloff, A. P. and Higazy, S. A. 1985. The Painted Scenes in the Tomb of Paser, Theban Tomb no. 367. In Abstracts of Papers. Fourth International Congress of Egyptology. München, Internationaler Ägyptologen-Verband, 115-116. Its decoration, as reconstructed by Manniche, can be also considered as a further example of the iconographic group defined as ‘Temple Style’ by Hartwig (who, however, does not feature it in her list of tombs or her analysis, Hartwig, M. K. 2004. Tomb Painting and Identity in Ancient Thebes 1419-1372 BCE. Monumenta Aegyptiaca X, Série IMAGO no. 2. Turnhout, Fondation égyptologique Reine Élisabeth, 136 n. 72), see Hartwig, M. K. 2003. Style and Visual Rhetoric in Theban Tomb Painting. In Z. Hawass and L. P. Brock (eds), Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century: Proceedings of the Eight International Congress of Egyptologists, Cairo 2000. Vol. 2, 300 fig. 2. Cairo, American University in Cairo Press; Hartwig 2004, 201 Table 1.

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Figure 1. Restored entrance of TT C4

ated north of Menna’s tomb (TT 69), east below the forecourt of TT 67 (Hapuseneb) and in line with TT 251 (Amenmose) and TT-NN-468- (a tomb presently under the debris of the demolished house of the Boghdady family) to the south.5 Other than fragments of wall-paintings, reported finds from the tomb to date only include six funerary cones of type DM 11.6 Originating from the tomb, the five minor fragments to be published here are admittedly uninteresting in themselves. This is particularly true of the three weathered funerary cones, which merely increase the number of known exemplars.7 The intrinsic value of the two 5 6

7

See Kampp 1996, Plan III; for TT-NN-468-, see Kampp 1996, 773. Manniche 1988a, 102 with two cones shown on pl. 40 no.2. Unfortunately, the report on the EAO excavations that might have included references to further finds has not surfaced, as noted in Manniche 1988a, 100. From the ever increasing literature on funerary cones, see now e.g. Kruck, E. 2012. Dra’ Abu el-Naga I. Eindrücke: Grabkegel als Elemente thebanischer Grabarchitektur. AV 124. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag; Zenihiro, K. 2009. The Complete Funerary Cones. Tokyo, Kento Zenihiro; Dibley, G. and Lipkin, B. 2009. A Compendium of Egyptian Funerary Cones. London, Bron Lipkin & Gary Dibley; also Polz, D. 2007. Der Beginn des Neuen Reiches. Zur Vorge-

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other fragments, however, namely a door jamb fragment and the fragment of a statue base, lies in the fact that they confirm the existence of elements of the tomb’s architecture and cult furniture that could be only surmised until now. All five were found or unearthed in different, albeit secondary contexts and find spots during the ongoing excavations of TT 65 and its wider surroundings.8 Despite their various find spots, however, they can all be related, if indirectly, with a high degree of certainty to the activities of P. E. Newberry, who, with the financial assistance of Theodore Davis, was clearing a number of tombs in this part of Sheikh Abd el-Gurna in 1900-1.9 Unfortunately though, lacking Newberry’s relevant excavation diary, it is neither possible to establish their original find spots nor that if he recognised their connection with TT C4, which was by the time no doubt already “lost”.10 The door jamb fragment was found deposited with a number of similar fragments of architectural carvings in the cleared transverse hall of TT 65.11 These must have originally belonged to the collection that was stored in the tomb-

schichte einer Zeitenwende. DAIAK Sonderschrift 31. Berlin, de Gruyter, 254-259; previously Manniche 1988a, 3-12; also with additions Kampp 1996, 66-68; and earlier Eggebrecht, A. 1977. Grabkegel, in LÄ II, 857-859. The various interpretations of their function was conveniently summarised in Manniche, L. 2001. Funerary Cones, in OEAE 1, 565-567.  8 For the fieldwork of the TT 65 Project of the Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, on Sheikh Abd el-Gurna, see Bács, T. A. 1998. First Preliminary Report on the Work of the Hungarian Mission in Thebes in Theban Tomb No 65 (Nebamun/Imiseba). MDAIK 54, 49-64; now Bács, T. A. 2014. Overseers of Southern Foreign Lands and Thebes in the Reign of Hatshepsut. In J. M. Galán, B. M. Bryan, and P. F. Dorman (eds), Creativity and Innovation in the Reign of Hatshepsut, Papers from the Theban Workshop 2010. Occasional proceedings of the Theban workshop, SAOC 69, Chicago, the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 414-421; reports subsequent to 1998 are to appear in future issues of Annales du Service.  9 The tombs he cleared during the season included: TT 65 (Imiseba), TT 74 (Tjanuny), TT 75 (Amenhotep(-si-se)), TT 76 (Tjenuna), and TT 78 (Horemheb), see briefly in Carter, H. 1903. Report of Work Done in Upper Egypt, (1902-1903). ASAE 4, 49; see also Bács 1998, 54 with n. 33.  10 Most of the debris that still covers the area and which also hid the tomb’s entrance before the EAO excavation is in all likelihood a spoil-bank for the most part created during the clearance of TT 67 and its forecourt by the Mond expedition and Weigall respectively, Collins, L. 1976. The private tombs of Thebes: excavations by Sir Robert Mond 1905 and 1906. JEA 62, 36; Weigall, A. E. P. 1908. A Report on the Tombs of Shekh Abd‘ el Gurneh and El Assasif. ASAE 9, 129. 11 Around fifty, mostly sandstone fragments of various sizes were found in the transverse hall that represent lintel and jamb fragments collected by Newberry during his work on the hill. These will be published separately in the near future.

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chapel by Newberry, as noted by Weigall12 and to which both Carter13 and later Davies indirectly refer to.14 It seems safe to assume then, given the unassuming nature of the block on the one hand, and the prevalent attitudes towards finds at the time on the other, that for Newberry the piece’s only real appeal was that it preserved a name, even if he was unaware of the tomb’s location that it once belonged to.15 In contrast, one of the funerary cones and the statue base fragment were recovered from two different shafts, both of which date to the early to mid Eighteenth Dynasty. The former was recovered from the fill of Shaft ‘1’ that represents the subterranean section or burial place of TT 65’s Eighteenth Dynasty owner, the royal secretary Nebamun16, while the latter from that of Shaft ‘3’, the burial place of Penre, a newly identified viceroy (king’s son, overseer of southern foreign lands) of Nubia, situated at the eastern end of TT 65’s and TT 66’s joint court wall.17 The interpretation of the depositional history of both shafts indicates that their fills, not representing a primary or closed context in any sense, appear to be predominantly the combination of spoil-bank and backfill.18 Turning now to the primary contexts of the pieces, the first to be considered is the jamb fragment.

“Now used as a magazine for Mr. Newberry’s property”, Weigall 1908, 129. Carter refers to a collection of funerary cones in the tomb in connection with a robbery that occurred in the autumn of 1901 in TT 65, which was related to the infamous break in into the royal tomb of Amenhotep II, see Carter, H. 1902. Report on the Robbery of the Tomb of Amenothes II, Biban el Moluk. ASAE 3, 118-119. 14 Obviously also parts of the collection, Davies noted the presence of the vizier Paser’s stamped mud bricks in the tomb in his notebook (Davies MSS 2.206). 15 Uninscribed sandstone blocks or blocks with fragmentary and/or eroded inscriptions were otherwise discarded by Newberry as evidenced by several such pieces included in the backfill of all the so far excavated shafts and secondary burial places. 16 The shaft is located in the SW corner of the forecourt with its longer side running approximately parallel with the forecourt’s side-wall. 17 See Bács, T. A. 2002. A new Viceroy of Nubia. In T. A. Bács (ed), A Tribute to Excellence. Studies Offered in Honor of Ernő Gaál, Ulrich Luft, László Török. Studia Aegyptiaca 17. 53-67. Budapest, La Chaire d’Egyptologie; also Bács, T. A. 2009. A name with three (?) orthographies: The case of the ‘king’s son, overseer of southern foreign lands, Penre’. Sudan&Nubia 13, 30-37; now Bács, T. A. 2014. 18 In the case of Shaft ‘3’, at least in respect of the overlaying layers, further disturbances of the archaeological context can be attributed to the activities of the Mond expedition in 1904/5 and 1905/6 and the Metropolitan Museum’s expedition of 1914, see for the former Collins 1976; for the latter Winlock, H. E. and Crum, W. E. 1926. The Monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes. Part 1. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Egyptian Expedition, 16-18. 12 13

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1. A door jamb fragment of TT C4 1.1 (Left) Door jamb fragment [Figure 2]. Inscribed jamb fragment, the right side of which is dressed and with the surface of the back left roughly chiselled for better bonding. Provenance: transverse hall of TT 65. Material: sandstone. Dimensions: height 30 cm, width 21.5 cm, thickness 10.5 cm. Inscription: two columns of 8 cm width with the hieroglyphic signs (the largest being 7 cm) facing left. The preserved part represents the ends of the columns:  1[... ...][MA]at, Mry-mAat, mAa-xrw  2[... ...][MA]at, Mry-mAat, mAa-xrw [… …][Ma]at, Merymaat, justified 2 [… …][Ma]at, Merymaat, justified 1

Figure 2. Door jamb fragment of TT C4 (drawing by Kata Jasper)

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In general, the entrances of Eighteenth Dynasty Theban tombs were either sculpted directly from the natural rock or more commonly provided with built doorways, mostly dependent on the quality of the rock at the tomb’s chosen site.19 As tomb entrances were most susceptible to damage, however, their original appearance in most cases has either been obliterated, altered during reuse or hidden by modern restoration. In this respect tombs dating from the reign of Thutmose IV to the transitional period of Amenhotep III / Amenhotep IV form no exception. Not surprisingly, among these, decorated entrances carved from the natural rock are typical for the relief-sculpted (TT 47, TT 57)20 and the monumental (TT 55, TT 107, TT-NN-396-, TT 192, TT-NN-28-, TT-NN-281-)21 tombs of the reign of Amenhotep III. Built entrance doorways were constructed of limestone or sandstone blocks/ slabs set with mud or lime mortar in carved slots of varying depth and decorated with painted, predominantly sunk relief.22 Of the painted tombs from the reign of Thutmose IV two employed sandstone (TT 63, TT 75)23, one limestone (TT 74)24, while in four instances only placements are visible (TT 66, TT 76, TT In contrast to those of houses, a comprehensive study dealing with tomb entrance doorways is still lacking; for a brief overview, see Kampp 1996, 72-74; for houses, see now Budka, J. 2001. Der König an der Haustür. Die Rolle des ägyptischen Herrschers an dekorierten Türgewänden von Beamten im Neuen Reich. BzÄ 19. Wien, Afro-Pub. 20 For TT 57 (Khaemhat), Kampp 1996, 268; for TT 47 (Userhat), Kampp 1996, 247. 21 While those of TT-NN-281- and TT-NN-396- (Amenhotep, son of Hapu?) are not observable, TT 55 (Ramose, Davies, N. de G. 1941. The Tomb of the Vizier Ramose. Mond Excavations at Thebes 1. London, The Egypt Exploration Society, 5-6), TT 107 (Nefersekheru, Kampp 1996, 386), TT 192 (Kheruef, Epigraphic Survey 1980. The Tomb of Kheruef. OIP 102. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 4-6), and TT-NN-28- (or now AT 28, Amenhotep-Huy, Eigner, D. 1983. Das thebanische Grab des Amenhotep, Wesir von Unterägypten: die Architektur. MDAIK 39, 41-42; Valentin, F. J. M. and Bedman, T. 2013. The Tomb of the Vizier AmenhotepHuy in Asasif (AT 28): Preliminary Results of the Excavation Seasons 2009-2012. In P. P. Creasman (ed), Archaeological research in the Valley of the Kings and Ancient Thebes. Papers Presented in Honor of Richard H. Wilkinson. Wilkinson Egyptology Series I. 181-200. University of Arizona Egyptian Expedition) all had sculpted entrances. Of this tomb type TT 48 (Amenemhat-Surero) is the exception, which had jambs of sandstone, see Säve-Söderbergh, T. 1957. Four Eighteenth Dynasty Tombs. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 45, Pl. LIV B. 22 Though not exclusively, elaborate mudbrick entrance structures are typical of the late Ramesside tomb-chapels, see the list in Kampp 1996, 73 Table 53. 23 TT 63, where, however, the found fragments could equally belong to a stela, see Dziobek, E. and Abdel Raziq, M. 1990. Das Grab des Sobekhotep – Theben Nr. 63. AV 71. Mainz, Philipp von Zabern, 75; TT 75, Davies, N. de G. 1923. The Tomb of Two Officials of Thutmosis the Fourth. TTS 3. London, William Clowes and Sons, 1. 24 TT 74, Brack, A. and Brack, A. 1977. Das Grab des Tjanuni. Theben Nr. 74. AV 19. Mainz, Philipp von Zabern, 54-56, pl. 44-45. 19

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77, TT 116)25, and in one even this cannot be discerned (TT 64)26. For the Thutmose IV / Amenhotep III period tombs that TT C4 preferably belonged to sandstone is attested for two (TT 38, TT 52)27, limestone for one (TT 78)28, and a mixed use for one (TT 108)29. From the same chronological group three further retain placements (TT 69, TT 91, TT 239)30, but for the majority (TT 90, TT 151, TT 165, TT 175, TT 201, TT 253, TT 258)31 such data is unavailable. In case of tombs assignable to the later reign of Amenhotep III, four had sandstone doorways (TT 120, TT 139, TT 181, TT 249)32, two further display placements (TT 89, TT 226)33, and only two unknown cases (TT 118, TT 161)34. As elaborate examples such as that of Tjanuny (TT 74) show35, lintels usually feature two antithetic offering scenes, while the jambs each have several (though not more than five) columns containing Htp-di-nsw offering formulae and optionally depictions of the deceased seated before an offering table but with the latter element often omitted.36 TT 66, Kampp 1996, 288; TT 76, Kampp 1996, 313; TT 77, Kampp 1996, 314; TT 116, Kampp 1996, 397. 26 TT 64, Kampp 1996, 284. 27 TT 38, Davies, Ni. de G. 1963. Scenes from Some Theban Tombs. PTT IV. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1; TT 52, Davies, N. de G. 1917. The Tomb of Nakht at Thebes. PMMA, Robb de Peyster Tytus Memorial Series I. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 43. 28 TT 78, Brack, A. and Brack, A. 1980. Das Grab des Haremhab. Theben Nr. 78. AV 35. Mainz, Philipp von Zabern, 75-78, pl. 78d-f. 29 TT 108, where the architrave is described as being of mixed limestone and sandstone pieces, Kampp 1996, 387. 30 TT 69, Kampp 1996, 294 with n. 1, where reference is made to Mond’s manuscript description; TT 91, Kampp 1996, 349-350; TT 239, Kampp 1996, 516. 31 TT 90, where the presence of placements was nevertheless not ruled out in Davies 1923, 19; TT 151, Kampp 1996, 439; TT 165, Kampp 1996, 454; TT 175, Kampp 1996, 462; TT 201, Redford, S. and Redford, D. 1994. The Akhenaten Temple Project, 4: The Tomb of Re’a (TT 201). Aegypti Texta Propositaque, 4. Toronto, Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities; TT 253, Kampp 1996, 530; TT 258, Kampp 1996, 536. 32 TT 120, Brock, L. P. 1999. Jewels in the Gebel: A Preliminary Report on the Tomb of Anen. JARCE 36, 71-85; TT 139, the sandstone lintel is now in the BM, see Collins 1976, 40; TT 181, Davies, N. de G. 1925. The Tomb of Two Sculptors at Thebes. PMMA, Robb de Peyster Tytus Memorial Series 4. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 17; TT 249, Manniche, L. 1988b. The Wall Decoration of Three Theban Tombs (TT 77, 175, and 249). CNI Publications 4. Copenhagen, Museum Tusculanum Press, 46, Fig. 75, 77; Kampp 1996, 524 with n. 3. 33 TT 89, Kampp 1996, 345; TT 226, Kampp 1996, 502. 34 TT 118, Kampp 1996, 405; TT 161, Kampp 1996, 452. 35 See Brack and Brack 1977, pl. 44a. 36 As also shown by Tjanuny’s doorway (Turin Museum Nr. 1643), the seated owner could be substituted for by the adoring figure of the tomb-owner’s son, see Brack and Brack 1977, pl. 44b. 25

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Returning to Merymaat’s jamb fragment then, it is quite easy to establish that it originally belonged to the left jamb of the entrance doorway, as both the orientation of the hieroglyphs and the dressed right side show. It also reveals moreover that the jambs were designed as to be 3 palm wide and containing two columns of texts.

2. Three funerary cones of Merymaat 2.1. Funerary cone: DM 11 [Figure 3]. (Inv. no. 12/IA/39a-b) Funerary cone type DM 11 (Daressy no. 937) of a wab-priest of Maat, Merymaat, owner of TT C4 found in two pieces. The seal impression is only just legible. Provenance: spoil heap of TT C4.

Figure 3. Funerary cone of Merymaat (Inv. no. 12/IA/39a-b, drawing by Fruzsina Bartos)

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Listed without provenance in Daressy, G. 1893. Recueil des cônes funéraires. MMAF 8. Paris, Éditions des Musées Nationaux, 273, 302, 328; Bruyère, however, notes that the drawing of the stamp was actually of the one found in Deir el-Medina, see Bruyère, B. 1927. Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir El Médineh (1926). FIFAO 4. Le Caire, Institut français d’archéologie orientale du Caire, 57 n. 1.

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Material: fired Nile silt (B2)38, colour: red wash (Munsell 10R 4/8) covered also with gypsum wash. Dimensions: max. Ø 7.5 cm, height 22.3 cm. Inscription: the stamp is divided into five columns of 2.4 cm average width; the signs face left, reading:  1imAxy 2 xr Wsir, wab n MAat, 3 Mry-mAat, mAa-xrw 4 m Xrt-nTr, snt=f mrt=f nbt-pr 5 ˹MaiA˺, mAat-xrw. Venerated one before Osiris, wab-priest of Maat, 3 Merymaat, justified 4 in the necropolis, his sister, his beloved, mistress of the house 5 ˹Maia˺, justified. 1 2

2.2. Funerary cone: DM 11 [Figure 4]. (Inv. no. 99/IA/46) Funerary cone fragment of the same type as the previous, missing its bottom one third. The surface of the stamp impression is quite worn. Provenance: Shaft ‘1’, arbitrary layer 24 (-4.9-5.2 m). Material: fired Nile Silt (B2), colour: red wash (Munsell 10R 4/8) covered also with gypsum wash. Dimensions: max. Ø 6.9 cm, surviving height 15 cm. Inscription: as the previous:  1imAxy 2 xr Wsir, [wab n MAat], 3 Mry-mAat, mAa-xrw 4 ˹m˺ Xrt-nTr, snt=f [mrt]=f nbt-pr 5 MaiA, ˹mAat-xrw˺. 38

For a detailed analysis of the material of funerary cones, see recently S. Michels in Kruck 2012, 38-40.

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Figure 4. Funerary cone of Merymaat (Inv. no. 99/IA/46, drawing by Fruzsina Bartos)

Venerated one before Osiris, [wab-priest of Maat], 3 Merymaat, justified 4 ˹in˺ the necropolis, his sister, his [beloved], mistress of the house 5 Maia, ˹ justified˺. 1 2

2.3. Funerary cone: DM 11 [Figure 5]. (Inv. no. 09/IA/58) Funerary cone fragment of the same type as the previous, missing half its stamp and end. The surface of the stamp impression is worn. Provenance: Forecourt of TT 65, Unit DD. Material: fired Nile Silt (B2), colour: red wash (Munsell 10R 4/8) covered also with gypsum wash. Dimensions: max. Ø 7.2 cm, surviving height 12.7 cm. Inscription: as the previous:  1imAx[y] 2 xr Wsir, [wab n MAat], 3 Mry-mAat, [mAa-xrw ] 4 m Xrt-nTr, snt=f [mrt=f nbt-pr ] 5 MaiA, [mAat-xrw].

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Figure 5. Funerary cone of Merymaat (Inv. no. 09/IA/58, drawing by Fruzsina Bartos)

Venerated one before Osiris, [wab-priest of Maat], 3 Merymaat, [justified] 4 in the necropolis, his sister, [his beloved, mistress of the house] 5 Maia, justified. 1 2

As is so often the case with this object type, the funerary cones of Merymaat also have a wide distributional scatter within the necropolis, the farthest specimen having been found near TT 325 at Deir el-Medina.39 According to the recently surfaced notebooks of Davies and Macadam other exemplars were recovered from TT 112 by H. S. Whittaker (two) and below Senenmut’s tomb-chapel, TT 71 by A. Lansing (one).40 On the other hand, during the above mentioned EAO clearance work of the tomb-chapel itself, only a further six could be collected, bringing the known total altogether to ten.41

Bruyère 1927, 57, where he notes that: “D’après M. N. de Garies Davies la tombe de ce haut fonctionnaire se trouverait à Gournah, òu de nombreux cônes du même ont été recueillis”. 40 See Zenihiro, K. Data on Funerary Cones. At https://sites.google.com/site/dataonfunerarycones/general-catalogue/davies-macadam-1-20. H. S. Whittaker funded and oversaw Weigall’s clearing work in TT 112 in 1910, see Davies, N. de G. and Davies, Ni. de G. 1933. The Tombs of Menkheperrasonb, Amenmose and Another. TTS 5. London, The Egypt Exploration Society, 18. 41 See n. 6 above. 39

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Davies incorporating the cone-type as DM 11 in his corpus was already familiar with the stamp from Daressy’s publication of the Deir el-Medina piece, although he did succeed in improving on it.42 While the three new cones do not add to the epigraphy of this stamp type, they do allow for a technical observation relative to the cone series.43 The most apparent feature of these hand formed cones is the discrepancy between the size of the stamp and the cone’s body. The depressions representing the hand position of the maker observable in all three cases show that to fit the stamp onto the head of the comparatively slim body he held the cone approximately 2 cm below the top. Although this resulted in a more or less pronounced rim-like feature, the maker in this way could add the large stamp and avoid any disfiguration due to the pressure of stamping. That such did indeed occur on occasion however is proved by cone 09/IA/58, where a too firm a grip resulted in just such a distortion.

3. A tomb statue fragment of Merymaat 3.1. Fragment of a statue base [Figure 6]. Corner fragment of a base from a limestone statue with the whole height of the base preserved. On the upper surface the outline and starting of the statue itself can be observed. On the two side surfaces an inscription of one line runs; the hieroglyphs are incised in a finely polished even surface and they are finely formed and proportionate. Provenance: Shaft ‘3’ (tomb of the ‘king’s son, overseer of southern foreign lands’, Penre), arbitrary layer 35 (–8.75 m); the upper layers belong to a refill. Material: limestone. Dimensions: height 6.3 cm, width 5.2 cm, thickness 6.5 cm. Inscription: [... ...][m] Xrt–hrw n kA n / wab n MAat, Mry[-mAat], [… …] [… …][during] the daily course,44 for the ka of / the wab-priest of Maat, Mery[maat], [… …] See Davies, N. de G. and Macadam, M. F. L. 1957. A Corpus of Inscribed Egyptian Funerary Cones. Oxford, Oxford University Press; Daressy 1893, 273 no. 9; also now in Zenihiro 2009, 51; and reproduced in Dibley and Lipkin 2009, 34. 43 The technical aspects of cone production are well covered in Kruck 2012, 35-38. 44 The phrase lacks the usual nt ra nb, “every day”, element. 42

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Figure 6. Fragment of a statue base of Merymaat and his wife (drawing by Kata Jasper)

Characteristically for its type and Merymaat’s social status, his tomb-chapel was also provided with a statue niche cut into the back wall of the axial corridor.45 Having an arched roof and once decorated with paint, its modest size (1.08 m high and 0.86 m deep) is in keeping with one notable aspect of the period’s tombs, namely the reduced size of the cult statues they housed.46 With only one exception, where the niche featured engaged statues (TT 253)47, and tomb chapels lacking niches for one reason or other (TT 78, TT 91, TT 165, TT 175, TT 201, TT 239)48, all tombs assignable to the Thutmose IV / Amenhotep III period display this development. Accordingly, two of the single chamber tombs (TT 247, TT 258)49 both include niches of relatively modest size in their architecture, as In general, Kampp 1996, 48-50. On Memphite tomb statues, see e.g. Málek, J. 1987. The Saqqara Statue of Ptahmose, Mayor of the Memphite Suburbs. RdE 38, 118-120. 46 Manniche, besides giving the dimensions of the niche, refers to Burton’s description of a figure of the goddess of the West featured here that was also drawn by Wilkinson, Manniche 1988a, 122, pl. 39 [6]. For the decrease in the size of cult statues, see Hofmann, E. 1995. Typen ramessidischer Plastik in thebanischen Privatgräbern. In J. Assmann, E. Dziobek, H. Guksch, and F. Kampp, F. (eds), Thebanische Beamtennekropolen. Neue Perspektiven archäologischer Forschung. Internationales Symposion Heidelberg 9.-13.6.1983. SAGA 12. 271-279. Heidelberg, Heidelberger Orientverlag, 271-272. 47 Strudwick, N. et al. 1996. The Tombs of Amenhotep, Khnummose, and Amenmose at Thebes (Nos. 294, 253, and 254). Oxford, Oxford University Press, 26. 48 TT 165 (Kampp 1996, 454) and TT 175 (Kampp 1996, 462) are modest single chamber tombs without niches. TT 78 (Brack and Brack 1980, 13, pl. 57b) and TT 201 (Redford and Redford 1994, 2 pl. 1) lack this feature due to their being unfinished; while details of TT 91 remain unknown (Kampp 1996, 350, 350 fig. 227), TT 239 (Kampp 1996, 516, 517 fig. 411) has a separate chapel, but lacks a niche. 49 TT 247, Kampp 1996, 522-523, 523 fig. 419; TT 258, Kampp 1996, 536, 523 fig. 419.

45

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do the more elaborated T-shaped ones, namely TT 38, TT 52, TT 69, TT 90, and TT 151.50 From two of the latter group of tomb chapels, moreover, fragments of the cult statues themselves have been recovered, thus two fragments of the dyad of Menna and his wife Henuttawy from TT 6951, and fragments of a comparable, ca. 60 cm high statue of Nebamun and his wife from TT 90 resp.52 The dimensions of the Merymaat fragment, minor as it may be, suggest then that, originally representing the seated tomb-owner and his wife, it would have been close to the few known ones not only in appearance and style, but also in size as well.

Abstract This article presents newly unearthed albeit minor fragments originally belonging to one of the so-called ‘Lost Tombs’, namely TT C4 belonging to a Merymaat, wab-priest of the goddess Maat. Situated on the lower northeastern slope of Sheikh Abd el-Qurna and probably created during the first half of Amenhotep III’s reign, the tomb was eventually re-discovered in the 1960’s. Although from different contexts, the fragments published here were all recovered from the wider area surrounding the tomb.

TT 108 remains unexcavated, see Kampp 1996, 387. For TT 38 that has a mastaba before the niche (Kampp 229, 228 fig. 128); TT 52, Davies 1917, 43; TT 69, Hartwig, M. (ed) 2013. The Tomb Chapel of Menna (TT 69). The Art, Culture, and Science of Painting in an Egyptian Tomb, Cairo, American University in Cairo Press, 87, 88-89 fig. 2.17a-b; earlier Hawass, Z. and Maher-Taha, M. 2002. Le tombeau de Menna (TT. N 69). Collection Scientifique du CEDAE. Le Caire, Conseil Suprême des Antiquités, 46, pl. LXXIII; TT 90, where the niche was framed with thin slabs of sandstone, Davies, 1923, 19; and TT 151, Kampp 439, 439 fig. 335. 51 For the bust of Henuttawy in the Cairo Museum (JE 36550), Drioton, E. 1949. Encyclopédie photographique de l’art. The photographic encyclopaedia of art. Le musée du Caire. Photographies inédites d’André Vigneau. Paris, 24 No. 88; see also with references Hartwig 2013, 87. 52 Davies 1923, 21-22. 50

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Marilina Betrò

Una tavola d’offerta dalla corte di M.I.D.A.N.05 a Dra Abu el-Naga Molte cose mi uniscono a Zoltán Fábián, oltre – naturalmente – all’egittologia: un’amicizia che resiste alla prova del tempo e della distanza; mesi di studio in comune a Pisa, tanti anni fa, e giorni napoletani, a casa della mia famiglia; infine, tuttora, gli scavi a Tebe. Da qui viene l’oggetto che sono lieta di dedicargli: una tavola d’offerta, su cui simbolicamente verso per lui fiumi di vino augurale per una lunga e felice vita! M.I.D.A.N.05 è l’acronimo assegnato ad una tomba, in precedenza ignota, scoperta alla fine del 2004 dalla missione che dirigo per l’Università di Pisa (Missione archeologica Italiana a Dra Abu el-Naga) (Figura 1). Situata quasi ai piedi della “Main Hill” di Dra Abu el-Naga, sulla riva ovest tebana1, la tomba si affaccia su una lunga corte scavata nella roccia e ha conosciuto nel tempo una storia di molteplici occupazioni e alcune modifiche: la costruzione originale può datarsi agli inizi della XVIII dinastia, probabilmente intorno al regno di Thutmosi I o poco prima, ma essa continuò ad essere utilizzata dopo il Nuovo Regno, nel III Periodo Intermedio, nell’età saitica e poi ancora in età greco-romana, come attestano i diversi rinvenimenti effettuati dal 2005 ad oggi negli ambienti del livello superiore e nelle camere funerarie2. La corte esterna fu 1

2

Betrò M., Miniaci G., Del Vesco P. 2012. La missione archeologica dell’Università di Pisa a Dra Abu el-Naga (M.I.D.AN.). Campagne VIII-XI (2008-2011). Egitto e Vicino Oriente 35, 21-51, in particolare: 21-27 e 41-47. Betrò, M., Del Vesco P. 2006. Missione Archeologica a Dra Abu el-Naga (Gurna, Luxor) Campagne 2004-2005 (III-V). Egitto e Vicino Oriente 29, 5-64; Betrò M., Del Vesco P., Ghiroldi A., with contributions by B. Lippi and F. Facchetti 2007. Preliminary Report on the University of Pisa 2007 season in TT 14 and M.I.D.A.N.05. Egitto e Vicino Oriente 30, 23-40; Betrò M., Facchetti F., Guidotti M. C., Menchetti A. 2008. Vasi con iscrizioni demotiche e ieratiche dalla tomba M.I.D.A.N.05. Egitto e Vicino Oriente 31, 12-21; Betrò, M. 2009. MIDAN – Italian Archaeological Mission to Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor – Egypt). Campaign VI (November 2006). In (a cura di M. Casini), Ricerche Italiane e Scavi in Egitto III, 61-72. Il Cairo; Betrò M., Del Vesco P., Miniaci G. 2009. Seven seasons at Dra Abu el-Naga. The tomb of Huy (TT 14): preliminary results. Pisa, PLUS; Betrò, M., Miniaci G. 2009. The fragments of rishi coffins from the tomb M.I.D.A.N.05 at Dra Abu el-Naga. Egitto e Vicino Oriente 32, 9-23; Betrò, M. 2010. Un cono funerario dall’area di M.I.D.A.N.05 a Dra Abu el-Naga e il problema della tomba perduta di Nebamon. Egitto e Vicino Oriente 33, 5-16; Betrò, M. 2011. Rapporto preliminare sulla X cam-

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Figura 1. Pianta dell’area di M.I.D.A.N.05 con la corte. Al centro la rampa in mattoni crudi e, alla sua sinistra, il pozzo funerario P3. Planimetria di P. Del Vesco ed E. Taccola pagna dell’Università di Pisa nella necropoli tebana (Dra Abu el-Naga). In (a cura di R. Pirelli), Ricerche e scavi in Egitto V, 33-40. Il Cairo; Miniaci, G. 2011. Rishi coffins and the funerary culture of Second Intermediate Period Egypt. London, Golden House Publications, 75-76; Betrò M., Miniaci G., Del Vesco P. 2012. La missione archeologica dell’Università di Pisa a Dra Abu el-Naga (M.I.D.AN.). Campagne VIII-XI (2008-2011), Egitto e Vicino Oriente 35, 21-51; Facchetti F., Ribechini E., Betrò M., Colombini M. P. 2012. Organic Residues Analysis: The Case of a Beaker Found in Theban Necropolis, Egypt. International Journal of Conservation Science 3(4), 259-64; Nabil M., Betrò M., Metwalli M. N. 2013. 3D Reconstruction of ancient Egyptian rock-cut tombs: the case of M.I.D.A.N.05, The International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences 40, 443-447; Facchetti F., Ribechini E., Betrò M., Colombini M. P.2014. Oils and embalming balms from the tombs TT14 and M.I.D.A.N.05 at Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor-Egypt). Journal of Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archaeology 1, 39-50; Simini V. 2012. The musical scene in the tomb M.I.D.A.N.05 at Dra Abu el-Naga. Egitto e Vicino Oriente 35, 53-62; Marini P. 2013. Frammenti di un cofanetto porta-ushabti in terracotta dalla tomba M.I.D.A.N.05 a Dra Abu el-Naga. Egitto e Vicino Oriente 36, 21-27; Marini P. 2014. Una scena di metallurgia e oreficeria dalla tomba M.I.D.A.N.05 a Dra Abu el-Naga. Egitto e Vicino Oriente 37, 89-100.

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anch’essa oggetto di modifiche, verso la fine del III Periodo Intermedio-età saitica, che comportarono la copertura di una parte del livello originale del suolo con una pavimentazione irregolare di mattoni crudi e la realizzazione su essa di una rampa, anch’essa in mattoni crudi, oggi conservata solo nella parte inferiore, che termina dinanzi all’ingresso della sala trasversa della tomba (Figura 2).

Figura 2. La corte di M.I.D.A.N.05 in una foto del 2011, con la rampa in mattoni crudi dinanzi all’ingresso. Sul lato sinistro gli ingressi alle tombe E e TT14 e il pozzo P3. @ M.I.D.A.N. Università di Pisa

Nel 2011, ai piedi di questa rampa furono portate alla luce, nel corso dello scavo degli strati inferiori di riempimento della corte, tre tavole d’offerta in pietra, decorate ma anepigrafi, allineate dinanzi alla porta principale (Figura 3). Due di esse erano quasi integre, mentre la terza, incompiuta, era conservata solo in parte. Le tavole erano parzialmente coperte da uno strato scuro di resti organici bruciati. Una sequenza stratificata di livelli di calpestio attestava qui l’uso e il riuso prolungato della tomba; strati su strati di ghirlande e resti di bouquet di fiori, che formavano uno spesso tappeto vegetale, testimoniavano i rituali che si erano svolti nel tempo di fronte alla porta della tomba in occasione di molteplici fune­ rali o nel corso delle feste, come la Bella Festa della Valle o le feste decadiche, in 41

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Figura 3. Le tre tavole d’offerta all’atto della scoperta nel 2011. @ M.I.D.A.N. Università di Pisa

cui i vivi si recavano a trovare i propri cari morti3. La scorsa stagione di scavo nel novembre 2014, che ha portato a termine la rimozione degli ultimi livelli nell’angolo nord-ovest della facciata e lungo il muro nord della corte, ha rivelato strati ancora più spessi degli stessi resti vegetali e floreali, che, insieme ai precedenti, saranno studiati nella prossima campagna (Figura 4). Tra essi o disposti alla base della facciata di M.I.D.A.N.05, sono stati trovati anche numerosi tappi conici o semi-sferici in argilla cruda, certo abbandonati sull’area una volta che i vasi che contenevano i liquidi usati per le libazioni erano stati vuotati. Lo strato su cui poggiavano le tavole ricopriva i resti vegetali. I frammenti di ceramica rinvenuti

3

Sulle offerte floreali cfr. Dittmar, J. 1986. Blumen und Blumensträuße als Opfergabe im alten Ägypten. MÄS 43. Berlin, Deutscher Kunstverlag. Per i rituali riservati ai morti nei giorni di festa, si vedano Budka, J. 2010. Bestattungsbrauchtum und Friedhofsstruktur im Asasif: eine Untersuchung der spätzeitlichen Befunde anhand der Ergebnisse der österreichischen Ausgrabungen in den Jahren 1969-1977. Wien, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 477-486, con ampia bibliografia; Baines, J. 2014. Not only with the dead: banqueting in ancient Egypt. Studia Universitatis “Babeş-Bolyai”. Historia 59 (1), 1-35.

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in loco tra ghirlande e composizioni floreali ad una osservazione preliminare hanno fornito una datazione tra fine XXV dinastia-età saitica4.

Figura 4. Parte dei bouquet e resti di ghirlande rinvenuti nell’angolo nord-ovest della corte nel novembre 2014. @ M.I.D.A.N. Università di Pisa

L’associazione tavole d’offerta – rampa – resti vegetali richiama straordinariamente quanto rinvenuto nelle corti delle offerte a cielo aperto (Lichthof) poste nei settori ipogei delle tombe saitiche dell’Asasif5: è possibile che, nel caso di riutilizzazioni 4

5

I dati sono tratti dalla relazione preliminare di Anna Consonni sul materiale ceramico rin­ venuto nella missione 2014. Eigner, D. 1984. Die monumentalen Grabbauten der Spätzeit in der thebanischen Nekropole. Wien, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 116-120; Budka 2010, 6070; Budka, J. 2014. Totenkult im Tempelgrab: zu rituellen Handlungen in Elitegräbern des 1. Jahrtausends v. Chr. in Theben (Ägypten). In Thür, G. (ed.), Grabrituale. Tod und Jenseits in Frühgeschichte und Alterum: Akten der 3. Tagung des Zentrums Archäologie und Altertums­ wissenschaften an der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 41-57. Wien, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften; Coppens, F. 2014. The so-called “Lichthof” once more: on the transmission of concepts between the tomb and temple. In Pischikova, E., J. Budka, and K. Griffin (eds), Thebes in the first millennium BC., 343-356. Newcastle upon Tyne, Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

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in età saitica di tombe più antiche, architettonicamente diverse da quelle monumentali dell’epoca e dunque prive di Lichthof, la corte esterna fungesse da scenario per la messa in atto dei rituali del culto solare-osiriaco connesso alla rina­ scita del defunto. In un primo momento appare tentante mettere in relazione i resti botanici rinvenuti in abbondanza in quest’area della corte, soprattutto nell’angolo nord-ovest e lungo il muro nord, con i cosiddetti Osiris beds o Pflanzenbeete delle tombe di Padihorresnet, Pabasa, Ibi, Ankhor6; tuttavia, gli elementi vegetali portati alla luce nella corte di M.I.D.A.N.05 sono montati su supporti di giunco o papiro, con foglie piegate e cucite intorno a steli e fiori inseriti in piccole tasche in modo da creare ghirlande, e questo fa piuttosto pensare a composizioni di fiori e piante recisi offerte ai defunti. Le indagini del resto non hanno messo in luce aiuole o bacini con terra.

Figura 5. La tavola d’offerta in arenaria rosa (reg. scavo inv. n. 3579). @ M.I.D.A.N. Università di Pisa

6

Coppens 2014, 345; Bietak M., Reiser-Haslauer, E. 1978, Das Grab des ‘Anch-Hor, Oberst­ hof­meister der Gottesgemahlin Nitokris I. Wien, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 88.

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La più bella e meglio conservata delle tre tavole (reg. scavo n. 3579) misura 62 cm di larghezza e 49 cm di profondità ed è alta 12 cm. Scolpita in un blocco di arenaria rosata, all’atto del ritrovamento si presentava spezzata in due parti ancora perfettamente combacianti, successivamente ricomposte, ed era scheggiata agli angoli inferiori della faccia superiore. Né questa né i lati mostrano tracce di scrittura. La superficie decorata è incorniciata da una profonda scanalatura per il deflusso dei liquidi, che sfocia nel becco versatoio a forma rettangolare. Essa è scolpita in rilievo incavato e reca incisa la raffigurazione della stuoia con il pane, nella classica e astratta forma del geroglifico Htp. Sopra la stuoia sono rappresentati ai lati due vasi-hes e tra loro – procedendo dall’esterno verso l’interno – due cetrioli o mazzi di cipolle stilizzati, due coppie di pani tondi sovrapposte, un’anatra, un grappolo d’uva stilizzato, un cosciotto e una testa di bue. La disposizione degli elementi rivela la ricerca di un ordine armonioso, attenta all’equilibrio interno della composizione; la fattura è di bella qualità (Figure 5 e 6). Il contesto archeologico fornisce alla collocazione dell’esemplare nella corte un termine post quem tra la fine della XXV dinastia e il periodo saitico, che l’analisi stilistico-iconografica sembra confermare7. La tavola ha un indubbio stile arcaizzante, evidenziato da diversi elementi: il becco versatoio, con canale centrale di deflusso, privo della sagoma del pane, che è tipico del Medio Regno e assente in genere nel Nuovo Regno, per ricomparire poi in Epoca Tarda e mantenersi in età greco-romana8; la forma dei vasi-hes; la disposizione spaziata dei singoli elementi e il loro stile “geometrico”, differente dai cumuli di offerte del Nuovo Regno e lontano dalla loro resa naturalistica. Alcuni elementi, come la testa di bue, con occhio tondo, orecchio e piccole corna lunate sulla testa, si trovano sia in Epoca Tarda che greco-romana9, mentre la forma dell’anatra spiumata e con collo torto è più simile a quelle attestate in Epoca Tarda (e prima). Un elemento non frequente nella rappresentazione delle offerte sulle tavole di Epoca Tarda è il grappolo d’uva10, peraltro attestato già nel Nuovo Regno11 e sporadicaL’ analisi è facilitata dall’ottima tesi di Egittologia discussa nel 2012, sotto la mia supervisione, da Silvia Giorgi, che aveva appunto come obiettivo la definizione di griglie cronologiche co­ struite in base alle caratteristiche iconografiche delle tavole d’offerta dall’Antico Regno all’età greco-romana. La tesi esaminò circa 500 tavole pubblicate.  8 Si vedano ad esempio Cairo CG 23104, 23105, 23112, 23114.  9 Cfr. Torino 22060 (Età Tarda); Cairo CG 23152 (tolemaica). 10 Un bell’esempio è la tavola di Sheshonq, TT 27 (Cairo CG 23097); cfr. anche la tavola d’offerta di Ankhhor n. 593: Bietak, Reiser-Haslauer 1978, Taf. 85 a e Abb. 61. 11 Si vedano ad esempio BM EA420 e EA594 della XIX din o la tavola, anch’essa della XIX din. al Museo dell’Agricoltura al Cairo: Zaki, M. 2011. Une table d’offrandes conservée au Musée de l’agriculture du Caire (inv. 1354), Égypte Nilotique et Méditerranéenne 4, 103-106.  7

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Figura 6. La tavola d’offerta reg. scavo inv. n. 3579. Disegno di Paolo Marini

mente presente in età tolemaica ma con tratti più naturalistici12. Lo stile, la composizione e le proporzioni delle tavole d’età greco-romana sono tuttavia assai diversi da quelli dell’esemplare rinvenuto nella corte di M.I.D.A.N.05 qui presentato, che sembra ancora iscriversi in un orizzonte pienamente faraonico. Una datazione tra la XXVI dinastia e, al più tardi, la XXX, probabilmente più spostata verso la seconda metà del periodo, sembra dunque del tutto sostenibile. Le altre due tavole rinvenute con la precedente13 ne condividono alcune caratteristiche generali, quali la tecnica del rilievo incavato, la scanalatura che fa da cornice al piano decorato e per la seconda, anch’essa conservata pressoché integra (reg. scavo inv. n. 3560), il becco versatoio rettangolare, con canale di scolo al centro e privo della sagoma del pane. Le offerte sono raffigurate piuttosto schematicamente, povere di dettagli e assai distanziate le une dalle altre e la tecnica complessiva del rilievo è assai più negligente, soprattutto per la terza, di Cairo CG 23193; Louvre D 53 (Donadoni, S. 1937. Una tavola da libazione greco-egizia, Annali della R. Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Serie II, 6, 166-168). 13 3560, calcare, 52 × 41.5 × 19 cm; 3580, calcare, 26,5 × 26 × 13 cm. 12

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cui è stato rinvenuto un solo grosso frammento (reg. scavo inv. n. 3580). Esse potrebbero essere state realizzate e deposte accanto alla prima in un’epoca di poco successiva (forse in età tolemaica) o, semplicemente, essere espressione di prodotti di livello qualitativo più scarso e dunque più economici. Decorazione e stile trovano un confronto abbastanza ravvicinato nelle tavole d’offerta rinvenute in uno dei pozzi nella cosiddetta “Grab IX” dell’Asasif, che Julia Budka interpreta piuttosto come “Balsamierungswerkstatte”, databili tra la XXX dinastia e la prima età tolemaica14.

Abstract Three stone offering-tables were found in 2011 in the forecourt of M.I.D.A.N.05, during the excavation of the lowest layers of its filling, aligned with the entrance to the tomb and at the base of the mud-brick ramp leading to the door. The three tables had been laid on a previous thick layer of vegetal remains, composed of bouquets and garlands of leaves and flowers, and pertain to the Saitic and Late Period use of the tomb, whose original dating can be set at the true beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Together with the floral offerings, many mud jar stoppers, and burnt organic residuals on the tables and around them, they draw a scenery of rituals for the dead performed in the forecourt in occasion of the funerals or special feasts. The most beautiful and well preserved of the three tables, datable to the end of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty to the Thirtieth Dynasty, is here presented.

14

Budka 2010, 136, 139-142 e taf. 36.

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Susanne Brinkmann and Christina Verbeek

Online and Interactive – CTT a Platform for Conservation in Luxor Introduction Due to later settlements, the scale of the Theban necropolis of private tombs is not yet fully tangible. Presumably, hundreds of more or less richly decorated tombs pervade the slopes of the western mountains. Under the direction of Prof María Violeta Pereyra, a team of Argentine, Brazilian and Italian scientists has been working since 2000 in cooperation with German conservators on the exploration and conservation of the tomb of Neferhotep TT 49 from the Eighteenth Dynasty.

Figure 1. Conservation work in the tomb of Neferhotep TT 49

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TT 49 is a representative example of the fluctuating history of the tombs through usurpation, non-systemic usage such as habitation, tourism and the accompanying process of degradation. Exploration of the history of its usage and the results, as well as the development of procedures for dealing with specific damage, stands as an example for the multitude of sites with similar configurations. In the past years, through the Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA), the relocation of the inhabitants of the sites around Qurna has been finished. Nearly all houses have now been vacated and pulled down. The goal of the SCA is to designate as an archaeological site, and thereby secure, the entire area of the Necropolis between the Temple of Hatshepsut, the Ramesseum and Medinet Habu. This also means that in the future, a multitude of new concessions will be disseminated to international research teams for excavation, study and documentation, as well as the conservation of archaeological sites. Within the scope of CTT is the publication of conservation interventions at Theban temples and tombs and intensive interaction between all the conservators working in Luxor.

Necessity for an internet platform for Conservation in Luxor The current situation on the sites consists of conservation teams working in relative isolation from one another, contracted within the framework of different international archaeological missions to provide conservation of the tombs and their contents. The working conditions in Egypt and the requirements for conservation in dealing with ancient Egyptian art, the special temperature requirements, material and logistical situation necessitates that the conservator, usually coming from abroad, adapts, even possibly modifies standard practices. The necessary research and development of appropriate measures could be more efficiently and economically implemented if important information from specialists in the field was pre-tailored to the needs of the planned conservation projects and made readily available. Additionally, this can avoid the unnecessary danger to precious cultural artefacts, that results from improper working practices, which can lead to irreversible damage to historical monuments. Until now, there has been nearly no existing compendium for the conservation work on the tombs of the necropolis of Western Thebes. Although, “Final Reports” are made to the Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA) by all excavation teams about the conservation work, these short reports are not shared. Occasionally, selected “Conservation Reports” are published in the “Annales du Service 49

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des Antiquités de L’Egypt” (ASAE). Factual exchanges on current projects generally take place by way of direct personal contact. By restructuring the necropolis of Western Thebes to an archaeological site and the subsequent awarding of further excavation licenses, the intensity of the conservational activities will be increased. This makes the need even more urgent for an all-encompassing view of the conservation projects at the necropolis. In order to provide simple access to the technical information from various conservation projects, a digital internet platform has been created. In addition, the compilation of an interactive database offers a platform for regular interface among the specialists on site in Thebes. Furthermore, the digital information can be continually updated: new projects may be added and continuing projects can list the findings of their most recent research.

Focus of CTT

Figure 2. Initial page of CTT

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CTT should include all information that is relevant to the research and preservation of the tombs in Thebes. Structured as a database, content can be actualized. Egyptologists and archaeologists alike can add, for example, texts or photos of the decoration of the tomb or the monument structure. Information on each project is sorted according to: • object identification • techniques and materials • object history • state of preservation • conservation interventions • documentation • investigations & analyses • site management • bibliography • and general articles Next, the database user receives an overall plan with the individual tomb locations at the necropolis, a foundation plan and elevation plan (when available), as well as concise information as to the date, tomb-owner and the object’s history (usurpation, discovery, non-systematic usage, tourism, previous conservation). In addition, the condition of historical materials should be described. When available, analysis results, detail images, etc. will be included. A catalogue of damages will show the existing cause of damage as well as its genesis. The possible causes and their effect on the cultural treasures will be explained. The focus of CTT ultimately concerns the presentation of conservation methods to deal with current damages. Here, various possibilities for treatments will be explained along with their pros and cons. Each object has specific damages based on complex aging processes, such that procedures are not simply applicable in all cases. However, the proximity of the tombs, material homogeneity of the decoration, as well as the often similar object history allows similar methods of conservation. In addition to the description of the materials used by the Egyptian artists at the necropolis, as well as their characteristic damage phenomenon and different conservation methods, practical information should be made available to conservation teams concerning the sources for conservation supplies in Egypt, international shipping services, a list of important institutes and facilities, contacts and expert literature, etc. Information on site management and preventative 51

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conservational practices, the organization of visitors, lighting, climate control of the inner tombs and exterior climate protection are further features of the database. To be found in a general section: • message board • technical terms • practical tips The discussion forum adds an interesting richness to the database, in that the experts on location in Thebes can blog discussions of specific questions or concerns. This is the function of the message board. Under “technical terms”, English technical terms are collected to simplify the overall comprehension of English texts. The section “practical tips” is designed to simplify logistics on site through a listing of sources for conservation material, etc.

Usage of CTT The CTT platform is part of the scientific portal of the Gerda Henkel Foundation: L.I.S.A.1 The existing structure already provides ample information and this specifically about the conservation project at the Tomb of Neferhotep TT 49. Only registered users have access to the conservation portal. The first conservation project groups from Luxor have already registered with CTT and can present their project on the site and exchange information. Since the website is not freeaccess, the publishing of reports is controlled and usage limited. The newly registered user is ascribed to a particular project. This means that it is only possible to write texts if the user is part of a project in Egypt. Then, texts, photos, etc. can be uploaded to the project they registered for. In so doing, it can be assured that only corresponding project-internal information can be published. Reading access will be given to all registered users. In this way, international scientists have the possibility to spread their knowledge. This aspect has special meaning considering the fact that the international teams at work on the renowned scientific development and presentation project of the UNESCO world cultural heritage sites have direct access to site specific information on the conservation and restoration of the monuments of Thebes – West. Through their reports, their fundamental knowledge is made available to others. 1

http://www.lisa.gerda-henkel-stiftung.de

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Presentation of specific Conservation Tasks on CTT-Laser Cleaning in the Tomb TT 49

Figure 3. Presentation of laser cleaning on CTT

New scientific research results for all similar types of problems on conservation projects should be made accessible through CTT. For example, numerous tombs of the necropolis have been blackened by soot. The complexity of cleaning delicate surfaces which have been damaged in such a way has been addressed through the cooperation of the Gerda Henkel Foundation in Germany. In TT 49, the composition of historic materials and the soot layer on them was first analysed to discern their chemical and physical make-up. Then, through the analysis and excavation of the inner chamber of the tomb, it was discovered that the soot was produced from the burning of mummies. In order to halt continuing damage and also to allow clear access for the study of the images, the overlying soot and dirt was removed from the paintings. A variety of cleaning procedures were tested in order to deal with the varying and specific forms of damage. Delicate layers of certain colours, which were found to be extremely sensitive to water and 53

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cleaning solvents, required alternative cleaning procedures. Such was the case with the white background layers darkened by soot. Laser cleaning was considered for its selective ablation feature and its ability to maintain the integrity of the historical painting while removing the soot and dirt layer. Prior tests were run at the Frauenhofer Institute’s laboratories and those of the CleanLasersystems Herzogenrath. The CL20, Clean-Lasersystems’ portable backpack laser was chosen.

Figure 4. Use of the CL 20 backpack laser in TT 49

Once the samples have been tested, they are studied under the microscope to discern changes in colour, in surface structure, as for example, in the case of melting, and substance deterioration. The Old Egyptian wall paintings in the tomb were initially subjected to tests in order to determine exact procedures. The incremental movement of the laser allowed for accurate control. With each pulse, this procedure allowed the layers of soot to gently be reduced. Tests conducted on pigment samples, indicated that proper cleaning was achieved through the use of low energy settings. At higher energy settings, the risk to discoloration 54

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increased. Egyptian blue may turn grey, for example, while lamp black, with its similarity in absorption properties to the soot layers, creates a complex laser cleaning task. Preliminary cleaning tests were conducted to establish dirt-removal para­ meters on those soot-coated sections (plaster and limestone) in the tomb, which had no decoration. Prior and subsequent to treatment, the trial areas were examined using a  microscope and their condition was documented. Once parameters were established for non-harmful cleaning methods of undecorated areas, the tests continued on polychrome sections. The fibre laser of the backpack system showed itself to be viable for use in cleaning soot from decorated surfaces in the tomb of Neferhotep. Optimum results were, in many cases, achieved through the coordinated use of laser and chemical cleaning processes. To clean organically soluble portions of the soot crust from stone surfaces, chemical solvents were first applied as a poultice. Next, the laser treatment was utilized. Following one and then the other of these forms of treatment, in multiple steps, allowed for greatest accuracy. Since oily and fatty components of the soot had penetrated the porous structure of the rock, extremely thick and dense crusts could not however, be removed without leaving a yellowish surface layer. Findings showed that background layers of white paint remained satisfactorily undisturbed when a process of self-regulating and selective ablation for soot removal was implemented. The laser process avoided the risk of damage or deterioration that might have resulted from implementation of standard methods. A thin patina of translucent yellow on the surface was maintained.

Figure 5. Portrait of Neferhotep before and after laser treatment

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Test results indicated that the cleaning treatment of polychrome sections requires distinct handling. On painted areas, soot was successfully reduced by using the laser treatment which neither damaged nor caused material loss. Laser cleaning of surfaces having multiple pigment types proves more difficult for the operator. Specifically defined parameters are important to be established in order to eliminate any risk of damage to the materials. The operator’s attentive and immediate reaction is required to adjust treatment to any alterations in the ablation conditions. Broad areas of soot covered surfaces in the tomb have already been cleaned combining conventional mechanical and chemical cleaning methods with laser cleaning. Depictions and decorative details previously obscured by soot can be seen once more.

Outlook The exchange of information among scientists of different disciplines is vital to the development of ideas and research agendas. For this reason, CTT will be presented and made public through lectures, articles and congresses – such as the international conservation congress in Luxor in February 2016: during a workshop in Luxor, interested conservators, archaeologists and egyptologists had the possibility to review the structure of the database and its practical application. In addition to this, a print version of selected conservation projects in the necropolis in Thebes has been published.

Abstract Throughout the Theban necropolis there are probably hundreds of potentially richly decorated grave sites which, to date remain unexplored. The conservation of the various tombs and their decorations is to be carried out by different national and international conservation teams. To both chart and exchange information regarding scientific discoveries and technical findings from projects related to and conducted at the sites, a German research project supported by the Gerda Henkel Foundation is setting up the internet platform “CTT – Conservation of Theban Temples and Tombs – Research Results Online”. Users of this interactive website have an opportunity to pinpoint general information about the site. Furthermore, the website provides an overview of the state of the ancient materials used in construction. Most 56

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importantly there is documentation of the measures and procedures undertaken by the conservation projects. Many of the demands and problems encountered are common to multiple sites, so the pooling and interchange of information and experience should help avoid the type of possible material damage revealed in exploratory experimentation. Consequently the information collected by all teams will be gathered together and listed in a designated “Damage Catalogue,” to be made available to all users. Registered users will have an opportunity to receive up-to-date news and to exchange inquiries and data in the form of a blog.

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Julia Budka

Re-use of a Middle Kingdom saff tomb in the Asasif

During my work in Thebes (Asasif), Zoltán Fábián became our distinguished neighbour – both in the field and thanks to our accommodation. I am very grateful for all of his support and kindliness during these weeks. Hoping that these short remarks from a saff tomb in the Austrian concession will raise his interest and wishing that we will have plenty of opportunities to discuss our comparable finds in the near future!

Saff tomb no. I, Austrian concession Within the Winlock 700 cemetery in the area of the Asasif, a substantial saff tomb was mapped as MM 737.1 It is located at the so-called hill 104, directly at the small asphalt road towards Dra Abu el-Naga and its pillared hall was noticed quite early.2 However, it was not before excavations by Manfred Bietak that the monument, consequently labelled as saff tomb no. I of the Austrian concession (Figure 1), was properly investigated, mapped and excavated.3 A selection of finds has been published and the main phases of use presented.4 Similar to other tombs in the Asasif and neighbouring areas, a re-use during the late Seventeenth and

1

2 3

4

Budka, J. 2010a. Bestattungsbrauchtum und Friedhofsstruktur im Asasif. Eine Untersuchung der spätzeitlichen Befunde anhand der Er­gebnisse der österreichischen Ausgrabungen in den Jahren 1969-1977. UZK 34; DÖAWW 59. Vienna, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 85 with references. See also Arnold, Di. 1971. Die Architektur der 11. Dynastie. Das Grab des Jnj jtj.f. AV 4. Mainz am Rhein, Philipp von Zabern, 43 and pl. I. See Arnold 1971, 43 and pl. I. Bietak, M. 1972. Theben–West (Luqsor). Vorbericht über die ersten vier Grabungskampagnen (1969–1971). Sitzungsberichte der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 278, 4. Vienna, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 14‒16; Budka 2010a, 83‒95. Budka 2010a, 83‒95.

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Figure 1. Plan of the Austrian concession in the Asasif with saff tomb no. I. After D. Eigner, Die monumentalen Grabbauten der Spätzeit, Vienna, 1984, Plan 2

early Eighteenth Dynasties is attested.5 The southern part of saff tomb no. I was dismantled by the causeway of Thutmose III leading to Deir el-Bahari. During the Third Intermediate Period, the Late Period, Ptolemaic and Roman times burials took place in the monument, partly resulting in architectural modifications. Repeated plundering up to recent times resulted in a complex mixing of the material. The aim of this paper, taking saff tomb no. I as a representative case study, is to illustrate the typical use-life of a Theban tomb reflecting both phases of prime use, secondary use, of decline and robbery. 5

See M. Bietak, in Bietak, M. and E. Reiser-Haslauer. 1978. Das Grab des Anch-Hor, Oberst­ hofmeister der Gottesgemahlin Nitokris I. UZK 4. Vienna, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 24 n. 56; Carnarvon, G. E. S. M. H., Earl of, and H. Carter. 1912. Five Year’s Explorations at Thebes: a record of work done 1907-1911. London, Henry Frowde Oxford University Press, pl. 30. Theban burials of the Second Intermediate Period were recently summarized by D. Polz. 2007. Der Beginn des Neuen Reiches, Zur Vorgeschichte einer Zeitenwende. SDAIK 31. Berlin–New York, Walter de Gruyter, 231–250.

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Original plan and inventory Saff tomb no. I of the Austrian concession (MM 737, Figure 2) was classified by Dieter Arnold as type Ic, comparable to the structures CC 37 and 41.6 The excavator Bietak dated it to the Eleventh Dynasty. Regarding the architecture it finds the closest parallel in the tomb of Djari.7 A similar saff tomb was recently excavated by the German mission in Dra Abu el-Naga: K95.1 was dated to the Twelfth Dynasty, but with several phases of re-use.8

Figure 2. Plan of saff tomb no. I. After: M. Bietak, Theben-West (Luqsor), Abb. 2 6 7

8

See Arnold 1971, 43. Roehrig, C. H. 1995. The Early Middle Kingdom Cemeteries at Thebes and the Tomb of Djari. In Assmann, J. et al. (eds), Thebanische Beamtennekropolen, Neue Perspektiven archäologischer Forschung, Internationales Symposion Heidelberg 9.–13.6. 1993, SAGA 12. Heidelberg, Heidelberger Orientverlag, 255–269. See Polz, D. 1999. ‛Archäologie und Architektur.’ In ‛Areal G, Grabkomplex K95.1 – Ein SaffGrab des Mittleren Reiches,’ in Polz, D. et al., Bericht über die 6., 7. und 8. Grabungskampagne in der Nekropole von Dra’ Abu el-Naga/Theben-West. MDAIK 55, 370–377.

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The open courtyard of saff tomb no. I was never excavated (due to its location below the asphalt road to Dra Abu el-Naga, see Figure 1). The pillared hall is orientated north-south with the entrance in the east and measures 25 m in width. It was originally equipped with six pillars.9 The southern wall of the pillared hall and part of the southernmost pillar VI collapsed on the occasion of the building of the causeway for Thutmose III during the Eighteenth Dynasty. From the back wall of the pillared hall, a 30 m long corridor leads to the so-called cult chamber. The considerable length of the corridor allows a classification of tomb no. I as a late form of Arnold’s type Ic.10 At the back wall of the pillared hall, south of the opening of the long corridor, a niche once held a stela of the tomb owner, finding parallels in other saff tombs.11 Unfortunately it is not preserved, because a secondary corridor (no. 2) cuts through it. The original corridor (no. 6) leading to burial chamber no. 1 is located in the southern part of the tomb. The northern corridor no. 7 and burial chamber 2 are of secondary nature. The same holds true for corridors 4 and 5, starting in the northern part of the pillared hall. All in all, the dating of the original phase of saff tomb no. I still raises several questions. The architecture speaks for a date not earlier than the late Eleventh Dynasty;12 the funerary cones of tomb no. I find parallels in the tomb of Jnj-jtj.f.13 However, the earliest remains of a tomb inventory – consisting mainly of typical burial pottery – suggest a date in the late Twelfth Dynasty.14 No pottery of the Eleventh Dynasty has been found. The location and orientation of the monument could also be arguments for a later date: saff tomb no. I is not situated with the opening of its courtyard towards the Mentuhotep Nebhepetre causeway as it is attested for tombs from the reign of this king. Rather, tomb no. I seems to refer to the location of the valley temple of Mentuhotep. Other than for the causeway and the temple at Deir el-Bahari, there is evidence for cultic activities at this valley temple long after the Eleventh Dynasty, well into the Twelfth Dynasty.15 All in all, some questions regarding the dating of saff no. I in the Austrian concession of the Asasif remain open. For now, I would propose to date its buildSee Bietak 1972, 14–16. Arnold 1971, 43; saff tomb no. I is listed there as no. 5. 11 For example CC 37 and MMA 840, see Arnold 1971, 42–43. 12 D. Polz 2007, 264 attributes it to the end of the reign of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre. 13 M. Bietak 1972, 14; for the funerary cones in the tomb of Jnj-jtj.f see Arnold 1971, 17. Notice similar cones from the saff tomb of the Twelfth Dynasty: Polz 1999, 370–377. 14 Budka 2010a, 97. 15 See Arnold, Do. 1991. Amenemhat I and the Early Twelfth Dynasty at Thebes. Metropolitan Museum Journal 26, 5–48.  9 10

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ing to the late Eleventh Dynasty, when burial chamber 1 was prepared for the tomb owner. It is very probable that there was continuous use (by the same family?) and the first architectural modifications (corridor 5) lasted well into the late Twelfth Dynasty.

Phases of use and re-use For the purpose of this paper, a short summary of the main phases of use and re-use seems sufficient (Figure 3).16 Five main phases of use can be differentiated, stretching the period from the early Middle Kingdom up to Roman times. Some of the re-burials during the Libyan, the Late Period and Ptolemaic times will be addressed in the following. It is particularly noteworthy that the tomb was used during the Persian period,17 a still little understood phase. Figure 3. Saff no. I, Austrian concession

Use of the tomb

Archaeological evidence

Date

a) Building of original Pillared hall, main corridor, structure & burial burial chamber no. 1, funerary of owner cones

late 11th/12th Dynasties

b) Re-use (extended Corridor 5, burial pottery family member, (hemispherical cups and beer second generation?) bottles)

12th Dynasty

Deserted

Layers of dust and sand

Second Intermediate Period

c) R  e-use with burials and mortuary cult

Human remains?; coffin (corridor 5) Cultic objects (offering plates, breaking of red pots)

late 17th to early 18th Dynasty

Destruction of monument

Collapse of southern part of pillared hall

Thutmose III (late phase of reign)

Plundering and abandonment

Destruction of inventory; mixing of material; displaced objects

New Kingdom to Third Intermediate Period

16 17

Budka 2010a, 94 tab. 4. Budka 2010a, 95.

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Use of the tomb

Archaeological evidence

Date

d) Multiple re-use with Cartonnage, coffins, canopic jars, burials and pottery etc. mortuary cult

Libyan Period, Late Period (22nd-27th Dynasties)

Plundering and abandonment

Destruction of inventory; mixing of material; displaced objects

Subsequent phases

e) Multiple re-use with burials and mortuary cult

New corridor, stair case and burial chamber no. 2; mud brick walls; burial compartments in pillared hall; mummies, coffins, funerary equipment, pottery

Plundering and abandonment

Destruction of inventory; mixing of material; displaced objects; two oil lamps (used by thieves?)

Domestic use/shelter

Traces of burning on pillared hall; Coptic times pottery (and later periods?)

30th Dynasty/ Ptolemaic-Roman

Late Roman to Coptic

The earliest architectural modification to the original plan was probably corridor 5 at the northern corner of the pillared hall; maybe it was used already in the late Middle Kingdom, it was definitely an active part of the tomb during the phase of use in the late Second Intermediate Period/early New Kingdom. The Third Intermediate Period cannot be clearly associated with any of the secondary elements. Maybe during the Late Period, but probably a bit later in the early Ptolemaic period, several mud brick walls were set into the pillared hall, creating small burial compartments. A new corridor with seven steps and a small square chamber with a loculus towards the west were cut into the rock towards the north of the original cult chamber (Figure 2). Probably all of these modifications are datable to the Roman period. Dislocated objects and remains of destroyed burials are most frequent in the entrance part of tomb no. I: most of the material was found in the pillared hall and in the first section of the main corridor. The amount of debris and objects markedly decreased towards the back of the corridor and the burial chambers. This does not seem to reflect an accidental situation, but might be explained as follows: During the plundering, mummies and coffins were removed from the interior part into the front area of the tomb where there was more space and 63

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better light and the objects could therefore be unwrapped easier, in order to search them for small artefacts and gilded pieces.18

Selected finds A selection of the pottery from various phases of use (Twelfth Dynasty, early Eighteenth Dynasty, Twenty-sixth and Twenty-seventh Dynasty as well as Ptolemaic) in saff tomb no. I has already been published,19 as well as some of the other finds including canopic jars (e.g. Reg. 95, JE 94425; Reg. 120, a 1909; Reg. 121, a 1910)20 and bead nets (e.g. Reg. 69, a 1886, JE 94412).21 Several shabtis have been found in tomb no. I, all of them fall into the simple type K, mud shabtis, in David Aston’s typology and probably date to the 9th-7th centuries BC.22 In the loose debris excavated in the cult chamber, 83 complete pieces and 37 fragments were found (Reg. 34, KHM a 1867, Figure 4). Two different sizes are attested in this group (5.7-5.8 cm and 5.0-5.1 cm) and they might belong to two different burials, most likely from the Twenty-fifth or Twenty-sixth Dynasty.23 Slightly larger mud shabtis were also found in the cult chamber – 33 pieces are now kept in the Cairo Museum (Reg. 35, JE 94396). In 2008, seven additional shabtis were documented (K08/70) – their exact find spot within tomb no. I is unfortunately not known. One of them is well made and shows traces of blue paint, indicating an early date, probably before 850 BC (Figure 5).24 Besides the pottery, cartonnage and coffins are the largest group of finds from tomb no. I.25 They are very fragmented, having been found in the different mixed fillings, and have not yet been published in total. Recording of these small

I had the pleasure of hearing a paper by Zoltán Fábián at the conference, ‘Burial and Mortuary Practices in Late Period and Graeco-Roman Egypt’ in Budapest, July 2014 – there he presented very similar findings in a saff tomb of the Hungarian concession; I am grateful for this inspiration and parallel. 19 Budka 2010a, 493–512. 20 Budka 2010a, 513. 21 Budka 2010a, 514–515. 22 Aston, D. A. 2009. Burial Assemblages of Dynasty 21–25: Chronology, Typo­logy, Developments. CCEM 21. Vienna, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 358–359. 23 Budka 2010a, 524. 24 Budka 2010a, 324. 25 Budka 2010a, 300‒301. 18

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Figure 4. Two mud shabtis, Reg. 34 from tomb no. I

Figure 5. Mud shabti K08/70. Photo: J. Budka

pieces took place from 2007-2009 and a selection of cartonnage fragments is presented here. The find assemblage K02/67 from the pillared hall comprises a number of interesting pieces. The earliest are two fragments of a cartonnage coffin datable to the Libyan period (K02/67f, Figure 6). The prime colour is yellow (10YR7/12) and details were executed in blue (10G4/1), light blue (10G8/2), green (2,5G6/66/4), black, red (10R5/6), orange (5YR5/2) and white. A large fragment of the left side of the lid with a fragmented collar is preserved. The goddess Nut was once depicted with outstretched wings in the middle, flanked to the right by an uraeus, crowned by the sun disc and with wings stretched forward. A fragment of the left foot part of the same coffin shows a reclining Anubis with a wAtHieroglyph behind him. Both motifs, the one on the lid and on the foot, are common and well attested. The colour scheme suggests an origin in the 9th century BC. Much later in date is the small fragment K02/67g (5.8 × 12 cm, Figure 7). The motif is similar, with the goddess Nut on the central part of the lid – only the right wing is preserved, as well as two columns of text, giving Nut’s most common epithets from right to left. This piece was part of a Ptolemaic cartonnage covering the complete body.26 In general, many fragments from the upper part of cartonnage covers have been found in the pillared hall of tomb I, possibly illustrating the above mentioned 26

Budka 2010a, 300.

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Figure 6. Fragments of a Libyan period cartonnage coffin (K02/67f). Photo: J. Budka

Figure 7. Cartonnage fragment, Ptolemaic (K02/67g). Photo: J. Budka

procedure of the tomb robbers: moving the objects from the interior to the front and ripping them apart there during the search for amulets which were often placed in the breast area of the mummy. One of the Roman fragments from a cartonnage covering all of the body was found close to the entrance into corridor 1 in the pillared hall (K08/94, Figure 8). It is the large narrow fragment from the lateral side of the lid part as well as pieces from the collar on the breast, rich in floral details. There is a preference for the colours red, pink and green. No name or inscription has survived, but an unidentified protective deity is visible on one piece. Finally, another indication of how damaged the material from tomb no. I is, can be given by K02/223 (Figure 9). This is one of the rare pieces of cartonnage coming from the cultic chamber at the end of corridor 1. It is a foot part, showing the lower side of a pair of sandals. The ground colour is red, the sandals were painted in yellow. Traces of a frieze of rosettes are also visible at the edge. Dating this piece is a bit problematic – it might be late Ptolemaic, but could also already belong to the Roman era. Among the large number of cartonnage fragments from 66

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Figure 8. Cartonnage fragment, Roman (K08/94). Photo: J. Budka

Figure 9. Cartonnage fragment, Ptolemaic (to Roman) (K02/223). Photo: J. Budka

the pillared hall of tomb no. I, only one piece is similar to K02/223, showing comparable sandals.27

Summary and outlook Saff tomb no. I in the Austrian concession of the Asasif illustrates the typical phases of re-use in this particular type of Theban elite burial place. The Second Intermediate Period, the Third Intermediate Period, the Late Period as well as Ptolemaic, Roman and Coptic times are well attested. Ceramic vessels, shabtis, amulets and cartonnage fragments are the most numerous finds that indicate later use – they are complementing each other, and as the complete set they give us a better understanding of a very long history of use of saff tomb no. I. The monument in the Austrian concession is not unique but finds many parallels, most of which have been excavated in earlier times when a clear preference of “prime” and “secondary” use was given to remains. The latter were often discarded or not documented in the same detailed way as the finds belonging to 27

Budka 2010a, 301.

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the original building period of a tomb. The importance of the complete use-life of tombs was only recognized in recent time.28 It is therefore of great importance that closely similar finds to saff tomb no. I in the Asasif were discovered in the saff tomb of the Hungarian mission directed by the colleague we are celebrating with this Festschrift.29 Detailed new excavations like the one undertaken by this Hungarian mission have the potential to understand more about the complex re-use patterns in Thebes, especially in little understood periods like the Persian era. Interconnection and relations, but also differences between the various time periods should be addressed by future research. Architectural modifications seem to be most common during the Ptolemaic and Roman era – and might be related to problems of restricted space and/or limited new building activity for new tombs. The large saff tombs of the Middle Kingdom are important and long-lasting landmarks in the necropolis and illustrate that for centuries burials of diverse people have been integrated into the same sacred landscape.

Abstract The characteristic phases of re-use in the common Middle Kingdom Theban saff tomb can be illustrated by saff tomb no. I in the Austrian concession in the Asasif. This monument was re-used during various periods, especially the Second Intermediate Period, the Third Intermediate Period, the Late Period as well as during Ptolemaic, Roman and Coptic times. Several types of finds like ceramic vessels, shabtis and cartonnage allow the reconstruction of this very long and complex history of use. Saff tomb no. I finds many parallels in Thebes and demonstrates that for centuries burials of diverse people have been integrated into the same sacred landscape, making individual adjustments and modifications depending on the era. See the seminal paper by H. Guksch. 1995. Über den Umgang mit Gräbern. In Assmann, J. et al. (eds), Thebanische Beamtennekropolen, Neue Perspektiven archäologischer Forschung, Internationales Symposion Heidelberg 9.–13.6. 1993. SAGA 12. Heidelberg, Heidelberger Orientverlag, 13–24. See also Budka, J. 2010b. Varianz im Regelwerk. Bestattungsabläufe im Monumentalgrab von Anch-Hor, Obersthof­meister der Gottes­gemahlin Nitokris (TT 414). Ägypten & Levante 20, 49–66 with additional references. 29 Fábián, Z. I. 2009. The Middle Kingdom on el-Khokha: Saff-tombs. In T.A. Bács, Fábián Z.I., Schreiber G. and Török L. (eds), Hungarian Excavations in the Theban Necropolis. A Celebration of 102 Years of Fieldwork in Egypt. Catalogue for the Temporary Exhibition in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, November 5, 2009 – January 15, 2010. Budapest, Mester Nyomda, 55–60. 28

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Orsolya László

A case of neurogenic paralysis from Tomb Kampp -43-, Thebes, Egypt Although, a well-preserved skeletal assemblage observable in its original context is desirable for a comprehensive bioarchaeological study, post-depositional processes (human interactions and diagenesis) often disturb the original contexts of interments. This is the case with the ancient Theban noble graves in Egypt, which are disturbed by secondary burials and lootings resulting in a significant amount of disarticulated human bones and remains, which raises serious methodological and interpretational problems. Thus, depending on the intensity of post deposition, it is often complicated or even impossible to examine the anthropological profile of a certain population, or to connect individuals to certain artefacts and burial places. At the same time, the systematic and detailed study of these remains is crucially important because in spite of their complicated archaeological context, they can provide useful information about the health and lifestyle of these past populations. This is true especially for the pathological disorders that are unique sources to acquire information about the incidence and the localization of certain diseases, which is required to estimate their impact on past populations. In this paper we would like to present a special and important pathological case found in the commingled material of the sloping passage of the Kampp -43- tomb excavated by the Hungarian Archaeological Mission led by Zoltán Fábián. Research has been conducted in the last two decades in the area of the southern slope of el-Khokha Hill in the Theban necropolis where this tomb is located among others.1 The systematic anthropological analysis on the partially excavated Kampp -43- tomb was started in 2011 and the analysis has revealed an individual possibly representing a rare osteological evidence for neurogenic paralysis from the Middle Kingdom of ancient Egypt.

1

E.g. Fábián, Z. I. 2005. Nefermenu (TT 184), April 2003. ASAE 79, 41–59; Fábián, Z. I. 2007. Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu) and the Upper Section of the South Slope of El-Khokha Hillock – 2005. Acta Archaelogica Academiae Scientiarium Hungaricae 58, 1–42.

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Methods The commingled anthropological material of Kampp -43- mainly consists of disarticulated bones and a few examples of mummy remains. However, mummies should be described individually in details (e.g. mummification technique, pathology, etc.), which can be complicated, without using X-ray or CT scanning. The mummy of the presented individual was completely skeletonised since its remains represent a so-called “quasi-mummification” technique, which means that the applied technique did not preserve the soft tissues, therefore only the bare bones were found in the damaged wrapping. The damage of the bandage allowed us to examine the mummy macroscopically. Anatomical features were used to estimate sex;2 a method based on epiphyseal fusion was used to assign the biological age.3 The observation of pathological lesions was done macroscopically.

Results Description of the mummy A bandage of a 16-19 year old individual, whose pelvis showed very female characteristics (No. 43/1), was found in the bone assemblage of the sloping passage of Tomb Kampp -43- (Figure 1). The wrapping was opened and torn apart at the area of the pelvis during the previous looting of the burial (Figure 2). The bones inside were well preserved and the skeleton of the lower legs was kept together by the bandage. The bones of the arms with some ribs and vertebrae were found in a separate bandage. A few other bone elements, like the right innominate bone and the left femur, were mixed with the disarticulated bone assemblage. They could be distinguished from the mixed bone material and matched to this skeleton by their colour and their special pathological characteristics. The thickest part of the bandage was approx. 25 mm. The arms were wrapped separately but the legs were in a single bandage (Figure 3-4). The material of the linens was thick, and around the feet the bandage basically was shaped to form 2

3

Éry, K., Kralovánszky, A., Nemeskéri, J. 1963. A representative reconstruction of historic population [Történeti népességek rekonstrukciójának reprezentációja]. Official Journal of the Anthropological Section, Hungarian Biological Society, 7, 41– 90. Ferembach, D., Schwidetzky, I., Stoukal, M. 1980. Recommendations for age and sex diagnoses of skeletons. Journal of Human Evolution, 9, 517–549.

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Figure 1. The sloping passage of Kampp -43-

Figure 2. Mummy of the analysed individual from Kampp -43-

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Figure 3. The arms were wrapped separately

Figure 4. Detail of the bandage showing the lower part of the body

a very thick and firm cast. Beside the lower legs there were three wooden sticks (Figure 5). One of them was irregular; one thin with a smooth surface, while the bark of the third one was removed then wound around the stick again. A textile strip forming part of the bandage was attached with a knot to the irregular one (Figure 6). Since both legs were in a common bandage and the soft tissue was also completely decomposed, we could not determine to which leg the sticks were attached. The purpose of these sticks could be to firm the bandages. There are other examples of using branches to stabilize the position of the arms or legs of the mummies or replace damaged body parts.4 In our case, most probably the fragility of the body of the individual justified the support of the body.

4

Fóthi, E., Bernert, Zs. 2010. Anthropological analysis of the human remains from Theban Tomb 32. In Fóthi, E., Bernert, Zs., Kőrösi, A. (eds), Human and faunal remains from Theban Tomb 32, Studia Aegyptica, 29, 1-58.

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Figure 5. Branches found in the bandage beside the bones of the lower leg

Figure 6. The three branches from the bandage of the lower leg compared to size of the tibiae

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The pathological analysis The skull was missing; the postcranial skeleton was well preserved but incomplete (Figure 7). The bones were lightweight and the muscle attachments weakly marked. All long bones were severely thin and atrophied, however in case of the right side this phenomena was more characteristic, since the right humerus (Figure 8) and scapula (Figure 9), the right tibia (Figure 10) and fibula (Figure 11) were shorter than the ones of the left side, besides that both bones of the lower leg were bent. The shortening of the right humerus (Figure 10) may have been partly due to a premortem healed fracture as well, which occurred at the proximal third of the bone causing an abnormal curving here. The bones of the lower arms did not show morphological differences and in the case of the right clavicle, the right femur and the left pelvis the two sides could not be compared since these bones were presented as single. The right acetabulum was shallow and slightly wider than normal (Figure 12). The bones of the feet were also atrophied, metarsals were

Figure 8. The right and the left humerus. The right one is showing shortening, an abnormal curving is also detected on the proximal third of the shaft

Figure 7. The skeleton of the individual from Kampp -43-

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Figure 9. (a) The right scapula is slightly shorter than the left; the glenoid cavity of the right scapula (b) is smaller and more shallow

Figure 10. The right and the left tibiae are atrophied but the right tibia is even thinner and shorter than the left

Figure 11. The fibulae are also atrophied; the right one is bent

Figure 12. The right acetabulum is shallow

thin (Figure 13), the trochlea of the right talus is smaller than the left and the sustentaculum talus of the calcaneus is elongated (Figure 14-15).

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Figure 13. The metatarsals are thin and elongated

Figure 14. The right talus is smaller than the left

Figure 15. The sustentaculum tali of the right calcaneus is elongated

Differential diagnosis The main characteristics of the juvenile skeleton described here, are the atrophy of long bones probably resulting from their disuse. The bone elements of the right side of the skeleton showed shortening, which developed during growth. The fact that all bones were atrophied, the bones on the right side are shortened and the abnormal appearance of the right acetabulum, which possibly formed as a result of hip dysplasia (paralytic coxa valga), can mean that this condition may represent a hemiplegia which may develop to paraplegia.

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All of these changes could have been caused by neurogenic paralysis, most probably by cerebral palsy and/or paralytic poliomyelitis, which disorders can lead to paralysis with a childhood onset. Cerebral palsy (CP) is a general term that has been applied to children with motor disability and related service requirements. Such a condition can develop in the case of the following: infection during pregnancy, premature birth, insufficient oxygen to the foetus, or traumatic injury. It is more common for CP to cause spasticity rather than paralysis and it usually affects multiple limbs not only a single one. If paralysis occurs, hemiplegia is most frequent, followed by quadriplegia then paraplegia, while triplegia is very rare (3.1%).5 Skeletal signs associated with CP include hip dysplasia, femoral neck anteversion, various foot deformities and the scoliosis of the spine. The incidence of this scoliosis, and scoliotic curve patterns depend on the degree of neurologic involvement.6 Poliomyelitis is an infectious disease, caused by an RNA enterovirus transmitted by a faecal-oral route. The only reservoir known to poliovirus is the human being.7 Once entered, the virus starts to replicate in the throat and in the intestinal tract before invading the lymphatic system via the blood circulation. In the majority of those infected, the disease has minor or no symptoms with a relatively mild and self-limiting flu-like illness, sometimes with some muscular pain or stiffness. In approximately 1% of cases, the central nervous system is infected and the motor cells in the ventral horn of the spinal cord may be destroyed and then the muscles supplied by these nerves become paralysed. When the muscles of respiration are also affected, death will quickly ensue if artificial respiration cannot be given. Polio usually affects children under 12 months of age, but the probability of developing paralytic polio increases with age since paralysis in children is less frequent, contrary to adults. Some studies showed that in children less than 5 years of age, paralysis of one leg is most common, while in adults extensive paralysis of trunk and all four limbs is more probable. Paralytic polio causing triplegia is rare.8

5

6 7

8

Novak, M., Čavka, M., Šlaus, M. 2014. Two cases of neurogenic paralysis in medieval skeletal samples from Croatia. International Journal of Paleopathology, 7, 25-32. DOI: 10.1016/j. ijpp.2014.06.002. Novak et. al. 2014. Umbelino, C., Cunha, E., Silva, A. M. 1996. A possible case of poliomyelitis in a portuguese skeleton dated from the fifteenth century. In Pérez-Pérez, A. (ed.). Salud, Enfermedad Y Muerte en el passado. Barcelona, Romargraf, S. A., 229-235. Novak et al. 2014.

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The skeletal changes most commonly are: spinal scoliosis, hip dysplasia, femoral neck anteversion, and deformities of the foot bones. The most common postparalytic foot deformity is clubfoot (pes equinovalgus), which may be combined with an exaggerated plantar arch and uptilted calcaneus (pes cavus)9. However, we could not observe spinal scoliosis but this does not necessarily occur.10 Hip dysplasia, which tends to develop if the lack of muscle pull and weight bearing is significant, is a diagnostic criterion of CP and paralytic poliomyelitis, but it does not often occur in archaeological samples.11 The effects on the skeleton will depend on the time of life during which the infection was contracted. If it was during childhood, when the skeleton is still developing, the bones in the paralysed limb or limbs will be shorter and more gracile than those in the unaffected limb. If the disease is contracted in adult life, the bones in the paralysed limb will be the same length as those on the normal side, but will be likely to be thinner with less marked muscular attachments due to the effect of disuse atrophy. The asymmetric limbs shown by the size disparity between the two sides, which implies a differential muscular activity during growth, assumes that the individual under our study had a paralytic hemiplegia early on in life, but at the same time the thinning of all limb bones may be due to the progression of the disease in later life. This condition can also be combined with osteoporotic changes. The fragile bones can lead to instability which can increase the possibilities of long-bone fractures.12 This can explain the fracture of the right humerus of the examined individual. Such pathological trauma was also observed in the case of a medieval senile male skeleton from Portugal. He had a callus formation on the right tibia Ortner, D. J. 2003. Identification of pathological conditions in human remains. Academic Press. Winkler, E., Großschmidt, K. 1988. A case of poliomyelitis from an early medieval cemetery at Georgenberg/Upper Austria. Ossa 13, 191–205; Wiltschke-Schrotta, K., Teschler-Nicola, M. 1991. Das spätantike Gräberfeld von Lentia-Linz, Tiefer Graben-Flügelhofgass. Anthropologische Auswertung, Stadtmuseum Linz, Linz; Umbelino et al. 1996; Stirland, A. J. 1997. Care in the Medieval community. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, 7, 587–590; Gładykowska-Rzeczycka, J. J., Smiszkiewicz-Skwarska, A. 1998. Probable poliomyelitis from XVII–XVIII century cemetery in Poland. Journal of Paleopathology, 10, 5–11; Kozlowski, T., Piontek, J. 2000. A case of atrophy of bones of the right lower limb of a skeleton from a medieval (12th-14th centuries) burial ground in Gruczno, Poland. Journal of Paleopathology, 12, 5-16. 11 Wiltschke-Schrotta and Teschler-Nicola 1991. 12 Anderson, A. D., Levine, S. A., Gellert, H. 1972. Loss of ambulatory ability in patients with old anterior poliomyelitis. Lancero, 18, 1061-1063.  9 10

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which resulted from a healed fracture, proven by the radiological analysis. This fracture led to the shortness of the tibia.13

Discussion There is a lack of historic osteological evidence for neurogenic paralyses. There are more cases from Prehistoric, Roman and Medieval Europe14 but only a few have been published from ancient Egypt. However, cerebral palsy has been recognised and described only since the 5th to 4th century BC, the earliest iconographic record of this impairment is on the steel plaque dedicated to the Syrian Astarte (or Aphrodite) dating back to the Nineteenth Dynasty (1580-1350 BC). On this, the handicap of Roma is recorded, a priest and doorkeeper of the Temple of Astarte at Memphis.15 He is illustrated with a walking stick because of his right leg atrophy.16 This can be explained by poliomyelitis with a childhood onset, or a secondary wasting and shortening of the right leg because of a clubfoot.17

Umbelino et al. 1996. Wells, C. 1964. Bones, Bodies, and Disease; Evidence of Disease and Abnormality in Early Man. London, Thames and Hudson. Winkler and Großschmidt 1988; Perrot, R., Arnaud, S., 1975. Un cas de pied-bot poliomyélitique (Vème après J.C.) provenant de l’Abbaye de Saint-Victor de Marseille. Trav. Doc. Cent. Paléoanthropol. Paléopathol. 2, 211–225; Wiltschke-Schrotta and Teschler-Nicola 1991; Kozlowski, T., Kowalski, M. 1996. The rare cases of the limb bones atrophy from the old Polish cemeteries. In Malinowski, A., Łuziak, B., Grabowska, J. (eds) Antropologia a medycyna i promocja zdrowia. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Łódz, 172–175; Umbelino et al. 1996; Stirland 1997; Roberts, C., Manchester, K. 2005. The Archaeol­ ogy of Disease. (3rd ed.) Ithaca, Cornell University Press; Gładykowska-Rzeczycka and Smiszkiewicz-Skwarska 1998; Kozlowski, T., Piontek, J. 2000; Novak et al. 2014; Szeniczey, T., Bernert, Zs., Bakó, K., Kovacsóczy, B., Marcsik, A., Ódor, J. G., Hajdu, T. 2016. Biological reconstrucion of the Avar period populations of Alsónyék-elkerülő site 2 and DunaföldvárBarota dűlő. [Alsónyék-Elkerülő 2.lh és Dunaföldvár-Barotadűlő avar kori népességének biológiai rekonstrukciója]. In Study volume in honor of 75-year-old Károly Mesterházy [Tanulmánykötet a 75 éves Mesterházy Károly tiszteletére]. MTA Magyar Őstörténeti Munkacsoport, Budapest. (in press). 15 Major, R. H. 1954. A history of medicine. Springfield, CC Thomas, 43; Horstmann, D. M. 1985. The poliomyelitis story: a scientific hegira. Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine, 58, 79–90. 16 Rida, A. 1962. A dissertation from the early eighteenth century, probably the first description of poliomyelitis. The Journal of Bone and Joint Surgery 44B/3, 735-740. 17 Panteliadis, C. P., Panteliadis, P. 2011. Cerebral Palsy: a historical view. In C. P. Panteliadis (ed.), Cerebral Palsy – a multidisciplinary approach. Munich-Orlando, Dusti-Verlag Dr. Karl Feistle. 13 14

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The first osteological cases of paralysis from Egypt are reported by Mitchell,18 who has described a Predynastic (dated to 3700 BC) Egyptian skeleton found at Deshasheh, in a village on the western edge of the plain, approximately 80 miles south of Cairo. Although the tomb had been looted, the style of burial indicated that the body was that of a nobleman. The left femur of this individual was shorter than the right and Mitchell attributes this condition to poliomyelitis. Elliot-Smith19 also noted the existence of a deformity of the left foot in the Nineteenth Dynasty Egyptian mummy of Pharaoh Siptah. Initially, he attributed the deformity to poliomyelitis, but in a subsequent publication20 he refers to this specimen as an example of a clubfoot with a congenital origin. Novak and his colleagues21 collected published cases of poliomyelitis and cerebral palsy from different historical periods, and from here we know that all cases are adult individuals ranging between 18 and 65 years of age at the time of death. This means that the juvenile individual from Kampp -43- is the youngest individual that has ever been reported. In this article they also discuss that in most examples only one limb was affected, predominantly the right leg. Impairment of two extremities was reported in five cases, including two cases of paraplegia, two who were probably hemiplegic, while one individual suffered from atrophy and shortening of the right arm and the left leg. Since hemiplegia followed by paraplegia has not been recorded so far, it seems that the case from Tomb Kampp -43- is not only a unique case considering the ancient history of Egypt but also provides an important detail in the medical history of this disease.

Conclusion It is a question if the physical impairment of this young individual separated her from the rest of the community or not, and how she was treated by the people surrounding her. She was not differentiated by burial treatment as other nobles in the tombs, which suggests she was considered as a full community member, who was given necessary care during her life to survive. Therefore, this case not Mitchell, J. K. 1900. Study of a mummy affected with anterior poliomyelitis. Transactions of the Associations of American Physicians, 15, 134-136. 19 Elliot-Smith, G. 1912. The royal mummies. Catalogue General des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire, 59:61, 051-61, 100. 20 Elliot-Smith, G., and Dawson, W. 1924. Egyptian Mummies. New York, Dial Press. 21 Novak et al. 2014. 18

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only gives important information about health and disease in ancient Egyptian society but also gives insight into the social reactions to disability in their culture.

Abstract Anthropological research was started in 2011 on the bone material from the excavation of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission at the southern slope of el-Khokha Hill in Qurna. The analysis also involved the sample from the sloping passage of Tomb (Kampp) -43- (New Kingdom, Ramesside Period) which, similarly to the other tombs, consisted of commingled, disarticulated human bone remains. A mummy of a 16-19 year-old female was found here, also in secondary position. The applied mummification techniques preserve the soft tissue of the body, therefore only bare bones were found in the disturbed bandage. The long bones, especially of the right side, were severely thin and atrophied, which suggested the disability of the individual. These changes probably developed due to a neurogenic paralysis, which disorder could lead to paralysis with a childhood onset.

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M. Violeta Pereyra

The Portrait of Neferhotep at his Tomb in el-Khokha Introduction Figures of evolved social experience of Egyptian officials are identified in various contexts. This is the case of Neferhotep son of Neby, a contemporary to Akhenaton, Tutankhamun and Ay,1 who was represented as an old man in the vast majority of the scenes in his tomb (TT 49). Nevertheless, if this is the pattern in most of the examples, it must not be taken as a rule. Differences in representations convey logical, ideological, social and mythical reasons, and here we propose an explanation of these reasons in the context of the mortuary monument of Neferhotep. They were used as part of the decorative program of the tomb, expressing a memorial aspect, as well as showing at the same time the social position and the individual’s life history. Concerning portraiture in ancient Egyptian art, Dimitri Laboury2 contributes to the elucidation of the motives and modalities of the interaction between real and ideal image. The author emphasizes, on individualized human representations, the existing tension or “(…) dialectic between an analogical reference to visual perception of outer or phenomenological reality and a consciously managed departure from this perceptual reality, in order to create meaning or extrameaning, beyond the simple reproduction of visual appearances and sometimes, if necessary, despite them. As such, portraiture is nothing but the application of the very essence of the ancient Egyptian image system”.3

1

2

3

The cartouche of Ay is preserved in the hall, where the king was represented in the window of appearances rewarding Neferhotep. Laboury, D. 2010. Portrait versus Ideal Image. In Wendrich, W. – Dieleman, J. – Frood, E. (eds), UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology. Los Angeles, 1-18. Available at: . Laboury, D. 2009. Réflexions sur le portrait royal et son fonctionnement dans l’Égypte pharaonique. Ktema: Civilisations de l’Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome Antiques 34, 175-196 (Conlusion, 196).

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On the other hand, the creation of a monument follows its own functions, and decoration is a constituting element of these functions, as Zoltán Fábián argued.4 In our approach, we have considered the Egyptian funerary demand for the preservation of the body, memory and identity of the tomb owner, and that the notion of portrayal implies one characterization that makes possible the recognition of a singular person.5 Thus, the portraiture of a deceased could be expected as necessary for life after death, but also as self-thematization.6 Nevertheless, although we can see Neferhotep portrayed as an old man in TT 49, there are also a few scenes where he was depicted as a young man. Would it be the case of a formal individualization of the dead represented alongside an idealized portrait of the deceased at the same monument? The conceptual logic of Egyptian figuration of a person allowed simultaneously his representation in different ways, according to the moments of his life. The same happened with the use of titles. Therefore, we have considered temporality as a crucial aspect displayed in each figure, by creating the proper images that every situation demanded. In any event, the decorative program of TT 49 documents the identity of Neferhotep as a member of a social group, whose titles and kinship were also recorded.

Neferhotep’s titles As mentioned before, among the functions of the tomb, body and memory preservation were essential to ensure the owner’s eternal survival. Thereby, the individual’s names and titles of officials were recorded in his tomb as unequivocal signs of definition of his social identity, as well as personal uniqueness. A distinction necessary regarding the posthumous fate of position within the state elite was the exhibition of titles alongside the name of the deceased as a constitutive 4

5

6

Fábián, Z. I. 2008. The Opening of the Mouth Ritual in the Theban Tomb of Nefermenu (TT 184) and Other Post-Amarna Monuments (the “El-Khokha Tomb-Group”). In Szabó, Á. (ed.), Cultus Deorum. Studia Religionum ad Historiam, In Memoriam István Tóth, Vol. I: De Oriente Antiquo et Regione Danuvi I Praehistorica, 29-96. Pécs, 29. Laboury founded his opinion on the analysis of Thutmosis II sculptures (Laboury, D. 1998. La statuaire de Thoutmosis III. Essai d’interpretation d’un portrait royal dans son context historique. Ægyptiaca Leodiensia 5. Liège, Centre Informatique de Philosophie et Lettres, 653. The nature of the concept of self is considered close to individual appearance (Assmann, J. 1996. Preservation and Presentation of self in Ancient Egyptian Portraiture. In Der Manuelian, P. (ed.) and Freed, R. E. (dir.), Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson. 2 vols. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, 55-81, 60).

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element of individualization, which needed to be preserved and remembered. Kinship arises as a need, and relatives were frequently mentioned. Therefore, Neferhotep displayed his titles and filiation in his tomb, as well as named his ancestors (father, mother, grandfather and great-grandfather). The main title of Neferhotep was sS wr n jmn, (scribe, great of Amun) as recorded, for example, on his funerary cones7 and the lintel of the tomb’s entrance.8 Other two titles are preserved on the façade: in the upper field of the south stele and at the bottom of the jambs (Figure 1), where the titles of scribe and great of

Figure 1. TT49 facade: southern jamb (Photography: Thomas Haupts 2004)

Daressy N° 289 (Daressy, G. 1893. Recueil de cônes funéraires. Mémoires publiés par les membres de la Mission Archéologique Française au Caire. MIFAO 8, Part 2. Paris, E. Leroux). 34 pottery cones were recovered by the American Expedition (Davies, N. de G. 1933. The Tomb of Neferhotep at Thebes, 2 vols. (Egyptian Expedition 9). New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, I, 6), and totalized nearly 50, dispersed now in several museums (the Cairo Museum, Metropolitan Museum, Boston Museum, among others).  8 Davies 1933, I, 50.  7

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Amun9 alternate in the columns with those linked to actual functions of the tomb owner: jmy-r-jHw (supervisor of the cattle) and jmy-r-nfrwt (supervisor of the weavers (nfrwt)). The most complete form of Neferhotep’s titles displayed in TT 49 is: sS wr n jmn jmy-r jHw jmy-r nfrwt n jmn SmAw mHw10 (scribe, great of Amun, supervisor of the cattle, supervisor of the weavers (nfrwt) of Amun (in) Upper and Lower Egypt), according to the sequence of ceiling texts in the hall. Even so, other samples from the ceilings exhibit the shorter form of his titles, avoiding those connected with his duties in the service of the great temple of Amun. Titles

scribe

great of Amun

supervisor of the cattle

supervisor of the weavers

Shorter form

sS

wr n jmn

Ø

Ø

Long form

sS

wr n jmn

jmy-r jHw

jmy-r nfrwt

Complete form

sS

wr n jmn

jmy-r jHw

jmy-r nfrwt n jmn smAw mHw

In short, the most frequent set of titles showed by Neferhotep in his tomb fits the simpler form. The complete form is used on several occasions, and far less with the addition of “Upper and Lower Egypt”.

Neferhotep’s kinship The hall of TT 49 also presents Neferhotep’s familial relationships. Titles of his parents and wife were entirely transcribed in the ceiling columns of texts.11 References to ancestors were displayed on the north wall of this room. In any event, mentions and representations of Neferhotep’s parents12 and wife13 can be found all over the tomb, from the façade to the niche of statues at the rear of the chapel. According to the interpretation of the title wr (great) by Agnés Cabrol (Cabrol, A. 1993. Remarques au sujet d’une scène de la tombe de Neferhotep (TT 49): Les fonctions de Neferhotep, la représentation des abords ouest de Karnak et son contexte. Note annexe de Claude Traunecker. CRIPEL 15, 19-30). 10 Davies 1933, I, Pl. LVIII, cols. m and o, and Pl. LIX, cols. a, f and n. 11 Davies 1933, I, Pl. LXIII, col. g and Pl. LIX, col. k. 12 Neby and Iwy. 13 Merytra.  9

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Regarding Neferhotep’s masculine relatives, his ancestors were named (grandfather and great-grandfather) on the south wall of the hall. Over the figure of Neferhotep’s grandfather sitting in front of an offering table, the east panel preserves the most illustrative inscription concerning his family (Figure 2).14 After some references to the good place he achieved in the west of Thebes due to his earthly position, a dedication text starts: n kA sS nfrwt n jmn ptH m Hb mAa-xrw jmAx sA sS nfrw[t] nbbwnb mAa-xrw jt.f (jt).f (jt).f sS wr n jmn nfr-Htp. Like his great-grandfather, who was scribe of the weavers (nfrwt) of Amun, Neferhotep’s grandfather was also scribe of the weavers (nfrwt).15

Figure 2. TT49: Distribution of ancestor’s mentions and representations

14 15

Davies 1933, I, Pl. XIXA. According to Cabrol (1993, 27-30), more suitable than ‘heifers’.

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The name and titles of Neferhotep’s father have been preserved on the lintel, at the entrance of TT 49, as well as in inscriptions on the ceiling of the hall. It reads: sAb n jmn sDm-aS n jmn (dignitary of Amun, servant of Amun).16 Kinship

Name

Títles

Father

Neby

sAb n jmn sDm-aS n jmn

Grandfather

Ptahemheb

sS nfrwt n jmn

Great-grandfather

Nebbuneb

sS nfrwt

Feminine relatives of Neferhotep mentioned in TT 49 are his mother Iwy and his wife Merytra. They hold the usual titles of women belonging to the Theban elite: nbt pr, mistress of the house and Smayt n jmn, singer of Amun. Merytra is also Hsyt n mwt, favorite of Mut17 and Hsyt n Hwt-Hr nbt qsy, favorite of Hathor, mistress of Cusae.18 Kinship

Name

Titles

Mother

Iwy

nbt pr Smayt n jmn

Wife

Merytra

nbt pr Smayt n jmn Hsyt n mwt Hsyt n Hwt-Hr nbt qsy

Neferhotep’s appearance Neferhotep was represented in TT 49 as an old man, following a more or less realistic pattern. His white hair, wrinkles and flabby body are signs of aging that were systematically incorporated into his figure. At the same time, these traces were avoided in the depiction of his wife. Therefore, in the focal point of the chapel, the massive statues located in the central niche show a beautiful woman sitting next to an elderly man (Figure 3). In TT 49, the couple representing the owners was portrayed following this pattern. Consequently, physical artistic handling was part of the resources employed to give an aged appearance, and so Neferhotep’s statue, reliefs and wall paintings show him with white hair, wrinkles on his face, double chin, flabby Davies 1933, I, Pl. LIX. Davies 1933, I, Pl. L. 18 Davies 1933, I, Pl. LI. 16

17

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Figure 3. TT49 hall: south wall, eastern panel (Photography: Thomas Haupts 2004)

belly and prominent folds, which comprise a selection of physiognomic and corporal characteristics to identify him as an old man. The golden light of his wig, perceptible in his painted or sculpted portrait is similarly treated in most of his representations and it is a realistic feature, as well as the shebyw which he wears with pride. Both of them must be considered testimonies of the gifts he received from the king as a distinguished nobleman (Figure 4): a long and good life, and rewards. Merytra was also rendered with shebyw, which means she is ostentatiously remembering her being rewarded by the queen in a ceremony in front of the palace. This scene was recorded in the hall, on the same wall where her husband is receiving the gold of honor from the king’s hand, in front of the windows of appearances in both cases.19 If we consider them as two episodes of the couple’s life, we must accept the emphasized realistic style present in the wall paintings 19

On the southern side of the east wall (Davies 1933, II, Pl. 1).

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Figure 4. TT49. Statues of Merytra and Neferhotep (Photography: Thomas Haupts 2004)

of TT 49. Otherwise, Neferhotep’s figure evokes a young man in a few scenes, when he was depicted receiving offerings in his burial (?) and offering a brazier to the deified royal couple (Figure 5).

Portraying for eternity In Western society, portraiture refers to a depiction, a representation that expresses individuality and identity. However, this does not seem to be the case in Pharaonic society, where a representation could be only relatively realistic or truthful of the physiognomy of a nobleman for social or mythical reasons. It is even noticeable since the Old Kingdom, that examples of aged people are not frequent in ancient Egyptian sculpture, wall paintings or reliefs. Nevertheless, some of them are preserved in funerary contexts from the New Kingdom,20 when 20

There are also examples of sculpture from the Middle Kingdom prepared with deep lines of expression engraved in the face.

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Figure 5. TT49 chapel: east wall, southern side (Photography: M. Violeta Carniel 2013)

Figure 6. TT49 hall: east wall, southern side (Photography: M. Violeta Carniel 2013)

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members of the elite show signs of aging in their representations. After the Amarna Period this phenomenon became more extensive, although it never converted into a universal phenomenon. Examples can be dated from the late Eighteenth Dynasty to the Ramesside Period, mainly in the Nineteenth Dynasty. Two singular scenes come from the Saqqara necropolis of the nobles. An elderly man is rewarded by the king (Ay or Tutankhamun) at the Memphite tomb of Horemheb.21 The man is portrayed with a double chin and a prominent belly. The second one remains a highlight of the Brooklyn Museum and because of its realistic style was dated to the Post-Amarna Period.22 The relief depicts an aged courtier whose face shows a very deep furrow and a remarkable dewlap, and flaccid body and arm muscles. The Theban necropolis provides several other samples of sculpture and wall paintings where old age was represented to portray members of the elite. TT 40 and TT 49 are the earliest ones,23 according to our knowledge. TT 255 (Roy), TT 3 (Pashedu), TT 290 (Irynefer) and TT 217 (Ipuy) document this innovative pictorial resource. Dated from the reign of Tutankhamun, TT 40 preserves three scenes of the distribution of gold displayed in the hall (southern side of the east wall). The northernmost scene of the upper register24 may be interpreted as the reception of Huy in Nubia by the most prominent persons.25 There is a line of three officials whose titles were recorded on top: jdnw n kS (deputy of Kush26), HAty-a n xa m mAat (major of Khaemmaat27) and jmy-r-jHw (supervisor of the cattle). The second Probably the future Ramesses I (Martin, G. T. 1991. The Hidden Tombs of Memphis. New discoveries from the Time of Tutankhamon and Ramesses the Great. London, Thames and Hudson, 54, Ill. 18). 22 Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund n° 47.120.1 (Cody, M. E. 1999. 100 Masterworks, in Fazzini, R. A. – Romano, J. F. and Cody, M. (eds), Art for Eternity. Masterworks from Ancient Egypt, 35-156. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 107 n° 59). 23 An elderly workman was represented in the tomb of Meryneith at Saqqara: his head shows receding hair and his face wrinkles (Raven, M. J. and van Walsem, R. 2014. The Tomb of Meryneith at Saqqara. Turnhouts, Brepols, 138). This kind of appearance was used for the population belonging to the lower levels of society since the Old Kingdom, and continued throughout the New Kingdom, as examples in TT 39, TT 86, TT 52 and TT 69 show, as well as in Pahery’s tomb at El-Kab (Clére, J. J. 1995. Les chauves d’Hathor. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 63. Leuven, Peters, 1-11). 24 Davies, Ni. de G. and Gardiner, A. H. 1926. The Tomb of Huy, Viceroy of Nubia in the reign of Tutankhamûn (No. 40). Theban Tomb Series 4. London, Egypt Exploration Society, Pl. XIV. 25 Davies and Gardiner 1926, 17-18. 26 Gardiner suggests that the colleague of Wawat was represented in the first position, now lost (Davies and Gardiner 1926, 18). 27 Soleb (Davies and Gardiner 1926, 18). 21

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figure has white hair. The next scene to the south also concerns Nubian activities of the tomb owner.28 In the upper register a Hry-pr is recorded followed by a row of gold bearers,29 three of them depicted as bald men with grayish hair.30 Despite its fragmentary state, depictions of feminine figures bearing white hair were also preserved in the middle and lower registers, along with representations of the revenues from Nubia.31 We suggest that portraits of aged people in the tomb exhibit the prominence of the Viceroy through the importance of who receives him at his seat in Nubia, as well as the diversity of contributors under his control. In the tomb of Roy, dated to the reign of Horemheb, one aged man participates in the funerary procession.32 Aging is suggested by his greyish hair, making a distinction in relation to the people in the line of mourners. A second example comes from the east wall of the burial chamber of TT 3, where a kind of organizational chart of hierarchies is displayed. In the upper register, Pashedu’s father is figured with white hair, followed by his wife, whose long hair shows some grey lines.33 In the middle register Pashedu, his wife and a second woman have grayish heads, while in the lower register his three children and two women have black hair. Therefore, each row seems to represent one generation: the older people above and the younger at the bottom. In the third tomb (TT 290), Irynefer’s parents are depicted with completely white hair in the scene of the burial chamber’s west wall. Moreover, on the Louvre stele,34 only the father of Irynefer is graying in the scene. The same resource Davies and Gardiner 1926, Pl. XVI. Collection of gold revenues: gold in rings and gold dust in bags. 30 They probably were members of the clergy of Hathor. The priests titled ‘Bald (iz) of Hathor’ were distinguished by sincipital baldness (Clère 1995), as was represented in the fragments of the New Kingdom statuettes of the Metropolitan Museum (Accession nº 64.225) and of the British Museum (EA 43.132). 31 Davies and Gardiner 1926, Pl. XVI. 32 Millward, E. 2013. Children of Sorrow: Infants and Juveniles in Ancient Egyptian Funeral Processions during the New Kingdom. Current Research in Egyptology 2012: Proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual Symposium, University of Birmingham 2012. Oxford, Oxbow Books, Fig. 9.1. 33 The representation of female aging is also unusual in ancient Egypt (Janssen, R. M. and Janssen, J. J. 1996. Getting Old in Ancient Egypt. London, Rubicon, 14). The following examples should be mentioned: the figures of one wailer in TT 49, revenues bearers in TT 40, Irinefer’s wife (TT 290) and four women portrayed in TT 40 (Janssen and Janssen 1996, 25 and fig. 29). In TT 49, Neferhotep’s mother is represented with a double chin, probably to be distinguished from Merytra and a younger woman in one scene (east wall of the chapel, southern side). 34 ML C311 E12964 (Available at: ). 28 29

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of indication of age was used in the tomb of Ipuy (TT 217), dated to the Ramesside Period, to depict one of the men working on top of the catafalque.35

‘No one can be born wise’ After the examination of the portraiture of old people documented in this period we may propose some explanations. First of all, no strict rules seem to exist regarding the function of representations of aged people in a funerary context. Secondly, depictions of youth, maturity or old age may indicate the belonging to a generation, and consequently, delimitate a social position, thus representative of a type more than a particular person. Thirdly, aged appearance simultaneously evokes experience and service, as well as a lengthy lifetime, without making differentiation between youthfulness and matureness. Opposite to type, the portrait of elders implies some realism shown as the intentional rendering of objective reality, which remains a pictorial individualization in contrast to idealization.36 With respect to the funerary context, any individual portrait in the New Kingdom was a social construction and part of the cult provision by the state. Therefore, services rendered by Neferhotep to Amun in his earthly life, and represented at his mortuary monument, provided him with posthumous merits: a very well equipped tomb where he can live for eternity and where his memory would be celebrated forever. Accordingly, the figuration of aged people takes semantic specificity according to context, but also reveals social liability and ideological connotation. On the contrary, scenes expressing some mythic symbolism in particular would have required a timeless portraiture, and that is why the portrait of Neferhotep takes into account actual appearance, while evoking other meanings as well, such as: old age representing experience and life story, and idealized figure, similar to the royal couple deified depicted in one scene on the northeastern pillar. If the deceased persons were depicted as young adults, when they were at the height of their powers, it was to enlock the idealized perfection expected for eternity within their portraitures. Nevertheless, as was suggested before, examples out of this tendency may be interpreted as expressions of maturity and success, and elders as role models. Wilkinson, Ch. K. 1983. Egyptian Wall Paintings. The Metropolitan Museum of Art’s Collection of Facsimiles. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Figure Nº 45. 36 Laboury 2010, 1-2. 35

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In summary, young or old according to the requirements of each situation, both types of representations of Neferhotep seem to consist of complementary perspectives that express the identity of the official in his monument as a whole. If the decorative program of TT 49 documents Neferhotep’s titles and those of his relatives to inform of his social belonging and position, his aged figures proudly show the success of his career in the service of the temple. Consequently, Neferhotep is the one responsible for his posthumous fate and the funerary gifts received, and TT 49 expresses its owner as an individual and a social person. Treatment of every element should be considered as indissoluble, as his idealized figure was also essential for his daily renaissance. The valuation of a long and successful career in the funerary context can be linked to the preeminence achieved by elite members in the late Eighteenth Dynasty, and as a consequence of individual life experiences which are considered important to such an extent as to be expressed. As Laboury convincingly argued about the royal portraits and the political context of the late Eighteenth Dynasty, they must be considered as plastic constructions: ‟(…) il faut comprendre le décalage opéré par le portrait visà-vis de la physionomie véritable du modèle comme la transfiguration iconographique qui permet de dépasser la simple reproduction des apparences, changeantes et trompeuses, pour atteindre l’essence, la nature profonde du modèle, certes en résonance avec son apparence perceptible, mais qui recouvre bien plus que ce que l’on en voit extérieurement.”37 Hence, he considers that royal portraiture ‟(…) constitue en fait une définition, dans le langage des arts plastiques, de l’essence idéologique profonde que ces rois prétendaient donner d’eux-mêmes et de leur pouvoir”38. Probably inspired by royal aesthetic practices, after the Amarna Period nobles took into account the power they had overtaken to oppose the monarchy, and then ideological discourse was renewed. ‟No one can be born wise”, says Ptahhotep to justify his teachings, but he may become so over a long life and society will testify it for eternity’, we add.

Abstract The beautiful monument of Neferhotep cut into the eastern slope of the hill of el-Khokha provided me with the chance to write about the owner’s portraiture in his tomb, as a friendly tribute to Zoltán Fábián. To celebrate him, 37 38

Laboury 2009, 196. Laboury 2009, 196.

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the following pages deal with the reasons for the aesthetic appealing to age in ancient Egypt, with focus on funerary iconography.   Differences in the representation of Neferhotep son of Neby are analyzed in the context of TT 49, where he was portrayed as an old man in the vast majority of the scenes. Aged appearance of the official evokes experience and service in the great Amun temple, as well as a long lifetime, which shows a pictorial individualization of the tomb owner in contrast to idealization. Therefore, the portrait of the noble was a cultural construction that created significances or symbols, and reveals social liability and ideological connotations. Depiction of the deceased as a young adult keeps the idealized perfection expected for eternity, while elders must be interpreted as role models. Both types of representation of Neferhotep are complementary perspectives that express the identity of the official in his monument. At TT 49 Neferhotep’s titles and those of his relatives inform us of their social belonging and position. A long and successful career might be linked to the preeminence achieved by elite members in the late Eighteenth Dynasty.

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Gábor Schreiber

The Stamped Bricks of Chief Physician Amenhotep (DM 337) Funerary cones and stamped bricks made for private individuals were an important ornamental device in Theban tomb architecture during the New Kingdom and, as far as the funerary cones are concerned, also during the Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Dynasties. It was during the latter period that the application of this architectural member, fully developed in the Eighteenth Dynasty and always bearing a local “flavour” and an unmistakable hint to the golden age of Theban tomb building, saw a short-lived but thoughtful revival.1 The manufacturing technique of funerary cones and stamped bricks was basically identical and so was their apparent function to enhance the visual appearance of wall faces and entablatures of façades and pylons in Theban tomb buildings. Funerary cones are, however, more numerous in the archaeological record, especially during the Eighteenth Dynasty. A distinction between the two categories is sometimes not easy to make given that numerous special brick forms exist which bear on one or more sides a stamp impression otherwise known from a corresponding cone type, be it “cylindrical”, “cone-like”, “bell-shaped” or “brick-like”,2 stamped with the same matrix. While these kinds of special bricks, most frequently taking the shape of a wedge, have been shown to have been used in the same decorative programs as their corresponding cone types3 and as such are to be treated more conveniently in the framework of the category of funerary cones, the appearance of rectangular-shaped stamps on funerary cones on the one hand and the resemblance between some special brick forms and real frieze bricks on the other induced Davies and Macadam to include numerous stamped bricks in their catalogue of funerary cones4 which never existed in a cone-like format. Their list is far from exhaustive and the same holds true of the list published in Spencer’s illuminating On funerary cones, see now Dibley, G. and Lipkin, B. 2009. A Compendium of Egyptian Funerary Cones. London; Zenihiro, K. 2009. The Complete Funerary Cones. Tokyo; Kruck, E. 2012. Dra’ Abu el-Naga I. Grabkegel als Elemente thebanischer Grabarchitektur (Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 124). Wiesbaden. 2 Cf. Dibley and Lipkin 2009, 2. 3 Borchardt, L., Königsberger, O. and Ricke, H. 1934. Friesziegel in Grabbauten. ZÄS 70, 25-35; Spencer, A. J. 1979. Brick Architecture in Ancient Egypt. Warminster, 146; Kruck 2012, 28-33. 4 Davies, N. de G. and Macadam, M. F. L. 1957. A Corpus of Inscribed Egyptian Funerary Cones I. Oxford. 1

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work on brick architecture, which gives the most comprehensive overview of stamped bricks produced for private individuals.5 In contrast to “brick-like” funerary cones, the stamped frieze bricks never have a tapering end and are articulated in the shape of either an ordinary, rectangular brick or, as we shall see, in the form of a cornice brick, which was widely used in Egyptian brickwork architecture for constructing the entablature of façades and doorways. The subject of this article is one particular stamped brick type, DM 337, of which seven exemplars have been found during the Hungarian Archaeological Mission’s excavations in Theban Tomb -61-.6 This tomb is situated on the south slope of the el-Khokha hillock and was constructed in the early Eighteenth Dynasty, probably in the reign of Tuthmosis III, for an unknown owner. Following a long period during the later Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties when the tomb remained out of use, TT -61- became occupied in the Twentieth Dynasty by one Amenhotep, chief physician in the domain of Amun (Hry swnw n pr Jmn) and priest of Mut (wab n Mwt). Amenhotep enlarged the forecourt, re-carved its façade, completed the cutting of the cult chapels, added a sloping passage and a burial chamber for his own interment, and decorated the cult chapels. Based on a loose fragment undoubtedly originating from the murals of this tomb with the cartouches of Ramesses III, it is secure to state that all these interventions took place during the same reign. As is typical of the Theban necropolis in general, the clearing of TT -61- has also yielded several funerary cones which found their way here from nearby monuments by chance. Out of the 17 examples found, eight represent DM type 578 (Senu), three DM type 572 (Sitamun), two DM type 547 (Herytephutamun), two DM type 350 (Djehutymes), one DM type 178 (Iahmes), while due to its weatherworn surface one cone remains illegible and unidentified. The cones of Djehutymes come from TT 205, while the single specimen representing DM type 178 from TT 241. Both tombs are located in the closest vicinity of TT -61- and date from the reign of Tuthmosis III or his immediate successor. Given that the cones of Senu (DM type 578) are represented in large numbers also in the material excavated in nearby TT -400-,7 one may presume that Senu’s as-yet-unidentified tomb is also situated in the same area. 5 6

7

Spencer 1979, 146, Pls. 37-38. On TT -61-, see now Schreiber, G. 2015. The Tomb of Amenhotep Chief Physician in the Domain of Amun. Theban Tomb -61-. Archaeology and Architecture (Studia Aegyptiaca Series Maior IV). Budapest. For an overview of the work done in TT -61-, see also Schreiber, G. In T. A. Bács, Z. I. Fábián, G. Schreiber and L. Török (eds) 2009. Hungarian Excavations in the Theban Necropolis. A Celebration of 102 Years of Fieldwork in Egypt. Budapest, 33, 64, 71-72, 95-96, 99-100. Personal observation. The funerary cones from TT -400- are being prepared for publication by B. Tihanyi.

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Figure 1. DM type 337

Figure 2. Cornice brick stamped with DM type 337 from TT -61(Drawing: F. Tortoriello)

What concerns us here the most is, however, not these cones but the stamped bricks of DM type 337 (Figure 1). All the seven exemplars of this type were manufactured out of a coarsely levigated Nile silt (Nile D) tempered with abundant straw inclusions and finely crushed limestone particles distributed unevenly throughout the paste. The fabric is very soft and porous, and thus vulnerable to physical effects. These properties give a ready explanation for why none of the seven bricks excavated in TT -61has been preserved intact. The stamp Figure 3. Cornice brick stamped with DM impressions on four examples are in fact type 337 from TT -61- (Photo: L. Mátyus) completely worn and illegible, while on the remaining three rather fragmentary, especially on the left side. Based on the drawing of DM 337 in their catalogue, Davies and Macadam handled only incomplete exemplars as well, which enabled them to identify only the name of the owner, Amenhotep, with certainty. Mac98

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Figure 4. 2/3 lateral view of a cornice brick stamped with DM type 337 (Photo: L. Mátyus)

adam also recognised that the sign depicting a seated deity with feathered headdress forms a component of the title that he rendered correctly as Hry-[…] n Jmn.8 A problem arises concerning the reading of the sign after Hry. It is to be noted that similarly to Davies’ exemplar(s), this sign is fragmentary on all the bricks from TT -61-, a fact probably signifying that the matrix used for stamping Amenhotep’s bricks was not flawless at this point. Davies’ extraordinary epigraphic skills are nevertheless shown by the fact that however damaged his sample brick was, he correctly noticed that this sign does not have a flat but a forked end.9 This observation can be confirmed on the basis of one stamp impression from TT -61- (Figures 2-4) on which Figure 5. Ordinary frieze brick stamped this element of the sign, best understood as with DM type 337 from TT -61(Photo: L. Mátyus) the forked finial of a variant of the swn-sign,10 The component “Amun” is not translated in Dibley and Lipkin 2009, 242. This feature rules out Helck’s suggestion to reconstruct the title as Hry-mrt n Jmn. Cf. Helck, W. 1959. Review of Davies and Macadam 1957. OLZ 54/7-8, 369-373, 372. 10 The same palaeographical variant of the sign with the phonetic value swn appears in the lintel and doorjamb inscriptions of TT -61-.  8  9

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is slightly better preserved. Based on this exemplar as well as the presence of seven such bricks in the tomb of the chief physician Amenhotep, the stamp impression can be reconstructed as follows: Wsjr Hry swnw n Jmn Jmn-Htp – Osiris Chief physician of Amun Amenhotep. Amenhotep’s bricks may be split into two groups. The first type is represented by a single example from TT -61- that takes the shape of an ordinary frieze-brick stamped on one of the sides 16.5 cm in height and 7.5 cm in width (Figure 5). Judging by the placement of the stamp, bricks of this type must have been built in an upright position in a way that the stamp on them (7x4.5 cm) be seen on the surface of the wall they decorated. Except for the doorway giving access to the cult chapel, the wall faces of the forecourt in Amenhotep’s tomb did not have a figure decoration but were ornamented with a whitewashed plaster only. Considering that the same chalky white wash is visible on the stamp of the said brick, one may presume that it served as a decorative element in the forecourt, probably built in the doorway of the tomb’s small pylons. Although, as stated above, none of the bricks excavated in TT -61- are complete, the preserved fragments leave no doubt about the fact that the remaining six exemplars of DM type 337 were not ordinary, but cornice bricks. The best preserved such brick, far from complete, is 23.5 cm in length. Considering the proportional coherences, the estimated complete length would be about 40 cm, which is in well keeping with the figures given by Spencer for similar cornice bricks.11 Such an estimate also seems to be confirmed by a further example of this cornice brick discovered in nearby TT 32, which was described to have had “a nearly intact profile” measuring 38.5 cm.12 The matrix of the stamp used for Amenhotep’s cornice bricks is identical with that applied onto his ordinary bricks but the impression in this case is seen on the flat frontal surface above the concave part of the brick (Figure 6). Similarly to the other type, the stamped surface is coloured white but the concave part of the cornice brick bears a red coat applied pre-firing. As such, the entablature composed of these cornice bricks must have had a two-tone visual effect. Spencer 1979, 143, Fig. 93. Gaál, E. 1993. Stamped Bricks from TT 32 (Studia Aegyptiaca XV). Budapest, 44-45. In TT 32, three bricks belonging to Amenhotep’s monument have been found. One of them is an ordinary frieze brick (Cat. No. 42, Inv. No. 84/88, 22), while the two others are cornice bricks (Cat. No. 187, Inv. No. 90/86, a and Inv. No. 90/86, b). The stamp is preserved only on Inv. No. 90/86, a. Ernő Gaál correctly supposed that the tomb to which these bricks belong is situated in the vicinity of TT 32; however, due to the weatherworn surfaces of the bricks he had the chance to handle, he renders erroneously the first component of the title as jmy-r in place of Hry. Cf. Gaál 1993, Pls. X/i, XXX/b.

11 12

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Figure 6. Reconstruction of the entablature composed of cornice bricks stamped with DM type 337 (Drawing: M. Iván)

The sophisticated application of stamped bricks in the architectural design of this small Twentieth Dynasty tomb raises a question concerning its immediate models. As far as the cornice bricks are concerned, parallels in Theban tomb architecture do exist but are few in number, while the feature of Amenhotep’s cornice bricks of bearing an inscribed stamp is truly something of a rarity. For the employment of plain cornice bricks in private tomb buildings analogues are offered by some tombs in Deir el-Medina;13 however, the same architectural member is also attested in a royal monument, the mortuary temple of Tuthmosis III,14 located closest to the el-Khokha hillock. Given that this temple, partly dismantled by the Twentieth Dynasty, was a dominant landmark of the plain at the base of el-Khokha, it seems probable that the architect of Amenhotep’s tomb borrowed the idea of constructing the entablature from cornice bricks from this nearby royal monument. Another source of inspiration was seemingly the large Nineteenth Dynasty temple tombs neighbouring TT -61-. Two such tombs, viz. TT 32 (Djehutymes) and TT 183 (Nebsumenu) can be shown to have applied fired stamped bricks in their design. The case of TT 32 is particularly instructive in that from here not less than 238 rectangular stamped bricks are known.15 All the bricks are of the Bruyère, B. 1926. Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el-Médineh (1924-1925). Cairo, 39, Fig. 26; Bruyère, B. 1933. Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el-Médineh (1930). Cairo, 30, Fig. 14. 14 Spencer 1979, 142, n. 20. 15 Gaál 1993, passim. For the stamped bricks of Djehutymes, see also: Reeves, C. N. 1986. Miscellanea Epigraphica. SAK 13, 165-170, 169-170; Gillispie, C. C. and Dewachter, M. (eds) 1987. Monuments of Egypt – The Napoleonic Expedition. Princeton, 31; Kákosy, L. 1989. Tomba di Thutmosi. In A. M. Donadoni Roveri (ed.), Passato e futuro del Museo Egizio di Torino, 20013

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same size (33×15×7 cm) but some of them are stamped with DM type 346,16 others with DM type 336,17 and yet another group with both. The stamps are seen either on one of the sides, on one of the ends or both. It is also notable that the stamped bricks with Djehutymes’ name and titles were not only applied for forming a decorative frieze in the tomb’s pylons but they were also used for enhancing brickwork constructions in the sloping passage of TT 32.18 Not less interesting are the stamped bricks made for Nebsumenu, builder and owner of TT 183. These bricks, of which 12 exemplars have been found in the area of TT 3219 and two further examples in the burial shaft of TT -64- wedged between TT 32 and 183,20 feature neither in the corpus of Davies and Macadam

Figure 7. Stamped brick of Nebsumenu (after Gaál 1993, 44, Fig. 11) 202, Turin; Kákosy, L. 1993. The Stamped Bricks and the Modern History of TT 32. In Gaál 1993, 37-39. 16 This stamp is erroneously featured in both Davies and Macadam 1957, and Dibley and Lipkin 2009. The correct rendering of the text is as follows: Wsjr sS nsw jmy-r pr n Jmn +Hwty-ms mAa-[xrw]. Cf. Reeves 1986, 170, Fig. 3 and Gaál 1993, 32, Fig. 9. 17 Stamp inscription: Wsjr jmy-r Swnt[y] n Jmn +Hwty-ms. 18 Gaál 1993, 28, 34-35; Kákosy 1993, 38. 19 Gaál 1993, 43-44. 20 Personal observation.

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nor in Spencer’s list.21 The shape of this brick type is quite unusual, being 28 cm long, 21 cm wide and 4.5 cm thick. Even more remarkably, the stamp is seen atop the bricks (Figure 7), in a way similar to a sizable group of unfired mud bricks stamped for private individuals.22 Unlike those, however, Nebsumenu’s bricks were manufactured out of well-tempered and carefully fired Nile silt. The application of an elaborate matrix producing an unusually deep impression in raised relief as well as the coating of the stamped surface with a red self-slip before firing are also clear proofs of the fact that these bricks were made with the aim of forming an ornamental frieze. In sum, one may conclude that DM type 337 is associated with two brick types, both employed in the decorative programme of Theban Tomb -61-, constructed for Amenhotep, chief physician in the domain of Amun, or, as the stamp inscription renders it in an abbreviated form, chief physician of Amun. The large temple tombs of the Nineteenth Dynasty and the mortuary temple of Tuthmosis III situated in the same area offered ample and prolific examples for the application of such members in brick architecture, so it seems likely that the architect of Amenhotep’s tomb closely studied these models when designing the visual appearance of Theban Tomb -61-.

Abstract The paper investigates the frieze bricks stamped with DM type 337. Based on the specimens found in TT -61- and TT 32, this stamp seems to have been applied onto both ordinary frieze bricks and cornice bricks. The paper argues that both types were employed in the decorative programme of TT -61-, a small mortuary monument situated on the south slope of el-Khokha hillock which was converted into a miniature temple tomb by one Amenhotep, a temple-physician in Karnak, during the Twentieth Dynasty.

21 22

Spencer 1979, 146, Pl. 37. Spencer 1979, 146, Pl. 38.

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Nigel Strudwick

The statue of Amenhotep, son-in-law of the chancellor Senneferi My wife Helen and I first met Zoltán Fábián in 1985, when both we and the Hungarian Mission to TT32 were accommodated in Sheikh Aly’s Marsam Hotel on the West Bank at Thebes. TT32 was also only a short walk from TT294/253/254 where we were working, and we often visited each other and shared many a happy hour socialising, then and in the next few seasons when they moved to the Stoppelaere House. Some colleagues in that mission are regrettably not with us any more (László Kákosy and Ernő Gaál) and putting this article together for Zoltán reminds Helen and me of all of them and the enjoyable times we had.1 In 1992 we moved to the tomb of Senneferi in the hill of Sheikh Abdel Qurna (TT99) and the following description of our most spectacular find is offered to Zoltán Fábián to recall those times.2 The sandstone statue of Amenhotep first came to light in TT99 on 22 December 1993. The present restored statue is composed of five separate fragments: the body, the bulk of the head, two wig fragments, and a small piece of the body. The fragments were taken to the Egyptian Museum in Cairo in September 2002 for inclusion in the ‘Hidden Treasures’ exhibit that was opened to coincide with the centenary of the museum. The statue was reassembled by the museum for this exhibit and has now been added to the permanent inventory of the museum as JE 99148.

Description The height of the statue as reconstructed is 0.91 m, with a depth of 0.57 m and a width of 0.25 m. The material is sandstone with paint. The body and the frag1

2

I of course thank Helen Strudwick for reading this text and her perceptive comments. She joins me in sending good wishes to Zoltán whom we had the pleasure to meet after far too many years in Würzburg in summer 2017. See http://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/tt99/ (accessed 27 December 2015) for more information on the tomb and other publications of this project; a general report on the tomb is Strudwick, N. 2000. The Theban Tomb of Senneferi [TT.99]. An overview of work undertaken from 1992 to 1999. Memnonia 11, 241–266. The final report on the New Kingdom parts of the tomb can be found in Strudwick, N. 2016. The tomb of Pharaoh’s Chancellor Senneferi at Thebes (TT99). Oxford, Oxbow.

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Figure 1.

Figure 2.

Figure 3.

Figure 4.

Figures 1-8. The statue of Amenhotep from TT99, from various angles

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Figure 5.

Figure 6.

Figure 7.

Figure 8.

Photographs: Anthony Middleton, © Nigel Strudwick

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ment of the seat were in Shaft E (Figure 9), while the head was broken into three separate parts and recovered from Shaft A;3 these fragments were found in the course of two successive excavation seasons in 1993–1994. The following description relates to the statue as reassembled, which is almost complete. The missing areas—much of the proper right arm, areas of the proper right lower leg, and right-hand part of the base, the centre of the wig, and the front of the proper left side of the wig—probably were damaged as a result of the treatment of the statue.

Figure 9. The statue of Amenhotep in situ in Shaft E of TT99, © Nigel Strudwick

3

Excavation numbers and more detail on the fragments will be found in Strudwick 2016, 20; a plan of the tomb clarifying the position of these shafts will be found, for example, as Strudwick 2000, Fig. 1 (the same article has a brief description and photograph on p. 244, pl. LVIA). An image of the statue and a description based on one by the present author may be found in Hawass, Z. 2004. Hidden Treasures of Ancient Egypt. Washington, National Geographic, 160–161. The formal publication of the statue is Strudwick 2016, 20–22; additional discussion is the purpose of the present article.

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They are now either dust or unrecognisable among very small fragments of sandstone found in the tomb. The owner is shown seated, on a cube throne with a small raised ‘cushion’. Extending to just below the top of the head is an uninscribed back pillar; a thin red line delineates the join of the body and the back pillar. The base of the statue is rounded at the front. His right arm is held against the side of his body, and the hand was probably just above the right knee; his left arm is folded across his chest, and he holds a lily against his chest, with blue/green petals with white space between them, the bottom yellow with black lines on it; the stalk is red-brown. Despite the breaking of the head into three parts, the face is remarkably well preserved, and is quite striking with its black painted eyebrows and pupils, white cornea and intact nose. Amenhotep wears a shoulder length striated wig and a short black beard. His skin is red-brown. Clothing takes the form of a white ankle-length kilt, and in addition over part of his kilt and over his left shoulder is a white shawl or cloak which disappears into the back pillar, leaving the right side of his upper body bare. Across his chest above his left arm, the shawl/cloak is fringed with a simple pattern of thin red lines; below the arm, the edge of the garment is marked with a single thin red line and slightly raised above the kilt. The edge of this shawl/cloak runs down to the ankles, and is visible just to the right of the vertical text.4 A single column of text in sunk relief filled with blue paint runs down the lap and onto the top of the kilt. Htp di nswt wsir xnty m imntyw nb nHH HqA Dt di.f xt nbt nfrt wabt n kA idnw n imy-r sDAwty imn-Htp ‘An offering which the king gives to Osiris, foremost among the Westerners, lord of eternity, ruler of the everlasting, so that he may give Figure 10. Text on the statue of Amenhotep in normalised hieroglyphs, © Nigel Strudwick 4

Egyptian shawls and cloaks are discussed in Vogelsang-Eastwood, G. 1993. Pharaonic Egyptian clothing. Leiden-New York-Köln, Brill, 155–168. Mackay discussed a particular type of shawl seen in Theban tombs. Although this is not what is worn by Amenhotep on this statue, such shawls are often worn over the left shoulder in tomb paintings, for example, in TT21 (Mackay, E. 1924. The representation of shawls with a rippled stripe in the Theban tombs. JEA 10, 41–43; see also Davies, Norman de Garis 1913. Five Theban Tombs. London, Egypt Exploration Fund, pl. XXVII–XXVIII).

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all perfect and pure things to the ka of the deputy of the overseer of seal-bearers, Amenhotep.’ The colours used on the statue may be summarised as follows: White: base, throne, robe, ‘negative space’ between the right side of the body and the right arm and the support for the beard, cornea, toenails; Black: wig, beard, pupils, eyebrows, lily stem (there is a drip of black from the wig onto the back pillar); Red-brown: skin; Red: edge of cloak and fringe, also line between rear of body and back pillar; Blue/green: body of lily, and bottom of its base; Yellow: base of lily; Blue: text; the paint now survives at the bottom of the incised hieroglyphs. The back of the statue is unpainted. The following notes on the technique are a mixture of my observations and those of Julie Dawson,5 who examined the statue very closely in course of her conservation work. I am grateful to her for permitting them to be incorporated here. A thin layer of gesso was used to give a painting surface on most of the body; it seems to be thicker on the wig. The red paint of the skin is on an inconsistent white ground. Blemishes in the stone were filled in, particularly on the head. There are considerable traces of varnish on the statue: the largest concentration is on the wig, the face, on the white area behind the beard, on the chest, where it has run onto the top of the lily, in the white area between the ankles, in the white area between the right arm and the body, and for at least 1 cm on the body below the wig. There are isolated drops of this material in other places, such as between the feet, as if it dripped during application. This varnish would appear to be the clear to yellow coloured material identified on various funerary objects and on wall paintings. In origin this sort of material is thought to be a tree resin.6 None of the sources yet examined mention varnish on painted statues.7

5 6

7

Head of Conservation, The Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Serpico M. and White R. 2001. The use and identification of varnish on New Kingdom funerary equipment. In W. V. Davies (ed.), Colour and Painting in Ancient Egypt. London, British Museum Press, 33–42. Lucas, A. 1962. Ancient Egyptian materials and industries. 4th ed., ed. J. R. Harris. London, Edward Arnold, 356–358; Serpico M. and White R. 2000. Resins, amber and bitumen. In P. T. Nicholson and I. Shaw (eds), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology. 430–474. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 459–460; Serpico and White 2001.

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Identity, dating and other attestations of Amenhotep Amenhotep is not mentioned in the decoration of TT99. However, his title of idnw n imy-r sDAwty, ‘deputy overseer of sealbearers’, gives little room for doubt that he is the official first known from lost tomb C.3.8 A prominent woman in the ceiling inscriptions of that tomb, and thus almost certainly his spouse, although no relationship is explicitly indicated, is Renena, called the daughter of the imy-r sDAwty Senneferi, who can only be the owner of TT99. Thus he was Senneferi’s son-in-law. Porter and Moss suggest that the location of the missing tomb C.3 was somewhere on the north-east slope of Sheikh Abdel Qurna.9 However, in 2009, the tomb of Amenhotep was located by the mission from the Université Libre de Bruxelles just south of TT29, a mere 60 m from the entrance to TT99. Initial reports confirm the existence of the texts noted by Piehl, plus the remains of some decoration.10 The false door from tomb C.3 was discovered in 1974 far from the tomb, adjacent to the temple of Khonsu in Karnak, broken into eleven pieces.11 It had been presumably taken there for reuse, in the same way as that of Useramun, discovered in 2009.12 The false door gives no genealogical data, despite there being an (anonymous) depiction of a spouse on the panel. It is reasonable to assume that Amenhotep would have been active in the lifetime of Senneferi and for a generation or so beyond it. Numerous references to Thutmose III in TT99 make it clear that the tomb was constructed in his reign, and the existence of a wine jar with a hieratic docket of ‘year 38’ suggests that Senenferi’s demise would have not taken place before the last ten to fifteen years

PM I2, 457, first noted by Piehl, K. 1886–1903. Inscriptions hiéroglyphiques recueillies en Europe et en Egypte. Leipzig, Hinrichs. Vol. I, CXLII (X) and CXLIII (Z), with a sketch plan in Vol. II, 111.  9 See also Kampp, F. 1996. Die Thebanische Nekropole. Theben 13, Mainz, von Zabern, 618. 10 Bavay, L. and D. Laboury 2012. Dans l’entourage de pharaon. Art et archéologie dans la nécro­ pole thébaine. In Ceci nest pas une pyramide… Un siècle de recherche archéologique belge en Egypte, 63–79. Leuven–Paris, Peeters, 67–71. I thank Laurent Bavay for sharing information and images with me before the discovery was widely publicised, and keeping me informed on the progress of the work. 11 Traunecker, C. 1973–1977. La stèle fausse-porte du vice-chancelier Aménophis. Cahiers de Karnak 6, 197–208. See also Strudwick, N. 2015. The false door of Senneferi, Theban Tomb 99. In A. Jiménez-Serrano and C. von Pilgrim (eds), From the Delta to the Cataract. Studies Dedicated to Mohamed el-Bialy, 272–287. Leiden, Brill, 285–287. 12 Boraik, M. 2010. A granite false door of Useramun. Memnonia Cahier Supplementaire 2, 181–191.  8

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of that king.13 Thus it is proposed that Amenhotep was active in the latter part of the reign of Thutmose III and continued into the earlier part of that of Amen­hotep II.

Parallels and discussion Although seated statues are common in the New Kingdom, the two particular features which distinguish this statue are the cloak and the lily held to the breast. In the following discussion, a general distinction is drawn between statues of limestone and sandstone and those of harder and darker stones. While I am not aware of a study specifically on this topic, my impression is that statues of the lighter-coloured stones are more likely to have been placed in tombs, and the harder and darker stones are more probably from temples.14 The lack of a reliable provenance for so many statues, however, complicates this a great deal. Statuary of the early New Kingdom is strongly inspired by Middle Kingdom models, but it is in the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III that clearly new types begin to develop.15 However, the cloak worn over the left shoulder, found on other statues, is probably inspired by the cloaked statues of the Middle Kingdom.16 Two of the best parallels in lighter stones are the statues of Tjenena in

Strudwick 2016, 17–18. The reader is referred to Schulz’s work on cube statues, although caution should be exercised as the cube statue may not be a common tomb type. The bulk of hard stone examples of this type in the early Eighteenth Dynasty did not come from tombs (Schulz, R. 1992. Die Entwicklung und Bedeutung des kuboiden Statuentypus. Eine Untersuchung zu den sogenannten “Würfelhockern”. Hildesheim, Gerstenberg, 549, 559). 15 See comments by Romano on the statue of Ahmose (Brooklyn Museum 61.196) in Eggebrecht, A. (ed.) 1987. Ägyptens Aufstieg zur Weltmacht. Mainz, von Zabern, 160–161 (72). The most recent survey of statuary of the early Eighteenth Dynasty concentrates on royal material and pre-Hatshepsut private statuary (Russmann in Roehrig, C. H., R. Dreyfus, and C. A. Keller (eds). 2005. Hatshepsut: from Queen to Pharaoh. New York–New Haven, Yale University Press, 23–27). 16 Two examples in the British Museum: EA 1237, without name (Russmann, E. R. 2001. Eternal Egypt. Masterworks of Ancient Art from the British Museum. London–New York, British Museum Press–American Federation of Arts, 100–101 (28)), and EA 1785 of Ankhrehu (Strudwick, N. 2006. Masterpieces of Ancient Egypt. London, British Museum Press, 106–107. Archaising inspiration from the Middle Kingdom and the earlier New Kingdom is of course also evident in statuary of the Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Dynasties (for example, statue of Montuemhat, Berlin 17271: Priese, K. H. (ed.) 1991. Ägyptisches Museum. Mainz, von Zabern, 171 (102)). 13 14

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Vienna17 and Tjury in Athens.18 Both examples wear cloaks over one shoulder; Tjury’s statue is inscribed down the front of the cloak in the same manner as Amenhotep. Neither holds a lily: Tjenena’s right hand is on his lap (as is Amenhotep’s) and his left is in a similar position to Amenhotep but clenched, holding nothing; Tjury’s arms are placed one above the other on his lower abdomen. Tjury’s statue has no obvious back pillar, while the back of that of Tjenena is formed by a stela-shaped area bearing text, the width of the seat extending to the top of his head. Tjenena is bearded and Tjury apparently beardless. The two best parallels among dark stone statues are those of Menkheperresoneb in London19 and Ahmose Ruru in Brooklyn.20 The attitude and dress of the statues is similar to Amenhotep’s, although in both cases both arms are in front of the figure, the right hand clenched at the top of the vertical inscription on the front of the cloak (Menkheperresoneb holds a piece of cloth, Ahmose holds nothing), and the left hand is extended flat on the breast. Ahmose is bearded, Menkheperresoneb beardless. The latter object is probably a temple statue, although it does come from the somewhat questionable Karnak cache of Budge,21 and is made of granodiorite; Ahmose’s figure is unprovenanced, made of greywacke. Another parallel for the robe and pose is a statue of Mentekhenu in Berlin, who holds a fan in his left hand.22 The principal difference with this object is the depiction of a shebiu collar and the rolls of fat typical of statues of persons who had been honoured in that way; the wig is somewhat more elaborate. This too was probably a temple statue.

Vienna ÄS 63, perhaps from TT76, and thus probably of the reign of Thutmose IV: JarošDeckert, B. 1987. Statuen des Mittleren Reichs und der 18. Dynastie. CAA Wien Lieferung 1, Mainz , von Zabern, 99–105; Eggebrecht 1987, 254 (181). 18 Tzachou-Alexandri, O. (ed.) 1995. The World of Egypt in the National Archaeological Museum. Athens, Kapon Editions, 140 (XXXVII), first half of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 19 British Museum EA 708: Strudwick 2006, 136–137 with further references on p. 343; reign of Thutmose III to Amenhotep II. 20 Brooklyn Museum 61.196: Eggebrecht 1987, 160–161 (72); Roehrig et al. 2005, 282 (198); reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. 21 See James, T. G. H. 1976. Le prétendu “sanctuaire de Karnak” selon Budge. BSFE 75, 7–30; Dewachter, M. 1979. A propos de quelques édifices méconnus de Karnak-Nord. CdE 54, 22–25; and Eaton-Krauss, M. The fate of Sennefer and Senetnay at Karnak Temple and in the Valley of the Kings. JEA 85, 113–122, for the circumstances of this ‘find’ of statues. 22 Berlin 19289: PM II2, 280; Priese 1991, 89 (55); Eggebrecht 1987, 246–247 (177); Roehrig et al. 2005, 106 (54); reign of Thutmose III to Amenhotep II. 17

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Most of the above examples are in the height range (when complete) of 60 cm to 1 m, and thus of a comparable scale to the statue of Amenhotep.23 None, however, holds a lily; parallels to the lily are much harder to uncover at all periods. The earliest example appears to be the broken statue of Kamose in Munich, of limestone, dated to the end of the Seventeenth Dynasty or the beginning of the Eighteenth.24 He is seated on a cube seat, with both hands on his lap, the very damaged right hand holding a lily. The male of an Eighteenth Dynasty pair statue from Taba holds a lily in his left hand, although this flower curves to the left; the statue also appears to have a cloak over the left shoulder.25 Very similar in style to the statue of Amenhotep is a granodiorite sculpture of Nespapedjtytawy from the Karnak cachette, dated by Brandl to the early Twenty-second Dynasty.26 His right hand is placed on his lap, and his left hand holds a lily with the flower almost on the left shoulder, not unlike the Taba statue; below his hand, a column of text runs down to the bottom of his robe. His right shoulder appears to be bare. Two further examples are, firstly, a wooden statue of a seated man with long robe and short wig in Paris.27 He adopts the same pose as Amenhotep and holds a curving lily in his left hand. The statue is uninscribed and has a rounded front, and is perhaps mid-Eighteenth Dynasty or earlier. The second is a figure of a man dressed in a robe, holding two lilies in his right hand on his chest, with his left clenched on his stomach; this statue is in Cairo.28 Extending the search to include lily buds brings us to the limestone statue of a man with a short kilt from the northern city at Amarna, now in Brooklyn.29 This object, of very different scale and context to those previously mentioned, measuring only 8.9 cm in height, was probably from a house, but the style, while Another cloaked seated statue, of different iconography, is that of Senmut with Neferure, British Museum EA 174 (Strudwick 2006, 130–131 with further references on p. 343). 24 ÄS 1569: Grimm, A. and S. Schoske 1999. Im Zeichen des Mondes. Ägypten zu Beginn des Neuen Reiches. München, 86, 110 (Kat. 56). 25 Hawass, Z. 2002. Hidden Treasures of the Egyptian Museum. One hundred masterpieces from the Centennial Exhibition. Cairo–New York, AUC Press, 50. 26 Cairo CG 42188 (JE 36709): Brandl, H. 2008. Untersuchungen zur steinernen Privatplastik der dritten Zwischenzeit : Typologie • Ikonographie • Stilistik. Berlin, MBV, 48–49, Taf. 14–15, 183a. Brandl gives a summary of other statues holding a lily, not including Amenhotep, on p. 351. 27 Louvre N.1581: PM VIII, 554 (801-627-350). 28 Egyptian Museum JE 67844: mention in Vandier, J. 1958. Manuel d’archéologie égyptienne III: les grandes époques – la statuaire. Paris, Editions A. et J. Picard & Cie, 437. 29 Brooklyn 29.1310: Whittemore, T. 1926. The excavations at el-Amarnah, season 1924–5. JEA 12, 3–12, 12, pl. VIII; Freed, R. E., Y. Markowitz and S. H. D’Auria 1999. Pharaohs of the Sun: Akhenaten, Nefertiti, Tutankhamen. Boston–New York–London, Bullfinch Press, 255 (173); comments Riefstahl, E. 1951. An Egyptian portrait of an old man. JNES 10, 65–73, 72–73. 23

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unusual, is not influenced by Amarna; the man is seated on a cube seat, wearing a short black wig, and he holds an elongated lily bud before him with the right arm on his lap. There is another limestone statue from a house at Amarna, now in Cairo, also of a man on a chair wearing a short kilt and short wig holding a long-stemmed lily bud in his left hand on his left chest; this is much more in the Amarna style than the preceding one.30 Lily flowers and/or buds are also seen in the clenched hands of a number of cube statues from the early to mid-Eighteenth Dynasty. The data presented by Schulz suggests that this particular iconographical feature sees a peak of popularity in the Thutmoside period and thereabouts.31 It should now be very evident that statues holding lilies are not common at the period in question. The lily is of course a well-known symbol of rebirth, and is not inappropriate in a funerary context—depictions of lilies in tomb chapels of the Eighteenth Dynasty are very common, but they mostly appear in the banquet scene32 rather than held by the figures of the tomb owner. The deceased often receives the ‘bouquet of Amun’,33 and occasionally that bouquet is held by the tomb owner to his nose.34 Perhaps the lily in the hand of Amenhotep represents the 3D representation of this motif? The variations in the basic pose of the seated male figure presented above suggest that considerable variation in the iconography was possible, presumably to suit the wishes of the owner and the context into which the statue would be placed. The choice of the lily was presumably one of several possible items that could be held.

Why was the statue in the tomb? The tomb of Amenhotep is located a mere 60 m or so from the place of discovery of this statue. Two possibilities suggest themselves as to why the statue was in TT99. It cannot of course be proven beyond doubt that the statue was originally placed in the chapel of Senneferi, but the family connection of Amenhotep with Senneferi makes this at least possible. JE 53249: Frankfort, H. 1929. Preliminary report on the excavations at el-Amarnah, 1928–9. JEA 15, 143–149, pl. XX–XXI; Freed, Markowitz and D’Auria 1999, 255 (172). 31 Schulz 1992, 637–639. 32 For example, Manniche, L. 1997. Reflections on the banquet scene. In Tefnin, R. (ed.), La peinture égyptienne ancienne. Un monde de signes à preserver, 29–36. Bruxelles, Fondation Egyptologique Reine Elisabeth. 33 Examples listed in PM I2, 472 (34). 34 For example, in TT21 (Davies 1913, pl. XXVII). 30

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The first suggestion assumes the statue was originally placed there. Amen­hotep may have taken the apparently unusual step of commemorating himself in three dimensions in his father-in-law’s tomb as he surely owed his advancement in his career and the prominent location of his tomb for a relatively lowly official to Senneferi.35 It may also explain why his wife Renena was also prominently, and unusually, named in the ceiling texts in tomb C.3.36 Perhaps he also played an important role in Senneferi’s cult; unfortunately we know little about the placement of statuary of persons other than the tomb owner in these chapels. The second suggestion is that the statue may originally have been in tomb C.3 and was moved there either in the Eighteenth Dynasty for cultic reasons or in more modern times by robbers, and for some reason it was never sold on. Further research on tomb C.3 is needed to know whether there are any grounds for such a theory. Was the breakage of the head deliberate or accidental? There is none of the usual evidence that it was attacked at a period very shortly after that at which it was set up, as any damnatio memoriae could be expected also to result in damage to the inscription. It is of course possible that it could have suffered at the hands of iconoclasts, perhaps the Coptic monks who lived in the tombs in this area.37 Unfortunately we have little evidence left in context to learn of the fate of freestanding statues in tombs. Lastly, it must remain something of a mystery why such a wonderful piece of sculpture escaped the antiquities hunters of the 19th century AD.38 Given the probability that all the shafts inside TT99 were robbed by that time,39 it is tempting to suggest that the statue was already then in a broken state, as otherwise it is difficult to imagine that it would not have been removed for sale. However, even then it is perhaps surprising that it remained here in its relatively intact state, since a headless statue of this quality would still command a good price on the art market.

As also observed by Bavay and Laboury 2012, 69. Also commented on in Traunecker 1973–1977, 206. 37 Behlmer, H. 2003. Streiflichter auf die christliche Besiedlung Thebens – Koptische ostraka aus dem Grab des Senneferi (TT 99). Hallesche Beiträge zur Orientwissenshaft 36, 11–27. 38 I cannot resist the observation that TT32 was a possible antiquities ‘showroom’ at that time (Karig, J. S., 2008. Das Grab des Soter. Zur Geschichte eines Fundkomplexes. In Spiekermann, A. (ed.), ‘Zur Zierde gereicht…’: Festschrift Bettina Schmitz zum 60. Geburtstag am 24. Juli 2008, 141–152. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 150). 39 Strudwick, N. 2013. Modern Robbery in Theban Tombs. Etudes et Travaux 26, 637–651. 35

36

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Abstract Excavations of the Theban tomb of Senneferi (TT99) in 1993–1994 by the Cambridge Theban Mission brought to light almost all of a remarkable painted sandstone statue of a ‘deputy of the overseer of sealbearers Amenhotep’ in a Third Intermediate Period tomb shaft inside the tomb chapel. Amenhotep was immediately recognised as the owner of lost tomb C.3, subsequently rediscovered in 2009 by the Belgian Mission. Amenhotep is depicted seated, wearing a cloak and holding a lily. This article publishes the statue and discusses parallels for and original context of the object.

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2) Qurna Village: past presents – What about the view?

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Zoltán Bartos

Ein moderner Brief aus dem TT 185

Die Fundumstände Die Forschungsgruppe der Ungarischen Archäologischen Mission in Ägypten, welche unter der Leitung von Zoltán Imre Fábián1 steht, führt seit der Mitte der 1990-er Jahre archäologische Forschungen und epigraphische Aufmessungen an den süd-westlichen Abhängen des Hügels Khokha in Theben-West aus. Im Fokus der Forschungen stand zu Beginn der Arbeiten das Ramessidische Grab des Nefermenu (TT 184), seither wurden aber auch kleinere Gräber aus verschiedenen Epochen (TT 185 Seni-iqer, „TT 206”, (Kampp) -41-, (Kampp) -42-, (Kampp) -43-) in die Untersuchungen einbezogen. Der Brief, der im Folgenden behandelt wird wurde am 22. Februar 2014 bei der Ausgrabung eines sekundären Schachtgrabes in der süd-östlichen Ecke des TT 185.II. gefunden2. Bei der Ausgrabung kamen neben den altertümlichen Funden (Mumien-Fragmente und -Bandagen) auch moderne Gegenstände des 19-20. Jahrhunderts hervor, wie z.B. eine französische Sardinien-Dose (M.2014.337), ein Bruchstück eines Leipziger Tagesblattes von Januar 1909 (M.2014.335) oder ein deutschsprachiger Brief aus dem Jahre 1852 mit Wachsstempel versehen (M.2014.325), der in einer Tiefe von 130 cm von der Schachtöffnung aus und 50 cm von der Oberfläche der im Schacht angehäuften Trümmern gefunden wurde. Als Zoltán Imre Fábián dem Verfasser dieses Artikels das Studieren der Photos des handgeschriebenen Briefes ermöglicht hatte, erkannte der Autor den Brief, welchen er im Februar oder März 1992 oder 1993 schon während einer Teepause der epigraphischen Arbeiten des Grabes des Djehutimes (TT 32) kurz gesehen hatte. Der Brief war damals im Besitz von Hagg Adly Mahmoud, einem der Arbeiter-Aufseher der ungarischen Mission, welche damals unter der Leitung von Professor László Kákosy stand. Damals war der Brief nur 1

2

Zu Beginn der 1990er Jahre arbeitete der Autor mit dem Gefeierten beim epigraphischen Aufmessen des TT 32 zusammen. Unvergesslich, fast schon surreal ist die Erinnerung an Zoltán Imre Fábián wie er während der Arbeit über den Texten des Ramessidischen Grabes von Zeit zu Zeit die Schlager aus den ungarischen Spielfilmen der 50er und 60er Jahre anstimmte. Über den Fund: Zoltán Imre Fábián, Feltárás az el-Hoha domb déli oldalán a TT 184 számú sír (Nefermenu) körzetében – 2014, in: Orpheus Noster 2016/2. 7-43.

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1-2 Minuten lang zu sehen, was nur für das Erkennen der Sprache und die Datierung des Briefes reichte. (Auf weitere Beobachtung oder Studieren des Textes sollte der Autor aus Rücksichtsnahme auf das „Einnahme-orientierte Denken” von Hagg Adly Mahmoud als Stipendiat mit begrenzten finanziellen Möglichkeiten leider verzichten.) Daher relativieren die Fundumstände des Briefes also alle pharaonischen und modernen Funde in der Umgebung des Dokumentes. Der Brief und die anderen Funde in den Trümmern der Ablagerungen kamen erst zwischen 1993 und 2009 – zur Zeit des Abrisses des ehemaligen Hauses von Hagg Adly Mahmoud, des Bet Boghdady – in den Schacht von TT 185.II.

Der Brief und sein Verfasser Der Brief (Figur 1) wurde mit gotischen Buchstaben in acht Reihen auf einem Blatt Papier ohne einen Briefkopf oder Wassermarken geschrieben. Es gibt keinen Adressaten, der Brief wurde trotzdem mit Datierung, Unterschrift und einem dunklen Wachsstempel (Figur 2) versehen. Der Stempel ist stark beschädigt, aber in seinem oberen Drittel sind die Überreste eines Helmes (wahrscheinlich das Visier) und im Mittelfeld sind ein Kopf und vielleicht der Schwanz eines sich aufrichtenden Löwen zu erkennen. Das Blatt wurde zweimal gefaltet, und die Abnutzungen an allen Ecken und Seiten des Blattes deuten darauf hin, dass dieses Dokument wohlmöglich über einen längeren Zeitraum hinweg in „Verwendung“ stand. Der Text des Briefes lautet3: Der Führer hat für uns während unseres vierzehntägigen Aufenthaltes in Theben gedient und sich als ein, in seiner Sorte sehr erfahrener, geschickter und sorgsamer Führer bewiesen, während dessen haben wir aber auch Gelegenheit gehabt seinen vortrefflichen Charakter kennen zu lernen, und ich kann ihn deshalb allen Reisenden als einen zuverlässigen, biederen Mann empfehlen. Theben den 26. Februar 1852 Gr(äfin) v. Schlieffen gb. v. Jagow

Obwohl der Brief den „in seiner Sorte sehr erfahrenen und geschickten” (Fremden)führer, dessen Vortrefflichkeiten Gräfin von Schlieffen und die Mitreisende/n mit ihr erfahren konnten nicht namentlich nennt, haben wir ein Schreiben vor 3

An dieser Stelle möchte ich Evelyn Brockmann Dank sagen, die mir bei manchen problematischen Lesungen geholfen hat und auch den Text des Artikels überprüfte.

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Figur 1.

Figur 2.

uns, welches seiner Gattung nach ein Empfehlungsbrief ist. Diese Namenlosigkeit konnte unter den lokalen Umständen den Wert der Empfehlung erhöhen. So konnte der Brief sogar für zwei-drei Jahrzehnte nach 1852 unter den Thebanischen Fremdenführern weitergereicht werden und wohl mit der Zeit einen gewissen „Marktpreis” gehabt haben. In der Hoffnung einer gut bezahlten Arbeit konnte das Empfehlungsschreiben von mehreren Fremdenführern mehreren deutschen Reisenden gezeigt werden, die Luxor besuchten. Wie der Brief später in den Besitz von Hagg Adly Mahmoud kam, ob er ihn ererbt, gekauft, als Geschenk bekommen oder nur gefunden hat, bleibt wahrscheinlich ein Geheimnis. Über den Schreiber des Briefes und über den Anlass des Besuches in Theben – wenn auch nicht über die genauen Umständen des Aufenthaltes – verfügen wir aber über mehrere Daten. Sophia Elisabeth Johanne Juliane von Jagow4 (1803-1871) wurde am 24. April 1803 in Berlin als zweite Tochter einer preußischen Gutsbesitzer- und MilitärFamilie geboren. Ihr Vater, Ludwig Friedrich Günther Andreas von Jagow5 4 5

http://geneall.net/de/name/1839436/sophia-elisabeth-johanne-juliane-von-jagow/ https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ludwig_von_Jagow

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(1770-1825) war ein Generalmajor und Generaladjutant des Königs Friedrich Wilhelm III., ihre Mutter, Auguste Sidonie von Heynitz6 (1778-1843) war eine Hofdame und später schon als Witwe Oberhofmeisterin der Prinzessin Augusta von Preußen. Sophia Elisabeth Johanne Juliane von Jagow heiratete 1820 mit 17 Jahren den Grafen Heinrich Wilhelm von Schlieffen7 (1790-1836), der aus einer bekannten Gutsbesitzer-Familie aus Pommern stammte. Aus der Ehe stammten mehrere schon im Kindesalter gestorbene Söhne8 und mindestens eine Tochter, Maria Wilhelmine9, die wahrscheinlich auch jung starb. Spätere Ausgaben des Neuen Allgemeinen Deutschen Adels-Lexicon haben nur den Namen eines Sohnes bewahrt, der das Erwachsenen-Alter erreicht hat, nämlich den von Wilhelm Martin Ernst Ludwig von Schlieffen10 (1829-1902). Obwohl das Ehepaar den Anschein einer gut funktionierenden Ehe aufrecht hielt, ging die Beziehung im Laufe der 1830-er Jahre aufgrund der Meinungsverschiedenheiten über das Erziehen des einzigen Sohnes zugrunde11. Die Streitigkeiten führten bis dahin, dass der Graf Heinrich Wilhelm von Schlieffen angetrieben vom Misstrauen gegen seine Frau in seinem kurz vor dem Tode geschriebenen Vermächtnis das künftige Erziehen des Sohnes seinen alten guten Freunden, Johann Heinrich von Thünen12 (1783-1850) und Johann Daniel Georg Pogge13 (1793-1854) anver­traute. Heinrich Wilhelm von Schlieffens Testament folgend sollte die Erziehung des jungen Grafen das Verteidigen der Interessen des alten preußischen Adels gegen das aufstrebende Junkertum unterstützen. Dieses Ziel sollte durch die Aufsicht der beiden Freunde von Thünen und Pogge garantiert werden14. Heinrich Wilhelm von Schlieffen litt an Tuberkulose, eine Erbkrankheit in seiner Familie. Diese Krankheit war auch für seinen frühen Tod im Alter von 46 Jahren verantwortlich. Die Lungentuberkulose meldete sich auch bei dem jungen Grafen Wilhelm Martin Ernst Ludwig von Schlieffen. Dieses Leiden erfüllte seine Mutter natürlich mit Sorge. Der Erreger der Krankheit (Mycobacterium https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ludwig_von_Jagow https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schlieffen_(Adelsgeschlecht)  8 Heinrich Brugsch, Mein Leben und mein Wandern (1894), 3. Auflage Berlin 2014. 177.  9 Genealogisches Taschenbuch der deutschen gräflichen Häuser auf das Jahr 1840. Dreizehnter Jahrgang Gotha, 426f. In späteren Jahrgängen des Genealogischen Taschenbuches wird die Tochter nicht mehr erwähnt. 10 http://geneall.net/de/name/1839455/wilhelm-martin-ernst-ludwig-graf-von-schlieffen/ 11 Reno Stutz, Sie müssen „dafür sorgen, dass mein Junge in unsern Grundsätzen erzogen […] gegen das Junkertum kämpft.” – Wilhelm Martin Erst Ludwig Graf von Schlieffen auf Schlieffenberg und seine Wurzeln. in: Thünen-Jahrbuch 7/2012. 175f. 12 https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Johann_Heinrich_von_Thünen 13 https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Johann_Pogge 14 Reno Stutz, in: Thünen-Jahrbuch 7/2012. 176f.  6  7

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tuberculosis) wurde erst 1882 von Robert Koch identifiziert und eine zuverlässige Medikation der Krankheit wurde erst am Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts möglich. Um die Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts war eine übliche Therapie gegen Tuberkulose die Klimakur, das Verbringen von möglichst langer Zeit auf Gebieten mit trockenem und warmem Klima. In der Zeitspanne zwischen 1846 und 1854 haben die Gräfin von Schlieffen und ihr Sohn längere Reisen in Süd-Europa, Syrien, Ägypten, Ost-Sudan und Algerien unternommen. Obwohl das erklärte Ziel dieser Reisen das Verbessern des Gesundheitszustandes des jungen von Schlieffen war, kann vermutet werden, dass die Gräfin auf diese Weise auch von Zeit zu Zeit unter der gönnerhaften Aufsicht von Johann Heinrich von Thünen und Johann Daniel Georg Pogge entkommen und ihre eigene Vorstellungen im Erziehen ihres Sohnes durchsetzen konnte.

Wilhelm Martin Ernst Ludwig von Schlieffen und die Ägyptologie Wir kennen den genauen Verlauf der Reisen der Gräfin von Schlieffen und ihres Sohnes nicht und können auch nicht sagen wie lange die einzelnen Reisen dauerten. Es kann vermutet werden, dass die Reisen während der kühlen und nassen Herbst- und Wintermonaten stattfanden, und sie manchmal über mehrere Monate hinweg dauerten. Aus einem Hinweis von Heinrich Brugsch15, der sich 1853 die Gräfin und ihrem Sohn traf wissen wir, dass sie sich auch noch im heißen Mai in Ägypten aufhielten. Wir wissen auch nicht genau wie oft die von Schlieffens Ägypten aufgesucht hatten, es sollte sich aber um mindestens drei-vier oder noch mehr Reisen handeln. Der Plural des Briefes vom Februar 1852 deutet auf eine gemeinsame Reise von Mutter und Sohn (und vielleicht weiterer Begleiter) hin und sollte sich auf die Wintermonate von 1851-52 beziehen. Das Treffen mit Heinrich Brugsch erfolgte im Mai 1853 als die Reisenden schon auf dem Rückweg aus Sudan waren. Jene Reise begann wohl während der Wintermonate von 185253 und sollte extra-lang dauern. In seinem Memoire schreibt Brugsch über Reisen „seit mehreren Jahren”, was sich aber sicher auf die Gesamtheit der schon im Jahr 1846 begonnenen Reisen beziehen kann16. Diese Reisen verliefen nicht nur im Geiste der Therapie. Auch verfolgten die von Schlieffens die Absicht die Zeit nützlich zu verbringen. Somit hat der junge von Schlieffen die antiken Denkmäler nicht nur besucht sondern auch an man15 16

Heinrich Brugsch, Mein Leben und mein Wandern (1894), 3. Auflage Berlin 2014. 175f. Heinrich Brugsch, Mein Leben und mein Wandern (1894), 3. Auflage Berlin 2014. 178.

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chen Stellen Kopien und Abklatsche angefertigt, welche er nach der Heimkehr nach Preußen dem berühmtesten deutschen Ägyptologen der Zeit, Carl Richard Lepsius übergab17. Lepsius der seit 1846 Professor der Berliner Universität und seit 1850 Mitglied der Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften war, arbeitete zu dieser Zeit an seinen Denkmäler-Ausgaben. 1852 hat Lepsius vom jungen von Schlieffen Abklatsche aus Memphis, Tuna el-Gebel, Kasr es-Saijat und aus Assiut bekommen. Es folgten weitere Abklatsche aus der Zeitspanne zwischen 184654 aus Karnak, Luxor, Esna und Philae18. Im Frühjahr 1853 hat der junge Graf für Lepsius einen Abklatsch der Vorderseite der großen Nastasen-Stele gemacht, die er selbst in Neu-Dongola entdeckt hatte. Eine Zeichnung die anhand des Abklatsches erstellt wurde erschien unter dem Titel „Stele aus Dongola” in Lepsius-Denkmäler V, 16. Wie später von Heinrich Schäfer, der den Text der Stele publizierte im Kapitel über die Herkunft des Steins19 behauptet wurde, war der obige Titel ohne Bemerkungen gewissermaßen irreführend da dieser die Leser der Lepsius-Denkmäler zur falschen Vorstellung führen könnte, dass die Stele von der preußischen Expedition (1842-45) unter der Leitung von Lepsius entdeckt worden wäre. Die Frage der Entdeckung zu klären zitiert Schäfer eine Passage aus dem an ihm geschriebenen Brief vom Grafen Wilhelm Martin Ernst Ludwig von Schlieffen, der auch im Hinsicht der Schliffenschen Reisen wichtig sein kann: „Es war im Frühling 1853 als ich, von meinem hochverehrten Freunde (=Lepsius) dazu aufgefordert, in Neu-Dongola die eine Seite des platt auf dem Boden liegenden Porphyrmonolithen von dem Mauersteinstaub reinigte und von ihr Abdruck nahm. … „

Wenn die Feststellung von Schäfer über von Schliffens Entdeckung der Stele angenommen wird, bleibt anhand des obigen Zitats die Folgerung, dass die Stele während der Reise von 1852-53 entdeckt wurde, wobei der junge von Schlieffen nur eine Aufzeichnung oder Zeichnung gemacht hat, welche er nach der Heimkehr Richard Lepsius zeigte. Von der neuen Entdeckung fasziniert sollte Lepsius um einen Abklatsch fragen. So kehrte der Graf noch im Frühjahr 1853 Silvia Köpstein, Das Abklatscharchiv beim Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache, Teil 1, in: Walter F. Reinecke, (Hrsg.): Mitteilungen aus der Arbeit am Wörterbuch der Ägyptischen Sprache, 3, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin 1994, 13−14. 18 ebenda 19 Heinrich Schäfer, Die Aethiopische Königsinschrift des Berliner Museums. Regierungsbericht des Königs Nastesen des Gegners des Kambyses, Leipzig 1901. 1f. 17

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nach Neu-Dongola zurück um die Anforderung zu erfüllen. Der Graf sollte irgendwie zweimal nach Neu-Dongola fahren. Wilhelm Martin Ernst Ludwig von Schlieffen war aber nicht nur Entdecker und erster Epigrapher der Stele, aus der Einleitung von Heinrich Schäfer stellt es sich heraus, daß der Graf am „nächsten Winter” (Winter von 1853-54) vom preußischen Konsulat in Kairo in einer diplomatischen Mission an den ägyptischen Vizekönig Abbas I. (1849-1854) gesandt wurde um die Nastasen-Stele zu erwerben und nach Berlin zu liefern20. Die Mission des Grafen endete mit Erfolg, die Stele von hohem historischen Wert wurde von Abbas I. dem preußischen König Friedrich Wilhelm IV. geschenkt, die aber wegen der Schwierigkeiten der Transportierung erst 14 Jahre später in Kairo und drei weitere Jahre später in Berlin (1871) angekommen ist. In ihren Erinnerungen blieb Luise Pogge ihrem Mann und dem Freund ihres Mannes, dem Grafen von Schlieffen gegenüber loyal. Bei ihr erscheint die Gräfin von Schlieffen wenig positiv – anhand einer Geschichte kann ihr Benehmen einfach „hysterisch” betrachtet werden21. Demgegenüber erinnert sich Heinrich Brugsch, der 1853 persönlich die Bekanntschaft der „betagten” Dame (Sophia Elisabeth Johanne Juliane von Jagow war zu dieser Zeit 49 Jahre alt!) machte sehr positiv an sie: „Den jungen Grafen, einen hochauf geschossenen Jüngling im Alter von zwanzig und einigen Jahren, hatte die herrliche Mutter dem Leben erhalten und damit einen neuen Beweis geliefert, daß einem Mutterherzen kein Opfer zu groß erscheint, wenn es sich um das Dasein eines geliebten Kindes handelt. Ich habe später die Ehre gehabt, ihr in Kairo vorgestellt zu werden und ihr frommes Gemüt und die Klugheit ihres Verstandes in vollstem Maße schätzen zu lernen.“22

Sophie Elisabeth Johanne Juliane von Jagow starb 1871 im Alter von 68 Jahren. Ihrem Sohn gelang dank der über einen Zeitraum von 9 Jahren stattfindenden Reisen die Tuberkulose zu besiegen. 1858 heiratete er Amelie von der Groeben (1839-1898), diese Ehe wurde mit sieben Kindern (vier Söhne und drei Töchter) gesegnet. Von den Enkeln der Sophie Elisabeth Johanne Juliane von Jagow erreichten mindestens drei das Erwachsenenalter. Wilhelm Martin Ernst Ludwig von Schlieffen besaß als Grundbesitzer Länderein in Schlieffenberg, Niglewe, Tolzin, Rahden und Sierhagen in Mecklenburg und ebenda Reno Stutz, in: Thünen-Jahrbuch 7/2012. 176f. 22 Heinrich Brugsch, Mein Leben und mein Wandern (1894), 3. Auflage Berlin 2014. 178. 20 21

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in den Bezirken Windhausen und Sensenstein in Hessen. Zudem spielte er auch eine aktive Rolle bei der Förderung der Milch- und Käseproduktion in Mecklenburg23. Wilhelm Martin Ernst Ludwig von Schlieffen war zwischen 1853 und 1898 Mitglied des Mecklenburgischen Parlaments, zwischen 1884 und 1898 wurde er Mitglied des kaiserlichen Reichstags, wo er den 6. Wahlkreis (Güstrow-Ribnitz) in der Deutschkonservativen Partei des Großherzogtums Mecklenburg-Schwerin vertrat. Er starb am 8. Dezember 1902 in Potsdam. Wilhelm Martin Ernst Ludwig von Schlieffen konnte das stolze Alter von 73 Jahren erreichen und bei seinem Tode auf ein erfülltes Leben zurückblicken.

Abstract The document discussed in this article was discovered in 2014; however, the current author already knew of its existence in the early 90s. The closer scrutiny possible under new circumstances of a letter from the 19th century sheds light on a story about a German noble family and their connection to Egypt. Travelling to Egypt to cure his beleaguered lungs, Wilhelm Martin Ernst Ludwig von Schlieffen pursued his archaeological interests as well. The circumstances of the resurfacing of the current document – a letter of von Schlieffen’s mother written as a recommendation for tour guide services – are curious historical additions.

23

Reno Stutz, Milch: Molkereien in Mecklenburg und Vorpommern zwischen gestern und heute, Rostock 2011. 42f.

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Andrew Bednarski

The Ruined Hamlets of the Theban Hills: ARCE’s record of the latest stratigraphic layers of Sheikh Abd el Qurna and El Khokha Introduction In 2011 the American Research Center in Egypt, with the support of USAID, launched an ambitious program of work in Luxor. This initiative, known as the Annual Program Statement (APS) addressed three important issues. The first was mass unemployment in Luxor following the Egyptian revolution of 2011. Prior to the revolution, ARCE in collaboration with USAID, estimated that approximately 70% of Luxor residents were tied financially to the tourist industry. Shortly after the revolution, this industry all but collapsed, and even seasonal employment, such as that from local excavations, was curtailed. The result was mass unemployment and serious hardship on many families’ financial lives. The second issue intrinsic to the APS was the ongoing conservation and maintenance of Luxor’s ancient monuments, and the third was the continuation of ARCE’s program of capacity building within the Ministry of Antiquities (MA). This article briefly explains the Qurna Site Improvement (QSI)1 project, which formed part of ARCE Luxor’s APS program of work, and which sought to address all three concerns identified by ARCE. The project was directed by John Shearman, with myself as its archaeological field director. With the exception of one archaeologist in the second season, I am proud to say that all archaeological work was conducted by Egyptian archaeologists trained under AERA,2 a former recipient of USAID funding. The QSI Project Archaeologists included El Sayed Mamdouh, Ali Henawy, Moamen Saad, Mohamed Hatem, Oliver Moran, Saad Bakhit, Shimaa Montaser, and Yasser Mahmoud. Our specialists included Mohamed Abdel Baset (surveyor), Essam Nagy (assistant surveyor), Mohamed Naguib (ceramicist), Mohamed El Shafei (ceramicist), and Afaf Wahba (osteologist).

1 2

The project’s website can be found at www.arce.org/conservation/Qurna/qurna-overview Ancient Egypt Research Associates. Their website can be found at http://www.aeraweb.org

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Project goals ARCE’s QSI project had two goals: to address the issue of mass unemployment on Luxor’s West Bank; and to record the remains of the modern hamlets of Sheikh Abd el Qurna and El Khokha in an archaeologically sound manner. These goals coalesced in an effort to visually improve, to make safer, and to improve access to, the site of Qurna and El Khokha. The Egyptian government’s partially realized initiative to destroy the area’s modern hamlets and to displace its residents left that portion of the UNESCO World Heritage site in an alarming state of disarray. Large piles of construction debris and the standing remains of partially demolished buildings were left dangerously atop and around the area’s tombs, many of which continued to be open to visitors. As one answer to these problems, the QSI project employed approximately 600 male representatives from different local households for approximately two years.3 These workmen removed demolition debris by hand and assisted in recording the modern buildings’ remains and the objects found within.

Archaeological impetus After nearly 200 years of continuous exploration, Sheikh Abd el Qurna and El Khokha form one of the most intensively archaeologically examined sites in the world. Despite this fact, and due to an historical, and at times willful, lack of interest and recognition on the part of archaeologists and Egyptologists, we know very little about the area from an archaeological and anthropological point of view after the ancient period. In fact, and of particular relevance to the QSI project, we know very little about the area’s most recent phase of habitation: its modern hamlets.4 Exceptions to this statement take the form of work done by Caroline Simpson,5 whose passion for the Qurnawi saw her fight to keep their way of life intact, Kees van der Spek, whose book6 provides the only in-depth 3 4

5

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ARCE therefore provided income for approximately 600 different households for two years. Van der Spek, K. 2011. Ancient Remains as Life’s Stages: Differing Perspectives on Life in the Theban Necropolis. In K. van der Spek, The Modern Neighbors of Tutankhamun: History, Life, and Work in the Villages of the Theban West Bank. Cairo, American University in Cairo Press. 17-38. See for example: Simpson, C. 2010. Qurna – More Pieces of an Unfinished History. In. Z. Hawass and S. Ikram (eds), Thebes and Beyond: Studies in Honor of Kent R. Weeks. Cairo, Supreme Council of Antiquities Press. 197-219. Van der Spek 2011.

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anthropological study of the Qurnawi, and, of course, Zoltán Imre Fábián, who published one of the few detailed archaeological studies of a building from the modern hamlets.7 Fábián’s work will be particularly useful as a point of comparison to ARCE’s forthcoming QSI project publications. The modern hamlets of Qurna and El Khokha comprise the most recent phase of habitation and the latest stratigraphic layer of the area. As a result, and as eloquently expressed by van der Spek, they are worthy of investigation. The remains of the hamlets tell the latest phase in the story of human interaction with a site that has been important to, and used by, people for thousands of years. If we are to understand the area, and local people’s historical and ongoing engagement with it, this layer of information cannot be ignored. In addition, aspects of Qurnawi culture provided abundant insight into traditional practices of Luxor’s rural populations; populations and practices that have been changing rapidly over the past two generations.

Methodology The concession allocated to the QSI project was roughly 1km2 in size. It was bordered by the Theban mountain range and Hatshepsut’s mortuary temple to the north and north-west, modern roads to the north-east and south, and the German dig house to the south-west (Figure 1). Not all of this concession was explored by the QSI project; attention was primarily focused on the areas of debris mapped on Figure 1. Nonetheless, the sheer size of the area in question, the number of workmen allocated to the cleanup effort, and the amount of debris presented a challenge for work to progress in an archaeologically sound manner. The recording system employed was a pared-down version of that used by AERA, which itself is based on the one championed by the Museum of London’s Archaeological Service (MoLAS). This is a single-context recording system reliant on pro-forma sheets, and the electronic transcription of these sheets into Excel databases. A full photographic record of all features, structures, and objects, both ancient and modern, was created. Survey efforts also included the establishment of the first universal system in UTM in the area, as well as the mapping of the area’s topography and all structures as top plans. 7

Fábián, Z. I. 2011. Excavations at the southern slope of el-Khokha in the area of Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu) – 2010: a corner of Qurna. Orpheus Noster III (1), 5–26 (in Hungarian: a  thébai el-Hoha domb déli lejtőjének feltárása Nefermenu TT 184 számú sziklasírjának körzetében – 2010. 1. rész: Qurna egy sarka.).

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Figure 1. The QSI project’s concession, along with the mapped areas of modern debris. Courtesy of ARCE

With regard to the removal of the debris itself, the following ideas guided efforts. Attention was primarily directed to the removal of loose rubble, as opposed to excavating through compact deposits formed by the hamlets’ demolition. Whenever possible, these were left for future archaeological exploration. The project sought to improve the appearance of the landscape, and make it safer, while leaving as much architectural and archaeological material in place as possible. As a result, foundations, deep walls, ground floors, and other features were left, whenever possible, covered and intact for future exploration. Similarly, whenever possible, and provided they did not pose a threat of collapse, architectural features standing above the level of debris were left. Certain architectural features were modified, albeit as little as possible, to assure the safety of visitors, and at times to blend their appearance with the surrounding landscape. Some brightly colored walls, for example, were covered with a reversible coating of heba to blend them visually with their surroundings. This was done to combat the alternative proposed, and fiercely pursued, by the West Bank MA Inspectorate: destroying them. Workmen were divided into teams of approximately one hundred individuals, with the majority of laborers assigned the task of hauling material from the debris areas in which they were working. Heavy machinery was not 130

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used, with the exception of tractors kept at a safe distance from the tombs and debris areas. The clearance relied on small groups of workmen removing debris by hand, and then passing it to long lines of workmen who hauled the debris down the hills. Each clearance team incorporated at least one archaeological observer who directed work as needed. As the work progressed, the archaeological observers also recorded ethnographic information on the buildings, including: the owners’ names, family sizes, occupations of the individuals who lived and worked there, the relationship of the groups of people who lived near each other, and the religious practices of these people. The collection of such information was possible because many of the project’s workmen lived in or had ties to people who lived in the former hamlets.

Preliminary outcomes The most obvious outcome from the QSI project’s efforts is that the site of Qurna and El Khokha is now safer, more accessible, and more visually comprehensible to visitors, be they locals, tourists, or scholars. Once the archaeological and clearance work was completed, visitor access was enhanced through the construction of non-invasive pathways and new signage, and security was addressed with the introduction of targeted lighting. Less obvious results from the project take the form of archaeological and ethnographic data amassed. Over 3000 archaeological features were recorded. These included walls, floors, thresholds, pigeon coops, roofs, and all of the other elements that comprise buildings. These data form the most comprehensive recording of the modern hamlets’ structures ever assembled. As such, they will facilitate detailed analyses of Qurnawi building techniques, construction materials used, and conceptions of space and community. The detailed recording of the Qurnawi’s structures also allowed for an investigation into the impact of human habitation, and the government’s demolition process on the site. Figure 2, for example, illustrates a cut created in the landscape by heavy machinery during the demolition of a portion of a modern building. Here, as throughout the site, the machines cut ruthlessly and indiscriminately through the archaeological landscape. At the same time, the accidentally created archaeological cross section clearly demonstrates the concrete floor of this portion of the building, and the introduction of plastic piping leading from a W.C. into a nearby tomb. The use of tombs as latrines for the modern houses was a common feature noted during the recording process. As stated, the QSI project set about recording all objects, both ancient and modern, found in and around the structures during the clearance. Over 1000 131

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such objects were recorded, offering tremendous insight into the daily lives of the displaced Qurnawi, and bolstering our understanding of the ruined structures. The value of the ethnographic data that was recorded, on such topics as the ownership of structures, the functions of rooms and objects, and the relationship of family members, cannot be underestimated in understanding the recorded structures and objects. The Qurnawi’s entrenched reputation as rapacious tomb robbers made the West Bank MA Inspectorate extremely nervous at the start of the QSI project, as members within it worried what ancient treasures might be buried under the building debris. Some hypothesized that we might even find a great unknown decorated tomb. The discovery of artifacts of monetary or significant artistic value appeared very unlikely. Even if the exaggerated reputation of the Qurnawi proved true for select individuals living in Qurna, an unlikely scenario, there seemed to be no reason why these individuals would leave such wonders in their homes after they were evicted. Similarly, there appeared to be little chance of the project uncovering a hidden decorated tomb in the area, given its focus on removing the site’s loose building debris rather than excavation. In fact, and with the exception of some inscribed material, the many ancient artifacts recovered were generally of extremely poor quality and in poor condition. Occasionally some of

Figure 2. An accidentally created archaeological cross section demonstrating elements of a modern Qurnawi building as they relate to surrounding terrain. Courtesy of ARCE

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Figure 3. A modern tourist antiquity carved to resemble imagery from the nearby tomb of Ramose. Courtesy of ARCE

Figure 4. An aroosa (doll), created by girls of the hamlets and sold to tourists. Courtesy of ARCE

the ‘ancient material’ proved difficult to authenticate. Of much greater value to our understanding of the Qurnawi and the area were the modern objects recovered. Tourist antiquities (Figure 3) provided examples of the displaced people’s artistic traditions and, along with other items meant for foreign consumption (Figure 4), give insight into both the hamlets’ complex economy and the Qurnawi’s relationship with tourists. Similarly, Figure 5 gives insight into social dynamics within the hamlets, but in a far less benevolent manner. This object, one of many items recovered, was a magical spell designed to render a man impotent by means of its nonsensical words and crudely drawn scorpion and phalli. Its discovery elicited great concern amongst the QSI’s workmen, and a sheikh working with the project had to rob it of its magical power by reciting passages of the Quran over it. The object was then properly documented before it was destroyed upon the adamant insistence of the workforce. Other objects, such as the many photos found (Figure 6), stand as testaments to the generations of people who lived in Qurna, and the community they shared. Whenever possible, these images were returned to their original owners, or related family members. The greatest collection of material recovered from the site, however, took the form of pottery (Figure 7). This was collected both from the ground’s surface around the debris piles and from within the debris itself. The ancient pottery sherds that were found dated from the Old Kingdom to the Late Roman Period. This ancient material was given summary examination for two reasons: a surface collection of this sort does not avail itself to an in-depth analysis that would further knowledge of ancient pottery; and the ancient pottery from Qurna and El Khokha is already well-studied. The modern material, however, offered the 133

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Figure 5. A modern magical spell, designed to render a man impotent. Courtesy of ARCE

Figure 6. Examples of photos of friends and family found amidst the ruined buildings’ debris. Courtesy of ARCE

opportunity to do something unique. This pottery, used by the inhabitants of Qurna and El Khokha, may form the largest corpus of ceramic material collected from a modern Upper Egyptian rural settlement.8 In addition to broken material found throughout the site, its amassment was the result of these everyday vessels being left by the Qurnawi during their displacement. As a result, the modern pottery’s analysis offers the opportunity to study it as an indicator of site organization, as well as its patterned usage. It is also hoped that this material might shed light on social and economic aspects of life in Upper Egyptian governorates, including trade, standards of living, and diet. Prior to the QSI project, 8

To quantify the ceramic material collected, 2401 ancient and modern diagnostic sherds were collected, or 812.88kg of material. The categories and amounts of modern body sherds studied include: ballas (337.7kg), major (98.9kg), zir (85.75kg), cooking pots (27.5kg), abriq (11.300kg), qadus (5.8kg), qualla (4.150kg).

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Figure 7. A portion of the large corpus of modern pottery collected. Courtesy of ARCE

and the pottery’s analysis by its ceramicists, this material was very poorly understood. The collection of it and the resulting study comprise a first step in understanding both it, and its relationship to material from other sites. To study the modern ceramic material, a fabrics system was developed and 11 groups of pottery were identified (Figure 8). These comprised: cooking pots, zir, abriq, qualla, qadus, major, painted wares, shisha clay bowls, tabla, ballas, and lids. While additional study is required, a description of the modern fabric groups made it clear that they could be further divided into 15 mixtures of clays. This pottery gives form to the everyday activities of the Qurnawi: drinking (by means of qualla), cooking (in a nottal, burma, or tajan), baking (in a major), washing (by means of abriq), etc. From the evidence at hand, water vessels were the most common form of pottery at Qurna. In the absence of a modern water system to supply the hamlets, aziar and balalees were the most important vessels for the residents, as these two types of vessels were used daily to transport and store water. The second most common types of vessels were cooking pots. In short, the material collected represents the basic needs of any human society, yet equally reflects the simplicity of life in Qurna and El Khokha. As stated, a number of historical phases were represented in the ancient pottery that was recovered. The oldest ceramic material dates to the Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period. Both periods were represented by a handful of 135

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Figure 8. The groups of modern pottery identified by the QSI project. Courtesy of ARCE

sherds; parts of offering jars9 and red bowls.10 These sherds may have originated from tombs 185, 186 and 405, all of which are in El Khokha, adjacent to Qurna, and all of which date to the first intermediate period.11 Middle Kingdom pottery from Qurna was scarce, represented only by some bread mold sherds12 and the base of a beer jar13 characteristic of the Twelfth Dynasty. The scarcity of Middle Kingdom material at the site might be due to its distance from the extant surrounding Middle Kingdom monuments, found in the Ramesseum, the Asasif, and Deir el Bahari. That said, Fabian’s work has recorded Middle Kingdom mateBader, B. 2009. Herakleopolis magna (Ehnasya el- medina), autumn 2006. In T. I. Rzeuska and A. Wodzińska (eds), Studies on Old Kingdom Pottery. Warsaw, Wydawnictwo Neriton, 1-10, fig. 11. 10 Bader 2009, 1-10, fig. 3. 11 Porter, B. and Moss, R. 1964. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings. I. Part II. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 476-477. 12 Rezuska, T. and Orzechowska, M. 2005. Pharaonic pottery from Sheikh Abd El-Gurna. Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 16, 249-250, figs. 1, 2. 13 Seiler, A. 2012. Middle kingdom pottery in the Theban necropolis. In R. Schiestl and A. Seiler (eds), Handbook of Pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom. Vienna, Verlag der Österreich­ ischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 312 fig. 14.3.  9

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rial higher up El Khokha.14 As a result, a satisfactory reason for the absence of similar material has yet to be found. Comparatively, much more pottery from the New Kingdom was collected at Qurna and El Khokha; a direct result of the many New Kingdom tombs in the area. The most common type found was flat based beer jars.15 A good portion of this material dates to the early and the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty, and includes large dishes with rope impressions on the outside,16 two handled cylindrical jars,17 and a jug.18 All of this material was found alongside Nineteenth Dynasty pottery, such as large marl storage jars.19 Late Period pottery was well represented, and took the form of large marl storage jars with tooled folded rims, 20 some footed Nile silt cups,21 and an imported torpedo amphora.22 The Ptolemaic pottery comprised amphorae23 and beakers for burning incense.24 Bases of Roman amphorae were also found,25 which included late Roman Egyptian red slip ware26 and late Roman amphorae.27 Most of this material, it should be stated, was funerary in nature. In comparison, the entirety of the modern pottery collected was for domestic use, and dating it proves a challenge due in part to its understudied nature. Some of the material in the corpus appears to date back at least one hundred years. Fábián, Z. I. 2009. The Middle Kingdom on el-Khokha: Saff-tombs. In T.A. Bács, Fábián Z.I., Schreiber G. and Török L. (eds), Hungarian Excavations in the Theban Necropolis. A Celebration of 102 Years of Fieldwork in Egypt. Catalogue for the Temporary Exhibition in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, November 5, 2009 – January 15, 2010. Budapest, Mester Nyomda, 55-60. 15 Holthoer, R. 1977. New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites: the pottery. Copenhagen, Munksgaard, pl. 18, BB4. 16 Rose, P. 2007. The Eighteenth Dynasty Pottery Corpus from Amarna. London, EES, 198, SD 2.2, 113, 202, SD 5.3, 145. 17 Rose 2007, 272, ME 3.6, 586, 587. 18 Holthoer 1977, 96 pl. 21. 19 Aston, D. 1998. Die Keramik des Grabungsplatzes Q I. Mainz, Von Zabern. 506-507. 20 Sullivan, E. 2011. A report on the third intermediate period and late period pottery from the Mut temple, Luxor. CCE 9, 551 fig. 28. 21 Sullivan 2011, fig. 35. 22 Defernez, C. 2001. La céramique d’époque perse a Tell El-Herr étude chrono-typologique et comparative, Tome 2. Lille, Université de Lille, pl. LXXXII, 237a. 23 Pierrat, G. 2000. Ceramique dynastique et ptolemaique des fouilles du Louver a Tôd, 19891991. CCE 6, 305 fig. 82. 24 Feucht, E. 1985. Das Grab des Nefersecheru (TT 296) Band 2. Mains am Rhein, von Zabern, 130 pl. XXXVI, no. 3506. 25 Tomber, R. 2007. Early Roman Egyptian amphorae from the eastern desert of Egypt: a chronological sequence. CCE 8, 534 fig. 1.1. 26 Ballet, P. 2003. Kellia l’ermitage copte QR 195. 2. FIFAO 49, 92, nos. 1-7. 27 Lecuyot, G. 2007. Amphores provenant de Thèbes-Ouest de la base époque à l’époque copte. CCE 8, 384 fig. 2.2. 14

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Most of the pots found have a long history of production, and, depending on their type, can still be found for sale in markets and workshops. The functions and use of these pots were explained to us by the QSI workmen and by the potters of the nearby workshops. Thus far, when we compare the Qurna material with the known historical phases of the area, or with material recovered from ARCE/ AERA’s LTM excavation of 2010,28 we find gaps in the material record. There was a noticeable absence of ceramic material from the end of the Late Roman Period, until the nineteenth century, and the absence of Islamic glazed pottery is particularly striking. Such a lacuna fails to support van der Spek’s suggestion of continuous habitation since the seventh century, at least for the portions of Qurna and El Khokha investigated by the QSI.29 The absence of this ceramic material, however, might be explained by the removal of material during, or immediately after, the demolition process by the Egyptian government. Both the demolition of the modern hamlets, and the resulting debris’ partial removal were done with heavy machinery, without any archaeological recording or retention of material. In addition, further analysis of the small finds collected and recorded by the QSI project might shed light on the gap in the ceramic record. The QSI project also undertook a number of surveying initiatives. Using a known point from a piezometer in the Ramesseum, a topographic map was created for Qurna and El Khokha prior to work starting. This map will be used as a point of comparison when discussing changes to the landscape after the project’s completion. Further survey work in the area required the use of known survey points. Relevant points established by Kent Weeks during his survey of the Valley of the Kings and surrounding areas had, regrettably, been covered or destroyed by the demolition process.30 Discussions with other foreign archaeological missions working in the area also revealed that each of them relied upon local systems that they had established and maintained. Furthermore, discussions with the local MA Inspectorate revealed that it had no knowledge how to access existing survey data. As a result, despite continuous archaeological activity in Qurna and El Khokha over the past 200 years, no established grid or universal system for survey was available for use at the start of the QSI project. This was remedied by establishing approximately 80 new survey points throughout Qurna and El Khokha, and incorporating existing survey data from other foreign misMasson, A., Naguib, M., Shafey, M. 2012. Overview of the ceramic productions from the Luxor town mound. BCE 23, 125-145. 29 Van der Spek 2011, 61. 30 Weeks, K. 1978-1987. The Berkeley Map of the Theban Necropolis. Berkeley, University of California Press. 28

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sions. The result was a fully functional universal survey system, in UTM. The list of survey data will be made available through ARCE’s website shortly, thereby eliminating the need for local survey systems. The QSI project also had a composite map of Qurna and El Khokha created, incorporating all available mapping efforts.31 All data from prior mapping efforts in the area were included in this map, including: the 1922-24 Survey of Egypt’s contours of the modern buildings; tomb locations and numbers listed in B. Porter and R. Moss’ Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Statues, Reliefs and Paintings and F. Kampp’s Die Thebanische Nekropole; the results of GIS mapping done by Dr. Peter Piccione; and ARCE’s mapped debris pile outlines (Figure 9). In addition, the project created top plans of approximately 100 structures throughout the area, to complement its other archaeological recording efforts (Figure 10). The top plans of these structures will be overlaid on a newer topographic map,

Figure 9. An example of ARCE’s composite mapping, showing the outlines of modern buildings (yellow polygons), debris piles (grey, outlined in red), and the location of known tombs (black dots). Courtesy of ARCE 31

Many thanks to Albin Bryce-Pimpaud, formerly of the MA’s GIS Center, for compiling the necessary data and generating the map.

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Figure 10. An example of a top plan of Qurnawi structures. Courtesy of ARCE

thereby providing the latest accurate map of Qurna and El Khokha. Such a map will clearly demonstrate the relationship of the buildings’ footprints to the area’s geography and tombs, and will facilitate a discussion on the adaptive reuse of the landscape over time. To help make sense of perceived divisions within the hamlets, the project also created ethnographic maps that reflect how the former hamlets were conceptualized by both the local Egyptian antiquities authorities, and the former occupants themselves. A truly daunting data set has emerged with the QSI project’s completion. The scholarly results of this work, which will take years to analyze and publish, will preserve through documentation the latest archaeological phases of Sheikh Abd el Qurna and El Khokha. Such efforts will also create a better understanding of how these layers came to exist. The sum total will form an important record of a displaced people and a better understanding of a site that continues to play an important role in Egyptian history.

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Abstract Between 2011 and 2014, The American Research Center in Egypt undertook a large-scale campaign to record the ruined hamlets of Sheikh Abd el Qurna and El Khokha while implementing a number of site improvements. This article explains the impetus for the project, its methodology, and, as of 2014, its initial outcomes.

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Eszter Feró

Nefermenu on Facebook: The Relevance of PUS and PEST Methods in the Field of Humanities and Egyptology The title of this paper could be confusing at first sight as it is not about a classic Egyptological topic, neither in archeological nor in philological ways. In my present paper I would like to highlight through the example of TT 184 that the proper transmission of information to the public about Hungarian Egyptological research, using modern information and communication technologies (ICTs), is as essential as traditional printed publications and reports in the 21st century. Moreover, using public relation methods in fundraising and acquiring civil and state support reaps remarkable financial benefits. Firstly, we have to discuss briefly the influences of early public representations of Ancient Egypt on the development of academic Egyptological studies abroad and in Hungary. Then we can put the attitudes of modern Hungarian researchers in a wider context. For painting a more complete picture about PUS (Public Understanding of Science) approaches in Egyptology, we have to mention the relevant studies about Cultural Economics, the changing relationship of science and the public, the technical evolution of infocommunication tools, and its effects on mass media. Regarding this analysis we are going to be able to define the role and position of the publishing practices of TT 184 within the perspectives of science communication and science management methods. If we take a look at the historiographical evidence, we could find that Egyptology has a very close connection with non-academic publicity from the beginning. As Stephanie Moser says: “Egyptology, perhaps more than many other disciplines, is concerned with subjects that have attracted a great deal of public attention and have generated a variety of forms of public engagement.”1 In my opinion, we cannot discuss the emergence of Egyptology without taking common curiosity into account. Its significance is obviously proved by the evolution of Egyptomania studies. It is well known that Napoleon’s campaign, the discovery of the Rosetta Stone and the decipherment of the hieroglyphs by Champollion gave birth to modern Egyptology by 1822. Despite the fact that the Napoleonic campaign was 1

Moser, S. 2014. Legacies of Engagement: The Multiple Manifestations of Ancient Egypt in Public Discourse. In W. Carruthers (ed.), Histories of Egyptology: Interdisciplinary Measures, 242-251. New York, Routledge New York, 242.

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principally of military intention, we have to stress that in the motivation of sponsoring a researcher-artist team copying, studying the ancient monuments, Egypto­ maniac tendencies played a very important role. Even the research on Egyptomania by Humbert2 and Curl3 attest Moser’s statements that it is not just the simple “by-product of the Western discovery of Egypt”4, but we need to take its impact on the establishment of Egyptology seriously. Collecting and copying Egyptian artifacts and monuments from the time of the Roman Emperors, then the blooming of Egyptomania in the Renaissance era, side by side with Egyptosophia, caused and inspired scholarly interests. Reid also states that, especially in early times, the boundary between Egyptology, Egyptomania and Egyptosophia was not clear. A lot of tourists, artists, travelers later became professional archeologists and Egyptologists, some of them produced also literary or art works with Egyptian topics. For example, George Ebers wrote historical novels about Egypt; Auguste Mariette wrote an opera, which served as a subject for Verdi’s Aida.5 In the 19th century we find many people who were not professional, but their activity helped propagate knowledge of this ancient civilization. The British physician, Thomas Joseph Pettigrew, a close friend to the well-known Egyptologist John Gardner Wilkinson, is a very good example of ‘the early PR methods’ of Egyptological studies with his mummy wrapping performances.6 In regards to this fact, Stephanie Moser states that these wrapping acts were not simple screamer events, but they helped to understand Ancient Egyptian culture and made a connection between the academic and non-academic realm, which “was part of the Victorian construction of science.”7 While Egyptomania studies in Western-Europe are very common, we do not have a complete picture regarding its impacts on the development of Egyptology in Hungary yet. To date, Judit Horváth was the only one who summarized the emergence of Hungarian Egyptology in detail8. However, her paper ends with Ede Mahler’s activity and the establishment of the Department of Egyptology in 2 3

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Humbert, J- M. 1989. L’Égyptomanie dans l’art occidental. Courbevoie, ACR. Curl, J. S. 1994. Egyptomania. The Egyptian Revival: a Recurring Theme in the History of Taste. Manchester-New York, Manchester University Press. Moser 2014, 243. Reid, D. M. 2002. Whose Pharaohs? Archaeology, Museums, and Egyptian National Identity from Napoleon to World War I. Cairo, The American University in Cairo Press, 12. Moshenska, G. 2013. Unrolling Egyptian mummies in nineteenth-century Britain. The British Journal for the History of Science, 1-27, 1. Available on CJO 2013 doi:10.1017/S0007087413000423. Available at: Accessed on 2017-01-02. Moser 2014, 247. Horváth, J. 1985. A magyar egyiptológia története. Egyiptológiai füzetek II. Budapest, ELTE.

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Hungary in 1910.9 Thanks to a temporary exhibiton with the title: the Hungarian Excavations in the Theban Necropolis, held in Cairo between November 2009 and January 2010, new studies were published about the emergence of Hungarian Egyptology.10 Another study, published in 2011 by László Török,11 also tries to shed light upon the ‘post Mahler times’ of Hungarian Egyptology. This study stresses rather the activity of Mahler and László Kákosy than the current situation of Hungarian Egyptology. However, its great advantage is that, at least, it mentions the most recent research in Egypt conducted by the younger generation of Egypto­ logists. Despite the fact that these studies are significant steps to have a clearer picture, we can obtain some very important information only from Horváth about the relationship of the public and the scholarly realm in the 19th century in Hungary. At the time when Champollion deciphers the hieroglyphs, the only forums of common interests about Ancient Egypt were newspaper articles, which, as Horváth says, reflected the academic knowledge of the time correctly. She highlights that these articles reached a high quality at the end of the century, since the most prestigious scientists were consciously mindful of public reference.12 Historiographical analysis of Egyptology is rare in Hungary, and research concerning Egyptomania is in its early stages. We can say that tendencies of Egyptomania were not as grandiose as in Western Europe, however they still occur at certain points between the 17th and 20th century. We have sphinxes, obelisks, pyramids in historical gardens, pieces of empire style palace equipment,13 and also a few examples of entire buildings with a certain Egyptomaniac decoration program.14 There were also some archeologists, historians, and collectors Horváth, J. 1985. 100. Bács, T.-Fábián, Z. I.-Schreiber, G.-Török, L. (eds). 2009. Hungarian Excavations in the Theban Necropolis: A Celebration of 102 Years of Fieldwork in Egypt; Catalogue for the Temporary Exhibition in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, November 6, 2009 – January 15, 2010. Budapest, Mester Nyomda, 11-23. 11 László, Török. 2011. Magyar egyiptológia Mahler Ede kinevezésétől napjainkig. In Bács, T.Bolonyai, G.-Dezső, T.-Déri, B.-Ferenczi, A.-Zólyomi, G. (eds), 100 év után. Emlékkonferencia a Keleti Népek Ókori Története Tanszék Alapításának 100. évfordulóján. Budapest, Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem, Bölcsészettudományi Kar, Ókortudományi Intézet. Available at: accessed on 2017-01-02. 12 Horváth 1985, 43-44, 48. 13 Feró, E. 2016. Pyramids in the “Back Garden”: Some Remarks on Egyptomania in Hungary. In L’ubica Hudáková-Jozef Hudec (eds), Egypt and Austria IX. Perception of the Orient in Central Europe (1800 – 1918). Proceedings of the Symposium held at Betliar, Slovakia (October 21st to 24th, 2013). Kraków, Aigyptos Foundation, 57-66. 14 Fullér, A. 2016. Egyptianizing Decoration of the Szivárvány Cinema in Kaposvár, Hungary. In Adéla Jůnová Macková-Lucie Storchová-Libor Jůn (eds), Visualizing the Orient: Central Europe and the Near East in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Prague, AMU-FAMU, 179-188.  9 10

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who represented the blurred boundaries of Egyptology and Egyptomania in Hungary. For example, Ferenc Pulszky, the director of the National Museum, had a remarkable Ancient Egyptian collection, he was in close connection with the British Egyptologist Samuel Birch, and he had a freemasonic career as well as being the Grand Master of the Symbolic Grand Lodge of Hungary. Both the facade of the Lodge Building and the hall equipment were decorated with beautiful Egyptomaniac motives.15 We could consider such a link up between Egyptology and Egyptomania as a natural first stage in the evolution of an academic discipline. It is true that research methods of Egyptology changed a lot during the 19th and 20th centuries becoming more professionalized, similarly to other sciences of the time. However, this process existed in parallel with the emergence of positivist philosophy and, from the 20th century, of studies in sociological relevancies of science. This research gave birth to a new discipline in the 1970s, the Sociology of scientific knowledge. This discipline tries to examine the cultural context of scientific activity and also the effects that external historical and social conditions have on sciences and vice versa. These new investigations led to a big debate (started in the 1990s and called the ‘science war’) between scientific realists and postmodernists about whether scientific knowledge is real or a social construct. The debate goes on until now, since science occupies a central position in the world today, so questions like how should scientists interact with the rest of society or what is the proper role of scientific knowledge are vitally important.16 Since 2014, in the so-called post-industrial era, which is personified by Bill Gates, Mark Zuckerberg, Larry Page and the Internet, brand new challenges have occurred in the field of science communication. Based on these we could state that studying the social and scientific changes influenced by information communication technologies (ICTs)17 is a very urgent task in the 21st century, especially in the case of the humanities. The first efforts to inform the public about scientific explorations were made by natural scientists in the 17th century, when the French Academy of Sciences and shortly after the British Royal Society published the first academic journals. Involving the public in scientific proofing processes was common as well at that time. Robert Boyle, the chemist and physicist, for example made his experiments

Feró 2016. Labinger, J. A. and Collins, H. (eds). 2001. The One Culture? A Conversation about Science. Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, 1-5. 17 Hugh, F. C. 2014. Information Communication Technology and Social Transformation: A Social and Historical Perspective. New York, Routledge, 2. 15 16

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live in front of people to legitimize his hypotheses.18 It is very interesting that in Hungary the first journal from 1721 which contained scientific articles, the Nova Posoniensia, was edited by a historian, Mátyás Bél.19 Despite these facts, systematical communication with outsiders became even rarer, it was not part of the scientists’ job, or did not occur as a requirement of publication methods.20 This situation had changed after the Second World War, as military funding of science increased dramatically and it gave birth to so-called ‘big science’. Science became part of industry and was funded by governments in industrial nations.21 The relationship of science and the public has changed, since big science, thanks to nuclear, genome and climate research “affects our basic values and beliefs about life”.22 The trio of politics-science-public linked up with the help of modern mass media, while globalization processes have a say in the matter too. In a knowledgeaddict society science became a product just as any other value on the global market.23 The Humboldtian conception of research and the traditional academic transmission of knowledge are splitting up in the 21st century, as circumstances of research and publication methods are more influenced by aspects of the market and economy. The knowledge industry was born as a separate branch in the so-called post-academic era,24 where using mass media and ICTs are basic requirements. It is necessary to stress that this new phenomenon appeared in the case of natural sciences first, and if we try to analyze these theories and practices we need to know that when they mention science they always mean natural science alone, following the Anglo-Saxon tradition.25 But we should ask the question: how relevant are these economic, social and scientific changes in the case of the Rédey, S. 2006. Nyilvános tudomány. A kommunikáció és a tudomány kapcsolódási pontjai. Világosság 2006/5, 39-54, 39. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 19 Egyed, L. – Mécs, A. – Neumann, V. – Palugyai, I. 2012. A tudományos kommunikáció nem hagyományos színterei. Budapest, ELTE, 4. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 20 Fábri, Gy. 2008. Tudomány és politika új találkozási pontja: a tömegmédia. In Mosoniné, F. J. and Tolnai, M. (eds), Tudomány és politika, 81-92. Budapest, Typotex, 85. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 21 Galison, P. 1992. The Many Faces of Big Science. In Galison, P. (ed.), Big Science: The Growth of Large-scale Research, 1-17. Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1-13. 22 Fábri 2008, 83. Translated by the author. 23 Szirbik, G. 2007. A tudásfüggő társadalom tudása (Az erős program). Acta Sana 2007/1, 6-13, 6. 24 Fábri, Gy. 2004a. A kommunikációfilozófia gyakorlata. Világosság 2004/7, 75-98, 94-95. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 25 Egyed–Mécs–Neumann–Palugyai 2012, 2. 18

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humanities and, in particular, of Egyptology? What more specific correlations do we have regarding these sciences? Which mass media and communication strategies can be used in the field of humanities in an efficient way? First, we should see and analyze the questions, problems and attitudes of researchers towards these changing circumstances. We need to begin with attitudes towards a knowledge market as behavior related to it defines basically the sensibility of using new technologies and methods. In the field of humanities we could find the ‘evil market topos’, which occurred also in/during the Debate about the situation of Ancient Studies in Hungary organized by the Hungarian Ancient Studies Society on 18th January 2013.26 Researchers often blame market fundamentalism for loosing positions of the humanities, which is trying to force them to be ‘slaves’ of the economy and job market. However, on the other hand, they set the humanities on a moral pedestal. This opinion occurred very harshly in Attila Simon’s speech in this debate, which mentioned Jaques Derrida’s essay ‘The University Without Condition’ and the Oxford University Campaign for Higher Education.27 I think we need to stress that both the opinion which states that market conditions could have only destructive effects, and the one supporting only the importance of the humanities for ethical and aesthetical reasons, are both very harmful. This problem occurred markedly in the case of museums at the end of the 1990s because as a result of changing economic circumstances culture was exposed to market conditions. However, due to institutional and financial circumstances and prevalent conservative attitudes museums could not triumph in the resulting competition.28 This example of museums is a very good one, since these institutions serve as the best informal environment for getting to know research results and building a closer connection between the public and the academic realm, while the conservative attitude is similar as well: market conditions match with the soulless outselling of values represented by the humanities. However, economics does not

Speeches were published in the journal of ancient cultures: Ókor 2013/2, 37-54. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 27 Attila Simon (2013. Bezáródás és kinyílás: az ókortudomány egysége és sokfélesége. Ókor 2013/2. 38-43, 39. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02) refers to Jaques Derrida’s essay ‘The University Without Condition’ (published in: Derrida, J. 2002. Without Alibi. (edited by P. Kamuf) Stanford, Stanford University Press), and the Oxford University Campaign for Higher Education (OUCHE!), for further information see OUCHE’s Facebook page: accessed on 2017-01-02. 28 Vásárhelyi, T. 2009. A nyitott múzeum felé. Múzeumi iránytű 2. 42-48, 42-43. 26

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suggest either that institutions operating with cultural goods need to follow the same economic rules that other, traditional participants of the market do. Cultural goods are distinguished from common capital goods as there are specific rules and correspondences related to them, which is analyzed by Culture Economics.29 The beginnings of Cultural Economics theories date back to the 1970s and 80s, when sociologists and economists were investigating the role of human resources and culture in economic growth.30 Thanks to their research, a new discipline was born around 2000, which is able to position cultural goods within the globalized consumer market and define them ‟as those consumer goods that convey ideas, symbols and ways of life. Such goods inform or entertain, contribute to building collective identity and influence cultural practices.”31 Based on cultural economics standards, when an Egyptologist transmits (publishes) the results of their research it is a product of information goods, and if it is manifested as a subject of a museum exhibition, experience goods are produced as well. This means that they are consumer goods in some way, but do not occur as a real object, therefore cultural economics does not use the definition ‘output’ to describe this process but the expression ‘transmission’.32 As factors of production, the humanities and their products became a new category: cultural capital33, which is created by the knowledge transmission process. 34 In my opinion, based on these facts one could look at the humanities as part of the common market without the devaluation of the ethical values they represent. The other challenge for the humanities is that the market is not just global but competitive at the same time. Competition is often criticized by researchers despite the fact – which they agree with – that the humanities are common goods financed by taxpayers and have a very important role in democratic societies.35 However, competition is caused even by these two factors, as people in democracies demand the right to have a say in matters, especially if related to distributing their taxes.

Baán, L. 1997. Kultúra és gazdaság Magyarországon. Budapest, Média+Print, 17. Koncz, G. 2004. A közművelődés gazdasági kutatásának kezdetei Magyarországon, 1974 és 1989 között. (PhD dissertation). Debrecen, 69, 112. 31 Louise, C. J. 2009. Cultural Capitals: Revaluing The Arts, Remaking Urban Spaces. Farnham, Ashgate Publishing Company, 8. 32 Tóth, Á. 2011b. Megváltozott állami szerepvállalás az uniós tagállamok kultúrafinanszírozásában. (Phd dissertation). Debrecen, 60-61. 33 Koncz 2004, 144. 34 Tóth 2011b, 61. 35 Simon 2013, 39. 29

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Based on the Baumol-Bowen Effect,36 it is clear that the humanities as collective goods will always need public/government funding, but neither the quantity nor the distribution methods are obvious. It is a very serious threat, if a national government’s standing is that it is of more worth to fund the natural sciences and engineering than the humanities, as their results are more spectacular and profitable. Fortunately, based on Cultural Economics theories we know that it is worthwhile for national governments to sponsor the humanities as well, since investments in cultural and human capital appears as positive externalities, so they have stimulating, motivating, stabilizing effects on economy, improving productivity.37 These facts were proven by David Throsby as well, whose works are standard references in the field of Cultural Economics. His theory, the Concentric Circles Model, represents the structure of cultural industry in four stages (circles) demonstrating the close relationship within the cultural sector and other parts of the economy. The first core is comprised of the traditional creative arts (literature, music, visual arts, etc.); the next layer consists of cultural core industries (museums, film, galleries, libraries); then the wider cultural industries (media, publishing, etc.); and finally connected industries with the highest commercial output (fashion, design, advertising, etc.).38 If we consider the affects of Egyptomania as an artistic movement, or those of Egyptological studies on the film industry (such movies as The Adventures of Indiana Jones, The Mummy, Stargate, etc.) or fashion (Azza Fahmy Jewellery’s Pharaonic Collection or the trend of Nofertiti medals, for example), we could easily accept this theory’s relevance. It is also clear that the participants of this cultural industry are competing The Baumol-Bowen effect, or Baumol’s cost disease is an economic dilemma outlined by two American economists, William J. Baumol and William G. Bowen in 1966. The basic dilemma is about the financing of the performing arts with the respect of rising unit costs. Improved stage technology, lighting equipment or staff’s salaries mean more costs, meanwhile the productivity is not increasing in the field of arts, since the output is not a classic good, but the performer’s labor: dance, song, play etc. If we consider the fact that it takes just as much time to perform e.g. a Shakespeare play as it did in 1597, we can easily understand why there is no way to increase the output per hour in these cases. The result is a so called ’productivity lag’, therefore governmental interventions are inevitable to upkeep those productions or institutes which are suffering from this ’cost disease’. See Heilbrun, J. 2003. Baumol’s cost disease. In Towse, R. (ed.), a Handbook of Cultural Economics, 91-101. Cheltenham, Edward Elgar Publishing, 91. See also: Baumol, W. J. and Bowen, W. G. 1966. Performing Arts: The Economic Dilemma. New York, The Twentieth Century Fund. In Hungarian: Koncz, G. 2011. Miért támogassa az állam a kultúrát? SZÍN-Közösségi Művelődés 16/2. Budapest, 4-9, 5. 37 Koncz 2011, 5-7. 38 Throsby, D. 2010. The Economics of Cultural Policy. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 26-28.

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with each other for disposable incomes on the global market level and for taxes on the state/governmental level, and because of that, good positioning strategies are essential. In this process the method of delivering values to the market at the highest level, and methods of promotion are very important for the sake of influencing people’s and politicians’ choices. The most effective way to reach a large audience is by using mass communication and modern infocommunication systems, which nowadays determine public decisions the most.39 The relevance of communication between science-public-politics is proven by the German Science Debate 201340 project as well, which, in connection with the European Parliament Election in 2014, stated: ‟…scientific endeavors must not only leave the ivory tower and become visible on the market place, but shall also be submitted to discussion and dialogue, input and approval, if they want to become legitimate in a truly democratic society.”41 We have good examples that this new marketing and management attitude is working even in the field of humanities: the approach of modern, open museums. The Museum of Fine Arts in Budapest has been using these cultural management and marketing methods with success for years. This success is proven by the high numbers of visitors, mainly in the case of blockbuster exhibitions with Egyptological topics.42 This means that thousands of people decided to spend their disposable income not on cinema, fun-fairs or a wellness weekend, but on seeing the results of research compiled by Hungarian Egyptologists. In these circumstances the value of science communication in positioning such methods is understandable, but this process could be undermined by negative stereotypes towards the attitudes of the public. We need to mention the other topos about how material values are more important for Hungarians than for Western European citizens in general.43 However, if we examine the statistical data in details we can easily realize that this is an incorrect statement. This topos was based on statistics made in 2001 by KSH (Hungarian Central Statistical Office) and was cited in the debate about the

Fábri 2008, 85. Egyed–Mécs–Neumann–Palugyai 2012, 30-31. 41 Goede, W. C. 2013. The Science Debate 2013. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 42 ‘Egyptian Renaissance’, Museum of Fine Arts Budapest, number of visitors: 89.747 between 08/08/2008–07/12/2008; ‘Mummies uncovered’, Museum of Fine Arts Budapest, number of visitors: 157.152 between 09/06/2011–19/02/2012. I thank Krisztina Gács (Museum of Fine Arts, Visitor Services Department) for the information. 43 Simon 2013, 39. 39

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situation of Ancient Studies in Hungary mentioned earlier.44 From this report we know, that Hungarian society had little disposable income in general and its distribution preferences did not favor the traditional cultural sector.45 It is very important to know viewer habits or how often people go to a cinema, theater or museum, but these data do not show the attitudes towards the sciences and scientists at all. Péter Deme, who examined this feature in connection with the analyses of the situation of museums in changing market conditions, highlights the other side of this low cultural interest: Hungarians do not get any real information about the working methods and results of researchers in museums at all,46 so we should not wonder about the lack of interest. We can find the same results in the case of the humanities too; therefore we have to try to examine the real attitudes of public interests in Hungary. The Institute of Sociology of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences conducted a survey about public attitudes to science and scientists in Hungary in 2001 and “The results of research confirmed that science and scientists have a constant positive image in Hungarian society”.47 84% of Hungarians think that the government definitely has to fund science and scientists.48 According to the Eurobarometer 2002 study, interests in science and the prestige of scientists and science institutes is higher in Hungary than in the EU in general.49 We have the same results in 2010: among EU countries (average 79%) the highest interests in new scientific explorations is to be found in Luxemburg and in Hungary (91%).50 Other studies of the Hungarian Academy of Science in 2004 demonstrated lower interest rates in social sciences.51 In spite of this, ‟…most Hungarians think that knowledge is

Simon 2013, 39. Tibori, T. 2001. Kulturális magatartás- és értékváltozások. Educatio 2001/3, 517−529, 528. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 46 Deme, P. 2002. Múzeum és társadalom ma. In Kovács, J. (ed.), Múzeumok a „köz művelődéséért” Nemzetközi Múzeumpedagógia Konferencia. Budapest 1999. október 25-27. 63-68, 66. Budapest, Pulszky Társaság-Magyar Múzeumi Egyesület. 47 Mosoniné, F. J. – Orisek, A. – Tolnai, M. 2003. Tudomány és társadalom: konstruktív párbeszéd. Világosság 2003/9-10, 9-21, 10. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. Translated by the author. 48 Mosoniné – Orisek – Tolnai 2003, 10. 49 Fábri, Gy. 2004b. Tudomány, közvélemény, media. Magyar Tudomány 2004/11.1252. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 50 Eurobarometer. 2010. Special Eurobarometer. Science and Technology. Report. European Commission, 9-10. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 51 Fábri 2004b. 44 45

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a value for itself, independently of how costly or useful it may be”.52 Moreover, Hungarians believe in academic and scientific institutions, proven by the Eurobarometer 2010 study. According to this, Hungarian results are only 2% lower than the European average of 63% in thinking ‟that scientists working at a university or government laboratories are the best qualified to explain scientific and technological developments.”53 On the other hand, the percentage of people who think the media has a dominant role is higher in Hungary (33%) than the EU average (20%).54 According to the 2004 study, 75% of Hungarians consider communication between outsiders and scientists very important.55 However, in 2010 52% thought that scientists do not make any effort to inform the public about their new research and explorations.56 Regarding the Eurobarometer survey one could see that correct science communication methods are urgent necessities. Efforts to understand the relations and links sciences and experts have among the lay society generated a new approach called Public Understanding of Science (PUS), while new communication models were created to handle the situation. According to the deficit model, the scientific community is the source of knowledge that is transmitted to the public in a one-way stream. The contextual model tries to audit the existing knowledge and beliefs of the receiver.57 However PUS prefers a democratic approach based on trust, the value of lay-knowledge, and the importance of dialogue and interactivity.58 In the case of interactivity there is a very significant change we could notice from statistics: the progressive emergence of the new information and communication technologies. People got information about scientific results mainly from television in 2004,59 but we should take into account the dramatic increase of internet users in 2006.60 Nowadays we have to deal with web 2.0 applications, which allow for more interactive and more direct, face-to-face communication with active participation from the audience Fábri 2004b. Translated by the author. Eurobarometer 2010, 90. 54 Eurobarometer 2010, 90, 92-93. 55 Fábri 2004b. 56 Eurobarometer 2010, 89. 57 Gregory J. – Miller, S. 2000. Science in Public: Communication, Culture, and Credibility. Cambridge MA, Basic Books, 247. 58 Jurecska, L. 2013. Tudomány és társadalom dialógusáról. Jel-Kép Kommunikácó, Közvélemény, Média. 2013/3-4, 5-8. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 59 Egyed–Mécs–Neumann–Palugyai 2012, 34-35. 60 Hain, F. 2006. Újra a Mindentudás Egyeteme közönségéről. Az V. és VI. szemeszterben folytatott kutatások eredményei alapján. Világosság 2006/1, 67-76, 69. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 52

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in the presentation process of scientific research. Reacting to this technological development, PEST (Public Engagement of Science and Technology) is mentioned more often than PUS.61 Relevancies of these approaches based on PUS and PEST methods is proven by the initiatives of Science Debate in USA and Germany, which supports the constant dialogue between scientists and outsiders, UTLS (l’Université de tous les savoirs) in France, ME (Mindentudás Egyeteme/ University Of Omniscience) in Hungary, which presented open lectures with the help of mass media technologies, or the Hungarian Science Festival. In Germany ‘Das Nationale Institut für Wissenschaftskommunikation’ (NaWik) is trying to help researchers institutionally to develop their presentation skills. NaWik members are teaching them how to blog and write online contents, not just for the sake of getting public popularity, but to improve the communication methods which they could use to effectively present their research results in front of their fellows, colleagues and students.62 However, in the case of the humanities we have a paradox situation: despite the positive lay public attitudes to science in general, the humanities have a lower popularity both on social and governmental levels. Based on the above mentioned statistical studies we could agree with György Fábri and barely charge the lay audience with preferring material values; but we need to investigate the effects of the dominance of modern visual culture, mass media and infocommunication systems, and the reflections of scientists towards these changing circumstances. Without appropriate mediated scientific contents, the humanities are not able to stimulate society’s interests. If they do not manage to transmit scientific knowledge in an understandable way, the humanities will disappear from common talk, and will loose their position as a legitimating force on the level of politics and as interesting and ‘useful’ sciences in society. The example of the ME (Hungarian University of Omniscience) lectures proved that the less adaptive abilities of studies within the humanities are very inconvenient. The rare occasions of lectures in the field of humanities were less lively, enjoyable and interdisciplinary, and the researchers seemed less open.63 However the program’s popularity could cause Fábri, Gy. 2005. Tudomány és közönség új találkozásai. Világosság 2005/1, 3-14, 5, 11. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 62 NaWik 2014. Nationales Institut für Wissenschaftskommunikation. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 63 Fábri, Gy. 2007. Two Cultures and the Third One: The Natural Sciences and the Humanities in Media Communication – Based on the Experiences of ENCOMPASS. Workshops of Science Communication, Budapest. 13-14. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02.

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very positive effects: statistical research shows that the audience of ME would allot decisions in scientific questions to scientific research institutes not to the government.64 So it would be worthwhile for the humanities to use modern communication methods for stimulating public interest, as the trust and positive attitudes of the public could form an effective system of checks and balances against political decisions as well. However, the humanities, and particularly the field of Ancient Studies, are skipping the opportunities of using ICT applications in Hungary at the moment. There are not enough dynamic institutional websites, digitalized publications and research material, nor actual information and news about recent studies or excavations. This is a very big drawback in the world of web 2.0, where one could find permanently refreshed information 24 hours a day with a few clicks and sharing information with lay people can be simple with the help of platforms like blogs and social networking sites which is part of everyday life in the 21st century. The other important fact is that the attitudes of web users to sciences are more positive: according to statistics they are more supportive of those basic studies whose social utility factors are not visible right now.65 I agree with László Takács that it is necessary to form more effective ways to share information within institutions and with lay society by building stronger online presence.66 As for Hungarian Egyptology, we could find only two web 2.0 solutions67 for building closer connections with society, but only one of them is active and constantly refreshed as of now: the Facebook page68 and blog site69 of TT 184. TT 184 joined Facebook on 04.01.2013 and has 1224 likes as of 08.12.2016 which means that it’s popularity in proportion to big international project sites like Gebel el Silsila Epigraphic Survey70 (1391 likes on 26.11.2014) or the Karnak Great Hypostyle Hall Project71 (2224 likes on 26.11.2014) is very high. We are going to Fábri 2005, 13. Egyed–Mécs–Neumann–Palugyai 2012, 44. 66 Takács, L. 2013. Speech on the Debate about the situation of Ancient Studies in Hungary. Ókor 2013/2 49-50, 50. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 67 The El-Lahun Survey Project – The Archaeological Mission of the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02; and the blog and Facebook page of TT 184, see notes below. 68 Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 69 Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 70 Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 71 Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 64 65

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see that the websites of TT 184 suit the basic modern requirements of mediated publicity through this face-to-face communication method with the same quality. Just as with the above mentioned international projects, more intense posting activity on TT 184’s Facebook site (ca. 5-6 posts per day ca. two times a week) correlates to excavation events in season. Between two seasons there are regular posts about conferences, lectures, new books. The posts also include pictures of the excavation process, Hungarian and Egyptian team members, scenes of everyday life: from a visit by colleagues, to lunch with a local family. These posts create a more personal, informal atmosphere for page visitors, with the chance to share or comment, which could cause a very positive public attitude toward Egyptological research by Hungarians. Another advantage of the TT 184 Facebook page is that most of the posts are written not only in Hungarian but also in English for the sake of foreign visitors. The other successful PUS/PEST solution is the blog page72 with added widgets, like the Facebook profile badge ‘Find us’ and the Twitter, Gmail, Google+, and Pinterest badges at the end of each post. The blog design looks professional and user friendly, even compared with other similar blogs, like those of the Gebel el Silsila Survey Project73 or the IFA Excavations at Abydos74. One can quickly find relevant information using the navigation menu, which can also be used with smart phones and mobile devices via a dropdown menu in Android. It is also optimalized for iOS with a vertical layout and dropdown menus, while swiping is enabled too75. The blog also has an English version76, which uses the same layout as the Hungarian: on the left side there are several smart widgets, like the map of the excavation site and a slide show viewer with random pictures of artifacts and team members. Under one of the tags one can find a very important link to online published Hungarian articles relating to TT 184, which is a unique but lacking practice in the field of humanities in Hungary. This form of publicity ensures immediate and direct reactions, while one can be informed about opportunities of meeting the researchers personally as well. If we consider the opinion that “New results can’t be accepted as scientifically proven until they are published, shared and transmitted into public property”77 then it is clear that the websites of TT 184 are a relevant factor in the publication Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. Available at accessed on 2017-0102. 74 Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 75 I thank Marietta Herczeg for testing the websites. 76 Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 77 Rédey 2006, 53. Translated by the author. 72 73

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process as well. I agree that relevancies of research and excavations depend not only on scientific importance, but on whether the researcher could transfer this knowledge to the public in a comprehensible way.78 According to statistics, Facebook yields the best results in this regard. There were 4.3 million Facebook users in Hungary in 2012, 23% of them of the ages 18-24.79 These facebookers are the ‘net generation’, the ‘digital natives’, who use the web 2.0 with natural ease for searching information, uploading, downloading, and using applications.80 25% of Hungarian Facebook users are between 25-34 years, the „digital immigrants” who were not born in the world of internet, but are using it confidently every day.81 They are the core audience of Nefermenu’s profile, more likely to like or share it.82 Web 2.0 solutions can be complemented by other PUS methods, like participating in the Research Expedition Day in 2014. This event gave the opportunity to the TT 184 excavation project to present itself as ‘the’ Hungarian excavation in Egypt, proving that PUS methods can be successful not only in the case of natural sciences, but the humanities as well. As mentioned earlier, such popularity has many advantages. For example, a researcher of the humanities can represent him/herself as „the” researcher in the eyes of the public by using PUS and PEST methods.83 The above investigation tried to highlight the new tendencies in science communication and the position and attitudes of the humanities and, more closely, Hungarian Egyptology. I intended to prove that the usage of ICT applications by TT 184 is a unique but very important phenomenon in Hungary and fits into modern PUS and PEST methods of science communication perfectly. In the 21st century, when the EU institutionally refuses the elitist conception of consuming cultural goods, generating the democratization of culture,84 I agree that new science communication models are not just a silly adoption of a temporary fashion trend, but serious efforts to adapt to the changing circumstances in science, Rédey 2006, 44. Hungarian Facebook Statistics 2012. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 80 Prensky, M. 2001. Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants. From On the Horizon (MCB University Press, Vol. 9 No. 5, October 2001) 1-6, 1-2. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 81 Hungarian Facebook Statistics 2012. 82 Prensky 2001, 1-2. 83 Fábri 2008, 87. 84 Tóth, Á. 2011a. Az állam kultúrafinanszírozásban betöltött szerepének megváltozása a kultúra demokratizálódásának hatására. Közgazdasági Szemle 58, 333–350, 333-334. Available at accessed on 2017-01-02. 78

79

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technology, society and politics.85 It is obvious that new communication skills and their usage for purposes of science management and marketing cannot replace traditional, serious research and publication methods, but we have seen that nowadays their importance is nearly equivalent. We should notice that Egyptology is in a very lucky situation, as we have seen that it has a very close public engagement and popularity from the very first moment in Hungary as well. In this sense, the presence of TT 184 on web 2.0 does not represent a weird behavior in the development of the discipline, but follows the historiographical traditions of Egyptology in modern ways.

Abstract In my present paper I would like to highlight through the example of TT 184 that the proper informing of the public about Hungarian Egyptological research, using modern information and communication technologies (ICTs), is as essential as traditional printed publications and reports in the 21st century. First, I discuss briefly the influences of early public representations of Ancient Egypt on the development of academic Egyptological studies; followed by the attitudes of present Hungarian researchers and the lay public. I mention the relevant studies about Cultural Economics, and the efforts to understand the relations and links sciences and experts have among the lay society generated by a new approach called Public Understanding of Science (PUS) or nowadays, reacting to the ICTs, PEST (Public Engagement of Science and Technology). Regarding this analysis I am going to be able to define the role and position of the publishing practices of TT 184 within the perspectives of science communication and science management methods.

85

Fábri 2005, 14.

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Horst Jaritz

KHOKHA – ein verlorener Traum

Für Zoltán Fábián, den wir hier feiern, war Khokha seit langem der Platz seiner archäologischen Tätigkeit in Theben/Luxor. Sie reicht zurück in die Zeit, als er einer der Mitarbeiter von L. Kákosy war, der an einem verhältnismässig kleinen Platz inmitten dieses Dorfes fast unbemerkt Gräber des Neuen Reichs untersuchte. Während meiner gelegentlichen Besuche von Khokha im Frühjahr 1997 war mir diese zwischen der lokalen Bebauung verborgene Konzession der Ungarischen Archäologischen Mission eigentlich gar nicht aufgefallen. Erst Jahre später kehrte ich nach dort zurück, um mit Zoltán, der hier nun allein mit einer eigenen Equipe auf einem ihm als Erbe der Kákosy-Konzession zugefallenenen Teilbereich arbeitete, vor allem architektonische Probleme seiner Grabung am Berghang von Khokha zu diskutieren. Erst dann wurde mir bewusst, dass sich hier seit meinen früheren Besuchen etwas geändert hatte. Die Häuser von Khokha, die den Grabungsplatz einst umstanden und mein spezielles Interesse geweckt hatten, waren verschwunden. Sie waren mir während meiner im besagten Frühjahr unternommenen Streifzüge durch die Dörfer von Qurna, um hier zu skizzieren und zu aquarellieren, durch ihre einfache Schönheit ins Auge gefallen (Pls. 1-4, siehe Sektion 6). Nun endlich, aus Anlass der Zoltán Fábián gewidmeten Festschrift durfte ich die Aquarelle unter der Vielzahl der anderen einst von den Qurna-Häusern angefertigten wieder entdecken. Gern zeige ich sie jetzt in Referenz zu den von Zoltán in Khokha unternommenen archäologischen Forschungen. Im Zeitpunkt, als ich die Häuser in Skizzen festhielt, ahnte ich nicht, dass diese eines Tage zu den wenigen Zeugnissen der jüngeren Vergangenheit dieses Platzes zählen würden. Nur mit Mühe erinnere ich mich an die Stelle, wo sie standen, ihre damaligen Bewohner blieben mir unbekannt. Aus Mangel eines qualitätvollen Zeichenblocks entstanden die Aquarelle auf zusammen gesuchtem Altpapier – Brief- und Bücherumschlägen, Packpapier. Wie sich zeigte, war dies das geeignetste Material, um darauf die zum Teil schon verwitterten Häuser in ihrer staubigen Umgebung darzustellen. Nun sind sie, ebenso wie die Mehrzahl der Häuser von Qurna zerstört und verschwunden. Als „primitiv“ eingestuft und ungewohnt für das an „formale“ Architektur gewöhnte Auge, meinte man, diese Häuser ohne Dokumentation 158

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zerstören zu können. Selbst die wenigen, als Beispiele für das Gewesene und zu unserer Erinnerung „gerettet“ geglaubten Häuser wurden letztendlich doch beseitigt. Sie wurden zu Staub wie der Friedhof, auf dem sie errichtet waren. Aber da gab es noch lange Zeit dieses Haus auf einer Anhöhe inmitten der Ungarischen Konzession und die alte Frau, die diesen Ort nicht bereit war zu verlassen. Diese Umstände verhinderten seine Zerstörung. Nun lebt auch die alte Frau nicht mehr, doch das Haus steht wie ein Wunder immer noch. Es wurde dokumentiert und die wenigen Dinge, die den ehemaligen Haushalt ausmachten, haben ihren Platz im Vorraum eines zur Konzession gehörenden Grabes gefunden. Es ist Zoltáns Verdienst, diese Dinge dort aufzubewahren bis sich die Gelegenheit findet, sie der Öffentlichkeit zu zeigen und die Vergangenheit von Khokha in Erinnerung zu rufen. Ansonsten existieren von den Häusern Qurnas, ausser einer Anzahl von Fotos, verhältnismässig wenige Zeugnisse und Dokumente. Es gibt meines Wissens nur eine der Zerstörung Jahre voraus gehende Studie zur lokalen Architektur des Asasif und dem Leben seiner Bewohner. Der neuzeitliche Versuch, mit einer Unmenge von Fremdgeldern die verbliebenen Mauerreste der demolierten Häuser zu putzen, aufzumessen und zur Schau zu stellen, kann nur ein schwacher Trost für den Verlust eines Weltkulturerbes sein, das zu den wohlbekannten Beispielen der Vernacular Architecture gehörte. Um diese verschwundenen Zeugen einer spezifischen, ländlichen Architektur der jüngeren Vergangenheit wieder wachzurufen, sollen meine hier aus dem besonderem Anlass der Festschrift für Zoltán Fábián vorgelegten Aquarelle einiger Khokha-Häuser (Pls. 1-4) stellvertretend auch für die Häuser der verschwundenen übrigen Weiler von Qurna stehen. Ihnen sei hierunter eine knappe Betrachtung gewidmet. Die Aquarelle zeigen die Häuser von Khokha aus verschiedenen Blickwinkeln • 1 + 2) aus der Ferne in einer linearen, lockeren Anordnung als Einzelhäuser bzw. Gruppen eng gedrängter Häuser entlang dem Ostabhang der zwischen Skeikh ’Abd el Qurna und dem Asasif sich ausdehnenden Hügelkette (Pls. 1 u. 2). Dies ist eine typische Formation der Ansiedlungen, die an verschiedenen Plätzen des Friedhofs der „Noblen“ entstanden. • 3) von Süden (Pl. 3) als eine Gruppe von Häusern, die sich den Hang hinauf/ oder hinunter entwickelt, jedes sich in seiner eigenen Größe behauptend und mit seiner individuellen Dekoration ausgestattet. • 4) aus unmittelbarer Nähe (Pl. 4) als eine Gruppe von Häusern, die, sich den Unebenheiten des Geländes anpassend, die Volumen des benachbarten Gebäudes berücksichtigt.

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Dieses Erscheinungsbild gilt im Prinzip für alle die locker verteilten oder geschlossenen Häusergruppen von Qurna, also nicht nur für die von Khokha. Gemeinsam ist ihnen eine Farbgebung, die sich ändern kann von lebhaften, sehr frischen Farben, wie sie wohl gerade auf dem Markt erhältlich waren, zu den unter der unerbittlichen Sonne, den Sandstürmen und den gelegentlich heftigen Regen verbleichenden. Die Häuser von Qurna gehörten zu den einzigartigen Typen spontan und anonym geschaffener Architektur, bildeten eine Architekturlandschaft, die den besonderen Zauber der Nekropole entlang der thebanischen Berge ausmachte. Ihre offene Gruppierung in dem ausgedehnten Friedhof war in sich harmonisch ausgewogen, sie fügte sich in die gegebene Landschaft ein, war ihr natürlich angeglichen – für Straßen und öffentliche Parkplätze gab es keinen Bedarf. Die einzelnen Weiler waren seltene Beispiele mit ausgedehnten Freiräumen, wo die Menschen glücklich lebten trotz des Mangels an Frischwasser und sanitären Einrichtungen, trotz fehlender Elektrizität, trotz der täglichen Anstrengung, nach getaner Arbeit den Weg bergauf nach Hause zu nehmen. Die rauhe Umgebung, doch entfernt von der Feuchtigkeit der Nilebene und den damit zusammen hängenden Sorgen, gewährte ihren hoch gelegenen Häusern Sicherheit und Schutz. Die Dörfer und ihre Häuser sind ein Zeugnis äußerster Armut, sie entwickelten sich aus der Notwendigkeit nach Unterkunft. Die anfänglichen Versuche, sich in der an sich unfreundlichen Umwelt zu installieren, folgt dem Beispiel der ersten Archäologen der Thebanischen Nekropole, die die leer vorgefundenen Gräber und ihre Vorhöfe als willkommende Unterkunft und Arbeitsstätte belegten. Die hiernach entstandenen Häuser sind Ausdruck eines eigenen, freien Willens. Sie entstanden ohne den Eingriff eines Architekten, ohne Vorgabe und Verordnung, nur geleitet von der persönlichen Vorstellung wie ein Haus, ihren Bedürfnissen entsprechend, aussehen sollte. Sich in gewisse Gegebenheiten und schon vorhandene Strukturen einfügend, Anstrengungen gemeinsam zu ertragen, waren sie überdies Zeugnis und der Ausdruck eines kommunalen Willens zur Integration. Die Nähe zu den ländlichen Siedlungen des Fruchtlandes beeinflusste indessen Form und Gruppierung der Dörfer. So entstand in Qurna eine Architektur bäuerlichen Charakters, die sich den gebirgigen Gegebenheiten anpasste. Das Vieh fand seine Unterkunft im Freien oder in kleinen Höfen. Trotz ihrer extremen Einfachheit fehlte den Häusern aber keineswegs eine individuelle Ästhetik. In der einfachen, einer uralten Tradition folgenden Form der unterschiedlich dimensionierten Kuben hoben sich betont gestaltete Tore hervor, die Ränder der Dächer waren gelegentlich bekränzt mit höckrigen Aufbauten. Die sich ständig 160

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ändernde Größe der Häuser entspricht wohl hauptsächlich den persönlichen Bedürfnissen und den vorgefundenen Möglichkeiten. Unsere Erinnerung ist somit vielschichtig: Qurna, die ausgedehnte Nekropole als wichtiges historisches Substrat, doch weitgehend zerstört und ausgeraubt, Qurna, diese lockere Ansammlung sich gleichender Weiler als neuzeitliches Stratum darüber, nun ebenfalls zerstört und fast spurlos verschwunden. Khokha, diese nur einige Generationen bestehende Siedlung, gebaut gegen die nördlichen Ausläufer der Hügelformation von Sheikh ’Abd el-Qurna und den Thebanischen Bergen dahiner gibt es nicht mehr. Mögen die wenigen, hier zu Ehren meines Freundes Zoltán Fábián vorgelegten Aquarelle wenigstens unsere Erinnerung an diese andere, ebenfalls mögliche Welt erhalten.

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Marcel Maessen

Living in Egypt; A House, A Home

Doing research in Egypt often means having to be there for months in a row, sometimes. Being so far away from home means that one has to have a place to stay and come home to at night. To relax and gain strength for the next day, but also to feel happy, to party from time to time and to study the objects you have uncovered the previous day. For many an Egyptologist, out there, this means that they have to stay in hotels, private homes or an old and worn out dig house, somewhere in the desert. On the other hand, one might get lucky and stay in a beautiful house, on top of a hill overlooking the desert and the entrance to the Valley of the Kings. Zoltán Fábián, associate professor at the University of the Reformed Church in Hungary, Department of Ancient History, was one of the lucky ones to spend some time at one of these beautiful locations. The location: ‘Stoppelaëre House’ on Luxor’s West Bank. The period (1984–1989).

The Stoppelaëre House The house was built around 1950, just after (the first) new Qurna was built. Designed by one of Egypt’s greatest architects, Hassan Fathy. Fathy designing the house came about as a result of his acquaintance with the archaeologist/restorer Alexandre Stoppelaëre. Actually, Stoppelaëre House is not one, but two houses. It is an ingenious combination of a site office and a private residence for the archaeological director. It is divided into two by a central courtyard, thus assuring privacy for both areas. Its positioning at the top of a cliff gives the house a commanding presence. Before the house was actually built, a series of preliminary drawings and sketches were made, all of them not to the satisfaction of Stoppelaëre, until the current layout was drawn. A quote from James Steele’s An architecture for people: “The Stoppelaëre house, which dates from the year after (the first) New Qurna was completed, was designed as both a guest house for the Department of Antiquities and the headquarters and apartment of Dr. Alexandre Stoppelaëre who was the chief restorer of the Department at that time. The architect’s draw162

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Figure 1. The Stoppelaëre House, probably shortly upon completion (photo by Marcel Maessen)

ings of the house, which went through several revisions, all convey the difficulty of combining these two diverse entities into one, showing how the architect was struggling with the duality of functions involved. The first scheme he attempted uses a square plan to group both sectors around two perfectly balanced parallel courtyards that are divided by a bisecting wall. The demands of a ridge-like, linear site, however, which is strategically located at the summit of a step ridge overlooking the main entrance into the Valley of the Kings and Queens at Luxor, eventually forced the opening up of the plan into an elongated rectangle. A sky-lit gallery, of a kind that first appeared in the Hamid Said house, is used to join both sides of the residence, and the bisecting wall of the original concept finally emerges as a fully expressed buttress in the finished building, effectively separating the main entrance and its garden from the private quarters of Dr. Stoppelaëre. In spite of the fact that no “as-built” drawings for this project exist, the small collection of initial sketches that have survived provide a rare insight into the creative thought processes of the architect, and show how actual site conditions began to inform a beginning design idea. The photographs of the actual building are equally important in that they include interior views of both the rooms and the courtyards. As is the case with so many of Fathy’s surviving works today, access into the Stoppelaëre house is now very restricted, which gives these interior views added significance.”

There is a proper plan of the house in the book (fig. 2); its caption is as follows: 163

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“Different elements are accommodated with seeming ease around a central courtyard: an articulated gallery (shown by a row of four roof-lights, centre right of the plan) joins the two sides of the house – the site office is on the left, the residential space on the right.” One of the characteristics of his architecture is the use of ‘stepped squinches’ to bind the domes (which are round) to their square base. These squinches are used for each of the four domes of the house.

Figure 2. A plan for the house (from James Steele: The Hassan Fathy Collection)

Alexandre Stoppelaëre Now, that is about all we know about the Stoppelaëre House. Its history as to when Stoppelaëre left, who used the house after him and the story behind Alexandre Stoppelaëre himself have not been very well documented. Bits and pieces of information are to be found around the Internet, in occasional stories from (professional) travellers and occasional publications are the only sources to be consulted. Or are they? True, not one piece of information can be found about Alexandre Stoppelaëre himself as far as his life ‘after Egypt’ is concerned. No homestead information in any of the places he has lived in Belgium and France, no known descendants and nothing known about who inherited his fortune, after his death. And he must have been a very wealthy man! At one time or another, Stoppelaëre was married to the wealthy Parisian, Leonie Ricou (1875–1928), who, in the 1910s, was opening her house to friends, 164

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mainly artists (Picasso, Modigliani, Brancusi…). As Stoppelaëre’s first job was painter, it is not surprising that he met Léonie, probably in the 1920s. In 1928, Léonie Ricou intended to move to Stoppelaëre’s house in Brussels and sent a famous statue called ‘Oiseau dans l’espace’ (fig. 3), made by Brancusi in 1923, to a safe of the ‘Banque de Bruxelles’, before moving to this town. She died immediately after her move (1928) and left the statue to Stoppelaëre. He sold it for an unknown price to a private collector in 1937. The statue was sold lately (2009 – Christie’s) for the huge sum of 27 million dollars. This statue story might partly explain how Stoppelaëre Figure 3. could sustain himself, staying in Egypt for several years Statuette (Unkown) with probably only a small or no salary! From a letter Stoppelaëre wrote in 1946 to his friend, the Dutch/French painter Conrad Kickert, we also know that he lived in Carter House in that year (original letter in the possession of Kickert’s daughter). For a long time, we didn’t even know what Alexandre Stoppelaëre looked like, until a painting of him (fig. 4), painted by his friend Conrad Kickert and currently in the possession of Kickert’s daughter, emerged. And here, for the moment, historical accounts and information stop.

Figure 4. Painting of Stoppelaëre (photo provided by Mme Gard-Kickert)

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Living at Stoppelaëre’s House

Figure 5. The Stoppelaëre House in 1988 (photo by Zoltán Fábián)

A house is made of dead material, however attractive it may look. What makes it come alive are the people who live in a house. Obviously, the Stoppelaëre House has not remained empty, after Stoppelaëre left. Probably a wide range of Egyptologists, SCA inspectors and others have called it their home. At least for a while. One of them is Zoltán Fábián and here are a couple of his stories: Zoltán and his team lived at Stoppelaëre House for a few consecutive years in the mid through late 1980s (fig. 5). He and his wife, Magdolna, even spent their honeymoon there! After having lived at Habu Hotel on Luxor’s West Bank ‘Home’ for a while, being able to move to a place one can call “home” must have felt good, and so it did to Zoltán and his team. For the first time they were able to rest and relax in their own quarters, well equipped and complete with staff. Although electricity and the water supply proved to be somewhat inadequate (the power supply often came short and the water supply, which had to be pumped up from Carter’s old dig house wasn’t all that reliable), they felt very proud to have a house of their own. After all, they were only the second team to be appointed a semipermanent residence (the polish team, living at the Old Metropolitan Museum of Art expedition house were the first)! 166

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With the house came a couple of legends; legends we still hear from time to time today. Although a lot of Egyptian Inspectors are very good at what they do, they did not look very much into the history of their own job. One of the legends regarding the house was that it was actually Carter House. Given its prominent place, this could have been true but, as we all know, it was not. Another story tells that Stoppelaëre was an architect who actually worked with Howard Carter; and a third one says that the house belonged to an Egyptian Princess. In any case, the Hungarian mission was happy to call this place their home. A home far away from everything (one must remember that the West Bank of Luxor wasn’t that crowded in the 1980s; one had to go to the East Bank to buy everything necessary) and well guarded by dogs. Obviously, as years went by, the team (initially they moved in with 5 people: Dr. László Kákosy, Zoltán and his wife, an architect and an Egyptologist) created their own memories. When they first moved in, Hassan, the cook, offered to bring water for drinking by donkey. Although the house did have its own water supply, pumped up from Carter House, this was only used for washing and even that proved to be a challenge, as the system stopped working about every other day. So, even washing had to be done the ‘old fashioned’ way, by pouring water into a bowl. Another story by Zoltán tells about one of their mission members, an architect, who would like to sleep on the roof. Now, they already had a lot of work, getting his bed inside the house, simply because the doors weren’t wide enough. So, they had to get the bed inside by the only door that was: the door on the Northwest side. After the architect decided, that he wanted to stay on the roof, they had to get the bed through that door again and hoist it on the roof with ropes. After only one week, the same man decided that he wanted to go back inside again, so they had to do the whole trick all over again. The house, although still in pretty good shape today, did have its defects. The wood, used in corners of the house, for example, were eaten by rats, creating rather big holes in some parts of the walls where, obviously, rats could crawl through. While sitting in the dark because of yet another power cut, one could hear strange noises. One day, during such a power cut, Zoltán’s wife went to take a shower and got startled by what she thought was a big cat. How was this possible? How could a cat have entered the house? When she told the cook and the gaffirs about this, they went to search for the animal and with a smile on their faces, told her that they had killed it. It was only much later that they learned that the animal had not been a cat after all, but a giant rat! The Hungarian mission used to go back to the house every year, for at least 5 years in a row. Although they did have to pay rent for the house, it was considerably less than what they had to pay for staying in a hotel. 167

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Some stories, concerning the house, were as alive then, as they are today. When the author first visited the Stoppelaëre House, to do a photographic survey, he was told not to go up by car, because the hill was quite unstable and could collapse at any moment. The same thing was said to the people from the Hungarian Mission. Please leave your car down! True, there are a lot of holes in the hill: tombs (which, so far, have never been studied or published), cachets and natural cavities and the leaking of water and heavy rainfall, from time to time, could add to that situation of instability, but wouldn’t the house have collapsed by now, if all of that were the case?

Figure 6. Stoppelaëre House in 2013 (photo by Marcel Maessen)

Regardless of what the structural integrity of the house and the hill it sits on might be, it is definitely one of the most beautiful spots on the West Bank of Luxor. It is a shame that so few people have had the privilege to work and live there, and that the house has been left alone for such a long time, with hardly any maintenance done. This situation, though, has drastically changed. Since 2016, it is currently being restored under the direction of Architect Dr. Tarek Waly (Tarek Waly Center for Architecture and Heritage), and is a collaborative project between the Factum Foundation for Digital Technology in Conservation (Madrid), the University of Basel (Switzerland) and the Ministry of Antiquities in Egypt. Its new destination? A training and documentation centre for local inspectors. This might be the next best thing to actually living at the Stoppelaëre House, as Zoltán Fábián and his team did. 168

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Patrizia Piacentini

Dall’archeologia agli archivi: tombe tebane a Milano Il collega e amico Zoltán Imre Fábián ha trascorso lunghi periodi in Italia negli anni della sua formazione. In ricordo di quegli anni, e del nostro primo incontro al VI Congresso internazionale degli egittologi a Torino nel settembre 1991, desidero dedicargli questo breve contributo in Italiano relativo a una ricerca in corso sulla documentazione dʼarchivio sulle tombe tebane conservata a Milano. È ben noto il profondo interesse di Zoltán per lʼarcheologia non fine a se stessa, ma come strumento per la ricostruzione della storia dell’area in senso sincronico e diacronico. Nello stesso senso vanno le sue ricerche prosopografiche e i suoi studi su testi, raffigurazioni e materiali presenti nelle tombe. La lettura dei suoi saggi sullʼargomento è sempre stata per me indispensabile, e i suoi lavori sui pittori e architetti1 o su Tebe durante lʼAntico Regno2 veri punti di riferimento. L’ordinamento degli archivi egittologici che l’Università degli Studi di Milano ha acquisito a partire dal 1999 ha messo in evidenza la presenza di una quantità particolarmente significativa di documenti relativi alle necropoli tebane, quali fotografie, disegni, acquerelli, lettere, copie e facsimili di testi e altre carte che apportano dati nuovi sia su tombe già scavate e pubblicate sia su tombe tuttora inedite.3 La loro digitalizzazione e inventariazione informatizzata, ormai quasi concluse, e il loro studio approfondito permetteranno lo scambio di informazioni con altri archivi e con gli studiosi che si occupano dell’argomento, oltre alla valorizzazione di dati prima sconosciuti su tombe specifiche. La documentazione conservata nei fondi Loret (1859-1946) e Varille (19091951) copre gli anni 1881-1951, dall’inizio dell’attività di Loret a Tebe alla morte 1 2

3

Fábián, Z.I. 1997. The Artist of TT 32: sš qd Pay? RRE 1, 39-50. Fábián, Z.I. 2011. News from Old Kingdom Thebes. In Bechtold, E., Gulyás, A. and Hasznos, A. (eds), From Illahun to Djeme. Papers Presented in Honour of Ulrich Luft. BAR S2311, 43-54. Oxford, Archaeopress. Gli Archivi milanesi sono già stati ampiamente presentati in altre sedi. Si veda da ultimo Piacentini, P. 2009. Ten Years Later. EDAL Egyptian and Egyptological Documents Archives Libraries 1, 11-20, pls I-X; Piacentini, P. 2010. The Egyptological Archives of the Università degli Studi di Milano. In P. Piacentini (ed.), Egypt and the Pharaohs. From the Sand to the Library: Pharaonic Egypt in the Archives and Libraries of the Università degli Studi di Milano, 63-114. Milano, SKIRA.

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di Varille. Risale quindi a un periodo in cui molti monumenti tebani, oggi in stato di precaria conservazione, erano ancora ben documentabili nelle parti accessibili. Altre tombe, tra cui quella di Amenhotep indagata e studiata da Loret,4 sono invece purtroppo andate perdute. Molti materiali, soprattutto fotografici, sono inoltre raccolti nel fondo Bothmer (1912-1993), acquisito dall’Università degli Studi di Milano nel 2008 e tuttora in corso di catalogazione. Per quel che riguarda l’area tebana, quest’ultimo fondo copre gli anni dal 1950, quando Bothmer si recò in Egitto per la prima volta, al 1993, anno della sua morte. Negli Archivi milanesi si trovano decine di migliaia di immagini (negativi, stampe, diapositive, fotografie aeree e digitali). Molte di esse erano state scattate da Alexandre Varille e da lui sistemate metodicamente in raccoglitori a tasche di vario formato, contenenti in genere tanto il negativo quanto la stampa. La maggior parte di tali fotografie misura 50 × 50 mm, ma ve ne sono anche di 60 × 60, 90 × 130 e 130 × 180. Altre non furono invece mai classificate, probabilmente a causa della morte improvvisa dello studioso. A questa enorme massa di materiale documentario si aggiungono circa 1000 lastre di vetro5 e più di 700 fotografie antiche, tra le quali spiccano alcuni interessanti scatti di Antonio Beato nelle tombe tebane.6 Alle fotografie vere e proprie si aggiungono anche alcune centinaia di cartoline, spesso stampate a partire da clichés di celebri fotografi, molte delle quali riproducono scene raffigurate nelle tombe tebane. L’attività di ricerca e studio di Varille negli anni 1930-1940 sulla riva occidentale tebana, e in particolare nelle tombe private ivi situate, è testimoniata anche da varie sue pubblicazioni e dai relativi materiali preparatori conservati oggi nei suoi archivi a Milano.7 Varille si dedicò inoltre allo studio dei canti degli arpisti nelle TT 158, TT 178,

4

5 6

7

Orsenigo, C. 2008. Catalogue of the objects. In P. Piacentini (ed.), Victor Loret in Egypt (18811889). From the Archives of the Milan University to the Egyptian Museum in Cairo (cat. of the exhib.), 44-47. Cairo, SCA. Le lastre misurano, tranne qualche rara eccezione, 130 × 180 o 180 × 240 mm. Ferri, A. (ed.) 2008. Il fotografo dei faraoni. Antonio Beato in Egitto (1860-1905). Bologna, Pendragon, 124-126. E.g. Varille, A. 1933. Deux fragments d’inscriptions du vice-roi de Nubie Merimes. ASAE 33, 83-84 [su materiali da TT 383 ritrovati in TT 40]; Varille, A. 1940a. L’appel aux visiteurs du tombeau de Khaemhêt. ASAE 40, 601-606 [su TT 57]; Varille, A. 1940b. Le tombeau thébain du vice-roi de Nubie Merimes. ASAE 40, 567-570 [su TT 383]; Varille, A. 1947a. Les trois sarcophages du fils royal Merimes. ASAE 45, 1-15 [su TT 383]; Varille, A. 1947b. Une stele d’Amenemouia, porte-sandales du fils royal Merimes (Liverpool nº 25). ASAE 45, 33-34 [su una stele da TT 270]; Varille, A. † 1968. Inscriptions concernant l’architecte Amenhotep fils de Hapou. BdE 44, 121-123. Le Caire, IFAO [sulla rappresentazione di Amenhotep figlio di Hapu in TT 55].

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TT 331,8 un argomento poi approfondito ed elucidato in modo eccellente da Zoltán Imre Fábián a partire dal canto e dalla scena d’arpista presenti nella TT 184.9 L’eccezionalità degli archivi Varille è ricordata da vari contemporanei dell’ egittologo che li videro e ne utilizzarono i materiali negli anni 1940-1950.10 Di essi facevano parte anche fotografie che Varille talvolta acquistava o riceveva in dono da fotografi professionisti, in particolare Heinz Leichter,11 e da colleghi quali Siegfried Schott.12 Negli anni 1930, quest’ultimo realizzò una documentazione fotografica di grande qualità sulle scene dipinte nelle tombe private tebane, tanto da essere ancora oggi citata e utilizzata di frequente negli studi dell’­argomento. L’esistenza di contatti fra Schott e Varille è testimoniata non solo da alcune lettere conservate negli archivi milanesi, ma anche dai negativi contenuti in un carnet che riproducono fogli di appunti con copia di testi dipinti e iscrizioni da numerose tombe tebane, con note di carattere archeologico scritte in tedesco certamente da Schott stesso, come dimostrano anche i raffronti con la sua grafia nei materiali conservati nei fondi Varille ed Edel (1914-1997).13 Lo studio di questi documenti d’archivio, e il confronto con la situazione attuale, consentirà di verificare e colmare alcune lacune nella nostra conoscenza del programma figurativo e testuale di molte tombe, soprattutto di quelle rovinate nel corso degli anni, oppure di quelle ora chiuse e non più esplorate da decenni. Questa ricerca, inoltre, può rivelarsi utile anche per individuare pezzi di pareti mancanti che potrebbero essere stati immessi sul mercato antiquario e poi dispersi in collezioni pubbliche o private.14 Nei Congressi Internazionali degli Egittologi degli ultimi vent’anni, da Cambridge nel 1995 a Firenze nel 2015, si è dedicato ampio spazio alle ricerche sulle Varille, A. 1935. Trois nouveaux chants de harpistes. BIFAO 35, 153-160. Fábián, Z. I. 2000. Harper’s Song Scene in the Tomb of Nefermenu (TT 184). Specimena Nova Universitatis Quinqueecclesiensis XVI, 1-12. 10 E.g. Vandier, J. 1950, Moʻalla. La tombe d’Ankhtifi et la tombe de Sébekhotep. BdE 19, VI. Le Caire, IFAO; Mekhitarian, A. 1952. Alexandre Varille. CdE 27/53, 143-144; Christophe, L. A. 1956. Alexandre Varille. ASAE 53, 69-78, in particolare 74-75; Jacquemin M. † 1999. Alexandre Varille, un précurseur au bord du Nil. KYPHI 2, 17-25, in particolare 18-19; Bothmer, B. V. † 2003. Egypt 1950. My first visit. Oxford, Oxbow Books, 54. 11 Leichter collaborò fra l’altro con la Chicago House di Luxor tra il 1920 e il 1930 circa. Cf. Busi, C. and Mohareb, B. A. 2002. Fotografi in Egitto. Le immagini di Heinz e Giorgio Leichter dal 1910 al 1940. Torino, Ananke, 25-30, fotografie 30-34. 12 Anche Schott lavorò per la Chicago House tra il 1931 e il 1937. 13 Per l’inventario di questo fondo e i riferimenti a Schott, cf. Piacentini, P. (ed.) 2006. Gli archivi egittologici dell’Università degli Studi di Milano. I. Il fondo Elmar Edel, Il Filarete. Milano, LED, 230. 14 Hawass, Z. and Vannini, S. 2009. The Lost Tombs of Thebes. Life in Paradise. London, Thames & Hudson, 265-266.  8  9

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tombe tebane. Si è sottolineata tra l’altro la necessità di continuare la collazione dei testi e la verifica delle condizioni in cui si trovano le decorazioni delle molte tombe già scavate, e si è ribadito il dovere di salvaguardarle e restaurarle. Vari convegni specifici dedicati alle necropoli tebane, inoltre, hanno permesso di fare il punto sulle attività di ricerca su tali sepolture.15 Rimangono fondamentali sull’argomento due contributi di Jaromír Málek, ʻThe Archivist as a Researcherʼ e ʻWe have the tombs. Who needs the archives?ʼ,16 il cui contenuto è particolarmente illuminante per il rapporto tra documentazione archivistica e archeologia. In una sintesi che rimane a tutt’oggi eccellente, Málek ricorda che le differenti fonti di informazione a nostra disposizione per incrementare la conoscenza dell’antico Egitto in generale e delle necropoli tebane in particolare sono: quelle già studiate che hanno dato luogo a pubblicazioni secondo gli standard usuali in libri, articoli, formato elettronico; quelle già studiate ma non pubblicate, quindi non a tutti accessibili; quelle ancora in situ, ma non ancora indagate o studiate; quelle conservate nei musei o negli archivi ma tuttora inedite. Al fine della conservazione dei monumenti, l’Egittologia non può permettersi di perder alcun dato, per piccolo o insignificante che possa sembrare. Per questa ragione, è necessario preservare, mettere a disposizione degli studiosi e utilizzare il materiale che non era destinato alla pubblicazione o non è mai giunto allo stadio di elaborazione finale. Esso può essere diviso in tre gruppi di documenti: disegni, schizzi, acquerelli, racconti dei primi viaggiatori in Egitto, che hanno valore storico ma anche antiquario e artistico; documenti personali degli egittologi del passato, incluse fotografie da essi scattate; documentazione realizzata durante scavi o riE.g. Assmann, J. et al. (eds) 1995. Thebanische Beamtennekropolen. Neue Perspektiven archäologischer Forschung. Internationales Symposion Heidelberg 9-13.6.1993. SAGA 12. Heidelberg, Heidelberger Orientverlag; Tefnin, R. (ed.) 2007. La peinture égyptienne. Un monde de signes à préserver. Colloque de Bruxelles, Avril 1994. MonAeg VII, Série IMAGO 1. Bruxelles, Brespols Verlag; el-Bialy, M. 2003. Égyptologie et mise en valeur des sites de Thèbes-Ouest. In G. Andreu (ed.), Deir el-Médineh et la Vallée des Rois, Actes du colloque, Paris 3-4 mai 2002, 21-32. Paris, Éditions Khéops; Strudwick, N. and Taylor, J. H. (eds) 2003. The Theban Necropolis. Past, Present and Future. London, British Museum Press; Hawass, Z., Bács, T. A. and Schreiber, G. (eds) 2011. Proceedings of the Colloquium on Theban Archaeology at the Supreme Council of Antiquities, November 5, 2009. Cairo, SCA; Pischikova, E., Budka, J. and Griffin, K. (eds) 2014. Thebes in the First Millennium BC. Newcastle upon Tyne, Cambridge Scholars Publishing; Dorn, A. and Polis, S. (eds) in press. Deir el-Medina and the Theban Necropolis in Contact: Describing the interactions within and outside the community of workmen, Proceedings of the Conference Liège 27-29/10/2014. 16 Málek, J. 1995. The Archivist as a Researcher. In Assmann et al. (eds), Thebanische Beamtennekropolen, 43-48; Málek, J. 2003. We have the tombs. Who needs the archives? In Strudwick and Taylor (eds), The Theban Necropolis, 229-243. 15

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cerche, ma non inclusa nelle pubblicazioni finali, per mancanza di spazio o per selezione logica. Su un sito o in una tomba, infatti, vengono sempre scattate molte più fotografie di quelle che in seguito sono incluse nelle pubblicazioni; ma le immagini escluse possono rivelarsi di grande utilità per gli altri studiosi che si occupano di un argomento particolare, quali oggetti del corredo funerario o dettagli di scene, di testi, ecc. È quindi necessario creare o accrescere gli archivi egittologici, ordinarli e informatizzarli al fine di renderli accessibili. Tali archivi devono diventare dei centri che mettano a disposizione degli studiosi, in modo rapido ed efficiente, informazioni non incluse nelle pubblicazioni e spesso non più ottenibili sul posto, in seguito al deterioramento di un sito o di una tomba. Già nella seconda metà del Novecento erano stati evidenziati molti casi drammatici di danneggiamento in seguito a furto di porzioni di decorazioni parietali nelle tombe tebane. Alcuni frammenti erano poi stati ritrovati grazie a una paziente ricerca nei Musei e negli Archivi.17 La tecnologia attuale, in particolare le modalità informatiche di archiviazione e di ricerca, sta cambiando il modo di realizzazione e organizzazione degli archivi egittologici. Ne è un esempio quello che è stato già effettuato ed è tuttora in corso negli archivi del Griffith Institute a Oxford, dell’Oriental Institute of Chicago o dell’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale al Cairo.18 La necessità di utilizzare documenti d’archivio per una pubblicazione completa delle tombe tebane è naturalmente stata compresa da molti egittologi che, quando possibile, hanno utilizzato tutti i dati a loro disposizione. È il caso di Lisa Manniche che nel corso degli ultimi trent’anni ha fatto ampio uso di documenti d’archivio per studiare alcune sepolture tebane delle XVIII e XIX dinastia, riuscendo in questo modo a riconoscere frammenti di pareti conservati in collezioni pubbliche e private di tutto il mondo e a ricollocarli virtualmente nella tomba d’origine.19 E molti altri studiosi si sono serviti di materiali d’archivio per la pubblicazione Mekhitarian, A. 1985. La destruction systématique des tombes thébaines. In F. Geus and Fl. Till (eds), Mélanges offerts à Jean Vercoutter, 239-244. Paris, ADPF. 18 E.g. Murray, H. and Málek, J. 1980. Theban tomb tracings made by Norman and Nina de Garis Davies. GM 37, 31-36; Málek, J. and Magee, D. 1983. Additional Theban tomb documentation in the Griffith Institute. GM 65, 57-62; The Epigraphic Survey. 1995. The Registry of the Photographic Archives of the Epigraphic Survey. OIC 27, 175-186. Chicago, The Oriental Institute; Cherpion, N. and Corteggiani, J. P. 2010. La tombe d’Inherkhâouy (TT 359) à Deir el-Medina. MIFAO 128. Le Caire, IFAO. 19 Manniche, L. 1988. Lost Tombs. A Study of Certain Eighteenth Dynasty Monuments in the Theban Necropolis. London, KPI; Manniche, L. 2011. Lost Ramessid and post-Ramessid private tombs in the Theban necropolis. CNI publ. 33. Copenhagen, Museum Tusculanum Press. 17

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di tombe tebane, come per esempio N. Strudwick o M. Hartwig, che hanno utilizzato disegni, fotografie e copie di testi conservati negli archivi della Chicago House di Luxor, del Metropolitan Museum of Art di New York, dell’università di Trier e di quella di Heidelberg, oltre che del Griffith Institute di Oxford.20 Altri svolgono ormai regolarmente ricerche d’archivio per cercare di risolvere problemi specifici connessi alle tombe o ai materiali da esse provenienti, o per ricostruire il contesto archeologico apparentemente perduto di una determinata tomba. La ricerca che la Cattedra di Egittologia dell’Università degli Studi di Milano sta conducendo è partita da un gruppo di 45 tombe tebane selezionate tra le circa 350 risalenti alla XVIII dinastia, sulla base di una verifica preliminare, in situ, del loro attuale stato di conservazione e della presenza, negli Archivi milanesi, di documentazione grafica e fotografica ad esse relativa. Quest’ultima concerne sia tombe ben note, come per esempio la TT 48, di Amenemhet Surer, sia poco esplorate, come per esempio la TT 248, di Thutmosi. Vi sono inoltre alcuni casi notevoli, quali la mappatura pressoché completa della TT 57, di Khaemhet (circa 400 immagini), o le numerose fotografie della TT 192, di Kharuef (circa 200 immagini). Per ogni sepolcro, si è effettuata un’estensiva ricerca bibliografica, dai primi scavi agli studi più recenti, per determinare cosa fosse stato pubblicato e cosa fosse tuttora inedito. Sulla base di un accordo con il Ministry of State of Antiquities, particolarmente sensibile alla valorizzazione e alla conservazione della documentazione relativa ai monumenti della riva occidentale tebana,21 ci si è in seguito concentrati su un gruppo specifico di tombe, costituito da TT 38, 57, 64, 66, 89, 139, di cui esisteva già ampia documentazione presso il CEDAE (Centre d’études et de documentation sur l’anciennne Égypte).22 Ciò ha permesso di ottimizzare il lavoro dei membri del gruppo di ricerca milanese e di quello egiziano, sfruttando al meglio il materiale esistente nei rispettivi archivi. L’analisi dei disegni, dei calchi, delle fotografie ecc. realizzati nel XIX e XX secolo, conservati Strudwick, N. and Vomberg, P. 2003. The tomb of Amenemopet called Tjanefer at Thebes (TT 297). ABAIK Äg. Reihe 19. Berlin, Achet; Hartwig, M. 2004. Tomb Painting and Identity in Ancient Thebes, 1419-1372 BCE. MonAeg X, Série IMAGO 2. Turnhout, Brepols. 21 E.g. El-Bialy 2003. Égyptologie et mise en valeur des sites. In Andreu (ed.), Deir el-Médineh et la Vallée des Rois, 21-32; Hawass and Vannini 2009; Hawass, Bács and Schreiber (eds) 2011. 22 Il CEDAE conserva una documentazione fotografica di primaria importanza e per lo più inedita sulle tombe private tebane. È costituita da immagini in bianco e nero, in genere di 180 × 130 mm, scattate a partire dagli anni 1990 quando cominciò il progetto di schedatura fotografica completa di tali tombe, come segnalato da Maher-Taha, M. 2002. Le tombeau de Menna [TT. Nº 69]. Le Caire, SCA, 8. Un apprezzamento su questo archivio fotografico in Negm, M. 1997. The tomb of Simut called Kyky. Theban tomb 409 at Qurnah. Warminster, Aris & Philips Ltd., 3. 20

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a Milano o in altri archivi egittologici,23 messi in parallelo con le immagini ottenute dalla metà degli anni 1990 a oggi, ha permesso e permetterà nel prosieguo della ricerca di verificare la possibilità di integrazione virtuale dei testi e delle decorazioni eventualmente venute a mancare per cause umane o naturali. Per alcune tombe si è effettuato anche un controllo minuzioso nelle collezioni pubbliche e private, oltre allo spoglio sistematico dei cataloghi d’asta per individuare la presenza di materiali che potessero provenire da tali tombe. La ricerca è stata molto fruttuosa, e i primi risultati sono già stati pubblicati per la TT 181.24 I dati raccolti sono stati inseriti in una database elaborato appositamente che verrà a breve reso accessibile agli studiosi e al pubblico tramite il portale dell’ Università degli Studi di Milano.25 Ogni documento è stato scansito, e ogni immagine così ottenuta abbinata a una scheda in cui sono incluse tutte le informazioni importanti, oltre a una descrizione e a un breve commento. Il documento originale, spesso fragile e deteriorabile, dopo essere stato restaurato se necessario, è stato inserito in appositi contenitori e non viene quindi più maneggiato se non per controlli specifici, al fine di preservarlo nel miglior modo possibile. Particolare attenzione si sta riservando alla TT 57, di Khaemhet. Negli Archivi milanesi si trovano infatti, come già si è ricordato, moltissimi materiali su questa tomba, tra cui la sua copertura fotografica pressoché completa, disegni, copie di testi e numerosi calchi su carta e lucido. Una ricerca su altri materiali relativi alla tomba, tra cui una trentina di calchi in gesso conservati al Museum of Fine Arts di Boston26 e numerosi calchi su carta conservati al Griffith Insti­tute

E.g. nei fondi dell’Instutut Français d’Archéologie Orientale del Cairo, della Chicago House di Luxor, della Bibliothèque Nationale, del Collège de France e del Centre Golenishchev di Parigi, dell’Università di Heidelberg e di quella di Marburg, del Museo di Berlino, del Griffith Institute e della Bodleian Library di Oxford, del Museum of Fine Arts di Boston, o del Metropolitan Museum of Art di New York. 24 Sbriglio, A. 2012. I saccheggi della TT 181 (Nebamun e Ipuky) negli Archivi Varille dellʼ­ Università degli Studi di Milano. Aegyptus 92, 87-124. 25 Una descrizione preliminare del lavoro in corso in Mantegari, G. and Piacentini, P. 2007. A Project for the Management and Publication of University of Milan’s Egyptological Archives. In J. T. Clark and E. M. Hagemeister (eds), Digital Discovery: Exploring New Frontiers in Human Heritage, 34th Conference on Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology, Fargo, ND-USA, 18-23 April, 2006. Proceedings, 382-389. Budapest, Archaeolingua; cf. anche Mantegari, G. and Marucchi, L. 2010. The Archives go Digital. In Piacentini (ed.), Egypt and the Pharaohs. From the Sand to the Library, 199-206. 26 Dunham, D. 1936. Notes on Some Old Squeezes from Egyptian Monuments. JAOS 56, 174177. Ringrazio sentitamente la Dr Rita Freed per avermi concesso, con la sua abituale squisita cortesia, di visionare questi materiali nei magazzini del Museo. 23

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di Oxford,27 è già stata compiuta. Altri calchi sono conservati negli archivi del Museo del Louvre, dell’Ägyptisches Museum di Berlino, del Bristol City Museum, del Leeds Museum e del Museo Nazionale di Varsavia, e dovranno essere confrontati con quelli conservati a Milano.28 La scoperta della sepoltura di Khaemhet è attribuita tradizionalmente a  George Lloyd, che l’avrebbe effettuata nel 1842, anche se la tomba doveva già essere nota in precedenza, dal momento che Nestor l’Hôte, morto proprio quell’anno, ne aveva copiato alcune scene.29 I calchi realizzati nel corso del XIX secolo dei suoi finissimi bassorilievi sono stati la causa principale della perdita totale della colorazione originaria, ma permettono oggi uno studio dettagliato del monumento, anche delle parti della decorazione e di testo andate perdute per cause umane o naturali nel corso degli ultimi centocinquant’anni. Già Loret, nel 1884, aveva descritto nei particolari la tomba e copiato i suoi testi.30 Numerosi appunti dell’archeologo francese relativi all’argomento sono oggi conservati negli archivi milanesi. Nel 1905, Mond aveva effettuato scavi nella tomba e ne aveva rilevato la planimetria.31 Nel 1940, Varille si era occupato del testo dell’ʻappello si visitatoriʼ; per questa ragione, si conservano nei suoi archivi facsimili, appunti e commenti vari su di esso.32 Nel 1973 Abdel-Aziz Sadek aveva studiato una stele della tomba; nel 1983, Jan Assmann si era dedicato ai testi religiosi in essa presenti, e in seguito altri studiosi hanno scritto contributi più o meno specifici sull’architettura e la decorazione della tomba.33 Nel 2001, Lyla Pinch-Brock ha I miei più sinceri ringraziamenti al Dr Jaromir Màlek per avermi concesso con la sua consueta generosità, durante gli anni della sua direzione dellʼIstituto, di visionare i calchi su carta e per avermi fornito molte utili informazioni. 28 Dolinska, M. 2007. Khaemhet’s Bad Luck. Études et Travaux, Centre d’Archéologie Méditerranéenne de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences, XXI, 28-41. 29 Málek, J. 1989. Early Squeezes Made in the Tomb of Khaemhet (TT 57). JEA 75, 227-229. 30 Loret, V. 1884. La tomb de Kha-m-ha. MMAF 1, 113-132. Paris, Leroux. 31 Mond, R. 1905. Report of Work in the Necropolis of Thebes during the Winter of 1903-1904. ASAE 6, 65-66. 32 Varille 1940a, 601-606. Cf. Orsenigo, C. 2002. Materiali d’archivio dalla tomba tebana di Khaemhat. In P. Piacentini and M. Pozzi Battaglia (eds), Egitto. Dalle piramidi ad Alessandro Magno (cat. della mostra), 63. Milano, Biblioteca di via Senato; Orsenigo 2008, 50-51. 33 Sadek, A.-A. 1973. A Stela of Purification from the Tomb of Khaʻemhat at Thebes. MDAIK 29, 63-70; Assmann, J. 1983. Sonnenhymnen in thebanischen Gräbern. Theben 1, Mainz am Rhein, Philipp von Zabern. Sulle decorazioni e lʼarchitettura della tomba, cf. e.g. Sakurai, K., Yoshimura, S. and Kondo, J. (eds) 1988. Comparative studies of noble tombs in Theban necropolis. Tombs nos. 8, 38, 39, 48, 50, 54, 57, 63, 64, 66, 74, 78, 89, 90, 91, 107, 120, 139, 147, 151, 181, 201, 253, 295. Tokyo, Waseda University; Kampp, F. 1996. Die thebanische Nekropole. Zum Wandel des Grabgedankens von der XVIII. bis zur XX. Dynastie. Theben 13. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 267-269, fig. 156; Wasmuth, M. 2003. Innovation und 27

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dedicato alla tomba un capitolo in un volume generale sui monumenti di Tebe Ovest, illustrandolo con belle fotografie, così come ha fatto Zahi Hawass nel 2009.34 Manca tuttavia, a tutt’oggi, uno studio iconografico e testuale d’insieme, che costituisce una delle linee di ricerca della Cattedra di Egittologia dell’Università degli Studi di Milano.

Tombe tebane documentate negli Archivi di Egittologia dell’Università degli Studi di Milano35 TT 1 Sennedjem (XIX dinastia) TT 2 Khaʽbekhnet (XIX dinastia) TT 3 Peshedu (XIX-XX dinastia) TT 8 Khaʽ (XVIII dinastia) TT 17 Nebamun (XVIII dinastia) TT 23 Thay (XIX dinastia) TT 31 Khons (XIX dinastia) TT 34 Mentuemhet (XXV-XXVI dinastia) TT 35 Bekenkhons (XIX dinastia) TT 36 Ibi (XXVI dinastia) TT 38 Zeserkaraʽsonb (XVIII dinastia) TT 41 Amenemopet Ipy (XIX dinastia) TT 43 Neferronpet (XVIII dinastia) TT 46 Raʽmosi (XVIII dinastia) TT 47 Userhet (XVIII dinastia) TT 48 Amenemhet Surer (XVIII dinastia) TT 50 Neferhotep (XVIII dinastia) TT 51 Userhet (XIX dinastia) TT 52 Nakht (XVIII dinastia) TT 54 Huy (XVIII dinastia) usurpata da Kenro (XIX dinastia)

TT 55 Raʽmose (XVIII dinastia) TT 56 Userhet (XVIII dinastia) TT 57 Khaʽemhet (XVIII dinastia) TT 63 Sebekhotep (XVIII dinastia) TT 64 Hekerneheh (XVIII dinastia) TT 66 Hepu (XVIII dinastia) TT 69 Menna (XVIII dinastia) TT 71 Senenmut (XVIII dinastia) TT 72 Re (XVIII dinastia) TT 74 Thanuny (XVIII dinastia) TT 76 Thenuna (XVIII dinastia) TT 77 Ptahemhet, usurpata da Roy (XVIII dinastia) TT 78 Haremhab (XVIII dinastia) TT 80 Dhutnufer (XVIII dinastia) TT 81 Ineni (XVIII dinastia) TT 89 Amenmosi (XVIII dinastia) TT 90 Nebamun (XVIII dinastia) TT 91 Anonima (XVIII dinastia) TT 96 Sennufer (XVIII dinastia) TT 100 Rekhmireʽ (XVIII dinastia)

Extravaganzen: Ein Beitrag zur Architektur des thebanischen Beamtengräber der 18. Dynastie. BAR International Series 1165. Oxford, Archaeopress, 91; Pino, C. 2005. The Market Scene in the Tomb of Khaemhet (TT 57). JEA 91, 95-106. 34 Pinch-Brock, L. 2001. La tomba di Khaemhat, in K. R. Weeks (ed.), La Valle dei Re. Le tombe e i templi funerari di Tebe Ovest, 346-375. Vercelli, WhiteStar; Hawass and Vannini 2009. 35 La lettura dei nomi dei titolari delle tombe segue quella fornita da Porter, B. and Moss, R. 1960. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings. I. The Theban Necropolis. 1. Private Tombs. Oxford, The Griffith Institute.

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TT 102 Imhotep (XVIII dinastia) TT 103 Dagi (XI dinastia) TT 106 Paser (XIX dinastia) TT 107 Nefersekheru (XVIII dinastia) TT 108 Nebseny (XVIII dinastia) TT 110 Dhout (XVIII dinastia) TT 111 Amenwashu (XIX dinastia) TT 120 ‘Anen (XVIII dinastia) TT 124 Reʽy (XVIII dinastia) TT 126 Harmosi (Epoca Tarda) TT 132 Raʽmosi (XXV dinastia) TT 136 Scriba reale (XIX dinastia) TT 137 Mosi (XIX dinastia) TT 139 Pairi (XVIII dinastia) TT 145 Nebamun (XVIII dinastia) TT 148 Amenemopet (XX dinastia) TT 158 Thonufer (XX dinastia) TT 161 Nakht (XVIII dinastia) TT 162 Kenamun (XVIII dinastia) TT 178 Neferronpet (XIX dinastia) TT 181 Nebamun e Ipuky (XVIII dinastia) TT 192 Kharuef (XVIII dinastia)

TT 219 Nebenmaʽet (XIX-XX dinastia) TT 247 Simut (XVIII dinastia) TT 248 Thutmosi (XVIII dinastia) TT 253 Khnemmosi (XVIII dinastia) TT 254 Mosi (XVIII dinastia) TT 255 Roy (XVIII dinastia) TT 256 Nebenkemet (XVIII dinastia) TT 257 Neferhotep (XVIII dinastia) TT 258 Menekheper (XVIII dinastia) TT 277 Amenemonet (XIX dinastia) TT 279 Pabasa (XXVI dinastia) TT 290 Irinufer (XIX-XX dinastia) TT 294 Amenhotep (XVIII dinastia) usurpata da Roma (XIX dinastia) TT 295 Thutmosi (XVIII dinastia) TT 296 Nefersekheru (XIX dinastia) TT 299 Inerkhaʽ (XX dinastia) TT 331 Panniut (XIX-XX dinastia) TT 341 Nekhtamun (XIX dinastia) TT 343 Benia (XVIII dinastia) TT 365 Nefermenu (XIX dinastia) TT 383 Merymosi (XVIII dinastia)

Abstract Thousands of documents related to the Theban tombs, listed at the end of this contribution, are kept in the Archives of the Università degli Studi di Milano. Photographs, drawings, watercolors, facsimiles of texts, notes etc. come from the collections of V. Loret and A. Varille, and were made in Egypt between 1881 and 1951. Other documents, covering the years 1950-1990, are part of the collection of B. V. Bothmer, acquired by the University in 2008. This material is related to tombs both well known, and unpublished or nearly unknown ones. There are some remarkable cases, as the almost complete photographic mapping of TT 57, of Khaemhet, or the numerous photos of TT 192, of Kharuef. A parallel search in other Egyptological collections and archives has been carried out for some tombs, to discover the presence of fragments or other materials related to them. The aim is to integrate the texts or the decoration using the archival documents. The work has been concentrated on TT 38, 57, 64, 66, 89, 139, very well documented in Milano and in the CEDAE in Cairo.

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Julián Alejo Sánchez

The Space We Love: Memories and Affections in the New Kingdom Theban Necropolis When we talk about spatiality, we always deal with different subjective categories. In fact, we believe in the subjective construction of knowledge, however, we do not apply it and we do not give enough room for this kind of approach. If we think about the complexity of our lives, our attitudes, our daily activities and thoughts, we would probably see the past differently and would think about theories and methodologies best suited to our questions. We live in the world of subjectivity, but we still want to understand it objectively. Near Eastern archeology and especially Egyptology needs new theoretical approaches and new narratives that include greater dialogue with anthropology, sociology, philosophy, and even poetry and literature. In this sense, we can rethink the past as a history of people who were born and then died, but meanwhile transiting through a multitude of experiences, feelings, affections, and social and spatial relationships. This little essay concentrates on an analysis of certain self-referential spaces and self-reflection and its emotional issues according to the philosopher Gaston Bachelard. Bachelard proposes a paradigm shift that presupposes inter-subjective fissure. This inter-subjectivity is understood from the philosophical contributions of phenomenology, which according to Merleau-Ponty1 is the study of essences, i.e., a philosophy that aims to understand both man and the world. It is a transcendental philosophy and, at the same time, a philosophy which supposes that the world is present a priori, before reflection. It constitutes an understanding of the lived world, in space and time, through a perceived sense of self as one existing amidst the components of the world. Therefore, the phenomenology of Bachelard2 unlocks a perspective in order to focus on symbolic ontology to a cosmology and its poetic derivatives. The cosmos is nothing but a revelation of the human being living in the world.

1 2

Merleau-Ponty, M. 1945. La Phénoménologie de la perception. Paris, NRF, Gallimard, 12. Bachelard, G. 1938. La Formation de l’esprit scientifique. Contribution à une psychanalyse de la connaissance objective. Paris, Vrin.

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For Bachelard, material imagination is distinguished from formal imagination by its creative potential. Imagination has a key role in scientific thought, in the cultivation of clear ideas within the realm of concepts. Therefore, phenomenology of the images is awareness, since the creative images belong to the cosmic reverie, held in the stillness of the soul and solitude. Loneliness is a world, a scenario of all our past3. The reverie is at a time where consciousness is lost, when it falls asleep, and leaks outside of reality. In reverie, we have a trans-subjectivity with an acceleration of images within. The being is amazed by the poetic images without a narrative, yet with awareness that keeps all that has been learned, but reveals its importance and originality in relation to the imagination. The embodiment is important because it is the continent of the soul. Through the mastery of the body, the subject can inhabit the world and be inhabited by it. The imaginary is anchored in body cogito, i.e. the body who knows. The notion of cogito employed here is designed by Merleau-Ponty4; the existence of the real in the moment of the apprehension of the world is given by the sensory experience of the body. There are different concepts of ‘space’ in the ancient Egyptian language. At the same time, there are several ways to express affection. I chose a random term related to both: 5 . Literally ‘the place of the heart’, it means: favorite one, favorite s.t-jb place, desire. The following are some examples of the use of the concept in pharaonic times.

1. Old Kingdom s.t-jb ‘wish’. Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae,6 Brief des Königs, 2. Brief an Senedjemib von Djedkare-Isesi (Kopie im Grab) (line K6). jri.n Tw Hm nTr r s.t-jb n[.t] jzzj

‘The god has really made you as it is the wish of (Djedkare) –Isesi’7

3 4 5

6

7

Bachelard, G. 1960. La Poétique de la rêverie. Paris, Les Presses universitaires de France, 23. Merleau-Ponty 1945, 231, 289-291, 423, 462-463. Erman, A. and H. Grapow (eds). 1926-1961. Wörterbuch der Aegyptischen Sprache. Berlin, Akademie-Verlag. 4, 4.3-6; vgl. FCD 206. Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae available at . Translation of the author. Original in German.

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2. Old Kingdom s.t-jb ‘favorite place’. Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae, Unas-Pyramide, PT 273 + PT 274 (line [525]). § [414b] n sxm jri.w jr.wt m xbs § [414c] s.t-jb wnjs m anx.w m tA pn D.t r nHH

‘Those who do (evil) deeds will never ever have the power to destroy Unas’ favorite place among the living in this country’ 3. Old Kingdom s.t-jb ‘desire’. Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae, Brief des Königs, Brief an Herchuf von Pepi II. (Kopie im Grab) (line K24). jr spr=k r Xnw (j)sk dng pw m-a=k K23 anx wDA snb jw Hm(=j) r jri.t n=k aA.t r jr.yt n xtm(.w)-nTr bA-wr-Dd(.w) K24 m rk jzzj xft s.t-jb n.t Hm(=j) r mAA dng pw

‘If you arrive at court this dwarf being with you alive, prosperous and healthy, my majesty will do for you a greater thing than that which was done for the treasurer of the god Baurdjed in the time of Isesi, according to the heart’s desire of my majesty to see the dwarf.’8 4. Middle Kingdom s.t-jb ‘(somebody) favorite’. Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae, Grab des Djefaihapi (Siut I), Great hall, Ostwand, Südhälfte, Text 210‒222 (line [214]). [214] s.t-jb nswt mrr.w nb=f r'-a.(Du.)=f zAi jwi.t=f m-m [s]r[.(Pl.)] wa Hr x.(Pl.) n jm.j-aH [215] Htp.w jb xr hAb sw wr m jAw.t=f aA m sjH=f

‘king’s favorite, one whose actions his lord loves, one whose arrival is awaited among the officials, one unique for the one who is in the palace, pleasing for him who had sent him, one great in his office, great in his dignity’ 5. Middle Kingdom s.t-jb ‘wish’. Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae, Stele des Sa-Hathor (BM EA 569) (line [E.5]). jri=(j) mj s.t-jb n.t [E.6] Hm =f

‘I did (it) according to the wish of His Majesty.’ 8

Translation of the author. Original in German.

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6. New Kingdom s.t-jb ‘favorite place’. Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae, pMoskau, The Pleasures of Fishing and Fowling (line [B4, 5]). HD tA wSa=j wA.y=j [B4, 5] Sm=j a m s.t-jb=j

‘If the country is bright, I want (something) to eat, be far away and just go to my favorite place.’ 7. New Kingdom s.t-jb ‘preference’. Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae, pKairo CG 51189 (pJuja), Tb 110 (line [527]). Smi=f jwi=f r mrr! S.t-jb=f m S.(Pl.)=s m niw.t=s

‘He comes and goes, as his preference wants, in its waters (of the field) and its towns.’9 8. Ptolemaic‒Roman s.t-jb ‘favorite place’. Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae, Papyrus des Imhotep Sohn des Pschentohe (pNew York MMA 35.9.21), 5. Einführung der Menge am letzten Tage des Monats Tech (=Thot) (line [40,12]). [40,12] s.t-jb=k jm [40,13] Xnm=k jm

‘The place of your heart is there, you are united with yourself there’ The concept of s.t-jb can be applied to places, objects and people, making a direct relationship with an idea of introspection and affection. In this sense, the affection underlies the state of mind or mood, feelings, emotions and passions and always reflects the ability to experience the world subjectively. Affection is what determines the general attitude of the person in front of any living experience. This experiential quality of the individual can be related to the object, and the kind of state he/she undergoes during the experience with this object. The object may be a thing, person or place. The necropolis of Thebes, the landscape in question is a dynamic of worship and annual celebrations forming a spatial unit. However, this configuration has existed throughout its history, according to the current social system in each period, and thus the liturgical events of Thebes were involved in different se9

Translation of the author. Original in German.

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quences of rituals that were specifically made at points determined by the buildings that lead to the processional routes.10 For Bachelard, the space is the seat of human consciousness.11 He believes the home, especially the first house in our memory, shapes our dreams and all subsequent spaces we inhabit, including the tombs. The unit of the tomb-body present in Egyptian mortuary space leaves an imprint of the deceased’s presence that demands attention and which continues to operate as an active agent representing and supporting their parental group in the supernatural world and the social and power relations of the earthly world. The space of affection is unwilling to remain closed permanently inside the subject. It seems to move elsewhere without difficulty; during different times, as well as within dreams and memory. In the short story El Aleph by Jorge Luis Borges12 the main character is invited to see a small miraculous point (called Aleph) which is hidden in the basement of a house. All the spaces and times of existence converge in this point. He has the chance to experience the simultaneity and the juxtaposition of space-time. Everything known and unknown may be seen at a single center. The multiplication of looks makes room for simultaneity and multiplicity of reality. In the case of burial places worshipped in the Theban necropolis of the New Kingdom it can be similar: the memory of family members and the emotional bond with the living will charge the space emotionally. In the evocative experience of the group, the place becomes existent everywhere (known or imagined). Borges exemplifies this with the replacement of the temporality of history by a spatial configuration. Thus, in another book,13 in the story ‘The Library of Babel’ (based on Die Universal bibliothek written by Kurd Laßwitz in 1904), he describes an infinite library which existed before humanity. In it, all diacrony has been expelled – “from any hexagon can be seen the upper and lower floors: endlessly…”. Therefore, the narrator leads us, through Borges’ allegory, to a world of devastating presence, availability and absoluteness (“the library is total”). This substitution ‒ genuine refutation of time ‒ legitimates the use of the concept of ‘literary space’ in reference to Borges’ writing strategy. What I propose in this essay is that the tombs, within a larger area of the ​​ Theban necropolis, are evoking worlds. The materiality of the tomb and the maintenance of individual memory through the funerary cult legitimize the kinCabrol, A. 2001. Les voies processionnelles de Thèbes. OLA 97. Leuven, Peeters Publishers. Bachelard, G. 1957. La poétique de l’espace. Paris, Les Presses universitaires de France, 32. 12 Borges, J. L. 1949. El Aleph. Buenos Aires, Editorial Losada. 13 Borges, J. L. 1944. Ficciones. Buenos Aires, Editorial Sur. 10 11

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ship group. The destruction of a corporal or representation item of the deceased as damnatio memoriae, or, when the person is forgotten (his name is not pronounced and his worship is abandoned), these appear as a deletion of the subject capacities through eternity. The movement of people within the ritual landscape of the Theban necropolis is partially restricted to defined paths and it is marked by monuments. The ritual activities were developed following certain protocols that include directionality and movement conditioning for the body, whether determined by humans or gods. The Beautiful Feast of the Valley is the most important evocative act, as it is a religious event and it is a time to evoke the memory of family members, which induces the extraordinary renewal of a funerary cult. The ritualization involves different social practices and the social memory is a consensus about past events. The social links among the kinship groups constitute an identity flux, leading to build an idea in the group’s history. The placement of the private tombs in the necropolis in specific places allows the dead to act on strategic points and provide greater benefits to their parent unit. The dialectical relationship between the living and dead members of the group guarantees their fulfillment. In this way, there is an inter-familiar dispute over the New Kingdom Theban Necropolis space, as a struggle for meaning. In certain non-Western societies, the society lives and operates under the same essential reality that unites the human and the nonhuman. This is a common principle which gives a strong spirit of unity, exalting and at the same time diluting embodiment. But contradictorily for us, and at the same time, it creates and builds categories that distinguish embodiment. The person exists only through a body that permeates the imagination, affection, reason and knowledge, which are in continuous relationship with each other and with the world. For Bachelard,14 the imagination is inscribed in the body in response to the provocations of the world. It is the first experience with materiality in childhood that will condition the rest of one’s life. The subjects move in an imagery lead by numerous forms of reciprocal exchanges. Everything that goes on between humans and other beings of your world are exchanges because they are relations between subjects. In a world where the landscapes and the bodies are permeable and ambiguous in activity/passivity, humans and non-humans have the same powers. This notion appears to have common origins in a universal sense strategy. The landscape is not merely perceived by the senses of the body, while individuals do not merely interpret that information. Instead, we are actively building landscapes and actively building the body, giving them new meanings. 14

Bachelard 1960, 107.

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The materiality of the tomb and the maintenance of individual memory through the funerary cult legitimized the kinship group. The destruction of memory appears as the biggest threat possible. All form part of experience and identity. The individual and social identities are in a constant struggle, and the negotiation of such meanings would be linked to particular intentions and interests. According to Bachelard,15 the house is a shelter. It protects its inhabitants from the outside world and provides a sense of security and comfort. At the same time, the house is a repository of dreams and there is a construction in both the real and unreal space, both in real time and dream time. The tomb in ancient Egypt also has a similar value. The living and dead members behave as an imagined community. The tomb becomes an intimate space, but also a point of space-time (as Borges’ Aleph) that can be transformed into the simultaneity of cosmos at the time of the ritual evocation of the group. In this sense, the placement of private tombs also creates a living landmark that is a ‘refutation of time’. Affective social relationships can create emotional ties within the mortuary cult space. The concept s.t-jb, among others, may express this idea of ‘preference’ or ‘wish’ related to favorite people, to specific animated objects, and especially to favorite places. Poetic reverie gives us the world of worlds, an ontology of a direct image formed in a mythical world without a lineal narration. In the face of a real world, the subject can discover in himself/herself confidence for being in that world.

Final considerations Through this study, this article has intended to address the issue of subject intervention in space from several perspectives, not just an Egyptological one. I have shown some examples that illustrate how the new delimitation of territorial units can be linked to processes reinterpreting meaning. In this sense, literature and a philosophical perspective can provide a theoretical framework from which to approach the study of space as self-referential, as well as sociocultural. This approach will overcome the ‘natural’ space connotations, clearly showing it as a product of social activity, submitted as active in humans and non-humans and susceptible to change processes. This article offered a very preliminary insight, wrapped in a little theoretical discussion on the relationship between identity and space. Thus, I focused on the connections within the space of material and ideal dimensions. I worked mainly 15

Bachelard 1957, 57, 72.

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with the significant dimension of space with a specific identity framework, an aspect that is emphasized in those areas that are considered self-referential. Therefore, efforts to understand the relationship between space and subject lead to an overlapping territory, related to a process of renewal and a reinterpretation of the assets linking to the group that experiences this space.

Abstract Mortuary and cultic spaces are connected to a social memory and identity of the imagined community. These types of spaces, as any one that has been lived, can never be neutral. They develop emotions – attachment, fear, rejection ‒ and become a tool for the imagination, to the unconscious representations of affective states. Affection is an evocative engine that deletes chronological time and turns into a window where we perceive totality. When the subject deals with places, the self-referential reverie inserts intimate space imagery. Thus, the existence of a subject in the space may be experienced as a practical involvement in the perceptual information fluid.   From this background, I propose a preliminary analysis of the Theban necropolis where places of cult and tombs are not only the stage where the rituals take place, but these spaces are events themselves, evoking points leading to timelessness and simultaneity.

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Caroline Simpson

A few fragments of Qurna history from Tarif

The Theban west bank, known as Qurna by those who live there, has been where archaeologists, antiquarians and collectors have lived and worked for centuries. They have excavated and recorded the details of tombs, temples – and occasionally houses – of people who lived many centuries earlier and whose lives they never knew, never experienced and never benefited from. Somehow the people and buildings of the living community were an irritant or unworthy of record. A shining exception is Zoltán Fábián whose work on the Bet Boghdady,1 the house of the Boghdady family, is to my knowledge the first in depth, professional study of a house and, to a certain extent, the associated lives of the people he was living and working amongst. I feel honoured to be asked to contribute to this birthday present with another fragment of knowledge of the living community of Qurna – albeit those who live off ‘the mountain’ in Tarif. Tarif is the area to the north of the road which runs along the Muslim cemetery, which is itself north of Seti I temple, and the area of the Nobles Tombs and those of Dra Abu al-Naga which housed the hillside communities. Tarif is part of the administrative district of Qurna. It is a large area of flattish land with a number of huge three sided saff tombs (tombs with a row of entrances) and hundreds of other tombs of various sizes. Such tombs make excellent accommodation – free, good in all weathers, roomy, and with enough space for large or small family groups. The main saffs had big open courtyards, excellent for keeping animals, and even the smaller tombs had outside space. Building materials for interior conversions, furniture and household items – earth, sand, manure and water – were close by, and also free. The wonderful 1:1000 survey maps of Josef Dorner 2 show the variety and extent of the tombs. They also show the footprints of the ‘modern’ residences that were on site in 1971. 1

2

Fábián, Z. I. 2011. Excavations at the southern slope of el-Khokha in the area of Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu) – 2010: a corner of Qurna. Orpheus Noster III (1), 5–26 (in Hungarian: a thébai el-Hoha domb déli lejtőjének feltárása Nefermenu TT 184 számú sziklasírjának körzetében – 2010. 1. rész: Qurna egy sarka.) English translation sent personally. Dorner, J. 1976. Plan der Nekropole. In Arnold, D. Gräber des Alten und Mittleren Reiches in El-Tarif. Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Abteilung Kairo. Mainz am Rhein, Verlag Phillip von Zabern.

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Figure 1. Saff el-Kisasija , a small portion of one of the two large survey maps by Josef Dorner, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Abteilung Kairo

Figure 2. William Prinsep, Tombs at Kurna, Thebes, 1842 (part only). Courtesy of the Martyn Gregory Gallery. Private collection

It is clear from the maps and from the photos in the same volume that there was already a sizeable community living there. Until quite recently many families still lived a very simple lifestyle, with perhaps a small mud-brick building outside the much-used tomb, and mud structures for storage and animals, as painted by Prinsep near the Nobles tombs in 1842. 188

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Many families had, by 1971, built sizeable mud-brick houses and family complexes. The huge three sided saffs with their rows of entrances looking like a low multi-columned palace, were once tombs of kings,3 and, raised on a shelf above the river, with their large courts facing Karnak and open on the eastern side, would have been very visible from the river and especially to those using the main landing point just to the east of the Seti temple. They would have looked like wide open arms almost inviting the visitor in. It is therefore of no surprise that it was these tombs that many of the early European visitors saw first, and described and sketched in their notes and journals. I have argued elsewhere4 that Denon’s drawing and descriptions,5 and the stories he tells of the French army’s hostilities with the locals, are of Tarif. Owing to the way in which they occupied the hillside, the Qurnawi houses and tombs of the Nobles area were very obvious to the casual viewer and visitor, unlike those of Tarif today. With their decorative interiors and promises of archaeological riches, the hillside tombs were also always more attractive to Egyptologists and archaeologists, as against the Tarif cemetery which only Arnold – and to a small extent Petrie – ever recorded. It is very lucky that Arnold and Dorner did their work then, as it would be impossible today. In 1994, a few years before I started hunting in archives for records of Qurnawi history, I first met a family who lives above a tomb in Tarif and for whom this was, and still is, just another useful part of their property in which they could store things and animals. On consulting Dorner’s map, this house is above a saff with 10 entrances. I knew nothing of Tarif history or the Intef cemetery, but I learnt then, to my surprise, that most of their neighbours also had tombs, and in later years I visited some other houses with tombs and took a few fairly random photos. Knowing that a move off the hillside was almost inevitable, I took thousands of photos to record houses, spaces and residents from Qurnat Marai on the south to Atiyaat on the north. I also tried to encourage professionals to collect the oral history before people moved, but no-one picked up the idea. Maybe this was because the whole subject of Qurna was too ‘political’ or perhaps it was just lack of interest. Now that the hillside communities have moved, and their houses demolished by 3

4

5

Thomas, E. 1966. The Royal Necropoleis of Thebes. New Jersey, Princeton, Ch 1. 1 and Ch 2. 7-11. Simpson, C. 2003. Modern Qurna – pieces of an historical jigsaw. In N. Strudwick and J.H. Taylor (eds), The Theban Necropolis: Past, Present and Future, 244-249. London, British Museum, 245 and Plate 131. Denon, V. 1803. Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt. Translated by A. Aitken. 3 vols. London, Printed for T. N. Longman, O. Rees, R. Phillips and T. Gillet.

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Figure 3. Looking down from the back of the house into the courtyard which then housed some cows, 2012

bulldozers – their intricate social and built histories wiped away – we are, however, left with a community which does still live above and beside their tombs, and whose older members remember the life of the family when they lived in them. We are very lucky that Kees van der Spek did his historical-anthropological work in Qurna with fieldwork between 1997-99, which resulted in his wonderful book.6 This is a record of the community who lived on the hillside at the Nobles, especially those of the Horubat area. He also gives us a very detailed analysis of the historical works which show some of the history of the then living communities. They have gone, but the still living, rapidly growing community of Tarif should now be a focus of research by those who are experienced in oral history collection as well as ethnographic fieldwork. The Tarif study should be a part of a wider oral history project to collect the histories, beliefs and practices of those 6

Van der Spek, K. 2011. The Modern Neighbors of Tutankhamun. Cairo, The American University in Cairo Press.

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who lived on the hillside but have now mainly moved to the new settlements north. I have appealed for some years now for this work to be done; but in vain.7 However, for this little article we made a small, and very amateur, start in Tarif.8 The saff tombs and the area around them are fast being heavily built over, the area is changing, concrete buildings replace mud ones almost overnight. If the photos in Plate 1, 2 and 14 in Arnold’s 1976 report were to be re-taken today you would be hard pushed to recognise the areas. People used to live in the tombs and their courtyards themselves, and in the more recent past have built mud-brick houses ‘upstairs’ and now use the tombs for animals and storage. Many tombs hold collections of ‘mud things’ of various types, mainly unused these days and getting broken and damaged before being recorded. Many of the mud-brick houses are being replaced by taller, fired brick and concrete blocks, and naturally the saff tombs and courts are themselves being damaged and built over. There are reports of new houses collapsing into the tombs below where they have been built with no thought to the need for a solid foundation. It is known that people have been killed in this way. A minor detail which has fascinated me ever since I read it in Denon’s book is that the local people had resisted the French army and thrown stones at the soldiers, and they made General Belliard so angry that he blockaded one group of big tomb dwellings and mined them. The hawks and vultures who had been further north feeding on the results of other battles flocked to Tarif on hearing the explosion. I was told (maybe erroneously) many years ago that there is no saff in which the families of Atiyaat lived before their settlement on Dra; perhaps they were in the saff that was blown up. Very little has been written about just how brutal the French invasion actually was, but like all invading armies, they raped and pillaged. Perhaps there is still a record in the oral history of that army, and especially of the mining of a big tomb dwelling – perhaps another saff. In April 2014, I conducted three interviews as a pilot for the possible larger oral history project to find out more about life in Tarif and especially in the saffs.9 My assistant and translator was Mahmoud Hashash, whose family used to live in Horubat, and, incidentally, whose great grandfather was Mansour Al Hashash, 7

8

9

Simpson, C. 2010. Qurna – More Pieces of an Unfinished History. In Z. Hawass and S. Ikram (eds), Thebes and Beyond. Cairo, Publications du Conseil Suprême des Antiquités de l’Égypte, 197-218. In April 2016, after the writing of this article, the Qurna History Project collaborated with the Archives and Rare Books Dept of the American University in Cairo and we recorded 75 interviews of elders who had lived in the hillside settlements. See note 8.

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whose portrait was drawn by Bonomi in 1830.10 Neither of us was experienced in oral history work, but I felt we could at least ‘make a start’. I had bought a small, unobtrusive tape-recorder, but we decided that this might intimidate people, and as we wanted them to be relaxed, we would ask questions and write down their answers. We agreed on a small set of questions but also agreed that our contacts should not be bombarded with questions but encouraged gently to talk, and if we had not got what we needed, then we could be more specific later. The questions were about life as they remembered it, and any family history and stories, work, animals, water, good and bad things, what they used and now use the tomb for, and any stories of local ‘spirits’. As we have done only three interviews, it is impossible to make any generalisations about ‘life in the saff’ or Tarif generally, so what follows is the unedited transcriptions of the three interviews. Ahmed is the father-in-law of a young man I have known since he was seven. I have only recently met Ahmed and his wife. They live in Southern Tarif with her mother (whose memory has sadly faded) and other children. Their tomb is not a saff; it is a large tomb with one entrance and a pillar, chambers to both sides, four chambers from front to back. They ‘built’ mud-brick rooms inside the front part. The tomb is in the back yard of their present house.

Ahmed’s story I was born here in the bab el-haggar (tomb house). There were two boys and three girls in the family. My father was from here, and my mother was from just north of here. Life here was not sweet. It is sort of better now, but life is a heavy burden now. It was better than now. It was hard but we enjoyed it. My family had no land – we took life day by day. We had a cow, and goats but not sheep. I used to get grass from the

Figure 4. Entrance to Ahmed’s bab el-haggar, 2014 10

See Simpson 2010, 199, 212 especially Fig.1.

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fields for the animals. I had a short time at school, but then stopped. I started to learn to carve scarabs and things. There were only two sons, so there were not many tasks to do. We had no land – my father did his best to look after us. When I was 15 I started to learn how to carve stones and scarabs. Then I got married. When my grandfather and mother died I was about three years old. My father was born in 1920. He was 92 when he died two years ago. It was something to do with the diet, pure food, vegetables from the fields. People then lived a long time. Did you get water from Bir Sheikh Taia? There was another bir (well) near here, Sheikha Ajura. And there is another bir near Saff el-Dawaba There are two tombs, they both belonged to my father, and my grandfather. The wall on the outside and the steps were made about 50 years ago. The wall between the two tombs was made 150 years ago or more. There is one shaft. (There is also an entrance just to the north, which is at a lower depth.) My mother and father had a bed… a mastaba in the first main chamber on the left. Me and my brother and sisters had another chamber to one side. My mother had a forn (oven)11 outside. (Of the mud structures on the wall)… one was a lamp, and the other was for food. The tomb is used for storage, and the animals – goats and sheep and geese and ducks, etc. The mud brick ‘house’ inside the tomb is only 50 years old. I was born in 1968, and the inside house was already built by my father. My grandfather built the innermost one. The modern house was built about 40 years ago. I helped them make the mudbricks. My mother was happy when we moved to the outside house. The menama12 (a multi-purpose bed/cupboard/child’s playpen/chicken coop made of a fermented mud, straw and dung mixture) has gone, it was broken about 20 years ago. Kamel is a craftsman who I have known for about 18 years. I visited the family many years ago when he lived in a mud-brick house on the site and took some photos of the family and the tomb interior. Simpson, C. 2008. Earth Structures of Qurna exhibition panels on http://www.qurna.org/links. html. 12 Simpson, C. 2008. Earth Structures of Qurna exhibition panels on http://www.qurna.org/links. html. 11

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Figure 5. Earthen ‘cupboards’ in Kamel’s tomb, 1999

Figure 6. Entrance to Kamel’s bab el-haggar, 2014

Figure 7. Looking down into Kamel’s saff courtyard, 2014

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He lives in a part of Saff el-Kisasiye. The tomb entrance off the saff courtyard is at a very much lower level than the current house. There are two levels of mud-brick buildings between the house and the saff with narrow steps on the north side of the vertical.

Kamel’s story We lived in the saff, in the tomb house first. About 100 years ago the family started to build the mud houses in the courtyard outside. They didn’t divide the inside of the tomb with earthen walls. About 60 years ago they started to build with mud-bricks. More recently we have built with concrete. Where the present concrete house is, there was a mud-brick house before, and five years ago I rebuilt it in concrete. My son Mohamed lives in the first house and the court. Everyone else lives above. Life before? When I was small, life was bitter. I would wake up, then go out to the fields, work all day, we only had sheep and one galabeya (male dress-like garment). It was a hard life, but a sweet one. When my mother made molukheya (soup made of the vegetable Jew’s mallow), she made a very big one and there was lots left and we shared it. People shared. It was a good life – people don’t share anything now. My father worked in the fields with a cow and a buffalo and other animals. The women did the milking of the cow and buffalo, and cooked for us. If one of us had to go somewhere he would borrow a brother’s galabeya – we only had one decent one between us. Everybody ate together – even if it was only a little piece of bread we shared it. Even better, we shared the house. In summer we all shared the tomb and in winter shared a blanket we made ourselves from sheep’s wool. In each home we spun the wool – and then we took it to a man who lived near to weave it. An animal skin was used as a mat, or a cushion on a donkey – especially the skin of the goat. And we used animal skins for storing water as in the desert. The saqieh (water wheel) were on the plain and also shadufs (counterpoised sweep for raising irrigation water). We got our water at Bir Kisasiye. It (the Saff el-Kisasiye) is for the tribe that specialises in tracing footsteps in the desert. There are many different stories – and they specialised in tracing the footsteps of animals. Kisasiye means in fighting, ‘to chop off ’ – violent in battle. 195

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There were different families who lived as one family. Some were already here, and some came – people related through their mother or father. Any stories about the French? The French came first and made a port by Armant. Some few people were in the army when Farouk was here. One man was in the British army for 12 years. (He has no stories about ‘bad spirits’.) But there were no lights, so felt a little… Bab el-Arusa – the tomb of the bride – a few steps from Bir Sheikh Taia. It’s not there now as they widened the road there for Opera Aida, but till now I do not feel comfortable passing there. If we went for a party in the south part of the village – Atiyaat or Ghabat – Sheikh Abul Qumsan was not there yet, so I had to pass through the cemetery and I felt that there was a group of people saying, ‘Go back!’ I went through while saying the Quran and then I felt very tall and big as a mosque. (Kamel is quite short.) After that I asked a wise man about this, and he said that there were three

Figure 8. Tomb entrance of Hajj Mohamed’s neighbour, 2014

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types of character, one is people who don’t fear the spirits but talk to them, and the second are scared of their own shadow, and the third is the one that feels strange but did not see it … not scared but don’t really admit it is there. (Removing from saffs to hill.) People did move to the hill about 100 years ago, even 60 years ago. I have heard that 200 years ago people moved to Horubat from here. Are there any stories about a saff that is not here any more? No. Anything else you would like to say? In the old days there was no electricity so people spent life inside. Now there is water and fans and drainage systems – the odour inside is not as good as it used to be. It was like a paradise before. Now it is like a lack of oxygen there. Hajj Mohamed was born in 1930. He is a stone dealer. I had not met him before the interview – he was a contact of Mahmoud’s. His tomb is completely blocked off, unlike the one next door which I took photos of over the fence.

Hajj Mohamed’s story I lived in a bab el-haggar, in the saff of the sons of Said. There were five doors. The tomb inside was not for the animals, just for us. The hosh (outer courtyard) had the camel, cow, donkey and buffalo. There was a little room for sheep and goats outside. We grew cotton, and sesame and maize. There were no houses at all when I was small. I was over 20 when the first houses were built. There were no houses at all, only the bab el-haggar and the hosh. (Tea was brought in for us, with sugar in a bowl.) We used to use it from a block of sugar – we mixed it in the pot. The sugar was imported. There was only one person who grew sugar cane. The maize – we used to have a different maize in the summer time. We had never seen a guinea. We worked all day for one and a half piastres. A hundred days for one pound and 50 piastres. In one week, seven and a half piastres. Any stories of spirits? There were few people. To cross the cemetery you needed someone to cross with, out of fear… of ghosts and criminals. 197

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I had a cow, but the mother of my uncle took the cow to work the saqieh. I went to get the cow at sunset. There is a stone in the cemetery… it appeared like a cat that started. When I knew it was a ghost I recited the most important verses of the Quran and started to cross the cemetery. I crossed and saw a man digging and making a small pile – I was scared of him – but I carried on until I reached home. Then fear took over me and I started shaking. They brought me a Sheikh and he told me it was a ghost. I said how was it a ghost when there was rubble? The Sheikh said: go and look in the morning. I looked, and there was no rubble. It had been a ghost. I built the house about 50 years ago. When the big flood occurred at the time of Farouk, it went into all the bab el-haggar. Once King Farouk came. He had his own royal car. There was a man called Abdel Bassett who kept pigeons. Farouk had a gun and started shooting lots of his pigeons. Farouk called for him and asked ‘Why don’t you stop me?’ Abdel Bassett said, ‘You are the king, how can I stop you?’ Farouk said, ‘OK. You make a wish.’ He said that he wanted a bridge over the canal, and a gun to kill the birds that killed his pigeons. A few weeks later people came to build a wooden bridge. It was on the south side of Abu Shau (a bridge that is over the canal). (Had he ever heard of a vanished saff family?) No, but in 1942 there was bad malaria. There were nine in the family and only me and my sister survived. Some families were completely wiped out. (He had no stories about the French or a vanished saff.) Were there any good things about the past? It was a life of hardship. We were bandaged. The sort of bread then… Now it is ten times better… you wouldn’t give that to a dog now. There was no money… but why do you need money?… you could buy a cow, or a piece of land. The bir we used was Bir Bet Murad – opposite the house, near Kisasiye. There was a bir behind the grocery shop near Abu Shau. There were three wells not far away. It was the women’s job to get the water. Some women stayed working at home, but some worked and helped the man in the field. It was a very hard life. You worked all day and never stopped. Only women went to the well, about ten or more. Did young men harass them? No there was no harassment… some families… someone would kill them. No, there was no harassment – not like today. Why is it called Tarif? (I explained that Tarif was the place that written history suggests was occupied first.) 198

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People were living on the mountain first. The Hasasna are from Saudi. Where did he worship? The mosque of Amr – not me – my grandfather went. This is the end of the first three stories collected from long term residents of Tarif, but we hope it is just the beginning. To get a full picture of ‘life in the saffs’, or of Tarif in general, would require dozens of interviews, with men and women, as elderly as possible from as wide an area as possible. It would need professional oral history collectors working with a professional ethnographical team. In addition to the oral collection there should also be a filmed record, with a good camera and lighting. Such a project should be done before the generation that lived in the bab el-haggar dies. As Ahmed had told us, and many visitors have noted in the past, some Qurnawi lived a very long time indeed. However, in the relatively short time that I have known the hillside and Tarif communities, very many of the older generation have died taking their stories with them. I would love to think that some organisation, academic or otherwise, will see the value of it, and that this work will be done soon. A few disjointed fragments are not enough, what we need is a large pot-full of memories and images that will then last for ever.

Abstract We have lost the opportunity to further record the lives and properties on the Theban hillsides, but we still have a small window of opportunity to record the history of lives in the Tarif tombs. Tarif is a much overlooked part of the whole Theban cemetery complex, and now has a large population, some of whom can still share their own stories of life in the bab el-haggar, and recount stories from the past. This article, with its three short interviews, is a tiny start of a project which should be done by oral history professionals, but I hope that it will encourage some to continue the work.

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Kees van der Spek

Of Noble Tombs and Humble Homes: Social anthropology in the Theban Necropolis* After the dust had settled… Once the insidious vibrations of the bulldozers had subsided and the dust had settled, there was only silence. Between 2006 and 2010 the foothills hamlets of Qurna village located in the Theban Necropolis on the Luxor west bank were demolished and its resident community of Qurnawi relocated.1 The yellow, white, and blue walls of the mud-brick houses – several of which were of historical value in their own right2 or had been decorated with hajj paintings celebrating * A variant version of this paper was published in the Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections (JAEI), Volume 8, 2016, 94-109. Available at: . 1 In this paper, the name Qurna and al-Qurna are used interchangeably. The areas of Qurna that were subject to the 2006-2010 relocations included the northern area of Dra Abu al-Naga and the central foothills area of Shaykh Abd al-Qurna and al-Khūkha. Since that time, the inhabitants of the southern area of Qurnat Marai have also been relocated and a number of their houses demolished, although several still remained as late as 2013. For a discussion of the component parts that make up larger al-Qurna, see Van der Spek, K. 2011. The Modern Neighbors of Tutankhamun: History, Life, and Work in the Villages of the Theban West Bank. Cairo and New York, The American University in Cairo Press, 39-51. For the local names given to the inhabited areas of the Theban Necropolis as distinct from the better known archaeological nomenclature, see Van der Spek 2011, 47-51. 2 Among these, the house of the renowned Abd al-Rasul family mentioned in Romer, J. 1981. Valley of the Kings: Exploring the Tombs of the Pharaohs. New York, Henry Holt and Company, Inc., 129-138; ‘Yanni’s House’, for which see Thompson, J. 1992. Sir Gardner Wilkinson and his Circle. Austin, University of Texas Press, 104-105; and Lane, E. W. 2000. Description of Egypt – Notes and views in Egypt and Nubia, made during the years 1825, –26, –27, and –28. Edited and with an introduction by Jason Thompson. Cairo and New York, The American University in Cairo Press, 339; and the house of the Umdah, referenced in Carter, H. n.d. Autobiographical sketches. Notebook 16, Sketch v, ‘Summer Life and a Tale from the Coffee-hearth.’ Oxford, The Griffith Institute, The University of Oxford, 115-121; and in Van der Spek 2011, 383-386. Also included should have been a last example of a zāwiya building. These structures formed an integral part of the social life of the necropolis’ community, both to provide a space for such events as the communal gatherings upon the death of a family member, and as the place where acts of sufi devotion can be carried out. For a description of this type of liturgical architecture by an archaeologist, see Adams, W. Y. 1977. Nubia: Corridor to Africa. Princeton, New Jersey,

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the pilgrimage to Mecca3 – had disintegrated into piles of rubble. With it, the sounds that once typified the social landscape of the necropolis, familiar to visitors and members of the archaeological missions working there, have gone for good. No longer will visitors to the Noble Tombs be charmed by the sounds of Qurnawi children playing, laughing, crying. Gone has the regular call to prayer from the small mosque by the roadside below the tomb of Ramose, as has the bouncing clatter of the empty oil barrel dancing in the metal frame of the arabiyya water cart, racing downhill behind its galloping donkey. Gone too is the metallic ring of the butagaz merchant signaling his approach by hitting the blue gas cylinders at regular intervals with the adjustable spanner that is the tool of his trade. Depending on proximity and ranging from a distant sistra-like chime to an ear-splitting clangor, the sound served a commercial purpose that, like the water cart, formed part of the constraints of daily life imposed on the Qurnawi villagers for whom this archaeological landscape was home. The necropolis’ arabiyya and the call of the itinerant gas merchant may be seen as metaphors for the inherent tension that exists when a contemporary indigenous community inhabits a fragile and unique World Heritage-listed archaeological landscape. Following a history of relocation initiatives that dates back to the mid-1940s4, that tension ultimately resulted in the demolition of the hamlets around the Noble Tombs and the destruction of the social landscape of the Theban Necropolis on the Luxor west bank. Where these sounds also punctuated the working-day for Egyptologists excavating nearby, they now do so in silence… Nevertheless, and despite community life creating the visible and audible backdrop to Egyptological research activities in the necropolis for so many years, for the practising field archaeologist the surrounding social landscape of the necropolis holds no special interest. Several of a foreign mission’s local workers will have come from the foothills hamlets, or a degree of amicable relations may have been established with villagers living adjacent to the excavation concession.

3

4

Princeton University Press, 574-576. For a broader statement of significance and of what has been lost at Qurna, see Van der Spek 2011, 13. For examples of hajj paintings in Qurna, see Parker, A. and Neal, A. 1995. Hajj Paintings: Folk Art of the Great Pilgrimage. Washington. D.C., Smithsonian Institution Press. For Hassan Fathy’s famous, but ultimately failed, architectural experiment, see Fathy H. 1963. Planning and Building in the Arab Tradition: The Village Experiment at Gourna. In M. Berger (ed.), The New Metropolis in the Arab World, 210-229. New Delhi, Allied Publishers; and Fathy, H. 1973. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago, The University of Chicago. For the work of Hassan Fathy more broadly, see Steele, J. 1997. An Architecture for People: The Complete Works of Hassan Fathy. Cairo and New York, The American University in Cairo Press.

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But in the main, archaeologists’ engagement with the local community appears to be only fleeting or, where it occurs, results from necessity. Other than the logistical arrangements that go with the practice of conducting archeological field operations, including local labour relations, Egyptologists cannot focus intellectually on the present and their engagement is with the excavation, the surrounding monuments, and the past. Social anthropologists they are not and the demarcation between the excavating archaeologists and those who conduct anthropological fieldwork is therefore what can be expected, with each directing their attention to what occupies them most, the past and the present respectively.

Ethnographic observation as archaeological fieldwork practice: Past Yet, elements of social and cultural anthropological engagement can be found back in the literature dealing with the Luxor west bank going back to the earliest days of Egyptological activity in the Theban Necropolis. It can hardly be otherwise in an environment where a local community resides in the midst of ancient monuments, whose members used the necropolis’ tomb chambers as dwelling places, and who interacted with visitors in their dealings over antiquities. We may find snippets of this interaction and the record of their associated impressions in the writings of such early travellers as the Anonymous Venetian,5 James Bruce,6 Charles Sonnini,7 Vivant Denon,8 and Robert Richardson,9 among others. References to local people and places contemporaneous with these travellers intermittently infuse the early travel narratives that resulted from the appeal of Egypt’s ancient monuments and Europe’s growing antiquarian interests there. The scattered detail of people living among the monuments they document may essentially be 5

6

7 8

9

Burri, C. 1971. Le Voyage en Égypte du Vénitien Anonyme: Août - Septembre 1589. In: C. Burri and S. Sauneron, Voyages en Egypte des années 1589, 1590 & 1591: Le Vénitien anonyme – Le Seigneur de Villamont – Le Hollandais Jan Sommer, 5-153. Cairo, Institut français d’archéologie orientale du Caire. Bruce, J. 1790. Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, in the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773, in Five Volumes. Volume 1. London, G. G. J. and J. Robinson, Paternoster-Row. Sonnini de Manoncour, C. N. S. 1800. Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt. London, J. Debrett. Denon, V. 1803. Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt. Vols. 1, 2, and 3. London, Longman and Rees, Paternoster-Row, and Richard Phillips. Richardson, R. 1822. Travels along the Mediterranean and Parts Adjacent in Company with the Earl of Belmore, during the Years 1816–17–18. 2 vols. London, Cadell.

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considered as social anthropological observations, which can therefore be said to have existed alongside Egyptology and its evolving archaeological practice in the Theban Necropolis from the very beginning. This is not to say that such accounts of the surrounding social landscape were necessarily always correct. Elsewhere it has been argued how early accounts were infected by anti-social attributes commonly ascribed to Qurnawi.10 These attributes often did not result from direct personal experience but were influenced by boat owners or local officials whose views generally reflected some personal local bias or the hegemonic perspective of the governing elite. Even if such local views were grounded in the particular social and political structures of the time, these were either accepted at face value or not fully understood by early travellers. The result of the negative light in which the villagers of the Luxor west bank were continually and consistently portrayed by these local informants, influenced both the mindset of the European travellers and the records they kept. It is likely that these early records also influenced such nineteenth century excavators as Giovanni Belzoni and Henry Rhind. Both have commented on what they perceived as a lack of religious observance, claiming that the Qurnawi either had no mosque11 or never visited one, while also ignoring their daily prayers.12 Yet, the received and unquestioned wisdom from sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth century travellers can only be partly responsible for later writers such as Belzoni and Rhind. Their questioning the moral fortitude of the west bank villagers also resulted from failure to correctly interpret the nature of Egyptian spiritual expression. It took the observations made by another Egyptologist, William Adams, who in his monumental study of Nubia gave a comprehensive overview of the levels of spirituality he encountered there.13 In most respects his observations also hold true for Upper Egypt and much of what he says resonates with what we still find today in the villages of the Luxor west bank, where local spiritual expression comprises a mixture of popular, formal, and Van der Spek, K. 2007. Feasts, Fertility, and Fear: Qurnawi Spirituality in the Ancient Theban Landscape. In P. F. Dorman and B. M. Bryan (eds), Sacred Space and Sacred Function in Ancient Thebes. Occasional Proceedings of the Theban Workshop. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization (SAOC), Vol. 61, 177-192. Chicago, Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 180-181; Van der Spek 2011, 53-133. 11 Belzoni, G. 1820. Narrative of the Operations and Recent Discoveries within the Pyramids, Temples, Tombs, and Excavations, in Egypt and Nubia. London, John Murray (Westmead, Gregg International Publishers Limited, 1971), 159. 12 Rhind, A. H. 1862. Thebes: Its Tombs and Their Tenants. London, Longman (New Jersey, Georgias Press, 2002), 279. 13 Adams 1977, 574-577. 10

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traditional religious practices. Adams documents the nature of religious observance, the practices associated with orthodox Islam that contrast with the folk religion as represented by the sufi schools with their belief in saints and miracles, and he recognises the absence of most of the distinguishing features of liturgical architecture to be typical of sufi religious expression which favoured the often inconspicuous zāwiya structures. His observations contrast with those of the above nineteenth century excavators and provide an example of how modern practising field archaeologists can also record aspects of the social and cultural contemporary landscape of the archaeological fieldwork location. It was because Belzoni and Rhind ignored that reality that they never saw their mosque.

Archaeological fieldwork practice: A broader perspective The apparent mixture of disinterest in and contempt for the local population on the part of these early excavators in the necropolis, and the example set by Adam’s corrective, continue to hold a lesson for today’s archaeologists, still. The eloquent summary offered by Bori Németh of the fieldwork situation at Qurna with its poignant call for a broader perspective on archaeological fieldwork practice and her proactive attitude to the full range of information that the stratigraphy – including its uppermost layers – can offer, is pertinent here: The setting, the environment conjures up a rich tapestry of what is the stuff of the trade: from the ancient to the contemporary, with all its actors and recipients busying themselves in their individual ways, both familiar and remote at the same time. Something to put one’s finger on, not to let slip past unnoticed.14

Unless archaeologists adopt the approach and perspective exemplified by Adams, there will indeed be much that is likely to ‘slip past unnoticed’. It is an object lesson that is not only advocated and practised by Bori Németh, but is part of the ethos of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission of which she is a member. From a cultural anthropologist’s perspective, one defining aspect of Zoltán Imre Fábián’s career as a practising field archaeologist is his apparent concern with the contemporary present that surrounds the excavation concession. The controlled excavation of the rubble in what was once the Bayt Boghdady house at al-Khūkha 14

Németh, B. 2011. Letters from Gurna – The mix-and-match game of an excavation. In E. Bechtold, A. Gulyás and A. Hasznos (eds), From Illahun to Djeme – Papers Presented in Honour of Ulrich Luft, 183-188. BAR International Series 2311. Oxford, Archaeopress.

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in the Theban Necropolis is as much about ancient funerary architecture as it is about understanding the unique settlement pattern that had grown up around the ancient monuments in the necropolis. The interconnections that exist here between past and present and the adaptive re-use of the archaeological landscape of the necropolis has only recently been the subject of anthropological interest but has largely remained out of scope for excavating Egyptologists. By approaching the history of the necropolis in its broadest sense, the work of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission sets a benchmark for archaeological research in Egypt.15 Such an approach should view the entire stratigraphy, including its most recent contemporary deposits, as a repository for evidence of human agency and action, rather than be limited to the pharaonic remains that to date have been the predominant focus of Egyptological research in this multi-layered, palimpsest, landscape. However, such engagement should not necessarily limit itself to establishing the chronology and topography of an evolving settlement pattern or only focus on an analysis of its vernacular architectural features,16 crucial as these are. This should be self-evident for the archaeologist once contemporary village-life adjoining the excavation concession has been removed. It is then that any vestige of local villagers’ one-time habitation becomes the material and stratigraphic telltale sign of human activity that will therefore be meriting archaeological fieldwork methodologies and reconstructive interpretation.17 As a social anthropologist I lament the fact that contemporary human activity surrounding the excavation site is only considered worthwhile once people have left the scene; when the deposited physical remains of their erstwhile activities are being considered as a distinct period with its particular archaeological stratigraphic sequence that warrants investigation; and when Egyptologists’ Fábián, Z. I. 2011. Excavations at the southern slope of el-Khokha in the area of Theban Tomb 184 (Nefermenu) – 2010: A corner of Qurna. Orpheus Noster III (1), 5–26 (in Hungarian: “A thébai el-Hoha domb déli lejtőjének feltárása Nefermenu TT 184 számú sziklasírjának körzetében – 2010. 1. rész: Qurna egy sarka.”). 16 For one of the few extant examples of such a study related to the Luxor west bank, see Eigner, D. 1984. Ländliche Architektur und Siedlungsformen im Ägypten der Gegenwart. Beitrage zur Ägyptologie, Band 6, Veröffentlichungen der Institut für Afrikanistik und Ägyptologie der Universität Wien. Nr. 30. Vienna, H. Mukarovsky. 17 Nevertheless, to date only the Hungarian Archaeological Mission and the American Research Centre in Egypt (ARCE) appear to have directed their attention to the archaeological record of the Qurnawi stratigraphic sequence. For the work of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission see Fábián 2011, 5-26. For the work of ARCE, see Bednarski, A. 2013. Qurna Site Improvement Project: Recording the Latest Stratigraphic Layers of Sheikh Abd el Qurna and el Khokha. ARCE Bulletin 202, 1-9. 15

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apparent engagement with the surrounding community during all these years was reduced to a waiting game, anticipating the villagers one-time removal from the ancient cemeteries so as to enable more extensive archaeological fieldwork. But archaeological landscapes of any era are not static and even their deposited strata buried at depth can be subject to continual change.18 It follows that the most recent stratigraphic sequence will be the least stable and constantly evolving. Elements generated by the activities of the surrounding community are being laid down under the eyes of the archaeologist and indeed, as shown by Bori Németh, archaeologists themselves may contribute to this process, leaving behind material remains to be interpreted by future colleagues. Beyond their physical impact on the topography and stratigraphy of the landscape, the very presence of the archaeologists working in the Theban Necropolis has also proven to be of interest and has been the subject of social anthropological observation, as demonstrated in Neil Silberman’s account of the conflicting interests of an Egyptian archaeologist working in Qurna.19 Thus, if archaeologists’ physical and social presence in the landscape is already worthy of stratigraphic analysis and ethnographic observation, then how much more would this be the case for the people who inhabit the social landscape surrounding the excavation concession: people whose presence and present patterns of landscape-use may one day be past too, as has been demonstrated only too clearly in the case of the Qurnawi foothills’ settlements, much of the detail of which has already ‘slipped past unnoticed.’ Yet, social and cultural anthropological methodologies have traditionally not formed a part of the research strategies applied to either the Theban west bank or to the social context of excavation sites more generally, and archaeologists have by and large remained unaware or unconvinced of the potential for ethnographic description to add a distinct tone to the narrative voice that documents the excavation concession and its surrounds.

A recalibrated focus: diachronic approaches to landscape-use For archaeologists to become attuned to the social surroundings of their excavation concession will require a degree of recalibration. Alongside the actual research 18 19

Harris, E. C. 1989. Principles of archaeological stratigraphy. London, Academic Press, 52-53. Silberman, N. A. 1989. ‘An Uneasy Inheritance’. In Between Past and Present – Archaeology, Ideology, and Nationalism in the Modern Middle East. New York, Henry Holt and Company, 153-168.

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design of the mission with its focus on the clearance, recording and conservation of a particular tomb, funerary feature, or evidence of ancient human occupation and landscape-use, the broader focus should also consider the context of ongoing human engagement with the characteristics and physicality of the surrounding landscape. Without necessarily subscribing to a deterministic role for the landscape in that engagement, it is nevertheless the particular relationship with the physical landscape and the ascribed ideational characteristics and distinctive forms of landscape-use associated with its interpretation over time that has defined most human activity in a given environment. In the case of the Theban Necropolis, this applies equally to the Egyptian of ancient times, to the more recent community of Qurnawi, and to those professional archaeologists who have worked there at one time or other, each, in the above words of Bori Németh, “busying themselves in their individual ways, both familiar and remote at the same time.” The ancient Egyptians may have chosen the west bank foothills and wadis as an appropriate location for their mortuary rituals inspired by a culturally perceived association between funerary architectural convention and the natural, pyramidal landscape-form of the Qurn, the Theban mountain. Similarly, more recent population groups will have been drawn to the area not only for the agricultural opportunities provided by the Nile flood plain, but also by the presence of caves offering opportunities for spiritual retreat, refuge against outside aggression, or respite from the summer heat. The decorated walls will have alerted those early Qurnawi settling there to the man-made nature of such ‘caves,’ but this will have played no role in their decision to adapt their use. First and foremost, people’s choice of location will have stemmed from immediate survival needs and/or those dictated by lifestyle, both physical and metaphysical, thus effectively merging natural and cultural landscape characteristics into one of purposeful pragmatics based on criteria of suitability. Today’s archaeologists may similarly construct their engagement with the surrounding landscape for reasons that are specific to our age, emphasising such socially valued pursuits as education, research, and heritage conservation as primary drivers. As motivators for their presence in and engagement with the Theban landscape these can be seen to be quite distinct from the more immediate intellectual preoccupation with Ancient Egypt that their profession demands. That is to say, Ancient Egypt is not the ultimate, or at least not the only reason for archaeologists being there. Their own place in the landscape rather stems from modern values and concerns, adding their own specific layer of ideational engagement with and philosophically-motivated landscape-use of the physical surroundings in this location. 207

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Yet, it would seem that these landscape considerations and the specific forms of human presence that at one time or other interacted with the natural west bank environment have become subordinate to a primary research design which maintains its focus on the activities of the ancient Egyptians in this location. It is in many respects regrettable that despite all the archaeological activity in the Theban Necropolis, locally working field archaeologists have largely remained impervious to any ongoing human activity and the real-time formation of the final stratigraphic sequence of their archaeological field site. Of course, if such would require not only active but also intellectual engagement with the surrounding Qurnawi community, then here we are not simply dealing with strict demarcations that would separate the practice of Egyptological and archaeological field research from social and cultural anthropological fieldwork methodologies. We also enter here into the fraught domain of local politics, where foreign concession holders may be loath to involve themselves with local communities for fear of their interests being seen as contrary to the economic and heritage management objectives of Egyptian antiquities officials.20 It is likely for such reasons that isolated attempts21 at incorporating the local community into the archaeological project have met with opposition from the foreign mission’s leadership.22

Ethnographic observation as archaeological fieldwork practice: Present Countering such opposition may require something of a paradigm shift in both the perspectives of foreign archaeological missions working in Egypt and the philosophical approaches to archaeological science among Egyptian antiquities officials. Whilst such would be necessary to achieve a de-politicised framework and a more holistically perceived archaeological practice to take root in Egypt, this is not to say that a mission’s field records cannot contain such social observaVan der Spek 2011, 330-339. For an example of such engagement see Liuzza, C. 2007. Social contexts of archaeological research and associated communities – The Case of Gourna, Egypt. In S. Hermon and F. Niccolucci (eds), Communicating Cultural Heritage in the 21st Century: The Chiron Project and Its Research Opportunities, 84-93. EPOCH: The European Network of Excellence on ICT Applications to Cultural Heritage. Available at: . 22 Claudia Liuzza was unable to continue her preliminary research “because I was strongly advised to stop” (personal communication, 27 June 2010). 20 21

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tions as may be obtained from archaeologists’ everyday working contacts with members of the local community. Both Adams and Fábián have already demonstrated that there can indeed be a place for ethnographically focused information in the published record. It is especially at archaeological field sites where the concession to excavate is located in the midst of a resident community that opportunities exist for engagement with the social character of the surrounding landscape, and where the layered nature of existence offers scope for archaeologists to interact with different academic disciplines and their differing methodologies. If the opportunity for such interaction is grasped, then the local community may inform our knowledge of the contemporary and most recently deposited stratigraphic period, which should equally be an integrated element in the narrative of human presence in that location.23 Evidently, such an approach in many respects comes too late for the Theban Necropolis, although the excavation records and personal diaries of past missions’ team members may still serve this purpose, as would information that can still be provided by currently employed Qurnawi workers who used to live in the surrounding foothills before the relocations and demolitions took effect. As a case study, an analysis of any interaction by archaeologists with their locally hired workers and members of the surrounding community as reflected in the fieldwork records of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission at al-Khūkha dating back to its earliest days, could establish the extent to which any direct engagement with the social surroundings of the concession indeed took place. An analysis of the relative quality and use of any recorded observations could assist with the development of a targeted ethnographic approach for inclusion in future research designs that involve a resident community inhabiting the archaeological fieldwork location. Such research designs would equally guide the collecting of ethnographic data that can provide insights into the most recent history of local landscape-use in archaeological contexts. Here, too, the Hungarian Archaeological Mission in the Theban Necropolis could lead the way. As Dayr al-Medina reminds us, workmen’s villages are the archaeology of the future. 200 years of archaeological practice in the necropolis has seen opportunities go begging and little or no attention has been paid to the social environment 23

Visiting artists have sought to capture something of that narrative in their artistic representations of the Theban west bank social and archaeological landscapes, suggesting that the visibly layered palimpsest of history here – with its juxtaposition of a living community and a City of the Dead, each containing within itself facets of the breadth of cultural manifestations and diversity particular to the human species across space and time – is remarkable enough to merit recording.

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in which that work took place. It seems tragic that what archaeologists are now trying to glean and interpret from the vestiges of a former settlement pattern could have been accessed in its entirety and understood directly, had they cared to look and record, had they cared to foster the necessary amicable relations with surrounding villagers, and had they cared to engage more proactively on this with members of the then resident community.24 The mismanaged heritage management at al-Qurna provides an object lesson of how quickly elements of a living community can be lost only to become archaeological subject matter, even as their real-time physical presence was largely ignored. This is not to say that every field archaeologist working in Egypt has to become a social anthropologist, even though the American use of the term ‘anthropology’ offers scope for engagement with the present as well as the past. But there are aspects of the social life that surrounds the excavation concession that will be observable to field archaeologists or that can be explored during interaction with local workers,25 that can be recorded in the mission’s research field notes, and where relevant be integrated in or documented as an adjunct to the published excavation reports. For better or for worse, snippets of such do in fact exist in the archaeological literature,26 but an integrated and more systematic approach to the collecting and documenting of ethnographic data during archaeological fieldwork will benefit a future analysis and understanding of the social environment in which archaeological field research in such a location took place. By way of example, an incomplete and randomly compiled list of subjects that occupied this author during anthropological fieldwork in Qurna may offer an impression of the diversity of materials that were gathered to paint a picture of the social and cultural character of life in the Theban Necropolis: In defence of those field archaeologists who are not wilfully negligent in respect of their social surroundings, it would be tempting to postulate that the historical lack of interest in the necropolis’ Qurnawi – who have long been implicated in alleged illegal excavations – and their absence from archaeological and ethnographic consideration by Egyptologists, may be inherent in an aspect of the theory of stratigraphic interpretation: “On any site which has been disturbed, part of the surfaces of earlier strata and periods will have been destroyed. These areas may be referred to as interfaces of destruction. They may be defined as abstract interfaces which record the areas of a given unit of stratification or period on a site which has been disturbed or destroyed by later excavation. (…) these forms of negative evidence are seldom adequately recorded.” Harris 1989, 68. 25 As is being practised by the Hungarian Archaeological Mission: Fábián 2011, 5-26, n 23 (Hungarian edition; n 21 in the English unpublished edition). 26 For an example see Winlock, H. E. 1942. Excavations at Deir El Bahri 1911–1931. New York, MacMillan Company, 41; as also discussed in Van der Spek 2011, 28-32. 24

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Local oral histories; family histories; traditional mud brick houses and their architectural forms and functions; religious perspectives and traditional beliefs and practices; the functioning of the ‘wajib’ concept of social harmony; the functioning of the traditional dispute settlement mechanism; the plurality of local economic practices, including farming and agriculture, archaeological work, government work, and tourism work; education, including the government literacy program for women, nahla umiyya; gender; marriage; fertility practices; domestic organisation and household economics; art and craft production by local artisans; restauration techniques; oral literature; children’s games. Not all of these may fall within the range of a practising field archaeologist’s daily movements or such local social networks as can be maintained during busy and confined annual fieldwork seasons by members of the mission. Even so, valuable fragments of information may be gleaned and documented in a mission’s research notes or be privately recorded whenever opportunities present themselves, either through daily contact with local workers, during social visits to Qurnawi acquaintances, or when engaging with local people in the surrounding areas more generally. If one of the social anthropologist’s principal research methods consists of ‘participant observation’, then equally excavating field archaeologists participate in the lives of their local workmen – often for many consecutive years, as in the case of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission – and are eminently placed to document aspects of the local and wider social context in which their field operations in the midst of a local community take place. What will be within the archaeologist’s direct sphere of influence is to remain cognisant of, and be an advocate for the heritage preservation of any material remains that, in the case of Qurna, illustrate aspects of the particular settlement assemblage of the Qurnawi stratigraphic sequence. This would go beyond only preserving the remains of Qurnawi houses that are architecturally associated with adjoining ancient rock-cut tombs. More broadly, it would also include preserving the remains of standing features such as walls that have not been completely bulldozed, to indicate elements of the previously existing settlement pattern in the necropolis; and, importantly, the recording and preservation of any remaining mud granaries and mud storage structures27 that may still be contained within tomb chambers. As archaeological features they document some of the typifying characteristics of the Qurnawi stratigraphic sequence, evidencing how human occupation took hold here through the adaptive re-use of an ancient cemetery with its distinctive forms of re-purposed landscape-use during this most recent period. 27

See Eigner 1984; and Van der Spek 2011, 166-169.

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Storytelling: the archaeologist as literary copyist While a more systematic approach is called for, the phenomenon of archaeologists recording observations about aspects of the social character of a local community is not new, as we have seen. The layered nature of existence here will have created the potential for dialogue – even if only marginally – between differing academic disciplines and it can therefore be expected that archaeologists from time to time have ventured into the realm of more contemporary social observation, giving tangible evidence of their understanding – or lack thereof – of local affairs and mores in their private correspondence, personal papers or published works.28 At least one area for which there is some evidence that it attracted the interest of archaeologists working in the Theban Necropolis concerns what may have been a rich oral literary corpus that was in existence in the villages of the Theban west bank. Indications of both their interest in and the existence of such a body of oral literature may be gleaned from the few actual stories occasionally referenced in the archeological literature.29 What follows, in closing, is one of the stories collected in Qurna during my 1999 anthropological fieldwork, to serve as an example of the Qurnawi folkloric corpus. Oral literature, however, is only one among many topics for which ethnographic information may still be collected by practising field archaeologists working on excavation sites in Egypt, and by enlisting the collaboration of their local workmen and surrounding villagers. It is hoped that the inclusion of this narrative here provides a starting point for Egyptologists who may view the interest in oral literature by several of their predecessors as an inspiring example to similarly become attuned to the excavation’s contemporary social context. To that end, this story also expands the small repertoire of Upper Egyptian oral literature commenced by some of those nineteenth and twentieth-century archaeologists who worked in Qurna: excavators who not only focused on what On the evidence of it, Howard Carter proved himself to be something of a mentor for Arthur Weigall in his relations with local communities: Hankey, J. 2001. A Passion for Egypt. London, Tauris Parke Paperbacks, 50; Van der Spek 2011, 222-223. 29 A published example is ‘The Parable of the Sultan’s Lion’ in Rhind 1862, 305–307. Also see Carter n.d., 115-21, containing Howard Carter’s transcription of ‘The Tale of the Rat and the Snake’. For a first published version see Van der Spek 2011, 383-386. For a discussion of Qurnawi oral literature and further examples see Van der Spek, K. 2015. The Valley of the Kings in the Lives of Modern Egyptians: The People of Qurna. In K. Weeks and R. Wilkinson (eds), The Oxford Handbook of the Valley of the Kings. New York, Oxford University Press (in press). 28

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might be hidden under their feet, but who were both conscious of and showed an interest in the social environment within which they worked.

The Tale of a Liar and his Assistant30 Once upon a time there was a man who lied. He used to tell lies to whomever he knew. He had a friend who believed him at whatever he said. When people were suspicious of his stories, his friend persuaded people that the liar told the truth. His friend therefore helped him a lot so that everybody believed his lies. When the liar said: “I crossed the Nile River in a few minutes,” his friend said: “Yes, he did, I saw him doing so.” When the liar said “I ate five kilograms of meat” his assistant said: “Yes, he did, I brought the meat to him,” and so on. One day, the assistant died. The liar found himself in a dilemma, he didn’t know what to do. Now, he became lonely. Without his departed friend, no one could believe him. He looked for another assistant everywhere, but in vain. Nobody accepted to be his assistant. So, he became very disappointed. He began to practice his hobby again, but people now did not believe him. He decided to stay at home and not to meet people any more. His wife advised him to go out and spend some of his time in the mosque, reading some holy books and listen to religious people so as to be able to change into a better person. She advised him also to confess and ask God for forgiveness but he refused and shouted “It’s none of your business.” One day he went to the market to buy some food. The market was very crowded with people, buyers and sellers. Some buy their goods and others sell. At one corner of the market he saw a man standing and shouting: “Who would like to buy golden words? Golden words with very cheap prices, come on, come on!” No one went to buy, but he went on shouting “Come on, golden words.” “What do you sell?” the liar asked him. “I sell golden words, would you like to buy some?” the man said hoping to sell some of his goods. The liar said: “OK, give me some golden words worth ten pounds.” The man said: “Ten pounds is not enough, you have to pay more because you will buy wisdom which will make you respectable as long as you live. It is better than money,

30

A story credited to Mahmoud Abou-Keafou (1895-1985) as retold at a gathering on 10 July 1999 in al-Qurna. Tape recording by Kees van der Spek. Translated by Hassan Ibrahim and edited by Kees van der Spek.

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you will be a very rich man. The liar said: “I don’t have but fifty pounds. Could you possibly give me some golden words with this amount of money?” At last the man agreed to sell him three wise sayings for ten pounds. First: “Forgiveness is better than revenge.” Second: “Be honest with those who are honest with you.” Third: “Enjoy your time whenever you possibly can.” The liar asked him for more wisdom but the man refused. Then the liar went back home thinking of those golden words and whether they were useful enough. He thought: “Why not,” saying to himself: “I will see.” One day when he came back home late at night, he saw someone trying to jump down from the roof of his house. He caught him and discovered that he was a friend of his. He had stolen money from the house during his friend’s absence. He decided to inform the police but he remembered the first wise saying: “Forgiveness is better than revenge.” Then he forgave him and said: “Go away and don’t come back again, otherwise I’ll kill you myself.” Next week, his neighbour was planning to go to Saudi Arabia for pilgrimage, so he asked the liar to look after his wife and shop until his return from the hajj. The liar agreed. He began to stay up very late in front of his neighbour’s shop and house looking after both of them. One night, the neighbour’s wife came to him dressed very beautifully and asked him to make love to her. He refused, telling her that his neighbour is absent and he must be honest with him, he must not deceive him during his absence. However, the lovely wife threatened him to make love to her or she would inform her husband that he was not honest with him. The liar remembered the second wisdom: “Be honest with those who are honest with you.” Then he decided not to deceive his neighbour, so he left the place and stayed at home. When his neighbour came back from the hajj his wife told him that their neighbour had tried to rape her in her bedroom. Her husband got very angry and decided to kill the liar, conceiving of a good way to kill him. The neighbour had a workshop for firing mud bricks. He went there and told his workers: “I will send you someone, telling you el-Hajj says hello to you; as soon as he says so, take hold of him and put him in the fire until he is dead.” He gave his orders to his men and left. Then he called on his neighbour the liar and said: “Go to my workshop please and say to the men “el-Hajj says hello to you,” and they will give you some money.” The liar agreed and went there. While he was walking there he met a friend of his who invited him to his wedding party. The liar accepted the invitation at once because he remembered the third golden wise saying: “Enjoy your time whenever possible.” He went to the wedding, and not to the workshop as his neighbour had asked 214

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him to do. At the wedding party he drank much, laughed, danced and very much enjoyed his time there. Time passed and his neighbour was waiting for the result. Later, his wife went to the workshop where she met the workers and told them” “Hello, elHajj says hello to you and sends you…” Before she could complete her words, they took hold of her and put her in the fire, for they thought that she was the person whom el-Hajj had sent. When the liar heard what had happened, he thanked God and did not feel sorry about the money with which he had bought the three wise sayings. Then, he decided to give up telling lies.

Abstract This paper elaborates on what may be a defining aspect of Zoltán Imre Fábián’s career as a practising field archaeologist whose focus is not only on the ancient past, but who also concerns himself with the contemporary social and architectural present of the excavation concession. The controlled excavation of the rubble that was once the Bayt Boghdady house at al-Khūkha in the Theban Necropolis was as much about ancient funerary architecture as it was about understanding the unique settlement pattern that had grown up around the ancient monuments in the necropolis. The interconnections that exist here between past and present and the adaptive re-use of the archaeological landscape of the necropolis has only recently been the subject of anthropological interest but has largely remained out of scope for excavating Egyptologists. The work of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission sets a benchmark for archaeological research in Egypt that should concern itself with the entire stratigraphy, including the most recent sequence with its contemporary deposits, and not only with the pharaonic remains that are still the overriding focus of Egyptological field research. The paper argues for the inclusion of social and cultural anthropological observation in the research methodologies of archaeologists excavating in locations where nearby contemporary communities represent continuities in the stratigraphic sequence of the excavation concession.

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Figures All images copyright Kees van der Spek The images reflect the vernacular architectural landscape of the Theban hills as could be seen before the village was destroyed between 2006 and 2010. Qurnawi village scenes and architecture   1. A one-time familiar view from the road-side as seen by tourists passing on their way to the Valley of the Kings: Qurnawi houses at the foot of the hill of Shaykh Abd al-Qurna with the Theban Mountain, the Qurn, in the background. The white house with the ‘romanesque’ gate was built by the brothers Abd al-Rasul around 1880.   2. The archaeological landscape of Qurna at the foot of the hill of Shaykh Abd al-Qurna as seen from the escarpment above Dayr al-Bahari. Qurnawi know this part of the central foothills not by the names of their archaeological type-sites (Shaykh Abd al-Qurna at right and alKhūkha at left) but by al-Hurubāt, using a social nomenclature based on family kinship. Cut into the hillside at right is the tomb of Daga (TT 103; during the Christian period the Coptic monastery of Epiphanius), with the Ramesseum and the Memnon Colossi at centre.   3. Detail of (2), with Qurnawi houses at Shaykh Abd al-Qurna and al-Khūkha. The red arrow marks the Boghdady house and the excavation concession of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission.   4. Qurnawi houses of al-Hurubāt in the location of Menna’s tomb (TT 69) at the foot of Shaykh Abd al-Qurna. The red arrow marks the Boghdady house and the excavation concession of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission.   5. Qurnawi houses of al-Hurubāt built around the tomb of Ramose (TT 55) at the foot of Shaykh Abd al-Qurna.   6. Qurnawi houses of al-Hurubāt at the foot of Shaykh Abd al-Qurna with the Theban Mountain, the Qurn, in the background.   7. Qurnawi houses of al-Hurubāt at the foot of al-Khūkha with al-Asasīf in the background.   8. Qurnawi houses of al-Hurubāt at the foot of al-Khūkha with al-Asasīf in the background.   9. Qurnawi houses of al-Hurubāt between al-Khūkha and Shaykh Abd al-Qurna, with some its many 18th and 19th dynasty Noble Tombs visible in the background. The shrine of the locally revered Shaykh Abd al-Qurna can be seen on top of the hill. 10. Qurnawi houses with hajj paintings commemorating its occupant’s completion of the pilgrimage to Mecca. The donkey-pulled water cart is ubiquities in this protected archaeological landscape where plumbing infrastructure is absent.

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Figure 1.

Figure 2.

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Figure 3.

Figure 4.

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Figure 5.

Figure 6.

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Figure 7.

Figure 8.

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Figure 9.

Figure 10.

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Dóra Zsom

An Arabic love charm found at the excavations in the area of Theban Tomb 1841 One peculiarity of the excavations conducted by Zoltán Fábián is that modern findings are not disregarded and neglected. Since the area of the Theban necropolis was a populated territory, a village, until recently, it is only natural that a great number of modern objects come to light during the excavations. These include several items of Egyptian folklore, also written material, and even amulets and charms. At the excavation area in the surroundings of TT 184 some eight modern amulets have been found so far. This article discusses only one of them, since this single item displays so many interesting features that are more than enough to present the traditional techniques of preparing amulets.2

Physical description of the amulet Among the debris that filled a shaft tomb used by the inhabitants of a demolished house on the top of el-Khokha, above Bet Boghdadi,3 the house which is partly still standing on the excavation area, a small red linen case was found, which was sewn up from every side (fig. 1).4 After unstitching the sewing on one side, the contents of the case came to light: it hid sheets of paper tightly folded over (fig. 2). The sheets were not simply doubled over and over, but were folded in such a way that made it impossible to easily open them (fig. 3). Two of the strips were even 1

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Originally, my teacher and friend, Alexander Fodor was asked to contribute with an article on this amulet for the Festschrift, which was sadly prevented by his sudden death. The research has been supported by the National Scientific Research Funds of Hungary (OTKA/NKFI). Bet Boghdadi, that is, the house of the family Boghdadi, was a large mud-brick complex of three major parts built over various rock-cut tombs. In fact, some of the tombs formed an integral part of the house, and were used and inhabited by the family. In 2009 the western part of the house was demolished by the Egyptian Archaeological Authorities, similarly to most of the houses of the village that were built over the necropolis. The eastern part of the house is still standing. The amulet was registered by the inventory number 2007.845. It was found in a shaft on the top of el-Khokha, north of Saff-1. The shaft was probably used as a rubble pit by a nearby house until recently.

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Figure 1. The case of the amulet

Figure 2. The folded sheets of the amulet. Sheets 1 and 2 are folded separately, while sheets 3 and 4 are intertwined

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Figure 3. Unfolding sheet 3

carefully intertwined, the ends of the sheets joined together so that the two of them may form a completely closed unit. This method of folding is typical of amulets; its purpose is to make the written surface inaccessible. On the outer surface of one of the folded strips a star and some signs were written. On the back of the two sheets intertwined together a magical square was inscribed, which became so blurred that it is not legible any more. These signs were thus visible without having the sheets unfolded. After having carefully opened out the sheets, the written surface became visible (figs. 4-7). The four long strips had writing only on one of their sides. Sheet 1 was written with red ink, which became faded in the course of time and now seems to be yellowish. Sheets 2-4 were written originally with black ink, which discoloured to brownish. Sheet 1 was written on plain paper, sheets 2-4 on lined paper. All of the sheets were evidently written by the same hand. The height of the sheets is almost identical, but their width slightly varies. Sheet 1 (7×34 cm) and sheet 2 (6.7×33.5 cm) have similar dimensions, although their texts were written on different kinds of paper, with different colours of ink. Sheet 3 (10.5×33.5 cm) and sheet 4 (10.5×33.8 cm) are practically identical. 224

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These details are relevant to the study of the amulet, because the physical characteristics of the text may help the interpretation of its content. After having deciphered the text it became evident that in fact the amulet consisted of two types of texts, and the relation between both was not obvious. Sheets 1-2 contained a love charm, while sheets 3-4 turned out to be a protective incantation. The love charm explicitly states the names of the parties involved, while the protective incantation is anonymous. One might ask the question whether the red linen case actually contained one or two amulets? Of course, the mere fact that the seemingly unrelated texts were enclosed in one receptacle makes a connection between them. Moreover, since all the sheets were written by the same hand, three of the sheets with the same ink and on the same paper, it seems to be plausible that the two kinds of text were written at the same time, for the use of the same person. Amulets were, and still are written by experts in magical treatments whom people consult just as patients would consult a doctor. The consultations and the treatments are usually not cheap; therefore when the patient meets the magician, he may opt for disclosing all his problems at once so that the magician may offer a solution to all of them at the same time. It has to be noted here that the amulet worn by the patient is only one aspect of the magical treatment prescribed. A visit to the magician entails both physical and psychological elements: a detailed discussion of the problem to be solved; practical and objective advice; reassurance of the patient; recitations, spells; consumption of various substances, whether eaten, drunk or inhaled; physical contact with other substances (rubbing the body, washing the body); symbolic acts involving figural representations; prescription of acts to be carried out at home for a fixed period of time, etc. Consequently, the amulet in our hand is only one aspect of the magical procedure that actually consisted of various elements. Its original form and context may be reconstructed on the basis of magical manuals and contemporary practices. In this article, however, I wish to concentrate only on the magical devices employed in the text that survived.

Interpretation of the amulet’s content and the magical traditions it represents Magical devices of the amulet include the followings: 1) special formal characteristics of the inscription (disconnected letters, lack of diacritical signs, lack of spacing); 2) Quranic verses that are usually considered as having magical power, like the Throne verse, verses seeking refuge and protection; 3) juxtaposition of Quranic verses that contain any word or expression corresponding to the purpose 225

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of the amulet, disregarding the original meaning and context of the verses; 4) idmār, that is, unintelligible magical names; 5) Hebrew divine names; 6) repetitions (seven times, five times); 7) magical squares; 8) budūh: term widespread in love magic; 9) love spell causing insomnia; 10) matrilineal genealogy; 11) closing formula commanding the demons to carry out quickly the order of the practitioner; 12) Seven Seals of Solomon; 13) the so-called ‘mysterious letters’ of the Quran. All these components have a tradition that I attempted to trace back to medieval sources. At the same time I also wished to present some modern parallels. For that purpose I consulted the following works dealing with magic or containing magical and mystical elements: 1) Rasā’il ikhwān aṣ-ṣafā’ (Encyclopaedia of the Brethren of Purity), composed in the 10th century with the purpose of collecting all the sciences concerning the universe and presenting them in a systematic way. The first detailed description of magical squares in Arabic can be found in this work. 2) Shams al-maʿārif (Book of the Sun of Gnosis) composed by Aḥmad al-Būnī, who was born in the second half of the 12th century in Algeria, but spent most of his life in Cairo. This widely known manual employs the terms and concepts of Sufi mysticism while treating obviously magical subjects, that is, it provides magical content in a mystical form.5 3) Magical booklets published in the second half of the 20th century in Cairo. 4) Sufi litanies and prayers collected in booklets for popular use. Although these are essentially mystical texts, they contain several magical elements as well

Disconnected letters; lack of diacritical signs and spacing The most striking peculiarity of the amulet is that its text is written with disconnected letters, employing the full, independent form of the characters. Diacritical signs distinguishing characters of similar or identical shape are omitted. There is no segmentation in the text, resulting in a continuous series of disconnected consonants, each of which has about 3-4 possible readings. It is needless to say that vocals are not represented by any means. The ends of the words and sen5

I have used two editions of the text, a popular one: Būnī, A. 1985. Shams al-maʿārif al-kubrā. Beirut, al-Maktaba al-Sha‛abiyya. A scholarly edition of the text based on several manuscripts with an introduction and a Spanish translation of the first part was prepared by Cordero, J. C. 2009. El Kitāb Šams al-Maʿārif al-Kubrā (al-ŷuz’ al-awwal) de Aḥmad b. ʿAlī al-Būnī: Sufismo y ciencias ocultas. Salamanca, Universidad de Salamanca. PhD thesis.

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tences are not indicated. That makes the reading of the text very difficult, even for educated native speakers of Arabic. Amulets are frequently written with disconnected letters, sometimes the instructions of the magical manuals explicitly require certain spells to be written in such a way.6 The use of disconnected letters is characteristic of magical texts, and has several possible explications. Besides the obvious reason (it is more difficult to read), it should be mentioned that each letter is supposed to be connected to a specific demon that can be evoked by that letter. Disconnected letters appear in their most complete form, not in partial form as the joined letters. The independent forms of letters display all their elements, consequently they possess the full power of the demon associated with them. As a result, the power of each demon of the characters is added to the meaning of the text multiplying the magical effect produced by the significance of the words.7

Mysterious letters of the Quran The four sheets of the amulet were folded into square shapes with an intricate folding pattern. Two of the folded strips have magical signs written on their outer sides. One of the folded sheets has a 5x5 magical square on it; the other a pentagram and the letters ḥā-mīm. These are from among the ‘mysterious letters’ of the Quran, which stand at the beginning of several chapters. The function of these letters or groups of letters is not clear, Muslim and Western scholars have various explications. The groups of letters result in unintelligible words, and consequently have their special role in mysticism and magic. The linguistic analysis of some Sufi prayers proves that these words frequently stand in positions where normally proper names, or more exactly, divine names would appear. Orthodox religious leaders, and even the regulations of Sufi brotherhoods gener-

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For example, Naṣṣār, M. n. d. Kitāb ğawhar al-kushūf fī sirr al-ḥurūf. 2 vols. Cairo, Maktabat al-Ğumhūriyya al-ʿArabiyya, 1:130. Canaan, T. 2004. The Decipherment of Arabic Talismans. In E. Savage-Smith (ed.), Magic and Divination in Early Islam, 125-177. Aldershot, Ashgate, 152-153. According to his supposition letters are written without diacritical signs because that is the ancient way of writing, and due to its ancientness it is attributed more power. On the other hand, an educated native Egyptian told me that disconnected letters were preferred since they were similar to ancient hieroglyphs. This supposition seems to be erroneous, however, since the use of disconnected letters in amulets is widespread in the Islamic world, and it is by no means restricted to Egypt.

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ally prohibit calling God by unintelligible names,8 therefore most Sufi masters would not agree with the supposition that ḥm, khyʿṣ, ḥmʿsq and similar groups of letters often occurring in their litanies could be understood as divine names. The analysis of the sentence structures, however, makes this hypothesis highly probable. These groups of letters many a time stand in positions in which normally an attribute of God would stand: ‘bi-sm Allāh khyʿṣ, bi-sm Allāh ḥmʿsq’ (‘in the name of God khyʿṣ, in the name of God ḥmʿsq’)9 – similar to the formula bi-sm Allāh ar-Raḥmān ar-Raḥīm (‘in the name of God, the Clement, the Merciful’). In other instances they are parallel to the name Allah: ‘bi-sm Allāh samawtu, wa-bi-khyʿṣ kufaytu [sic], wa-ḥmʿsq ḥumaytu [sic]” (‘I have been elevated by the virtue of the name of God, I have been given satisfaction by virtue of khyʿṣ, I have been protected by the virtue of ḥmʿsq’).10 They can be in vocative: ‘khyʿṣ ighfir lī’ (‘khyʿṣ forgive me!’) cf. ‘rabbanā, ighfir lī’ (‘our Lord, forgive me!’).11 Sometimes, however, no grammatical function can be ascribed to them, and they stand syntactically isolated in the sentence. In such cases they obviously have a magical role. The letters ḥm occur especially often in Sufi prayers, and occasionally they are repeated seven times, a fact that corroborates the magical function of the sequence. For example: ‘Oh, Victorious, subdue him who machinates against me by evil means, fetter his striking hand! ḥm ḥm ḥm ḥm ḥm ḥm ḥm protect us by the right of ḥmʿsq, from everything that we are afraid of!’12 The letters ḥm are frequently followed by a form of the verbal root ḥmy (to protect), which indicated that these mysterious letters are associated with the protecting faculty of God.13 Considering that the amulet found at the excavation has two major purposes: 1) to incite love; 2) to serve as a protective device, in my opinion, the letters ḥm written on the folded sheets have a protective function. It has to be noted, however, that the letters ḥm were written on the outer surface of the love-charm, not on the protective charm, which has a blurred magical square on it. This fact can be explained by the assumption that the four sheets were written, folded and enclosed in a case at the same time, and all of the texts were considered as one amulet. Therefore it was irrelevant exactly for which of the folded strips the protective letters were written. See for example, Rāḍī, S. n. d. Qānūn ṭarīqat as-sāda al-ḥāmidiyya ash-shādhiliyya. Cairo, al-Qāhira al-ḥadītha li-ṭ-ṭibāʿa, 8, 28.  9 No author, no date. al-Mağmūʿa an-nādira li-ṭ-ṭarīqa ash-shādhiliyya. Cairo, Maktabat al-Fağr al-Ğadīd, 90. 10 al-Mağmūʿa an-nādira, 87. 11 al-Mağmūʿa an-nādira, 105. 12 al-Mağmūʿa an-nādira, 105. Another example of repetition seven times, 141. 13 al-Mağmūʿa an-nādira, 105, 108, 134, etc.  8

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Translation and explication of the texts In the following, I will present the English translation of each sheet with comments on their content and the magical devices the text employs. For passages from the Quran the translations by M. H. Shakir, Abdullah Yusufali and M. Pickthal were consulted, but I could not stick to any of them, since for the sake of this article a very literal translation was needed.

Translation of sheet 1 [1] In the name of God, the Clement, the Merciful. [2] His aid we seek. [3] May God honour [4] our lord, Muḥammad, [5] his family and his companions, and give them peace! [6] Proclaim unto mankind the pilgrimage, [7] and they will come unto you on foot [8] and on every lean camel (ḍāmir) [9] they will come from every deep gap [Q 22:27] gap gap [10] gap gap gap gap [11] If you had spent all what is in [12] earth, you could not unite [13] their hearts, but God [14] has united them, for He is mighty [15] and wise. [Q 8:63] Oh God! Unite [16] ʿAdīla, the daughter of the second-wife [17] and Ismāʿīl, the son of [18] the bondmaid of God, the daughter of Eve (Ḥawā)! [19] Take upon yourself, servants and [20] spirits of this noble verse of the Quran [21] to incite love, passion and [22] affection towards ʿAdīla, the daughter of the second-wife [23] by right of who wears this [24] sublime and profound verse of the Quran, [25] take it upon yourselves! Attract [26] and direct Ismāʿīl, the son of [27] the bondmaid of God, the daughter of Eve [28] by means of love and passion and attraction [29] to ʿAdīla! Ismāʿīl, the son of [30] the bondmaid of God, the daughter of Eve,14 by love to [31] ʿAdīla, the daughter of the second-wife! Quickly, [32] swiftly, right now! Obey! [33] May God bless you!

Comments ‘lean camel’ (ḍāmir) This word has magical connotations, since the meaning of the verbal root ḍmr is ‘to hide, conceal’, and the verbal noun iḍmār derived from the root is a technical term frequently occurring in magical manuals. It denotes texts containing hidden, 14

The writer of the amulet confounded the names (he should have written the name of ʿAdīla’s mother instead here).

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that is, unintelligible names, or these nomina barbara themselves. The text of the iḍmār is usually written on different kinds of materials (wax candle, leather, paper, human body) while performing certain magical procedures (burning incense, etc.). Then the appropriate spell is recited. The same iḍmār has diverse effects according to the different procedures followed. Sometimes the iḍmār is closely connected to the text of the Quran, in that case the unintelligible names are inserted in the holy text of the Quran.15 ‘from every deep gap gap gap gap gap gap gap’ In the passage of the Quran cited here the word gap (fağğ) occurs only once, but in the amulet it is repeated seven times. Since seven is a magical number, these repetitions indicate that a special power is attributed to the word, and it seems to be regarded as a magical name. This is all the more probable because the word ḍāmir stands just before it, and ḍāmir can be understood as meaning iḍmār (employment of hidden, occult names). Concerning the demons creeping forth from the gaps of walls see the comments on sheet 2 of the amulet. ʿAdīla, the daughter of the second-wife, Ismāʿīl, the son of the bondmaid of God, the daughter of Eve (Ḥawā) Magical procedures require the identification of the parties involved. Muslim names include patronymics, that is, the name of the father, grandfather and further ancestors. The genealogy of each person is patrilineal. However, in magical context matrilineal genealogy is preferred: the name of the mother, grandmother is indicated instead. If the mother happens to be unknown, the name Eve (Ḥawā) is used.16 The amulet discussed here presents a special feature since the (female) progenitors of both persons involved are identified with a kind of substitute-name: the denomination Ismāʿīl, the son of the bondmaid of God, the daughter of Ḥawā (Eve)’ evidences that the woman requesting the love-charm did not know by name either the mother, or the grandmother of the man she desired for herself. Interestingly enough, even her own name is defective and strange: ʿAdīla bint aḍ-ḍurra means ʿAdīla, the daughter of the second-wife. The For example, the iḍmār al-fātiḥa, which subjects the ‘servants’ of the fātiḥa, the first chapter of the Quran, to the person reciting the text with unintelligible names, some of which are clearly Hebrew divine names. See Naṣṣār n. d., 2:130. 16 Marzūq, A. n. d. al-Ğawāhir al-lammāʿa fī istiḥḍār mulūk al-ğinn. n. p. Maktabat al-ḥāğğ ʿAbd as-Salām, 5-6. The introduction of the work enumerates the most important requisites of practicing magic. Among these it is mentioned that the person subjected to a magical procedure must be represented either by a figure or by identifying him by his and his mother’s name (or Eve). 15

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term ‘second wife’ has bad connotations, the word derives from the verbal root meaning ‘to wrong, to harm’. The name ‘daughter of the second-wife’ is extremely offensive, but for the same reason it has a protective faculty: it was a common practice in Egypt to call especially children by offensive or repulsive names in order to protect them from the evil eye.17 The lack of exact names is unusual, since in communities that are structured according to descent and family relations, like the community that inhabited the Theban necropolis, the genealogy of the extended family or clan is preserved in the memory of the group as a cornerstone of its identity. Elder Egyptian workmen employed at the excavation tried to identify enthusiastically the pair mentioned in the amulet, and finally they agreed that Ismā‛īl lived in a nearby house north-west to Bet Boghdadi some 50 years ago. Reputedly he was a man with great manual skills, having two expertises: making mud-bricks and manufacturing handmade artefacts for tourists.18 Some of the workers affirmed that his wife was called ʿAdīla, others could not remember the wife’s name. Considering the fact that in accordance with their cultural norm regarding polite communication, Egyptians are usually unwilling to disappoint an inquirer by admitting that they are ignorant of the exact answer, these assertions must be admitted with certain suspicion. ‘quickly, swiftly, right now!’ (al-waḥā, al-ʿağal, as-sāʿa) This is a usual closing formula of spells that can be found even in the Shams almaʿārif, a 12th-13th century magical-mystical manual, although quite rarely.19 In the modern magical booklets almost every spell is followed by this formula.20

I have heard about this practice from Saber al-ʿAdlī, an Egyptian folklorist, and also from Alexander Fodor. Lane mentions that Egyptian children were left unwashed and clothed shabbily on purpose, from fear of the evil eye. Cf. Lane, E. W. 2003 (Reprint from the fifth edition of 1860). An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians. Cairo, The American University in Cairo, 56-57. The custom of giving repulsive names to children in Iraq to protect them against the evil eye is mentioned by Thesiger, W. 2008. The Marsh Arabs. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 45. 18 In this context it might be worthwhile to note that in the shaft where the amulet was found a great number of finely carved, painted relief fragments were discovered, that were evidently cut out from tombs and prepared to be sold in the antiquities market. The spoilt ones were thrown in the shaft that was used as a rubble pit by nearby houses. The preparation of giftware for European tourists and visitors included these kinds of activities, widely practised by the inhabitants of the necropolis. 19 Cordero 2009, 149. Cf. Būnī 1985, 87. 20 It is especially frequent in Zinğī, S. n. d. as-Sirr ar-rabbānī fī ʿulūm ar-rūḥānī. Cairo, Maktabat Muḥammad ʿAlī wa-awlādihi. 17

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Translation of sheet 2 [1] In the name of God, the Clement, the Merciful. [2] His aid we seek. [3] May God honour our lord, [4] Muḥammad, his family and his companions, [5] and give them peace! Allah! There is no deity [6] save Him, the Alive, the Eternal, [7] neither slumber nor sleep overtakes Him; [8] unto Him belongs whatsoever is in the heavens [9] and whatsoever is in the earth; who [10] could intercede with Him save by His permission; [11] He knows that which is in front of them [12] and that which is behind them, while they [13] encompass nothing of His knowledge save… [Q 2:255, the end of the passage is omitted] [14] …they love them as they love God; [15] but those who believe are stauncher in their love for God… [Q 2:165, the beginning and the end of the verse is omitted] [17] Put the love of ʿAdīla [18] in the heart of Ismāʿīl ibn Ḥawā [19] so that he could neither sleep [20] neither eat [21] nor drink, [22] so that he could neither sleep, nor enjoy slumber [23] dḥū budūḥ budūḥ [24] budūḥ budūḥ [25] Adonay Tzevaot [26] El Shadday [in Hebrew: Lord of Hosts, Omnipotent God]

Comments ‘neither slumber nor sleep overtakes him’ (Q 2:255) The amulet contains Quranic verses related to love on the one hand, and to sleeplessness on the other. The passages are taken out from the original context, their significance is determined solely by the words occurring in them, without respect to their meaning in the context of the Quran. According to the principles of sympathetic magic the literal meaning of the words is supposed to transfer the concept which was mentioned, in this case love and sleeplessness. The passage beginning ‘There is no deity save Him … neither slumber nor sleep overtakes Him’ is the so-called Throne verse (Q 2:255), a most widely known verse that describes the omnipotence of God. In the context of the amulet, however, the verse obtains a completely new meaning, and it becomes practically a curse causing insomnia. The other Quranic verse (2:165) is quoted omitting the beginning and the end, since only the part containing the word ‘love’ several times was important to the magician.21 The juxtaposition of the two verses creates a peculiar connection between them: he who is in love should not be able to sleep; or, what

21

The same verse appears with the explicit instruction of being written with disconnected letters in Naṣṣār n. d., 1:130; cf. also 1:113.

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is more, he should be so extremely in love that it would make his sleeping impossible. Spells in which sleeplessness and love are connected to each other are frequent in magical manuals. In some spells, for example, sleeping is prevented by demons creeping out from the gaps of the walls: ‘Inflame with passion, burn, incite and attract so-and-so … so that he may not be able to sleep because of his love towards so-and-so … let the 72 jinns and the 377 Satans come out from the cracks of the walls. Their hands are of palm fibres, their fingers are hooks (khaṭāṭīf), let them grab (yakhṭifū) the heart of so-and-so with flutter and tremble, with anxiety, so that he may not be able to sleep either by night or by day, thinking of love all the time…’22 The word meaning ‘cracks of the walls’ (shaqq, plural: shuqūq) recalls the word ‘gap’ (fağğ) repeated seven times in the amulet (‘they will come from every deep gap’), which is followed by the Quranic verse mentioning the unification of hearts in the first sheet, and the verses about wakefulness and love in the second sheet. In the light of the spell evoking jinns and Satans creeping out from the cracks of the wall, the text of the amulet can be interpreted as a spell that by repeating the word ‘gap’ conjures up demons that arouse love and impede sleep. ‘budūḥ budūḥ budūḥ budūḥ’ Budūḥ is a widely known and ancient magical term, composed of the letters BDWḤ that have the numerical value 2, 4, 6, 8.23 It is considered a magical word bringing good luck, while the word composed of the odd letters ’ĞHZṬ (having the numerical value 1, 3, 5, 7, 9) provokes calamity.24 Different kinds of magical squares can be composed with the letters BDWḤ. (On magical squares in general see the comments on sheet 3 of this amulet.) The most simple of them, which can be found already in the Shams al-maʿārif, is a 4×4 square in which the letters occur in every possible combination: Naṣṣār n. d., 1:145. For another spell combining love and insomnia see Naṣṣār n.d., 1:118, and Zinğī n. d., 26-27. 23 There are two main alphabetical orders in Arabic. The order called alifbā’ groups together characters of similar shape; that order is used, e.g., in dictionaries. The more ancient order, abğad derives from the order of the Aramaic alphabet; in it every character has a numerical value as well. 24 Letters having the value of even numbers are called ḥurūf al-basṭ (the letters of expansion, i.e. relief), while letters having the value of odd numbers are called ḥurūf al-qabḍ (letters of contraction, i.e., anxiety) (cf. Canaan 2004, 161). Basṭ and qabḍ are basic terms of Sufi mysticism. On his way towards God the mystic lover experiences alternate states of excitement, anxiety and pressure on the one hand, and states of relaxation, relief and calmness on the other, just as an ordinary lover. 22

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‫ح‬

‫و‬

‫د‬

‫ب‬

Ḥ

W

D

B

‫د‬

‫ب‬

‫ح‬

‫و‬

D

B

Ḥ

W

‫ب‬

‫د‬

‫و‬

‫ح‬

B

D

W

Ḥ

‫و‬

‫ح‬

‫ب‬

‫د‬

W

Ḥ

B

D

The Shams al-maʿārif lists several applications of the word budūḥ and the square, for example: ‘If you want the creatures to accept you in every respect … make a silver seal, and write the letter B on it, and the word budūḥ … and wear it, because it will bring you full acceptance.’25 Then detailed instructions of its use follow: what kind of practices (riyāḍa) should be carried out and for how long (40 days); what kind of spell should be repeated and how many times; what kind of incense should be burnt and exactly how; which angel and demon can be conjured upon with it; what is the iḍmār (nomina barbara) associated with it; and finally the figure of the square is presented. A chapter of the book explaining the peculiarities of magical squares begins as follows: ‘Among them are the four letters: BDWḤ … if you want to get married or to propose to a woman, and you have already sent someone to ask her in marriage for you, but he was refused, then take a white dove, and write the word budūḥ in a square, as I have already explained to you, and also the spell, and tie it under the wing of the dove. Then send again your agent, and when he stops at the door of the house, and cries out there to the people, he should let the dove free. Whenever the dove takes wing, the woman will always be aroused.’26 The letters BDWḤ can be combined in two sequences (ḤB and WD) resulting in two synonyms: ḥubb (love) and wadd (affection). For that reason the use of the term is extremely frequent in love magic. In the amulet under discussion the term is not written in a square but it is repeated four times, which is reminiscent of the 4x4 magical square. ‘Adonay Tzevaot El Shadday’ The last words of the sheet are in Hebrew: Lord of Hosts, Omnipotent God. These are Biblical compounds that are common in Arabic magical texts also. The use of Hebrew divine names was and is still common in Arabic magical manuals, since magical thinking ascribes greater power to what is strange and unintelligi25 26

Būnī 1985, 401. Būnī 1985, 526.

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ble than to what is familiar and obvious. Naturally a contemporary Muslim magician or ordinary person would not understand the meaning and the provenance of these words.

Translation of sheet 3 [1] In the name of God, the Clement, the Merciful. His [2] aid we seek. May God honour our lord, [3] Muḥammad, his family and his companions, and give them peace! [4] Allah! There is no deity save Him, the Alive, the Eternal, [5] neither slumber nor sleep overtakes Him; unto Him belongs [6] whatsoever is in the heavens and whatsoever is in the earth; who [7] could intercede with Him save by His permission; He knows that which is [8] in front of them and that which is behind them, while they encompass nothing [9] of His knowledge save what He wills; [10] His throne extends over the heavens and the earth [11] and He is never weary of protecting them, because He is sublime [12] and mighty. [Q 2:255] He is never weary of protecting them because He is [13] sublime and mighty. [The last phrases of the verse are repeated seven times, in lines 13-20.] [21] God is the best protector, and He is [22] the most merciful. [Q 12:64] [23] God protects them [24] and you are not [25] in charge over them! [Q 42:6] [The two verses are repeated alternately five and seven times until the end of the sheet and in the first line of the next sheet. Between the words of the verses a magic square is inserted combining the letters of the word ‘protector’ (ḥafīẓ).]

Comments ‘protecting … protector … protects’ The introductory formulas are followed by the Throne verse, which is the most commonly used verse of the Quran in amulets. Then the so-called āyāt al-ḥifẓ (protector verses) are quoted, that is, verses that contain any derived form of the verbal root ḥfẓ (to protect). Repetition five or seven times is a well-known magical method. Magical square combining the letters of ‘ḥafīẓ’ (protector) A magical square is an arrangement of numbers (or letters with numerical value) in a square in such a way that in each row, column and diagonally they add up to the same number. Muslim sources deal with such squares from the 9th century. The first detailed discussion of several squares can be found in the Rasā’il ikhwān 235

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aṣ-ṣafā’ (Encyclopaedia of the Brethren of Purity), composed in the 10th century, in the part discussing exact sciences. In the tractate about geometry, the study on geometrical shapes is immediately followed by the description of eight magical squares on the plea that mathematics include arithmetic and geometry, and the magical square is the combination of these.27 Just as the properties (khawwāṣ) of each geometrical form are enumerated (correlation between angles and edges, etc.), the peculiarity (khāṣṣiyya) and the use (manfaʿa) of each magical square are specified. These are exclusively of magical nature. Seven quadrates are composed of numbers and the eighth one is composed of letters. Since letters have numerical values as well, the first and the last quadrates are in fact identical regarding their content, albeit disparate in form. The figure of the eighth square is followed by a comment: ‟And that is how it is prepared by those experts in making talismans.”28 This latter square contains the first nine letters of the Arabic alphabet (abğad) in a 3×3 square, the numbers add up to 15 in every direction, but the letters do not produce intelligible words. The use of the square (facilitating birth) is treated only briefly, since, as the author explained, it was detailed in the ‘Tractate on talismans and spells’, which is the last and longest tractate of the Encyclopaedia. Although it is the last, it is not the least important; on the contrary. According to the Encyclopaedia’s introduction of the tractate on magic, the study of all the formerly treated sciences was necessary for entering into the practice of magic. The person seeking knowledge should proceed step by step, from one level to the next till he will be capable of dealing with magic.29 It has to be noted that according to some modern scholars the Brethren of Purity considered the squares as models of the Universe, the rows and lines composed of different numbers but adding up to the same sum symbolized the unity of the Creation: ‟…the squares were presented as illustrations of the natural harmony of the Universe, and the accompanying text described them as small models of a harmonious Universe…”30 In the edition of the Encyclopaedia I used, “After having explained to you briefly the characteristics of geometrical shapes, and before that the properties of the numbers in the Tractate on Arithmetic, now we wish to explain to you something about the combination of both, since if you combine certain numbers with certain geometrical forms, that brings about qualities that could not be caused by one without the other.” Bustānī, B. (ed.). n. d. Rasā’il īkhwān aṣ-ṣafā’. 4 vols. Beirut, Dār Ṣādir, 1:109. 28 Bustānī (ed.) n. d., 1:114. 29 Bustānī (ed.) n. d., 4:283. 30 Cammann, Sch. 1969. Islamic and Indian Magic Squares. Part I, 181-209. In History of Religions. Vol. 8, no. 3, 190. Then he explains that after a while these ‘models of the Universe’ were considered as if they possessed universal power “… and the next step was to use them for making magic charms and talismans” (199) – although as I have mentioned before, they were considered from the outset as magical objects and used as amulets. 27

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I could not find any trace of this interpretation, the text accompanying the squares presents them as magical devices, and the instructions concerning them are entirely practical (when and how should they be prepared) without any philosophical consideration. This observation, naturally, does not mean that in general I deny the Neoplatonic background of the Brethren of Purity, or of certain magical ideas. Medieval magical manuals describe several ways of preparing squares. In some instances the letters of the name of the person involved in the procedure are combined with the letters of a divine (or demonic) name. Another method of preparing the square is to write the letters of a divine name in the first row, and to fill out the next rows with numbers (each number can occur only once), in such a way that they add up to the same sum as the numerical value of the letters of the divine name. In more simple quadrates only the letters of the divine name are combined. The square inscribed between the lines of the Quranic verses in the amulet has a long past. Its figure and description can be found already in the Shams almaʿārif, besides other, more sophisticated squares that are based on the name ‘protector’ (ḥafīẓ).31 The numerical value of the name ḥafīẓ is 998 (ḥ=8, f=80, y=10, ẓ=900). The square inscribed on the sheet is inaccurate, and although the writer of the amulet evidently tried to correct it (he rewrote six letters), he did not succeed. The correct square would be like this: ‫ظ‬

‫ي‬

‫ف‬

‫ح‬

900 10

80

‫ف‬

‫ح‬

‫ظ‬

‫ي‬

80

8

900 10

‫ح‬

‫ف‬

‫ي‬

‫ظ‬

8

80

10 900

‫ي‬

‫ظ‬

‫ح‬

‫ف‬

10 900

8

8

80

Translation of sheet 4 [1] … is the best protector, and He is the most merciful. [Q 12:64] [2] God encompasses them from behind. [3] Nay! This is a glorious Quran [4] in a wellprotected tablet. [Q 85:20-22] [These verses are repeated seven times in lines 2-14. The writer of the amulet made some mistakes while copying the text, and omitted 31

Būnī 1985, 174-175, 466.

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some words.] [14] In the name of God, the Clement, the Merciful! [15] Say: He is God, the One! He is Eternal! [16] He begets not, nor is He begotten, and none is like Him! [Q 112:1-4] [17] In the name of God, the Clement, the Merciful! Say: [18] I seek refuge in the Lord of the daybreak, from the evil of what He created [19] and from the evil of darkness when it is intense, and from the evil of [20] those who blow on knots, and from the evil of the envious [21] when he envies. [Q 113:1-5] In the name of God, the Clement, the Merciful! [22] Say: I seek refuge in the Lord of men, the king of men, [23] the God of men, from the evil of the sneaking whisperer, who [24] whispers in the hearts of men from among the jinn [25] and the men. [Q 114:1-6] …protecting against every rebellious Satan. [Q 37:7] [26] …as a protector, this is the decree of the Mighty, the Omniscient. [Q 41:12] [27] …and we protected them against every accursed Satan. [Q 15:17] [28] We sent down the message and we will protect it. [Q 15:9] [29] We sent down the message and we will protect it. [Q 15:9] [30] …there is a writing with us which protects. [Q 50:4] There is no soul but [31] who has a protector over it. [Q 86:4] …as a protector, [32] this is the decree of the Mighty, the Omniscient. [Q 41:12, the beginning of the passage is omitted] We sent down the message [33] and we will protect it. [Q 15:9] God protects them [34] and you are not in charge over them! [Q 42:6] God encompasses them [35] from behind. Nay! This is a glorious Quran [36] in a well-protected tablet. [Q 85:20-22] May God honour our lord, [37] Muḥammad, his family and his companions, and give them peace! [38] [magical signs]

Comments Verses of refuge The last two chapters of the Quran, each one of them beginning ‘Say: I seek refuge…’ are called verses of refuge. Commentaries of the Quran quote several traditions according to which these verses were used by Muḥammad himself as counter-charm against his Jewish servant who cast a spell on him by binding eleven knots on a cord, hiding it in a well, thus afflicting Muḥammad with illness. God, however, sent the angel Gabriel to him, who taught him these chapters, composed altogether of 11 verses. When Muḥammad recited the text, after each verse one of the knots became untied until all of them were unbound, and the spell of the Jewish servant was neutralized.32 32

Suyūṭī, Ğ. 1990. ad-Durr al-manthūr fī t-tafsīr al-ma’thūr. 6 vols. Beirut, Dār al-kutub alʿilmiyya, 6:716-717.

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Magical signs: seven seals of Solomon The series of magical signs that close the amulet are conventionally called the seven seals of Solomon, and can be found in the Shams al-maʿārif, where, however, this denomination does not appear.33 The signs are identified there as the letters of the greatest and concealed name of God. A whole chapter is dedicated to the explanation of the signs, but the author did not disclose how the name should be uttered: ‟I explain to you briefly these signs, so that you may understand their exquisiteness and beneficence: they originate from three books, from the Torah, the Gospels and the Quran. But only those possessing mystical knowledge (ʿārif) know how to utter them in Arabic, and they transmit this knowledge orally, from master to disciple.”34 The word ʿārif is a Sufi term referring to mystics having direct knowledge, or experience (maʿrifa) of God. This term, and the intimate way of transmitting the secret knowledge (orally, from master to disciple, in Arabic: min ṣadr ilā ṣadr, literally: heart to heart) shows evident Sufi influence. A Sufi master transmits individually to his disciple divine names whispering them in the ear of the disciple, so that he may repeat it in solitary dhikr. The Shams quotes a long poem attributed to ʿAlī that among other divine names describes also these magical signs, interpreting the signs as pictograms (ladder, fingers) or else as letters (hā’, mīm, wāw).35 The star-shaped sign is represented sometimes as a pentagram and sometimes as a hexagram in the different manuscripts – our amulet has a pentagram. In the manuscripts of the Shams the series is composed of seven signs, having only one star among them. However, the poem quoted in the Shams clearly states that the series starts and ends with a star: “its end is identical with its beginning: a pentagram”36 – just like in the amulet under discussion. These magical signs can be found frequently in amulets, the star being either a pentagram or a hexagram; appearing only once or twice. It has been suggested that the additional star is for the sake of symmetry.37

Transcription For the sake of convenience I decided to supply the text with diacritical signs, spacing, indication of the consonant hamza, according to the conventions of modern orthography. Cf. Cordero 2009, XXVII and the bibliography cited there. Cordero 2009, 186. The same passage appears more briefly in Būnī 1985, 91. 35 Būnī 1985, 89-91. 36 Būnī 1985, 90; Cordero 2009, 185. 37 Fodor, A. 1992. Types of Shī‛ite Amulets from Iraq. In F. De Jong (ed.), Shī‛a Islam, Sects and Sufism, 118-134. Utrecht, M. Th. Houtsma Stichting, 125. 33

34

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‫ﷲ‬ ‫زيز‬ ‫بين‬ ‫رة‬ ‫بن‬ ‫ى‬ ‫روحا‬ ‫شري‬ ‫ة وم‬ ‫لض‬ ‫ذه‬ ‫سف‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ابن‬ ‫ى بم‬ ‫طف ع‬ ‫ن ام‬ ‫ة عد‬ ‫الوحا‬ ‫جيبوا‬ ‫عليكم‬

‫]‪[Sheet 1‬‬ ‫‪[Sheet‬‬ ‫]‪1‬‬ ‫مسب ‪1‬‬ ‫ﷲهللا‬ ‫نمحرلا‬ ‫الرحمن‬ ‫‪ 1‬بسم‬ ‫ميحرلا ‪2‬‬ ‫الرحيمهبو‬ ‫‪2‬تسن‬ ‫وبه نست‬ ‫علىنيع ‪3‬‬ ‫ىلصو‬ ‫هللا‬ ‫‪3‬ىلع‬ ‫عين وصلى ﷲ‬ ‫انديس ‪4‬‬ ‫دمحم‬ ‫‪4‬لعو‬ ‫مح مد وعل‬ ‫سيدنا‬ ‫وسلم ى ‪5‬‬ ‫هبحصو هلا‬ ‫ملسواله وصحبه‬ ‫‪5‬ى‬ ‫بالحنذاو ‪6‬‬ ‫الناسيف‬ ‫سانلا‬ ‫حلاب‬ ‫‪ 6‬واذن في‬ ‫كوتايوعج ‪7‬‬ ‫‪7‬عوجالاجر‬ ‫ياتوك رجاال‬ ‫ياتين ىل ‪8‬‬ ‫رماض لك‬ ‫نيتاي ضامر‬ ‫‪ 8‬لى كل‬ ‫فج‬ ‫فج‬ ‫فج‬ ‫كل‬ ‫منجف جف لك نم ‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬جف‬ ‫جففج فج‬ ‫قيمع فج‬ ‫‪ 10‬فج‬ ‫عميق جف ‪10‬‬ ‫جف جف‬ ‫انفقت ما في‬ ‫‪ 11‬لو‬ ‫تقفنااالول ‪11‬‬ ‫يف ام‬ ‫الا‬ ‫بي‬ ‫الفت‬ ‫ما‬ ‫جميعا‬ ‫رض‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫يب تفلا ام اعيمج ضر ‪12‬‬ ‫قلوبھم ولكن ﷲ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫مهبولق ن ‪13‬‬ ‫هللاننكلو‬ ‫عزيز‬ ‫بينھم انه‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫فلا ‪14‬‬ ‫مهنيب‬ ‫الفهنا‬ ‫زيزع‬ ‫الف بين‬ ‫حكيم‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ميكح ‪15‬‬ ‫اللھممهللا‬ ‫فلا‬ ‫نيب‬ ‫تنبالضرة‬ ‫عديلة بنت‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ةليدع ‪16‬‬ ‫ةرضلا‬ ‫ابن‬ ‫اسماعيل‬ ‫بين‬ ‫و‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫نبا ليعامسا نيبو ‪17‬‬ ‫حوى‬ ‫تنببنت‬ ‫ىوحامة ﷲ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ةما‪18‬‬ ‫هللا‬ ‫وروحا‬ ‫خدام‬ ‫يا‬ ‫توكلوا‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫احورو مادخ اي اولكوت ‪19‬‬ ‫الشري‬ ‫‪ 20‬نية‬ ‫ةين ‪20‬‬ ‫االيةهذه‬ ‫يرشلاھذهةيالا‬ ‫وم‬ ‫ومحبة‬ ‫بعطف‬ ‫‪ 21‬فة‬ ‫ةبحمو فطعب ةف ‪21‬‬ ‫مو‬ ‫الض‬ ‫بنت‬ ‫عديلة‬ ‫ودة‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ضلا تنب ةليدع ةدو ‪22‬‬ ‫حاملةرھذه‬ ‫بحق‬ ‫‪ 23‬رة‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫قحب‬ ‫لماح‬ ‫هذه‬ ‫والسف‬ ‫العلوى‬ ‫االية‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫فسلاو ىولعلا ةيالا ‪24‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬لى توكلوا واجذب‬ ‫بذجاو اولكوت ىل ‪25‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬واقلب اسماعيل ابن‬ ‫نبا ليعامسا بلقاو ‪26‬‬ ‫‪ 27‬امة ﷲ بنت حوى بم‬ ‫مب ىوح تنب هللا ةما ‪27‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬حبة وجلب وعطف ع‬ ‫بلجو ةبح ‪28‬‬ ‫ع فطعو‬ ‫‪ 29‬ديلة اسمايل‪ 38‬ابن ام‬ ‫ما نبا ‪38‬ليامسا ةليد ‪29‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ة ﷲ حوى بمحبة عد‬ ‫الوحا ة ‪30‬‬ ‫الضرة هللا‬ ‫ةبحمب ىوح‬ ‫دع‬ ‫‪ 31‬يلة بنت‬ ‫اجيبواةلي ‪31‬‬ ‫الساعةتنب‬ ‫ةرضلا‬ ‫احولا‬ ‫العجل‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫لجعلا ‪32‬‬ ‫ةعاسلا‬ ‫اوبيجا‬ ‫‪ 33‬بارك ﷲ فيكم وعليكم‬ ‫مكيلعو مكيف هللا كراب ‪33‬‬

‫‪Figure 4. Sheet 1‬‬

‫ ‪38‬‬ ‫‪Sic,‬‬ ‫‪insteadof‬‬ ‫‪.‬ليعامسا ‪of‬‬ ‫‪Sic,‬‬ ‫‪instead‬‬ ‫‪.‬اسماعيل‬

‫‪38‬‬

‫‪240‬‬

‫‪2018.07.05. 20:05:53‬‬

‫‪Now_Behold_My_Spacious_Kingdom.indd 240‬‬

‫‪ 4‬حمد وعلى اله وصح‬ ‫‪ 5‬به وسلم ﷲ ال له‪39‬‬ ‫‪ 6‬اال ھو الحي القيو‬ ‫‪ 7‬م ال تاخذه سنة وال نو‬ ‫‪ 8‬م له ما في السموات و‬ ‫‪ 9‬ما في االرض من ذا الذي‬ ‫‪ 10‬يشفع عنده اال باذنه‬ ‫‪[Sheet‬‬ ‫]‪[Sheet 2‬‬ ‫ايديھم‪2‬‬ ‫‪ 11‬يعلم ما بين ]‬ ‫الرحمن‬ ‫بسم ﷲ‬ ‫‪ 12‬وما خلفھم وال ‪1‬‬ ‫الرحمسب ‪1‬‬ ‫هللا‬ ‫نمحرلا‬ ‫حرلا‬ ‫يحي‬ ‫نيعتسنوص‬ ‫اال نستعين‬ ‫علمهوبه‬ ‫‪ 13‬طون بشيء من ‪ 2‬يم‬ ‫هبو مي ‪2‬‬ ‫صو‬ ‫‪ 14‬محبونھم‪40‬‬ ‫سيدنا م‬ ‫انديسعلى‬ ‫‪ 40‬كحبم‪ 3‬لى ﷲ‬ ‫هللا ىل ‪3‬‬ ‫ىلع‬ ‫وصح‬ ‫اله‬ ‫وعلى‬ ‫حمد‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﷲ والذين امنوا حصو هلا ىلعو دمح ‪4‬‬ ‫‪ 39‬به وسلم ﷲ ال له‪39‬‬ ‫ملسو هب ‪5‬‬ ‫‪ 16‬اشد حبا � اللھم‪ 5‬هل ال هللا‬ ‫ھو الحي‬ ‫عديلة اال‬ ‫‪ 17‬اجعل محبة ‪6‬‬ ‫القيوالا ‪6‬‬ ‫يحلا وه‬ ‫ويقلا‬ ‫نو‬ ‫وال‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫تاخذه‬ ‫ال‬ ‫م‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪ 18‬في قلب اسماعيلون الو ةنس هذخات ال م ‪7‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ابن حوى حتى الو‪ 8‬ميله ما في‬ ‫السمواتهلو م ‪8‬‬ ‫تاومسلا يف ام‬ ‫الذي‬ ‫ذا‬ ‫من‬ ‫االرض‬ ‫‪ 20‬نام وال يا‪ 41‬ياكل‪ 9‬ما‬ ‫وال‬ ‫يذلافياذ نم ضرالا يف ام ‪9‬‬ ‫‪ 21‬يش‪42‬‬ ‫اال باذنه‬ ‫يشفعالاعنده‬ ‫هنذابي‬ ‫‪ 42‬وال يشرب‪10‬وال‬ ‫عفشي ‪10‬‬ ‫هدنع‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ايديھم‬ ‫بين‬ ‫ما‬ ‫يعلم‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪ 22‬نام وال يھن له منام‬ ‫مهيديا نيب ام ملعي ‪11‬‬ ‫يحي‬ ‫وال‬ ‫خلفھم‬ ‫وما‬ ‫‪ 23‬د ح و ب د و ح‪12‬‬ ‫ح‬ ‫و‬ ‫د‬ ‫ب‬ ‫يحي الو مهفلخ امو ‪12‬‬ ‫اال‬ ‫علمه‬ ‫من‬ ‫بشيء‬ ‫طون‬ ‫ادو‬ ‫ح‬ ‫‪ 24‬ب د و ح ب د و‬ ‫‪ 13‬هملع نم‪40‬ءيشب نوط ‪13‬‬ ‫الا‬ ‫محبونھم‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫كحب‬ ‫‪ 25‬ناي اصباوت البحك ‪40‬مهنوبحم ‪14‬‬ ‫نيذلاوامنوا‬ ‫ﷲ والذين‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬شدايي‬ ‫هللا ‪15‬‬ ‫اونما‬ ‫اللھم‬ ‫�‬ ‫حبا‬ ‫اشد‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫مهللا هلل ابح دشا ‪16‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫عديلة ‪17‬‬ ‫محبة لعجا‬ ‫اجعلةبحم‬ ‫ةليدع‬ ‫‪ 18‬في قلب اسماعيل‬ ‫ليعامسا بلق يف ‪18‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ابن حوى حتى ال ي‬ ‫ىوح نبا ‪19‬‬ ‫ي ال ىتح‬ ‫‪ 20‬نام وال يا‪ 4141‬ياكل وال‬ ‫الو‬ ‫لكاي اي الو مان ‪20‬‬ ‫‪ 21‬يش‪ 42‬وال يشرب وال ي‬ ‫ي الو برشي‪43‬الو ‪42‬شي ‪21‬‬ ‫‪ 22‬نام وال‬ ‫‪ 43‬يھن له منام‬ ‫‪22‬ح‬ ‫ماند و‬ ‫الو ب‬ ‫نهي و ح‬ ‫هل و ب د‬ ‫مانمد ح‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪24‬و د‬ ‫ح‬ ‫ب دبوححو دببد وو حح دادو‬ ‫ال د ب ‪24‬‬ ‫اصباوتح و‬ ‫نايو د ب‬ ‫‪ 25‬ح‬ ‫ودا‬ ‫توابصا يان ‪25‬‬ ‫لا‬ ‫‪ 26‬شدايي‬ ‫ييادش ‪26‬‬

‫‪Figure 5. Sheet 2‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ ‪39‬‬ ‫‪39 Sic, instead‬‬ ‫‪instead‬‬

‫‪.‬هلا اله‬ ‫‪.‬ال‬ ‫‪Sic, instead of‬‬ ‫ال ‪of‬‬ ‫‪.‬يحبونھم‬ ‫‪Sic, instead of‬‬ ‫‪.‬مهنوبحي ‪of‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ ‪41‬‬ ‫‪41 Dittography.‬‬ ‫‪Dittography.‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪42 Dittography.‬‬ ‫ ‪42‬‬ ‫‪Dittography.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫‪.‬يھنأ ‪43 Sic, instead of‬‬ ‫ ‪43‬‬ ‫‪.‬أنهي ‪instead of‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ ‪40‬‬ ‫‪40 Sic, instead‬‬ ‫‪instead‬‬

‫‪241‬‬

‫‪2018.07.05. 20:05:54‬‬

‫‪241‬‬

‫‪.‬ال اله ‪Sic, instead of‬‬ ‫‪Sic, Now_Behold_My_Spacious_Kingdom.indd‬‬ ‫‪.‬يحبونھم ‪instead of‬‬

‫‪39‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬

‫‪ 2‬ستعين وصلى ﷲ على سيدنا‬ ‫‪ 3‬محمد وعلى اله وصحبه وسلم‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﷲ ال له‪ 44‬اال ھو الحي القيوم ال‬ ‫‪ 5‬تاخذه سنة وال نوم له ما في الس‬ ‫‪ 6‬موات وما في االرض من ذا الذي يش‬ ‫‪ 7‬فع عنده اال باذنه يعلم ما بين ا‬ ‫‪ 8‬يديھم وما خلفھم وال يحي‬ ‫]‪3‬‬ ‫بما[‬ ‫‪Sheet‬‬ ‫‪ 9‬طون بشيء من ]‪3‬‬ ‫‪[Sheet‬شاء و‬ ‫علمه اال‬ ‫هللا مسب ‪1‬‬ ‫ميحرلا‬ ‫‪1‬ن‬ ‫نمحرلاوبه ن‬ ‫الرحمن الرحيم‬ ‫هبوﷲ‬ ‫بسم‬ ‫واالرض و‬ ‫السموات‬ ‫‪ 10‬سع كرسيه‬ ‫هللاعلى‬ ‫وصلىظﷲ‬ ‫ستعين‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫سيدنانيعتس ‪2‬‬ ‫ىلصو‬ ‫ىلع‬ ‫انديس‬ ‫‪ 11‬ال يئوده حفظھما وھو العلي الع‬ ‫وصحبه‬ ‫وعلى اله‬ ‫‪ 12‬يم وال يئوده ‪3‬‬ ‫وسلمدمحم ‪3‬‬ ‫ىلعو‬ ‫هبحصو هلا‬ ‫ملسو‬ ‫محمدوھو‬ ‫حفظھما‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﷲ ال له‪ 44‬اال ھو الحي ‪44‬‬ ‫ال‬ ‫القيوم‬ ‫مويقلا‬ ‫يحلا وه الا هل ال هللا ‪4‬‬ ‫حفظھما‬ ‫‪ 13‬العلي العظيم والاليئوده‬ ‫الو في‬ ‫مونله ما‬ ‫هل نوم‬ ‫سنةامحوال‬ ‫تاخذه‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫السهذخات ‪5‬‬ ‫ةنس‬ ‫يف‬ ‫سلا‬ ‫وال يئوده‬ ‫العظيم‬ ‫‪ 14‬وھو العلي‬ ‫الذي يش‬ ‫ضرالامن ذا‬ ‫والاذفينماالرض‬ ‫وما‬ ‫موات‬ ‫‪ 15‬فظھما وھو ‪6‬‬ ‫تاوم ‪6‬‬ ‫يف امو‬ ‫يذلا‬ ‫شي‬ ‫العلي العظيم‬ ‫بين ا‬ ‫باذنه يعلم‬ ‫عندهام اال‬ ‫وھوفع‬ ‫‪ 16‬يئوده حفظھما ا‪7‬‬ ‫هدنع عف ‪7‬‬ ‫هنذابماالا‬ ‫ملعي‬ ‫نيب‬ ‫العظ‬ ‫العلي‬ ‫امويحي‬ ‫مهفلخوال‬ ‫وماالخلفھم‬ ‫‪ 17‬يم وال يئوده ‪8‬‬ ‫مهيدي ‪8‬‬ ‫الو‬ ‫يحي‬ ‫يديھموھو‬ ‫حفظھما‬ ‫و‬ ‫شاء‬ ‫بما‬ ‫اال‬ ‫علمه‬ ‫من‬ ‫بشيء‬ ‫طون‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫حفظھماالا هملع نم ءيشب نوط ‪9‬‬ ‫ءاش امب‬ ‫‪ 18‬علي العظيم والويئوده‬ ‫واالرض و‬ ‫كرسيه‬ ‫عس ‪10‬‬ ‫السمواتهيسرك‬ ‫تاومسلا‬ ‫ضرالاو‬ ‫و‬ ‫سعيئوده‬ ‫‪10‬وال‬ ‫العظيم‬ ‫‪ 19‬وھو العلي‬ ‫العلي العظ‬ ‫حفظھما وھو‬ ‫يئوده‬ ‫العلي ال‬ ‫‪ 20‬حفظھما وھو ‪11‬‬ ‫هدوئي ال ‪11‬‬ ‫امهظفح‬ ‫يلعلا وهو‬ ‫ظعلا‬ ‫العظيم‬ ‫حفظھماالووھو‬ ‫وھو وال‬ ‫وهو يم‬ ‫‪ 21‬فا� خير حافظ‪1245‬‬ ‫ال‬ ‫أرحم‬ ‫مي ‪12‬‬ ‫يئودههدوئي‬ ‫امهظفح‬ ‫حفظھما‬ ‫يئوده‬ ‫وال‬ ‫العظيم‬ ‫العلي‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪ 22‬راحمين‬ ‫امهظفح هدوئي الو ميظعلا يلعلا ‪13‬‬ ‫ح‬ ‫يئوده‬ ‫وال‬ ‫العظيم‬ ‫العلي‬ ‫وھو‬ ‫]ح[]ف[]ي[]ظ[ ظ عليھم‬ ‫‪ 23‬ﷲ حفي‬ ‫ميظعلا يلعلا وهو ‪14‬‬ ‫‪14‬هدوئي الو‬ ‫ح‬ ‫العظيم وال‬ ‫وھو العلي‬ ‫الو فظھما‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫عليھم‬ ‫]ي[]ظ[]ح[]ف[‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﷲ حفيظ‬ ‫امهظف ‪15‬‬ ‫يلعلا وهو‬ ‫ميظعلا‬ ‫العظ‬ ‫العلي‬ ‫وھو‬ ‫حفظھما‬ ‫يئوده‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ليھمامهظفح هدوئي ‪16‬‬ ‫]ظ[]ي[]ف[]ح[ وهو‬ ‫‪ 25‬وما نت ع ظعلا يلعلا‬ ‫ال‬ ‫وھو‬ ‫حفظھما‬ ‫يئوده‬ ‫وهووال‬ ‫‪ 17‬يم‬ ‫حف‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫]ف[]ح[]ظ[]ي[‬ ‫‪ 26‬بوكيل‬ ‫امهظفح هدوئي الو مي ‪17‬‬ ‫لا‬ ‫العظيم وال يئوده حفظھما‬ ‫‪ 18‬علي‬ ‫بوك‬ ‫عليھم‬ ‫انت‬ ‫وما‬ ‫عليھم‬ ‫‪ 27‬يظ‬ ‫امهظفح هدوئي الو ميظعلا يلع ‪18‬‬ ‫العلي العظيم وال يئوده‬ ‫وھو‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬يل وﷲ خير حافظا‬ ‫ارحميظعلا يلعلا وهو ‪19‬‬ ‫وھوالو‬ ‫هدوئي‬ ‫عليهما وھو العلي العظيم‬ ‫حفيظحفظھ‬ ‫‪ 29‬م الراحمين ﷲ ‪20‬‬ ‫وهو امهظفح ‪20‬‬ ‫ميظعلا يلعلا‬ ‫‪ 30‬م وما انت عليھم‪21‬‬ ‫فا� خير حافظ‪ 45‬وھو أرحم ال‬ ‫بوكيل‬ ‫لا‬ ‫محرأﷲوهوح ‪45‬ظفاح ريخ هللاف ‪21‬‬ ‫‪ 22‬راحمين‬ ‫بوك‬ ‫‪ 31‬فيظ عليھم وما انت‬ ‫عليھم ‪22‬‬ ‫نيمحار‬ ‫]ح[]ف[]ي[]ظ[ ظ عليھم‬ ‫حفي‬ ‫حافظا ﷲ‬ ‫‪ 32‬يل وﷲ خير ‪23‬‬ ‫عليھم ‪23‬‬ ‫يفح هللا‬ ‫حفيظ]ظ[]ي[]ف[]ح[‬ ‫وھو اظ‬ ‫مهيلع‬ ‫]ي[]ظ[]ح[]ف[‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫خير حاف‬ ‫‪ 33‬رحم الراحمين وﷲ‬ ‫ليھم ‪24‬‬ ‫ظيفح هللا‬ ‫]ف[]ح[]ظ[]ي[‬ ‫مهيلع نت‪46‬‬ ‫وما‬ ‫‪ 34‬ظا وھو ارحم ‪25‬‬ ‫]ظ[]ي[]ف[]ح[‬ ‫ع‬ ‫وﷲ‬ ‫الراحمين‬ ‫مهيل‬ ‫]ح[]ف[]ي[]ظ[ ع ‪46‬تن‬ ‫]ف[]ح[]ظ[]ي[اموﷲ‪25‬حف‬ ‫بوكيل‬ ‫‪ 35‬خير حافظا وھو‪26‬‬ ‫الراح‬ ‫ارحم‬ ‫ليكوب ‪26‬‬ ‫]ي[]ظ[]ح[]ف[‬ ‫يظهللا‬ ‫فح‬ ‫عليھم بوك‬ ‫عليھم وما انت‬ ‫‪ 36‬مين وﷲ خير ‪27‬‬ ‫كوبوه‬ ‫حافظا‬ ‫ارحظي ‪27‬‬ ‫مهيلع‬ ‫مهيلعيرتنا‬ ‫امو وھو‬ ‫حافظا‬ ‫خ‬ ‫وﷲ‬ ‫يل‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪ 37‬و ارحم الراحمين وﷲ خير حا‬ ‫هللاو لي ‪28‬‬ ‫اظفاحﷲريخ‬ ‫حراموهو‬ ‫حفيظ عليه‬ ‫الراحمين‬ ‫‪ 38‬فظا وھو ارحم ‪29‬‬ ‫الراحمين وﷲ‬ ‫نيمحارلا م ‪29‬‬ ‫هللا‬ ‫ظيفح‬ ‫هيلعوما انت عليھم بوكيل ﷲ ح‬ ‫خير م‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫بوكامو م ‪30‬‬ ‫تنا‬ ‫مهيلع‬ ‫ليكوب‬ ‫‪31‬هللا‬ ‫ح‬ ‫عليھم‬ ‫وما انت‬ ‫فيظ عليھم‬ ‫مهيلع ظيف ‪31‬‬ ‫خيرتنا‬ ‫مهيلع‬ ‫كوب‬ ‫امو وھو ا‬ ‫حافظا‬ ‫يل وﷲ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫حاف‪32‬‬ ‫خيرلي‬ ‫هللاو‬ ‫ريخ‬ ‫اظفاح‬ ‫وهورحم الراحمين وﷲ‬ ‫ا‪33‬‬ ‫وﷲمحر ‪33‬‬ ‫نيمحارلا‬ ‫فاحظاريخ‬ ‫هللاوالراحمين‬ ‫وھو ارحم‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫الراحاظ ‪34‬‬ ‫ارحم وهو‬ ‫وھو محرا‬ ‫نيمحارلا‬ ‫هللاو‬ ‫خير حافظا‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫‪ 36‬مين وﷲ خير حافظا وه‬ ‫‪ 37‬و ارحم الراحمين وﷲ خير حا‬ ‫‪ 38‬فظا وھو ارحم الراحمين وﷲ‬ ‫خير‬ ‫‪39‬‬

‫‪Figure 6. Sheet 3‬‬

‫‪.‬هلا ‪of‬‬ ‫‪Sic, instead‬‬ ‫‪instead of‬‬ ‫‪.‬اله‬ ‫‪.‬اظفاح ‪of‬‬ ‫‪Sic, instead‬‬ ‫‪instead of‬‬ ‫‪.‬حافظا‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ ‪46‬‬ ‫‪Sic, instead‬‬ ‫امو ‪of‬‬ ‫‪Sic,‬‬ ‫‪instead of‬‬ ‫‪.‬تناانت‬ ‫‪.‬وما‬ ‫ ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪44 Sic,‬‬ ‫ ‪45‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪45 Sic,‬‬

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‫‪44‬‬

‫‪.‬اله ‪Sic, instead of‬‬ ‫‪.‬حافظا ‪Sic, instead of‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪Sic,Now_Behold_My_Spacious_Kingdom.indd‬‬ ‫‪.‬وما انت ‪instead of‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬

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‫‪ 4‬حفوظ وﷲ من ورائھم محيط‬ ‫‪ 5‬بل ھو قران مجيد في لوح مح‬ ‫‪ 6‬فوظ وﷲ من ورائھم محيط‬ ‫‪ 7‬بل ھو قران مجيد في لوح محف‬ ‫‪ 8‬وظ وﷲ من ورائھم محيط بل‬ ‫‪ 9‬ھو قران مجيد في لوح محف‬ ‫‪ 10‬وظ بل ھو قران مجيد في لوح‬ ‫‪[Sheet‬‬ ‫‪ 11‬محفوظ بل ھو ]]‪44‬‬ ‫‪[Sheet‬في‬ ‫قران مجيد‬ ‫ريخ ‪1‬‬ ‫اظفاح‬ ‫خيرمحرا‬ ‫‪ 12‬لوح محفوظ وﷲ‪1‬ارلا‬ ‫ارحم الرا‬ ‫وهووھو‬ ‫حافظا‬ ‫ورائھم‬ ‫من‬ ‫هللاو محي‬ ‫نمورائھم‬ ‫مهئارومن‬ ‫وﷲ‬ ‫حمين‬ ‫‪ 13‬محيط بل ھو ‪2‬‬ ‫نيمح ‪2‬‬ ‫يحم‬ ‫لوح‬ ‫مجيد في‬ ‫قران‬ ‫لوح م‬ ‫مجيد‬ ‫قران‬ ‫ھو‬ ‫بل‬ ‫ط‬ ‫لب ط ‪3‬‬ ‫في وه‬ ‫نارق‬ ‫ديجم‬ ‫يف‬ ‫حول‬ ‫‪ 14‬محفوظ بسم ﷲم‪3‬الرحمن الرحي‬ ‫محيط‬ ‫ورائھم‬ ‫من‬ ‫حفوظ‬ ‫مهئارولنم هللاو ظوفح ‪4‬‬ ‫طيحم‬ ‫وﷲلم ي‬ ‫الصمد‬ ‫‪ 15‬م قل ھو ﷲ احد‪4‬ﷲ‬ ‫يف مجيد‬ ‫قران‬ ‫حمبللهھو‬ ‫‪ 16‬د ولم يولد ولم ‪5‬‬ ‫محلب ‪5‬‬ ‫لوح وه‬ ‫ديجمفينارق‬ ‫حول‬ ‫كفوا اح‬ ‫يكن‬ ‫محيط‬ ‫ورائھم‬ ‫الرحيموﷲقلمن‬ ‫الرحمن فوظ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ظوف ‪6‬‬ ‫هللاو‬ ‫اعونم‬ ‫مهئارو‬ ‫طيحم‬ ‫‪ 17‬د بسم ﷲ‬ ‫في لوح‬ ‫يفمجيد‬ ‫قران‬ ‫بلماھو‬ ‫محفلب ‪7‬‬ ‫نارق وه‬ ‫ديجم‬ ‫حول‬ ‫فحم‬ ‫وم‬ ‫خلق‬ ‫‪ 18‬ذ برب الفلق من‪7‬شر‬ ‫ورائھمنممحيط‬ ‫طيحممن‬ ‫وظ وﷲ‬ ‫شر ال‬ ‫ومن‬ ‫وقب‬ ‫بل ظو ‪8‬‬ ‫هللاو‬ ‫مهئارو‬ ‫‪ 19‬ن شر غاسق اذا‪8‬لب‬ ‫محف‬ ‫لوح‬ ‫في‬ ‫مجيد‬ ‫قران‬ ‫ھو‬ ‫حاسد‬ ‫شر‬ ‫ومن‬ ‫‪ 20‬نفاثات في العقد ‪9‬فحم حول يف ديجم نارق وه ‪9‬‬ ‫قران‬ ‫بل ھو‬ ‫حولوظ‬ ‫‪ 21‬اذا حسد بسم ﷲ‪10‬‬ ‫الرحي‬ ‫الرحمن‬ ‫لوحظو ‪10‬‬ ‫مجيدوهفيلب‬ ‫نارق‬ ‫ديجم‬ ‫يف‬ ‫في‬ ‫مجيد‬ ‫قران‬ ‫ھو‬ ‫بل‬ ‫محفوظ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫نارقاله‬ ‫ديجم الناس‬ ‫الناس ملك‬ ‫وه لب ظوفحم ‪11‬‬ ‫‪ 22‬م قل اعوذ بربيف‬ ‫ورائھم‬ ‫من‬ ‫وﷲ‬ ‫محفوظ‬ ‫لوح‬ ‫‪ 23‬الناس من شر ‪12‬‬ ‫الذي‬ ‫الخناس‬ ‫الوسواس‬ ‫مهئارو نم هللاو ظوفحم حول ‪12‬‬ ‫لوح‬ ‫في‬ ‫مجيد‬ ‫قران‬ ‫ھو‬ ‫بل‬ ‫محيط‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫يف من‬ ‫حولالناس‬ ‫‪ 24‬يوسوس في صدور‬ ‫الجنةنارق وه لب طيحم ‪13‬‬ ‫ديجم‬ ‫مسبالرحي‬ ‫الرحمن‬ ‫نمحرلاﷲ‬ ‫بسم‬ ‫محفوظ‬ ‫‪ 25‬والناس وحفظا ‪14‬‬ ‫مارد و‬ ‫شيطان‬ ‫من كل‬ ‫ظوفحم ‪14‬‬ ‫هللا‬ ‫يحرلا‬ ‫هللالم ي‬ ‫الصمد‬ ‫دمصلااحد‬ ‫العليمﷲ‬ ‫العزيزقل ھو‬ ‫‪ 26‬حفظا ذلك تقدير‪15‬‬ ‫وهللق م ‪15‬‬ ‫هللاﷲدحا‬ ‫لي ممل‬ ‫اح‬ ‫كفوا‬ ‫له‬ ‫يكن‬ ‫ولم‬ ‫يولد‬ ‫ولم‬ ‫د‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫انا‬ ‫رجيم‬ ‫شيطان‬ ‫‪ 27‬وحفظناھا من كلحا اوفك هل نكي ملو دلوي ملو د ‪16‬‬ ‫هللااعو‬ ‫الرحيم قل‬ ‫الرحمن‬ ‫بسم ﷲ‬ ‫‪ 28‬نحن نزلنا الذكر‪17‬‬ ‫ميحرلاانا‬ ‫لحافظون‬ ‫واناد له‬ ‫مسب د ‪17‬‬ ‫نمحرلا‬ ‫لق‬ ‫وعا‬ ‫لحافظونمن شر ما خلق وم‬ ‫واناذ لهبرب الفلق‬ ‫‪ 29‬نحن نزلنا الذكر‪18‬‬ ‫مو قلخ ام رش نم قلفلا برب ذ ‪18‬‬ ‫غاسقلمااذا وقب ومن شر ال‬ ‫ان شر‬ ‫‪ 30‬وعندنا كتاب ‪ 19‬ن‬ ‫نفس‬ ‫كل‬ ‫بقو اذا قساغ رش ن ‪19‬‬ ‫نمو‬ ‫حفيظرش‬ ‫لا‬ ‫تقديرفيالعالعقد ومن شر حاسد‬ ‫نفاثات‬ ‫‪ 31‬عليھا حافظ حفظا‪20‬‬ ‫ذلك‬ ‫دساح رش نمو دقعلا يف تاثافن ‪20‬‬ ‫بسمو ﷲ الرحمن الرحي‬ ‫نزلناحسد‬ ‫‪ 21‬اذا‬ ‫الذكر‬ ‫‪ 32‬زيز العليم انا نحن‬ ‫نمحرلا هللا مسب دسح اذا ‪21‬‬ ‫يحرلا‬ ‫اعوذ برب الناس ملك الناس اله‬ ‫حفيظقل‬ ‫‪ 33‬انا له لحافظ‪ 47‬ﷲ‪ 22‬م‬ ‫عليھم‬ ‫لق م ‪22‬‬ ‫شر سانلا برب ذوعا‬ ‫سانلامنكلم‬ ‫هلا‬ ‫وراالوسواس الخناس الذي‬ ‫بوكيلالناس‬ ‫‪ 34‬وما انت عليھم ‪23‬‬ ‫من‬ ‫وﷲ‬ ‫سانلا ‪23‬‬ ‫من نم‬ ‫الناسرش‬ ‫ساوسولا‬ ‫سانخلا‬ ‫يذلا‬ ‫الجنة‬ ‫في صدور‬ ‫يوسوس‬ ‫مجيد‬ ‫‪ 35‬يھم محيط بل ھو‪24‬قران‬ ‫سوسوي ‪24‬‬ ‫يف‬ ‫رودص‬ ‫سانلا‬ ‫نم‬ ‫ةنجلا‬ ‫وحفظا من كل شيطان مارد و‬ ‫والناس‬ ‫‪ 36‬لوح محفوظ ‪25‬‬ ‫على سي‬ ‫وصلى ﷲ‬ ‫اظفحو سانلاو ‪25‬‬ ‫لك نم‬ ‫ناطيش‬ ‫و‪26‬درام‬ ‫العزيز العليم‬ ‫تقدير‬ ‫حفظا‬ ‫ذلكوسلم‬ ‫وصحبه‬ ‫‪ 37‬دنا محمد وعلى اله‬ ‫اظفح ‪26‬‬ ‫شيطان كلذ‬ ‫زيزعلاكلريدقت‬ ‫ميلعلا‬ ‫‪[magical‬انا‬ ‫رجيم‬ ‫من‬ ‫وحفظناھا‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫‪signs: seven seals of Solomon] 38‬‬ ‫اهانظفحو ‪27‬‬ ‫انا‬ ‫لك لهنملحافظون انا‬ ‫ناطيش وانا‬ ‫ميجرنزلنا الذكر‬ ‫‪ 28‬نحن‬ ‫انلزن نحن ‪28‬‬ ‫ركذلا‬ ‫نوظفاحل هل‬ ‫انا‬ ‫لحافظون‬ ‫اناو له‬ ‫الذكر وانا‬ ‫‪ 29‬نحن نزلنا‬ ‫انلزنلمانحن ‪29‬‬ ‫ركذلا‬ ‫اناو‬ ‫هل‬ ‫نوظفاحل‬ ‫‪ 30‬وعندنا كتاب حفيظ ان كل نفس‬ ‫‪Abstract‬‬ ‫باتك اندنعو ‪30‬‬ ‫لك نا‬ ‫ظيفحتقدير الع‬ ‫حفظا ذلك‬ ‫سفنحافظ‬ ‫امل عليھا‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ظفاح واهيلع ‪31‬‬ ‫اظفح‬ ‫كلذ‬ ‫ريدقت‬ ‫علا‬ ‫‪ 32‬زيز العليم انا نحن نزلنا الذكر‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫زيز ‪32‬‬ ‫ميلعلا‬ ‫انا‬ ‫انلزن‬ ‫ركذلا‬ ‫لحافظ‬ ‫‪excavation‬انا له‬ ‫و‪33‬‬ ‫عليھم‬ ‫نحنحفيظ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫‪The article discusses a modern Arabic amulet‬‬ ‫‪found‬‬ ‫‪in‬‬ ‫‪a shaft‬‬ ‫‪tomb‬‬ ‫‪in the‬‬ ‫‪area of‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫عليھمهللا‬ ‫ظيفح‬ ‫وراانا ‪33‬‬ ‫ظفاحل هل‬ ‫بوكيل وﷲ من‬ ‫مهيلع انت‬ ‫‪ 34‬وما‬ ‫‪Figure 7. Sheet 4‬‬ ‫‪TT 184. In modern times the Theban necropolis‬‬ ‫‪was‬‬ ‫‪inhabited‬‬ ‫هللاو‪by‬‬ ‫‪clans‬‬ ‫تنا امو‪34‬‬ ‫ليكوب‬ ‫نم‬ ‫ارو‬ ‫مهيلعفي‬ ‫مجيد‬ ‫قران‬ ‫بل ھو‬ ‫محيط‬ ‫‪who‬يھم‬ ‫‪35 occupied the‬‬ ‫طيحم‬ ‫لب‬ ‫نارق وه‬ ‫ديجم‬ ‫ﷲ على‬ ‫وصلى‬ ‫محفوظ‬ ‫يفلوح‬ ‫‪36by the Egyptian‬‬ ‫مهي‪tombs and built mudbrick houses over them. 35‬‬ ‫سي ‪The‬‬ ‫‪houses‬‬ ‫‪were‬‬ ‫‪demolished‬‬ ‫وسلمحول ‪36‬‬ ‫ظوفحم‬ ‫ىلصو‬ ‫محمدهللا‬ ‫يسدناىلع‬ ‫وصحبه‬ ‫وعلى اله‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫‪[magical signs: seven seals of Solomon] 38‬‬ ‫‪Sic,‬‬ ‫‪.‬نوظفاحل ‪instead of‬‬ ‫‪.‬لحافظون‬ ‫‪Sic, instead‬‬

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‫‪47‬‬ ‫ ‪47‬‬

‫‪Abstract‬‬

‫‪The article discusses a modern Arabic amulet found in a shaft tomb in the excavation area of‬‬ ‫‪TT 184. In modern times the Theban necropolis was inhabited by clans who occupied the‬‬ ‫‪tombs and built mudbrick houses over them. The houses were demolished by the Egyptian‬‬

‫‪2018.07.05. 20:05:55‬‬

‫‪Now_Behold_My_Spacious_Kingdom.indd 243‬‬

Abstract The article discusses a modern Arabic amulet found in a shaft tomb in the excavation area of TT 184. In modern times the Theban necropolis was inhabited by clans who occupied the tombs and built mudbrick houses over them. The houses were demolished by the Egyptian Archaeological Authorities, and their inhabitants were moved to a nearby settlement. The debris of their demolished houses mingled with Ancient Egyptian remains, just as their inhabitants used to live in an intrinsic connection with the tombs of the necropolis. The ethnographic research of this coexistence is still very incomplete. Modern findings can certainly shed light on the culture of this community that has mostly disappeared.   The peculiarity of the amulet under discussion is that it employs a great variety of magical devices that can be traced back to medieval sources and parallels. It is a good example of the conservative nature of magical tradition that preserves and applies methods and formulae whose origin has become obliterated, like the words in Hebrew which this amulet contains.

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3) Ancient Egyptian: language becomes literature

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Adrienn Almásy

La fonction et l’origine des catalogues de héros dans le récit démotique du Papyrus Krall J’ai plaisir à dédier au professeur Zoltán Fábián cette étude concernant le récit bien connu du Papyrus Krall, récit qu’il a également étudié et dont il a publié la traduction Hongroise.

Dans le récit du Papyrus Krall (la Bataille pour la cuirasse d’Inaros), quatre considérables listes énumèrent les participants au combat et immortalisent ainsi les noms des héros de la grande bataille. La première nomme, au moment de l’appel à la guerre, les généraux et les territoires sous leur contrôle, dans des lettres envoyées aux chefs des partis de Ouertiamonniout et de Pami qui définissent en détail la localisation et la date exacte de la mêlée (10. 2–14 et 10. 21–11. 14). La deuxième (17. 24–18. 3) dénombre les coalisés de Pétéchons accostant au port du champ de bataille.1 La troisième liste (18. 9–18. 18) apparaît comme une véritable préparation à contempler la mêlée. Chaque chef prend place l’un après l’autre sur sa tribune dressée à côté du champ de bataille. La quatrième liste de protagonistes se rattache à la troisième (18. 28–19. 10) et semble être une désignation des adversaires pour un combat en duel. En fait, il s’agit d’une seule et longue énumération développée en deux scènes et divisée selon la hiérarchie : la première partie dénombre les princes, les chefs contemplant la mêlée sans y participer, alors que la deuxième présente les héros qui vont livrer bataille. Regardons d’abord la structure du deuxième catalogue qui peut être considéré comme le « catalogue des vaisseaux » égyptien. Ce catalogue est l’énumération des héros et de leurs armées participant à la bataille et forme une partie distincte au cours de la narration. Il contient le dénombrement de dix héros en indiquant leurs origines, dans l’ordre de l’arrivée des contingents au port du lac attenant au champ de bataille. 1

Voir Schwartz, J. 1950. Le « Cycle de Petoubastis » et les commentaires égyptiens de l’exode. BIFAO 49, 67-83, 69.

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L’identification de chacun des dix héros est construite selon le même schéma : 1. La partie introductive 2. Le nom du héros 3. Son patronyme 4. Le nom de la ville (ou des villes) dominée(s) par le héros.2 Chaque unité commence par la même phrase (t­­i=w a.wy n mny tA mlA – on alloua un lieu d’amarrage au bateau de…) qui donne une structure régulière à l’énumération. Cette composition débute avec le troisième personnage assistant à la bataille. Les deux premières descriptions ne suivent pas le schéma susmentionné, et les deux premiers héros sont ainsi séparés des autres.3 Étant donné sa composition, cette phrase introductive ne peut pas être insérée dans la structure du catalogue, et apparaît plutôt comme une partie intermédiaire entre le catalogue et le sujet précédent. De surcroît, cette séparation du catalogue est un moyen parfait de mettre en valeur la figure et le rôle des deux principaux protagonistes de l’épopée. La liste des personnages est insérée dans l’action et fait partie du récit de la bataille. Dans le contexte, Pétéchons en arme, le protagoniste positif du récit, attend ses alliés au lac de la Gazelle pour un affrontement final avec les troupes hostiles, et les alliés arrivés pour la bataille sont énumérés selon l’ordre de leur accostage. Ce « ναύσταθμος» n’a pour rôle que de présenter les protagonistes du récit et les participants à la mêlée. Le classement des héros est déterminé selon des exigences purement littéraires et poétiques, il dépend du rôle joué par chaque héros dans l’action. Le catalogue commence par le héros le plus important et le plus souvent mentionné dans le texte, en continuant l’énumération jusqu’aux personnages les moins significatifs pour l’action. Il ne donne aucun nombre exact, ni des héros ni des bateaux, puis la dernière phrase de la liste comporte une mention générale concernant d’autres guerriers arrivés au port.4

2

3

4

Par exemple : 17. 25–27 (1.) t­­ ˹i=w˺ [a .w]y n m˹ny˺ tA mlA (2.) anx-Hr (3.) sA pA-n˹h˺-kA (4.) ti=˹w˺ a.wy n mny ˹n˺ tA mlA n na iwnw irm tA mlA na sy. (1.) Man gab [Plat]z des Landens des mlA-Schiffes des (2.) Ankhhor (3.) Sohnes des Paneh-ka. (4.) Man gab Landungsplatz dem mlA-Schiff der Leute von Heliopolis und dem mlA-Schiff der von Saïs (Hoffmann, F. 1996. Der Kampf um den Panzer des Inaros. Studien zum P. Krall seiner Stellung innerhalb des Inaros-Petubastis-Zyklus. MPON NS 26. Wien, 327).

17. 23–24 (23.) xpr m˹ny˺ pA [l]˹m˺s pA wr iAbt pA-qll r pA Sy n ˹t˺[A gH]-(24.)-sy.t xpr ˹t˺A mlA [pA]-ti-xnsw na H.t-t˹A˺-Hry-ib r.iw=w Xty. (23.) War, als das [l]ms-Schiff des Großen des Ostens Paklul landete am See de[r Ga-](24.)zelle. Das mlA-Schiff des [Pe]techons (und) der Leute von Athribis war dabei stromab zu fahren (Hoffmann 1996, 326-327). 18. 1–2 (1.) ˹ti=w˺ a.wy n mny n ir.t-Hr-˹r =w˺ pA xm pA nxt imy (2.) irm pA sp n˹A˺ Sr.w ˹pA r˺pAy ir.t-Hr-r=w (1.) Man gab Landungsplatz dem Inaros dem Jüngeren, dem Kühnen, (2.) und dem Rest der Kinder des Fürsten Inaros (Hoffmann 1996, 329).

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Liste des personnages et de leurs villes :   1. Pakhlul (44 fois mentionné dans le texte entier)   2. Pétéchons (fils de Bakrenef, c’est un personnage différent du grand Pétéchons)5 et les gens d’Athribis (1 fois)   3. Ankhhor (16 fois), avec les gens de Héliopolis et les gens de Saïs   4. Minnemei (9 fois) et les gens d’Éléphantine   5. Parameni (6 fois) et les gens de Permenechré6   6. Pabuirrechef (fils d’Inaros, 1 fois) et les gens du territoire de Saïs   7. Bacloulou (fils d’Inaros, 1 fois) et les gens de Bousiris   8. Ouiloui (fils d’Ankhhor 1 fois) et les gens de Meïdoum   9. Ouchesnaifgemoulou (fils d’Inaros, 1 fois) 10. Inaros le jeune (2 fois) 11. les autres fils d’Inaros Cette récapitulation montre que l’énumération des coalisés de Pétéchons n’est pas construite selon l’emplacement géographique des territoires des héros mentionnés, mais selon l’ordre d’importance des personnages dans la narration, à savoir dans la guerre elle-même. Ainsi, le premier personnage du catalogue est mentionné 44 fois et les autres sont rangés par ordre de la fréquence de leur apparition dans le récit. La mention du deuxième personnage, Pétéchons d’Athribis, rompt ce principe de classement des héros : il n’apparaît dans le texte qu’une seule fois, et il ne peut être autrement identifié. Un certain Pétéchons, fils de Bakrenef, se présente sur le champ de bataille à côté de Pami, mais l’identification avec Pétéchons d’Athribis n’est pas certaine. Deux options sont possibles pour expliquer l’apparition de ce personnage dans le catalogue : soit le rôle des gens d’Athribis avait une importance exceptionnelle pour l’auteur du texte du Papyrus Krall (la ville pouvait avoir une fonction politique à l’époque de la composition du texte), soit cet héros est inséré dans l’énumération à cause de son homonymie avec un autre personnage, à savoir l’autre Pétéchons dont le nom ne peut pas apparaître dans ce catalogue, puisqu’il est déjà présent, attendant les coalisés dans le récit encadrant le catalogue. Pétéchons le Grand (de Pisopde), l’un des protagonistes principaux de l’épopée, ne peut être omis de la liste des héros, mais le contexte ne permet pas son apparition dans le catalogue lui-même. Un autre Pétéchons est alors mentionné dans la liste, pour rappeler aux lecteurs le Grand Pétéchons.

5 6

Voir Hoffmann 1996, 327 n.1894. L’identification de cet endroit est incertaine, voir Hoffmann 1996, 242 n. 1291.

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Cette méthode de construction montre que dans l’élaboration du catalogue, la mise en valeur des deux protagonistes a joué un rôle essentiel. Les cinq derniers des dix héros mentionnés dans la liste peuvent être considérés comme des guerriers « supplémentaires » puisqu’ils n’apparaissent qu’en ce paragraphe du texte, et qu’ils semblent insignifiants dans l’action du récit. Aucun de ces cinq héros ne peut être identifié à des personnages connus dans l’histoire égyptienne, contrairement aux cinq premiers, et, en outre, ils semblent porter des noms fantaisistes : Pabuirrechef signifie « L’Inconnu », Ouchesnaifgemoulou « Énormes sont ses chameaux », et le nom Ouiloui pourrait être une onomatopée évoquant le cri de guerre. Étant donné que quatre sur cinq sont des fils d’Inaros , et que le cinquième est le fils d’Ankhhor déjà mentionné dans la liste, ils représentent « la nouvelle génération » de la bataille. Leur rôle dans le texte est de prolonger la liste en montrant l’importance et l’amplitude de la bataille par le nombre élevé des participants. (La dernière unité et la métaphore conclusive de la liste qui fait allusion à l’ampleur de la bataille sont le point culminant de cette énumération.) De surcroît, l’insignifiance de ces personnages accentue l’importance des cinq premiers en constituant un « côté faible » de comparses opposés aux personnages les plus significatifs déjà bien connus dans le texte. Par conséquent, on peut constater que la composition de ce catalogue de héros inséré dans le texte du Papyrus Krall se fonde sur l’ordre hiérarchique des personnages, transformé selon la volonté de l’auteur. Cela indique que ce « ναύσταθμος » égyptien n’existait pas sous cette forme avant la naissance du texte du Papyrus Krall. La troisième liste du texte du Papyrus Krall (18. 9–18. 18) est construite d’une manière semblable au catalogue des héros. Chaque nom de héros est inséré dans la même phrase : ir=w wa bk Xr…une tribune est faite pour…7 Dans cette énumération, dont une construction parallèle était connue dans la littérature égyptienne,8 les noms des personnages ne sont pas systématiquement complétés par des informations supplémentaires comme la filiation et l’origine des héros : les noms des chefs sont disposés en vis-à-vis par paires. La quatrième liste des adversaires par paires (18. 28–19. 10) continue l’énumération des deux parties belligérantes à un niveau plus bas de la hiérarchie, celui des guerriers. La construction de cette liste est moins stricte et le parallélisme structurel n’est pas aussi fixé. 7

8

Ir=˹w˺ wa bk AlAl ˹X˺[r] pr-aA pA-ti-ti-bAs.t ir=w ˹k˺A bk Xr pA wr ˹i˺Abv ˹p˺A-q˹l˺l wb = f… Man machte eine hohe Tribüne (un[ter] =) f[ür] Pharao Petubastis. Man machte eine andere Tribüne für den Großen des Ostens Paklul ihm gegenüber (Hoffmann 1996, 332-333). LdÄ 900-910.

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Catalogues égyptiens Pour déterminer l’origine et le contact éventuel de ces catalogues, il est nécessaire d’examiner ses précurseurs; les catalogues introduits dans les rapports militaires des époques précédentes. La Stèle de Piankhy, 9 dont la rédaction est la plus proche chronologiquement du conflit rapporté par le texte du Papyrus Krall, contient des catalogues de personnages en rapport avec des faits militaires. Ce récit, racontant l’unification du pays après la défaite des comtes et des princes locaux du nord de l’Égypte, comporte deux catalogues de personnages. Chacune des deux listes énumère les coalisés contre Piankhy. La première liste contient les noms des alliés de Tefnakht basés à Héracléopolis : 17-20. « Ils sont allés à Héracléopolis demandant le combat ; Liste des comtes et rois du Nord 1. le roi Nemrod (de Hermoupolis) et le roi Aouapet (de Léontopolis) 2. le chef des Ma’ Chechonq de la Demeure d’Osiris-Seigneur de Djedou (= Bousiris) 3. le grand chef des Ma’Djedamenef’ankh de la Demeure du Bouc-Seigneur de Djedet (= Mendès) 4. et son fils aîné qui était général de la Demeure de Thot-qui départage-lesdeux-hommes (= Hermoupolis Parva) 5. l’armée du prince héritier Bakennefy (de Athribis) 6. et son fils aîné le grand chef des Ma’ Esnaout du Taureau-heseb (XIème nome) 7. tous les chefs portant la plume qui étaient dans le Nord 8. et le roi Osorkon qui était dans la Demeure de Bastet et le district de Re’Nefer (= Boubastis) 9. tous les comtes, administrateurs de domaines de l’Ouest, de l’Est et des territoires du Centre, rassemblés en une seule et même allégeance aux pieds du grand chef de l’Ouest, l’administrateur des domaines du Nord, le prophète de Neith Dame de Saïs, le prêtre-sem de Ptah Tefnakht. »10 L’énumération est divisée en trois parties : 1. les deux « rois » Nemrod et Apaouet 2. les Ma’coalisés 3. les non-Ma’coalisés : Osorkon IV, et tous les comtes…11 Grimal, N.-C. 1981. Études sur la propagande royale égyptienne 1. La stèle triomphale de Pi(ankh)y au Musée du Caire. MIFAO. le Caire. 10 Grimal 1981, 36 §8. 11 Grimal 1981, 38 n. 88.  9

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La deuxième liste, insérée dans le récit après la conquête d’Héracléopolis, se présente comme le dénombrement des comtes d’une nouvelle coalition. 114-117.   1. « Osorkon (roi) de la Demeure de Bastet (et du) district de Re’-nefer (= Boubastis)   2. Aouapet (roi) de Taremou (et) Ta’an (= Léontopolis)   3. Djed-amenef’ankh (comte) de la Demeure du Bouc-Seigneur de Djedet (et du) Grenier du Re’ (= Mendès)   4. Ankh-Hor (general) de la Demeure de Thot-qui-départage-les-deuxhommes (= Hermoupolis Parva)   5. Akanosh (comte) de Sébénytos, Isidopolis (= Behbeit el-Hagar) et Diospolis inférieure   6. Patjenef (comte et chef des Ma’) de la Demeure de Soped et du Grenier de la Muraille Blanche (= Memphis)   7. Pmoui (comte et chef des Ma’) de la Demeure d’Osiris-Seigneur de Djedou (= Bousiris)   8. Esnaout (comte et chef des Ma’) du Taureau Heseb (XIème nome)   9. Nakhtorneshenou (comte et chef des Ma’) de Pikror (XIIIème nome) 10. Pentaour (comte et chef des Ma’) 11. Pentibekhné (comte et chef des Ma’) 12. Petearsomtus (le prophète d’Horus-Seigneur) de Létopolis 13. Horbes (comte) de Eset (= Saïs) et Rosesaou 14. Djedkhyou (comte) de Khenet-nefer 15. Pabasa (comte) de Kher-Aha et de la Demeure de H’apy – chargés de tous leurs beaux tributs... »12 Cette liste, bien qu’elle énumère les ennemis mentionnés antérieurement dans le premier catalogue, n’est pas exactement la même. Quelques personnages sont supprimés, d’autres sont ajoutés, tandis que certains territoires ont changé de titulaires.13 Ces modifications dans l’énumération des rois et des princes soumis peuvent être expliquées par la fonction même de la liste. Avec cette liste, une nouvelle répartition du pouvoir a été créée, reflétant une nouvelle situation politique. Elle montre l’intention de Piankhy de renforcer son autorité en introduisant ses partisans dans les territoires vaincus.14 L’ordre de classement suit une certaine Grimal 1981, 150-152 §21. Chechonq de Bousiris est remplacé par Pmoui ; Nemrod et Bakennefy sont omis. 14 Grimal 1981, 247. 12 13

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hiérarchie des alliés de Tefnakht en Basse-Égypte en les arrangeant sur une base territoriale. Au début de la liste, les vaincus et leurs villes sont dénombrés par l’ordre géographique du Sud au Nord-ouest en faisant un demi-cercle (Boubastis, Léontopolis, Mendès, Sébénnytos), mais dans la suite de l’énumération cet ordre géographique disparaît. La structure de la liste entière est d’ailleurs dominée par le classement hiérarchique. En conclusion, les deux listes des personnages et de leurs territoires dans le récit de la stèle de Piankhy sont arrangées selon un ordre hiérarchique conformément aux buts politiques. La première dénombre les ennemis « des grands aux petits », et la seconde est arrangée de la même manière, mais montre un certain ordre géographique qui peut être expliqué par le contexte. Selon la narration du texte, les rois et les comtes vaincus furent renvoyés dans leurs villes pour ouvrir leurs trésors et apporter le butin à Piankhy, et ainsi la liste donne un compte rendu topographique du territoire conquis. Dans le texte du Papyrus Krall comme dans le récit de la stèle de Piankhy, les catalogues présentent les personnages dans l’ordre de leur importance dans l’histoire, ou selon leur rôle politique. Ces deux principes de classement montrent que ces listes n’ont pu être rédigées que de manière concomitante avec les autres parties du texte, sans tenir compte des sources précédentes éventuellement employées pour leur composition. La naissance du catalogue des guerriers dans la littérature égyptienne était mise en relation avec l’accroissement du rôle des aristocraties locales dans la vie politique. Les catalogues des nobles constituaient donc une partie importante de l’histoire de la conquête de Piankhy, déterminant la carte politique de l’Égypte à l’époque en question, et ils ont eu en partie la même fonction dans le récit du Papyrus Krall.15 L’établissement de listes de toutes sortes était une habitude bien répandue en Égypte. Les onomastica et les énumérations de toponymes, par exemple, étaient employées sur des murs de temple de même que sur papyrus. L’exemple le plus classique des listes toponymiques est l’Onomasticon d’Aménémopé16 qui énumère des noms communs en les rangeant par catégories selon leur sens. Dans la cinquième section, l’énumération des villes d’Égypte suit une direction sud-nord.17

Kitchen, K. A. 1986. The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100-650 B.C.). Warminster, 455461. 16 Gardiner, A. H. 1947. Ancient Egyptian Onomastica I. London, 24-64. 17 Diverses sources montrent quelques différences dans les noms des villes selon les variations de l’importance des lieux listés (Gardiner 1947, 40). 15

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Sur les murs sud et nord du tombeau du vizir Rekhmiré datant du Nouvel Empire en énumérant les noms des villes payant l’impôt à Rekhmiré18 la disposition des toponymes correspond à leur emplacement réel : les villes se situant au sud sont mentionnées sur le mur méridional de même que les villes du nord apparaissent sur le mur septentrional. L’ordre des porteurs d’impôt est composé en premier lieu selon la localisation des territoires d’où viennent les officiaux et en second lieu selon une hiérarchie. Des listes de mots apparaissent également dans des textes démotiques scolaires. Ces listes peuvent être classées thématiquement, suivant la tradition précédente,19 phonétiquement et par l’assonance de la première syllabe.20 Les onomastica démotiques arrangées selon la consonance sont plus rares que celles construites selon des groupes thématiques,21 et souvent les listes thématiques ont pu servir d’exercices pour initier les élèves au vocabulaire de leur future carrière.22 Les listes toponymiques démotiques ont en général suivi la tradition de l’établissement géographique des onomastica du Nouvel Empire. Une liste toponymique du papyrus du Caire 31169 (col. 1–3.), à titre d’exemple, est dominée par l’ordre géographique des toponymes : elle énumère des groupes de trois ou quatre lieux

Newberry, P. E. 1900. The Life of Rekhmara, vezir of Upper Egypt under Thothmes III and Amenhetep II (circa B.C. 1471-1448). London, pl. 5-6 ; Davies, N. De G. 1944. The tomb of Rekh-mi-ré at Thebes. New York, pl. CXIX-CXXII. 19 Le plus ancien texte de cette sorte vient de l’Ancien Empire : une tablette de Giza (Mastaba G 1011 : Reisner, G. A. 1911. A Scribe’s Tablet found by the Hearst Expedition at Giza. ZÄS 48, 113-114). 20 Tait, W. J. 1982. A demotic word-list from Tebtunis. P. Carlsberg 41A. JEA 68, 210-227, 212. Une liste du papyrus Saqqara 27, qui contient des noms d’oiseaux et des noms d’arbres, prouve l’usage de listes alphabétiques pour mémoriser les signes (Kahl, J. 1991. Von h bis k. Indizien für eine„alphabetische” Reihenfolge einkonsonantiger Lautwerte in spätzeitlichen Papyri. GM 122, 33-48 ; Smith, H. S. – Tait, W. J. 1983. Saqqara Demotic Papyri I. London, 199). 21 Listes thématiques : Noms d’occupation ; P. Carlsberg 23 (Tait, W. J. 1984. A Demotic list of temple and court occupations: P. Carlsberg 23. In H.-J. Thissen and K.-Th. Zauzich (eds), Grammata Demotika Festschrift für Erich Lüddeckens zum 15. Juni 1983, 211-233. Würzburg) ; noms d’animaux : P. Petrie Museum sans numéro d’inventaire (Thompson, Sir H. 1907. Demotic. In Fl. W. Petrie (ed.), Gizeh and Rifeh, no. 93 B7. London) ; noms d’objet: P. Carlsberg 41 A (Tait 1982, 210-227 ; Steiner, R. C. 2000. Semitic Names for Utensils in the Demotic Word-List from Tebtunis. JNES 59, 191-194). 22 Devauchelle, D. 1984. Remarques sur les méthodes d’enseignement du démotique (À propos d’ostraca du Centre Franco-Egyptien d’Étude des Temples de Karnak). In H.-J. Thissen and K.-Th. Zauzich (eds), Grammata Demotika, Festschrift für Erich Lüddeckens zum 15. Juni 1983, 47-59. Würzburg, 57. 18

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situés dans la même région sans agencement strict, mais ces groupes se suivent de l’ouest à l’est.23

Catalogues grecs Pour mieux comprendre le rôle du catalogue des héros dans le texte du Papyrus Krall en comparaison avec les listes similaires, il faut également examiner des catalogues grecs. Pour les auteurs grecs, construire des énumérations était un moyen commode pour présenter les personnages, les nations ou les lieux apparaissant dans l’œuvre considérée. La fonction des diverses énumérations était différente, mais le but était toujours le même : énumérer les éléments constituant un groupe défini. Dans la littérature grecque,24 la création des catalogues a débuté avant l’époque classique et, grâce aux travaux des grammairiens, atteignit son acmé à l’époque hellénistique. Les sources littéraires les plus anciennes qui comportent des catalogues sont les épopées homériques25 et la Théogonie d’Hésiode, dans lesquelles l’énumération des personnages, délicatement insérée dans le texte, fait partie de l’œuvre. Parmi les différents catalogues attestés dans la littérature grecque, l’exemple le plus connu se trouve dans l’Iliade, c’est le Catalogue des Vaisseaux, qui était la partie de l’Iliade la plus souvent copiée grâce à son usage scolaire. Néanmoins, les épopées homériques comportent d’autres catalogues qui peuvent être classés en deux types : les catalogues étendus et les listes simples.26 La structure du Catalogue des Vaisseaux est caractérisée par deux facteurs décisifs : 1. Le catalogue se compose de différentes sections. 2. Ces sections sont arrangées selon une « composition annulaire » particulière.

Daressy, G. 1911. La liste géographique du Papyrus nº 31169 du Caire. Sphinx 14, 155-171, 154. L’appartenance à la littérature des hypothèses de l’époque hellénistique comportant des catalogues est discutée. Rossum-Steenbeek, van M. (1998. Greek Readers’ Digests? Studies on a Selection of Subliterary Papyri. xiii. Leiden) a rangé cette sorte de textes dans une sous-catégorie : “The texts are not considered as literary texts because they do not belong to one of the traditional literary genres in view of their contents and/or style and because they give no evidence of literary pretentions.” 25 Le plus ancien exemplaire connu du Catalogue des Vaisseaux, qui est également le seul Catalogue des Vaisseaux préaristarqéen, fut retrouvé à El-Hibeh et remonte à une date comprise entre 285 et 250. av. n. è. (West, S. 1967. The Ptolemaic Papyri of Homer. Coloniensia vol. 3. Köln, 5 no. 42). 26 Voir Beye, Ch. R. 1964. Homeric Battle Narrative and Catalogues. HSPh 68, 345-373, 345. 23

24

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Le Catalogue des Vaisseaux se compose de 29 sections. Chaque section donne les informations suivantes : nom de la ville, nom du chef, nombre de vaisseaux, dans des ordres divers.27 Dans 20 cas, le nom du chef ou celui de la ville est complété par une « anecdote » qui peut soit concerner les circonstances de la naissance du chef ou l’histoire mythologique de la ville, soit apporter quelques détails en rapport avec la bataille. En fonction de cela, une section est divisée en trois parties : A. données de base, B. « anecdote », C. information contextuelle.28 Le texte entier du Catalogue énumère les chefs et leurs villes dans l’ordre géographique, en avançant zone par zone.29 L’ordre des zones forme un cercle du sud vers l’ouest et le nord, et dans chaque zone, les villes sont également décrites suivant un cercle, du nord vers le sud, l’ouest et le nord. L’ordre des contingents arrivant au pied d’Ilion est donc déterminé par leur origine géographique, mais en-dehors de cette structure, la mise en valeur de certains personnages influence aussi la composition du Catalogue. À titre d’exemple, le premier territoire mentionné dans le Catalogue est la Béotie dont les guerriers ne jouent pas un rôle important dans l’épopée, pas plus que les Magnésiens qui sont relégués à la fin du ναύσταθμος. La mention de deux nations insignifiantes au début et à la fin du catalogue a pour fonction d’accentuer la grandeur d’Agamemnon qui bénéficie d’une description élogieuse (576-80) et l’importance de Ménélas et d’Hélène (586-90) mentionnés au milieu du catalogue. Le personnage d’Achille est pareillement souligné par la description d’un protagoniste insignifiant, qui insiste sur ses caractéristiques négatives, juste avant la présentation d’Achille.30 Par conséquent, si les nations énumérées sont arrangées selon un ordre géographique, celui-ci peut être modifié pour mettre en relief certaines d’entre elles selon les intentions de l’auteur. Contrairement au Catalogue des Vaisseaux, les catalogues du Papyrus Krall n’ont pas de division tripartite, et la partie anecdotique des unités est omise. Les unités ne fournissent que l’information de base sans être complétées par « des anecdotes ». Ainsi, la structure annulaire du Catalogue de l’Iliade ne caractérise pas la composition du catalogue des héros égyptiens.31 Peut-on toutefois suppoPar ex. 494-6. 1. 2. …. 3.  Beye 1964, 346. 29 Sur la composition du Catalogue des Vaisseaux voir le tableau dans Stanley, K. 1993. The Shield of Homer: Narrative Structure in Iliad. Princeton, 16. Voir la classification d’Allen, T. W. 1921. The Homeric Catalogue of Ships. Oxford, 38-40. 30 En outre, l’anaphore triple met l’accent sur ce personnage, 671- 676. Stanley 1993, 17-18. 31 Hoffmann 1996, 67-71.

27

28

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ser un contact direct entre le récit du Papyrus Krall et l’Iliade, en postulant que le catalogue (et l’épopée entière) aurait été transmis surtout sous forme paralittéraire, en négligeant les anecdotes et la construction annulaire? En général, les listes de noms écrites par les élèves des écoles grecques ont fait partie de l’apprentissage de l’écriture et de la lecture.32 Les catalogues utilisés à l’école grecque étaient ordonnés selon l’orthographe (par syllabes) ou selon le sens des mots énumérés (par thèmes). Comme ces listes de noms apparaissaient surtout aux premiers niveaux de la formation, le nombre des syllabes influença le choix des mots utilisés pour dresser la liste. Aux premières étapes, les enfants s’entraînaient à copier des noms communs et propres monosyllabiques, ensuite des dissyllabes, des trisyllabes et des tétrasyllabes. Étant donné que la quantité des mots monosyllabiques se limitait à quelques exemples, l’arrangement thématique caractérise surtout les listes polysyllabiques.33 Les deux types d’agencement ont changé avec les niveaux d’éducation et avec le temps. À l’époque ptolémaïque, ces listes servaient à enseigner le lexique de base concernant la littérature, les personnages et les lieux bien connus ou, surtout dans l’étape initiale de l’enseignement, le vocabulaire de la vie quotidienne, tels que les noms d’oiseaux ou de métiers. Avec ce système, les étudiants étaient mieux préparés à la lecture des classiques, qui constituait la base de la formation.34 Parmi les textes définis comme textes scolaires35 par Cribiore, on trouve 97 fragments des épopées d’Homère et 26 textes sur ces 97 contiennent des listes (liste des guerriers, liste des vaisseaux etc.). Les extraits du Catalogue des Vaisseaux, qui ne mentionnent que quelques nations sans anecdotes et descriptions géographiques dans une composition syntaxiquement simple, sont aussi présents dans le catalogue de Cribiore. En voici quelques exemples : deux ostraca de la collection de la Bibliothèque Bodleian comportent quelques lignes extraites du Catalogue des Vaisseaux sous une forme abrégée, utilisée comme matériel scolaire, probablement comme aidemémoire pour la mémorisation des éléments du Catalogue même. Sur l’ostracon Bodleian 2 2169, le texte correspond aux premières lignes des quatre premiers

Voir Marrou, H.J. 1948. Histoire de l’éducation dans l’Antiquité. 1. Le monde grec. Paris, 22930. 33 Cribiore, R. 1996. Writing, teachers, students in Graeco-Roman Egypt. Atlanta, 37-43. 34 Debut, J. 1987. L’apprentissage du grec en Égypte ou le changement dans la continuité. StudClas 25, 14. 35 Cribiore 1996, 28. 32

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paragraphes du Catalogue des Vaisseaux, et sur l’ostracon Bodleian 2 2170, le texte reprend aussi les têtes de paragraphes mais selon un ordre arbitraire.36 Par contre, les listes de héros regroupent souvent ceux-ci selon la famille ou les similarités de leur rôle mythologique. Le Papyrus Bouriant 137 par exemple mentionne des membres de familles héroïques bien connues en Égypte, (comme les descendants d’Io qui ont établi le royaume égyptien selon la mythologie grecque) et la famille d’Achille. Il indique avec d’autres sources38 que l’éducation culturelle comportait aussi un enseignement historique. Les noms listés viennent des domaines suivants : la mythologie, l’histoire, l’histoire littéraire, la géographie, la philosophie. La classification des toponymes se trouve également parmi les listes scolaires. Une liste des noms de rivières connue dans le Manuel énumère les fleuves thraces, macédoniens et asiatiques jalonnant les campagnes d’Alexandre entre 334 et 327.39 Ce texte servait de base pour enseigner la géographie historique, pour faire mémoriser aux enfants les noms des lieux cardinaux dans l’histoire moderne, c’est-à-dire le déroulement des événements qui avait déterminé leur culture actuelle, ainsi que les frontières du monde hellénistique. On ne connaît dans le

O. Bodl. 2 2169 1 « = II. 484.  2= II. 494.  3        = II. 511.  4   »= II. 517. Tait, J. G. – Préaux, C. 1955. Greek Ostraca in the Bodleian Library at Oxford and various other Collections. Vol. II. London, 386.) O. Bodl. 2 2170 1 « = ligne 527 2= 536 3= 546 4= 581 5= 557 6= 591 7= 559 8  = 569  9   » = 484 (Tait - Préaux 1955, 386.) 37 Paris, Sorbonne 826 : Cribiore 1996, 393 (TM 61595, LDAB 2744). 38 Un ostracon d’écolier du 2ème siècle de n. è. (O. Ashmolean Mus. Bodl. Gr. Inscr. 2933, Milne, J. G. 1908. Relics of Graeco-Egyptian Schools. JHS 28, 122 no. 2 ; Cribiore 1996, 105 (TM 63910, LDAB 5124)) contient les noms de Xerxès et de Cléon, des personnages qui ont eu un rôle clé dans les deux guerres les plus décisives de l’histoire grecque : les Guerres Médiques et la Guerre du Péloponnèse. 39 Guéraud, O. – Jouguet, P. 1938. Un livre d’écolier du III s. av. J.-C. le Caire, 52-57 ligne 9. 36

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matériel scolaire que deux listes de noms de rivières :40 le passage susmentionné du Manuel et un autre du Papyrus de Berlin 13044 (Laterculi Alexandrini).41 Ce dernier énumère entre autres les plus longues rivières avec l’indication de leur emplacement. Le texte était sans doute un manuel scolaire contenant des listes sur plusieurs sujets appris à l’école. Ces textes grecs suggèrent que dans les premières étapes de l’apprentissage les étudiants devaient mémoriser des listes de mots groupés selon leur sens pour s’initier au vocabulaire de base : les listes étaient construites par l’énumération des noms de personnages mythologiques ou historiques et des mots poétiques. Le but était de faire connaître aux étudiants les rudiments de la langue et de la culture. En revanche, les listes de noms communs se bornent en général soit au vocabulaire pratique comme des listes concernant le calendrier, les noms d’animaux,42 les professions etc., soit aux mots poétiques. Parmi les textes d’écolier, on connaît, bien entendu, des listes de mots arrangés selon l’ordre alphabétique43 où le choix des noms propres n’est déterminé que par l’orthographe, sans être influencé par l’importance culturelle.

Conclusion On a vu que l’usage des listes composées à des fins littéraires, administratives ou scolaires, n’était pas étranger aux Égyptiens. Les énumérations de toponymes démotiques sont rédigées selon leur situation géographique, conformément à la tradition précédente. Comme on l’a vu ci-dessus, le catalogue du Papyrus Krall n’est arrangé ni phonétiquement ni géographiquement, mais selon l’intention littéraire, ce qui nous permet d’inférer que ce passage n’a pas été élaboré avant la Voir Boyaval, B. 1971. Tablettes du Louvre en Provenance d’Égypte. RA 6, 62-63. Diels, H. 1904. Laterculi Alexandrini aus einem Papyrus ptolemäischer Zeit. Berlin ; Cribiore 1996, 380 (TM 65645, LDAB 6897). La liste datée des 2ème/1er siècles av. n. è. comporte des énumérations sur divers sujets : les législateurs (col. 6. 10-12), les peintres (col. 6. 13–col. 7. 2), les sculpteurs de dieux (col. 7. 3-5), les sculpteurs d’êtres humains (col. 7. 6-9), les architectes (col. 7. 10-19), les ingénieurs (col. 8. 1-21), des sept merveilles (col. 8 22–col. 9. 6), les plus grandes îles (col. 9. 7-20), les plus hautes montagnes (col. 10. 1–col. 11. 2), les plus longues rivières (col. 11. 3–col. 12. 4), les plus belles fontaines (col. 12. 5-16), les lacs (col. 12. 17-21). 42 Par ex. : P. Louvre N 2328 (TM 65635) énumère les mois athéniens parallèlement aux mois macédoniens. Les papyrus P. Mon. Epiph. 2 621 (TM 65225) et P. Amst. 1 13 (TM 64679) contiennent des listes d’oiseaux. 43 Par exemple : P.U.G. (P. Genova) II, 53 ; Cribiore 1996, 100 (TM 63099, LDAB 4302). 40 41

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rédaction du texte lui-même, et qu’il n’a pas été inséré dans l’épopée en adaptant un modèle antérieur. Les héros sont présentés dans le dénombrement du Papyrus Krall afin qu’ils puissent être identifiés dans la scène de la grande mêlée et il n’y a pas de preuves (jusqu’à présent) que ce catalogue ait été composé dans un but politique en décrivant une situation politique concrète, même si ses protagonistes étaient des personnages historiques.44 Au demeurant, l’ordre des personnes dans le catalogue correspond si exactement à l’importance de leur rôle tenu dans le reste du texte, que les listes sont construites par fonction poétique. En dépit de cela, l’influence de l’Iliade n’est pas démontrable, car le catalogue des héros du Papyrus Krall ne montre pas d’analogie structurale avec les listes de l’Iliade. Ce qui rend pourtant cette énumération intéressante du point de vue d’un éventuel contact littéraire grec, c’est son intégration assez maladroite dans le contexte. L’encadrement textuel, dans lequel Pétéchons attend ses alliés auprès d’un lac, permet une énumération de personnages sous la forme d’un catalogue des vaisseaux : l’auteur a été inspiré par un autre texte (ou d’autres textes). En somme, le fait qu’il ne corresponde ni à la structure traditionnelle des listes égyptiennes (la disposition géographique), ni à celle du Catalogue des Vaisseaux de l’Iliade (la structure annulaire), et qu’il énumère les chefs et leurs armées respectives arrivées par bateau, en mentionnant leur origine, nous évoque des catalogues simplifiés de vaisseaux ou de héros, à savoir les extraits de longs catalogues grecs qui étaient dressés dans un but éducatif. La nécessité de présenter plusieurs fois les protagonistes de l’épopée sous forme de listes insérées dans la narration rappelle aussi la tradition grecque et l’Iliade dont les listes des héros étaient répandues parmi les textes scolaires sous forme paralittéraire.45

Abstract The famous Demotic narrative, the Contest for the Breastplate of Inaros of papyrus Krall, includes four lists of protagonists. In terms of possible influence of Greek epic literature, especially of the Iliad, on Demotic literary texts, these catalogues are important. Sur les personnages du Papyrus Krall voir Kitchen 1986, 455-461 : Kitchen a démontré que les protagonistes du Papyrus Krall étaient des princes rivaux du Delta aux 8ème et 7ème siècles. 45 Voir Almásy, A. 2011. The Greek subliterary texts and the Demotic literature. In E. Bechtold – A. Gulyás – A. Hasznos (eds), From Illahun to Djeme. Papers Presented in Honour of Ulrich Luft. BAR, 1-6. 44

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Their function is similar to that of the Iliad’s Book II, the Ship’s Catalogue, which presents the central roles of the heroes in the text along with their origins. The longest and most significant list enumerates the leaders allied on Petechons’ side who arrive by boat at the battlefield, which is located at the side of the lake. The formulaic sentence introducing the arrival of the troops depicts a scene of docking which, as an image, recalls the Ship’s Catalogue of the Iliad. This raises the question whether the Homeric or other Greek catalogues structurally influenced the Demotic hero-lists. Were these initiated by Greek literature or did they simply originate in the Egyptian tradition? The present article analyses the function of and background to these Egyptian ‘ship catalogues’ through a comparison with earlier Egyptian and other Greek literary catalogues.

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Fruzsina Bartos

wbA vs. wdpw. A lexicological study on their usage from the earliest times until the Middle Kingdom 1. Introduction In one of his articles, Jaromir Malek deals with the tomb of Hori in Saqqara,1 and as Hori bore – among others – the official title wbA nsw.t, Malek shortly treats the connection between the wbA nsw.t officials and Saqqara as well. In one of his notes, which concerns the title itself, he mentions the interchangeability of the reading of this hieroglyphic sign group as wbA or wdpw. In my opinion, this statement may cause a misunderstanding for the first or unregardful reading. The note says the following: ‘wdpw/wbA nsw. The former reading is currently preferred, but a convincing demonstration of its merits is still lacking.’2 Furthermore, he consistently uses the transcription wdpw/wbA for the sign group. At the same time, he does not make it clear if his statement concerns the reading of the particular hieroglyphic sign group in Hori’s tomb or this sign group generally. Looking at the occurrences of the title in the tomb and described in the article, we can observe that in all four cases it is written in the same way as the sign group ,3 the reading of which is definitely wbA nsw.t,4 since the sign group for wdpw is usually written as .5 Although some variations of the sign group for wbA, which were used during the Nineteenth Dynasty, were similar to that of wdpw indeed,6 there always were some differences between the two sign groups. Based on these differences, which can be a single characteristic sign, a phonetic complement or a determinative, it is possible to tell which reading is proper in the particular case. According to these evidences, Malek’s statement does not seem correct from either point of view questioned above. The readings of the two sign groups are obvious and definitely not interchangeable; neither of them can 1

2 3 4 5 6

Malek, J. 1988. The royal butler Hori at Northern Saqqara. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74, 125-136. Malek 1988, 134 n. 33. Malek 1988, 128 figs. 2a, b, d; 130 fig. 3. Erman, A. and Grapow, H. 1971. Wörterbuch der aegyptischen Sprache, Teil I. Berlin, 292. Erman and Grapow 1971, 388. Cf. Erman and Grapow 1971, 292, 388.

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be preferred to the other since they are not two different readings of the same sign group, but two different sign groups with their own readings. Observing the presence and forms of appearance of the two words, and further opinions about their connection may help to clear the picture concerning their usage. The lexical meanings of the two words, wbA and wdpw, stand for the same in general: ‘man-servant, waiting man, cupbearer, butler, sewer’.7 Regarding their usage, wdpw appeared earlier,8 its presence can already be detected since the Old Kingdom with the meanings ‘(domestic) servant, cellarman, cook, sewer, cupbearer’9, whereas at this time wbA only existed as a verb with the meaning ‘open’ or in the form of the feminine wbA.t (wbA.yt) as a noun which means ‘maidservant’.10 During the Middle Kingdom, wbA appeared with the meaning ‘cupbearer, manservant, sewer’ as well,11 and while wdpw lived on with its former Old Kingdom meanings, its usage was more general and frequent than that of wbA.12 Ward mentions some stelae from this period which show good examples for the discrepancies of the usage of the two words, proving that the lexical meanings of them were not clearly divided yet.13 On these stelae, he says, the two words stand instead of each other, where we would expect the presence of wdpw, wbA appears and vice versa, but both of them rarely appear on the same stela. Ward does not give any further explanation for the background of this fact or what his statement is based on. He only mentions that the duties of the two positions probably covered similar areas, and they were not clearly separated according to their functions, which could explain the interchangeability of the two words in the early period

Erman and Grapow 1971, 292, 388; Hannig, R. 2003. Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I. Altes Reich und Erste Zwischenzeit. Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 98, Mainz am Rhein, 391-392; Hannig, R. 20064. Die Sprache der Pharaonen. Großes Handwörterbuch Ägyptisch – Deutsch (2800-950 v. Chr.). Mainz – Berlin, 200-201, 242-243; Hannig, R. 2006. Ägyptisches Wörterbuch II. Mittleres Reich und Zweite Zwischenzeit, Teil I. Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 112, Mainz am Rhein, 647-648, 750-754; Lesko, L. H. 1982. A dictionary of Late Egyptian, vol. I. Berkeley, 110, 136.  8 Erman and Grapow 1971, 292, 388; Gardiner, A. H. 1947. Ancient Egyptian Onomastica I. Oxford, 43*.  9 Hannig 2003, 391-392. 10 Hannig 2003, 330. 11 Erman and Grapow 1971, 292; Hannig 2006, 647-648. 12 Hannig 2006, 750-754. 13 Ward, W. A. 1978. The four Egyptian homographic roots B-3. Studia Pohl: Series Maior 6, Rome, 92, §178.  7

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of their common usage.14 It has to be emphasized, however, that in the examples shown by Ward we speak of the interchangeability of the words themselves and not only that of their readings as in the above mentioned statement of Malek. In the New Kingdom the word wbA lived on with similar meanings as in the Middle Kingdom, like ‘butler, cupbearer, chancellor’, and wdpw was still used in the meaning of ‘butler, servant’.15 It is observable, however, that the writing of the two words changed slightly during the time, they became very similar, and so it might be possible to interchange them because of this resemblance. The forms of wbA in the Middle Kingdom were the following: , or . Later these forms changed first into , , then the forms or could appear. Beside these, the form existed as well in the composition of wbA nsw.t. The Old and Middle Kingdom form of wdpw could alter into 16 the forms , or . Gardiner presumes in his work about Amenemope’s onomasticon that the reason of the contraction of the two words is their formal similarity. In one of the manuscripts of the onomasticon the incorrect form of wdpw was used, in which presumably the effect of the form is perceivable.17 Erman shows examples for this kind of orthographical error as well, that instead of an uncommon, lesser known word another frequent, familiar one is used or the two words are merged into one another.18 These orthographical analogies would lead to such misinterpretations like the one in Ventura’s article in which he incorrectly identifies the form as wdpw in the inscription on a rock stela in Timna.19 Later, Schulman corrects Ventura’s reading to wbA and remarks that the form is not in plural as Ventura thought, but the ending –w is an orthographical error which comes from the word wdpw and it should not be read.20 From these facts it emerges that the statement of Malek that the readings as are interchangeable is definitely mistaken. wbA and wdpw for the sign group At first sight we may think that the noun wbA originates from, or at least has some connection with the verbal root bA which means ‘to pour out’, since these persons, being servants and cupbearers, served drinks and liquids as well. Nevertheless, based on its use in the Middle Kingdom, Ward derives the noun from the Semitic verbal root wbl which means ‘to carry, to bring’. Ward 1978, 94, §178-181. 15 Erman and Grapow 1971, 388; Lesko 1982, 136. 16 Erman and Grapow 1971, 292, 388; Lesko 1982, 110, 136. 17 Gardiner 1947, 43*. 18 Erman, A. 1933. Neuägyptische Grammatik. Leipzig, 10-11, §17. 19 Ventura, R. 1974. An Egyptian rock stela in Timna. Journal of the Tel Aviv University Institute of Archaeology 1, 60-63, 62 (b). 20 Schulman, A. R. 1976. The royal butler Ramessesemperre. Journal of the American Research Centre in Egypt 13, 117-130, 118 b, 127 n. 10-12. 14

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The only correct reading in this case is the wbA nsw.t. Besides, we can observe that even in those cases where one or the other word appears with orthographical errors caused by misunderstandings mentioned above, it can be defined which reading is the proper one, because either way the writing keeps the characteristics of both wbA and wdpw.

2. Archaic Period – Old Kingdom The wdpw as a title referring to a function or profession already appears on the Narmer-palette and on the mace which is accredited to him as well. There is a sign group which consists of a flower and a vessel as the label for the man standing behind the ruler, carrying sandals in one of his hands and some sort of pot in the other. According to Schott, a possible reading of this label is wdpw Hr.w but instead of wdpw, Hm could be read as well.21 The earliest example of the title on funerary stela – which is known to me – dates from the First Dynasty. It was found and published by Petrie and contains the following: smr pr.w nsw w# p.w tjtkA – friend of the king’s house, the wdpw Tjtka.22 It is worth noting that according to Kahl the female form wdpw.t was already used as a personal name during the ZeroThird Dynasties.23 He brings two examples to support this statement, both of which are possibly from the reign of Djer: a funerary stela24 and a stone vessel,25 on which the vessel sign used for describing the word wdpw appears. During the Old Kingdom wdpw can mainly be found in the decoration of tomb walls. All the cases I met during my research show the wdpw as a manservant. Interestingly enough, however, only one example is known to me from Upper Egypt, from Deir el-Gebrawi in the twelfth nome from the Sixth Dynasty, in the tomb of Djau Semaj and his son, Djau.26 On the south wall of the tomb Schott, S. 1951. Hieroglyphen. Untersuchungen zum Ursprung der Schrift. Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur: Abhandlungen der geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse 24, Mainz, 79, 97. 22 Petrie, W. M. F. 1900. The royal tombs of the First Dynasty, 1900, part I. London, 27 pls. 31, 40. The reading of the name is uncertain. 23 Kahl, J. 2002. Frühägyptisches Wörterbuch I. Wiesbaden, 127. 24 Petrie, W. M. F. 1901. The royal tombs of the earliest dynasties, 1901, part II. London, pls. 26, 88. 25 Kaplony, P. 1963. Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit III. Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 8, Wiesbaden, Abb. 860. 26 Davies, N. de G. 1902. The rock tombs of Deir el-Gebrawi, vol. 2. Archaeological Survey of Egypt 12, London, 4-5 pl. iv. 21

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the man offering a cattle leg in front of the sitting tomb owner is labelled as wdpw with the vessel sign.27 From Lower Egypt I have found slightly more than a dozen examples until now. All of them are from the first and second nomes, from the Fourth-Sixth Dynasties. In several cases, more than one wdpw appears in the same depiction, and most of the figures are labelled with their names and titles above them. The functions in which they are represented can be divided into two main categories: offering bearers and participants in actions connected to the preparation of food making. In the first function, the wdpw mainly partake in the procession of the offering bearers, carrying different breads, birds, meats and pots in their hands and on their shoulders, as we can see in the tomb of Nikauhor in Saqqara from the Fifth Dynasty,28 or in the mastaba of Seshathotep in Giza from the early Fourth Dynasty.29 More than one wdpw is depicted in the tomb of Kanjnjsut in Giza from the Fourth Dynasty, where three men are labelled as wdpw in the offering procession on the lower register on the western wall of the cult chamber,30 or in the mastaba of Njsutnefer in Giza from the Fifth Dynasty where two wdpw are depicted in one scene.31 There is only one example where an attribute was given to the wdpw, although the name itself was missing from the label. In the tomb of Satjut in Giza dated to the Fourth-Fifth Dynasty an offering table scene can be seen on the right side of the door and an wdpw xnt-wr – ‘the wdpw of the great cellar’ is depicted kneeling in front of the deceased, holding two bowls in his hands.32 The second function in which an wdpw appears in the offering scenes is a partaker in food processing. He can engage in making bread, slaughtering cattle or preparing the food itself, as it can be seen in the tomb of Uhemka in Giza from the Fifth Dynasty33 or in the mastaba of Idu in Giza from the Sixth Dynasty, where a label above a man says pst jwf wdpw &jdwj – ‘cooking meat (by) Tjduj, the wdpw’.34 Another food making scene can be seen in the tomb of Mehu in Saqqara On the basis of the publication the two signs before the vessel cannot be identified for certain, but the reading is probably HoA. 28 Quibell, J. 1909. Excavations at Saqqara, Le Caire. 25-26, pl. LXIV. 29 Junker, H. 1934. Giza II. Wien – Leipzig, Abb. 28. 30 Junker, H. 1934. Giza II. Wien – Leipzig, Abb. 18. 31 Junker, H. 1938. Giza III. Wien – Leipzig, Abb. 28. 32 Lepsius, C. R. 1970. Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien, Text, Teil I. Osnabrück, 72; Zweite Abteilung Bl 86b. 33 Kayser, H. 1964. Die Mastaba des Uhemka. Ein Grab in der Wüste. Hannover, 32. 34 Simpson, W. K. 1976. The mastabas of Qar and Idu. Giza Mastabas, vol. 2., Boston, 25-26, fig. 38. 27

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from the Sixth Dynasty. In the bottom register of the relief at the entrance of the corridor a man sits in the centre of the scene, roasting a bird and heating the live coals with a fan; above his head there is the label wdpw %Abj – ‘Sabj, the wdpw’.35 Certainly this is the action to which one of the spells of the Pyramid texts refers. The spell in question is PT (Sp 207) 124b‑c and it is in the pyramid of Teti in Saqqara from the Sixth Dynasty. This is the only example where the word wdpw is written with all of its signs, not only with a vessel as in the case of the examples mentioned above. The reason for using only a vessel in the labels of the wdpw persons in tomb scenes could be the labelling itself and the lack of space for the decoration, as in many cases there was enough space only for that one sign and not for a whole word. The wdpw appears in the Pyramid Texts repeatedly, namely in PT (Sp 344) 599b, PT (Sp 345) 560b and PT (Sp 349) 566b,36 where the wdpw is identified only with the vessel sign again, in contrast to the spell mentioned above. The explanation of this is in the function of the word again. It is used only to identify a person as an wdpw, as in the offering scenes in the tombs as well, while PT (Sp 207) 124b-c does not speak of a certain person but of wdpw generally as it says: wdpw abA mw rkH sDt xnD m-ab sASr.t – ‘Wdpw, present water! Heat the fire (for) the (cattle) leg and the roast meat!’37

3. First Intermediate Period The examples from the First Intermediate Period, although they are less in number, show the similar position of an wdpw as the ones from the previous period. All of their occurrences are from the third-sixth Upper Egyptian nomes and from funerary stelae. Most of them show the wdpw as an offering bearer, who stands in front of the offering table and the deceased, pouring out liquid from a vessel or offering a bowl. The wdpw is labelled in each case with the vessel sign of his

Altenmüller, H. 1998. Die Wanddarstellungen im Grab des Mehu in Saqqara. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 42, Mainz, 51 T. 16b. 36 Sethe, K. 1908. Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte, Band I. Leipzig. 37 According to Allen: ‘Cupbearer, present water! Light the fire (for) a joint among the roast meat!’ (Allen, J. P. 2005. The ancient Egyptian pyramid texts. Atlanta, 29, 141). As the preposition m-ab means ‘together with something’ as well, see Hannig 2006, 146, and the interpretation of the utterance might be a little clearer with it, I would prefer this translation against ‘among’ used by Allen. 35

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title and his name.38 There are two examples, however, which differ from the others. One of them is the stela of Jrj, now in the Louvre, where the naming of a certain wdpw %bkrn – ‘the wdpw Sobekren’ appears in the last column of the text, without figural depiction, among others who meant to be provided with offerings in the afterlife. Here the title wdpw is written with the usual vessel and a waw as a phonetic complement after it. This feature will be common in the Middle Kingdom in the writing of the word wdpw as we will see later.39 The other interesting example is the stela of Merer, which is a stela of an wdpw himself.40 According to its text, Merer was smr wa.tj wdpw jmj-rA sfTw n.w pr ¢ww – ‘sole friend, wdpw, overseer of the slaughterers of the entire house of Khuu’. Unfortunately, the text of the stela is a very common example of its type, and starts with an offering formula, continues with the usual formulae appreciating the life of the deceased person and his acts of kindness, and ends with an offering formula for his wife, so we cannot get any further information about the status or function of an wdpw during this time. The only thing we learn from the text is that Merer was a pure one who could slaughter and offer in two temples on behalf of the ruler but this rather seems to stand in connection with his title ‘overseer of the slaughterers’ than his being of an wdpw.

4. Middle Kingdom Continuing the research among the textual sources from the Middle Kingdom, we find that beside wdpw, the other word, wbA appears with a similar meaning. The appearance of both words are the most frequent on stelae, mainly on funerary stelae and some on stelae in wadis and mining areas as well, which commemorate and report expeditions led there. Some examples can be found on For the stela of Demj and his wife Senebet see Martin, K. 1980. Reliefs des Alten Reiches und verwandte Denkmäler 3. Corpus Antiquitatum Aegyptiacarum Pelizaeus-Museum Hildesheim 8, Mainz/Rhein, 117-120; Sternberg, H. 1978. Die Grabstele des Dmj und der Snb.t im PelizaeusMuseum Hildesheim (INV.-NR. 4590). Göttinger Miszellen 28, 55-59; for the stela of Heqajb see Polotsky, H. J. 1930. The stela of Heka-yeb. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 16, 194-199, pl. XXIX; for the stela of Khnumerdj see Petrie, W. M. F. 1900. Dendereh 1989. London, 51-53, pl. XV; for the stela of Nenu see Leprohon, R. J. 1985. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Stelae I. The Early Dynastic Period to the Late Middle Kingdom. Corpus Antiquitatum Aegyptiacarum, Boston, 45-48; for the stela of Shendjjntef see Dunham, G. 1937. Naga-ed-Der Stelae of the First Intermediate Period. Boston, pl. 3.1. 39 Ziegler, Ch. 1990. Catalogue de stèles, peintures et reliefs égyptiens de l’Ancien Empire et de la Première Période Intermédiaire. Paris, 74-77. 40 Černý, J. 1961. The stela of Merer in Krakow. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 47, 5-9. 38

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other objects and places, such as the appearance of wdpw on a limestone slab with a butchering scene on it,41 on a stone doorjamb in a chapel in Elephantine,42 on a wooden rectangular coffin from Gebelein,43 in scenes of tombs44 as well as in administrative documents on papyrus,45 or the appearance of wbA in graffito’s and rock inscriptions46 and in tomb scenes as well.47 However these occurrences of the words are too rare to provide a firm basis for an investigation and to draw further conclusions. The main corpus of the examination contains 90 funerary stelae; almost all of them came from Abydos. As to the occurrences of the two words on these stelae, wbA appears at least 44 times and wdpw appears at least 120 times.48 Numerous different forms of both of the words can be differentiated, wbA has more than 20, and wdpw has more than 15 variant writings. It seems interesting enough that two words like these with relatively simple writing can have so many variations, even though they sometimes differ only in nuances. Since most of the stelae are from Abydos from the Twelfth Dynasty, this written diversity cannot be explained by regional division or time of origin, not even with the workability of the material, since almost all of the stelae are made of limestone. There are some examples for more variant forms of the same word on one stele.49 As we can see from the Brooklyn, Nr. 104c, James, T. G. H. 1974. Corpus of hieroglyphic inscriptions in the Brooklyn Museum, vol. I. Brooklyn NY, pl. 88. 42 Habachi, L. 1985. Elephantine IV. The sanctuary of Heqaib. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 33, Mainz, 55-56, T. 80. 43 CG 20033, Lacau, M. P. 1904. Catalogue Général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire, Nos. 28001-28126, Sarcophages antérieurs au Nouvel Empire. Le Caire, 86-88, pl. 18. 44 Blackman, A. M. 1915. The rock tombs of Meir, vol. III. Archaeological Survey of Egypt 24, London, pls. 16, 25; Davies, N. de G. 1913. Five Theban tombs. Archaeological Survey of Egypt 25, London, pl. 38; Newberry, P. E. 1893. Beni Hasan, vol. I. London, pls. 17-18, 35. 45 Scharff, A. 1922. Umschrift des Papyrus Boulaq Nr. 18. Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache 57, 1**-21**. 46 Farout, D. 1994. La carrière du [ouhemou] Ameny et l‘organisation des expéditions au Ouadi Hammamat au Moyen Empire. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 94, 143172; Gardiner, A. H. and Peet, T. E. 1917. The inscriptions of Sinai, vol. I-II. London, 67 pl. 11, 73 pl. 13, 219 pl. 93. 47 Davies, N. de G. 1920. The tomb of Antefoker, vizier of Sesostris I, and of his wife, Senet (No. 60). The Theban Tomb Series, vol. II, London, pls. 26, 12, 6-7. 48 These numbers show the minimum occurrences of the two words. Since in some cases the texts or the depictions are damaged or broken, we can only presume that one or the other word should stand there, but it cannot be stated with certainty. 49 For example BM 170, Budge, E. A. W. 1913. Hieroglyphic texts from Egyptian stelae in the British Museum, vol. 4. London, 7 pls. 12-13; BM 216, Budge, E. A. W. 1912. Hieroglyphic texts from Egyptian stelae in the British Museum, vol. 2. London, pl. 47. 41

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numbers above, the variations of wbA are twice as many as those of wdpw, even if wbA has less than half as many occurrences as wdpw has. The explanation of this could be the novelty of the word wbA. The consequent writing of it could not be firmed yet, and the main signs of it – the drill or the night sky – appear with diverse complements. In the case of wdpw, on the contrary, the variations are confined to the numerous shapes of the vessel. If there is a complement after the vessel, it always is a waw. Complementing the word wdpw seems to become more common during the First Intermediate Period when its appearance relocated from the labelled depictions of tomb scenes to the texts of funerary stelae. In many cases the word stands alone in the text without any figural depiction, which became more frequent during the Middle Kingdom. Besides the variations of each word, we can observe the combination of their writing with mixing their signs, too. The fact that the usage of the two words would not be separated clearly from each other yet, and the duties of these offices might not be differentiated enough, could have caused their interchange and some orthographical shuffling between them as well.50 This, however, does not seem to be a general tendency since I observed this phenomenon only in four cases, which number is minimal compared to the total number of the appearances mentioned above. In three of the cases wbA is complemented with waw,51 in the fourth case the vessel sign is complemented with a leg and a bA-bird,52 trying to show which word they intend to mean. Since all of these orthographical improprieties occur in the case of wbA, and again the recent invention of the word could be the explanation for the indefinability in its writing, being a synonym for the generally used wdpw it possibly appropriated some of its elements. The two words, wbA and wdpw, appear in most cases on the stelae as labels for a figure or as a relative of the deceased mentioned in the text, with his name, rarely with an affiliation or specified as mAa-xrw – ‘justified’.53 On several stelae we can meet more than one wbA or wdpw, depicted or mentioned in the text, but

For further information see again Ward 1978, 92 §178. Lange, H. O. and Schäfer, H. 1902. Catalogue Général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire, Nos. 20001-20780, Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reichs, Teil I. Berlin, CG 20075, 91; Teil I, CG 20171, 202; CG 20199, 226, Teil IV, T. 16; Simpson, W. K. 1974. The terrace of the great god at Abydos: the offering chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13. Publications of the Pennsylvania – Yale Expedition to Egypt 5, New Haven – Philadelphia, pl. 26. 52 MMA 63.154, Simpson 1974, pl. 81. 53 Lange and Schäfer 1902, Teilen I+IV, CG 20045, 54-55 pl. 5, in the ninth column at the bottom of the stela; CG 20080, 96-97, in the eighth line at the lower part of the stela; Teil I, CG 20038, 46-48; Simpson 1974, pl. 2, in front of the kneeling figure on the right side of the scene. 50 51

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I do not know any example where an wbA and an wdpw appear together for reasons due to their function.54 In comparison to the Old Kingdom, the number of the cases in which an wbA or more often an wdpw is the owner of the funerary stela is increasing during the Middle Kingdom. Apart from the fact that they are presented in the text, in a shorter or longer Htp-dj-nsw.t or other offering formula, we do not get any other information about them, except their affiliation.55 There are some examples when more than one wdpw own one funerary stela56 or they are co-owners with others holding different functions. The offering formula is either repeated before each person or after a common formula the beneficiaries appear in separate panels with their names and own offering tables.57 Interestingly, I have not yet found a funerary stela owned by more than one wbA. On some stelae the wdpw, who presents the offerings to the deceased, is attributed as favourite or beloved,58 or he declares it of himself.59 Emphasizing this kind of status and the personal attachment, the wdpw is often depicted under the chair of the deceased.60 At last, our image about the duties of an wdpw is verified by the stelae on which the wdpw is depicted not only standing in front of the deceased, carrying and handing various things to him, apparently participating in his provision for offerings, but the label text above the wdpw clearly expresses that he is the one who presents the offerings to the deceased.61 About the wbA persons who appear on the stelae we cannot make any similar observations as the ones mentioned above. There is no instance of several wbA individuals owning a common stela. If they were presented on a stela because of their function or relationship, there is no other information about them except their names. In the case when an wbA is the only owner of a stela, the text contains Only one stela is known to me where an wbA and an wdpw appear as well, but here the wdpw is a co-owner of the stela and the wbA is mentioned among the relatives in the text. Wien ÄS 143, Simpson 1974, pl. 68. 55 Lange and Schäfer 1902, Teilen I+IV, CG 20127, 150-151, pl. 11; Teil I, CG 20199, pl. 16; Teil I, CG 20303, 315-316. 56 Louvre C 25, Gayet, A.-J. 1889. Stèles de la XIIe dynastie: Musée du Louvre. Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études 68, Paris, 3-4, pl. 13. 57 Wien ÄS 143, Simpson 1974, pl. 68. 58 CG 20030, Lange and Schäfer 1902, Teil I, 38-40. 59 Louvre C 15, Gayet, 1889, 12 pl. 54; Schenkel, W. 1965. Memphis – Herakleopolis – Theben. Die epigraphischen Zeugnisse der 7-11. Dynastie Ägyptens. Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 12, Wiesbaden, 295-298. 60 BM 170 [831], Budge, 1913, 7 pls. 12-13. 61 CG 20104, Lange and Schäfer, 1902, Teil I, 127-128; Simpson 1974, pl. 32; BM 216 [903], Budge 1912, pl. 47. 54

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their affiliation but – contrary to that of the wdpw – no attribution referring to their function or personal attachment to the deceased can be observed. There is only one example where the third person singular masculine possessive suffix =f was added to the two wbA titles on a stela so both persons thereby became wbA=f – ‘his wbA’.62

5. Conclusion To conclude, the usage of the two words, wbA and wdpw was very similar; their meaning conveyed a more or less similar function: a person primarily in charge of preparing and serving food and drink in households. As we can see, the variations and oddities in their use are in connection with the innovation of wbA in the Middle Kingdom, rather than their functional differences, since the word wbA had not yet such tradition and background as wdpw had since the time of the Unification. In the New Kingdom, however, the differentiation can be observed between the two words, both in respect to their meaning and function, as regarding the social status of the persons holding these offices. This topic, however, requires further research.

Abstract Although the usage of the two words, wbA and wdpw was very similar, their readings are obvious and definitely not interchangeable. Observing the presence and forms of appearance of the two words may help to clear the picture concerning their usage.

62

CG 20025, Lange and Schäfer 1902, Teil I, 29-33.

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Barbara Egedi

Hathor, the psychopompos

1. Introduction This paper is concerned with the apparently unusual literary representation of a religious motif, namely the mediator role of the goddess Hathor, in the narrative story found on Papyrus Vandier. This work of fiction is an extremely important source from the first millennium BC, not only for its position and significance in the Egyptian literary tradition, but also for several remarkable features in the story that are far from being conventional and may shed light on some less evident popular concepts of death and the afterlife. In section 2, the manuscript hosting this remarkable narrative will be described and set in context. At the same time, a short synopsis of the story will also be provided for convenience. Section 3 deals with the motif of visiting the Netherworld by a living person; while the last part of the paper, section 4, will be devoted to Hathor’s special status and functions in the story, and attempts will also be made to position this motif in the developments of religious views of the period.1

2. About Papyrus Vandier The narrative story about Merire and his adventures in the Netherworld can be found on the recto of Papyrus Vandier, which is kept in the Institut de papyrologie et d’égyptologie de l’Université de Lille III (P. Lille 139). The Hieratic text itself cannot be dated with certainty. According to the editor, it most probably came into being between the Twenty-sixth and Thirtieth Dynasties. This time interval may be constricted to the 6th century or a bit later, to the 5th century. Recently, Ursula Verhoeven suggested dating the manuscript to 600±25 BC on paleographical grounds.2 1

2

Many of the topics discussed here have already been published in a paper written in Hungarian: Egedi, B. 2009. Meriré a túlvilágon. A Vandier papirusz. [Merire in the Afterlife – The Papyrus Vandier] Ókor 8/3-4, 16-23. This study, however, has a different focus and has been complemented with some additional data. Verhoeven, U. 2001. Untersuchungen zur späthieratischen Buchschrift. Leuven, Peeters, 336.

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The story itself might originate from the period beginning with the end of the Ramesside era to the Saite period inclusive. On the verso there are parts of a standard version of the Book of the Dead, which served as a great help in fitting the fragments together and the reconstruction of the papyrus, but, being a model copy, it does not help in dating the text on the recto.3 The protagonist of the story, Merire, is a talented scribe and lector priest, whose excellence has been concealed from the king by his jealous colleagues, the courtmagicians.4 The opening conflict of the story is provided by the king’s disease, diagnosed to be fatal. The so far neglected Merire turns out to be the only competent magician in prolonging the life of the pharaoh. After he is summoned to the court, a long negotiation begins, since the young magician can only save the king by substituting him in the Netherworld.5 The bargain is made after all, and Merire, whose title is general from this point of the story, descends to the Netherworld, where he gets received by Hathor. The goddess leads him in the presence of the Great Living God, where Merire explains his mission and successfully achieves the king’s lifetime to be reestablished in 100 years. As Hathor has the monthly habit of going to the world of the living in order to take her offerings on the festival of the sixth day (snwt), Merire, stuck in the Duat, asks her to get information about his earthly affairs. Thanks to the report of the goddess, he gets informed that the oath-breaker pharaoh took his wife, his properties, and killed his son. Merire fashions a man out of clay (rmT n sATw) and 3 4

5

Quack, J. F. 1995. Notes en marge du Papyrus Vandier. RdE 46, 163-170, 168-169. The Late Egyptian and Demotic word for ‘magician’ is Hrj-tp, which is an abbreviated form of the title Xry Hbt Hrj tp ‘chief lector priest’. Lector priests with a proficiency in magical practices figure in several literary works, e.g. in P. Westcar, in the Famine Stela, or in Setna II. For further examples and general literature on magicians / lector priests, see inter alia: Borghouts J. F. 1980. Magie. In LÄ III. cols. 1137-1151, 1146; Gardiner A. H. 1917. Professional magicians in Ancient Egypt. PSBA 39, 31-44; Kákosy, L. 1985. La magia nell’antico Egitto. In La Magia in Egitto ai Tempi dei Faraoni. Modena, Edizioni Panini, 25-26; Kees, H. 1962. Der sogenannte oberste Vorlesepriester. ZÄS 87, 119-139; Otto E. 1975. Chericheb. In LÄ I. cols. 940-943; Ritner, R. K. 1993. The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice. Chicago, The Oriental Institute, 220-233. Aspiration for a long life is a natural and widespread topic in the Egyptian sources – an issue in which intervention of gods was especially hoped for. The prolongation of lifetime by means of a personal replacement, however, seems to be an uncommon feature. The only remarkable passage in which allusion is made to a similar exchange can be found on a funerary tent from the 21st dynasty of a certain Isetemakhebit (PM I2 II 664). The text is about Khonsu’s ability to “save the one he loves who is in the underworld and place someone else (there) in exchange for him” (Edwards, I. E. S. 1960. Oracular Amuletic Decrees of the Late New Kingdom. Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum 4th Series, London, Vol.I., 5 n. 34; after Posener, G. 1985. Le Papyrus Vandier. Le Caire, IFAO, 25 n. 2).

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gives him orders so that the clay man can act on behalf of him. The pharaoh, frightened by the ghost-like figure, obeys the instructions and executes the other court-magicians, who were considered responsible by the hero for all his misery. After the clay man’s return with a bouquet of living flowers, to be offered to the Great Living God, the text becomes too fragmentary to reconstruct the story with any certainty. Apparently, the story has no parallels.6 There is, however, a papyrus fragment from Deir el-Medine, dated to the Nineteenth Dynasty, whose protagonist is a certain general Merire. He appears to help the god Arsaphes in his fight against a divine falcon.7 The possibility that the two stories are the same (in which case the Deir el-Medine fragments would correspond to some of the damaged parts of P. Vandier) is quite hypothetical. Nevertheless, the figure of the hero might as well originate from the same folk tradition, as it is the case with the stories about Setna in later, Demotic tradition. Since the publication of the papyrus,8 the story of Merire has been translated into several modern languages9 and the source itself analyzed from various respects.10 Among others, much attention has been devoted to the question of the identity of the apparently fictional king Sisobek, as well as to the proper reading of the other Egyptian rulers mentioned in the story,11 since these data could proFrank Kammerzell (1992. Ein demotisches Fragment der Merire-Erzählung? pTebtunis Tait Nr. 9 und pLille 139. GM 127, 53-61) claims to have found a parallel text, but Joachim Quack denies this assumption to be correct (1995, 169-170).  7 Published by: Koenig, Y. – Sauneron S. 1980. Deux pages d’un text littéraire inédit. Papyrus Deir el-Médineh 39. In IFAO Livre du Centenaire. MIFAO 104. Le Caire, IFAO. 135-141.  8 Posener, G. 1985. Le Papyrus Vandier. Bibliothèque générale 7. Le Caire, IFAO.  9 Translations into French, German, and Italian: Posener 1985, 39-97; Fischer-Elfert, H.-W. 1987. Der Pharao, die Magier und der General – Die Erzählung des Papyrus Vandier. BiOr 44, 5-21; Bresciani, E. 1999. Letteratura e poesia dell’antico Egitto. Cultura e societa attraverso i testi. 3rd. ed. Torino, Einaudi, 611-616; Kammerzell, F. 1995. Mi’jare in der Unterwelt (Papyrus Vandier). In Elke Blumenthal et al. Mythen und Epen III. TUAT III/5. Gütersloh, 973-990. As far as I know, no English translation is available. 10 Cf. Bresciani, E. 1987. Nuove pagine di letteratura egiziana: il «Pap. Vandier». Studi classici e orientali 37, 21-28; Fischer-Elfert 1987; see also Quack, J. F. 2005. Einführung in die altagyptische Literaturgeschichte III. Die demotische und gräko-ägyptische Literatur. Münster, Lit Verlag, 65-69. 11 Cf. Fischer-Elfert 1987, cols 15-16; Kammerzell, F. 1987. Die Nacht zum Tage machen: pVandier Rto. 1,2-7 und Herodot II 133. GM 96, 45-52; Jasnow, R. 1996. A Note on Pharao SA-Sbk in Papyrus Vandier. Enchoria 23, 179; Verhoeven, U. 1997. Erneut der Name des früheren Königs in der Erzählung des Papyrus Vandier (recto 1,6). CdE 72, 5-9; Loprieno, A. 1998. Le Pharaon reconstruit. La figure du roi dans la littérature égyptienne au Ier millénaire avant J.C. BSFE 142, 4-24, 16-17.  6

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vide a terminus post quem for the original composition. Moreover, the language of the text is also challenging. Despite the fact that the text is written in Hieratic, its language seems to be closer to early Demotic.12

3. Alive in the Netherworld? Many interesting motifs of the Merire-story have precedents in earlier literary and religious tradition, or have parallels in later Demotic sources. One of them, for instance, is the famous golem-motif (5,1-17),13 which will also be mentioned below, in relation to the problem of Merire’s state in the Netherworld: is he dead or alive? One of the central concepts of ancient Egyptian mortuary literature – besides ensuring the provisions for and the protection of the deceased – is the freedom of movement between the two worlds after death (Cf. spells 91-92 of the Book of the Dead). Even if the return from the Netherworld is believed to be possible, no doubt it happens in a special form. The deceased – who is ‘justified’ and saved from a ‘second death’ – turns into a transfigured or glorified spirit, the so called akh. Most of the sources suggest that the form in which the deceased was really capable of moving freely, leaving the tomb or visiting his/her family (i.e. ‘coming forth by day’) is the form of ba. The return of the deceased to the living in a special form or as a ghost is not to be confused with the visit to the underworld by a living person at will, in which case a successful return to the earth where he belongs to is normally expected. Journeys of this kind are only known from the later Demotic literary tradition, presented most explicitly in the second tale of Setna (Setna II, P. BM 604). However, interestingly, there is another reference to an underworld visit the date of Joachim Quack (1995, 163) suggests that the language might be classified as Proto-Demotic. Posener himself (1985, 12-13) considers it ‘advanced Late Egyptian’ (‘néo-égyptien évolué’, ‘proche du demotique’), which occupies an intermediary position between Late Egyptian and Demotic. Ariel Shisha-Halevy proposes that the language is ‘Early demotic, with a grammatical system close to that of P. Rylands IX’ (Shisha-Halevy, A. 1989. Papyrus Vandier recto: An Early Demotic Literary text? JAOS 109, 421-435, 423). For a linguistic analysis, see also: Blöbaum, A. I. – Kahl, J. – Schweitzer S. D. 2001. r oder nicht r? Affirmatives Futur III im pVandier rto. GM 180, 29-38; Vernus, P. 1990. Entre néo-égyptien et démotique (Études sur la diglossie I) RdE 41, 153-208. 13 Fashioning and animating hand-made magical creatures from wax or other material is a popular motif in literary works, e.g. in P. Westcar, in the Myth of Isis and Re, in Setna I and II, in the story of Petese, son of Petetum. The golem-motif in P. Vandier is discussed by Brunner-Traut, E. 1989. Ein Golem in der ägyptischen Literatur. SAK 16, 21-26. 12

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which is remarkably close to the date of our papyrus. In his second book, Herodotus relates an Egyptian legend according to which king Rhampsinitus visited the underworld (Hades), played dice with Demeter (Isis), and returned with a gift from the goddess (II. 122). Because of the late date of Setna II (1st c. AD), and the clearly recognizable adaptation of two Greek myths in its punishment scenes (the tortures of Oknos and Tantalos), some scholars ascribed the underworld visit motif itself to Greek influence as a kind of Orphic inspiration.14 Nevertheless, with P. Vandier the motif of the visit to the Netherworld by a living person gains a genuine Egyptian origin. Is our hero, Merire, who decided to act as a substitute for the king in the Netherworld, alive? What clues does the text itself give to us in this respect? In lines 2,3-4, the king argues that Merire will not die in reality. Although this section is partly reconstructed, the main point of Merire’s answer is that it never happened before that someone requested an (additional) life-time for another person and he himself remained alive. In lines 3,7-11, there is another related conversation right before the mysterious passage. When the king and the courtmagicians insist that Merire will be able to return, he repeats twice: ‘I am going to die’ (or ‘I am going to death’, as translated by Posener 1985, 61). Nevertheless, in the light of his repeated attempts to return to the earth at later points of the action, it can also be assumed that in the earlier scenes he only palters to dramatize the situation15 in order to take a better position in the negotiation and, at the same time, he does hope to come back from the Netherworld at the end of his adventures. There are other clear indications that the magician considers his return as a realistic option: for example, in the scene of Heliopolis, he asks for a votive statue of Hathor of the Red Lake16 arguing that, in case he returns, the statue will come back with him. The passage between the two worlds is not described at all. Merire seems not to leave behind a body, and, consequently, there is no corpse to be buried. This raises the question whether death in a physical sense occurs at all. In the scene of negotiation, the king promises Merire a large and worthy burial, but observing the text more accurately it becomes clear that there is no mention of a constructed tomb. What the king offers is that Merire will be established in Heliopolis, that Lichtheim, M. 1980. Ancient Egyptian Literature III. The Late Period. Berkeley – Los Angeles, 126. 15 Note that the cited sentence is formed grammatically as a second tense, rather than a simple future tense. 16 This form is only attested in P. Vandier, but reference to the ‘Lady of the Red Lake’ is much more frequent. Leitz, Ch. 2002. Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnung. Leuven: Peeters, Vol. IV. 139 and Vol. V. 85. 14

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the land will come to lament for him, flowers will be offered for him, and his name will be eternal in the temples (1,14-2,1). In the scenes of the story that already take place in the Netherworld, Merire’s status is not specified: he is never referred to as one who is justified, glorified, or who acts as a transfigured spirit, an akh or a ba. Arriving in the presence of the Great Living God, Merire immediately declares that he has come because of the king and the discussion afterwards is about the king’s activity and the king’s lifetime, rather than about Merire’s conduct of life or earthly behavior. The episode that looks like a judgment-scene is the one in which the Great Living God is inquiring into the state of affairs in Egypt, about the condition of the temples and the people (4,3-6). What makes this episode really particular is that the judgment is made over the earthly activity of the king but it is Merire who has to answer. The result of the measuring is the positive decision: the pharaoh’s lifetime has been prolonged and Merire has been accepted as a substitute. From this point on, Merire attempts to leave the underworld several times but without success. The creation of the clay man is a key motif in judging the question whether Merire is dead or alive during his stay in the Netherworld. If Merire did not leave his body and did not transform into the necessary form in which one can survive and achieve its eternal existence in the hereafter, he has to appeal to magic to communicate with the living world. At this point, to traverse the border, it is him who needs a substitute.

4. Hathor as a psychopompos Hathor has a distinctive role and special relationship with the main character throughout the story in P. Vandier. It is Hathor who accepts Merire when he enters the Duat. Apparently, she is the only god the hero encounters during his sojourn in the Netherworld, beyond the Great Living God, Osiris. Hathor’s connection with the Afterlife and her related attributes, in both celestial and chthonic dimensions, are quite established in the first millennium BC, and, of course, these aspects of the goddess are the continuation of earlier traditions already present in the preceding periods. However, Hathor’s function as a mediator, advisor and messenger in the Netherworld is not self-evident. Her acting as a psychopompos, a leader of the soul, definitely needs an explanation. In lines 3,11-12, during the ritual preparations in Heliopolis, Merire declares before the king that it is (Hathor) the Mistress of the West (Hnwt jmntt) who leads people to the Netherworld (tA ntj djt Sm rmT r jmntt), who arranges their affairs in front of the Great Living God (ntj jrj nAy=f mdt m-bAH pA nTr aA anx). As mentioned above, when he enters the Duat, the first person he meets is Hathor indeed 278

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(line 3,15); she greets him and leads him in the presence of Osiris. Moreover, after it becomes obvious that Merire cannot leave the Netherworld, she is ready to collect information for him concerning his earthly affairs. Hathor’s association with the afterlife is well documented, especially in Thebes, where she was also called ‘Mistress of the West’ and was often represented in the form of a cow coming forth from the western mountains. The insightful study of Éva Liptay shows17 how this motif developed from Hathor’s original protective and nourishing aspect and how it has been transferred from the royal sphere to the private votive and funerary contexts during the Eighteenth Dynasty. In this form, she was interpreted as the goddess who received the deceased at the entrance of the Netherworld. Although Hathor is often referred to as the feminine counterpart of Osiris in the Late period (see below), this latter aspect, her figure welcoming the deceased on the border of the two worlds, is the one that really concerns us here. The motif of the cow goddess coming out of the mountains also appears on the vignette of Spell 186 in the Book of the Dead and will continue to take form not only in the Ramesside tombs, but on the outer decoration of the Twenty-first Dynasty wooden coffins as well.18 Hathor’s celestial and solar aspects are much more ancient than the above presented motif that probably developed in Thebes. She was associated with the nocturnal sky as early as in the Pyramid and Coffin Texts,19 sheltering Re in her body so that he could be safely reborn in the morning. Hathor’s overall protective role and her care for the deceased are clearly evidenced not only in her cowgoddess form but also as ‘Mistress of the sycamore’ (nbt nht), the tree-goddess, whose branches offer shade, food and drink to the dead.20 The close relationship between the goddess and the human hero who visited the Netherworld alive is a characteristic feature in the story of P. Vandier. Textual representation of such an intimate human-divine communication is exLiptay, É. 2012. The Bull Coming out of the Mountain. The Changing Context and Connotations of an Iconographic Motif. In Kóthay K. A. (ed.) Art and Society. Ancient and Modern Contexts of Egyptian Art. Budapest, 169–184. 18 Liptay 2012, 171. 19 For the various associations between the deceased and the cow-goddess/Hathor, see Liptay, É. 2003. Between Heaven and Hell. The Motif of the Cow Coming out of the Mountain. Bulletin du Musée Hongrois des Beaux Arts 99, 11-30, with quotations of the relevant places. 20 The literature on Hathor is, of course, enormous. The reader is referred to inter alia: Allam, S. 1963. Beiträge zum Hathorkult (bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches), Berlin, Bruno Hessling; Bleeker, C. J. 1973. Hathor and Thoth: Two Key Figures of the Ancient Egyptian Religion, Leiden, Brill; Pinch, G. 1993. Votive Offerings to Hathor. Oxford, Griffith Institute. Various lexicon entries are also to be consulted for further references, e.g.: Daumas, F. 1977. Hathor. In LÄ II, cols. 1024-1033., Vischak, D. 2001. Hathor. In OEAE Vol II., 82-85. 17

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tremely rare, at least for non-royal individuals, and these are mainly confined to the literary sphere.21 It is to be mentioned, however, that the Ramesside period, which can be clearly characterized by a more emphasized personal religious activity, gave a few sources in which Gottesnähe (‘closeness to a deity’)22 is unambiguously expressed. The tomb biography of Djehutyemheb is a significant text in this respect: the tomb owner’s hymn to Hathor is followed by the narration of a dream in which the goddess foretells the location of his tomb. These two interrelated texts constitute a kind of conversation between the individual and the deity. The goddess’ persistent protection and intercession for Djehutyemheb in the afterlife is clearly expressed in the text: ‘I will announce you to the great god / that he may say to you “Welcome” / I will commend you to Horakhty / that he may place you among his adorers’.23 Interestingly, in one of the Nineteenth Dynasty versions of Spell 186 of the Book of the Dead, Hathor, the ‘lady of the West’, also answers the hymn addressed to her and welcomes the deceased.24 The scene of introducing the dead to the judgment hall by a deity is a wellknown episode in visual representations, but usually this function is attributed to Horus, Anubis, Thot, Maat, or Imentet, the Western Goddess.25 As was shown above, Hathor in her cow-goddess form was rather depicted as receiving the deceased at the moment of his/her passing over the border between the world of the living and the realm of the dead. However, there are a few scenes on Twentyfirst Dynasty coffins where the cow-goddess appears carrying the deceased (and/ or the ba bird) on her back.26 Moreover, the already mentioned solar aspect of Hathor’s nature may also be recalled at this point. She is the Eye of Re and this The most evident example that comes to one’s mind is The Story of a Herdsman (Hirtengeschichte). In actual religious practices, there were several indirect ways common people could communicate with their gods (for instance, in the form of votive offerings or oracles). At the same time, meeting the deity in a dream remains a royal privilege till the Ramesside era and only becomes ‘ordinary’ in the Late Period. 22 Assmann, J. 1984. Ägypten: Theologie und Frömmigkeit einer frühen Hochkultur. Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, 9-26. 23 Frood, E. 2004. Biographical texts from Ramessid Egypt. Atlanta, Society of Biblical Literature, 91-94, texts 12a-b. Original publication and analysis of the text: Assmann, J. 1978. Eine Traumoffenbarung der Göttin Hathor: Zeugnisse ‘Persönliche Frömmigkeit’ in thebanische Privatgräbern der Ramessidenzeit. RdE 30, 22-50. 24 Cf. Allen, G. T. 1974. The Book of the Dead or Going Forth by Day. Ideas of the Ancient Egyptians Concerning the Hereafter as Expressed in their Own Terms. Chicago, The Oriental Institute, 210. 25 Seeber, Ch. 1976. Untersuchungen zur Darstellung des Totengerichts im Alten Ägypten. München – Berlin: Deutsches Kunstverlag, 116-120. 26 Liptay 2012, 172.

21

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aspect is often represented in the form of a winged uraeus above the figure of the cow. The eye of the sun not only protects the deceased in the necropolis, but also ‘shines for him’ along the way in the darkness like a torch, and accompanies him in the netherworld.27 The sun-eye can also be interchanged with the eye of Horus: for instance, in Spell 331 of the Coffin Texts (entitled ‘Becoming Hathor’), the goddess identifies herself as the eye of Horus (CT IV. 173f); while in Spell 60 (CT I. 250a-e) it is pronounced that ‘the Eye of Horus is she who sheds light for you, she comes with you into the necropolis’.28 Returning to our story in P. Vandier, ‘the eye of the sun’ aspect is clearly evoked by the reference to the snwt-feast, for the sake of which Hathor leaves the Netherworld on a regular basis. The snwtfeast, celebrated on the 6th day of the lunar month, was essentially connected with the return of the distant goddess, the Eye of Re, to Heliopolis.29 Even though the motif of the cow coming out of the mountain gradually disappeared from the Theban funerary decoration program during the Twentysecond Dynasty, or was partly reinterpreted in the motif of the Apis bull carrying the mummy, the figure of the Hathor-cow reemerged in Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Dynasty tombs and on various objects of the Late period.30 Additionally, although in a much later period, in the Graeco-Roman era, Hathor acquired a very interesting representation, again in funerary contexts. The goddess was often depicted as holding a key, probably the key of the afterlife, while she led the deceased with the other hand.31 The same notion also appears textually, most remarkably in Papyrus Harkness, a demotic funerary text from AD 61, in which Hathor is the mistress of the West, ‘in whose hand are the keys to the West’ (P. Harkness V, 21). The motif of Hathor holding a key seems to appear on objects related to women.32 This latter fact is in accordance with and can be related to the appearance of the prefix ‘Hathor’ before the name of female persons (accompanying or replacing Osiris), which can be attested from the 4th century onward.33

For this association and for further details on the variations of the scene with the hippopotamus goddess and torches, see Liptay 2003, 17 with references. 28 After Darnell, J. C. 1997. The Apotropaic Goddess in the Eye. SAK 24, 35-48, 37-42. 29 Barta, W. 1969. Zur Bedeutung des snwt-Festes. ZÄS 95, 73-80. 30 Liptay 2012, 173-176. 31 Kurth, D. 1990. Der Sarg der Teüris. Eine Studie zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten. Mainz, 11-12; see also Riggs 2005, 127-128, esp. Fig. 54 with the representation of Hathor on a cartonnage mask from Meir. Besides Hathor, this role was also attributed to Anubis. 32 Smith, M. 2005. Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7) Oxford, Griffith Institue, 230. 33 Riggs 2005, 45 with further references. Consult the whole chapter for the discussion about how dead women were likened artistically to Hathor from the Late Period onwards. 27

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In view of these funerary traditions, present both in the first half of the 1st millennium BC and in the Graeco-Roman period, the central role Hathor fulfills in the story of P. Vandier might be less surprising and can be interpreted in a more natural way. Hathor’s role as mediator and a leader of the soul in the Netherworld is not among the most characteristic features of her official cult, but might have had its roots in popular religion, which is explicitly reflected in this literary work from the Saite period. Hathor unites two worlds in her nature: she is connected with the realm of the dead, but she is also strongly connected with the world of the living, since she is associated with love and joy, sexuality and fertility, conception and birth. She can freely move between her two homes and seems to be much more friendly and approachable than most of the gods. The hero of P. Vandier, Merire, is balancing between life and death, and he could not have found a better divine helper in this dangerous endeavor.

Abstract The paper deals with one of the central motifs that can be found in the narrative story of Papyrus Vandier: the literary representation of the mediator role of the goddess Hathor in the Netherworld. This apparently unusual aspect of the goddess is analyzed from various perspectives and is set in the context of the Egyptian religious developments of the first millennium BC.

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Éva Liptay

Ladder between heaven and earth – symbols and connotations 1. @tr – Ladder into the sky and junction between heaven and earth 1.1. The core meaning of Htr; the first occurrences of the word At the time of the First Intermediate Period the use of draught animals gained increasing significance as they served varied purposes in agricultural works like ploughing and hoeing. By that time the expression Htr started to be applied for the pair of oxen used as draught animals (skA m Htr), the possession of which was considered as a symbol of prestige within society.1 Somewhat later, in the Middle Kingdom administrative documents, however, one can find the same word used in a figurative sense; it generally refers to obligations or duties undertaken by one institution towards the other.2 According to the Instructions, forwarding Htr to the target belonged to the duties of the Vizier.3 On the basis of the above the transmission of its significance can be easily traced. Its core meaning may be ‘to fasten/to yoke’ (in order to keep a pair of

1

2

3

For the occurrences of the word Htr in the First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom, and for its original meaning, see my unpublished PhD dissertation (Assessment and Taxation in the Middle Kingdom Egypt, 2004). J. C. Moreno-García (1999. J’ai rempli les pâturages de vaches tachetées… Bétail, économie royale et idéologie en Égypte, de l’Ancien au Moyen Empire. RdE 50, 251–254) distinguished three topoi from each other in the documents of the First Intermediate Period, which were obviously used for representing possession of draught animals as a marker of wealth. One of them was the topos skA m Htr/skA m Htr=f/skA m Htrw/ skA m Htrw=f. Those who – through their social advantage – were fortunate enough to possess draught animals and consequently used them for ploughing seemingly made efforts to emphasise this fact in their biographical inscriptions. In connection with this, see another meaning of Htr (‘take an oath’): Kaplony, P. 1975. Eid, in LÄ I, 1188–1200, 1191 and n. 46; Gardiner, A. H. 1906. Four Papyri from the 18th Dynasty from Kahun. ZÄS 43, 27-47, 38–43. Van den Boorn, G. P. F. 1988. The Duties of the Vizier. Civil Administration in the Early New Kingdom (Studies in Egyptology). London, Kegan Paul International, 283 (R 28).

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animals together), while the common component of the different uses of the word may be ‘obligation’ (restricting one’s freedom in a certain sense).4 The use of the word Htr in the sense of ‘a pair of draught animals tied together’, on the other hand, can be considered as a logical consequence of its first occurrence in the Pyramid Texts (PT)5 where it was applied to denote the lashings6 that were to fasten together the two (wooden) sides of the ladder by which the all-time deceased ruler could ascend to the sky. The determinative used at the end of the word denoted ‘cordage’ (Gardiner V 1). Utterance 688 otherwise mentions two types of ladder: one made of wood (srwD.sn mAqt n N) and another knotted from rope (qAs.sn qAs n N).7 The gods whom the text enumerates as being in charge of making (knotting) the ladder for the deceased king are the Four Sons of Horus (PT §§ 2078–2079). On the other hand, the form Htrw occurring in the Coffin Texts8 usually refers to the bonds fettering the limbs of the sun god or the deceased, which, hindering their free movement (similarly to the case of the draught-animals of the Htr harness, see above), have to be destroyed.9 This bifaciality can be universally observed in other cultures as well, whenever knots and ties are used in magico-religious contexts. They generally represent destructive magic powers or embody an evil spell. If this is the case the ritual act of ‘cutting the ropes or bonds’ was adopted in order to remove all physical and spiritual obstacles. On the other hand, magic bonds representing benevolent 4

5

6 7

8 9

Spalinger, A. 1996. From Local to Global: The Extension of an Egyptian Bureaucratic Term to the Empire. SAK 23, 353–376, 354: ‟requirement upon an individual (or body) that one cannot reject”. See also: Kruchten, J.-M. 1981. Le Decret d’Horemheb. Bruxelles, Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 41 (“mettre au travail”). PT § 2080 (Utt. 688) ‘lashings’; Faulkner, R. O. 1962. A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian. Oxford, The Griffith Institute, 181. Faulkner 1962, 181. See Blok, H. P. 1928. Zur altägyptischen Vorstellung der Himmelsleiter. Acta Orientalia VI, 257–269. The motif of ‘ascending into the sky’ in a private funerary context during the Old Kingdom: Alexanian, N. 2003. Himmelstreppen und Himmelsaufstieg. Zur Interpretation von Ritualen auf Grabdächern im Alten Reich. In H. Guksch, E. Hofmann and M. Bommas (eds), Grab und Totenkult im Alten Ägypten, 27–40. München, Beck. CT II 115 b; CT V 327 i (B3L); CT II 150 k; CT VII 241 k (P. Gard. II); CT III 196 e. See Zandee, J. 1960. Death as an Enemy. Leiden, Brill Archive, 80 (A.7.g.); Ogdon, J. R. 1987. Studies in Ancient Egyptian Magical Thought, III. Knots and Ties. Notes on Ancient Ligatures. DE 7, 29–36; Ritner, R. K. 1993. The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice (SAOC 54). Chicago, The Oriental Institute, 142–144; Grallert, S. 1996. Fugeninschriften auf Särgen des Mittleren Reiches. SAK 23, 147–165, 153. See also Rummel, U. 2006. Weihrauch, Salböl und Leinen: Balsamierungsmaterialen als Medium der Erneuerung im Sedfest. SAK 34, 381–407, 395, n. 69.

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forces can be put into action against enemies in wars or in cases of evil sorcery. Through binding a demon and therefore inhibiting its progress, knots are expected to protect one against evil forces. Thus the vital point here is the negative or positive nature or direction of the actual magico-healing rites, which means that actual human attitudes had a decisive influence on judging whether the power inherent in the bonds was malevolent or beneficent.10 The uses of the word Htr in magical contexts seemingly also belong to the above mentioned field of cognition.

1.2. PT Utterances 736–740 and CT Spells 122–127 The word also appears in a Coffin Text spell11 in the same sense (‘to knot/to fasten/ to keep together firmly’), although the interpretation of the lines is rather problematic. CT II 146 a-b (Spell 122), G2T: Iy.n.i xr nTrw wrw aAw aHaw m Htrty fdw ¥w

‘I have arrived to you(r presence), great and powerful gods Who are standing at the Htrty of the four ones of Shu.’12 An older version of the above occurs in PT § 2268 a-b (Utt. 738, Nt)13: iy.n N xr nTrw ipw xmt xwtyw Wr aHaw m Htrt tAwy xmt-nw ¥w […]

ʻN has arrived to (the presence of) the gods, the third of the guardians of the Great One who is standing at the Htrt of the Two Lands, i.e. ‘the third of Shu’.14

Eliade, M. 1952. Images et symboles. Essais sur le symbolisme magico-religieux. Paris, Gallimard, 145–152. 11 Willems, H. 1983. Ein bemerkswerter Sargtyp aus dem frühen Mittleren Reich. GM 67, 81–90, 84–86; van der Plas, D. and Borghouts, J. F. 1998. Coffin Texts Word Index. Utrecht and Paris, Publications Interuniversitaires de Recherches Égyptologiques Informatisées, 217–218; van den Molen, R. 2000. A Hieroglyphic Dictionary of Egyptian Coffin Texts. Leiden, Brill, 366. 12 See Bommas, M. 1999. Die Mythisierung der Zeit (GOF IV/37). Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 52; Carrier, C. 2004. Textes des Sarcophages du Moyen Empire égyptienne I. Paris, Éditions du Rocher, 296–297. 13 PT Utt. 738 = CT Spell 122–125. 14 Meeks, D. 1981. Année lexicographique II. Paris, Cybèle, 267 (78. 2883): ‟point de jonction des deux terres”. 10

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The text version of Spell 122 is actually a part of a longer composition (120–128) which was adapted and composed from the cycle containing utterances 736–740 of the PT (§§ 2266a–2270b, N), i.e. spells referring to the journey and the route of the deceased through the underworld. It seems obvious that similarly to the above mentioned cycle of the Pyramid Texts, one level of meaning of the CT 120–128 was also built upon numerical symbolism (2-3-4-5-7-8), or rather, basically made puns with numerals.15 Among the variants of the CT Spell 122 the fragments of the papyri Gardiner II and III show the closest similarity to the earlier PT version. In the case of the variants inscribed on coffins, however, a strong tendency for modifying the original text can be observed. The form Htrty, while having lost its grammatical possessor (tAwy), shows a dual ending and is completed by a geographical determinative. ‘The third of Shu’ has been exchanged for ‘the fourth of Shu’ (S1C) and what’s more, ‘the four ones of Shu’ (G2T). The modification of the number 3 to 4 clearly shows that the copiers of the period who dealt with the ancient manuscript tried to summarise the older text, but did not grasp the precise meaning of the words or the context itself. It can be stated with great certainty, however, that both the older PT variant and the latter CT versions seem to associate the situation first of all with the assistants of Shu in their cosmological activity, i.e. the four supporters of the sky. According to the above, the expression Htrty denotes the junction where the Two Lands (PT) or Heaven and Earth (CT) meet, and connotes the creative action of Shu and the supporting pillars of the sky usually embodied by the group of four or eight HH-gods, aspects of Shu’s mobility and rising power.16 The lines of PT § 2268 a-b (< CT II 146 a-b) in question simultaneously identify the deceased ruler with ‘the third of the guardians of the Great One’ and ‘the third of Shu’, standing at the point (Htrt) where the Two Lands join. The divine 15 16

Guglielmi, W. 1986. Wortspiel, in LÄ VI, 1287–1291, 1291, n. 37. On the HH-gods, see Englund, G. 1978. Akh. Une notion religieuse dans l’Égypte pharaonique. Uppsala, Universite, 89–91; Shirun-Grumach, I. 1985. Remarks on the Goddess Maat. In S. Israelit-Groll (ed.), Pharaonic Egypt. The Bible and Christianity, 173–201, 176. Jerusalem, The Hebrew University, Magnes Press; Guilhou, N. 1989. La vieillesse des dieux. Montpellier, Université de Montpellier, 111–112 and 121–124; Bickel, S. 1994. La cosmogonie égyptienne avant le Nouvel Empire (OBO 134). Freiburg and Göttingen, Editions Universitaires, 193–196. The HH-gods who are meant to originate from the body of Shu belong to the Heliopolitan creation myth: CT II 1b; 7d; 19c; 23d-e; 28b; Willems, H. 1996a. The Shu-Spells in practice. In H. Willems (ed.), The World of the Coffin Texts. 197–209, 201. Leiden, Netherlands Institute for the Near East. The expression ‘sons of Shu’ in Chapter 146 of the Book of the Dead surely refers to them: Liptay, É. 2002. Bandeau sur la tête – Aspects religieux d’un motif iconographique de la 21e dynastie. Bulletin du Musée Hongrois des Beaux-Arts 96, 7–30, 29.

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title ‘Great One’ who is protected by the guardian may refer to Osiris.17 In the following passage (PT § 2268 d), the deity with whom the deceased intends to be identified is additionally specified as ‘the fourth of the four gods having come forth from the wpt of Geb’, i.e. the son of Geb, Osiris.18 ‘The guardians of the Great One’ can presumably be equated with the Four Sons of Horus,19 who as protective gods of the deceased/Osiris are assigned to assemble together the parts of the body, prevent it from the threats of the netherworld, and preserve its eternal dwelling place, i.e. the tomb. Moreover, their duty includes lifting (Tzy) the deceased20 and carrying (fAy) him to the tomb,21 as well as defeating his enemies22 and ensuring free movement, thus making his union possible with the sun god.23 In the CT the role and functions of the HH-gods and the Four Sons of Horus can occasionally be interchanged.24 In CT Spell 76 the HH-gods knot a ladder for the deceased;25 that is another transferable function which was fulfilled by the Four Sons of Horus in PT §§ 2078–2079 cited above. The same transmission also seems to occur here, in the lines of PT § 2268 a-b, where the identification of one of ‘the guardians of the Great One’ and ‘the third of Shu’ is realised through the person of the deceased. According to this, ‘the third/fourth of Shu’ in the variants of CT II 146 b alludes in all probability to one of the four sky-supporter HH-gods and/or one of the Four Sons of Horus who are situated at the four corners of the coffin, i.e. at the four cardinal points, in order to support the goddess Nut personifying the coffin lid.

On the divinities protecting and surrounding the divine body, i.e. the mummy of Osiris, see Zandee 1960, 204; Willems, H. 1988. Chests of Life. A Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins. Leiden, Ex Oriente Lux, 240; Willems, H. 1996b. The Coffin of Heqata (Cairo JdE 36418) (OLA 70). Leuven, Peeters, 308–309; Liptay, É. 1996. Réflexions sur le rôle symbolique des lézards en Égypte à propos de deux objets de bronze. Bulletin du Musée Hongrois des Beaux-Arts 85, 12–15; Liptay 2002, 28–30. 18 Altenmüller, B. 1975. Synkretismus in den Sargtexten (GOF IV/7). Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 227 (Spell 123–CT II 146 d-e); Säve-Söderbergh, T. 1977. Götterkreise, in LÄ II, 686–696, 693. 19 Liptay 2002, 28–30. 20 PT § 1983a-b; ‘spells of lifting up the bier’ (PT § 619 a-b), see: Willems 1988, 158. 21 PT §§ 1339–1340. 22 PT § 643 a-c. 23 Heerma van Voss, M. 1980. Horuskinder, in LÄ III, 52–53. 24 Vandier, J. 1957. Le Dieu Shou dans le Papyrus Jumilhac. MDAIK 15, 268–274, 270–271; Willems 1996b, 308–309, 318–320, 345; Liptay 2002, 28–30. 25 Zandee, J. 1973. Sargtexte, Spruch 76 (Coffin Texts II 1–17). ZÄS 100, 60–71, 61; Bickel 1994, 193–194; Willems 1996b, 301–302. 17

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The expression m Htrty fulfils within the sentence the role of adverb of place and its purpose is further emphasised by a geographical determinative at the end of the word. The dual form of Htrty denotes most probably the ‘join(ing point) or connection between two extremities or boundaries’.26 In this case ‘the four ones of Shu’ seem to fasten/tie together the four joining points of Heaven and Earth.27

1.3. The place where heaven and earth join Another instance exists where the word Htrty appears in the same position, denoting a geographical area, and bears the same ending. In CT III 27 (var. B1C: m Htrty Hr gs iAbt n pt) it refers to the two lakes (or at least the shores of them) localised somewhere on the eastern side (or edge) of the sky,28 which is one of the joining points where Heaven and Earth meet. The similarity with the context of Spell 122 is striking. The common motif, characterising both texts, is the enumeration of the different parts of heaven, the knowledge of which is of vital importance for the deceased during the doubtful and dreadful journey through the Beyond. The expression Htrt(y) is in both cases connected to the cosmological activity of Shu, who separates Heaven and Earth, simultaneously joining them.29 It emerges from the above that the word Htr – usually denoting a border line/ zone or extremity of something in a geographical sense – can refer to a riverside or shore in the CT occurrences as early as the Middle Kingdom.30 M. Bommas deals with the expression Htrw(t?)-itrw (‘Flußufer’), a mythical place featuring in the text discussed by him,31 and demonstrates that the phrase Meeks 1981, 267 (78. 2883): “charnière, point de jonction (territorial)”. See CT Spell 1112 (VII 442 b): ‘I am one of the four gods who are standing on the edges of the sky’, see: Kurth, D. 1975. Den Himmel stützen. Die «Tw3 pt» -Szenen in der ägyptischen Tempeln der griechisch – römischen Epoche. Rites égyptiens II. Bruxelles, Fondation égyptologique Reine Élisabeth, 99; Bickel 1994, 195–196. 28 D. Meeks (1981, 267) suggests the reading Htrty and the translation “le bord, la frange du lac”. That can be the reason why the word sometimes gets the sign Gardiner N 36 as a determinative in the Late Period: Malek, J. 2001. A Lioness at peace: Two aspects of the goddess Bastet. Boletín de la Asociación Espańola de Egiptología 11, 141–148, 143. 29 The ‘lakes/region of lakes of Shu’, which can probably be located at the eastern horizon, appears in CT VI 285 p and VII 498 d. Here the actual aspect of Shu in a hawk-headed form – as personification of the rays of the sun god Re – is identified with Horus Shesemty (Altenmüller 1975, 144, 190, 211). 30 Borghouts, J. F. 1978. Ancient Egyptian Magical Texts (Nisaba 9). Leiden, Brill, 13; Meeks 1981, 267 (78. 2883): “rivage”. 31 Bommas 1999, 13 and 52; Leitz, LGG I (OLA 110), 275. 26 27

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seems to combine the meaning of the first word (‘to tie up in order to make one paralysed or hinder one’s free movement’) and that of the second one (‘Fluß’, ‘river-water’); the latter which usually refers to an artificially built, man-made canal is used in the CT in a wider sense, denoting any kind of watery area. The lines of CT III 16c–17a, for example, mention ‘the Htrw-lakes of the eastern side of the sky’.32 When discussing our starting point (1.2.), i.e. CT II 146a, Bommas argues that in the given context Htr(w) means ‘Seen, Gefilde, Flußlandschaft’. On the basis of the core meaning of Htr(w)t (‘territorial joining/connecting point, junction’)33 and that of Htrt S (‘lakeside, shore’)34, one can suggest the meaning ‘riverside inundation area’ for the phrase Htr itrw.35 Summing up the above, in the cases discussed until now the different occurrences of the word Htr(w) seem to refer to a kind of border area, i.e. a border line between two spatial (geographical or cosmic) units, serving at the same time as a connecting link.36 Since the two opposites separated and joined this way can be either earth and sky, or water and land,37 the border area, consequently, can be considered a passage or channel between the two spheres. The word appears in a similar context in the New Kingdom version of the Book of Night, where one of the scenes of the fourth hour consists of a female figure standing between two men. All of them are represented with bent legs and arms and the caption belonging to the scene refers to them as Htrtyw (‘Die zu den Uferbänken (?) Gehörigen’).38 See the lakes of Shu on the eastern edge of the sky, see n. 28. See Altenmüller 1975, 216; Bommas 1999, 52. 33 Hannig, R. 1995. Großes Handwörterbuch Ägyptisch – Deutsch (Kulturgeschichte der antiken Welt 64). Mainz am Rhein, Zabern, 571; Hannig, R. 2003. Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I. Altes Reich und Erste Zwischenzeit (Kulturgeschichte der antiken Welt 98), Mainz am Rhein, Zabern, 911. 34 Hannig 1995, 571. 35 Borghouts 1978, 13; Meeks 1981, 267 (78. 2883) ‟rivage”. See PT § 871 b where Htr (N) appears as variant of Hnt (‘dweller of a swampy lake’; M) with the meaning ‘Wasserlauf, Wassergebiet’: Hornung, E. 1990. Zwei ramessidische Königsgräber: Ramses IV. und Ramses VII. (Theben 11). Mainz am Rhein, Zabern, 100 & n.12. 36 See Bommas 1999, 52 and Wb III 200.13–14 (‘Türpfosten’- sphere of being in between; i.e. liminality). 37 One has to take into consideration in the first case (sky – earth) that according to the Egyptian concept of cosmos the sky is a watery area (→ sky/water – earth/land), and in the second case that the riverbed full of water was thought to be a territory ruled by chaotic and demonic forces, i.e. this latter comparison also has cosmic connotations, similarly to the former one. 38 Hornung, Zwei ramessidische Königsgräber, 100 & n.12 (see n. 36); Roulin, G. 1996. Le livre de la Nuit. Une composition égyptienne de l’au-delà, I-II (OBO 147/1-2). Fribourg and Göttingen, Vanderhoeck and Rupprecht, I, 154 and II, 49; Leitz, LGG V (OLA 114), 595. 32

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1.4. @tr – tr – itrw The first occurrences of the word in the Pyramid Texts clearly show that the basic meaning of Htr is ‘a kind of cordage which firmly ties two (and no more) things together’,39 while in the CT the same cordage in some cases hinders the deceased (or the sun god) in their free movement and prevents the vital bodily functions of the mummified deceased from being restored. Both the context and the form of Htr with its dual ending as discussed above can render considerable assistance when attempting to define the original meaning. According to this the word Htr can not only denote the joining of two things in general, but also connotes a connection of spatial (cf. the use of geographical determinatives) and temporal (cf. the uses of the sun disc as a determinative) borders. The same way as the two sides – i.e. the two extremities of its spatial extension – of the ladder were fastened together in PT § 2080 in order to ensure stability. The uses of Htr in the above mentioned contexts reinforce the supposition that the word may be derived as a H-prefixed form40 from the root tr/itrw, involving the meaning ‘extension in space or time between two extremities’.41 A First Intermediate Period writing of the word may provide proof for the prefixed form: in a Dendera text the sign group is composed of a pair of draughtoxen with an additional tr sign above them.42 In a New Kingdom version of the Prophecies of Neferti one can find again the word Htr denoting ‘draught animal’. Wb. III, 200-202; Faulkner 1962, 180–181; Meeks, D. 1980. Année lexicographique I. Paris, Cybèle, 263–264; Meeks 1981, 267; Meeks, D. 1982. Année lexicographique III. Paris, Cybèle, 206–207; R. Hannig – P. Vomberg. 1999. Wortschatz der Pharaonen in Sachgruppen. Mainz am Rhein, Zabern, 376, 772, 782, 796; Vycichl, W. 1983. Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue copte. Leuven, Peeters, 315–316; Wilson, P. 1997. A Ptolemaic Lexikon. A Lexicographical Study of the Texts in the Temple of Edfu (OLA 78). Leuven, Peeters, 689–690. On the word-group of Htr: Spiegelberg, W. 1925. Demotica I (Sitzungberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften). München, Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenshaften, 22–25; KaplonyHeckel, U. 1974. Schüler und Schulwesen in der ägyptischen Spätzeit. SAK 1, 227–246, 234 and n. 25. 40 See the possibility of the H-preffix in the word Hnmmt: Serrano, J. M. 1999. Origin and basic meaning of the word Hnmmt (the so-called “sun-folk”). SAK 27, 353-368, 364–367. 41 Wb V 313, 12-316, 11; Meeks 1980, 77, 4833; Meeks 1981, 78, 4591; Meeks 1982, 79, 3422 (tr; plur. itrw); Wb I 147; Meeks 1981, 77, 0512; Meeks 1981, 78, 0555; Meeks 1982, 79, 0375-0376 (itrw). Itrw as a measurement of length (i.e. ‘the distance between two extremities’): SchwabSchlott, A. 1972. Altägyptische Texte über die Ausmasse Ägyptens. MDAIK 28, 109–113, 112–113. 42 Fischer, H. G. 1968. Dendera in the Third Millennium B. C., down to the Theban Domination of Upper Egypt. Locust Valley, Augustin, 180–181. 39

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This time, however, the sign group ends with a sun disc determinative, evidently considered necessary after the component sign tr.43 The H-prefix can indicate a location where an event took place.44 According to this the word Htr can be understood as the location or site which joins two (spatial or temporal) extremities. On the basis of the above mentioned occurrences in the PT and CT, it is tempting to assume that the actual context with its rich cosmic implications may refer to the place where the cosmic event of the Separation of Heaven and Earth took place through the creative act of Shu – who, on the other hand, is personally entrusted with maintaining the unbroken connection between the cosmic spheres, i.e. his separated divine offspring.

2. Nut/Hathor, the ritual of zSS wAD, and the ladder into the sky 2.1. The Mountain of the zHzH-bird According to the rather unique allusion of PT § 941 b, the goddess of the sky (Nut/Hathor) is the par excellence ladder ascending to heaven. One can come across her, however, more often in her cow-shaped manifestation emerging from the mountain of the western desert;45 a divine aspect that provides the deceased with similar ‘technical’ assistance. The scene is presented in a very impressive manner in CT Spell 486 which forms part of the cycle called ‘Hathorsprüche’ (CT

DeM 1187: Helck, W. 1970. Die Propheziehung des Nfr.tj (KÄT). Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, IIIh; Goedicke, H. 1977. The Protocol of Neferyt (The Prophecy of Neferti). Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 73. 44 Osing, J. 1976. Die Nominalbildung des Ägyptischen, I-II. Mainz am Rhein, Zabern, I, 7; Gaboda, P. n. a. Az óegyiptomi preffixumok. Unpublished MA dissertation, 59–61. 45 Altenmüller 1975, 133; Allam, Sch. 1963. Beiträge zum Hathorkult (MÄS 4). München, Hessling, 112–113 and 147; Ryhiner, M.-L. 1995. La procession des étoffes et l’union avec Hathor (Rites Égyptiens VIII). Bruxelles, Brepols, 48–49; Liptay, É. 2003. Between heaven and earth. The motif of the cow coming out of the mountain. Bulletin du Musée Hongrois des Beaux-Arts 99, 11–30; Liptay, É. 2012. Bull coming out of the mountain. Changing context and connotations of an iconographic motif. In K. A. Kóthay (ed.), Art and Society. Ancient and Modern Contexts of Egyptian Art. Proceedings of the International Conference held at the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest, 13–15 May, 2010, 169–177. Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts. 43

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482-486)46 and has survived on two coffins, one from El-Bersheh and the other from Assyut (B1Bo, B2L, S1C).47 The mythical events take place on the eastern and/or western horizons that the deceased reaches – following an arduous journey – in order to ascend to the sky and mount the sun bark. It is noteworthy that CT Spell 484 (VI 57h–58c) has a more concrete reference regarding the locale: ‘I have come here from the riverbank of @w on my ascents of the Mountain of the zHzH-bird so that I may put the cloak48 of this Great Lady on who is in the bow of the bark of Ra and in the middle of the bark of Khopri.’49 It is beyond doubt that Hathor functions within this cycle as a sky-goddess, who is reckoned among those in the sun bark. This time the deceased happens to meet the goddess on the Mountain of the zHzH-bird, that is, on a riverbank (of @w), and is engaged in the ritual dressing of Hathor with a veil or cloak (var. B2L relates this piece of cloth with the Tstn). The Tstn-dress – in its archaic form nTstn – is related to the sky-goddess (Nut) even in the Pyramid Texts. Utterance 564 tells about a ritual bath in the Field of IArw, which symbolises the purification of the sun god, of Shu (who raises the sun), and the deceased (identified with both) prior to their ascension to the sky. The following utterances (565–568) served to promote the deceased pharaoh in his soaring to the sky (‘ascension text’). Thus purification is the prerequisite of deification and rising as the sun god. In this occurrence ascension to the sky means meeting and uniting with the sky-goddess Nut, wearer of the Tstn-cloth,50 who acts as the mother of Osiris and consequently that of the deceased too. Finally, in the closing text (Utt. 568) ascension is carried out with the help of a ladder.

2.2. The Mountain of the zHzH-bird and the ritual of zSS wAD The Old Kingdom version of the ritual of zSS wAD (‘splitting the papyrus’) analysed by H. Altenmüller can also be connected with the rituals aiding the ascension of Lapp, G. 1990. Die Spruchkompositionen der Sargtexte. SAK 17, 221–234, 222. Zandee, J. 1988. Sargtexte, Sprüche 363–366 (Coffin texts V 23-28). In J. H. Kamstra et al. (eds), Funerary Symbols and Religion. Dedicated to Professor M. S. H. G. Heerma van Voss, 165–182. Kampen, J. H. Kok; Liptay 2003, 19–20. 48 Var. B2L: Tstn m TAm. 49 Translation from Faulkner, R. O. 1977. The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, II. Warminster, Aris and Phillips, 128. 50 In his Abydos temple, this kind of garment ensures that Sethi I succeeds in preserving his vital power and in becoming the sun god’s heir: Ryhiner 1995, 48 and n. 208. 46 47

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the deceased ruler to the sky, performed for the Celestial Cow (Hathor), who appears on the western horizon.51 In PT Utterance 271 after he has performed the ritual of zSS wAD,52 the deceased king unites with his divine mother (dmD mwt=f), the Wild Cow, (CmAt Wrt) residing in the marshes situated somewhere on the edge of the sky. ‘O my mother, the Wild Cow which is upon the Mountain of Pasture (Dw smy) and upon the Mountain of the zHzH-bird (Dw zHzH), The two Dd-pillars stand, though the broken rubble (?) has fallen, And I ascend on this ladder which my father Ra made for me. Horus and Seth take hold of my hands And take me to the Netherworld (DAt).’53

According to the text, the goddess resides upon two mountains. One of them is called ‘Mountain of the zHzH-bird’, and is the point where the king climbs up to the sky on a ladder. We come across the same mountain again, already touched upon in the cycle of ‘Hathorsprüche’ (CT Spell 484), as located on the riverbank of @w.54 The particular passage in the Coffin Texts is concerned with the deceased’s meeting with Hathor and mounting the solar bark. K. Sethe claimed that the two mountains cited in the Pyramid Texts (PT § 2064a/b) supported the sky on the eastern and western horizons and should be regarded as forerunners of the later BAXw and MAnw.55 As a result we are presented with various methods and solutions for simultaneously bridging the distance between heaven and earth, all equivalent to one another, providing three different levels of interpretation of the text. According to one of them Ra prepares a ladder for the deceased ruler. The second offers Altenmüller, H. 2002. Der Himmelsaufstieg des Grabherrn. Zu den Szenen des zSS wAD in den Gräbern des Alten Reiches. SAK 30, 1–42. 52 Altenmüller 2002, 33–34; Barta, W. 1981. Die Bedeutung der Pyramidentexte für den verstorbenen König (MÄS 39). München, Deutscher Kunstverlag, 139–140. 53 Translation from Faulkner, R. O. 1998. The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 79. 54 Other PT references speak about two vulture goddesses on the mountain of the zHzH-bird (PT § 1118 d) fulfilling obviously a maternal role in the context (~ Wild Cow); or, on the pillar of the zHzH-bird (PT § 2243), see Leitz LGG VI, 462; VII (OLA 116), 400; Leitz LGG I (OLA 110), 251; and above 2.1. 55 See Sethe, K. 1962. Übersetzung und Kommentar zu den altägyptischen Pyramidentexten II. Hamburg, J. J. Augustin, 125–127, where the author associates the mountains in question with the ones which form the borders of the riverbanks of the Nile, and with BAX and MAnw, which were thought to be the mythical places of sunrise and sunset. 51

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another potential way of being ritually (zSS wAD) unified with the Wild Cow, who dwells in the papyrus marshes of the borders of the horizon that are connected with two mountains (Dw smy and Dw zHzH). Middle and New Kingdom descendants of the motif (see below) clarify the analogy of the mythical and ritual dimensions: the act of ‘splitting papyrus’ is essential in order to make a ladder, which serves the deceased in reaching the sky (Hathor). Thereby he will be able to unify with his mother, goddess of the sky.56 The deceased makes his ladder in the marshlands of the western horizon (IArw-field), and ‘splits papyrus for Hathor’ at sunset, the narrow temporal and spatial borderline between day and night.

3. The pair of djed-pillars as supporters of the sky, the two mountains of the horizons, and the ladder 3.1. +d-pillar as supporter of the firmament The context of PT Utterance 271 cited above (2.2.) correlates the two mountains of the horizon as connecting points between heaven and earth with a pair of Ddpillars, thus opening the way for new levels of interpretation of the text. The two Dd-pillars may be the sides of the perfect ladder reaching up to heaven. Relating the ritual of zSS wAD, H. Altenmüller mentions a scene of the ritual of saHa Dd depicted in the New Kingdom tomb of Kheruef (TT 192), where rather enigmatically people are represented splitting papyrus, apparently only to perform a ritual fight with them against one another. The Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus can be considered as an antecedent of the theme as early as the Middle Kingdom. It presents its cosmic level as well, in the context of which the ritual events become more comprehensible, since here the issue appears to be related again to a ladder, i.e. the vehicle lifting the deceased king up to heaven (to the presence of the goddess Nut), this time prepared by priests.57 Thus one can convincingly argue that – for a small elite group at least – there must have existed an obvious relation between the ladder to the sky, the rituals of zSS wDA and that of saHa Dd.

Altenmüller, H. 2000. Die Nachtfahrt des Grabherrn im Alten Reich. Zur Frage der Schiffe mit Igelkopfbug. SAK 28, 1–26. 57 Altenmüller 2002, 30–33; van der Vliet, J. 1988. Raising the djed: a rite de marge. BSAK 3, 405–411; Lorand, D. 2009. Le Papyrus dramatique du Ramesseum (Lettres orientales 13). Leuven, Peeters, 115. 56

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Moreover, this suggestion can be extended to the Old Kingdom through PT Utt. 271 (see 2.2.) that provides evidence for the close connection between the three devices suitable for supporting and reaching the sky: the twin mountains called zHzH and cmy standing along the riverbank (~ Htrty, see above 2.1.), the pair of Dd-pillars, and the ladder leading to the sky (with fastening lashings called Htrw in PT § 2080, see above 1.1.). Therefore one can conclude that the skysupporting twin mountains of the horizon can be identified with the Dd-pillars of PT § 389 b, and can be considered as a perfectly suitable ladder to lead its user to the sky (PT § 390a). The +d-pillar as supporter of the western side of the sky occurs on a wellknown representation of a Ramesside Theban tomb (TT 2) as a peculiar iconographic motif, since it is depicted to replace one of the recumbent lions (Shu), traditionally symbolising the two horizons, i.e. the junctions between heaven and earth.58 The so-called Memphite Dd-pillars provide further evidence and thus considerable assistance towards the better understanding of the symbolism of the motif in question. The divine title iwn n HH, which often occurs in the inscriptions written on Memphite Dd-pillars, is at the same time the epithet qualifying the nocturnal sun (Ra-Osiris or the moon)59 and one of the aspects of Shu. It is worth mentioning that a pillar called iwn is identified with the supporter of the sky as early as the PT (§ 1143b), and what’s more, in another place (PT § 2243) is brought in connection with the zHzH-bird which, as we have seen (see 2.1.), also belongs to the same context, i.e. the supporter (a mountain in this case) of the western horizon in particular. In the symbolism of the Memphite Dd-pillars the deceased

Piankoff, R. and Rambova, N. 1957. Mythological Papyri (Bollingen Series XL.3). New York, Pantheon Books, fig. 27; Saleh, M. 1984. Das Totenbuch in den thebanischen Beamtengräbern des Neuen Reiches (AVDAIK 46). Mainz am Rhein, Zabern, Abb. 20. See Waitkus, W. 2002. Die Geburt des Harsomtus aus der Blüte. Zur Bedeutung und Funktion einiger Kultgegenstände des Tempels von Dendera. SAK 30, 373–394, 374–376 and 382–384. On the connection of Ptah, Su and Tefnut with the epithet Dd Spsy in this context, see: Kákosy, L. 1980. A Memphite Triad. JEA 66, 48–53. 59 van Dijk, J. 1986. The symbolism of the Memphite djed-pillar. OMRO 66, 7–20; van Walsem, R. 1997. The Coffin of Djedmonthuiufankh in the National Museum of Antiquities at Leiden. Leiden, University of Leiden, 331; Derchain, Ph. 1962. La lune, mythes et rites (Sources orientales V). Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 44–46; Nagel, G. 1929. Un papyrus funéraire de la fin du Nouvel Empire [Louvre 3292 (Inv.)]. BIFAO 29, 1–124, 89.

58

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appears in the role of Shu or one of the HH-gods,60 consequently in the same situation that can be detected in the much earlier references of PT and CT texts cited above (see 1.2.). Any kind of manifestation of the divine force creates constant connection between the two spheres and, also indicating the limits of human existence, is a creator and maintainer of world order (twA pt/saHa pt) and at the same time a separator (wp pt r tA).61

3.2. The mountains of the two horizons: Bakhu and Manu In consequence, the Dd-pillar (similarly to the ZHzH-bird and the Wild Cow as mother-goddesses) seems to be originally attributed to the western horizon, although variants of the vignettes of Book of the Dead Chapter 15 tend to represent the crucial moments at sunset and sunrise within a single composition, focusing on a particular Dd-pillar, thus expressing and guaranteeing the eternal continuity of the solar cycle. On the other hand, ‟the two aspects cannot be separated since sunset upon earth is at the same time as sunrise in the netherworld, and vice versa”.62 The Dd-pillar supporting the nocturnal sky at the place of sunset is to advance the otherworldly sunrise.63

On the other hand, the above expounded complex system of symbols inherently contains association with the ritual of saHa Dd, and of course with the royal sd-festival: the Memphite Dd-pillars involves the deceased in the process not only by providing an opportunity for him to fulfil the role of a HH-god, but also to take part in the rituals aiming at royal renewal. On the ritual of saHa Dd: Mikhail, L. B. 1984. Raising the Djed-Pillar. The Last Day of the Osirian Khoiak Festival. GM 83, 51–69; van der Vliet 1988, 405–411; van Dijk 1986, 12–16. 61 Kurth 1975, 98. 62 van Dijk 1986, 14 and n. 52. From an otherworldly point of view, the roles of the eastern and western cardinal points are interchangeable, i.e the place of sunset is the East, and that of sunrise is the West: Assmann, J. 1969. Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott. Untersuchungen zur altägyptischen Hymnik I (MÄS 19). Berlin, Hessling, 39, with reference to one of the inscriptions captioning the Schlußszene-composition in Piankoff and Rambova 1957, No. 24; Borghouts, J. F. 1973. The Evil Eye of Apophis. JEA 59, 114–150, 114–115; Borghouts, J. F. 1981. Review on D. Meeks, Année lexicographique I, Paris 1977. CdÉ 56, 273. 63 See the epithet of Ra-Harakhty rising in the underworld on the pyramid base of the tomb of Tia in Saqqara (‘Pillar of Heaven, who supports the sky’ [iwn n pt rmn Hrt]: van Dijk 1986, 8. Rmnwy as shoulders and arms of the sky-supporter Shu: Derchain, Ph. 1975. Sur le nom des Chou et sa function. RdE 27, 110–116, 112 (PT references); CT Spell 882 (VII 93c); see rmnw as parts of the ladder to the sky: Leitz LGG III, 238 (see above [1.1.] Htrw in the same context). 60

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4. Summary As we have seen, in PT the word Htr can denote the fastening of the bonds of the two sides of the ladder leading to the sky. The form Htrty/Htrwy, on the other hand, appears from time to time in a geographical context, too: in such cases it denotes ‘riverbank, shore, watery area’, or sometimes ‘riverbank bordered by two mountains’ which can occasionally be brought into connection with the mythical activity of the god Shu and the HH-gods, who as sky-supporters, stand at the connecting points of heaven and earth. The same sky-supporters appear in the form of two mountains bordering the Nile at the eastern and western horizons, i.e. the boundaries of the world (see mountains of the zHzH-bird and cmy/Bakhu and Manu), or can be interpreted as Dd-pillars in PT and CT, and in later representations. The symbolic connotations (ladder – twin mountains of the horizon – djedpillars) discussed above are closely related to each other (as proved convincingly by PT Utt. 271 [2.2.]) and to the rituals of zSS wAD and saHa Dd. However, their inevitable concordance can sometimes be detected in other passages as well. In the Coffin Texts, for example, one can find a more or less clear reference to the ladder reaching the sky, standing on two elevations reminiscent of the mountains of the horizons or the Primeval Hill.64

Abstract Ascending into the sky was the most important aim for the deceased who intended to be identified with the divine fate of both Osiris and the sun god, as is clearly testified even by the oldest funerary texts. Therefore, it is hardly surprising that the notion is represented by a range of symbols in the Egyptian funerary belief system. Many different practices for reaching the heights of the sky existed simultaneously, mingling with each other and finally creating complex systems of symbols that condensed a great deal of meaning. Using the expression Htr as a starting point, the following paper makes an attempt to explore the main components of one of these systems of such symbols.

64

CT VI 148 e; Blok 1928, 260; Kessler, D. 1980. Leiter, in LÄ III, 1002–1005, 1004.

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György Németh

Hieroglyphs in Greek magical texts?

Greek magic underwent significant changes at the beginning of the 2nd century AD. Drawings, voces magicae, and magic signs called charaktêres appeared in some curse tablets especially in Egypt, Rome, and North Africa. These signs (or at least some of them) were traced back to hieroglyphs, yet this hypothesis has proved to be untenable. However, symbols resembling hieroglyphs did show up in curse tablets and amulets.

Charaktêres Charaktêres is a technical term used for magic signs facilitating communication with demons, appearing in curse tablets and other magic texts from the beginning of the 2nd century AD primarily in Egypt, the Greek cities, Rome, and North Africa.1 Although many charaktêres are slightly modified elements of the Greek alphabet (with tiny circles at the edge of strokes, thus they are called ‘ring-letters’), some scholars have proposed a hypothetical Mesopotamian or Egyptian origin of the signs.2 The Egyptian origin of certain (rare) charaktêres, such as sn,3 is undeniable, and there are sign groups that may imitate hieroglyphs, though they cannot be recuperated as such.4 Campbell Bonner believed that the tiny circles at the ends of the strokes derive from the loop of the sn sign.5 This sign indisput1

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4

5

In the case of certain border provinces (e.g. Dacia or Britannia), we find charaktêres only on a handful of amulets. Pieper, M. 1934. Die Abraxasgemmen. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Instituts für Ägyptische Altertumskunde in Kairo [predecessor of MDAI(K)] 5, 119–143. Preisendanz, K. and Henrichs, A. (eds) 1973–1974. Papyri Graecae Magicae. Die griechischen Zauberpapyri. Vols. I–II. Stuttgart, Teubner, I, 22; Gordon, R. L. 2011. Signa nova et inaudita: The theory and practice of invented signs (charakteres) in Graeco-Egyptian magical texts. MHNH 11, 15–44, 23. According to Agrell, S. 1936. Die pergamenische Zauberscheibe und das Tarockspiel. Lund, Gleerup, most of the signs of the Pergamon magical disc are derived from hieroglyphs, but this is a wild exaggeration – it is only true of a handful. Bonner, C. 1950. Studies in Magical Amulets: Chiefly Graeco-Egyptian. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan, 194: ‘Others look like modifications of Greek letters, especially the rectilinear

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ably appears on a Graeco-Egyptian magical papyrus of the 4th century AD, but in no other similar text, and the papyrus does not contain ring-letters at all. The earliest ring-letter on a curse tablet dates from the 2nd century AD, and the appearance of charaktêres on amulets and magic gems from an archaeological context is also dated to the 2nd century AD.6 However, ring-letters are attested on magical papyri only from the 4th century AD,7 which makes their Egyptian origin and their derivation from hieroglyphs highly problematic. There were some priests in the 4th century AD who were capable of writing hieroglyphics, but their number was probably rather low. The last datable hieroglyphic inscription was produced in Philae on 24 August, 394 AD.8 The real point however is that the hypothesis is confused. What is it supposed to explain? The origin of ring-letters alone, or of characktêres as a class? If the first, how could one seriously suggest that a priest who was conversant with hieroglyphic writing could have taken part of a single sign and used it to decorate the ends of completely different, non-hieroglyphic signs, and that quite irregularly? And if the second, why do more than 98% of charaktêres bear no resemblance to hieroglyphs real or fictitious, of the Middle Kingdom or the Late Period? The theory that charaktêres (and especially ring letters) in Greek magic spells are derived directly from Egyptian hieroglyphs, which seemed plausible to R. Wünsch and others,9 cannot be sustained. The most implausible position of all is that of L.-H. Vincent, who scooped up all these theories and claimed that the charaktêres are a jumble of Babylonian cuneiform signs, Egyptian hieroglyphs, and elements of Pahlavi, South Arabian ones, such as ΑΓΔΕΖΛΞΤΥ, with extra strokes and loops, and little circles at the ends of the lines. These circles, which are so constant that the characters are sometimes called ring signs, give a clue to the origin of these strange designs. According to W. Max Müller, the hieroglyph for talisman, sA, is thought to represent a cord with numerous magical loops, and is thus connected with the common practice of tying numerous knots in a string for magical purposes.’ 6 Marcillet-Jaubert, J. 1979. Tabella defixionis Augustodunensis. ZPE 33, 185–186, 185; Shear, T. L. 1938. The campaign of 1937. Hesperia 7, 311–362, 359 fig. 49, 360f; Zwierlein-Diehl, E. 2015. Dating magical gems, in K. Endreffy, Á. M. Nagy and J. Spier (eds) (forthcoming): ‘Next comes an amulet of “black steatite” (H: ca. 2.15 cm) found in a deposit dated to the second century AD in the Agora of Athens (fig. 9 a–b). The image of the obverse is singular but understandable by analogy with other types. A God is sitting on a throne in front of a sort of wall decorated with characters.’ I thank Árpád Nagy for making the unpublished manuscript available to me. 7 Strelcyn, S. 1955. Prières magiques éthiopiennes pour délier les charmes. Rocznik Orientalistyczny 18. Warsaw, xxvii. 8 IDemPhilae 436, Griffith, F. Ll. 1937. Catalogue of the demotic graffiti of the Dodecaschoenus, Vol. I (Text). Oxford, OUP, 126/127 (‘Ph. 436’). See also Sternberg-el Hotabi, U. 1994. Der Untergang der Hieroglyphenschrift. Schriftverfall und Schrifttod im Ägypten der griechischrömischen Zeit. CdE 69, 218–248.  9 Pieper 1934, 125.

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and Arabian writing.10 However, Egypt unquestionably played a major part in spreading the charaktêres among Jews, Arabs and Ethiopians.11

Hieroglyphs and pseudo-hieroglyphs Prescriptions found in Graeco-Egyptian magical papyri made references to hieroglyphs. ‘Come to me through the NN man or little boy and tell me accurately since I speak your names which thrice-greatest Hermes wrote in Heliopolis with hieroglyphic letters: ARBAKORIPH MENIAM…’12 Still, the 4th century AD text clearly reveals that the voces magicae were written in Greek letters, as was the magic spell itself. The only genuine hieroglyph in Greek magical papyri from Egypt is attested in another spell from the 4th century AD: ‘To achieve a good memory. Write on a leaf of cinquefoil the following charaktêr, written with myrrh ink, and keep it in your mouth while you sleep. The charaktêr is sn.’13 There is no indication in the text that the scribe of the spell could understand the original meaning of the applied hieroglyphic sign. Another spell written on the same papyrus (after line 150) lists 20 different charaktêres, but none of them can be traced back to hieroglyphs, and most of them are simply ring-letters. Then a scarab was to be inscribed onto a door: ‘Below the door inscribe the scarab, as it stands here, having anointed it with the blood of a goat, outside your bedchamber.’14 Although the drawing of the scarab roughly corresponds to the xpr hieroglyph, it is not precisely represented, and nothing reveals if the author of the text knew that it was originally a hieroglyphic symbol. A demotic magical papyrus (3rd century AD) preserved the following prescription: ‘Formula: Here are the writings which you should write on the wick of the

Vincent, L.-H. 1908. Amulette judeo-araméenne. Revue Biblique 17, 382–394, 388: ‘La plupart de ces signes trouveraient des équivalents satisfaisants dans les alphabets pehlevis ou ceux de l’Arabie méridionale, enfin dans les plus vieux ouasems arabes.’ Strelcyn 1955, xxxvi. 11 Strelcyn 1955, xxxvi. I devoted a detailed analysis to charaktêres in a volume under publication: Németh, Gy. 2017. Charaktêres on curse tablets in the western provinces of the Roman Empire. In Gordon, R. L. and Simón, F. M. (eds) Choosing Magic. Rome, De Luca Editori d’Arte (forthcoming). 12 PGM IV.885–887. Betz, H. D. (ed.) 1992. The Greek magical papyri in translation including the demotic spells. (2nd edition) Chicago – London, University of Chicago, 55. 13 Preisendanz and Henrichs 1973–1974, I. 22. (PGM II.40–44); Betz 1992, 13. 14 Betz 1992, 17. 10

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lamp: BAXYXSIXYX.’15 The five ensuing figures all resemble Egyptian hieroglyphs but cannot be translated.16

Drawing of K. Dzwiza

A bronze lamella fixed to the cover of a Christian grave (3rd century AD) was found in the Novatianus catacomb in Rome. The tablet shows a standing snakeheaded human figure facing left, swathed like a mummy, with an inscription field beneath his feet that contains unintelligible signs similar to hieroglyphics.17 The publisher of the bronze tablet, H. Lietzmann, was positively convinced about the amuletic function of the drawing and the pseudo-inscription, though it is unusual that a Christian used such an obvious pagan symbol. He probably expected some assistance at his journey in the afterlife.18 The kA sign appears in the text of a 2nd century AD silver amulet from Aquincum, accompanied by the Hebrew word ‘spirit’.19 The amulet does not yield a continuous reading, and the kA hieroglyph (or similar charaktêres) turns up on magic gems as well, thus we cannot ascertain if the Aquincum sorcerer in the period of Trajan was familiar with the original meaning of the magic sign resembling the hieroglyph or not. If we are looking for hieroglyphs among the charaktêres on magic gems, we find strikingly few examples. An engraved image depicts a phoenix standing in front of an obelisk inscribed with four signs one under the other, the third of which resembles xpr, though it has only four legs instead of six.20 A green jasper Betz 1992, 202; 205. PDM XIV.126; 176. The vox magica is Egyptian, and can be translated ‘Soul (Ba) of darkness, son of darkness.’ 16 Dzwiza, K. 2013. Schriftverwendung in antiker Ritualpraxis anhand der griechischen, demotischen und koptischen Sammelschriften des 1. – 7. Jahrhunderts. Diss. Erfurt–Heidelberg, Katalog 273. 17 Lietzmann, H. 1934. Ein Gnostiker in der Novatianuskatakombe. Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 11, 359–362, 359–360. 18 Lietzmann 1934, 362: ‘Dann war ihm der schlangenköpfige Gott ein Helfer auch im Tode, ein Führer auch im Jenseits.’ See Németh, Gy. 2012. The Snake-headed Demon. MHNH 12, 53–61. 19 Németh, Gy. 2006. A magic silver lamella from Aquincum. In P. Zsidi and Gy. Németh (eds), Ancient Medicine and Pannonia: Studies in medical practice in Antiquity, 63–68. Budapest, Pro Aquinco Foundation. 20 Michel, S. 2004. Die magischen Gemmen. Berlin, Akademie Verlag, 322. Table 24, 2. 15

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gem depicting a mummy is inscribed with three signs similar to hieroglyphs: a xpr, a zigzag line, and a lozenge.21 The mn and the xpr signs accompanied by charaktêres are written on a dark grey gem, yet the scarab (?) again has only four legs.22 The majority of magic gems were manufactured in Egypt, where gem engravers could see many hieroglyphic inscriptions – even if they could not understand them. As the circle of learned people familiar with the meaning of hieroglyphs diminished and ultimately disappeared at the end of the 4th century AD, these signs turned into magic symbols of exceptional power for the Egyptians as well.23 And when no-one could read these marks any more, the magical use of images resembling hieroglyphs became safe, since the magicians knew very well that their customers (especially the Greeks) would never notice that they were deceived. Thus harmful and particularly protective spells continued to be furnished with hieroglyph-like magic signs for a long time.

Abstract The paper examines hieroglyphs and magic signs resembling hieroglyphs attested in Greek and demotic magical texts.

Michel 2004, 312. Michel 2004, 296. 23 Frankfurter, D. 1998. Religion in Roman Egypt: Assimilation and Resistance. Princeton, University Press, 249: ‘Hieroglyphs themselves traditionally bore the numinous importance of being the actual writing of the gods and through the third century appear in such symbolic or even “magical” contexts as amulets, ritual texts (as on the wall of the temple of Esna), and even the names of beneficent emperors… They have become for all intents and purposes magical symbols.’ 21

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Gyula Priskin

The description of the invisible moon at Edfu

Introduction According to the inscriptions in the small room that once served as the library of the Edfu temple, one of the books kept in the local archives bore the title ‘Knowing the course of the two celestial lights, the sun and the moon’ (rx nmt.t H3y.tj).1 When Clement of Alexandria, a Christian apologetic writer who lived in the 2nd century AD, described the procession of Egyptian priests, possibly after having witnessed such an event on the streets of his own town, he also reported that one of the officiants – the hour watcher – carried four papyrus rolls with astronomical content, notably among them two books that dealt with ‘the movements of the sun and the moon and the five planets’ (περί τής τάξεως τοΰ ήλίου καί τής σελήνης καί περί τών πέντε πλανωμένων) and ‘the encounters and illuminations of the sun and the moon’ (περί τών συνόδων καί φωτισμών ήλίου καί σελήνης).2 The straightforward identification of the Edfu book title with Clement’s appellations is a bit problematic, since its elements seem to correspond to either of the two papyri: nmt.t ‘course, stride’ to ‘movements’ (τάξις, literally ‘arrangement, order’), and H3y.tj ‘the two celestial lights’ to ‘illuminations of the sun and the moon’ (φωτισμοί ήλίου καί σελήνης), planets excluded. It is nevertheless quite possible that the two sources speak about the same composition.3 In any case, they certainly testify to the interest which the Egyptians paid to the observation of the two most conspicuous celestial bodies. It is quite possible that excerpts from the book about the conjoined movements of the sun and the moon have been preserved in the pronaos of the Edfu temple, 1 2

3

Edfou III, 351 (8). Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 6.4.35, see Stählin, O. 1906. Clemens Alexandrinus II. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 449. Translation from Dieleman, J. 2003. Claiming the Stars: Egyptian Priests Facing the Sky. In S. Bickel and A. Loprieno (eds), Basel Egyptology Prize 1: Junior Research in Egyptian History, Archaeology, and Philology, 277–289. Basel, Schwabe & Co. AG, 278. Neugebauer, O. 1942. Egyptian Planetary Texts. TAPS 32, 209‒250, 238; Depuydt, L. 1998. The Hieroglyphic Representation of the Moon’s Absence (PsDntyw). In L. H. Lesko (ed.), Ancient Egyptian and Mediterranean Studies in Memory of William A. Ward, 71‒89. Providence, Brown University Press, 79.

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the same part of the building that housed the cubicle of the library. The topmost registers on the eastern and western walls of this hypostyle hall show parallel scenes depicting the voyage of the solar barque followed by the lunar barque.4 The long horizontal inscriptions next to these scenes,5 as they elaborately describe the lunar cycle and its connection with the sun, must come from the book about the encounters and illuminations of the two luminaries.6 The texts pose some difficulties of understanding, and their occasional obscurity is reflected by the different translations,7 and also ‒ perhaps more emphatically ‒ by the various interpretations that have been put forward for the meaning of the pictorial scenes they accompany.8 My analysis of the images and the short captions on the eastern wall of the Edfu pronaos has confirmed the claim that they refer to the second half of the lunar cycle.9 The meticulous study of the iconographic elements has also revealed that they emphasize the two key points framing this period, the full moon and the invisible moon (also called blacked-out moon, or astronomical new moon). These two events of course are strongly associated with the direction of the east: the full lunar disc, after the moon having reached east for the first time during a lunation, rises on the eastern horizon at mid-month as the sun sets in the west in the evening, whereas the old crescent vanishes within the rays of the morning sun emerging from the eastern horizon. While the importance of the full moon, with its splendour and conspicuousness, is evident for both the ancient observers and the contemporary students of Egyptian astral beliefs, the significance of the period of lunar invisibility is often overlooked in modern Egyptological literature, not least because the relevant references ‒ be they textual or iconographic ‒ have

Edfou IX, pl. lxix. Edfou III, 207 (3)‒208 (5), 211 (3)‒212 (4).  6 Depuydt 1998, 79.  7 Barguet, P. 1978. Le cycle lunaire d’après deux textes d’Edfou. RdE 29, 14‒20; Kurth, D. 1994. Treffpunkt der Götter. Inschriften aus dem Tempel des Horus von Edfu. Zürich, Artemis Verlag, 126‒133; Cauville, S. 2011. Le pronaos d’Edfou: une voûte étoilée. RdE 62, 41‒55.  8 Barguet 1978, 14–17; Kurth 1994, 126‒128; Cauville 2011, 49‒53.  9 Barguet 1978, 19‒20; Labrique, F. 1998a. L’escorte de la lune sur la porte d’Évergète à Karnak II. Commentaire. RdE 49, 107‒149, 123; Priskin, G. 2015a. A teljes holdciklus ábrázolásai a görögrómai kori templomokban. Az edfui pronaosz nyugati és keleti fala. In T. Bács, T. Dezső, and Á. Vér (eds), Aegyptiaca et Assyriaca. Tanulmányok az Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem Ókortudományi Intézetéből, 143‒159. Budapest, Eötvös Kiadó, 151‒156; Priskin, G. 2016a. The depictions of the entire lunar cycle in Graeco-Roman temples. JEA 102, 111–144, 120–129.  4  5

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so far been poorly understood.10 This is so despite the now generally accepted view that the ancient Egyptians began their lunar month on the day when the waning crescent was no longer observable above the eastern horizon just before sunrise (i.e. last crescent invisibility, blacked-out moon).11 The oversight of the prominence of the astronomical new moon is, however, quite understandable: our modern minds, steeped in the traditions of Babylonian, Jewish, and Greek calendars,12 tend to conceive of the first remarkable event ‒ and starting point ‒ of the lunar cycle as the appearance of the first crescent in the west after sunset, and not the disappearance of the waning crescent at sunrise. The long inscriptions of the lunar scenes in the east of the pronaos at Edfu start off with the description of this very moment, that is the meeting of the sun and the moon at the eastern horizon,13 when these celestial bodies are aligned, and for the earthbound observer the glare of the sun engulfs the moon so that it becomes invisible for a short period of time (one or two days).14 Then the inscriptions go on to give an account of the whole lunar cycle, including full moon (opposition) and waning.15 In this paper I will limit my scope of enquiry to the description of conjunction found at the beginning of the text. My reasons for doing so are on the one hand practical ‒ I have to heed the guidelines of the present volume ‒ while on the other are also dictated by a wish to offer a sort of compensation for the neglect that the period of lunar invisibility has suffered from modern scholarship. For a detailed commentary on this lunar phase I first provide the hieroglyphic transcription, transliteration, and translation of the relevant part of the text.

For the growing corpus recognizing the importance of lunar invisibility, see Depuydt 1998, 76‒85; Labrique, F. 2003. Khonsou et la néoménie à Karnak. In D. Budde, S. S. Sandri, and U. Verhoeven (eds), Kindgötter im Ägypten der griechisch-römischen Zeit. Zeugnisse aus Stadt und Tempel als Spiegel des interkulturellen Kontakts, 195–224. OLA 128. Leuven, Peeters; Priskin, G. 2013. Coffin Texts Spell 155 on the Moon. Birmingham Egyptology Journal 1, 25‒63; Priskin, G. 2015b. The Encounter between the Sun and the Moon on Hypocephali. Birmingham Egyptology Journal 3, 24–41. 11 Krauss, R. 2006. Lunar Days, Lunar Months, and the Question of the ‘Civil-based’ Lunar Calendar. In E. Hornung, R. Krauss, and D. A. Warburton (eds), Ancient Egyptian Chronology, 386‒391. HdO 83. Leiden, Brill, 387‒389. 12 Depuydt, L. 1997. Civil Calendar and Lunar Calendar in Ancient Egypt. OLA 77. Leuven, Peeters, 27; Hannah, R. 2005. Greek and Roman Calendars: Constructions of Time in the Classical World. London, Duckworth, 27. 13 Cauville 2011, 42. 14 Priskin 2013, 43‒44. 15 Cauville 2011, 43‒45. 10

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Hieroglyphic transcription, transliteration, and translation

16 16

Emendations: line 3

; line 4

;17 line 5

,18

,19

.20

wab.t wab.tj n jgp m oAb=s ¡r.w jAbt.t Ra wbn m bAX.w Hw.t-¡r.w m hA s.t-wnp m Haa ns.t-¡r.w m xntS s.t nTr.wj pw ntj Ra ¡r.w ra jaH psD m-xnt=sn Ax.t jAbt.t Xnm. n=s m rS.wt xa HAy.tj m wjA=sn bA.w jAbt.t a.wj=sn m jA.w bA.w hTt grg.tw r wnw. t=sn bsj nTr.w sar r jr.w n.w sf sbj sn.tj Hr sA.w=sn wTs=sn jtn r p.t tp-dwA mH.n=f Sn=f m psD.w=f sdg.n psD.w=f mAw.t n jaH snsn ¡r.w m sn.nw=f sdg sw mw.t=f m HTT.t=s n Mnw s.t=f psDn.tjw The pristine sky is clear; there is nothing to cloud it over. The eastern Horus and Rea rise on the eastern mountain, so the Mansion of Horusb is in joy, the Place of Piercingb jubilates, and the Throne of Horusb is glad. It is in the Place of the Two Godsb where Re and Horus, namely the sun and the moon,c shine forth, and the eastern horizon is joyous as the two lights of the sky appear in their barque.d The eastern base outstretch their arms in praise, the greeting baboonse are poised for their service, the gods who make (the sun) ascend from (its) yesterday’s form have come,f the two sisters, Isis and Nephthys, have proceeded to their guard posts so that they could raise the solar disc to the sky at the beginning of the Edfou III, 211 (3)–(7). Barguet 1978, 17 n. 37. 18 Barguet 1978, 17 n. 38. 19 Barguet 1978, 17 n. 39. 20 Barguet 1978, 17 n. 40. 16

17

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morning.g The disch completes its course with its radiance and its rays hide the light of the moon.i Horus unites with his counterpart,j and his mother, Nut, conceals him in her armpitsk for Min,l which is his place on the day of the invisible moon.m

Commentary Although both Pierre Barguet and Dieter Kurth, in their translations, interpret the sitting figure of Re as a determinative of the name ‘eastern Horus’,21 from the later statements of the text ‒ especially the one relating that ‘Horus unites with his counterpart’ ‒ it is more likely that here we have two separate beings, the eastern Horus representing the moon in conjunction with the sun, and Re as the sun itself.22 The eastern Horus, or Horus of the East, appears in a variety of contexts;23 his name and his descriptions ‒ for example ‘the eastern Horus who rises from the eastern mountain’ (¡r.w jAbt.t wbn m bAX.w)24 ‒ suggest that he was essentially identical with the rising morning sun. It can hardly be doubted that it is precisely this identification that lies behind the use of the term here to designate the moon in conjunction, for the blacked-out moon in fact appears as just the rising sun; that is, at conjunction the moon is imperceptibly united with the morning sun. In some other texts, too, the eastern Horus may refer to the invisible moon. The prime candidates for such a role of the eastern Horus are utterances 324 and 325 of the Pyramid Texts. The lunar context is set by the opening lines of utterance 324, in which the deceased king addresses the doorkeeper of Horus saying ‘(the king has) come with hair-spittle for this hair of his, which is ill at the beginning of the months and which is bald25 at the beginning of the half months’ (jj. n=f Xr psg smA r smA=f pw mr jr tp-Abd.w nom jr tp-smd.wt).26 It is clear from this statement that ‒ in addition to other concepts ‒ the ancient Egyptians viewed the moon as a head that in its changing phases is covered by hair to various degrees.27 Two points of the lunar cycle, that in a sense can be construed as its two a

Barguet 1978, 17; Kurth 1994, 131. Barguet (1978, 17 n. 36) considers this possibility. 23 LGG V, 241‒242. 24 Edfou VIII, 100 (12). 25 nqm ‘bald’ (Pyr. §521b) also connotes the idea of illness and suffering, see Wb. II, 344.3‒6. 26 Pyr. §§ 521a‒b. Translation from Faulkner, R. O. 1969. The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 103. 27 Eaton, K. 2011. Monthly Lunar Festivals in the Mortuary Realm: Historical Patterns and Symbolic Motifs. JNES 70, 229‒245, 236. The moon is either the head of Osiris or Horus. 21

22

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extremities ‒ the blacked-out moon at the beginning of the month and the full moon in the middle of the month ‒ are described as times of despair that need to be remedied, most probably on account of the belief that the invisible moon is excessively shrouded by hair, whereas at full moon it lacks hair altogether. In the next utterance (325) it is stated that the doors of the sky at the Field of Reeds (i.e. in the east) are opened at dawn for five hypostases of Horus: Horus of the Gods, Horus of the Horizon (Horakhty), Horus of the East, Horus of Shezmet, and the king himself.28 Much later Graeco-Roman depictions of the lunar cycle in the temples of Edfu and Dendera also represent the invisibility of the moon by five hypostases of Horus, this time drawn as five falcons.29 It has been proposed that the five falcons stand for Horus and his four sons,30 but textual references that would fix the ultimate origins of the five birds are lacking. With an equal degree of certainty – or reluctance, for that matter – we may now also contemplate a parallel with utterance 325 of the Pyramid Texts, because it is distinctly possible that the five forms of Horus there are alluded to in order to evoke the time of the lunisolar conjunction. One of these forms is the eastern Horus, so here his association with the invisible moon also seems to be apparent. Furthermore, we may take a look at the descendant of utterance 325 of the Pyramid Texts, Coffin Texts spell 723. Its introductory lines are concerned with different kinds of foodstuff presented as offerings to the gods Re, Anubis, and Osiris at various monthly festivals, including the day of the blacked-out moon (psDn.tjw), and although later only two avatars of Horus are mentioned in connection with the opening of the heavenly doors (Horus of the Gods and notably Horus of the East), the text is still obviously heavily laden with lunar symbology.31 The immediate context of the spell may also be indicative of its message, because the previous Coffin Texts spell (722) is about becoming the Morning Star (nTr dwA).32 As I expounded it elsewhere, this name may signify the planet Venus, but also the star heralding the morning sun, or the morning sun itself.33 What is more, the Morning Star has close affinities with the conjunction of the sun and Pyr. §§ 525a‒529c. Edfou IX, pl. lxix; Cauville, S. 2012. Dendara XV. Traduction. Le pronaos du temple d’Hathor, Plafond et parois extérieures. OLA 213. Leuven, Peeters, pl. vi; Priskin 2015a, 155; Priskin 2016a, 122, 131. 30 Cauville, S. 2013. Dendara. Le pronaos du temple d’Hathor: Analyse de la decoration. OLA 221. Leuven, Peeters, 515. 31 CT VI, 351g‒h (B3Bo). 32 CT VI, 350f–351f. 33 Priskin, G. 2015c. The Dendera Zodiacs as Narratives of the Myth of Osiris, Isis, and the Child Horus. ENiM 8, 133–185, 158. 28 29

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the moon, because it is named as one of the eastern bas in Coffin Texts spell 159, which text ‒ as part of a longer composition taking account of lunar phenomena in chronological order (the ancient Egyptian Book of the Moon) ‒ describes the arrival and disappearance of the last crescent of the moon into the realm of the rising sun, the Field of Reeds.34 The identity of Horus with the moon, and at the same time his close association with the sun on the day of conjunction, is also manifest in a caption that accompanies the lunar scene on the western wall of the pronaos at Edfu.35 Here Horus is shown together with Thoth as they catch the wedjat-eye with a net, symbolising the beginning of the month and the appearance of the first crescent.36 Horus is described here as ‘the perfect god who rejuvenates as the moon at the beginning of the month, being alike in the sun and the moon’ (nTr nfr rnp m jaH tp-Abd m twt Ra JaH).37 The whole context and the time expression make it clear that this lunar Horus assumes his similarity to the sun on the day when the two celestial lights meet and become united. Mansion of Horus, Place of Piercing, Throne of Horus, Place of the Two Gods are all designations of Edfu or the Edfu temple.38

b

Ra ¡r.w ra jaH ‘Re and Horus, namely the sun and the moon’. To render the different layers of signification expressed by the hieroglyphic text, I take the last two signs of this phrase (the solar disc and the lunar crescent) to be in apposition with the foregoing divine names. It is equally feasible, however, that these two hieroglyphs are determinatives, just as they are in the designation HAy.tj ‘the two celestial lights’ (see hieroglyphic text).39 In this case, Re-Horus should be understood as a composite deity, and the determinatives of the name clarify that he stands for the sun and the moon as they unite on the eastern horizon on the day of the blacked-out moon (conjunction).

c

Priskin 2015c, 184; Priskin, G. 2016b. The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Moon: Coffin Texts Spells 154‒160. In C. Alvarez et al. (eds), Current Research in Egyptology 2015: Proceedings of the Sixteenth Symposium, 102–113. Oxford, Oxbow Books, 109. 35 Edfou IX, pl. lxix. 36 Priskin 2015a, 149–150; Priskin 2016a, 117–120. 37 Edfou III, 210 (16). 38 Wilson, P. 1997. A Ptolemaic Lexikon: A Lexicographical Study of the Texts in the Temple of Edfu. OLA 78. Leuven, Peeters, 547, 948‒949. 39 Wb. III, 15.9. 34

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It is another clear-cut reference to conjunction that the ‘two lights of the sky appear in their barque’. An inscription in the first eastern Osirian chapel on the roof of the Dendera temple states about Osiris: ‘[You are] the left eye in your name of Osiris-Moon. Your limbs rejoice over your secret form of the moon at the beginning of every thirty days as you rise in the morning barque and your image rejuvenates on the day of the blacked-out moon’ (jAb.t m rn=k n Wsjr-JaH Haa Ha.w=k tp hrw 30 m sStA=k n jwn-Haa xa=k m manD.t rnpj sSm=k m hrw psDn. tjw).40 The Egyptians therefore envisaged the conjoined movement of the sun and the moon at conjunction as the moon being on board the solar boat.41 The same concept was articulated iconographically by showing the squatting baboon, a symbol of the invisible moon,42 in the morning barque on numerous hypocephali.43 Since in the text under our scrutiny now, the two lights are said to travel in the same barque (wjA is definitely in the singular), the description here also refers to the alignment of the sun and the moon on the day of conjunction. d

The invisibility of the moon is observed as the emergence of the morning sun on its own following the day on which the waning crescent was last seen very close to it just before sunrise. According to Egyptian beliefs, various beings assist this event, that is the rising of the sun, and here their enumeration starts with the eastern bas and the greeting baboons. The first group, as expounded above, also appears in the same lunar context, referring to the day of conjunction, in Coffin Texts spell 159. Besides the Morning Star evoking the invisible moon, in this spell the eastern bas include two other entities that refer to the sun in the morning, Horakhty and a young calf.44 In the astronomical scenes of the Graeco-Roman temples the eastern bas, depicted as cynocephalic or cryocephalic falcons, or baboons, hail the ka of the sun or the moon.45 The greeting baboons are the beings that are alluded to or represented the most frequently in connection with the rising of the sun.46 As is well-known, their role in this respect comes from the observation of these animals. When day breaks, the baboons leave their nocture

Dend. X/1, 68 (7)–(9). Priskin 2015b, 30–31. 42 Horapollo I.14, see Boas, G. (transl.). 1993. The Hieroglyphics of Horapollo. BollSer 23. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 52–53. 43 Priskin 2015b, 28–33. 44 CT II, 372a. For the solar associations of the calf, see Wb. I, 469.9. 45 Labrique, F. 1998b. L’escorte de la lune sur la porte d’Évergète à Karnak I. Les documents. In R. Gundlach and M. Rochholz (eds), 4. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung. Feste im Tempel, 91–121. ÄAT 33/2. Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 111–112; LGG II, 713. 46 LGG IV, 813‒814. 40 41

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nal resting place with a lot of noise and start to bask in the rays of the sun. The Egyptians interpreted this behaviour as the greeting of the sun.47 For bsj nTr.w sar r jr.w n.w sf, two possible translations can be considered, depending on whether we take jr.w to be the word ‘what is to be done, duty,’48 or the expression ‘creation, form’.49 In the first case, apparently opted for by Barguet and Kurth,50 we have here ‘gods who make the sun ascend with respect to yesterday’s duty (i.e. what was done yesterday)’, meaning either that the gods come to perform the same task they had yesterday (they repeatedly do the same thing), or they carry out a duty that belongs to yesterday but has a result in the present day. This latter alternative does not really differ from my interpretation in which I understand jr.w to be the word ‘form’: ‘the gods who make the sun ascend with respect to yesterday’s form (i.e. the sun’s form yesterday)’. What is emphasized in both cases is the assistance that these gods offer at the liminal zone of the eastern horizon for the transition of the sun from its yesterday’s incarnation below the horizon, in the duat, to its form above the horizon, that is the visible morning sun the following day. Since in ancient Egypt sunrise (dawn) marked the beginning of a new day and was the temporal borderline between yesterday and today,51 the definition of these gods makes perfect sense. f

To give evidence for the involvement of Isis and Nephthys with sunrise, we only have to look at the hieroglyphic text where – as one of the innovations of Ptolemaic orthography – the word dwA ‘morning’ is written with the two goddesses lifting the solar disc.52 The netherworld books and solar hymns of the New Kingdom are the earliest sources in which Isis and Nephthys are overtly portrayed as assistants for the emergence of the morning sun.53 They, as some sort of divine g

Wilkinson, R. H. 1992. Reading Egyptian Art: A Hieroglyphic Guide to Ancient Egyptian Painting and Sculpture. London, Thames and Hudson, 73; Wilson 1997, 608. 48 Wb. I, 113.8–11. 49 Wb. I, 113.12–15. 50 Barguet 1978, 17; Kurth 1994, 131. 51 Parker, R. A. 1950. The Calendars of Ancient Egypt. SAOC 26. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 10; Luft, U. 2006. Rund um den Beginn des ägyptischen Tages. In E. Czerny (ed.), Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak I, 207–215. OLA 149. Leuven, Peeters. 52 Kurth, D. 2009. Einführung ins Ptolemäische. Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken I. Hützel, Backe-Verlag, 145. 53 Assmann, J. 1969. Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott. MÄS 19. Berlin, Hessling, 188; Hornung, E. 1999. The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife (transl. D. Lorton). Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 77 fig. 41, 65, 118 fig. 65, 119 fig. 66, 125, 134 fig. 84; Hornung, E. 2002. Die Unterweltsbücher der Ägypter. Düsseldorf, Patmos Verlag, 307–308. 47

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midwives, help Nut to give birth to the solar disc, as is well illustrated for example by the relevant scenes of the Book of the Day.54 Isis and Nephthys are of course the prime witnesses of another (re)birth, the resurrection of Osiris,55 and the Egyptians possibly felt appropriate to depict them at the birth of the sun for this very reason; all the more so because one of the key moments of the nocturnal solar journey was the sun god’s union with Osiris.56 Though the first clear attestations for the role of Isis and Nephthys at sunrise date from the New Kingdom, antecedents of the same concept are perhaps to be seen in the reference of the Westcar Papyrus (Middle Kingdom), where they help the woman Rudjedet, wife of a priest of Re, to deliver the three children she had conceived of the sun god himself.57 h

The suffix pronoun =f certainly refers to the disc in the previous sentence.58

The Egyptians’ knowledge of the sun hiding the moon at conjunction is already apparent from the Coffin Texts. In two spells (154 and 160) that are also part of the larger composition about lunar phenomena (Book of the Moon), the invisible moon – acting as the enemy of the sun – takes the form of a snake called jm.jwhm=f ‘He-who-is-in-his-fire’,59 and this designation certainly describes the blacked-out moon being absorbed by the light of the sun.60 The hieroglyphic sign for the day of lunar invisibility (psDn.tjw; ) that was introduced at the beginning of the New Kingdom most probably also represents the two celestial bodies merged into one disc, that is the sun concealing the moon.61

i

On the evidence of earlier statements, Horus here must mean the moon, and his counterpart is the sun. The choice of words to express their close encounter must have been based on their similarity (snsn, sn.nw). Rather disconcertingly, the verb snsn ‘fraternize, associate with, unite with’ is also frequently used to describe j

Hornung 1999, 118 fig. 65, 119 fig. 66; Töpfer, S. 2014. The Physical Activity of Parturition in Ancient Egypt: Textual and Epigraphical Sources. Dynamis 34, 317–335, 324. 55 Altenmüller, H. 1999. Zum Ursprung von Isis und Nephthys. SAK 27, 1‒26, 2. 56 Hornung 1999, 140–142; Assmann, J. 2001. Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt (transl. D. Lorton). Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 187–189. 57 Lichtheim, M. 1975. Ancient Egyptian Literature I: The Old and Middle Kingdoms. Berkeley, University of California Press, 220. 58 Barguet 1978, 17; Cauville 2011, 42. 59 CT II, 276a, 277a, 379a. 60 Priskin 2015c, 182‒184; Priskin 2016b, 104. 61 Depuydt 1998, 74–76, 83–85. 54

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the opposition of the sun and the moon (full moon) in the expression snsn kA.wj ‘the union of the two bulls’.62 Here, however, the word snsn surely describes the meeting of the sun and the moon at conjunction. It follows from this that when it occurs in connection with lunar phenomena without a reference to the two celestial bulls, it does not automatically refer to the full moon.63 For example, in the continuation of our text, towards the end of the long horizontal inscriptions belonging to the topmost register on the eastern wall of the Edfu pronaos, it features in the description of the waning moon:64 ‘The infant (= the morning sun) unites with The-one-who-sheds-its-form (= the waning moon) as the light of the solar disc falls on its counterpart’ (snsn sjf m-ab wAH-od=f stj jtn m sn.nw=f).65 Since the name The-one-who-sheds-its-form (wAH-od=f) – in contrast to Theone-who-reiterates-its-form (wHm-od=f), that is the waxing moon – designates the moon in the second half of its cycle,66 there can be no doubt about the reference of the passage. Still further on in the text we read that ‘the disc merges the sun with the moon, their lights unite as one’ (Abx=f Ra m-Hr jwn-Haa snsn psD. w=sn m-sp),67 and consequently here snsn is used to denote conjunction in order to bring the description of the lunar cycle on the eastern wall of the pronaos to a full circle, from one conjunction to the next one. The gist of all this is that the semantic range of the verb snsn, with different objects, seems to encompass the period that starts with the full moon and finishes with conjunction. Its use can thus be put in parallel with the phrase ‘the left eye is received by the right one’ (jAb.t sSp n wnm.t).68 I have already made the conjecture elsewhere that it likewise covers the same period in the lunar cycle.69 Now the text relates that the mother of the moon – who, according to the determinative, is Nut – conceals him in her armpit. Since this body part of the sky goddess, when she is arching over the earth, is situated in the west, the statement reflects how the spatial aspect of lunar invisibility changes with time. The last crescent disappears from view in the east in the morning, but one or two days later the new crescent is expected to appear in the west in the evening, that is the invisible moon ends up in the west before it reveals itself. The same idea is exk

Wilson 1997, 870; Priskin 2015b, 28. See my remarks in Priskin 2015b, 35; Priskin 2016a, 130 n114. 64 Cauville 2011, 44. 65 Edfou III, 211 (16). 66 Derchain, P. 1997. Miettes (IV). RdE 48, 71–80, 74–75. 67 Edfou III, 211 (16)–(17). 68 Urk. VIII, 53l; Edfou V, 48 (10)–(11), 311 (1); Dend. XV, 27 (14). 69 Priskin 2015b, 36; Priskin 2016a, 127. 62

63

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pressed within the lunar scene on the eastern wall of the pronaos by the greeting with which the bas of Hermopolis address the lunar boat carrying the symbols of the full, waning, and blacked-out moon:70 ‘The bas of Hermopolis who witness the revelation of the wedjat-eye on new-crescent day, following the god when he is the child of the day of invisibility while his mother hides him in her armpit (from the time when) Nut gives birth to the eastern feather (= the waning or last crescent) until the living see the feather of the west (= the new crescent)’ (bA.w #mn.w ntj dgA wn-Hr wDA.t m Abd Sms nTr m xj n psDn.tjw sdg sj mw.t=f m HTT.t=s msj Nw.t m Sw.t jAb.tj r dgA anX.w m Sw.t jmn.t).71 While the feather of the west as a metaphor for the first lunar crescent is well attested,72 this is the only text to my knowledge that mentions its antithesis, the ‘eastern feather’. Its equivalence with the waning crescent – and even more likely, with the last crescent – seems secure because according to the text Nut gives birth to it, and this detail refers to the fact that in the second half of the lunar cycle the moon rises from the eastern horizon, so in Egyptian terms it is delivered by Nut in the same way as she brings the sun to life every day. Min’s connections with the time of lunar invisibility are clear from other texts as well.73 In two scenes depicting the offering of the wedjat-eye on the outer eastern walls of the Edfu and Dendera temples, he is identified as ‘the lord of the invisibility of the moon, god who appears on the fifteenth day (= at full moon)’ (nb psDn.tjw nTr xa m smd.t).74 In the processional scenes that list the eponymous deities of the lunar days in the temples at Edfu and Esna,75 the god belonging to the second day is shown with the distinctive iconography of Min,76 though at Edfu he is named Harendotes. The interchangeability of the two gods is explained by Coffin Texts spell 335 (later known as Book of the Dead chapter 17) where a gloss identifies Min with Harendotes.77 Min in his role of ‘lord of the blackedout moon’ can denote the second day because, as indicated above, in certain lunations the moon remains unseen on this day and the first crescent only appears l

Priskin 2015a, 155‒156; Priskin 2016a, 127–128. Edfou III, 213 (1)–(2). 72 Kees, H. 1977. Totenglauben und Jenseitsvorstellungen der alten Ägypter. Berlin, AkademieVerlag, 282; Willems, H. 2005. The Feather of the West. RdE 56, 200–213, 208‒210. 73 Cauville 2011, 42–43. 74 Edfou VII, 311 (8); Dend. XII, 162 (8). 75 Parker 1950, pls iv‒v; Esna IV, fig. 1. 76 See my discussion in Priskin 2016a, 139. 77 CT IV, 202c‒205c. 70 71

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on the evening of the third day (statistically, in Egypt the moon remained hidden on the second day in 30% of the months).78 The appropriate place for the invisible moon can equally be understood as Nut’s armpits or Min. This latter alternative is suggested by another passage describing the god in the scene of offering the wedjat-eye on the eastern outer wall of the Edfu temple: ‘(Min) comes forth on the day of the blacked-out moon and takes the place of the moon’ (prj r-HA m hrw psDn.tjw jdn s.t n jwn-Haa).79 In the parallel scene at Dendera the same claim is made with slight variations: ‘(Min) comes out around on the day of the blacked-out moon taking the place of the fiery bull (= the moon at the beginning of its cycle)’ (prj r-HA m-jtr.tj m psDn.tjw m jdn s.t n kA psj).80 It must be noted that whereas in the lunar processional scenes Min is coupled with the second day of the lunar month (see above), these texts link him ‒ as a god who substitutes for the moon at its time of absence81 ‒ with the very first day of the month (psDn.tjw). The two associations are possible and do not contradict each other because the moon, as has been repeatedly stated before, can be invisible on both of these days. m

Conclusion From the New Kingdom on, there were certainly several pictorial representations of the moon’s invisibility in ancient Egypt. The list of these at present should include (1) the hieroglyph for psDn.tjw (see above), (2) Anubis bending over the lunar disc at the moment of divine conception in Hatshepsut’s memorial temple and later Graeco-Roman temples (mostly mammisis),82 (3) the lunar boat carrying a sitting cynocephalus in lieu of the morning barque of the sun in the nautical register of hypocephali (see above), (4) the squatting baboon in the lunar boat on the northern architrave of the eastern colonnade of the court of the Edfu temple,83 (5) the five falcons depicted on the eastern wall of the pronaos at Edfu (in the lunar boat) and in the lunar strip on the astronomical ceiling of the Parker 1950, 13. Edfou VII, 311 (12). 80 Dend. XII, 162 (12)‒(13). For kA psj ‘fiery bull’ denoting the first half of the lunar cycle, including the period of invisibility, see Priskin 2013, 42. 81 Cauville 2011, 43. 82 Ritner, R. K. 1985. Anubis and the Lunar Disc. JEA 71, 149–155, 149 (with references); Dend. X/2, pl. 9; Priskin 2013, 50. 83 Edfou X, pl. cxxxv; Priskin 2015b, 36‒37; Priskin 2016a, 122–123. 78

79

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pronaos at Dendera (see above), (6) the sitting baboon on the prow of the ReHorakhty’s barque and the lunar boat sailing in front of the barque of Khepri in the second eastern strip of the Dendera astronomical ceiling,84 (7) the morning sun as a young child inscribed into a disc in the tomb of Benaty in the Bahariya oasis (Twenty-sixth Dynasty),85 in the Dendera zodiacs,86 and in the zodiac in the tomb of Petosiris in the Dakhleh oasis (disc omitted and replaced by the depiction of the scarab of Khepri),87 and (8) two mummiform figures in the lunar procession of the Esna astronomical ceiling.88 With these images, the Egyptians had to surmount the problem of representing a sort of non-event, a development that is by definition about the disappearance and invisibility of something. This difficulty did not pose itself for the description of the lunisolar conjunction with words, and this detail may explain why the oldest exposé of the matter was done in writing (the relevant parts of the Book of the Moon, especially Coffin Texts spells 155 and 159).89 A look at the first part of the long lunar text on the eastern wall of the Edfu pronaos could demonstrate that the Egyptians of Ptolemaic times still had the appropriate terminology, and extended mythological associations, to give a vivid account of how things unfolded at the very beginning of the lunar month.

Abstract Translation and commentary of the first part of the longer lunar text found on the eastern wall of the pronaos of the Edfu temple, describing the period when the moon is not visible in the sky.

Cauville 2012, pl. vii; Cauville, S. 2013. Dendara. Le pronaos du temple d’Hathor: analyse de la decoration. OLA 221. Leuven, Peeters, 530‒531; Priskin 2015b, 37‒38; Priskin 2016a, 136–137. 85 Fakhry, A. 1942. The Egyptian Deserts: Baḥria Oasis I. Cairo, Government Press, 71–72 fig. 32. 86 Dend. X/2, pl. 60; Cauville 2012, pl. viii; Priskin 2015c, 142, 172. 87 Osing, J. et al. (eds). 1982. Denkmäler der Oase Dachla aus dem Nachlass von Ahmed Fakhry. AV 28. Mainz, Philipp von Zabern, pl. 41; Priskin 2015c, 177. 88 Esna IV, fig. 1; von Lieven, A. 2000. Der Himmel über Esna. Eine Fallstudie zur Religiösen Astronomie in Ägypten am Beispiel der kosmologischen Decken- und Architravinschriften im Tempel von Esna. ÄA 64. Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 18; Priskin 2016a, 140. 89 Priskin 2013; Priskin 2015c, 182–185; Priskin 2016b, 105–106, 109. 84

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Zsolt Simon

What did Taita import from Egypt? Hieroglyphic Luwian ASINUS2(A) Reconsidered The contacts between Egypt and Anatolia belong to the most interesting facets of the Ancient Near East. It is a great pleasure for me to congratulate Zoltán Imre Fábián with this small contribution to this topic, wishing him many more successful years of excavation and research!

1. The problem J. D. Hawkins has recently published a Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription (ALEPPO 7) commemorating the deeds of Taita, King of W/Palastin(i), a Neo-Hittite kingdom in Northern Syria in the 11th century BC.1 §7 of this inscription is as follows (in his translation):2 […]-x-*a MÍ.REGIO ASINUS2A-ni (PES)u-sa-tá ‘[…] he/they brought mule(s) (to/from) the land Egypt’

This passage clearly refers to equid trade between Egypt and W/Palastin(i) and as such immediately recalls the horse trade between Egypt and the Near East, which is well attested throughout the centuries: on the one hand from Egypt and Coa, to the Neo-Hittites and Arameans, through Solomon’s Israel,3 and on the other hand from Egypt to Assyria from at least Tiglath-pileser III on­

1

2 3

Hawkins, J. D. 2011. The inscriptions of the Aleppo temple. AnSt 61, 44–51. For the chronology see most recently Dinçol, B. et al. 2015. Two new inscribed Storm-god stelae from Arsuz (İskenderun): ARSUZ 1 and 2. AnSt 65, 61–63 (cf. also Simon, Zs. 2014. Remarks on the Anatolian Background of the Tel Rehov Bees and the Historical Geography of the Luwian States in the 10th c. BC. In Z. Csabai (ed.), Studies in the Economic and Social History of the Ancient Near East in Memory of Péter Vargyas, 715–738. Pécs – Budapest, University of Pécs – L’Harmattan, 723–726). Hawkins 2011, 48–49. For a detailed discussion including the identification of Coa see Gerhards, M. 2009. Die biblischen “Hethiter”. WdO 39, 152 n. 42 and Simon 2014, 727–728, both with refs.

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wards.4 Since it was a one-way trade, i.e. horses were imported from Egypt, one may also assume, despite the lack of phonetic complements and thus ending, that Taita imported the mules from Egypt and not exported them to Egypt.5 Nevertheless, as mentioned, the objects of the trade were horses and not mules as in the translation given by the editor of the Luwian text. In fact, mules do not seem to appear as objects of international trade in the Ancient Near East.6 The question is whether the translation of the sign ASINUS2A is wrong or we have some additional evidence of the role of mules in the Ancient Near East.

2. The meaning of the logogram ASINUS2A The Hieroglyphic Luwian sign *101 (2) transcribed as ASINUS2A represents (probably) an equid head and reads as tarkasni- ‘mule’. The meaning ‘mule’ is based on two observations: first, the sign is practically identical to the sign ASINUS2, the only exception being the protuberance under the jaw of the equid in ASINUS2. Second, the meaning of the logogram ASINUS2 (read as tarkasna-) is ‘donkey’. Though the full reading of ASINUS2A is not attested, its phonetic complement -ni- may refer to a reading *tarkasni-, a regularly contracted -iya-derivate of tarkasna-, i.e. a nominalised adjective from ‘donkey’ for which ‘mule’ is an

4

5

6

Na’aman, N. 1976. Two Notes on the Monolith Inscription of Shalmaneser III from Kurkh. Tel Aviv 3, 100 n. 24 with refs. Weeden, M. 2013. After the Hittites: The Kingdoms of Karkamish and Palistin in Northern Syria. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 56/2, 17 believes that the quoted Hieroglyphic Luwian passage refers to the ritual activity of the scribe mentioned in the previous clause. Royal inscriptions, however, rarely commemorate the deeds of a scribe. Whoever the exact subject of the clause is, the passage clearly refers to equids of Egyptian origin and thus equid trade with Egypt. Heimpel, W. 1987–1990. Maultier. RlA 7, 602–605; van den Hout, Th. 2003–2005. Pferd (und weitere Equiden) A. II. In Anatolien. RlA 10, 485–486. The statement of Ukkura in KUB 13.35+ that he was sent by the Hittite royal couple to Babylon with horses and mules rather refers to royal gift and not to trade (van den Hout ibid., 486 with refs.).

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obvious solution.7 This solution is generally accepted8 and to my best knowledge only R. Oreshko and M. Weeden translate tarkasna- with the neutral term ‘equid’ or ‘equid (mule?)’, resp.9 Nevertheless, the meaning ‘mule’ does not match some of the attestations of the sign ASINUS2A. This sign appears in the historical inscription of YALBURT (blocks nos. 13 and 3) on the one hand, and on a couple of seals on the other.10 On the YALBURT inscription the sign refers to a specific equid:11 (1) block 13 §1 a-wa/i-mi ǀ*416-wa/i-ní-sa mu-wa/i-ha §2 pi-na-*416(URBS) ARHA DELERE §3 a-wa/i á-wa/i-ri-na-´(REGIO) PES2 §4 a-wa/i-mu ǀ*416-wa/i-ni-sa 4xMILLE X §5 ASINUS2A-ni-i(a)-pa-wa/i-[…]

I conquered the aliwani. I destroyed (the city of) Pinali. I went to (the country of) Awarna. There were 4000 aliwani against me. However, mules […]

(2) block 3 §1 […]NEG-wa/i a-sa-tá §2 REL-ti-pa-w[a/i]-m[u] x-[…] PRAE-n[a] a+ra/i-[…] §3 a-[wa/i …] ASINUS2A-n[í-i(a)]

[…] there was/were not. When … before … … mule …

Hawkins, J. D. 1980. The Hieroglyphic Luwian word “to die”. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 94, 110-111; 2005. Commentaries on the Readings. In S. Herbordt, Die Prinzen- und Beamtensiegel der hethitischen Grossreichszeit auf Tonbullen aus dem NişantepeArchiv in Hattusa mit Kommentaren zu den Siegelinschriften und Hieroglyphen von J. D. Hawkins, 248–313. Mainz am Rhein, Philipp von Zabern, 294–295; 2011, 50; Hawkins, J. D., Morpurgo Davies, A. 1998. Of Donkeys, Mules and Tarkondemos. In J. Jasanoff, H. C. Melchert, and L. Oliver (eds), Mír Curad. Studies in Honor of Calvert Watkins, 243–260. Innsbruck, Universität Innsbruck, 248–257; cf. already Meriggi, P. 1967. Manuale di eteo geroglifico II. Testi 1. Roma, Ateneo, 140.  8 See e.g. Starke, F. 1990. Untersuchung zur Stammbildung des keilschrift-luwischen Nomens. Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 410 n. 1477; Janda, M. 1999. Ἐνοσίχθων “Erderschütterer”. In H. Eichner, Chr. Luschützky (eds), Compositiones indogermanicae in memoriam Jochem Schindler, Praha, Enigma, 194; Schürr, D. 2010. Zur Vorgeschichte Lykiens: Städtenamen in hethitischen Quellen. Klio 92, 19–20; Giusfredi, F. 2010. Sources for a Socio-Economic History of the Neo-Hittite States. Heidelberg, Winter, 229; Payne, A. 2012. Iron Age Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions. Atlanta, Society of Biblical Literature, 117.  9 Oreshko, R. 2012. Studies in Hieroglyphic Luwian: Towards a Philological and Historical Reinterpretation of the SÜDBURG inscription. PhD dissertation. Berlin, Freie Universität; Weeden 2013, 17 (with n. 83: “extremely problematic hieroglyphic sign”). 10 See the compilation of Hawkins 2005, 296. 11 Transcription and interpretation after Hawkins, J. D. 1995. The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa (SÜDBURG). Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 70; Schürr 2010, 19–20, but my translation.  7

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As D. Schürr observed, block 3 continues block 13, demonstrated by the summary of the same events in EMİRGAZİ V B 3-4.12 Thus §5 of block 13 and §1 of block 3 are the parts of the same sentence meaning ‘there were not, however, mules’. This is a strange remark in view of the context: the Great King arrives to a hostile land and he observes that there are no mules, which is not the most important problem in war. Those equids whose lack can be crucial in a Late Bronze Age war were the horses, since without horses there is no chariotry. One may thus suspect that the Great King here referred to the lack of horses, i.e. the chariotry on either side of the combatants. Schürr’s suggested translation13 would, however, avoid the military problem: (block 13) Maultiere aber (block 3) nicht waren. Als (sie) aber mir vor X[?] trug[en?], “ Maultiere (block 4) davor (am Berg) Patara gab ich, schenkte ich, ‘Steinstandplätze’ machte ich.” Put aside that the sense of this translation is not obvious, H. C. Melchert argued that the Luwian text of §1 of block 4 (“[…] PRAE-na (MONS) pa-tara/i pi-i(a)-ha? MANUS+MANUS-nú-wa/i-ha SCALPRUM.CRUS.LOCUSzi/a i(a)-zi/a-ha”) does not allow this interpretation, because the Mountain Patara must be the object of the verbs ‘give’ (piya-) and ‘dedicate’ (MANUS+MANUSnuwa-).14 This is, however, erroneous, since Patara can be a locative as well with an object broken away or to be found on the previous block, just as Schürr assumed. Nevertheless, since we do not know (1) what SCALPRUM.CRUS.LOCUS in fact means,15 (2) if block 4 indeed joins block 316 and (3) what the exact reading of §§2-3 of block 3 is, one cannot prove Schürr’s interpretation. All in all, in view of the fragmentary nature of the text and the unknown meaning of aliwani-17 and of block 3, one can only call attention to the suspicious meaning ‘mule’ in this context.18 Cf. also Hawkins, J. D., Morpurgo Davies, A. 2010. More Negatives and Disjunctions in Hieroglyphic Luwian. In R. Kim et al. (eds), Ex Anatolia Lux. Anatolian and Indo-European studies in honor of H. Craig Melchert on the occasion of his sixty-fifth birthday, 98–128. Ann Arbor, Beech Stave, 110 n. 16. 13 Schürr 2010, 20. 14 Apud Schürr 2010, 21. 15 Cf. Hawkins 1995, 74. 16 Cf. Schürr 2010, 21. 17 The suggestions range from ‘self-designation of the Hittite king’ (Poetto, M. 1993. L’iscrizione luvio-geroglifica di Yalburt. Nuove acquisizioni relative alla geografia dell’Anatolia sud-occidentale. Pavia, Iuculano; Hawkins 1995), via ‘enemy’ (Yakubovich, I. 2008. The Luvian Enemy. Kadmos 47, 1–19) to ‘ruler’ (Oreshko 2012, 15–36). 18 Most recently Oreshko 2012, 19 transcribed it as “§4 a-wa/i-mu (VIR 2)*416-wa/i-ní-sa 4xMILLE CENTUM ASINUS-ni-i(a)-sa5” and translated as ‘The (VIR 2)*416-wa/i-ní-sa 4,100 mule(-teams) has (set off?) against me’ promising a detailed discussion elsewhere. Even if his 12

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On seals ASINUS2A represents a title or a part of it:19 a) BERLIN no. 73: b) TARSUS no. 58: c) NİŞANTEPE no. 634: d) SBo II no. 171; BoHa XIV no. 179: e) BRUSSELS: f) SBo II. nos. 182, 191:

ASINUS2A MAGNUS.ASINUS2A.X ASINUS2A.DOMUS.SCRIBA20 ASINUS2A.DOMUS.AURIGA2 AURIGA.ASINUS2A ASINUS2A.AURIGA or ASINUS2A-li21

Hawkins argues that a cuneiform equivalent is also available in two cases.22 First, the repeatedly attested ASINUS2A.DOMUS would be identical to É targaššana-, attested unfortunately only once, in the fragmentary context of the dream of a Hittite queen (KUB 31.71 ii 14): nu=wa UL É targaššan[az hu]yanza=pat parašzi LÚ.MEŠKUŠ7=ya=wa par[ašš]anzi ‘Is it not/It is not from the house of the targaššana- that the [ru]nner(?) flees? Will the chariot-warriors also flee?’23

Hawkins suggests that É targaššana- means ‘house of the donkey’, the restoration of CHD (an ablative for ‘flee (from)’) is wrong and the passage should be translated as ‘Is it not the donkey-house (that) the […]yanza alone will flee? The drivers will also flee’.24 While Hawkins’s criticism of the restoration of CHD is grammatically unfounded (implicitly admitted by his emendation “”), his equation of É targaššana- with ASINUS2A.DOMUS seems logical. Nevertheless, the suggested

interpretation turns out to be correct in general, the problem remains that generally mules were not used in war. 19 Hawkins 2005, 295. 20 Note, however, the justified caveat of Oreshko 2012, 405 n. 1143 that the reading of this seal is very uncertain. 21 The interpretation as a title is superior than Hawkins’s earlier idea (2005, 295) that ASINUS2A could mark the ending of the names, since these names are already complete without the ASINUS2A sign (cf. SBo II nos. 182: INFRA-zi/a, 191: CERVUS3-SOL, 171 and BoHa XIV no. 179: AVIS; BRUSSELS: *125-i(a)). 22 Hawkins 2005, 295, 301. 23 Restoration and translation of Güterbock, H. G., Hoffner, H. A. (eds) 1980-. The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Chicago, University of Chicago, s.v. parš- Ab. 24 Hawkins 2005, 295.

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meaning, ‘house of the donkey’25 does not fit the context: the text in question describes the queen’s dream and its protagonists are horses, teams of horses and charioteers.26 No stables of donkeys would match this context, unlike a ‘house of the horse’, i.e. a regular stable. It can be further supported by the observation that there is only one cuneiform logographic equivalent, É LÚKUŠ7 ‘stable’, without any reference to donkeys.27 In the second case of cuneiform attestations, according to Hawkins AURIGA. ASINUS2A could be equated with the title ŠA KUŠKIR4.TAB.ANŠE. This term appears in the autobiography of Hattušili III, where he mentions that he was a ŠA KUŠ KIR4.TAB.ANŠE in his childhood (i 12).28 Though the term literally means ‘(one) of the donkey’s reins’, it must obviously have a military association (we are talking about the curriculum of a royal prince) and thus it can be only an abbreviated writing of *ŠA KUŠKIR4.TAB.ANŠE.KUR.RA ‘(one) of the horse’s reins’. As for the precise meaning, while Th. van den Hout leaves it open (‘Zügelhälter’),29 R. H. Beal identifies it with išmeriyaš išha- ‘charioteer’.30 This identification is indeed very possible, since LÚišmeriyaš ‘charioteer’ from (KUŠ)išmeri- ‘Zaum, Zügel’ represents an almost perfect match for ŠA KUŠKIR4.TAB.ANŠE. In this case it would perfectly fit AURIGA.ASINUS2A, and ASINUS2A must in that case mean In fact suggested as early as Laroche, E. 1959. Dictionnaire de la langue louvite. Paris, Adrien Maisonneuve, 92 (restoring É targaššan[alli]yanza) and followed by Pecchioli Daddi, F. 1982. Mestieri, professioni e dignità nell’anatolia ittita. Roma, Ateneo, 18; Carruba, O. 1982. Beiträge zum Luwischen. In J. Tischler (ed.), Serta indogermanica. Festschrift für Günter Neumann zum 60. Geburtstag, 25–51. Innsbruck, Universität Innsbruck, 45; Melchert, H. C. 1993. Cuneiform Luvian Lexicon. Chapel Hill, self-published, 212; van den Hout, Th. 1994. Träume einer hethitischen Königin: KUB LX 97+?XXXI 71. AoF 21, 316–317; Ünal, A. 2007. Multilinguales Handwörterbuch des Hethitischen. A Concise Multilingual Hittite Dictionary. Hititçe Çok Dilli El Sözlüğü. Hethitisches, englisches, deutsches und türkisches Wörterbuch. Hamburg, Kovač, 693-694; Tischler, J. 20082. Hethitisches Handwörterbuch. Mit dem Wortschatz der Nachbarsprachen. Innsbruck, Universität Innsbruck, 190, none of them quoted by Hawkins. Their restoration is, however, implausible, since it leaves É without any ablative marker, cf. CHD s.v. parš- Ab. 26 van den Hout 1994, 312–313. 27 Tischler 2008, 190 suggested ‘Gefängnis’ (“eigentlich Eselstall?”), which undoubtedly fits the context, though it does not explain the military association – and being a hapax it is impossible to prove. 28 Otten, H. 1981. Die Apologie Hattusilis III. Das Bild der Überlieferung. Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 4. 29 van den Hout 2003–2005, 488. 30 Beal, R. H. 1992. The Organisation of the Hittite Military. Heidelberg, Winter, 154–162, see also Ünal 2007, 275; Weeden, M. 2010. Tuwati and Wasusarma: Imitating the behaviour of Assyria. Iraq 72, 50 n. 77. 25

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‘horse’. However, one may also translate it alternatively as ‘stable-boy’, which would also fit the young age of the prince. Then the cuneiform parallel would fail, but the translation ‘horse’ would still be the most plausible one, even if not obligatory in the case of ŠA KUŠKIR4.TAB.ANŠE. A full argumentation requires the search for cuneiform equivalents in case of the other titles as well, i.e. (1) ASINUS2A (2) AURIGA.ASINUS2A (3) ASINUS2A.DOMUS.SCRIBA (4) ASINUS2A.DOMUS.AURIGA The latter two are not attested (yet) in the cuneiform corpus (for the problem of ASINUS2A.DOMUS itself see above). LÚ ANŠE for ASINUS2A is not attested either, as Hawkins correctly notes31 – nevertheless, LÚ ANŠE.KUR.RA is attested,32 as well as LÚaššuššanni- ‘horse-trainer’.33 Though this is not decisive, it is remarkable and it meets the expectations that in a society where horses had important military role one expects to find titles associated with horses and not with donkeys or mules. Nevertheless, whatever the precise cuneiform equivalents are, AURIGA. ASINUS2A as well as ASINUS2A.DOMUS.AURIGA require a translation ‘horse’, since for obvious practical reasons only horses were used for chariotry after the Old Babylonian period.34 At this point a preliminary conclusion is in order: it has been shown above that instead of the traditional interpretation ‘donkey’ or ‘mule’, the contexts of the ASINUS2A sign will be either better understood, or understood at all, if its meaning is ‘horse’: Taita’s import of equids, the equids in the war in Lukka, the stable of an equid with military associations, and the titles ASINUS2A, AURIGA.ASINUS2A, ASINUS2A.DOMUS.SCRIBA, ASINUS2A.DOMUS.AURIGA. If this interpretation is correct, the sign should accordingly be transcribed as EQUUSx. Its reading is strictly speaking unknown, but the phonetic complement -ni- and the presumable connection with É targaššana-, as well as the almost identity with the ASINUS2 sign, points to tarkašni-.

Hawkins 2005, 295. Pecchioli Daddi 1982, 19. 33 Cf. Raulwing, P. 2000. Horses, Chariots and Indo-Europeans. Foundations and Methods of Chariotry Research from the Viewpoint of Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. Budapest, Archaeolingua, 114–115 with refs. 34 Cf. Heimpel 1987–1990, 603. 31

32

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Nevertheless, at this juncture one may object some observations: First, the sign is different from that of the horse (EQUUS),35 and the sign itself looks like a donkey’s head. But the shape of a sign shall not be taken literally. Moreover, while some regarded this sign as a donkey’s head, others in fact perceived it to be a goat’s head36 or even a bull’s head.37 See also the descriptions of Hawkins and A. Morpurgo Davies, according to them “[t]he meaning of *101 (…) is less obvious, since the characteristic ears are missing” and it “looks like an equid but the different ears speak against a donkey”.38 It clearly shows that the shape of the sign cannot have a decisive role in defining meaning.39 Hawkins and Morpurgo Davies excluded the meaning ‘horse’ also because there is another word for it (á-zú-).40 But many languages have many different words for ‘horse’ (e.g. Lat. equus and caballus), not to mention the possible slight semantic differences between these horse-words that we are still unable to capture. Finally, the presumable reading tarkašni- and the practical identity with the ASINUS2 sign meaning ‘donkey’ require explanation. While one may say that the two signs need not to have identical meanings (since they are both graphically and morphologically distinguished), the situation is more complex. This will be elaborated in the next section.

Cf. Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 250 Gelb, I. J. 1931. Hittite Hieroglyphs I. Chicago, University of Chicago, 34; 1942. Hittite Hieroglyphs III. Chicago, University of Chicago, 27; Güterbock, H. G. 1950. Die Elemente muwa and ziti in den hethitischen Hieroglyphen. ArOr 18, 213; 1975. Hieroglyphensiegel aus dem Tempelbezirk. In K. Bittel et al., Boğazköy V. Funde aus den Grabungen 1970 und 1971, 47–75. Berlin, Mann, 52; 1977. The Hittite Seals in the Walters Art Gallery. The Journal of Walters Art Gallery 36, 14 (“he-goat with only one horn shown and a stylized goat’s beard below the jaw”), but donkey or mule in Boehmer, R. M., Güterbock, H. G. 1987. Glyptik aus dem Stadtgebiet von Boğazköy. Grabungskampagnen 1931-1939, 1952-1978. Berlin, Mann, 83; cf. also Laroche, E. 1960. Les hieroglyphes hittites I. L’écriture. Paris, CNRS, 63: goat or donkey. 37 Alp, S. 1950. Zur Lesung von manchen Personennamen auf den hieroglyphenhethitischen Siegeln und Inschriften. Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu, 12, refused by Güterbock 1977, 14 [“does not look like a bull’s head”]; “peu vraisemblable”, according to Laroche 1960, 63. 38 Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 251, 254 resp. 39 One may also recall the case of the sign *109, which was variously interpreted as the head of a calf (hence the transcription VITELLUS), a cervid or a dog (cf. Simon, Zs. 2008. Towards an Interpretation of the Hieroglyphic Luwian Pair of Signs *109.*285 and the Phonetic Value of *448. Kadmos 47, 26–27; Oreshko, R. 2013. Hieroglyphic Inscriptions of Western Anatolia: Long Arm of the Empire or Vernacular Tradition(s)? In A. Mouton, I. Rutherford and I. Yakubovich (eds), Luwian Identities. Culture, Language and Religion Between Anatolia and the Aegean, 345–420. Leiden – Boston, Brill, 413–416 with refs.). 40 Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 250. 35

36

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3. The meaning of tarkasnaThe reading of ASINUS2 as tarkasna- is assured by the cuneiform inscription tar-kaš-ša-na(-wa) of the famous digraph seal TARKONDEMOS. Beyond that, the sign is attested only in KARABEL and on the seals BoHa XIV nos. 263-264 as part of the same name; on a seal from Çine-Tepecik as part of the name Tarkasnaya,41 as well as a determinative in front of almost the same word in AŠŠUR letter f §22 (ASINUS2.ANIMAL)tara/i-ka-sa-ni-sa (nom. sg.). Latter attestation stands, however, in contrast with the a-stem attested in the name Tarkasnawa.42 Nevertheless, this is a well-attested pattern in Luwian:43 some of the stems undergo the so-called ī-mutation, i.e. an element -ī- is inserted between the stem and the ending in nom-acc. sg. and plural. In case of a-stems the stem vowel is deleted (tarkasnis), but preserved in derivation (Tarkasnawa). The same pattern can be observed in case of ASINUS2A too: -ī- in nominative (-ni-), but a-stem in derived forms / genitive (which is not affected by the ī-mutation), as the É targaššana- shows. In other words, the words behind ASINUS2-2A are the same and this word is to be correctly read as tarkasna/ī-. If the reading of the signs is practically identical, their meaning also must be the same, i.e. ‘horse’ as per above.44 The sign(s) ASINUS2-2A are called in this way and interpreted as ‘donkey/mule’ because its/their reading is practically identical with that of ASINUS, i.e. tarkasna- ‘donkey’.45 This reading of ASINUS is made probable by (“ASINUS”)tara/ika-sa-ni-ia-za (BULGARMADEN §9) and assured by the phonetic complement Günel, S., Herbordt, S. 2010. Ein hethitischer Siegelabdruck aus Çine-Tepecik. AA 2010, 1–11; for the reading see Simon, Zs. 2013. Zum hethitischen Siegelabdruck aus Çine-Tepecik. N.A.B.U. 2013/1, 9–10. Note that a forthcoming paper of R. Oreshko (“Anatolian Hieroglyphic Seals and Seal Impressions from Western Anatolia and the Aegean Re-examined”) will present a completely different reading. 42 Realized already by Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 255, who, however, were content to refer to the “perennial discussion” on Sumerian equid terminology (they suggested that tarkasnameant originally both the donkey and its hybrids to which later an -iya- derivative was created to denote the hybrids). 43 Melchert, H. C. 2003. Language. In id. (ed.), The Luwians, 170–210. Boston – New York, Brill, 187–188. 44 The contexts of ASINUS2 do not provide any evidence for its meaning, see above. Note that its appearance in personal names cannot be used as an argument against the meaning ‘donkey’ vel sim. since such names are well attested both in Mesopotamia and in the Ancient Mediterranean in general, cf. Hoffner, H. A. 1966. Composite Nouns, Verbs and Adjectives in Hittite. Or 35, 398–399; Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 249, 256–257 with examples and refs. 45 See already Meriggi, P. 1934. Die längsten Bauinschriften in “hethitischen” Hieroglyphen nebst Glossar zu sämtlichen Texten. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 157; Laroche 1960, 63. 41

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in ASINUS.ANIMAL-na-zi (AŠŠUR letter f §21) and by the acrophonically derived syllabic value of ASINUS.46 As for the morphology of this word, the phonetic complements of this sign show the following (for the contexts see below): AŠŠUR (nom. pl. c.) represents an a-stem without ī-mutation; CEKKE (nom.-acc. sg. n.) an i-stem or a contracted iya-stem; and BULGARMADEN is either an i-stem47 or an a-stem as a by-form in -iya-. Therefore, these words must represent another word, but they can be united as an a-stem without ī-mutation (tarkasna-) but with the very common by-form in -iya-. CEKKE represents in this case a regular contraction of the -iya-form.48 Another possibility would be to take tarkasniya- of BULGARMADEN as the basic form as a regular -iya-derivation of tarkasna/ī-. CEKKE would in this case again represent a regularly contracted by-form and tarkasnaof AŠŠUR would be a hypercorrect back-formation a-stem from the -iya-form. It is hard to choose between these possibilities, but the latter explanation is more economical (works with less by-forms) and easily explains the relation of tarkasna/ ī-(“ASINUS2”) and tarkasniya- (ASINUS); while the former one needs to work with the unparalleled and not very probable co-existence of two a-stems distinguished only by the ī-mutation without explaining their relationship. The observation that there exists a morphological difference between ASINUS and ASINUS2, i.e. they represent two separate words, is further supported by the different shape of their respective signs. But what does the word ASINUS / “tarkasna-” / tarkasniya- mean? Although the Iron Age attestations are not enough to obtain a precise meaning, they make it clear that this word indeed does not mean ‘horse’:49 KARKAMIŠ A24a §3, where it appears as a determinative of an unidentified equid, (ASINUS. ANIMAL)tú+ra/i-la-ka-li-si- (the transcription of the standard edition, ASINUS2 [Hawkins, J. D. 2000. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions I. Inscriptions of the Iron Age. Berlin – New York, Walter De Gruyter, 135] must be a misprint), shows that BULGARMADEN §9 in itself is not enough to determine the reading. For the syllabic value cf. Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 250 n. 10. 47 So Hawkins 2000, 525. 48 Suggested already by Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 252. 49 The Empire attestation (EMİRGAZİ §13) is not helpful due to its untranslatable context (for a recent attempt see Oreshko 2012, 136–137). It appears in cuneiform spelling only in the above mentioned case of É tarkašna- and as targašnallī- in KUB 35.111 iii 1, where the fragmentary context (cf. Starke, F. 1985. Die keilschrift-luwischen Texte in Umschrift. Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 249) does not allow the reconstruction of the meaning (Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 255). Nevertheless, it is routinely translated ‘muleteer’ or ‘donkey driver’ (Hoffner 1966, 398 with refs.; Pecchioli Daddi 1982, 18; Melchert 1993, 212; Ünal 2007, 693–694 (mit Fragezeichen), Tischler 2008, 190). 46

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CEKKE is hardly helpful since it does not tell exactly what kind of commodities is mentioned:50 §6b ka-ma-na-na(URBS) URBS+MI-ní-na ka-na-‖pu-wa/i-na-za(URBS) CUM-ni (“CONTRACTUS”)i-sa-ta á-pa-sa-ti *314(-)sa-tá-na-ti §7 wa/i-ma-za 600 ASINUS(ANIMAL)-i-za DARE-tá ‘(The ruler Kamanis and Sasturas) bought the city Kamana from the men of Kanapu with their …, and they gave 600 mules to them’

AŠŠUR-letter f, however, provides a crucial passage for understanding the word:51 §21 |á-pi-ha-wa/i-za |ASINUS.ANIMAL-na-zi |a-pa-zi |ARHA-‘ |MORI-ta ‖ §22 |u-nu-pa-wa/i-tu-u |(ASINUS2.ANIMAL)tara/i-ka-sa-ni-sa |REL-ri+i |asa-ti §23 wa/i-mu-u |VIA-wa/i-ni §24 |a-wa/i-wa/i |(“PES”)pa+ra/i-ri+i |ARHA-‘ |(“PES2”)a+ra/i-wa/i ‘Further, those donkeys have died on us. Now, if you have a mule, send (it) to us! Come, shall I walk out (and about) on foot?’

The opposition of ASINUS with ASINUS2 clearly shows that whatever their exact meanings are, they must be different.52 If ASINUS2 is indeed ‘horse’, then the most obvious meaning for ASINUS is ‘donkey’ (even though, theoretically, other equids cannot be excluded either). The last attestation is BULGARMADEN, although it is problematic:53 §8 |á-mi-ha-wa/i-ta-‘ |DOMINUS-ni-na wa/i+ra/i-pa-la-wa/i-na-‘ |w[a/i-s]u-u ‖ u-sa-nu-sá-ha §9 |á-pa-sa-pa-wa/i-mu-u |(“ASINUS”)tara/i-ka-sa-ni-ia-za (*92)za-la-la |(“ARGENTUM.DARE”)pi-ia-ta-‘ ‘I benefited well my lord, Warpalawas, and he gave me wagons for the tarkasniyas.’

Transliteration follows Hawkins 2000, 145; translation after Payne 2012, 80. Transliteration follows Hawkins 2000, 537; translation after Payne 2012, 117. 52 Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 251. They believe that §24 makes it clear that ASINUS2 was used for transportation. However, it only means that it was used either for riding or for carts, which applies to all equids in question. 53 Transliteration follows Hawkins 2000, 523, translation is mine. 50 51

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The exact translation depends on the meaning of the word (*92)zalala, which is, however, debated. F. Starke translates it as ‘Fahrzeug, Wagen (incl. Lastwagen)’ based on the interpretation of the determinative; on the etymological connection with zallawar ‘Fahren, Fahrt’ and zalalasa/i- ‘Person, der zu dem Wagen gehört; Wagenlenker’; and on the location of BULGARMADEN at the local silver mines.54 His views are generally accepted55 and if they are correct, BULGARMADEN argues for a draught-equid, which is, however, unfortunately ambiguous. Nevertheless, Oreshko translates it as ‘light war or hunting chariot’ and he is right in pointing out that this word appears in TELL AHMAR 6 §23-26 in an unambiguously military context, where it must mean war-chariot.56 But this does not necessarily apply to this passage and contra Oreshko, here the word does not appear in a hunting context (to be found in §7), since the gift was the consequence of good service in general, thus it can refer to any type of chariot, cart or wagon. Thus one can agree with Starke that zalal- means any type of cart, chariot, wagon, by which one can travel.57 To sum up, taking into account that according to the AŠŠUR letter f, ASINUS is an equid which is not a horse and the shape of the sign indeed resembles a donkey, one may conclude that the traditional translation of ASINUS as ‘donkey’ is probably correct.58 Thus, ASINUS (tarkasniya- ‘donkey’) and ASINUS2 Starke 1990, 337–340. Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 252 n. 11 (mistranslating Starke’s terms as “chariot”); Melchert 1993, 275 (‘light/fast cart’); Hawkins 2000, 525 (‘cart’); Payne 2012, 108 (‘wagon’). 56 Oreshko 2012, 410–412. 57 See further Oreshko 2012, 412–414 demonstrating that Cuneiform Luwian zalla- can also mean ‘chariot’. 58 If there were an obvious etymology for this word, it may help in defining the semantics of these words (though not necessarily). Nevertheless, this word has no generally accepted etymology and all suggestions were built upon the meaning ‘donkey’:   1. *dherg h̑ es-(H)no- ‘*eine Last habend’ (Janda 1999, 194–195; followed by Melchert 2003, 196 [re-written as *dherg h̑ os-no-], without reference to the alternative).   2. A Mediterranean Wanderwort if it is to be segmented as *tark(a)-asna- from a word related to Lat. asinus, Sum. anše (Neumann, G. 1964. Review of P. Meriggi, Hieroglyph-hethitisches Glossar. Indogermanische Forschungen 69, 61; 1979. Namen und Epiklesen lykischer Götter. In N. N. (ed.), Florilegium anatolicum. Mélanges offerts a Emmanuel Laroche, 259–271. Paris, De Boccard, 266; Hoffner 1966, 398–400; followed by Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 255 n. 17). This view is repeated in some modern handbooks as well (Mallory, J. P., Adams, D. Q. (eds). 1997. Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. London and Chicago, Fitzroy Dearborn, 34; Mallory, J. P., Adams, D. Q. 2006. The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World. Oxford, University Press, 139; De Vaan, M. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of Latin and the other Italic Languages. Leiden – Boston, Brill, 57) without any references to the sources of the theory or to the alternative proposed. 54 55

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(tarkasna/ī- ‘horse’) are different in shape, meaning and morphology, where tarkasniya- represents a regularly derived nominalised adjective (‘*belonging to horse, horse-like’) from tarkasna/ī-, which fits semantically as well.59  The Wanderwort-theory cannot be taken seriously due to the lack of any explanations of the chronological, geographical and formal gaps. Janda’s suggestion is formally impeccable, but becomes semantically problematic if the present analysis is correct, since this word denotes horses connected with chariots. What is remarkable is the ending °šna-, recalling the frequent suffixoid element -Všna- in Luwian toponyms (Kuliwišna, Hubišna, etc.; Jie, J. 1994. A Complete Retrograde Glossary of the Hittite Language. Istanbul, Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, 88 lists 45 such toponyms, of course not all of them necessarily contain this suffix or are Luwian) that might be the Luwian form of the Hittite suffix -eššar (Gen. -ešnaš) forming neuter action nouns and abstracts from verbs and adjectives. Thus I would rather see an internal derivation from a stem *tark(a)- in it. Note further that also Hattian has a similar noun suffix (-šnē/ī, cf. Soysal, O. 2004. Hattischer Wortschatz in hethitischer Textüberlieferung. Leiden – Boston, Brill, 240–241), thus a Hattian borrowing cannot be excluded either, though I argued in Simon, Zs. 2012. Untersuchungen zur hattischen Grammatik. Phonologie, Morphologie und Syntax. PhD dissertation. Budapest, Eötvös Loránd University, 108 n. 241 that this suffix is a loan from Hittite (I now would add Luwian also as a theoretical possibility), which tips the scale against a Hattian origin. An Indo-European comparison might be provided by Gr. τράγος ‘he-goat, buck’, whose generally accepted etymology since Kretschmer, P. 1905. Etymologien. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 38, 136) as ‘Nascher’, an agent noun from τραγεῖν ‘knabbern, naschen’ (cf. Frisk, H. 1960–1973. Griechisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg, Winter, s.v. ; Chantraine, P. 1968–1980. Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Histoire des mots. Paris, Klincksieck, s.v.; Beekes, R. 2010. Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Leiden – Boston, Brill, 1497–1498; see already Pott, A. F. 18712. Etymologische Forschungen auf dem Gebiete der Indo-Germanischen Sprachen unter Berücksichtigung ihrer Hauptformen, Sanksrit; Zend-Persisch; Griechisch-Lateinisch; Littauisch-Slawisch; Germanisch und Keltisch III. Wurzeln mit consonantischem Ausgange. – Wurzel-Wörterbuch der Indogermanischen Sprachen III. Wurzeln auf stumme Consonanten I. Wurzeln auf Gutturale und Palatale. Detmold, Meyer, 471) is both semantically and morphophonologically (one expects †τρωγός) dubious (the connection of the Greek word with the underlying word of ASINUS2 unknown at that time was proposed by Gelb 1931, 34 pointing out the lack of satisfactory etymology of the Greek word, though without arguments). The Greek and the Luwian word would be the regular reflexes of a PIE root *trg- ‘goat / horse’. That the meaning can be shifted within the ungulates is well-known (see e.g. Armenian buc ‘lamb’ ~ Avestan būza- ‘he-goat’). The etymology of this word, however, obviously needs a separate investigation. 59 Güterbock 1975, 52 n. 96; 1977, 16 has already attempted to separate ASINUS (X-na-) and ASINUS2 (tarkasna-) on the ground of different shapes (withdrawn in Boehmer, Güterbock 1987, 83). Nevertheless, his translation of ASINUS2 as ‘he-goat’ does not fit the contexts, see above (similarly Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies 1998, 251 regarding AŠŠUR letter f ). Hawkins 1980, 110 refused his views, because Güterbock classified ASINUS of BULGARMADEN as ASINUS2 (an easily correctable choice without any relevance to the final interpretation) and because it contrasts with the etymological speculations quoted above, which argument is not only methodologically mistaken, but also factually, since the etymology of this word was and is simply unknown.

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4. Conclusions The philological analysis above can be summarized as follows: Sign

Former analysis

Current analysis

Suggested transcription

ASINUS

tarkasna- ‘donkey’

tarkasniya- ‘donkey’

ASINUS

tarkasna/ī- ‘horse’

EQUUS2

ASINUS2 ASINUS2A

tarkasni- ‘mule’

EQUUS2A

In cultural terms it means that not only the dream of a Hittite queen would be understood better, but also a series of Hittite ranks; while we get an answer for the starting question as well: those were horses that Taita, king of W/Pala/istin(i) imported from Egypt.

Acknowledgements This paper has been written in the framework of the research project Los ‘dialectos lúvicos’ del grupo anatolico indoeuropeo: aproximaciones genéticas y areales (University of Barcelona), financed by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (FFI2012-32672). I am very grateful to Gabriella Juhász for correcting my English.

Abstract This paper provides a critical re-analysis of the meaning of the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign ASINUS2A and related problems. It argues that the Hieroglyphic Luwian words underlying the signs ASINUS and ASINUS2(A) are semantically and morphologically different (tarkasniya- ‘donkey’ and tarkasna/ī‘horse’, resp.), where tarkasniya- represents a regularly derived nominalised adjective (‘*belonging to horse, horse-like’) from tarkasna/ī-. This observation helps understand the dream of a Hittite queen, a series of Hittite ranks and the equid trade mentioned in the Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription ALEPPO 7: Taita, king of W/Palastin(i) imported horses from Egypt, and not mules as previously assumed.

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Zsuzsanna Végh

The Book of the Dead Spells 145–146 and the Middle Kingdom Biographical Texts of Ikhernofret, Mentuhotep and Sehetepibre1 Since the publication of the stela of Ikhernofret (Berlin No. 1204) by Heinrich Schäfer2 this text has become one of the basic sources for the reconstruction of the so-called Mysteries of Abydos. Ikhernofret, who lived during the reign of Sesostris III, was a chief treasurer, an office which was second in importance only to the vizier.3 In the 19th regnal year of the king, Ikhernofret was sent to Abydos to lead the restoration works in the Osiris-Khentiamentiu-temple—and perhaps to prepare the building of the royal tomb in South Abydos.4 In North-Abydos he erected an offering chapel, a so-called maHa.t, in which he installed his own stelae as well as the stelae of his (local and non-local) co-workers.5 His stela Berlin No. 1204 also stood there. Its text begins with the statement that he received a royal order (wD-nswt) to go to Abydos in order to restore the temple building and to renew the cultic image of the god. The letter of the king is quoted as well. He then claims that he did everything according to his Majesty’s order, and a report follows about the works he conducted as well as the rites he performed during the festival of Osiris. The following passage is typical: “I acted as ‘his beloved son’ to Osiris-Khentiamentiu. I made firm his great [image (?)] of all eternity (…) I led the works in the Neshmet-barque. I set up a cabin. I adorned the breast of the Lord of Abydos with lapis lazuli and turquoise, electrum and every precious stone as embellishment of the body of the god. I 1

2

3

4

5

I would like to thank Richard B. Parkinson, Barbara Egedi and Ralph Birk for their valuable comments on the draft of this article. Schäfer, H. 1905. Die Mysterien des Osiris in Abydos unter König Sesostris III. nach dem Denkstein des Oberschatzmeisters I-cher-nofret im Berliner Museum. In K. Sethe (ed.), Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Aegyptens, Band IV, 47–86, Leipzig, Hinrichs. Grajetzki, W. 2009. Court Officials of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom. London, Duckworth Egyptology, 43–46. Wegner, J. 2007. The Mortuary Complex of Senwosret III. Publications of the Pennsylvania-Yale expedition to Egypt 8. New Haven, Peabody Museum of Natural History of Yale University, 40. Leprohon, R. J. 1978. The Personnel of the Middle Kingdom Funerary Stelae. JARCE 15, 33–38. For the maHa.t-chapels in general see Simpson, W. K. 1974. The Terrace of the Great God: The Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13. Publications of the Pennsylvania-Yale expedition to Egypt 5. New Haven, The Peabody Museum of Natural History of Yale University.

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clothed the god in his regalia in my office of guardian of secrets and in my function as a stolist. I was one with clean hand in adorning the god, a sem-priest clean of fingers. I organised the procession of Wepwawet, when he proceeded to assist his father, I repelled the rebels on the Neshmet-barque, I crushed the enemies of Osiris. I organised the Great Procession and followed the god on his course. (…) I cleared the roads of the god to his tomb (maHa.t) at the fore of Peker” (l. 10 – 19).6 This text is generally considered to be a narrative text, and it is assumed that the events are listed in a chronological order. 7 If the chronological order of the text is accepted at face value, it states that Ikhernofret first restored the cultic images and objects, and then he celebrated the festival. This assumption is problematic for the interpretation of other texts, such as the inscription of king Neferhotep from the Thirteenth Dynasty. According to his stela – which is now lost, and only preserved in the copy of Mariette8 – the king went personally to Abydos, to renew the cultic images and to celebrate the Osiris-festivals. The text of the Neferhotep-stela is a so-called royal tale (Königsnovelle).9 It begins in the royal court. In front of the royal friends, the king expresses his wish to learn the secret forms of the god (who is not named at this point of the text) from the writings, which are from the time of Atum. He goes to the library (prmDA.t) and finds the book rolls he needs. He sends first a ‘king’s acquaitance’ to Abydos, then he travels there himself. In Abydos the king makes the god appear in procession, then he follows the god to the Mansion of Gold: “Then the Majesty of this god was caused to proceed to the Mansion of Gold (Hw.t-nbw) so that he came to rest in the workshop to fashion the beauties of his

6

7

8

9

For the translation see Landgráfová, R. 2011. It is My Good Name that You Should Remember. Egyptian Biographical Texts on Middle Kingdom Stelae. Prague, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, Czech Institute of Egyptology, 206–207. See for example Otto, E. 1966. Osiris und Amun. München, Hirmer Verlag, 38; Anthes, R. 1974. Die Berichte des Neferhotep und des Ikhernofret über das Osirisfest in Abydos. In Anonymous (ed.), Festschrift zum 150 jährigen Bestehen des Berliner Ägyptischer Museums, 15–49. Berlin, Akademie Verlag; Assmann, J. 2001. Tod und Jenseits im Alten Ägypten. München, C. H. Beck, 310–312; Frood, E. 2003. Ritual Function and Priestly Narrative: the Stelae of the High Priest of Osiris, Nebwawy. JEA 89, 59–81, especially 74. Mariette, A. 1869. Abydos: description des fouilles exécutées sur l’emplacement de cette ville. Paris, Librairie A. Franck, Pl. 28–30. See also Pieper, M. 1929. Die große Inschrift des Königs Neferhotep in Abydos. Ein Beitrag zur ägyptischen Religions- und Literaturgeschichte. MVAeG 32.2. Leipzig, J. C. Hinrich; and Anthes 1974. See Hofmann, B. 2004. Die Königsnovelle: “Strukturanalyse am Einzelwerk”. ÄUAT 62. Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 85–99.

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also appear in an Eighteenth Dynasty biographical inscription of the high priest of Osiris, Nebwawy.17 The order of the phrases is significant, see Table 1. In the table, the common phrases (marked as A, B, C, D) are cited with transcription and translation, while for the other parts of the text only extracts are given. As this part of the stelae of Mentuhotep and of Sehetepibre are nearly identical, for the sake of clarity only that of Sehetepibre will be cited, which is shorter and better preserved.18 Table 1.

Ikhernofret (Berlin No. 1204)

Sehetepibre (Cairo CG 20538)

(A) jw jr.n=j sA mr=f m sSm n Hw.t-nbw m sStA n nb AbDw (B) jw xrp.n=j kA.t m nSm.t ms.n=j jnw=S (A) I acted as ‘his beloved son’ in the conduct of the I made firm his great image Mansion of Gold in the mystery of the Lord of of all eternity, I made for Abydos. (B) I led the works him a palanquin (…) I in the Neshmet-barque, gave the priests of the temple instructions to do I created its cordage. (Recto l. 4–5) their task (…) (l. 11–14) (A) jw jr.n=j sA mr=f n wsjr xntj-jmn.tjw (A) I acted as ‘his beloved son’ of OsirisKhentiamentiu. (l. 11)

Nebwawy (BM EA 1199) (A) jw jr.nj sA mr=f m sSm n Hw.t-nbw m sStA n nb AbDw (D) jnk abA a.wj m sXkr nTr sm wab DbA.w (A) I acted as ‘his beloved son’ in the conduct of the Mansion of Gold in the mystery of the Lord of Abydos. (D) I was one able of hands, a sem-priest clean of fingers.

(B) jw xrp.n=j kA.t m nSm.t ms.n=j snTj I led the works in the Neshmet-barque. I set up a cabin. (l. 14)

17 18

Frood 2003, 66 and 69, note (s). For the English translation cited below see Landgráfová 2011, 170–171, 206–207.

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Ikhernofret (Berlin No. 1204)

Sehetepibre (Cairo CG 20538)

Nebwawy (BM EA 1199)

I celebrated the Haker at the procession of Wepwawet / and the procession of Wepwawet. All the festive offerings were performed for him, and the Hm-nTr priests made the recitations. (C) DbA.n=j nTr m xa.w=f m (Recto l. 5) jA.t n.t Hrj-sStA jr.t=j n.t smA (D) jnk wab-a m sXkr nTr sm (C) DbA.n=j nTr m xa.w=f m jA.t n.t Hrj-sStA (D) jnk abA wab DbA.w (C) I clothed the god in his a.wj m sXkr nTr sm wab DbA.w regalia in my office of guardian of secrets and in (C) I clothed the god in his my function as stolist. (D) regalia in my office of I was one with clean hand, guardian of secrets and in my function as stolist. (D) a sem-priest clean of I was one able of hands, fingers. (l. 16–17) a sem-priest clean of fingers. (Recto l. 6–7) I adorned the breast of the Lord of Abydos with lapis lazuli and turquoise, electrum and every precious stone as embellishment of the body of the god. (l. 15–16)

I celebrated the procession of Wepwawet, when he proceeded to assist his father. I repelled the rebels on the Neshmet-barque, I crushed the enemies of Osiris (xsf.n=j sbj.w Hr nSm.t sxr.n=j xtfj.w wsjr). (l. 17–18). Further six lines follow.

Ah, may I be in the following of the god so that I may be beatified and powerful at the terrace of the Lord of Abydos

The Loyalist Teaching of Kaires follows.

(B) jw xrp.n=j kA.t m nSm.t sHr.n=j sbj.w r Hm.t=f (B) I led the works in the Neshmet-barque. I repelled those who rebelled against her Majesty.

End of the text.

In the Middle Kingdom texts the common phrases appear in the same order in relation to each other, although there are major differences as to which other sentences are standing between these phrases. In the case of Sehetepibre / Mentuhotep the sentences C and D come after the declaration that they (Mentuhotep 335

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and Sehetepibre) have celebrated the Haker and the procession of Wepwawet. So the account of dressing the god seems to be part of the section in which their ritual actions were recounted. In the case of Ikhernofret, however, the phrases come before the account of which various processions he led. In the case of Nebwawy, the order of the wishes is not even the same. Sentence B (jw xrp.n=j kA.t m nSm.t) comes at the very end of his text, so paired with the phrase about destroying the enemies of the Neshmet-barque (sHr.n=j sbj Hr Hm.t=s). Thus the order of the sentences in Nebwawy’s text is a – D – B. Furthermore, one should note that a similar phrase about destroying the enemies of the Neshmet-barque occurs also in the text of Ikhernofret (xsf.n=j sbj Hr nSm.t), but in connection with the procession of Wepwawet (see Table 1). 19 The sections which are understood as allusions to the restoration works, might refer conceivably not to actual handicraft but rather to some ritual act. However, at this point the different contexts of the texts are also worth noting. On the stela of Ikhernofret, they join directly the cited letter of the king: “(…) Now my majesty sends you to do this, because my majesty knows that no one could do it but you. Go then and return when you have done all that my majesty has commanded. I did all that his majesty commanded in executing my lord’s command for his father Osiris-Khentiamentiu, lord of Abydos, great power in the nome of Thinis. I acted as ‘his-beloved-son’ for Osiris (…)”. On the Mentuhotep and Sehetepibre stela, however, the phrases are part of the consecration text of their maHa.t-chapel: the text begins with the statement that they built a maHa.t-chapel and that they made a contract with the Abydene priests. Then the sentences concerning the Mysteries follow: “I have had this monument consecrated. I have made contracts for payments to the priests of Osiris. I acted as ‘his-beloved-son’ in the service of the Mansion of Gold (…)”.20 The text ends with the wish: “Ah, may I be in the following of the god so that I may be beatified and powerful at the terrace of the Lord of Abydos (jx wn=j m Sms(.w) n nTr n-mrw.t Ax wsr r rd n nb AbDw)!” The following section is quite destroyed on the stela of Mentuhotep, but it contains biographical texts; on the stela of Sehetepibre the so-called Loyalist Teaching of Kaires follows.21 These observations raise the question: whether these passages really follow a temporal sequence. In the texts of Ikhernofret, Mentuhotep and Sehetepibre See also Frood 2003, 69. From the stela of Sehetepibre. See Lichtheim, M. 1975. Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I: The Old and Middle Kingdoms. Berkley, University of California Press, 127. 21 For this text see recently Verhoeven, U. 2009. Von der “Loyalistischen Lehre” zur “Lehre des Kaïrsu”: eine neue Textquelle in Assiut und deren Auswirkungen. ZÄS 136, 87–98. 19

20

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mainly the jw sDm.n=f form is used.22 There are also sDm.n=f forms without introduction: these clauses are generally understood as part of a chain of clauses in which the first one is marked by an initial particle but the remaining clauses are not and simply follow the first clause.23 In the discussed texts the jw, not the particle aHa.n is used, although the later would clearly mark the temporal sequence. Furthermore, there are no adverbs or prepositions refering to the temporal sequence of the events, such as m-xt. The texts of Ikhernofret, Mentuhotep and Sehetepibre are not exceptional. The jw sDm.n=f form is more widespread in the Middle Kingdom biographical texts, than the aHa.n sDm.n=f24 – although the former is “ill-suited to narrative in the narrower sense”.25 It is debated that such biographical texts in which jw sDm.n=f forms are used and in which there are no clear markers of temporality, should be understood as narrative or as a row of statements, a “list of deeds”.26 Although a deeper analysis of the grammatical structure of the texts of Ikhernofret, MenIn the report of Ikhernofret, which follows the king’s letter, the only other verbal form with a first person singular subject appears at the very beginning of his text. In the first sentence which immediately joins the king’s letter a stative is used: jr.k(wj) mj wD.t.n nb.t Hm.f: ‘I did all that his majesty commanded’. In line 22–23 the text uses suddenly sDm=f forms instead of sDm.n=f forms: sAw=j jb smj.t jAbt.t qmA=j Haa.wt m smj.t jmnt.t mAA=sn nfrw nSm.t smA.n=s tA r AbDw jn.n=s [Wsjr xntj-jmntjw nb] AbDw n aH=f: ‘I gave joy to the eastern deserts, I caused rejoicing in the western deserts when they saw the beauty of the Neshmet-barque as it landed at Abydos, as it brought [Osiris-Khentiamentiu], Lord of Abydos to his palace’. The end of the text is unfortunately destroyed but it seems that the sDm=f form and sDm.n=f forms might be used alternating: Sms.n=j nTr r pr=f jrj.w wab=f swsx.w s.t=f wHa=j tj.t m Xnw […] (l. 23–24): ‘I followed the god to his house. His purification was done, his seat was made spacious. I loosened the knot in […]’. For the translation see Lichtheim 1975, 125. 23 See Collier, M. 1996. The Language of Literature: on Grammar and Texture. In A. Loprieno (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, 531–553. Leiden; New York; Köln, E. J. Brill, see especially 537 f. and for the text of Ikhernofret, 540. See also Collier, M. 1994. Grounding, cognition and metaphor in the grammar of Middle Egyptian. Lingua Aegyptia 4, 57–87, especially 85–86. 24 For this phenomenon and some possible explanations see Collier 1994, 85–87; Landgráfová, R. 2007. Topic-Focus Articulation in Biographical Inscriptions and Letters of the Middle Kingdom (Dynasties 11–12). PhD Dissertation. Charles University, Prague. 25 Collier 1994, 86. 26 Though a narrative use of jw sDm.n=f forms in the biographies of the First Intermediate Period / Middle Kingdom was also proposed (Doret, É. 1986. The Narrative Verbal System of Old and Middle Egyptian. Geneva, Patrick Cramer, 99–11), for the use of jw sDm.n=f forms in discussive mode in autobiographical texts in the Old and Middle Kingdom see Depuydt, L. 1998. The Meaning of Old and Middle Egyptian jw in light of Distinction between Narration and Discussion. In I. Shirun-Grumach (ed.), Jerusalem Studies in Egyptology, 19–36. ÄAT 40. Wiesbaden, Harrasowitz. See his comments especially on 23. 22

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tuhotep and Sehetepibre is still needed, the phenomenon shown above (namely, that in the different texts the sequence and / or the context of the same passages could be varied) speaks rather for the second possibility. There are sections in the text of Ikhernofret, Mentuhotep and Sehetepibre in which “the event-flow is mimicked by the clause-chaining”,27 but the grammatical structure allows to understand the whole text also as a row of statements – rather than a narration of ritual deeds in a chronological order. I propose therefore that Ikhernofret, Mentuhotep and Sehetepibre did not intend to document their precise ritual deeds in a precise chronological order. They rather intended to set a monument for the fact that they conducted these works and rituals. They used the same or similar phrases, which phrases might have been grouped thematically. A chronological order can also be assumed but – it is not a must. In order to understand the full meaning and significance of these statements, certain chapters of the Book of the Dead should be discussed. In Book of the Dead Spells 145 and 146 the dead man identifies himself with Horus, who greets the 21 gates of the underworld as well as the demons who are protecting them by saying their names and asking them to allow his passage. Every section ends with the words of the demons: ‘You should pass by, you are pure’. BD 146 is a shorter version of BD 145. Both BD 145 and BD 146 end with a closing speech. In the case of BD 146 this section is transmitted separately, and is conventionally designated as 146w.28 BD 145 and BD 146w are both attested during the Eighteenth Dynasty, in the tomb of Senenmut (TT 353):29 The closing speech of Min-Horus, the avenger of his father, begins as follows: jnk Mn-Hr nD jtj=f jwa n jtj=f Wnn-nfr / jj.n=j dj=j anx n jtj=j Wsjr sxr.n=j xftj.w=f nb.w I am Min-Horus, the avenger of his father Osiris, heir born to Wennefer. I have come to give life to my father Osiris, after I have overthrown all his enemies.30 Collier 1994, 85. Verhoeven, U. 1992. Textgeschichtliche Beobachtungen am Schlußtext von Totenbuchspruch 146. RdE 43, 169–194. The designation as 146w comes from the following publication: Allen, T. G. 1974. The Book of the Dead or Going Forth by Day. Ideas of the Ancient Egyptians Concerning the Hereafter as Expressed in Their Own Terms. SAOC 37. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 136. 29 Dorman, P. F. 1991. The Tombs of Senenmut. The Architecture and Decoration of Tombs 71 and 353. PMMA 24. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 119–124, Pl. 66–71. 30 See Stadler, M. A. 2009. Weiser und Wesir. Studien zu Vorkommen, Rolle und Wesen des Gottes Thot im ägyptischen Totenbuch. Orientalische Religionen in der Antike 1. Tübingen, Mohr 27

28

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Then it continues to enumerate his deeds for his father Osiris. In the closing speech of BD 145 he says: jw jr.n=j hAkr.w n nb=f I have performed the ’Hakers of his lord’.31

The passage concerning the Haker has almost an exact parallel in the text of Mentuhotep who says: jr.n=j hAkr n nb=f pr.t Wp-wA.wt I have performed the ‘Haker of its lord’ at the procession of Wepwawet / and the procession of Wepwawet.

The stela of Sehetepibre contains an almost identical phrase: jr.n=j hAkr n nb=f pr.wt nb Wp-wA.wt I have performed ‘the Haker of its lord’ at every procession of Wepwawet / and every procession of Wepwawet.

In BD 146w there is another phrase that recalls the Middle Kingdom inscriptions: jj.n=j xsr.n=j Dw Hr jtj=j wsjr bHn=j xftj.w=f Hr Ts pw ndj.t hrw pw n psS.t aA.t32 I have come, I have destroyed all evil attacking my father Osiris, his enemies are beheaded on this sandbank of Nedit, on this day of the great division.

The stela of Ikhernofret contains the phrase: jw nD.n=j wnn-nfr hrw pf aHA aA sxr.n=j xftj.w=f nb Hr Ts.w n.w ndj.t I avenged Wenennefer on that day of the great fight, I crushed all his enemies on the sandbanks of Nedit.

This sentence is not identical with the one in BD 146, but they are thematically similar, and, as far as I know, there are no other textual references to the ‘sandbank(s) of Nedit’, though there are many references to Nedit itself.33 Siebeck, 272. In the tomb of Senenmut it stays: jnk Mn nD Wsjr jwa n jtj=f Wnn-nfr / jj.n=j dj=j anx n jtj=j Wsjr sxr.n=j xftj.w=f nb (Dorman 1991, Pl. 71, SW29). See also the remarks of Allen 1974, 123 n. 239 and 125. 31 Dorman 1991, Pl. 69, SW22. 32 Dorman 1991, Pl. 69, SWI. 33 See the attestations for Nedit and for the word Ts in the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae: http:// aaew.bbaw.de/tla/ (31.12.2016). For the Sandbanks of Nedit see WB V, 402 (2); for Ts in the Middle Kingdom see Hannig, R. 2006. Ägyptisches Wörterbuch II. Mittleres Reich und Zweite Zwischenzeit, Teil 2. Mainz am Rhein, Philipp Zabern, 2754.

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BD 145 and 146 allude to the Abydene cults: the cult of the god Min-Horus had a great importance in Abydos from the Thirteenth Dynasty on,34 and the Haker itself was a special Abydene festival. It is named not only in this passage, but the 14th gate of the netherworld is named ‘She for whom the Haker-festival is performed’. A version of BD 145 is also part of the decoration of the Osireion in the temple of Sety I (Nineteenth Dynasty),35 and part of this spell is attested, unusually for a BD-spell, on a Nineteenth Dynasty Abydene stela.36 Later on this spell was included in a ritual text, which was to be recited during the Khoiak-Feast in Abydos.37 It is therefore possible to suggest that the texts of BD 145–146 might have been used in some form in the temple of Osiris-Khentiamentiu. As Martin Stadler already noted, BD 145 has the form of a spell which was recited while entering sacred spheres,38 and this idea might be developed to suggest that the closing speech might have been a text which was recited upon arrival at the sanctuary. The fact that closely similar or identical passages were included in the biographies during the Middle Kingdom can be explained in two different ways. One possible explanation is that these passages were introduced from these and other biographies into the later funerary spells. This possibility, however, seems unlikely, as there are no parallels to suggest that biographical phrases were later converted into funerary literature. Another possibility is that there was a ritual text in the Middle Kingdom, which was recited during the Osiris-festivals, and which later on became part of BD 145. The process by which the earlier ritual texts were secondarily turned into funerary texts is well attested.39 It is therefore Spiegel, J. 1974. Die Götter von Abydos. Studien zum ägyptischen Synkretismus. GOF IV / 1, Wiesbaden, Harrasowitz, 66–77. For Min and Horus, avenger of his father see also Frood 2003, 67–68, note (j). 35 See the notes of Gestermann, L. 2008. Einige Anmerkungen zum Dekorationsprogramm im Osireion von Abydos. In W. Waitkus (ed.), Diener des Horus: Festschrift für Dieter Kurth zum 65. Geburtstag, 109–122. Gladbeck: PeWe-Verl, 118–119, and von Lieven, A. 2007. Bemerkungen zum Dekorationsprogramm des Osireion in Abydos. In Haring, Ben J. J. and Andrea Klug (eds), 6. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung: Funktion und Gebrauch altägyptischer Tempelräume. Leiden 4.–7. September 2002, 167–186. Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, see especially 169 ff. 36 Kitchen, K. A. 1980. Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical, Vol. III. Oxford, Blackwell, 459: 10–15. That it is rather a fragment of a stela and not a fragment of a tomb, see Davies, B. G. 2013. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments, Vol. III. Ramesses II, his Contemporaries. Oxford, Wiley-Blackwell, 337. 37 See for example Stadler 2009, 275 with further literature. 38 “Tb 145 nimmt damit die Gestalt eines Spruches zum Eintritt in eine Sakralsphäre wie in einen Tempel an”: Stadler 2009, 276. 39 von Lieven, A. 2012. Book of the Dead, Book of the Living: BD Spells as Temple Texts. JEA 98, 249–267. One should note, that several texts (hymns, afterlife wishes) which appear on the 34

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possible that during the Middle Kingdom the discussed passages were used as part of a ritual text which the high officials, who participated in the festivals, most probably knew and which was used in composing their own stela-texts describing these rituals. Later this ritual text was incorporated into BD 145 and 146. The possible common origin of phrases in these biographies and in the spells of the Book of the Dead has implications for the modern understanding of the religious landscape of Abydos. The parallels with different orders of events suggest that the stela of Ikhernofret is not to be taken as an unequivocal evidence for the order of the festivals. The closing speeches of BD 145–146 are not necessarily to be understood as a narrative, so neither are those of Ikhernofret. Any hypothesis based on these texts needs to be complemented with data from other sources. The idea that actively participating in the festivals of different cities has a meaning for the afterlife appears first in the Middle Kingdom. It is attested primarily in Abydos, in the discussed texts, but also in stela-texts from other places (especially in Elephantine). The most elaborate version of it is however in CT Spell 314 (=BD 1).40 Thus, documenting their ritual deeds was the first step for the stelaeowner to make secure a good place in the netherworld, among the followers of Osiris. Documenting their deeds using phrases of a ritual text perhaps recited before the cult image of the god, could have been thought to reinforce the effect: These high officials were reciting these texts in the role of the son of Osiris, Horus / Min-Horus and through inscribing these texts on their stelae they identified themselves with him for eternity.41 Middle Kingdom stelae of Abydos are attested later as parts of spells in the later Book of the Dead. There is for example a hymn to Osiris, documented on Cairo CG 20498, BM EA 243, Oxford QC 1109, Louvre C 30, Louvre C 285, Hannover 1976.80a, all coming most probably from Abydos. Later on it appears as part of BD 181 (see Franke, D. 2003. Middle Kingdom Hymns and Other Sundry Religious Texts: An Inventory. In S. Meyer (ed.), Egypt – Temple of the Whole World / Ägypten – Tempel der gesamten Welt: Studies in Honour of Jan Assmann, 95–136. Leiden, Brill, 96–98. For this hymn see also Assmann, J. 1999. Ägyptische Hymnen und Gebete: übersetzt, kommentiert und eingeleitet. 2nd rev. and extended. OBO Sonderband. Freiburg, Göttingen, Universitätsverlag, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 464–466 (No. 204). For other examples see the collection of Franke 2003, 113–120. 40 See Assmann, J. 1995. Geheimnis, Gedächtnis und Gottesnähe: zum Strukturwandel der Grabsemantik und der Diesseits-Jenseitsbeziehungen im Neuen Reich. In J. Assmann, E. Dziobek, H. Guksch and F. Kampp (eds), Thebanische Beamtennekropolen. Neue Perspektiven archäologischer Forschung. Internationales Symposion Heidelberg 9. – 13. 6. 1993. SAGA 12. Heidelberg, Heidelberger Orientverlag, 283 f., especially 290–293. 41 Tom Hare called it a “chain of substitution”: His-Beloved-Son=Horus=Pharaoh=Ikhernofret: Hare, T. 1999. ReMembering Osiris: Number, Gender, and the Word in Ancient Egyptian Representational Systems. Stanford, Stanford University Press, 39–40.

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One should note, however, that these statements do not occur on a stela of a priest, but only on stelae of high officials, who had no local priestly titles. Nebwawy from the Eighteenth Dynasty is the first, who is an Osiris-priest himself. Already in the Middle Kingdom the priests themselves conducted the Osirisfestival yearly and so they should have known and presumably recited this text, but it seems that none of them included it on their stelae. This phenomenon suggests there might have been some restrictions as to who could incorporate such phrases on their stelae. The reason for it could have been the following. In ideological terms it was the king alone who could identify himself with Horus – and who had the right to display himself as a ritual leader. Through documenting their role as ritual leaders Ikhernofret, Mentuhotep and Sehetepibre display the fact that they “entered and functioned within a royal and divine sphere”42 – which must have been an extraordinary privilege. That is perhaps why the local temple personnel did not do the same. The local priests however, who were expected to visit regularly the maha.t-chapels in which these stelae stood,43 may have been able to read and appreciate the meaning of this text and all its implications. Therefore these texts might have had also a communicative aspect. They emphasize the high rank of the stela-owners: not only could they have participated in the most intimate phases of the Osiris-festivals but they also could document it using phrases which were recited during these exclusive rites.

Abstract This paper suggests that the texts of Ikhernofret, Mentuhotep and Sehetepibre from the Twelfth Dynasty, in which their ritual activity was documented during the Abydene Osiris-festivals, were rather a chain of statements than narrative texts. It was also proposed that the phrases utilised in these texts originate from a ritual text recited during the Osiris-festival. This ritual text might have been incorporated into the later BD Spells 145–146.

42 43

Frood 2003, 74. Mentuhotep and Sehetepibre both mentioning that they made a contract with the priests. On the stela of Sehetepibre there are two Appeals to the Living documented. In one of them there is a very detailed enumeration of the different priests who were expected to read the stela: ‘the wab-priests of the temple of Osiris-Khentiamentiu in Abydos, and the wnwt-priesthood of this god, the wab-priests of the temple of the Dual King Nimaatre living eternally and the (temple of the) Dual King Khakaure justified, and their priesthood who are in this town, and every person of Abydos who shall pass by this chapel…’. See also Wegner 2007, 43.

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4) Ancient Egyptian: archaeology, artefacts, archives

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M. Cristina Guidotti

Le ‘concubine del morto’ nel Museo Egizio di Firenze Nel Museo Egizio di Firenze1 sono conservate 17 statuette femminili che rispondono alla definizione delle cosiddette ‘concubine del morto’. In realtà è ormai condiviso da tutti gli studiosi il fatto che questa definizione è sorpassata, e attualmente questo tipo di statuetta viene normalmente definita come ‘figurine femminili per la fertilità’2. Le cosiddette ‘concubine del morto’ compaiono agli inizi del Medio Regno e sono attestate fino al Terzo Periodo Intermedio; possono essere fabbricate in legno, pietra, fayence o terracotta e sono state spesso rinvenute non solo in contesti funerari, ma anche in ambito domestico o templare3; ritenute talvolta dei giocattoli, cioè delle bambole, soprattutto nel caso degli esemplari stilizzati dell’ inizio del Medio Regno4 (ad esempio la statuetta n. 1), l’ipotesi è ovviamente stata accantonata a causa dell’evidente riferimento al sesso, con la sottolineatura degli attributi sessuali. Fra le altre ipotesi è stata avanzata anche quella che servissero durante rituali contro le malattie a causa del colore rosso con il quale sono talvolta dipinte e per il fatto che spesso sono frammentarie5. In realtà le ipotesi di significato di queste statuette, avanzate nel tempo da vari studiosi, sono state numerose6, e forse ancora non è ben definita la loro funzione. Personalmente ritengo che possano assumere un significato diverso a seconda del periodo storico nel quale sono state fabbricate7, e per questo motivo distinguerei nettamente tra le figurine che risalgono al Medio Regno e quelle databili tra il Nuovo Regno e il Terzo Periodo Intermedio. Le caratteristiche delle statuette infatti sono molto diverse nei due periodi storici e pertanto, in questo catalogo delle cosiddette ‘concubine del morto’ conservate nel Museo Egizio di Firenze, 1 2

3 4 5 6

7

Dedico questo mio contributo a un collega, ma soprattutto a un caro amico: Zoltán. Teeter, E. 2010. Baked clay figurines and votive beds from Medinet Habu. Oriental Institute Publications volume 133. Ann Arbor, Edwards Brothers, 27. Teeter 2010, 26. Saleh, M. e Sourouzian, H. 1987. Musée Egyptien du Caire. Mainz, Philipp von Zabern, n. 81. Teeter 2010, 26. Del Vesco, P. 2010. Letti votivi e culti domestici. Tracce archeologiche di credenze religiose nell’Egitto del Terzo Periodo Intermedio. Pisa, Plus – Pisa University Press, 42. Concordo con Paolo Del Vesco: Del Vesco 2010, 42.

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ho deciso di dividerle in due gruppi distinti: il primo databile al Medio Regno, il secondo gruppo al Nuovo Regno e Terzo Periodo Intermedio. Le ‘concubine del morto’ del Medio Regno sono fabbricate di solito in legno, calcare o fayence. Sono caratterizzate dalla presenza di tatuaggi sul corpo (ad esempio le statuette nn. 2, 3, 4 e 5) e da particolari pettinature nelle quali i capelli sono raccolti in trecce, lasciando parziali rasature del cranio (ad esempio le statuette nn. 2, 3, 4 e 5). Talvolta sono raffigurate senza la parte inferiore delle gambe (ad esempio la n. 6): la spiegazione che viene comunemente data è che la mancanza dei piedi impedisca magicamente alla statuetta di fuggire dalla tomba, costringendo la concubina a rimanere presso il defunto8. In realtà bisogna riconoscere che alcune di queste caratteristiche porterebbero a confermare la funzione di rallegrare magicamente il defunto nell’aldilà. A ipotizzare una funzione erotica delle statuette infatti contribuiscono non solo i caratteri sessuali messi in evidenza sulle immagini femminili nude e adorne di gioielli, in particolare collane e cinture di conchiglie (ad esempio le statuette nn. 2, 3 e 4), ma anche i tatuaggi presenti sulle cosce e sulla schiena, che erano una caratteristica delle cortigiane come elemento di seduzione9 e forse anche di prostituzione. Anche le particolari pettinature pare fossero un altro elemento di seduzione. Pertanto ritengo di poter asserire che, alla comparsa delle cosiddette ‘concubine del morto’ agli inizi del Medio Regno, una certa funzione erotica per il defunto nell’aldilà fosse decisamente prevalente, nonostante la presenza anche della funzione di propiziare la fertilità dopo la morte, testimoniata dalle immagini di bambini (ad esempio la statuetta n. 6) insieme alle figurine femminili. 1 – Statuetta stilizzata di ‘concubina del morto’ (Figura 1)10 Inv. n. 8133 Legno dipinto, alt. 24,5 cm Inizi Medio Regno Provenienza: Meshaik, Seconda Spedizione Schiaparelli (1891-1892)

Fig. 1 Statuetta stilizzata n.1 (inv. n.8133 Museo Egizio di Firenze)

Vedi ad esempio Saleh et Sourouzian 1987, n. 80. Silvano, F. 2003. Cosmetica e bellezza nell’antico Egitto. In Guidotti, M. C. (a cura di), Le donne dei faraoni. Il mondo femminile nell’antico Egitto, 104-105. Milano, S.E.B. srl Milano. 10 Bibliografia: Del Francia, P. R. e Guidotti, M. C. 1999. Cento immagini femminili nel Museo Egizio di Firenze. Pisa, Lito-Tipografia Vigo Cursi, 116 H.1.  8  9

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L’immagine femminile è molto stilizzata, resa mediante una placchetta di legno sagomata. Le braccia sono stese lungo i fianchi, con indicati dei bracciali ai polsi; due bande rosse si incrociano sul petto. La parte inferiore del corpo è decorata con motivi a spina di pesce e termina con l’indicazione del sesso, reso mediante un triangolo. In base a confronti11 si può supporre che la testa mancante dell’immagine fosse costituita da una pallina d’argilla cruda inserita sul collo di legno, e che numerose altre perline di argilla, infilate in fili che partivano dalla testa, formassero poi un’abbondante capigliatura. 2, 3, 4 – Tre statuette di ‘concubina del morto’ (Figure 2, 3, 4, 5 e 6)12 Inv. n. 6337, 6338 e 6339 Legno dipinto, alt. 18,9 cm, 22,8 cm e 25,4 cm Medio Regno Provenienza: Gurnah, Prima Spedizione Schiaparelli (1884-1885) 2

3

4

5

6

Fig. 2 Statuetta n.2 (inv. n.6337 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 3 Retro della statuetta n.2 (inv. n.6337 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 4 Statuetta n.3 (inv. n.6338 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 5 Statuetta n.4 (inv. n.6339 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 6 Retro della statuetta n.4 (inv. n.6339 Museo Egizio di Firenze)

11 12

Saleh et Sourouzian 1987, n. 81. Bibliografia: Schiaparelli, E. 1887. Il Museo Archeologico di Firenze – Antichità egizie. Roma, Tipografia della R. Accademia dei Lincei, 472-473, nn. 1742, 1743 e 1744; Del Francia e Guidotti 1999, 117 H.2, H.3 e H.4; Bedman, T., Guidotti, M. C., Martin-Valentin, F. 2014. Da vida à morte no antigo Exipto. Pontevedra, Graficas Salnés S.L., 115 n. 62.

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Le tre statuette raffigurano immagini femminili stanti: le capigliature si presentano tripartite, e in un caso una grossa treccia è raccolta sul dorso lasciando parte del cranio rasato. Le figure sono nude, con collane dipinte a vari giri sul collo, bracciali e nastri rossi che si incrociano davanti e sulla schiena. Sui fianchi delle statuette sono dipinte delle cinture ornamentali formate da un nastro rosso con conchiglie bianche. Sulle gambe si nota la presenza di tatuaggi, costituiti da brevi tratti paralleli; le braccia, lavorate a parte, sono inserite al busto mediante perni. 5 – Statuetta di ‘concubina del morto’ (Figure 7 e 8)13 Inv. n. 6333 Calcare dipinto, alt. 15 cm Medio Regno Provenienza: Gurnah, Prima Spedizione Schiaparelli (1884-1885)

Fig. 7 Statuetta n.5 (inv. n.6333 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 8 Retro della statuetta n.5 (inv. n.6333 Museo Egizio di Firenze)

La statuetta si presenta nuda, con gambe unite senza piedi, e braccia stese lungo i fianchi. La testa appare rasata sul retro, con una grossa treccia raccolta sul collo, mentre davanti il volto è fiancheggiato da un’abbondante capigliatura. La figurina è adorna di una collana e presenta tatuaggi all’inguine, sulle braccia e sul dorso.

13

Bibliografia: Schiaparelli 1887, 475 n. 1758; Bedman, Guidotti, Martin-Valentin 2014, 116 n. 63 (con bibliografia precedente).

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6 – Statuetta di ‘concubina del morto’ con bambina (Figure 9 e 10)14 Inv. n. 6335 Calcare dipinto, alt. 10 cm Medio Regno Provenienza: Gurnah, Prima Spedizione Schiaparelli (1884-1885)

Fig. 9 Statuetta n.6 (inv. n.6335 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 10 Retro della statuetta n.6 (inv. n.6335 Museo Egizio di Firenze)

La statuetta, stante, è mancante della testa, perduta; presenta le gambe unite, senza piedi, e le braccia piegate per reggere una bambina, aggrappata a cavalcioni sul fianco sinistro della madre. La bambina ha una pettinatura costituita da una grossa treccia posteriore, con il cranio parzialmente rasato, e una abbondante capigliatura ai lati del volto; porta la mano sinistra al seno della madre. Con il Nuovo Regno si direbbe che le caratteristiche erotiche delle statuette femminili nude si perdano a favore di una funzione quasi esclusivamente di propiziare la fecondità, la rinascita e la maternità nella vita ultraterrena, e non solo. In questo periodo infatti le cosiddette ‘concubine del morto’ perdono le caratteristiche erotiche costituite dalla presenza di tatuaggi sul corpo e dalle pettinature seducenti, e non presentano più la mancanza dei piedi. In compenso, sempre nude, con ampie parrucche caratteristiche del Nuovo Regno e adorne di gioielli, appaiono quasi sempre distese su un letto, pronte a unirsi per procreare nell’aldilà, quale simbolo di fecondità sia per gli uomini che per le donne. Questo significato è confermato dalla frequente presenza di bambini sul letto insieme alla figura femminile. In questo periodo inoltre le statuette si diffondono, oltre che nei corredi funerari, anche in ambito templare, probabilmente con valore 14

Bibliografia: Schiaparelli 1887, 476 n. 1760; Del Francia e Guidotti 1999, 120 H.7.

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votivo, e in ambito domestico, come un amuleto propiziatore della buona fortuna per la famiglia15. A questo proposito mi sembra interessante ricordare una serie di piccole figurine femminili databili tra il Terzo Periodo Intermedio e l’Epoca Tarda, che si ritiene possano essere identificate con una specie di amuleti profilattici e apotropaici per la fecondità, per la nascita e per la maternità16. Rinvenute quasi esclusivamente in ambito domestico, le figurine sono sempre in fayence e sono caratterizzate da pettinature elaborate, da una decorazione a punti neri e soprattutto dalla frequente presenza di bambini, anche in atto di essere allattati. Il loro legame con la protezione del bambino, dalla nascita all’allattamento, è evidente17: con il passare del tempo è probabile che le statuette cosiddette ‘concubine del morto’ abbiano lasciato il posto a una categoria di oggetti sensibilmente diversi, ovvero dei grandi amuleti. Un discorso a parte infine merita l’ultima statuetta del catalogo. L’appartenenza alla categoria delle ‘figurine femminili per la fertilità’ è confermata dalla nudità, con attributi sessuali in evidenza, e può essere confrontata con alcuni esemplari della stessa tipologia rinvenuti a Medinet Habu, databili al Terzo Periodo Intermedio18. Come questi esemplari, la statuetta presenta una particolare decorazione dipinta sul corpo, a linee verticali e rettangoli in nero, giallo e rosso alternati. Il significato di questa decorazione non è chiaro19, ma quello che qui interessa sottolineare è il fatto che questo tipo di figurina è stato talvolta abbinato a un letto, come le cosiddette ‘concubine del morto’20. Il fatto che i letti potessero essere fabbricati a parte e quindi presentarsi staccati dalle statuette è provato da ritrovamenti in tombe di area tebana21, esclusivamente durante il Terzo Periodo Intermedio.

Teeter 2010, 27. Bulté, J. 1991. Talismans Egyptiens d’heureuse maternité “Faïence” bleu-vert à pois foncés. Paris, Editions du CNRS, 41-50. 17 Bulté 1991, 120. 18 Teeter 2010, 54-58. Si tratta del Tipo E della classificazione dell’autrice, e in particolare dei nn. 45-52 (soprattutto la n. 48) del catalogo. 19 Teeter 2010, 51-53 e 54 commento alla n. 45. 20 Teeter 2010, 52-53. 21 Del Vesco 2010, 43. 15 16

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7, 8, 9 – Tre statuette di ‘concubina del morto’ stese su un letto (Figure 11, 12, 13, 14 e 15)22 Inv. nn. 2142, 2144 e 2145 Calcare, lungh. 18,4 cm, 17,2 cm e 18,5 cm Nuovo Regno Provenienza: Spedizione Franco-Toscana (1828-1829), Collezione Ricci (1832) e Collezioni Granducali 11

13

12

14

15

Fig. 11 Statuetta n.7 (inv. n.2142 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 12 Statuetta n.8 (inv. n.2144 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 13 Lato della statuetta n.8 (inv. n.2144 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 14 Statuetta n.9 (inv. n.2145 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 15 Lato della statuetta n.9 (inv. n.2145 Museo Egizio di Firenze)

Le statuette raffigurano una giovane donna nuda, con le braccia stese lungo i fianchi e un’ampia parrucca che copre le spalle; sono distese su un letto caratterizzato da un poggiapiedi rilevato nella parte anteriore o da un’alta testata ai 22

Bibliografia: Sammarco, A. 1930. Alessandro Ricci e il suo giornale dei viaggi. Le Caire, Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 63 n. 51; Del Francia e Guidotti 1999, 121 H.8 e H.10; Guidotti, M. C. 2011. Reise in die Unsterblichkeit. Ägyptische Mumien und das ewige Leben. Frankfurt am Main, Druckerei Hassmüller, 91 n. 50.

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piedi. In particolare la prima statuetta conserva una decorazione dipinta sulla parrucca, sormontata da un cono d’unguento, che presenta nastri e bande di petali di loto; sul letto sono dipinti in nero su fondo bianco dei punti e una linea ondulata. La terza statuetta conserva anch’essa le tracce della decorazione dipinta in nero sulla parrucca, che presenta, indicate mediante incisione, le treccioline sormontate da un nastro e da un fiore di loto aperto. Dietro la parrucca appaiono probabilmente un cono d’unguento e ulteriori fiori. La statuetta mostra inciso al collo un ampio collare a vari giri, mentre una cintura è incisa sui fianchi. 10, 11 – Due statuette di ‘concubina del morto’ stese su un letto (Figure 16, 17 e 18)23 Inv. nn. 2143 e 14265 Terracotta dipinta, lungh. 17,8 cm e 14,5 cm Nuovo Regno – Terzo Periodo Intermedio Provenienza: Spedizione Franco-Toscana (1828-1829) e Tebe (prob.), Collezione Strozzi-Sacrati (1992) 16

18

17

Fig. 16 Statuetta n.10 (inv. n.2143 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 17 Lato della statuetta n.10 (inv. n.2143 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 18 Statuetta n.11 (inv. n.14265 Museo Egizio di Firenze)

Le statuette raffigurano una giovane donna nuda, con le braccia stese lungo i fianchi e un’ampia parrucca che copre le spalle, nel primo caso sormontata da un cono d’unguento profumato. Sono distese su un letto con un poggiapiedi rilevato nella parte anteriore e, nel primo, con piedi indicati in rilievo ai quattro ango23

Bibliografia: Del Francia e Guidotti 1999, 121 H.9; Bedman, Guidotti, Martin-Valentin 2014, 116 n. 63 (con bibliografia precedente).

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li. Il letto della seconda statuetta è dipinto di bianco con punti rossi, e segue la forma della figura, di fattura piuttosto grossolana; la giovane donna, con il corpo dipinto di rosso, indossa un’ampia parrucca nera sulla testa, con nastri gialli, e una collana dipinta in nero sul petto. 12 – Statuetta di ‘concubina del morto’ stesa su un letto con un bambino (Figura 19)24 Inv. n. 14533 Terracotta dipinta, lungh. 18 cm Nuovo Regno – Terzo Periodo Intermedio Provenienza: Collezione De Gruneisen (1930) La statuetta raffigura una giovane donna nuda, con le braccia stese lungo i fianchi e un’ampia parrucca che copre le spalle, sormontata da un cono di unguento profumato e fiori. E’ distesa su un letto, frammentato nella parte anteriore, che Fig. 19 Statuetta n.12 doveva avere una poggiapiedi rilevato. La figurina tiene con (inv. n.14533 Museo Egizio di Firenze) il braccio destro presso il suo fianco l’immagine di un bambino. Sono conservate tracce della decorazione dipinta in rosso (il corpo) e in nero (la parrucca e fasce orizzontali sul letto). Il retro della statuetta è stato lasciato non lavorato. 13 – Parte di statuetta di ‘concubina del morto’ stesa su un letto (Figura 20)25 Inv. n. 7661 Terracotta dipinta, lungh. conservata 11 cm Nuovo Regno – Terzo Periodo Intermedio Provenienza: Tebe, Prima Spedizione Schiaparelli (18841885)

Fig. 20 Parte di statuetta n.13 (inv. n.7661 Museo Egizio di Firenze)

La statuetta conserva la testa e il busto di una giovane donna nuda distesa su un letto. Indossa un’ampia parrucca, dipinta in nero, che copre una spalla e lascia scoperta l’altra, con l’indicazione anche di un orecchino circolare; sulla parrucca sono indicate treccioline e nastri, ed è sormontata

Bibliografia: Bresciani, E. (a cura di) 1992. L’argilla e il tornio. La produzione fittile dell’Egitto antico in collezioni toscane. Pisa, Giardini editori e stampatori in Pisa, 40 n. 61. 25 Bibliografia: inedita. 24

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da un cono di unguento profumato. La donna, con il corpo dipinto di rosso, presenta al collo un ampio collare inciso e piega il braccio sinistro portando al petto la mano con un oggetto non identificabile. Il letto conserva una decorazione dipinta di rosso su fondo bianco; poggiava su piccoli piedi, frammentati. E’ da notare la particolare resa della parrucca, che lascia in modo molto naturale una spalla scoperta: si direbbe un richiamo delle pettinature seducenti delle statuette del Medio Regno. 14, 15, 16 – Tre frammenti di statuette di ‘concubina del morto’ stese su un letto (Figure 21, 22 e 23)26 Inv. nn. 13501, 13502 e 13503 Terracotta, lungh. conservata 7,4 cm, 5,3 cm e 6,5 cm Nuovo Regno – Terzo Periodo Intermedio Provenienza: sconosciuta

Fig. 21 Frammento di statuetta n.14 (inv. n.13501 Museo Egizio di Firenze)

Fig. 22 Frammento di statuetta n.15 (inv. n.13502 Museo Egizio di Firenze)

Fig. 23 Frammento di statuetta n.16 (inv. n.13503 Museo Egizio di Firenze)

I tre frammenti appartengono a tre statuette di giovani donne nude distese su un letto, con braccia stese lungo i fianchi. Nel primo frammento è conservato il busto della figurina: la testa presenta un’ampia parrucca decorata da nastri, che lascia scoperti i grandi orecchini circolari, sormontata da un cono di unguento profumato. Restano tracce di pittura nera e rossa. Nel secondo frammento la figurina femminile indossa una parrucca più corta, decorata da fiori in rilievo, che lascia scoperte le orecchie (o orecchini?); al collo indossa un collare in rilievo. Il letto presenta tracce dei piedi frammentati. Il terzo frammento conserva invece la parte anteriore del letto, con un poggiapiedi rilevato, su cui è distesa la parte inferiore di una statuetta femminile, al cui fianco destro è raffigurata in rilievo l’immagine di un bambino incedente. 26

Bibliografia: inediti.

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17 – Statuetta di ‘concubina del morto’ (Figure 24 e 25)27 Inv. n. 7674 Terracotta dipinta, alt. 25,5 cm Terzo Periodo Intermedio Provenienza: Meshaik, Seconda Spedizione Schiaparelli (1891-1892)

Fig. 24 Statuetta n. 17 (inv. n. 7674 Museo Egizio di Firenze) Fig. 25 Retro della statuetta n. 17 (inv. n. 7674 Museo Egizio di Firenze)

La statuetta raffigura una donna nuda stante, con braccia stese lungo i fianchi e gambe unite. Indossa una capigliatura corta, tondeggiante, con brevi linee verticali gialle e rosse dipinte sul retro; i tratti del volto, dipinto di rosso, sono sottolineati con colore nero e al collo è dipinta una collana con pendenti rossi e gialli alternati. Tutto il corpo presenta una decorazione dipinta costituita da linee verticali e orizzontali, quadrati e rettangoli in nero, giallo e rosso, anche sul retro, che non è modellato, ma liscio.

Abstract Everybody agrees that the name ‘concubines of the dead’ has now changed into ‘female figurines of fertility’. In my opinion, however, the more ancient little statues of the Middle Kingdom convey a certain erotic, more than fertility propitiating, function for the dead in the after-life. The fertility favouring function is instead prevalent during the New Kingdom and the Third Intermediate Period, when the so-called ‘concubine of the dead’ little statues take completely different characteristics from those of the previous period. The catalogue of the 17 ‘concubines of the dead’ in the Egyptian Museum of Florence is thus divided in two groups, showing the difference in dating and function of this kind of little statues. 27

Bibliografia: inedita.

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Hedvig Győry

To the history of the hare amulets

Introduction The hare (Lepus capensis)1 was well known in ancient Egypt from Predynastic times. It was usually depicted as game during desert hunt scenes.2 Nonetheless, it was relatively rarely represented,3 and we know of only a few instances of its consumption.4 Its ancient Egyptian name is, however, first proved only by texts from the age of the Middle Kingdom, and unlike the reading of the hare phonogram it was written by the word sXa.t,5 which indeed sometimes appears without 1

2

3

4

5

Keimer, L. 1932. Ein Stelen-Fragment aus Tuna. MDAIK 2, 139-140, pl. 34b; Osborn, D. J. – Osbornova, J. 1998. The Mammals of Ancient Egypt. Warminster, 42-45; Hoath, R. 2003. A Field Guide to the Mammals of Egypt. Cairo – New York, 217-220. Petrie, W. M. Fl. 1953. Ceremonial slate palettes. Corpus of proto-dynastic pottery. London, British School of Egyptian Archaeology, pl. A3; Hendricks, S. 1992. Une scène de chasse dans le désert sur le vase prédynastique Bruxelles, M.R.A.H.E. 2631. CdÉ 67/133, 5-27, fig. 6; Newberry, P. E. 1893. Beni Hasan I. London, Tomb 3, pl. XXX; Vandier, J. 1964. Manuel d’archéologie égyptienne. Tome IV. Bas-reliefs et peintures – scenes de la vie quotidienne. Paris, 831, §. 19; also in the Syro-Palestinian region, as, for instance, near Qades (IkATj): Helck, W. 1955. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Abteilung IV, Heft 17: Biographische Inschriften von Zeitgenossen Thutmosis’ III. und Amenophis’ II., fascicle 17, no. 1227-1368, Berlin, p.1304 line 6: No. 375a. E.g. the collar of Ahhotep; kohl vessel - Abydos: Randall-MacIver, D. – Mace, A. C. 1902. El Amrah and Abydos. London, pl. 38 (T. D10) = Roerig, C. H. 2005. Hatshepsut from Queen to Pharaoh. The Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, New Haven – London, 217, no. 141; nun-plate: Petrie, W. M. Fl. 1891. Illahun, Kahun and Gurob. London, pl. 17, no. 7 = Borchard, L. 1893. Die Darstellung innen verzierter Schalen auf ägyptischen Denkmälern. ZÄS 31, 8; Wallert, I. 1967. Der verzierte Löffel. Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 16. Wiesbaden, 83, pl. 20, B51 (Brooklyn, inv. 37608); arm-bangle in the British Museum: Andrews, C. 1994. Amulets of Ancient Egypt. London, 64, fig. 69; headrest in the shape of a hare: Kayser, H. 1969. Ägyptisches Kunsthandwerk. Braunschweig, fig. 272, and Petrie 1927, 35, pl. 32, no. 35 = UC 8617; Ptolemaic rhyton, UC33533; bronze head from figurine or vessel in the shape of a hare, UC72377 in the Petrie Museum on-line catalogue. It was consumed as game, never domesticated by the ancient Egyptians. It can be found occasionally among the offerings, see Darby, W. J. – Ghalioungui, P. – Grivetti, L. 1977. Food: The Gift of Osiris. London – New York – San Francisco, vol. I. 260-261. Erman, A. – Grapow, H. 1971. Wörterbuch der Aegyptischen Sprache. Vol. IV2. AkademieVerlag, Berlin, 268,11.

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a determinative. The hare seems to have been popular during the earliest times, at least in a part of Middle Egypt, when the recumbent hare-hieroglyph wn became the emblem of the Fifteenth Upper Egyptian nomos (and stayed so during the whole pharaonic period), and during the late pharaonic period, when its appearance among amulets became common. In the Egyptian religion this animal was thought to be connected with only one deity, the mistress of the capital of the Fifteenth Upper Egyptian nomos, the goddess Unut/Ununut.6 The local role of the goddess is also manifest in the fact that her name became widespread only in the Coffin Texts,7 where the word was closely associated with the rising cobra determinative.8 She was identified even with the uraeus-diadem.9 As a snake-goddess she was present again on the Sun bark accompanying Thot.10 The origin of the connection between Unut and the hare hieroglyph is obscure, and does not necessarily relate to the animal itself. Possibly the writing contained this sign because of its pronunciation. Jan Assmann believes that the name of the goddess is the reduplicated form of the verb wn(j) – “to hurry”.11 The etymological connection appeared during the Middle Kingdom on a theological level, as attested by the epithet of the uraeus-diadem Unut: wn(j).t

For the origin of the hare see Sethe, K. 1929. Amun und die acht Urgötter von Hermopolis, eine Untersuchung über Ursprung und Wesen des aegyptischen Götterkönigs, Berlin: Verlag der Akademie der Wissenschaften, § 69; Meeks, D. 1980. Année lexicographique I. 1977. Paris, 88, no. 77.0917; Still it is doubtful, what shape she had, for instance, during the Eighteenth Dynasty, when master HAt-jAi casted “Unut in her shapes” – Roeder, G. 1959. Hermopolis 1929 bis 1939. Ausgrabungen der Deutschen Hermopolis-Expedition in Hermopolis, Ober-Ägypten. Hildesheim, 183 (see Leiden V,1 stele: Boeser, P. A. A. 1913. Risjksmuseum van Oudheden. Leiden, Steles Beschruijving VI, Haag, 1, pl. 1.).  7 Only one occurrence is known until the end of the Fifth Dynasty, and even that in a priestly title. See Begelsbacher-Fischer, B. L. 1981. Untersuchungen zur Götterwelt des Alten Reiches im Spiegel der Privatgräber der IV. und V. Dynastie. OBO 37. Göttingen, 209, 222, 250, 251.  8 E.g. Erman - Grapow 1971, I.I. 317, 11-14; Graefe, E. 1986. Unut. In Lexikon der Ägyptologie. Wiesbaden, vol. VI, col. 859-60; Gardiner, A. H. 1947. Ancient Egyptian Onomastica II. Text, Oxford, II. 81-82 to no. 377a.  9 Erman, A. 1911. Hymnen an das Diadem der Pharaonen. APAW, no. 1, Berlin, 53-54; Otto, E. 1938. Die Lehre von den beiden Ländern Ägyptens in der ägyptischen Religionsgeschichte. Studia Aegyptiaca 1 (AnOr 17), 10-35, esp. 22-23; Gardiner, A. H. 1910. The goddess Nekhbet at the Jubilee Festival of Ramses III. ZÄS 48, 49-50, and note 2. 10 Coffin Texts I. 210: “may Wnwt make firm your head for you” (trans. Faulkner, R. O. 2004. The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts: v. 1-3, Oxford). Cf. Assmann, J. 1969. Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott. Berlin, 306, and note 26. 11 Assmann 1969, 306, note 25.

 6

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Hr Dt=f – “she who hurries up on his belly” in a diadem-hymn,12 and the pun with the verb wnwn – “to hurry here and there” in the Coffin Texts.13 The existence of the hare form of the goddess appears, however, only during the Ptolemaic period in Dendera, where a relief on the wall represents her with hare head and ears.14 Another trend in the religious role of the hare can be traced among the denizens of the Netherworld.15 Perhaps the idea started simply because hares are inhabitants of underground cavities, active mostly during night and, moreover, they populated the desert areas of Egypt. Taking into account also their procreativity,16 alertness and rapidity, the animal could easily have been perceived to have extraordinary abilities, the possession of which could be used for an even more effective defence by the deceased or the Netherworld beings protecting him. This phenomenon can already be found in the Coffin Texts, where the true answer for the question posed before the gate to the Netherworld is that the deceased enters the gate in the shape of a hare to be able to reach Djedu, and Erman 1911, 53-54 – the use of the word can be regarded as a pun by the help of the pronunciation, the content is, however, known as a general epithet for snakes. 13 CT IV, 108: “I am he who has experience (dp) at the boundary of the Lord of Pe, the swaying one (?) of the Lady of Unu.” (trans. Faulkner, R.O. 2004) – beside the similarity of the sound the pun was based on, this verb can also hint at the movement of a cobra. 14 Mariette, A. 1873. Dendérah, Description Générale du Grand Temple de cette ville, vol. IV. Paris, vol. IV, pl. 81, 83. – The hare representations in Hermopolis are otherwise strikingly rare among the finds. In the publication of the 10-year long German excavation only two items depict them: Roeder, G. 1959. Hermopolis 1929 bis 1939. Ausgrabungen der Deutschen Hermopolis-Expedition in Hermopolis, Ober-Ägypten. Hildesheim, 183-184: § 40b – plate with recumbent hare (?) – 401/6: Roman (335); lamp with the picture of two sitting hares – 131/I: late Roman / Coptic layer (200). 15 This phenomenon appeared already during the Nineteenth Dynasty when on the Book of the Dead papyrus of Ani the deceased paid homage to him and two further deities (one with a double snake head, the other with a bovid head). According to the inscription they are the psDti. See Russmann, E. R. 2001. Eternal Egypt. Masterworks of Ancient Art from the British Museum. New York, 199-200, no. 103. 16 Cf. Hdt. III.108: “it alone of all wild animals can be doubly pregnant” / “the only animal that conceives to superfetation, carrying young ones in her belly…” (Hrd. III.108,3). Further sources: Hopfner, Th. 1913. Der Tierkult der alten Ägypter nach den griechisch-römischen Berichten und den wichtigeren Denkmälern. LVII 2. Vienna, 59, n. **. Plinius also writes (NH 8, 218 (81)), based on the zoological book of Archelaos (who had the epithet of ‘Egyptian’) written in the time of Ptolemaios Euergetes, that the hare propagated without mating. A detailed discussion about prolific birth can be read, among others, in Thomas, R. 2000. Herodotus in Context: Ethnography, Science and the Art of Persuasion. Cambridge, 142-150; and Priestley, J. 2014. Herodotus and Hellenistic Culture: Literary Studies in the Reception of the Histories. Oxford, 72-73. 12

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leaves it in the shape of a falcon (CT V.250m = Sp.629).17 At another place, the deceased again disguises himself as a hare so that he can have his heart protected and safe in this way, and so that nobody could use it against Ra (CT V.5758 = Sp.388).18 This trend seems to be strengthened during the Ramesside period. In the tomb of Inherkhau at Deir el-Medineh (TT 359), for instance, the head of the cat which cuts up the head of Apophis has hare ears,19 or in the papyrus of Ani one of the psDti gods is drawn with a hare head.20 Then, in the tomb of Ramses VI, instead of the usual representation of Geb beside Ra, we can find a god with a hare head,21 and as a direct continuation we can see several examples of hare headed demons in the papyri22 and coffins23 of the Twenty-first Dynasty.

“Where will you go in and in what shape will you go out? – I will go in as a hare and I will come out as a falcon.” (trans. Faulkner 2004). 18 “Not taking a man’s heart from him. O Lion, I am the Hare; the shambles of the god is what I abhor, and this heart of mine shall not be taken to him who fights against On.” (trans. Faulkner 2004). This spell stands in parallelism with the next one, where the deceased reappears in the here invoked lion shape, and guarantees the burial, stressing the importance of the leg: CT V.59 = Sp 389: “Not to enter into the shambles of the god. I am the Lion; entering into the shambles of the god is what I abhor. The leg is covered, is covered; guard it! the leg is covered, and what they have found, they will bury!” – for resemblances among the hare and the lion representations see amulet UC34228 in the Petrie Museum. 19 Cf. the same on cat amulets, e.g. Steindorf, G. 1946. Catalogue of the Egyptian Sculpture of the Walters Art Gallery. Baltimore, 148, no. 653. 20 See n. 16. 21 Piankoff, A. – Rambova, N. 1954. The Tomb of Ramesses VI. Bollingen Series XL.1, New York, pl. 188-191 – on the ceiling of Hall E, in the scene of the Book of Day and Book of Night. 22 Piankoff, A. – Rambova, N. 1957. Mythological Papyri. New York, Bollingen Foundation Inc., Pantheon Books, no. 10 (Pa-di-Amon; scene 8, anonymous Netherworld divinity) – 115; no. 11 (Khonsu-Renep; scene 4, doorkeeper of the Netherworld) – 121; no. 12 (Bak-en-Mut; scene 2, above the huge serpent in the upper register) – 127; no. 24 (Gaut-sushen A, scene 2, beside the two lions of the Horizon; scene 3, both male and female saying: “I am the porter of the Lady of Dread who comes out”) – 182, 184 (= Thomas, N. 1995. The American Discovery of Ancient Egypt. Los Angeles, County Museum of Art, 100, no. 91); no. 25 (Pa-Neb-en-Kemet-Nekht, scene 2, behind the upper jackal; scene 8, female, beside the Lake of Fire) – 186, 188; Hornung, E. - Staehelin, E. 1976. Skarabäen und andere Siegelamulette aus Basler Sammlungen. Ägyptische Denkmäler in der Schweiz 1. Mainz, 114, n. 131. 23 Schmidt, V. 1919. Sarkofager, Mumiekister, og Mumiehystre i det Gamle Aegypten. Kopenhagen, figs. 694, 704, 814, 829, 839. 17

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Hare amulets Old Kingdom – First Intermediate Period The first ancient Egyptian hare amulets appeared during the Sixth Dynasty. They were strung among other tiny amulets shaped as beads. As usual with other amulets, these figures were pierced longitudinally, and were made of blue faience, carnelian or ivory. Basically we may speak of three different iconographical categories: leaping, recumbent and sitting hare. I . The leaping hare24 seems to have relatively short ears. I know of its existence in three versions. a) In the first version, the tail is practically merged into the fur of the animal. Its back is humped. The space between the legs, which are set on a low pedestal, is cut out. The details of the hare are unmodelled except the eyes. This (Drawing – Brunton version is represented in Mostagedda by a miniature blue 28P6) faience amulet (Brunton 28P6) in the Sixth Dynasty tomb 10.008,25 where a whole family was buried in wooden coffins: (A) a man and child in the right side room, (B) a woman in the left room. They were provided with rich funeral equipment which was placed beside the man and child: several vessels (28Q, 61J, 61K, 68Q), many blue faience amulets (a standing man – 1S13, a bearded man – 1L6, a ‘kilted’ man – 1P8, a child with finger at mouth – 3D9, a lion – 15K3, a dog – 15T9, a dog head – 16F7, Toeris – 21M5, a head of Hathor – 24H6 and 24H9, ram heads – 25B8 and 25B21, a frog – 34H3); a limestone hand amulet (8B9); and carnelian amulets (a fist – 8T3, a dog head – 16K6) together with cylinder, barrel and ring beads (type nos. 75, 78, 86, 94) of faience, felspar and copper. While at the head and hip of the woman there was a pot (63G, 80N) and around the neck similar beads as above, along with a mirror. She had at her feet a small box containing two stone vases and a pair of ivory clappers.

Brunton, G. 1937. Mostagedda and the Tasian Culture, British School Expedition to Middle Egypt, First and Second Year 1928, 1929. London, pl. 56, 28P6, blue faience, tomb 10.008. 25 Brunton 1937, pls. 46, 49 and 64, 99, par. 124. 24

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b) The second version has a similar character, but makes a completely different general impression. This type of carnelian hare amulet (Brunton 28D3)26 was found in a tomb in Qau dating after the Sixth Dynasty. This animal is also represented from a horizontal perspective and again in movement. Its ears are bent backwards above its neck and put beside each other. Both head and body are grooved: on the front leg transversally and horizontally, on the hind leg vertically. The tail is evidenced by a protuberance high on the buttocks. The hare is leaping to the right, and in the middle of the other side, there is a small eyelet. The amulet was, however, strung by a horizontal hole between the front legs. The tomb no. 1954 still contained some carnelian beads (86L22)27 and two vessels (43G, 61H); the age and (Drawing based on photo UC 20520) sex of the owner are undetermined. c) A third version was prepared also around this time. A representative is now in the Petrie Museum from the cemetery of Qau.28 The body is shaped similarly to a stylised lion or dog amulet, but the form of the head makes (Drawing based on photo UC 20699) the identification of the animal clear – the ears above the back are small but characteristic and the contour of the head is unmistakable. This carnelian figure is again pierced horizontally. II. The recumbent hare with unproportionately long ears and outstanding tail also seems to have been popular. The same version is known from Qau29 and Mostagedda30 dating from the Sixth Dynasty. Both pieces were made of ivory. The place of the eyes of the roughly carved animal is given by an oblong groove; Brunton G. 1928. Qau and Badari II. BSAE 45. London, pl. 60, no. 28D, T.1954. – Petrie Museum London, inv. UC20520. 27 Brunton 1928, pl. 72. for the vessel see pl. 79. 28 Homepage of Petrie Museum, inv. no. UC20699. It might originate from the disturbed tomb 769 of the excavation of Petrie in the cemetery, but it is not published by him. If so, then it was buried with a man along with 4 pottery vessels (12R, 46L and two marked with “to draw”). I thank Steven Quirke for the information. 29 Brunton 1928, 16, pl. 96, 28C (T.696). 30 Brunton 1937, pl. 55, 28C. 26

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a similar technique is used to represent the nose and the mouth. The profile of this hare reminds one of a human head. The ears are standing out at the sides. The body is unproportionately small compared to the head, and only the hind leg of the hare is sculpted. It was strung by the (Drawing - Brunton: 28C) usual longitudinal hole, above which there is a tail. The Qau piece originated from the undisturbed tomb 696 of a woman, together with many other amulets: a standing woman (2H), a child (3L), a recumbent lion (15H), Toeris (21M (6, 12)), a cow head (24F (9)), the head of a gazelle (32G (4)), a scarab (40C (18), 40H (6)), a scorpion (42C (6)), a falcon (45M (9)), a wedjat eye (62F (16)), a free standing debased kneeling monkey(?) (74B (4)),31 and two vessels (an oval jar (63Y) and a pinkish buff funnel necked vase 69M). The piece from Mostagedda was also buried in a rich funeral. Tomb 10.002 served for the burial of a 10-year-old child,32 who wore a necklace of shells, beads (type nos. 75, 78, 86, 94 in several versions), seals (nos. 14-17) and many amulets, including a blue faience standing man – 1S9, a sitting child – 3D3, an arm – 7H6, hands – 8M4, 5, heads of snub-nosed dog – 16F8, 16M6, recumbent lions – 15B26, 15H2, 15K3, 15R12, 15T9, cow heads – 24F9, scarabs – 40H3, H6, K8, falcons – 45C9, M2, M5, a vulture – 46H9, a god with palm branch – 61K4, a wedjat eye – 62F9, a kneeling monkey(?) – 74B8, a triangular shaped object – 89K6, as well as ivory amulets (a fist – 8T3, sphinxes – 29D9, D15, doves – 52G3); carnelian amulets (a human head – 6F3, legs -10N15, a head of a dog – 16K6, a crested crane – 52G3, wedjat eyes – 62F4, F5, F9); felspar shells (56D3), and limestone amulets (16B12 – a head of a lion, 56C4 – a snail-shell). Vessels and stone vases were also plentiful (group LXV). One vase contained a spoon, another one some galena for make-up. The child also wore a horn bangle. III. The blue faience hare amulet from tomb 5207 in Qau differs strongly from the above mentioned pieces. It is dated to the second half of the First Intermediate Period. The tiny hare is sitting on a baseline looking to the right (Brunton 28P3): the long ears are parallel to each other, (Drawing – Brunton 28P3) and bent backwards, completely horizontally. The hare itself is sitting down and the tail cannot be seen. Because of the small size the close-up details are also missing. As is usual in this period, it was strung through the eyelet made on the back side of the amulet. This tomb 31 32

Brunton 1928, pl. 53. Brunton 1937, 99, pl. 46 and 65, 99, § 124.

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5207 had a wooden coffin with human remains, details of which, however, have not been determined.33 On the body lay scattered beads still threaded on the original thread (cylindrical: 75B19, C2, J14, and barrel beads: 78G21, H12, P16, P18, 86B3, F16, L28, N10, N16, P4, P20), and a small box was placed beside it which contained further beads and amulets. They were made mostly of blue faience: a hand – 8M3, a lion – 15K3, 15K6, 15R12, a striding jackal – 19P4, a recumbent cat – 26H, a fly – 36C12, a nfr sign – 44C6, B3, a striding falcon – 45G9, a striding ibis – 47P9, cowrie shells – 55F12, 55H9, red crowns – 63G12, 63G16, a djed pillar – 68F3, a green faience macehead(?) (73P24), and a carnelian leg (10C1) respectively. The ensemble was completed by two scarab seals (nos. 166, 168), stone vases (nos. 33, 139, 150), vessels (nos. 37R – pl. 84), galena, malachite, pebbles, shells, needles and fishbones.

Middle Kingdom – Second Intermediate Period The Middle Kingdom was a period when hare statuettes were made also in larger size: they have appeared among the type of faience statuettes such as the well known hippopotamus figures,34 although it only happened rarely.35 Nor did the production of the hare amulets stop; however, its popularity seems to have diminished. There are two basic types. I. As an example for the first type, a Harageh hare amulet can be cited.36 It is made of green faience. It preserved the relief character of the Old Kingdom amulets, but differs from them in shape. Also the proportions were changed. The body, for instance, overstretches the hind (Drawing – Engelbach 12q) legs by quite a bit and the back is humped higher than Brunton 1928, pl. 63. There are also other types of animals, although in lesser quantity, as, for instance, dog: Friedman, F. D. (ed.). 1998. Gifts of the Nile. Ancient Egyptian Faience. London, 129, no. 99; jerboa mouse: Friedman 1998, 149, no. 146-147; hedgehog: Friedman 1998, 129, no. 98, or a faience Bes statuette as in: Steindorf 1946, 143, no. 624. 35 Berlin 20568, H: 7.5 cm = Petrie, W. M. Fl. 1891, Kahun, Gurob, Hawara, London, 31: from Illahun = Evers, G. H. 1929. Staat aus dem Stein. Denkmäler, Geschichte und Bedeutung der Ägyptischen Plastik während des Mittleren Reiches, I. München, 54, fig. 11 = Vandersleyen, Cl. 1975. Das alte Ägypten, Propyläen kunstgeschichte. Bd. 15, Berlin, fig. 364b, 371. 36 Engelbach, R. 1923. Harageh. London, pl. 50, no. 12q, green faience – pl. 62: 660, a female tomb, cemetery D. 33

34

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the head. The animal seems not just leaping, but preparing itself for a big spring. To provide close-up details there is a horizontal Y groove. The ears are standing out, but their length can not be determined as they are broken. Legs are debased and unsupported, and the tail is merged into the fur. Unusually, the animal is pierced horizontally through the body and transversally through the middle of the back. The double holes hint at two different ways of use. Moreover, the latter way of stringing will show the animal in a new aspect, accentuating its front part and head. As we know of only a few amulets from this period, it is impossible to say whether this shape and conception belongs to the tradition of a local community or whether we encounter a new development in the religious conception mirrored by hare iconography. This piece came from the D cemetery, tomb 660 made for a woman. It also contained a vessel (38i) and some further amulets (a falcon – 5s, a nfr sign – 44r, an undetermined object – 58z); beads (type nos. 68o, 73n, 80c, m, p, 85v, 92g, h, m) and 3 scarabs (pl. 21, nos. 108-110). According to R. Engelbach this vessel shape was common at the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty as a typical grave good.37 The scarabs, however, are almost certainly of the Second Intermediate Period.

(UC79037 – Petrie Museum on-line catalogue)

II. A hare amulet in the Petrie Museum (UC 79037) has also been dated to this period because of the typical use of amethyst as its material. The general rounded nature was also current that time. The animal itself, however, represents the earlier recumbent type, actualised. It is placed on a base. The ears are long and placed beside the body. The stone is drilled in an unusual way: it is pierced diagonally from behind the ears to near the front of the feet.38

New Kingdom Traditional amulets The pieces from the beginning of the New Kingdom seem to be a type of synthesis of the earlier amulets. A completely undetailed carnelian recumbent hare

37 38

Engelbach 1923, 10. After Steven Quirke, to whom I would like to express my thanks for his help with all the Petrie Museum’s material.

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amulet originates from Gurob, tomb 278.39 Here the animal has a pair of long and vertically raised ears, and a humped back, the higher point of which is, however the end part of the figure. It has no tail. The plain body (Drawing – Engelbach 12n) is pierced horizontally. It was buried for a child, together with a vessel (2H)40, a shell (36j), and beads (73c, f, m, r, y).41 Almost identical amulets, which are part of an armband, are kept in the Petrie Museum. These two carnelian amulets come from tomb 1 at Ballas.42 Seal amulets A new style of representation can be observed among the hare amulets when they were transformed into seal amulets: the combination of three-dimensionality and the wish to imitate the hieroglyph.43 Almost each piece was carved individually as they are usually made of steatite, thus they can differ from each other considerably, the same model, however, was clearly influential. The base, by the rounded backside changed into a ‘stela-shape’, was used for sealing. There are only few exceptions – a representative of which was found in Nubia. The base of this seal amulet in Oxford is prepared in the form of a cartouche. This (Drawing – Reisner, CG 12285) amulet is also different in material, as it was cast from faience – implying that a whole series could be made exactly in the same form. For the moment, because of its singularity, it is not possible to determine whether it was made in Nubia, where the Oxford expedition found it, or imported from Egypt with the many other Egyptian wares. Either way, the seal amulet of the Ward collection, which has on the bottom Brunton, G. – Engelbach, R. 1927. Gurob. BSAE 41, ERA 24, London, pl. 42, no. 12n. Eighteenth Dynasty – not mentioned in the distribution list of the publication; the archeological context dates the amulet from Sanam, Nubia, also to this time: Griffith, F. Ll. 1921. Oxford Excavations in Nubia. LAAA 8. Liverpool, pl. 19, from the Rock Temple of Hathor. 40 Brunton – Engelbach 1927, pl. 33. 41 Brunton – Engelbach 1927, pl. 16. 42 Petrie, W. M. Fl. 1896. Naqada and Ballas. London, 69-70, Tomb 1 (among the South town ruins) = UC 29134, in the inventory: “bracelet (on wrist) Nubt XIXth Dyn.” (from Steven Quirke). 43 Stoof, M. 1992. Ägyptische Siegelamulette in menschlicher und tierischer Gestalt. Eine archäo­ logische und motivgeschichtliche Studie. Europäishce Hochschulschriften, Reihe XXXVIII. Archäologie, Bd. 41, Frankfurt, nos. 1040 (Berlin), 1041 (Fribourg), 1045 (Oxford – from Faras), 1048 (Lanzone); Gamer-Wallert 1997, 242-244, fig. 104a-b , no. 385, pl. 86; UC 79338 (in the Petrie Museum on-line catalogue); Sotheby´s. Antiquities, December 7, 2001. New York, 157, no. 239; on a rectangular base: Stoof 1992, no. 1043. 39

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a carving resembling a crocodile,44 or that of the Fribourg Collection M 602345 might be similar to it. Where it was discovered, however, is very important: the rock temple of Hathor; as is the date, the Eighteenth Dynasty.46 The other seal amulets can also be dated, on the basis of the signs on the base, to the end of the Second Intermediate Period or the Eighteenth Dynasty.47

(Drawing based on photo in Gamer-Wallert 1997, no.385)

The probably half-complete CG.12.285 burnt steatite hare statuette has triangular ears and an angular, dog-like head. Its body is also unusually full, as if it were pregnant. Nor does the back decline toward the neck. It has no eyelet as is usual in later hare amulets, but as in the earlier ones, it is pierced horizontally through the body. The tail is missing. A few details are shown: the line of the mouth, the middle of the ears and the limits of the limbs. The base is decorated by the name of Amon inserted between two nb signs turned vertically on their corners; in this way the whole inscription resembles a cartouche. Further seal amulets are prepared in the same manner, but carved more skilfully. They also have the name of Amon, but there is also the name of the pharaoh Thotmes III, Mn-xpr-Ra, which might actually also mean Amon cryptographically.48 Some other signs also occur. The inscription on a piece in Stuttgart is read by Marcus Müller as the red crown and uraeus, and the whole composition, i.e. inscription and hare statuette, is interpreted by him as a reference to the Stoof 1992, No. 1049 = Ward, J. 1902. The Sacred Beetle. Egyptian Scarabs in Art and History. PSBA 23, pl. XIII, 83, fig. 150. = Ward, J. 1969. The Sacred Beetle. Egyptian Scarabs in Art and History. Five Hundred Examples of Scarabs and Cylinders. (London 1902, repr. Chicago 1969), pl. 13, no. 150. 45 Stoof 1992, no. 1042. 46 Stoof 1992, nos. 1045 = Griffith 1921, pl. 19, no. 42 (Oxford Ashmolean Museum 1912.957). 47 Stoof 1992, 253. 48 Stoof 1992, 252, Nos. 1041 (Fribourg M 1714), 1043 (Aberdeen = Reid, R. W. 1912. Illustrated Catalogue of the Anthropological Museum. University of Aberdeen. Aberdeen University Studies 55, Aberdeen, no. 1018), 1048 (Lanzone, R. V. 1881-1883. Dizionario di mitologia egizia. Torino, vol. I. 50, no. 14.), Mn-xpr-Ra (1046, Paris AF 7668 = AE023291= Hornung – Staehelin 1976, 148, n. 124: Paris, without number). 44

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(photo ©Musée du Louvre / Maurice et Pierre Chuzeville, inv. no. AF 7668)

goddess Unut.49 In the analysis of the same object, Martin Bommas noticed a connection to the goddess Bastet, and he identified the amulet as a fecundity charm.50 Three uraei can be seen on the base of the hare amulet of Lady Meux purchased in Abydos,51 and a uraeus is carved on the piece from the Petrie Museum (UC 79338), too, together with a plume and a nb-basket hieroglyph (reduced here to a line).52 An amulet in Berlin has the Lower Egyptian papyrus emblem itself,53 while the above mentioned Nubian amulet is provided by the same papyrus growing out from a round or basket like sign.54 Scaraboid amulets

(Drawing based on photo in Wiese 2001, no. 55a)

Very rare are the hare representations combined with a scarab. It seems to have been a speciality of the Eighteenth Dynasty. As an example, a piece in Basel can be referred to,55 where the recumbent hare is depicted from above. It is adjusted to the shape of the oval of the scarab, so that the head is a variation of the head of the scarab, showing the characteristics of both animals, while the clypeus is transformed by the diamond patterns into the fur of the hare, the long and pointed ears

Müller, M. 1992. Über die Kombination von Zwei- und Dreidimensionalität. GM 131, 85-96. Bommas, M. 1992. Noch einmal zum Amulett in Gestalt eines Hasen. GM 131, 85-97 = VA 9/1-2, 1993, 3-6. 51 Budge E. A. W. 1896. Some Account of the Collection of Egyptian Antiquities in the Possession of Lady Meux, of Theobald’s Park, Waltham Cross. London, 320, no. 1727. 52 Petrie Museum on-line catalogue. 53 Stoof 1992, no. 1040 = Priese, K-H. 1991. Museuminsel Berlin. Ägyptisches Museum. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Mainz, 250, no. 154a. – Inv. 13185. 54 Stoof 1992, no. 1045 = Griffith 1921, 1-18, 65-104, pl. 19, no. 42. 55 Wiese, A. 2001. Antikensammlung Basel und Sammlung Ludwig. Die Ägyptische Abteilung. Mainz, 94, no. 55a. inv. BSAe 211 = Hornung – Staehelin 1976, 148, n. 124. 49

50

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have been laid on both sides. Instead of the 3 pairs of separated insect legs the continuous line below the body makes the illusion of a recumbent hare. The base is, however, plain.56 Among the moulds kept at the University of Freiburg, there are also two hare moulds. One of them was used for shaping a hare in a thick relief, an observation which led Christian Herrmann to suppose that its positive might serve as a scaraboid.57 The motif is a recumbent hare, looking to the right, with long ears similar to those on the seal-amulets.

Late Period The heyday of the hare amulet production lasted between the Twenty-sixth–Thirtieth Dynasties. Diverging from their previous relief-like aspect, real statuettes became common. The primary material chosen was green faience, probably supplemented sometimes by steatite or bronze.58 The iconographical shape is the same: the more or less exact formulation of the hieroglyphic sign in three dimensions. The recumbent animal is usually represented by long ears looking backwards above the back and a small, straight tail. Below there is a base in the shape of a rectangular sheet. It has an eyelet inserted between the back and the ears, with a transverse hole, or the space between the back and the ears is filled in and pierced transversally. Several versions of the basic shape were produced, differing from each other mostly in the upper third of the amulet, which was determined by the shape and direction of the ears. Find contexts are rarely known. A fine amulet was found in Tell el-Basta59 in a Twenty-sixth Dynasty context. The body of the hare is well proportioned, rounded, and even details of the direc(Drawing – Reisner CG tion of the fur are given by various dented drawings. It 12281) Another steatite scaraboid of the Eighteenth Dynasty made with the same technique in shaping the animal represents a fly: Roehrig 2005, 210, no. 129a. It originates from Carnarvon’s excavations at Assasif in 1907-1911. 57 Herrmann, Ch. 1985. Formen für Ägyptische Fayencen. Katalog der Sammlung des Biblischen Instituts der Universität Freiburg, Schweiz und einer Privatsammlung. OBO 60, Göttingen, 71, no. 278 / H96. 58 E.g. for a bronze statuette: Roeder, G. 1956. Ägyptische Bronzefiguren. Berlin, pl. 54e. 59 Naville, H. É. 1890. The Mound of the Jew and the city of Onias: Belbeis, Samanood, Abusir, Tukh el Karmus. 1887. 7th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund. London, pl. 17, no. 22. 56

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looks as if it was pregnant. The contours of the head are natural, the dent of the eyes is surrounded by three grooves, and the ears are relatively small and almost drop-shaped. Between the ears and the back the eyelet is angular on the outer side. In the British Museum there is a hare amulet of unknown provenance, which is exactly the same, except that its eyelet is round.60 Interestingly, the unproportionately long ears of the hare amulet found in the tomb of Paser and Racia in Saqqara61 reach backwards across the whole length of the body, and are laid completely along the back. The (Drawing based on photo suspension hole is pierced through both the ears and Andrews 1994, fig. 60e) the body of the animal. The inner decorations of the ears are depicted by oblique strokes put in a frame. The amulet is finished roughand-ready, parts of the body are only separated from each other by a few lines, and the tail is missing. The head is undetailed, but for two big oval protuberances for eyes. The base is again rectangular, and relatively thick. It was probably part of an amulet ensemble found at the bottom of a shaft: Anubis (62), Hnum (65), Pataikos (67), Su (68), a striding bull (72), an uadj column (84-86), all dated to the Twenty-seventh–Thirtieth Dynasties or from the 5th to 4th century B.C. The similarity of the style of the amulets speaks also for their unity. In the collection of the Cairo Museum there are several hare amulets originating from the neighbourhood of Memphis: Saqqara, Mit Rahineh, Giza.62 Reisner published a piece from Giza (12281) also in drawing. The contours of the head and body are very similar to the amulet of Tell el-Basta, the ears, however, are less raised and longer, and the inner decoration is made up of oblique grooves. The position of the suspension hole in the space between ears and back ends with a vertical wall due to this. The eyes are only indicated on the head, although the face is elaborated, almost human. Andrews 1994, 61, fig. 60e: L: 4.4 cm, pale green. Martin, G. Th. 1985. The Tomb-Chapels of Paser and Racia at Saqqara. London, 28 and 21, pl. 32, Cat. 74. H: 1.6 cm, L: 2 cm. Found beside the tomb of Paser and Racia, in the C shaft of the south. 62 Saqqara: GG. 12.270 (1859 December), – Mit Rahineh: GG. 12.275 (1858 July, like 12.270), 12.280 (July 1858, like 12.279), – Giza: GG.12.281 (1884, like 12.279), 12.568 (Giza?, 1893?, like 12566). 60 61

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There is practically no Egyptian collection, where hare amulets are missing,63 in most cases these pieces are, however, of unknown provenance. These pieces usually represent a version of the two main categories – with short and long ears. The ears are raised in various degrees, their lengths are inconsistent, and the filled (photo © Museum of Fine area between them has various shapes. The elaboration Arts, Budapest / András is also varied, and the patterns used for the details can Rázsó, inv. no. 51.1578) be different too. Most characteristic are the oblong strokes along the whole or half frame or the gap between these strokes. The head is often distinctive but sometimes very rough, i.e. only the eyes can be distinguished; or the line of the mouth and the nose are raised and even the fine details of the face can be seen. In general the body is shaped by the fluctuations in the surface height, but the arched and parallel grooves are also apparent. Sometimes the body is considerably stretched. The hind legs are undecorated, the fur is drawn only in exceptional cases.64 The tail is laid on (photo © Museum of Fine the base, and its length varies (for some versions see Arts, Budapest / András Rázsó, inv. no. 51.1576) the figures). Petrie, W. M. Fl. 1914. Amulets. London, 44, no. 213, a-c, pl. XXXVIII; Reisner, G. A. 1907. Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire, nos. 5218-6000 et 1200112527. Amulets I. Le Caire, 158-162, GG. 12.264-85 – pl. XX; Reisner, G. A. 1958. Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire, Amulets II. Le Caire, CG. 12.566-69, 5, pl. I-II, XXI; Blanchard, R. H. 1909. Handbook of Egyptian Gods and Mummy Amulets. Cairo, 19, no. 203-4, pl. XXXVII; David, R. 1980. The Macclesfield Collection of Egyptian Antiquities. Warminster, 31, no. 58; Frankfort, H. 1926. Egypt and Syria in the First Intermediate Period. JEA 12, 92-93; Rowe, A. 1936. A Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, Scaraboids, Seals and Amulets in the Palestine Archeological Museum. Le Caire, 276-277, no. A.42 (32.931), pl. 31; Hauser-Schäublin, B. et al. 1976. So lebten die Alten Ägypter. Führer durch das Museum für Völkerkunde und Schweizerische Museum für Volkskunde Basel. Sonderaustellung 1976/77. Basel, 56, no. 36; Curto, S. 1983. La raccolta egizia di Guiseppe Acerbi, Comune di Mantova. Assessorato alle Attivita Culturali – Museo Civico di Palazzo Te. Mantova, 139, nos. 311-313; Gabolde, M. 1990. Catalogue des Antiquités Égyptienne du Musée Déchelette Roanne. Roanne, 198-199, nos. 0185-0186; Andrews 1994, 61, fig. 60; Schweitzer, A. – Traunecker, Cl. 1998. Catalogue de Strasbourg, Musée archéologique, Antiquités égyptiennes de la collection G. Schlumberger, Inventaire des collections publiques françaises 43; Herrmann 1985, 556 ff.; Sotheby NY. 2001, 157, no. 239d; Bloesch, H. (Hrg.). 1974. Das Tier in der Antike. 400 Werke ägyptischer, griechischer, etruskischer und römischer Kunst aus privatem und öffentlichem Besitz. Zürich, 15, no. 79. 64 Andrews 1994, 61, fig. 60. 63

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Function Many researchers have tried to answer the question of why hare amulets were prepared. At the beginning of the egyptological researches, it was related to Osiris, on the basis of his name, Wn-nfr, written with the hare sign.65 Later it was considered to be the sacred animal of the goddess Unut.66 The newest research, however, points out that the qualities of the hare – its swiftness and the keenness of its senses – were the aims. It may have been believed that the animal’s representation could help to achieve these desirable qualities. For instance, its brisk spring was highlighted in a simile – Osiris-Ra “was rising like a hare”.67 Besides, by analogy of its procreativity, it could give fertility to its bearers, which, in the Netherworld, i.e. in life after death, then guaranteed the rebirth of the dead.68 According to another concept, “As a desert creature, the hare was considered, … to be a creature of chaos and potentially dangerous. … the threat of this animal, like that of the gazelle and the turtle, could be magically reversed to provide protection. Though hare headrests and amulets may also be apotropaic images, the fact that they are shown crouching, rather than running, suggests that they had a different meaning.”69 But in accounting for the significance of the hare amulets I can not exclude, that in each period different aspects dominated. For the early amulets in forms dissimilar to the hieroglyphs, it is perhaps true that the animal was related to the ‘quick’ goddess Unut in and around the Fifteenth nomos by its characteristics, as the above mentioned pieces were found relatively near to Hermopolis. However, it should not be considered exclusively her sacred animal, even if only because of the various iconographical forms of the amulets, which hint at its probable manifold uses. It is worth while to think of the fact that in the cases of the earlier amulets – where known – the owner of the tomb was a child or a woman. This seems to hint at an application in this context that dealt with the field of fertility, procreativity and the ability to maintain itself or recover. We have to Petrie 1914, 44, no. 213; The British Museum. 1904. Guide to the Third and Fourth Egyptian Rooms. London, 167; Champollion, J. F. 1809-1829. Description de l’Égypte, ou Recueil des observations et des recherches qui ont été faites en Égypte pendant l’expédition de l’armée française. Paris, MCX, 46B, 242; Renouf, P. Le Page. 1886. The Myth of the Osiris Unnefer. PSBA, Vol. VIII, 111-116. 66 Brunner-Traut, E. 1977. Hase. In Lexikon der Ägyptologie vol. II, Wiesbaden, col. 1023; Müller 1992, 85-96. 67 Hopfner 1913, 59. 68 Hornung – Staehelin 1976, 115; Stoof 1992, 251-253; Andrews 1994, 63-64. 69 Russmann 2001, 161, no. 73. 65

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remember, at the same time that during the Middle Kingdom at the latest, the hare could also play a negative role, as at that time, it was often drawn held in the hands of a lion-headed deity instead of snakes on the magic wands.70 During the New Kingdom, not only a deep stylistic change can be discovered, i.e. a transition from two dimensionality to three dimensions, but also a severe change in conception. New types of representations appear: seal amulets and scaraboids, with carvings on their bottoms. The most frequent inscription is the name of Amon which probably addresses the imperial god for general, all comprising protection, but as Amon himself was often connected with regeneration, his name could specifically recall this aspect. The same aspect can also be deduced from the representation of the papyrus plant and the sign groups with the rising uraeus.71 On top of all this, the hare marvellously merged into the shape of a scarab stresses especially this regeneration character, which is further reinforced by the fact that such pieces were offered to Hathor in her temple. This idea could, however, come from the hare itself, whose amulet was probably worn – as earlier stated – for this reason. The appearance of the hare-headed Netherworld deities stresses again a new aspect – its increasing significance in the Netherworld: as the helper and defender of the Sun god, it could also assume the same role for the deceased. All this points to the possibility that during this period it was predominantly a protective charm for many aspects of regeneration. In the Late period in Memphis and the neighbouring countryside or even further north, it is completely improbable that the use of the amulet would have been revived because of a relation to Unut. Probably, the amulets were providing its bearer again with the positive qualities of the hare by the help of analogy in magic, which are alertness, swiftness and fertility. In many of the later hare amulets, however, which strictly follow the image of the hieroglyph, the interpretation must have been associated with the writing itself, i.e. the word-magic could be considered significant too. This hieroglyphic sign could be used as the word wn – “to exist”. Parallel to the amulet / word of the papyrus which meant wAD – “ fresh, young” and put its wearer in the same condition, the wn – hare E.g. Berlin 14207 = Legge, F. 1905. The Magic Ivories of the Middle Empire. PSBA 27, 138, pl. 1, fig. 5. MMA 26.7.974 = Wallis, H. 1898. Egyptian Ceramic Art. The MacGregor Collection. London, pl. 10, fig. 2, MMA 15.3.197 = Altenmüller, A. 1965. Die Apotropaia und die Götter Mittelägyptens. Eine typologische und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung der sogenannten „Zaubermesser” des Mittleren Reiches. München, fig. 13, 78 – Among the figures striding on the magic wands I could not find a hare-headed figure. I think, the head of the so-called ‘hareheaded’ deities on the magic wands in the Louvre and Metropolitan Museum, sitting without a throne, resemble more a donkey’s head. 71 Bommas 1993, 3-6. 70

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would remove a (second) death and preserve the life of its wearer forever by its (always) “exists” meaning. During the late antique period, the connection between the hare and the idea of “being open” can be proved in popular etymology.72 Perhaps this conception could also play a role in its use – already earlier: the alert hare helped to get through the gates of the Netherworld.73 Considering the great deal of hare amulets of unknown provenance from the Late Period, they must have been much more popular than at any time earlier. The profusion of the ideas to which they were related is also mirrored by the fact, that even bronze statuettes were cast.74 Compared, however, to other types of amulets, their smaller quantity clearly indicates that their role in the general beliefs was not very widespread indeed.

Conclusion Hare amulets belong to a group of relatively rare amulets. Their history begins with the Sixth Dynasty, and ends by the Thirtieth Dynasty. The first period of their production, which continued until the Eighteenth Dynasty,75 produced mostly small faience, carnelian and ivory beads in relief nature. These simple, plain and stylised shapes were found south of the Nile delta; some originate from south of Hermopolis (Mostagedda, Qau, Abydos), others from north of it (Harageh, Gurob). It is probable that they transmitted the positive quality of the hare, and through them they might be related to the cult of the goddess Unut/Ununut. They were regularly buried with women and children. The hare amulets of unknown provenance of the New Kingdom were usually prepared from steatite, and burnt after glazing. Their figures are considerably similar, although they were carved individually, so we can conclude that they were intentionally of the same shape. The bottom contained an inscription, Horapollon, Hieroglyphica I, 26: “Patulum autem quippiam significare volentes, leporem pingunt; quod semper apertos habeat oculos hoc animalis genus.” – “When, however, they want to mean something open, they paint a hare, because this type of animal has its eyes always open.” 73 Cf. in one of the papyri of the Twenty-first Dynasty, a hare-headed deity is guarding a Netherworld gate. 74 Roeder 1956, 375, par. 500b, pl. 54e (Berlin); showcase with hare amulets in the Cairo Museum. 75 The Nubian hare amulet resembles the short eared one in Mostagedda, but is more elaborated. The back is a bit humpbacked, the eyes protrude, the legs are below its body. Conspicuously it tries to reflect the natural shape as correct as possible. The recumbent hare follows the Old Kingdom tradition, but seems to be an updated local version. 72

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often with the name of Amon. The scaraboids fused the shape of the two animals masterly. These amulets seem to have had no connection to the goddess Unut, but were most probably instruments for ensuring fertility, procreativity first for living, then for regeneration after death. Late Period hare amulets have a different character. These small statuettes are present in the collections in different qualities and styles. They were made almost exclusively from faience despite the fact that with many other amulet types a hard stone predominated. Both its stability when standing on a base and its ability for suspension were important. The many versions make it conspicuous that a lot of moulds were used, probably in various towns. They seem to have been popular in the North, as pieces with known provenance come from there (mainly the neighbourhood of Memphis and Bubastis). In their interpretation the fertility and regeneration aspect was probably mixed with the idea of word magic (“existing” and “opening”).

Abstract As the hare inhabited the ancient Egyptian desert area, people were well acquainted with it. We can find its figure in hunting scenes and among the statuettes. The article summons up its representations among the amulets whose production started at the Old Kingdom in leaping, recumbent and sitting attitude. Later the iconography limited to the recumbent animal, which became fairly popular at certain sites as seal-amulet during the New Kingdom. At that time developed a unique real scarab-shaped version. However, the hare amulet is the most popular in the Late Period, where the hare amulets of the modern collections are originating from. As the shape, style and geographical distribution, so the function and religious significance of the amulet types seem to be changed. Swiftness, regeneration, procreativity, existence and the goddess Unut are discussed in this respect.

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Peter Hubai

Weitere Apotropaia aus Nilpferdstoßzahn

Dem alten Kommilitonen in Dankbarkeit zugeeignet Mitglieder der Ägyptologenzunft suchen nach der Vergangenheit. Archäologen finden ihre Funde, Museologen inventarisieren sie. Man lauscht zwar auf die aus grauer Urzeit ertönende Stimme, es ist jedoch mühsam, die Botschaft jener ver­ gangenen Welt unmißverständlich herauszuhören. Zoltán Fábián kennt die Klippen beider Unterfangen, da er sowohl als Museologe als auch als Ausgräber versuchte, die stummen Objekte zum Sprechen zu bringen. Zum Finden braucht man – über die zielbewußte Grabung hinaus – Glück, zum Verstehen benötigt man die Kenntnis jener Vergangenheit, die erst gesucht wird. Möge uns beschert werden, die von mir unten inventarisierten Objekte zu verstehen. Als vor zehn Jahren das Museum der Bildenden Künste zu Budapest ein auß­ ­erordentlich qualitätsvolles, die im Altertum vorgenommene Restaurierung in einzigartiger Weise bis zur Gegenwart erhaltendes Apotropaion (2005.1-E)1 er­ warb, gebrauchte ich bei dessen Veröffentlichung damals bewußt das veraltete, höchstwahrscheinlich unzutreffende und sicherlich entfremdende Wort Zaubermesser, um mich möglichst stark von dem falsche Assoziationen weckenden, ausdrücklich irreführenden Begriff Zauberstab zu distanzieren. In Ermangelung eines Besseren (das heißt eines möglichst dem altägyptischen entsprechenden modernen Namens) verwende ich jetzt die von Hartwig Altenmüller geprägte Bezeichnung Apotropaion, die nichts anderes als Amulett bedeutet und also den specifica dieses Objektes kaum gerecht wird. Altenmüller war der erste, der in seiner vor fünfzig Jahren erschienenen Dissertation2 eine systematische Unter­ suchung unternahm, in der er alle ihm damals bekannten, in verschiedenen Sammlungen zerstreuten – wie er sagt – „sogenannten »Zaubermesser«” katalo­ 1

2

Hubai, P. 2008. Der zerbrochene Zauberstab. Vom Nutzen der Magie oder das Apotropaion zu Budapest. SAK 37, 169-198 mit beigelegter CD-ROM (Ordner „Hubai”, Unterordner „Zau­ bermesser”). Altenmüller, H. 1965. Die Apotropaia und die Götter Mittelägyptens: Eine typologische und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung der sogenannten „Zaubermesser” des Mittleren Reiches. (Dissertation). München.

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gisierte und konsequent beschrieb. Der Hauptakzent lag natürlich auf seiner, von den Interpretationen der vorherigen Forscher (Daressy,3 Legge,4 Petrie,5 Steindorff,6 Hayes7 usw.) abweichenden Interpretation. Im Jahre 1965 kannte er 139 Objekte8 in 30 Sammlungen. Im Jahre 2008 kannte ich 149 von mir als authentisch be­ trachtete Apotropaia, Altenmüller, der auch später die Inventarisierung der neu hinzugekommenen Objekte fortsetzte und seinen unpublizierten Katalog mir als Manuskript freundlicherweise zuschickte, kennt 162 Items. Da bei weitem nicht alle öffentlichen Sammlungen aufgearbeitet sind, von den Privatsammlungen ganz zu schweigen, ist zu erwarten, daß die Anzahl der bekannten Apotropaia wachsen wird. Der Inventarisierende mag die Frage stellen, ob die Zahl der er­ haltenen Objekte je mehr als 200-300 betragen wird, der Historiker grübelt jedoch über das Problem nach, ob durch die zahlenmäßige Vermehrung der Stücke das blasse Bild der vergangenen ägyptischen Religion klarer werden kann. Bei einem Besuch in Athen im National Archaeological Museum fand ich unter zehn Inventarnummern weitere sechs, der Forschung bisher unbekannte Apotropaia,9 die ich im Folgenden beschreiben möchte. Leider ist keines der Apotropaia intakt, manche Fragmenta lassen sich zusammenfügen und sind auch dementsprechend zusammengeklebt, andere nicht (und diese tragen eine selb­ ständige Inventarnummer). Keines dieser Objekte besitzt eine zuverlässige Pro­ venienz, da sie alle Donationen (1904) des Herrn Alexander Rostovitz sind, der sie in Ägypten erwarb. Das Wesentliche, das von diesem Mäzen des National Archaeological Museum zu wissen ist, lässt sich aus den öffentlichen Informati­ onen des Museums erfahren,10 allerdings kennen wir seine Sammlergewohnhei­ Daressy, G. 1903. Textes et dessins magiques (CG 9401-9449). Le Caire. Legge, F. 1905. The Magic Ivories of the Middle Empire. PSBA 27, 130-152; Legge, F. 1906. The Magic Ivories of the Middle Empire. PSBA 28, 159-170.  5 Petrie, W. M. F. 1927. Objects of daily use. BSAE 42. London, Egyptian Research Account, 39-43.  6 Steindorff, G. 1946. The magical knives of ancient Egypt. Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 9, 41-51, 106-107.  7 Hayes, W. C. 19905. The Scepter of Egypt I. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 248-249.  8 Ich glaube, einige von der Liste der Apotropaia streichen zu müssen, vgl. Hubai 2008, 181.  9 Meinen aufrichtigen Dank möchte ich Frau Kuratorin Eleni Tourna aussprechen. Sie hat mir 2009 sowohl die in den Ausstellungsvitrinen ausgestellten Apotropaia als auch die im Maga­ zin befindlichen zur Autopsie und zum Photographieren angeboten und eine Erlaubnis zur Publikation der Objekte erteilt. 10 “Alexander Rostovitz, who very probably came from Northern Greece, settled at an early age in Cairo, where he died in 1919. As a member of the retinue of the heir to the Egyptian throne, Abbas Hilma II, he was sent to Austria to attend the Theresian School for Princes. His abilities led to his being placed in charge of the provisioning of British troops under Major General Sir Garnet-Josef Wolseley during his expedition to the Sudan. Rostovitz thus became an extremely important representative of the Greek community in Cairo and acted as  3  4

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ten nicht. Da die Apotropaia nicht aus einer authentischen Ausgrabung stammen und der archäologische Kontext unbekannt ist, ist es mühsam, sie mit Sicherheit zu datieren. Da ich gegenüber der auf Glatteis geratenen sog. stilkritischen oder auf ikonographische Parallelen bauenden Datierung höchst skeptisch bin (denn die Stücke lassen sich nicht nur zeitlich interpretieren, sondern z.B. auch auf Grund von Herstellungszentren, das heißt also geographisch oder nach Meister­ hand, wage ich nicht mehr als „Mittleres Reich – Zweite Zwischenzeit” zu sagen. Eine genauere Datierung ließe sich durch eine eventuelle archäometrische Un­ tersuchung des Nilpferdstoßzahns anbieten (gesetzt den Fall, dass er nicht viel älter ist als das verfertigte Apotropaion). Die drei Fragmenta D169, D170 und D172 waren einst Teile desselben Apo­ tropaions, allerdings ergeben die drei Fragmenta auch zusammen nicht das vollständige „Zaubermesser”. D169

Abb. 1. D170 – D172 – D169 National Archaeological Museum, Athens (Photo Peter Hubai) © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund

Länge: 14,7 cm (oben), Höhe: 6,8 cm, Breite: 0,8 cm, zwei zusammengeklebte Stücke. its president for a long time. In this capacity he saw to the building, often using his personal funds, of welfare foundations and became a leading representative of the Greek euergetism in Egypt. Rostovitz founded a steam shipping company to provide recreational travel up and down the Nile and so contributed greatly to the rise in interest in Egypt on the part of tourists. His constant travelling, his wide range of social acquaintance and his wealth and education brought him access to Egyptian antiquities of the highest quality and ensured him privileged treatment during auctions of antiquities for Cairo Museum. In 1904 Rostovitz donated his priceless collection to the National Archaeological Museum, Athens. His collection comprises 2.237 objects spanning all periods of Egyptian culture.” (http://www.namuseum.gr/objectmonth/2010/aug/aug10-donor-en.html#heruntergeladen Oktober 2014.)

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Mittleres Teil des einstigen Apotropaion. Oben und unten eine Kante, daran schreiten die Figuren von links nach rechts. Die erste erhaltene Figur ist ein auf den Hinterbeinen stehender Löwe (?), der eine Schlange in der Tatze hält und frißt, davor ein aufgerichtetes Nilpferd mit einem Messer in der Pfote. Weiter rechts befinden sich Reste eines um 90 Grad gedrehten Pantherkopfes (dessen linkes Ohr oben zu sehen ist), welcher nach rechts schaut. Der gedrehte Pan­ therkopf kommt immer als letzte Figur am dickeren Ende des Nilpferdstoßzahns vor, somit ist hier eindeutig kein weiterer Dämon zu erwarten. Die flache Seite ist undekoriert.

D170

Abb. 2. D170 National Archaeological Museum, Athens (Photo Peter Hubai) © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund

Länge: 9,0 cm, Höhe: 6,2 cm, Breite: 0,8 cm, zwei zusammengeklebte Stücke, die sich nicht restlos mit den vorigen zusammenfügen lassen. Die Figuren sind kaum zu entnehmen, zwei rechtsgerichtete aufgerichtete Uräusschlangen, die Darstellung zwischen den beiden kann ich nicht erkennen. Weiter rechts das fragmentarisch erhaltene Hinterteil einer auf einem Podest liegenden mumifizierten Kuh (?), mit karierter Hülle bedeckt,11 mit zwei Bändern.12 Vgl. Kairo 56273. Die Kuhmumie befindet sich im oberen Register, weil diese auf einem Po­ dest (hier abgebrochen, deswegen nicht zu sehen) liegt (Ähnliche Darstellungen Berlin 6710, Brüssel 293, Brüssel 7064, Kairo JE 88890, London UC 16380, UC 16382, New York MMA 15.3.124, Oxford Ashmol ME 3953, Philadelphia 2194). 12 Die Bänder flattern dort im Winde, wo sonst eine Geißel ist. 11

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D172 Länge: 5,1 cm, Höhe: 6,5 cm, Breite: 0,8 cm. Oben eine Sonnenscheibe, rechts davor ein rechtsgerichteter Schakalkopf auf einem Mast (Beine sind nicht zu sehen – die Darstellung ist nicht nur am Photo, sondern auch am Original schwer zu entnehmen). Die Reihenfolge der drei Bruchstücke mag D170 – D172 – D169 gewesen sein, da die Höhe 6,2 : 6,5 : 6,8 cm beträgt, welche der immer dicker werdenden Kur­ ve des Nilpferdstoßzahns entspricht.

D171

Abb. 3. D171 National Archaeological Museum, Athens (Photo Peter Hubai) © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund

Zwei zusammengeklebte Bruchstücke mit modernen Ergänzungen an beiden Enden. Die gemeinsame Länge der zwei originalen Fragmenta: 21 cm (oben), Höhe: 5,05 cm, Breite: 0,7 cm Darstellung in schlechtem Zustand. Von links: auf den Hinterbeinen stehender Löwe mit einer Schlange, davor rechtsgerichteter geflügelter Greif mit nach rechts schauendem Menschenkopf zwischen den gespreizten Flügeln. Der sich im Halbkreis kringelnde Schwanz (wie der der Großkatzen13) reicht bis zu dem hinter ihm stehenden Löwen. Die Oberfläche ist stark abgerieben, die weiteren Figuren konnte ich nicht entnehmen. Die flache Seite des Stückes ist undekoriert. 13

Es ist zu erwägen, ob diese Katzen evtl. auch Servale sein können, vgl. Meyrat, P. 2010. Miw aA : grand chat ou serval? GM 224, 87-92.

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D173

Abb. 4. D173 National Archaeological Museum, Athens (Photo Peter Hubai) © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund

Länge: 2,7 cm, Höhe: 5,6 cm, Breite: 0,9 cm Oben und unten eine Kante. Es lassen sich Reste von zwei Figuren erkennen, links eine, die ein Messer hält (dementsprechend mag sie nach rechts gesehen haben); statistisch gesehen am wahrscheinlichsten war sie entweder eine Nil­ pferdgottheit oder ein Schakalkopfzeichen.14 Rechts davor stand eine jetzt abge­ brochene Figur, die eine vertikale Schlange in der Hand hält. Da kaum anzuneh­ men ist, dass die Figur in die entgegengesetzte Richtung (also nach links) schreitet (obwohl so etwas auch vorkommen kann), noch, daß sie die Schlange hinter sich hält, so könnte man daran denken, daß die Figur zu der seltenen Sorte der dem Zuschauer entgegenschauenden Aha gehört.15 Beachte oben die Haare, unten den Rest des an der Kante stehenden Fußes! Die flache Seite ist undekoriert.

Die überwiegende Mehrheit der messerhaltenden Figuren sind die Obengenannten, sonst sind weitere 24 Figuren mit Messer bekannt. 15 Statt zwei Dutzenden von Beispielen genüge jetzt Basel BSAe 991. 14

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Die Fragmenta, die jetzt unter den Nummern D174 und D175 inventarisiert sind, waren einst Teile ein und desselben Apotropaions.

Abb. 5. D175 – D174 National Archaeological Museum, Athens (Photo Peter Hubai) © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund

D174 Zwei zusammenzufügende Fragmenta. Länge: 8 cm, Höhe: 3,25 cm, Breite: 0,7 cm Oben und unten klare Linien der Kante. In der Mitte ein auf den Hinterbeinen nach rechts schreitender Löwe mit einer Schlange im Maul, vor ihm eine aufge­ richtete Nilpferdgottheit mit Messer in der Tatze. Hinter dem Löwen steht eine sehr stark beschädigte Figur mit einem Messer, die schwer zu identifizieren ist, da die bisher bekannten messerhaltenden Figuren (Doppelsphinx, Falke, Frosch, Geier, Greif, Kater, Kobra, Krokodil, Löwe, Nilpferd, Pavian, Panther, Schakal, Schlangenhalspanther, Sonnenscheibe) kein Horn haben. Doch mag es eine menschengestaltige Gottheit sein, die – wenn man gründlich hinschaut – zwischen den atypischen (Rinder-)Hörnern eine Sonnenscheibe hält, ähnlich wie (als einzige Analogie) der männliche Gott des Apotropaions BM 9434.16 Die flache Seite ist undekoriert. Auffällig ist die Höhe des Nilpferdstoßzahns, im Vergleich zu den anderen ist er zu schmal, so dass man geneigt ist anzunehmen, daß er von einem Nilpferd­ weibchen oder einem Kalb stammt.

16

Im Falle der zeitgenössischen Abkürzung handelt es sich um das Boulaq Museum!

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D175 Unter dieser Inventarnummer wurden zwei Fragmenta in moderner Zeit (wahr­ scheinlich im National Archaeological Museum) zusammenmontiert. Diese sind zwar zweifelsohne Teile ein und desselben Apotropaions, aber ob das kleine Fragment rechts oder links von D174 lag, sei dahingestellt. Länge der Spitze: 5,5 cm, Höhe: 3,2 cm, Breite: 0,6 cm In der Spitze ist ein Flammenzeichen, rechts davon eine Sonnenscheibe auf zwei Beinen nach rechts schreitend. Die Flamme kommt zwar des Öfteren vor, im Falle der bekannten Apotropaia jedoch nie in der Spitze; sie kann sich zur schreitenden Sonnenscheibe gesellen,17 da aber die Reihenfolge der Figuren nicht festgelegt ist, läßt sich aus diesem Vorkommen keine Konsequenz ziehen. Man darf auch die Tatsache nicht vergessen, daß etwa zehn Figuren dieses Apotropa­ ions verlorengegangen sind. Der Vergleich mit seiner Parallele in Marseille macht uns jedoch darauf aufmerksam, daß man wegen des Bruchs beim Fuß (wo auch ein Messer gestanden haben könnte) nicht weiß, ob dort ein Messer war. Die Länge des zweiten Fragments von D175 beträgt 2,8 cm; die Höhe: 2,5 cm; die Breite: 0,7 cm. An der Kante Reste der in rechter Richtung sich nach rechts wellenden (Uräus?) Schlange Die flache Seite ist undekoriert. D176 und D178 sind Fragmenta ein und desselben Apotropaions.

Abb. 6. D178 – D176 National Archaeological Museum, Athens (Photo Peter Hubai) © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund 17

Marseille Chateau Borély 471, beide Figuren nebeneinander in der Mitte des Apotropaions; MMA 22.1.103 zwischen der Flamme und der Sonnenscheibe schreitet ein Schlangenhalspan­ ther.

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D176 ist die nach rechts gerichtete Spitze des Stoßzahns. Länge: 8,4 cm, Höhe: 4,1 cm, Breite: 0,66 cm Ein Krokodil (mit abgebrochenem Kopf) schaut nach links. Es reckt sich auf einer Insel,18 deren Grenzlinie mit der unteren Kante des Apotropaions zusam­ menfällt. Sowohl die Schuppen des Krokodils als auch die Fläche der Insel sind mit Pünktchen dekoriert.

D178 hat eine Bruchlinie, die nicht zu D176 paßt. D178 besteht aus zwei zusammengeklebten Fragmenta. Länge:7,2 cm; Höhe: 4,7 cm; Breite: 0,8 cm Links eine nach rechts schauende Schlange mit riesigen ausgespreizten Flügeln,19 rechts eine auf vier Beinen nach rechts schreitende Großkatze, mögli­ cherweise ein Panther (oder Serval), dessen Kopf abgebrochen ist (deswegen wäre ein Schlangenhalspanther auch nicht ausgeschlossen). Sowohl die Feder der Schlange als auch das Fell des Panthers sind ähnlich wie D176 mit Pünktchen dekoriert. Dieses Apotropaion verrät eine Meisterschaft von Qualität. Die flache Seite ist undekoriert. D177

Abb. 7. D177 National Archaeological Museum, Athens (Photo Peter Hubai) © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund Krokodil auf Insel kommt im bekannten Material nur dreimal vor: MMA 22.1.154 b, Budapest 2005.1-E und Brüssel 7065. Letzteres ist besonders zu beachten, da das Krokodil sich dort in der rechten Spitze des Apotropaions befindet, ähnlich wie in Athen D176. 19 Dieselbe Schlange kommt auf Cambridge E-205.1900 und UC 16383 vor, ein wenig abweichend, mit Menschenkopf in MMA 15.3.197. Dieselbe Schlange, doch in anderer Haltung auf Louvre AF 6447, sonst nicht dokumentiert. 18

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Länge 7,3 cm; Höhe: 3,8 cm; Breite: 0,8 cm Beiderseitig bearbeitetes Apotropaion. Ein Stück, das einen ungewöhnlichen Eindruck erweckt. An der gewölbten Seite befindet sich ein nach links gerichtetes Krokodil, welches jedoch nicht an einer mit Rille dargestellten Kante liegt, sondern an einem breiteren Streifen (0,5 cm), der dann besonders auffällig wird, wenn der ähnliche Streifen über dem Krokodil bemerkt wird. Noch merkwürdiger ist, daß Reste eines Fußes über dem oberen Streifen zu sehen sind. Bei der schematischen Ausarbeitung läßt sich nicht erraten, von was für einem Tier dies die vordere oder hintere Tatze sein mag, allerdings noch ein Tier über dem Krokodil müsste ein ganzes (zweites) Register voraussetzen, das aber wegen der natürlichen Breite des Nilpferdstoßzahns sehr unwahrscheinlich zu sein scheint. Ansonsten sind zwei Register zwar nicht üblich, doch nicht unmöglich.20 An der anderen Seite des Apotropaions oben und unten befinden sich ähnlich breite Streifen, in der Mitte liegt ein nach rechts gerichtetes Krokodil. Vor ihm ist das Hinterteil eines unidentifizierbaren liegenden Tieres zu sehen. Hier gibt es eindeutig nur ein Register. Technisch wurde das Apotro­ paion als relief en creux ausgeführt, ein äußerst seltenes Verfahren bei diesen Stücken.21 Es ist zu erwägen, dass dieses dubiose Stück vielleicht, in Abweichung von den anderen, nicht im Mittleren Reich bzw. in der Zweiten Zwischenzeit verfertigt wurde. Die Fragmenta der oben beschriebenen Apotropaia entsprachen dem bisher Bekannten, die Ikonographie der Darstellungen weicht von der bei den Apotro­ paia üblichen Ikonographie nicht ab, die anwesenden Figuren sind diejenigen, die unter den bisher bekannten etwa 72 Figuren zu finden sind. Wenn alles schon so gut bekannt ist, wird die Frage nach der Identität der geflügelten Schlange, des Pantherkopfes, der auf dem Podest liegenden mumifizierten Kuh (und der an­ derswo dokumentierten Figuren, des Fenneks, der Kröte, der Doppelsphinx, des eingehüllten Pavians) und der meisten unidentifizierten Gottheiten bzw. Dämo­ nen umso lauter. Optimal sollten wir alle, wenigstens aber 60-80% der prozes­ sierenden Gottheiten bzw. Dämonen verstehen, um wissenschaftlich aussagefähig werden zu können. Denn solange wir den „Text” der Apotropaia nicht „lesen” 20 21

Vgl. Kairo JE 88890. Im ganzen corpus befinden sich zwei Stücke, beide doppelseitig: Berlin 9611, zweifelsohne künstlerisch unübertrefflich, sowie BM EA 24425. Die übrigen Exemplare sind entweder nicht aus Nilpferdstoßzahn oder sie sind irgendwie dubios, von der kanonischen Form entfernt, vielleicht waren sie gar keine Apotropaia (z.B. München AeS 2952).

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können, kann von einem Verstehen nicht gesprochen werden. Gleich wie bei einem gewöhnlichen modernen Text jeder Buchstabe, jedes Wort gelesen werden muß, um den Text verstehen zu können, verhält es sich auch bei diesen altägyp­ tischen Kultobjekten. Sonst ist es, als ob jemand die Schriftzeichen des Diskos von Phaistos minutiös beschriebe, aber nichts davon begreift. Um die kultische Funktion – ich spreche absichtlich nicht von einer magischen Funktion – intel­ lektuell nachvollziehen zu können, sollten wir auch das im Kult gebrauchte legomenon kennen22 (in Ermangelung auch dessen ist es nicht möglich, jene zu verstehen). Dementsprechend betrachte ich die Inventarisierung der obigen Apotropaia als eine Vorarbeit zu einem künftigen Verstehen dieser rätselhaften Kultobjekte. ***

Zur Tabelle Im Falle der fett gedruckten Nummern hatte ich die Möglichkeit, die Apotropaia mit Hilfe von Photos, seltener von Zeichnungen selbst zu studieren, die anderen Stücke kenne ich nur aus Beschreibungen der Fachliteratur. (Dies kann ein Un­ sicherheitsfaktor sein.) • Die Richtung des Apotropaion wird in der Rubrik „Spitze” mit den Zeichen > bzw. < angegeben (dies aber bedeutet nicht, dass die Spitze des Apotro­ paion in allen Fällen tatsächlich erhalten geblieben ist). Falls wir nur ein kleineres Fragment haben und die Richtung nicht zu erraten ist, steht in der Rubrik ein Fragezeichen. • Die Buchstaben „a” und „b” bei Inventarnummern weisen darauf hin, ob es sich um die Vorderseite (a) bzw. Rückseite (b) handelt. „A” und „B” be­ zeichen die Fragmenta. • Nummern in eckigen Klammern (z.B. [2] oder [12]) geben die Anzahl des Vorkommens einer bestimmten Figur auf demselben Apotropaion an.

22

Heutzutage wird dies (manchmal unausgesprochen) vor dem angenommenen Hintergrunde von A. Erman (1901. Zaubersprüche für Mutter und Kind. APAW Berlin) verstanden. Diese Hypothese nimmt einen Gebrauch als Schutz der Mutter und des Kindes während des Wochenbettes an (pars pro toto: Pinch, G. 2006. Magic in Ancient Egypt. London, British Mu­ seum Press, 78), wobei die vereinzelte Nennung einer Frau oder eines Kindes an den wenigen beschrifteten Exemplaren dies nicht genügend unterstützt, denn es gibt keine einzige explizite Andeutung in diese Richtung, die Fundumstände (z.B. Männergräber) jedoch scheinen dem geradewegs zu widersprechen. Abwehr ist (wie bei allen Amuletten) allerdings eindeutig (sA anx, sA grH sA hrw, sA HA sA usw.).

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• Die Richtung der Figuren wird mit > und < angegeben, „o” bedeutet „zum Betrachter schauend” (z.B. Aha). • Bei den Tier-Dämonen heißt die Zahl 1, 2, oder 4 (immer ohne Klammer!), dass sie sitzen (1), aufgerichtet stehen oder schreiten (2), oder dass die Vierfüßler auf vier Beinen stehen (4). • Sollte an einem Apotropaion derselbe Dämon zwei-drei Mal vorkommen, aber in verschiedene Richtungen sehen oder verschiedene Attribute halten, dann sind diese einzeln in derselben Rubrik angegeben und mit einem Komma voneinander getrennt. (Falls die mehreren, ähnlichen Dämonen nicht verschieden sind, ist nur die Zahl in eckigen Klammern angegeben, z.B. bei Kairo JE 88890: Pavian [12] > K 1.) Insoweit ist die Tabelle eine komprimierte Beschreibung aller mir bekannten 154 authentischen Apotropaia. Im Falle des an der Spitze befindlichen Wüstenfuchs­ kopfes wird auf die Technik „geschnitzt” mit „X” hingewiesen. Sonst kommen die folgenden Abkürzungen vor: A B E F Fl Ft G H Hh I K KF Kuß Kz lie M Mk oKF S sp St

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

mit Atefkrone auf Basisplatte mit Eidechsen mit Flügeln mit Flammenzeichen Feind tötend mit Geißel im Hausgrundriss Hasen haltend auf Insel auf Korb Kopf zwischen den Flügeln „zwei sich küssende” Kalb zerfressend liegend mit Messer darunter Menschenkopf ohne Kopf zwischen den Flügeln mit Schlange sprenklig auf Standarte

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Sta P U Ur anx wAs sA Sn Ø

– – – – – – – – –

mit Stab auf Podest Udjatauge Uraeus mit Lebenszeichen mit wAs Zepter mit Schutzzeichen mit Sn Ring eine Inschrift fehlt

Die Tabelle ist auch online verfügbar unter https://doi.org/ct7h Manuskript abgeschlossen im November 2014

Abstract Apotropaia are Egyptian cult objects made out of hippopotamus tusks and featuring a procession of supernatural beings. We present here a short description of six apotropaia, part of the Egyptian collection of the National Archaeological Museum of Athens, which were absent from all previous compilations of apotropaia. The depictions of these newly rediscovered artifacts – deities, demons and animals – are among the typical subjects of apotropaia. The authenticity of one of the six artifacts is dubious. Supplementing the article, we provide an up-to-date version of the apotropaion database of Hubai (2008), cataloguing the characters and their attributes present on all currently known apotropaia we consider authentic (154 items).

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Dr. W. Raymond Johnson and Magdy Shaker

A Recently Rediscovered Amarna Princess Head in Red Quartzite A quartzite head of an Amarna princess with an elongated cranium was recovered from a private collection by the SCA over ten years ago; its origins are not recorded.1 The stone is reddish quartzite with some quartz inclusions at the back of the cranium. It features slightly raised sfumato or ‘shadow-eyes’ upon which the eye would have been painted, typical of other Amarna royal heads.2 There is a speck of black paint at the back canthus of the left proper eye, all that remains of the painted eye. The head appears to be unfinished. Some unsmoothed pecking is still visible on the face, although the mouth and nose are nicely finished and delicately modeled. The neck is broken away cleanly at the base of the skull. The mouth, nose, and ears are chipped, and the bridge of the nose appears to have been chipped in modern times. The forehead features a distinctive, sharp-edged ridge or ‘carination,’ standard on these princesses where the forehead angles back to the upper cranium, and the temples on either side of the forehead are slightly pinched-in / concave. There is a pronounced indentation or ‘dimple’ on the underside of the skull at the back, as is usual with this type of princess head, invisible from the front. There is a line etched under the chin, and a tiny bulge of baby fat between the chin and the neck, also typical. The opinion of the authors is that the piece is unquestionably authentic.3 The subtle details of ear structure, chin, and dimple on the underside of the back cranium are stylistic details correct for late Amarna sculpture and not observable to any forger. There is a patina on the surface that only time can give to stone; the old breaks are partly covered by the patina, the more recent breaks are not.

1 2

3

The head is presently in storage in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo. For comparison see two quartzite princess heads: Cairo JE 44.869, red quartzite with black and red pigment; and Cairo JE 44.870, yellow quartzite with black and red pigment. For photos see Arnold, Do. 1996. The Royal Women of Amarna: Images of Beauty from Ancient Egypt. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 58-61, figures 50-53. Some doubt has been expressed about its authenticity, but it is the view of the authors that this piece is original and a major example of the genre.

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This head was undoubtedly fashioned to be part of a composite statue made of assembled parts in different stones, and the missing neck probably preserved a tenon for inserting into the body like two of the Cairo examples.4 While its find spot is unknown, it is possible that the head came from the Amarna workshop of the sculptor Thutmose, where the best-known examples of these heads were excavated.5 It is also possible that this princess head came from another atelier at Amarna that was producing similar statuary. It is with great pleasure that the authors present this small but exquisite Amarna mystery to our friend Zoltán Fábián on the joyous occasion of his FS.

Figure 1. Amarna princess front view. Photo by Magdy Shaker

Figure 2. Amarna princess top view. Photo by Magdy Shaker

Figure 3. Amarna princess, underside. Photo by Magdy Shaker

Basic measurements: Length from tip of chin to the back of the cranium (taken from underside) – ca. 23 cm. Cranium greatest width at the back – 14.75 cm. Cranium thickness at the back – 10 cm. Width from ear to ear – ca. 14 cm. Height from chin tip to carination line on forehead – 12 cm. From carination line on forehead to the back of the cranium – 16.5 cm. Width of carination line – 6 cm. 4 5

See Arnold, Do., 1996, 62 fig. 55. For the exhibition centered on the discovery of this workshop and the objects found there, see Kampp-Seyfried, F. (ed.) 2012. In the Light of Amarna. 100 Years of the Nefertiti Discovery. Berlin, Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung.

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Figure 4. Amarna princess, right proper profile. Photo by Magdy Shaker

Figure 5. Amarna princess, left proper from slightly above. Photo by Magdy Shaker

Length of ear – 6 cm. Greatest width of ear – 3 cm. Width of lips – 4 cm. Width of eyes – 3.5 cm. Height of nose (from nose tip to top of nose bridge between the eyes) – 4.5 cm. Width of nose, from outer nostril to outer nostril – 3 cm. Width between cheekbones – 8.5 cm (front), 9 cm (back). Neck break scar – 8 cm (side to side), 8.25 cm (front to back).

Abstract A recently rediscovered quartzite Amarna princess head from a composite statue is presented here for the first time in honour of our friend Zoltán Fábián.

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Rosanna Pirelli

The Egyptian Min and the Greek Pan in the Egyptian Eastern Desert* The following considerations about the Egyptian Min of Coptos and ‟Pan du desert,”1 the Greek god he is identified with in the Hellenistic period, are drawn from an ongoing research I am conducting on the cult of this deity in the Eastern Desert. As we shall see, Min is a multifaceted god who, on the one hand, plays an important role in the renewal of royal power and the regeneration of the king, on the other, is linked with the inhospitable desert regions, with their rich mineral resources. This dichotomy is clearly mirrored in Min’s Kulttopographie:2 the Valley and the Delta for the pharaoh-god, the Eastern Desert for the explorer and lord of mountainous lands. The present essay focuses on the latter aspect, although necessarily including parallels and comparisons with the god “of the Valley.”

Min of Coptos Min is one of the earliest Egyptian gods, images ascribable to him being attested as early as the Predynastic period (Naqada II, ca. 3500-3200 BC).3 He is also one of the longest-lived ones, retaining his place amongst the gods of the Egyptian pantheon until the Roman period.4 * An Italian version of this article was presented at the conference “Grecità di frontiera: Frontiere Geografiche e Culturali nell’evidenza Storica e Archeologica”, held in Naples on 5 and 6 June 2014, and will be published in the acts of the meeting. 1 Bernand, A. 1977. Pan du Désert. Leiden, E. J. Brill, is the title of one of the monographs Bernand devoted to the Greek deity transplanted into Egypt. 2 Which, as we shall see, will also be reflected in the god’s transformations in post-Dynastic times. 3 I used the chronology from: Shaw, I. 2000. The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt. Oxford, Oxford University Press. On the earliest attestations of Min, see McFarlane, A. 1995. The God Min to the End of the Old Kingdom. Studies 3. Sydney, The Australian Centre for Egyptology. 4 His connection with the regeneration and renewal of the power of the reigning king makes him a key figure in many royal rituals, Gundlach, R. 1982. Min. In Lexikon der Ägyptologie IV, 136-140; McFarlane 1995, 351-360.

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Although he was worshiped all over Egypt, his main cult centers were at Coptos, Akhmim, and the vast Eastern Desert region. Here texts, graffiti and shrines dedicated to him are found at many sites and in many widian. They are especially abundant in the Wadi Hammamat.5 Another area that has yielded a number of stelae and inscriptions in relatively recent times is Wadi/Mersa Gawasis (ancient %Aww),6 a pharaonic port of the Middle Kingdom.7 In the early decades of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th, four Pharaonic inscriptions relative to Min were found in the Wadi Gasus,8 only a couple of kilometers north of ancient Saww.9 Memory of the latter documents was later almost lost, partly

5

6

7

8

9

Couyat, J. – Montet, P. 1912. Les inscriptions hiéroglyphiques et hiératiques du Ouâdi Hammâmât. Le Caire, Impr. de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale; Goyon, J. 1957. Nouvelles inscriptions rupestres du Wadi Hammamat. Paris, Imprimerie Nationale; Cuvigny, H. 1997. Le crepuscule d’un dieu. Le décline du culte de Pan dans le Désert Oriental. Bulletin de l’Institute français d’archéologie orientale 97, 139-147. Sayed, A. M. 1977. Discovery of the site of the 12th dynasty port at Wadi Gawasis on the Red Sea shore. Révue d’Égyptologie 29, 139-177; Sayed, A. M. 1983. New light on the recently discovered Port on the Red Sea Shore. Chronique d’Égypte 58, 23-37; Bard, K. – Fattovich, R. (eds). 2007. Harbor of the pharaohs to the land of Punt: Archaeological investigations at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, Egypt, 2001-2005. Naples, Università degli Studi di Napoli, “l’Orientale”; Pirelli, R. 2007. Two New Stelae from Mersa Gawasis. Révue d’Égyptologie 58, 59-81; Pirelli, R. 2010. Epigraphic Documents from Mersa Gawasis: a Reassessment. In F. Raffaele – M. Nuzzolo – I. Incordino (eds), Proceedings of the First Neapolitan Congress of Egyptology (Napoli, 18-20 giugno 2008), 237-244; Mahfouz, E. S. 2015. Sésostris III existait officiellement au Ouadi Gaouasis. In Haikal, F. (ed.) Mélanges offerts à Ola el-Aguizy. Bibliothèque d’Etude 164. Cairo, IFAO. Investigated first by the University of Alexandria: Sayed 1977; and, more recently, by a mission of the Orientale, in collaboration with Boston University: Bard – Fattovich 2007. Manuscripts by J. Burton are kept in the British Library: Mss ADD 25629, 48; Mss ADD. 25629, 49; Mss ADD. 25629, 50; Mss ADD. 25626, 66; Schweinfurth, G. 1885. Alte Baureste und Hieroglyphische Inschriften im Wadi Gasūs, mit Bemerkungen von Prof. A. Erman. Abhandlungen der Kœniglichen Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Verlag der Kœnigl. Akademie der Wissenschaften; Tregenza, L. A. 1955. The Red Sea Mountains of Egypt. Oxford, Oxford University Press = Tregenza, L. A. 2004. The Red Sea Mountains of Egypt and Egyptian Years. Intr. by J. J. Hobbs. Cairo, American University in Cairo Press. Wadi Gasus was the point of departure of a recent archaeological survey carried out by the Orientale University in Naples in the Egyptian Eastern Desert, directed by Irene Bragantini: Bragantini, I. – Pirelli, R. 2012. Il progetto italiano nel Deserto Orientale egiziano tra Wadi Hamamah e Wadi Hammamat. Rivista degli Studi Orientali 85, 75-120; Bragantini I. – Pirelli R. 2013. The Archaeological Mission of “L’orientale” in the Central-Eastern Desert of Egypt. Cisa Newsletter, vol. IV, 47-156.

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because some of them have been unfortunately removed or destroyed over the last few decades.10 The most frequent and almost exclusive epithet of the god Min, ever since early times, is Mnw Gbtywy (Min of Coptos or “the Coptite”).11 He also bears this designation connecting him to Coptos, capital of the Fifth Nome of Upper Egypt, outside of this town, both in temples in the Valley and in rock inscriptions in the Eastern Desert. However, we should not forget the name connected to the other “home” of the god, i.e. Akhmim, capital of the Ninth Nome of Upper Egypt. In this town, Min is called Mnw Ipwy or nb Ipw (the “Akhmimite” or “lord of Akhmim”),12 and there is evidence for a numerous clergy of the god and elaborate organization of his cult, especially in the Sixth Dynasty. The importance of the cult in Akhmim, however, gradually declined towards the end of the Old Kingdom, when it was moved to Coptos.13 Although the latter town was in the Valley, the Egyptians regarded it as the main “gate to the eastern desert,”14 because it stood at the point along the Nile where the river swerves closest to the Red Sea. It was hence the starting point of the main routes leading to the sea over mountains and through dry widian. In this region, Min is also called “nb xAswt”15 “lord of desert (or mountainous) lands.”16 He is thus the patron of those lands which, while adjoining the Nile Valley and holding vital importance for the country’s economy, posed a challenge for those who wanted to reach them. Other, more specific epithets could be added to the above-mentioned ones on specific occasions and, as we shall see, in specific cult places. Just as Gbtywy is the epithet that accompanies Min throughout his long life, his ithyphallic image is his principal, or even only, iconography, although it occurs in a number of variants. It is found as early as the Predynastic Period in graffiti and vase paintings,17 and is used throughout the Pharaonic period. It is One was intentionally hacked out with rocks sometime between 2012 and 2015, Bragantini, I. – Pirelli R. 2015. Preliminary Report on the Second Season of the Italian Archaeological Mission in the Eastern Desert of Egypt. CISA Newsletter 6, 165-178. 11 Gundlach 1982. 12 Gundlach 1982. 13 On the subject, see the conclusions of McFarlane’s meticulous reconstruction (1995, 51-360). 14 For a concise overview of the city of Coptos, see Fischer, H. G. 1980. Koptos. In Lexikon der Ägyptologie III, 737-740. 15 An epithet that Min shares with Soped, Schumacher, I.W. 1988. Der Gott Sopdu, der Herr der Fremdlander. Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 16 See Couyat – Montet 1912: WH 17 and 29; Pirelli 2007, stela n° 2. 17 McFarlane 1995, 147-153. 10

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also the source of Min’s identification with the Greek god Pan in the Hellenistic period18. This iconography characterizes the image of the god from the beginning, also in sculpture in the round, as evidenced by the earliest known colossi in Egyptian art (with a reconstructed height between 3.75 and 4 m). These three sculptures, found in 1894 by Petrie in the temple of Coptos,19 are unique in Egyptian statuary, to the point that their date has long been debated.20 In spite of the fragmentary condition in which they have come down to us, they are recognizable as images of Min. The god is depicted standing with his legs joined, his left hand grasping his erect member. Unlike later sculptures, his right arm is hanging down along the side, instead of holding a flail up behind his head. Only in one case is the head preserved, but without the headdress.21 The face is characterized by a long and wide triangular beard, very different from that of images of the historical period. There are other peculiar traits of the Coptos statues that are worth mentioning. As far as one can tell from what survives, the three sculptures (two of which are in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, the other in the Cairo Museum)22 are just about identical in their iconography (less so in artistic quality), except for the decoration on the right side of the god’s naked body.23 This consists of a vertical band hanging from a large belt composed of strings. This band is graced with faunal and vegetable elements carved in bas relief, on the identification of which Amon-Min also appears as an ithyphallic god, likewise bearing the epithet of kA-mwt.f “bull of his mother.” The ithyphallic appearance is also attested for other gods in the Egyptian pantheon: Baqué-Manzano, L. 2002. Further arguments on the Coptos colossi. Bulletin de l’Institute français d’archéologie orientale 102, 17-61, in particular 25. 19 The temple of Coptos was already almost totally destroyed at the time of its discovery. Petrie was able to reconstruct only some elements of the Ptolemaic-Roman temple, which was dedicated to Min and Isis, Min’s wife at Coptos. Very little could be identified of the earlier phases of this temple, including scarce evidence from the New Kingdom and individual blocks from the Early Dynastic and Predynastic periods. The materials from the latter bear witness to the importance of the temple at such an early stage, Petrie W. M. F. 1896. Koptos. London, Bernard Quaritch. 20 Petrie 1896; Williams, B. 1988. Narmer and the Coptos Colossi. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 25, 35-59; Dreyer, G. 1998. Umm el-Qaab I. Das prädynastische Königsgrab U-j und seine frühen Schriftzeugnisse. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 86. Mainz am Rhein, Verlag Philipp von Zabern; McFarlane 1995, 149-150. 21 Rock carvings from the period immediately preceding or following the unification of the country show ithyphallic figures identifiable as Min wearing two different headdresses, one of which includes a double plume (McFarlane 1995, Pl. 1.c-d). 22 Ash. Ox. 1894.105d e 1894.105e; Cairo Museum JE 30770 bis. 23 But maybe the difference is only due to different states of preservation. 18

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no agreement has been reached so far.24 On all three sculptures are depicted two large gastropod shells, which Petrie identified as specimens of Pterocera lambis (also called Lambis Lambis), a widespread species in the Red Sea. On statue Ashmolean I, a single element is associated with the shells, namely, an impaled head of a deer.25 On statues Ashmolean II and Cairo JE 30770, one also sees: a crouching lion; the ideogram of the name of Min, repeated twice, supported by a pole surmounted by a plume; two serrated objects interpreted as harpoons or sawfish rostra; and, only on the Cairo specimen, a bird in flight and a group of mammals, comprising an elephant, a bovid, and a hyena or lion,26 striding on hills. On the Cairo statue, Williams27 also spotted a group of graffiti in which he read the name of Narmer, the last king of Dynasty 0. This finding allowed him to confirm and narrow down the date of the group of sculptures. His dating was further revised by Dreyer in 199828 on the basis of his then very recent discoveries in the necropolis of Dynasty 0 at Umm el-Qaab. Dreyer read among the designs on the body of the god the names of three more kings of Dynasty 0, attested on royal seals from the necropolis of Umm el-Qaab. The royal names, the ithyphallic image of the god, and the depictions of domestic and wild animals thus confirmed Williams and Dreyer in the opinion that the colossi had been a royal commission for the god Min in his main temple at the time of the conquest and unification of the country. In an essay of 2002, Goedicke expresses a decidedly different opinion. The image of Min, he argues, does not refer to royal regeneration and the fecundity of the earth, but to the rite of circumcision celebrated by future warriors at the moment of passage from puberty to adulthood. In his view, Min’s mysterious symbol (which I will be further discussing below), does not depict either a pair of belemnites, or a thunderbolt, or a double arrow, but the tool used to circumcise young warriors. Finally, Goedicke29 argues that both the initiation ritual and the animals pictured on Min’s body point to a foreign origin of the god and his worshipers, and allude to conquest wars in several regions. Accordingly, it must be military leaders involved in conflicts in a still not unified Egypt who commissioned Although Baqué-Manzano (2002) offers a definitive summary of the question. His article, a synthesis of his PhD thesis, summarizes in a table the views of other scholars, from Petrie (1896) to H. Goedicke (2002. Min. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäeologischen Instituts (abt. Kairo) 58, 247-255). 25 Baqué-Manzano 2002. 26 In the opinion of Baqué-Manzano 2002, but it looks like a hyena to me, too. 27 Williams 1988. 28 Dreyer 1998. 29 For the different interpretations, see Baqué-Manzano 2002, 34, and bibliography. 24

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the statues. Only later, and more precisely towards the end of the Old Kingdom, was Min associated with the king and the regeneration of royal power.30 Both Williams and Dreyer’s hypotheses and Goedicke’s original interpretation are critically discussed in a dense essay by Baqué-Manzano, published in 2002.31 The author reconsiders the reading of kings’ names, the interpretation of the carved figures, and more in general the colossi’s meaning in relation to the nature of Min, especially in early times. The god is commonly regarded as “the fertility god associated with agricultural prosperity through the regeneration of the fields and with the perpetuation of kingship through the transmittal and reaffirmation of royal authority”.32 This opinion, however, only applies to Min in the Dynastic period and to the aspects linking him more closely to the reigning king, disregarding the god’s nature in Pre- and Protodynastic times and his connection with the Eastern Desert. Baqué-Manzano thus examines the Min colossi under several different respects. He analyzes their technical and artistic features, their iconography, the repertoire of signs, and their religious symbolism, all of which, in his opinion, can be unequivocally traced to a religious thought and an ideology of power that are closely connected to the phenomenology of the forces of nature and celestial bodies, and to a still ambiguous and antagonistic relationship with the wild animals peopling Egypt in the Pre- and Protodynastic Periods. His conclusions confirm a date between late Naqada II and no later than the First Dynasty (3000-2890 BC), and trace an evolution of Min from the Pre- and Protodynastic to the Dynastic period, highlighting a series of elements that have so far been neglected, and shedding new light on the complex figure of this deity. In the Old Kingdom (2686-2160 a.C.), Min assumes his definitive appearance. In the course of this long period, two groups of attributes are associated with him: the lettuce field (xtjw)33 and the “round hut” (sHnt).34 They are emblematic of the god’s duality. While the former certainly has to do with the fecundating effect of divine semen35 and the regeneration of the cosmos through the renewal of royal Goedicke 2002. Baqué-Manzano 2002. 32 McFarlane 1995, 351. 33 Moens, M.-F. 1985. The procession of the god Min to the xtjw-garden. Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 12, 61-73, and bibliography. 34 Gundlach 1982. 35 According to el-Hadidi, M. N. 1992. Notes on Egyptian Weeds of Antiquity: 1. Min’s lettuce and the Naqada Plant. In R. Friedman – B. Adams (eds), The Followers of Horus: Studies Dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman, 1944-1990. Oxford, Oxbow Monograph 20, 323-326, it is Lactuca sativa subsp. minii. Its leaves, he writes, are gathered by local farmers and eaten as 30 31

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power,36 the second alludes to the connections with foreign lands, notably southeastern ones, which many scholars ascribe to Min. These connections make him the patron god of those who travel to faraway and/or inhospitable lands. The hut is commonly known in Egyptology as the “Puntite hut,” because it pictures a type of building that is foreign to Egyptian architecture: a round building with a conical roof, probably of straw, which from the Middle Kingdom onward is preceded by a portal decorated with a bucranium.37 While recent studies have challenged the hypothesis of Min’s foreign origin,38 his link with the south-eastern lands across the sea and with Punt, in particular, is further borne out – aside from iconography – by a significant amount of epigraphic documents, mostly concentrated in the area between Wadi Gasus and Wadi Gawasis.39 Many dedications to Min have been found between the port of %Aww and the nearby “Graeco-Roman station” of Wadi Gasus. They commemorate expeditions to Punt and Bia-Punt in the name of the reigning pharaoh, or contain prayers to the god by the officials leading these expeditions.40 Min’s connection with the land of Punt and the southern lands in general is further confirmed by a Middle Kingdom hymn dedicated to the god by the vicetreasurer Sobek-Iry, who describes him as: “King of all the gods! Loaded with perfume when he comes from the land of the Medja, inspiring awe in Nubia.”41 Another salient feature of Min – usually overlooked by scholars and rarely mentioned in Egyptian texts – is his relationship with springs, wells, and water in general. This is actually an important aspect of his figure, because it underscores his role as a succorer in the arid and desolate Eastern Desert. In the Wadi Hammamat, an inscription dated to the second regnal year of Mentuhotep Nebtawyra (1992-1985 BC) describes the so-called “second miracle,” which occurred “on the 23rd day of the second month of Akhet… The miracle was repeated, the rain was produced, the form of this god appeared, his glory was displayed to men, the plateau was turned into a lake, the water rose to the [edge] of the stone, a well a salad. At the beginning of the summer, the ripe achenes are gathered because they produce an oil favoring male fertility. For other interpretations and identifications, see also Belluccio, A. 1995. La pianta del dio Min e la sua funzione sul piano mitico-rituale. DE 31, 15-34; Samorini, G. 2003-2004. Il dio egiziano Min e la lattuga. Un contributo etnobotanico a un enigma dell’egittologia. Archeologia africana, Saggi occasionali, n° 9-10, 74-84. 36 Moens 1985. 37 Gundlach 1982. 38 McFarlane 1995, 351-360. 39 Pirelli 2007, but also in the Wadi Hammamat and Late Period texts, see below. 40 Pirelli 2007 and 2010. 41 Stele Louvre C30: Lichtheim, M. 1975. Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. 1: The Old and Middle Kingdoms. Berkeley, University of California Press, 204.

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was found in the middle of the valley, of 10 cubits on each side, full of fresh water,… hidden from the Iuntyu…”42 The content of this text fits a hypothesis about the nature of Min put forward by Wainwright in two articles of 1931 and 1963. In the wake of Newberry, Wainwright suggested that the emblem of the god depicts a harpoon, the symbol of the lightning bolt, and that some of the god’s features derived from his having been a god of storms in the archaic period.43 His hypothesis was subsequently rejected,44 and the nature of the emblem of Min has remained moot to this day. The connection of Min with water is also remembered in a text from the ninth year of Sethi I (1294-1279 BC) in the half rock-cut temple of Wadi Miah. This epigraph celebrates the erection of the temple in gratitude to the god Amon-Re (in ithyphallic form and assimilated to Min) for the discovery of a groundwater source along the route to the gold mines east of Edfu: “Lo, the god guided him… and the workers were ordered to dig a well in the desert… so this place was built in the great name of Menmaatre (Sethi I) and the water flooded it in great quantity, similarly to the two caves of Elephantine.”45 If we consider that the ancient Egyptians regarded the caves of Elephantine as the sources of the Nile, we will have the measure of the portent narrated here, an event fully comparable to the well-known one recorded in the time of Mentuhotep, about 700 years earlier. A comparable text, found at Defennah and dated to the reign of Psammetichus II (and thus another 700 years later) reports another portent, a great storm over Punt outside of the rainy season, described in the stela as a gift of the goddess Neith of Sais to the king, to quench his soldiers’ thirst. At the end of the inscription, the king orders a stela remembering the same event to be placed in the temple of Min in Coptos.46

Couyat – Montet 1912: WH 191. Wainwright, G. 1931. The Emblem of Min. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 17, 185-195; Wainwright, G. 1963. The Origin of the Storm-Gods of Egypt. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 49, 13-20. 44 44 See above note 29 and Bongrani-Fanfoni, L. 1982. The Ancient Name of Letopolis. In L’Égyptologie en 1979. Axes prioritaires de recherches. In Colloques internationaux du Centre nationale de la Recherche Scientifique, n° 595, 175-180. Paris, CNRS. 45 Breasted, J. H. 1988. Ancient Records of Egypt, Historical Documents from the Earliest Times to the Persian Conquest, Vol. 1. London, Histories and Mysteries of Man, part III, 82. 46 Petrie, W. M. F. 1888. Tanis II: Nebesheh (Am) and Defenneh (Tahpanhes). EEF 4, 107-108, pl. XLII. 42 43

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Min of the Valley in the Ptolemaic and Roman periods Before turning to the figure of Pan, a brief detour into the Valley is in order. Here the Greek god does not appear, whereas his Egyptian homolog, Min, is frequently mentioned in texts extolling the king’s divine nature and prerogatives. In Ptolemaic-Roman temples, his qualities as explorer and guide are well to the fore. In 1952, Jean Yoyotte devoted to this subject a penetrating study, which remains to date a fundamental contribution to our understanding of the figure of Min and of royal texts in this period.47 In the inscriptions he analyzes in the temples of Dendera, Edfu and Kom Ombo, the image of the king is often superimposed on that of Min. The god is described by a series of epithets that essentially echo his prerogatives as they are manifested in texts of the pharaonic period, but incorporating all the epicleseis the god was invoked by in the arid regions of the Eastern Desert. The resulting scenario is a complex one, where ancient myths are reinterpreted in the light of a new image adapted to the foreign king, to make past and present coincide as much as possible, but at the same time attribute to the “new pharaoh’s” prerogatives that were previously not regarded as necessary.48 In other words, the king is assimilated to Min, who is defined as MDA nfr n xAst iAbtt “good Medja of the eastern land; MDA nfr n Pwnt, good Medja of Punt, and MDA n Pwnt, Medja of Punt;49 he is also called nww “hunter”, nay “traveler,” and sr biA, an epithet which Yoyotte translates as “prospecteur” (explorer). In other words, in Ptolemaic and Roman times the god still guides the traveler into remote and hard-to-cross lands. At the same time, he is identified with those who work in those lands.

Yoyotte, J. 1952. Une épithète de Min comme explorateur des régions orientales. Révue d’Egyptologie 9, 125-137. 48 On this subject, see also Aufrère, S. H. 1998. Religious Perceptions of the Mine in the Eastern Desert in Ptolemaic and Roman Times. In O. E. Kaper (ed.), Life on the Fringe: Living in the Southern Egyptian Deserts during the Roman and early-Byzantine Periods. Proceedings of a Colloquium held on the Occasion of the 25th Anniversary of the Netherlands Institute for Archaeology and Arabic Studies in Cairo 9 – 12 December 1996, 5-19. CNWS Publications 71. Leiden, Research School CNWS. 49 In this period, the toponym did not refer only to the still unidentified foreign land, but was extended to include Upper Nubia (Yoyotte 1952). 47

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Pan “du desert” The characteristics of the god Pan, as he is pictured in Egypt, partially diverge from those of the Greek original. His main features, connected to the wilderness and fecundity, clearly emerge from the images and texts dedicated to him in the Eastern Desert.50 Pan first appears in Egypt from the Ptolemaic period onward.51 He gradually disappears during the second half of the 2nd century AD.52 As mentioned above, Pan is attested in Egypt only outside of the Valley, where in Graeco-Roman times it is still his homologue Min who is portrayed and mentioned.53 The only inscription dedicated to Pan outside of the desert was found in the temple of Sethi I at Abydos. His cult places are very simple, being mostly rock shrines, occasionally in the form of shelters, but more often as mere clusters of graffiti – sometimes roughly made – on a wall. The monumental temples of Panopolis and Coptos are an exception, erected in the two cities that were the Egyptians’ gates to the Eastern Desert. The rare images of Pan in the desert show him as a figure clearly inspired by that of Min: ithyphallic, his right arm bent back behind the head, and wearing a double-feather headdress.54 The most often recurring epithets of Pan in Egypt are: • Pan “of the good way,” also meaning “the safe one”: euodos;55 • Pan “of the mountains” or “who walks the mountains”: oreios/oreobates;56

For information about Pan, I have drawn on Bernand’s three monographs (see above), and several articles: Borgeaux, Ph. 1983. La mort du grand Pan. Problèmes d’interprétation. Révue de l’histoire des religions 200, 1, 3-39; Cuvigny 1997; Aufrère 1998; Colin, F. 1998. Les Paneia d’El-Buwayb et du Ouadi Miayh: Sur la piste de Bérénice à Coptos: Inscriptions égyptiennes. Bulletin de l’Institute français d’archéologie orientale 98, 89-125. Cuvigny, H. – Bülow-Jakobsen, A., and Bosson, N. 2000. Le paneion d’Al-Buwayb revisité. Bulletin de l’Institute français d’archéologie orientale 100, 243-266. 51 Bernand 1977, 269. 52 Cuvigny 1997. 53 For a Pan of Greek tradition in the Egyptian Delta, see Volokhine, Y. 2011. Pan en Egypte et le « bouc » de Mendès. In Fr. Prescendi – Y. Volokhine (eds), Dans le laboratoire de l’historien des religions. Mélanges offerts à Philippe Borgeaud, 627-650. Religions en perspective N° 24, Genève, Labor et Fides. 54 See, for example, Bernand 1977, Inscr. 51, 118-128. 55 E.g., Bernand 1977, Inscr. 60, 138 and Inscr. 86, 253-261; the epithet is repeated 22 times in the Paneion of Kanais (Volokhine 2011, 627-651). 56 Bernand 1977, Iscr. 1, 16-22.

50

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• • • • • •

Pan “who grants good hunting”: euagros;57 Pan the “expedition member”: systrateuomenos;58 Pan “the great god”: megistos;59 Pan “who gives gold”: chrysodoto;60 Pan “the savior”: soter; Pan “the rescuer”: epekoos (these last three titles only occur in the inscription of the Paneion of Kanais61).

Most of the above epithets are also found in contemporary hieroglyphic texts, or in hieroglyphic texts of the Dynastic period. Some of these epicleseis are indeed immediately translatable into known Egyptian epithets of Min: oreobates corresponds to the Egyptian nay (he who walks); euagros and theos megistos respectively translate as nww (hunter) and netjer âa (great god); and systrateuomenos is the Greek for medja (guide). Furthermore, besides the last three titles (chrysodoto, soter, and epekoos), attested only at Kanais, only euodos, one of the most common Greek epithets of the god, has no direct correspondence in the Egyptian language. Finally, in Greek texts regarding Pan – as in hieroglyphic ones regarding Min – one finds no epithets explicitly referring to a connection with water, although the image of the god, both in Greece and in Egypt, is not infrequently associated with springs and water resources. For the Eastern Desert, it will suffice to mention the dedication to Isis, Apollo, and Serapis/Min,62 on the occasion of the erection of a small temple and the excavation of a well for drinking water;63 the inscription near the Paneion of Kanais,64 where Pan is mentioned in connection with the maintenance of a well;65 and an inscription at the Mons Claudianus where the excavation of a cistern in 108/109, under Trajan, is dedicated to Pan.66 Bernand 1977, Iscr. 85, 246-252. Bernand 1977, Iscr. 3, 23-27. 59 Bernand 1977, Iscr. 51, 118-123. 60 In the Paneion of Kanais, Volokhine 2011, 627-651. 61 In the Paneion of Kanais, Volokhine 2011, 627-651. 62 It is interesting that the Greek text mentions Min and not Pan. This could be due to what Cuvigny (1997) characterizes as the “decline du culte de Pan dans le désert Oriental.” In the opinion of this scholar, from the late 1st century AD onward the Greek god gradually lost his central role in cult places in the Eastern Desert, which was taken over by “genii des installations militaires”. 63 Bernand 1977, Inscr. 69, reign of Gallienus (AD 253-268). 64 Near the temple built by Sethi I, see above, note 60. 65 Bernand 1977, Iscr. 68, 166-167. 66 On this subject, see also the conclusions of Bernand (1977, 270-71). 57

58

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The parallels outlined so far show a substantial contiguity and continuity between the Egyptian god and the Greek one. They also highlight an important distinction. In the Dynastic period, there is only one deity, Min, who displays different features in the Valley and the Desert: in the Valley, he is lord of fecundity and regeneration, connected to the pharaoh and his jubilar festival, as Amon-Min and Min-Horus; in the Desert, he is the protector of travelers and explorers, a symbol of the relief provided by water, he is identified with the “Medja” from the eastern lands, and is the lord of exotic products.67 In Ptolemaic-Roman times, on the other hand, the former territory of Min is split up between two different deities, Min and Pan, respectively, residing in the Valley and in the Desert. While the latter’s prerogatives are limited to those of the Dynastic Min as protector and savior, the Graeco-Roman Min retains all the features of his predecessor; he is thus both a savior and identified with the king. Interestingly, while in the Dynastic period the peculiar traits of the god are manifested through a limited repertoire of epithets and iconographic elements – which however suffice to represent the divine figure in its complexity –, in the Ptolemaic period the variegated nature of Min/Pan is manifested, both in hieroglyphic and in Greek texts, through a new series of epithets, each designating a single aspect. For at least two of these epithets, traces can be found in earlier traditions, and more specifically in the four Twenty-sixth Dynasty texts mentioned at the beginning of this essay. They are sr biA, repeatedly sported by the god in the hieroglyphic texts of Dendera, Edfu and Kom Ombo, and euodos, also found in Greek invocations to Pan in the Eastern Desert.

The Twenty-Sixth Dynasty texts at Wadi Gasus: the missing link? The four inscriptions found at Wadi Gasus unfortunately are no longer to be found, but photographs, drawings, and their subject matter have been published several times since they were first discovered.68 The first three stood in a lead ore deposit dedicated to the god Min, mined during the reign of Psammetichus I. The mine lies along the upper course of a broad wadi running into the Wadi Gasus about 6 km from the sea. 67 68

See also Aufrère 1998. On this subject, see Pirelli, ‘Min Biaty Lead Mine in Wadi Roussas’, 74-78 and ‘The Great Scene of Nitocris and Psammethicus’, 79-85, in Bragantini – Pirelli 2013.

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The shortest of these inscriptions – which is also the earliest – was constituted by a single line, carved at the mouth of one of the mine shafts. It was still partially preserved after the revolution of January 2011.69 It gave the name of the mine: “The lead mine, made by Min biaty”.70 The second and third inscriptions must have been carved on an irregular granite block not far from the shaft.71 Their present whereabouts are unknown, but they were fortunately recorded in photographs and drawings published in 1956.72 The small block – 49 cm tall and 19 cm deep and wide – carried two texts, a longer one on the recto (Vikentiev’s Text A73), and a shorter one on the right side (Vikentiev’s Text B74). It is worth giving the full translation of both inscriptions to provide a context for the phrases we are interested in here. Inscription 275: “L’an 14 (15? 16?), troisième mois de Shomou, jour 1, fut consignée la mine (connue sous le nom de) ‘Celle qu’avait faite le dieu Min-des-carrières (Min biaty) grand chef-des-affaires-de la Ville’ au chef-carrier d’Amon-Râ, Pediousir, fils de Keroufi-amon, conformément à l’ordre du 4e prophète d’Amon-râ, roi des dieux du sud (?), Gouverneur de la Ville, Gouverneur de tout le Sud, Mentouemhet, fils du Prophète d’Amon-Râ, Prince de la Ville [Nesouptah]… a fin qu’ils fissent bonne route (vers la mine), Messhesy étant leur guide”.76 Inscription 3: “La bonne route77 fut donnée vers cette carrière (située) au ‘Pays des Vivants’ (et connue sous la forme de) ‘ce que produit Min-des-exploitations-minières (Min biaty) de plomb, grand chef-des-affaires-de-la Ville’. On a bien voyagé. On a atUnfortunately erased totally, Bragantini – Pirelli 2015, 165-178. According to the reading of V. Vikentiev (1956. Les trois inscriptions concernant la mine de plomb d’Oum Huetat. Annales du Service des Antiquitées de l’Egypte 54, 179-189), who translates the name and epithet as “Min of the mines” or “Min of mine exploitation”. 71 Vikentiev 1956. 72 Vikentiev 1956; Bragantini – Pirelli 2013. 73 Vikentiev 1956. 74 Vikentiev 1956, 187. 75 Vikentiev 1956, 186. For both, I give Vikentiev’s original translation, with a few comments. 76 Vikentiev rightly hypothesizes that the local guide is a Nubian, also in consideration of his non-Egyptian name. 77 Here Vikentiev (1956, 179-189) actually writes “la bonne direction,” but the Egyptian expression is the same as before: “wAt nfr(t)”. 69 70

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teint le désert (à l’endroit précis ou se trouvait la mine). On a fait une offrande (au dieu Min local?)” Inscription 4 The fourth inscription was carved on a wall of greywacke rock78 opposite the opening of a wadi – 8 km beyond the mine, to the west – leading to a water source which was probably still used until recent times. Rather than a mere inscription, this was a large offering scene carved for Psammetichus and Nitocris in honor of Amon and Min of Coptos.79 Like the others, it has disappeared today. Around it were other, earlier inscriptions, showing that the site was already known and regarded as important before Psammetichus’ reign.80 The large offering scene was significantly placed at the entrance of a wadi leading to a water source. The fact that all the first three inscriptions discussed above also date from the reign of Psammetichus I is evidence that this king had the monumental offering scene carved to mark the way to a nearby water source in connection with the discovery and exploitation of the nearby lead mine. 81 The information provided above regarding the four inscriptions of Wadi Gasus invites some further considerations about the epithets and role of Min. In the first place, the name of the mine, which evidently alludes to a local manifestation of the god, Min biaty, apparently foreruns the title of ser bia – “he who looks for minerals,” according to Yoyotte’s interpretation – and is the earliest known attestation of a specific title directly connecting Min with the exploitation of the mines of the Eastern Desert. While not directly referring to Min, the search for and finding of the “good way” thanks to the Nubian guide Messhesy (a Medja) immediately bring to mind the god’s epithets in the texts of Dendera, Kom Ombo, and Edfu. In these texts Min is indeed the Good Medja or Worthy Medja of Punt, he who points out the right way, the euodos of Greek texts dedicated to Pan. Finally, the position near a water source of the large scene with Psammetichus and Nitocris evokes that role of Min/Pan which, although never defined by a specific epithet, has characterized the god from the earliest times until the final stages of his life. To quote Bernand, “Cette présence de l’eau est une des constantes, Vikentiev 1956, 179-189. Pirelli, 79-85, in Bragantini – Pirelli 2013. 80 Pirelli, 79-85, in Bragantini – Pirelli 2013. 81 On the probable reasons for the significance ascribed to this mine, see Bragantini – Pirelli 2013, where I suggest that the Egyptians may have been looking for galena argentifera. Aufrère (1998) put forward a similar hypothesis, although it generically referred to the region of Qoptos and not specifically to this mine. 78

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peut-on dire, de la présence de Pan dans le désert…. Dans la nature hostile, Pan se veut le témoin d’une humanité triomphante et affirmant le désir de se perpétuer. Dans un univers de mort, Pan est d’abord symbole de vie”.82

Abstract L’articolo che dedico con affetto e grande stima al collega e amico di tanti anni, Zoltán Fábián, scaturisce da uno studio che ho intrapreso su Min di Koptos nell’ambito di un progetto di ricognizione archeologica, che l’Università di Napoli, l’Orientale, ha avviato nel 2011, in quella regione del deserto Orientale egiziano, che da Tebe giunge al Mar Rosso.     Lo studio parte dall’analisi della documentazione archeologica e testuale venuta alla luce nel Deserto Orientale per poi confrontarla con quella della Valle del Nilo, prendendo in considerazione un arco di tempo che va dall’epoca predinastica al periodo tolemaico e a quello romano.     La tipica immagine itifallica di Min rimane una costante a partire dalle fasi più antiche della storia egiziana, mentre significativi cambiamenti intervengono nei suoi titoli nelle fasi di passaggio dall’epoca faraonica a quella tolemaica, quando assistiamo al moltiplicarsi degli epiteti, che divengono molto più specifici, e alla comparsa di Pan “del Deserto”, suo omologo greco. Ne emerge un quadro piuttosto complesso, nel quale le testimonianze relative a Min si intrecciano continuamente a quelle del dio Pan, pur non sovrapponendosi mai completamente. Nella maggior parte dei casi, gli epiteti documentati nei testi greci sono direttamente traducibili in quelli in lingua egiziana, mentre un numero limitato di essi è presente solo nella lingua greca.     L’analisi di un gruppo di testi, rinvenuti nel Wadi Gasus tra l’inizio del ‘800 e la prima metà del ‘900, e risalenti alla XXVI dinastia, consente di suggerire alcune ipotesi sulle nuove epiclesi di Min e di individuare il momento di passaggio dalla tradizione testuale di epoca faraonica e quella tolemaica.

82

Bernand 1977, 270-271.

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Flora Silvano

Alcuni intarsi in vetro nelle collezioni del Museo Egizio di Firenze Dalla ricca collezione di intarsi e placche di rivestimento in vetro conservate presso il Museo Egizio di Firenze sono stati scelti ventidue pezzi che raffigurano singole parti del corpo umano e bene mostrano l’alto livello tecnico raggiunto in Egitto nella produzione di questo tipo di oggetti1. Tra questi si distinguono anche sei intarsi di geroglifici in uso soprattutto a partire dalla seconda metà del IV secolo a.C. su sarcofagi e cartonnages. In Egitto l’uso di intarsi vitrei su suppellettili di arredo e sarcofagi ha inizio nel Nuovo Regno; nella XVIII dinastia infatti intarsi in vetro che raffigurano segni geroglifici, parti del corpo umano o placchette di diverse forme vengono utilizzati per la decorazione di elementi di mobilio e sarcofagi, sicuramente con l’intento di imitare le pietre preziose come la turchese, il lapislazzuli o il diaspro rosso2. Questo uso molto particolare scompare poi di fatto a metà della XIX dinastia per apparire di nuovo a partire dalla XXVI-XXVII nella realizzazione dei tabernacoli lignei di Amasi, Pedubastis III e Dario I3, destinati a contenere la statua di culto della divinità; sulle pareti dei naoi lignei che riproducevano la forma del tempio erano rappresentate infatti scene di offerta o di adorazione intagliate ad altorilievo nel legno o intarsiate con elementi in vetro monocromo in molti casi ricoperte da foglia d’oro. L’impiego di intarsi è documentato anche nei resti di naoi frammentari rinvenuti a Ain Manawir4, a sud dell’oasi di Kharga, dove si ha anche la prima attestazione del vetro mosaico alla metà del V secolo 1

2

3 4

Tutte le immagini presenti nell’articolo sono su concessione del Polo Museale Regionale della Toscana – Firenze. Bianchi, R. S. 1983a. Those ubiquitous Glass Inlays from pharaonic Egypt: suggestion about their functions and dates, Journal of Glass Studies 25, 29-35; Bianchi, R. S. 1983b. Those Ubiquitous Glass Inlays. Part II, Bulletin of Egyptological Seminar 5, 9-29. Yoyotte, J. 1972. Pétoubastis III, Revue d’Égyptologie 24, 216-223, fig. 19 A, B, C. Nenna, M.-D. 2000. Atelier de production et sites de consommation en Égypte. In Annales du 14e Congrès de l’Association Internationale pour L’Histoire du Verre. Venezia-Milano 1998. Lochem AIHV, 21, fig. 1a-b; Nenna, M.-D. 2015. Le mobilier religieux en bois incrusté de verre des temples égyptiens: nouvelles données (VII e av.J.C – I e siècle apr. J.C.). In Annales du 19 e Congrès de l’Association Internationale pour L’Histoire du Verre. Piran 2012. Ljubljana 2015, 30-38, figg. 3-4.

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a.C., e nel pannello posteriore del naos di Nectanebo II (359-341 a.C.), conservato al Museo di Brooklyn5. Nella seconda metà del IV secolo si ha un significativo cambio nella tecnica di lavorazione e si passa da figure costituite collocando i vari intarsi all’interno di singole cavità scavate nel legno, a figure realizzate con un unico compartimento entro cui sono sistemati gli intarsi in vetro giustapposti che formano quindi una figura più complessa. Ritroviamo esempi di questa tecnica nei sarcofagi di Petosiri e del fratello Djed-Thot-iuef-ankh e in altri due frammentari6. La tecnica degli intarsi si afferma diffusamente nel corso del III secolo: lo dimostrano l’atelier di Tebtunis e altri elementi lignei riconducibili a suppellettili sempre di uso sacrale come il pannello ora conservato presso il Museo Egizio di Torino7, l’atelier e il ricco materiale da Tell el Gemaiyemi8, i resti di pannelli lignei e gli intarsi in vetro monocromo e mosaico rinvenuti a Bakchias9 e Soknopaiou Nesos10. Gli intarsi in vetro vengono utilizzati anche su una serie di maschere di cartonnage da Meir datate alla prima metà del I sec. d.C.11. Alla fine del I secolo a.C.–inizi del I secolo d.C. è riconducibile il materiale vitreo rinvenuto nella necropoli di Ras el Tin ad Alexandria12 che comprende tra l’altro figure di divinità sedute, figure animali, teste umane e animali. L’utilizzazione di intarsi per la decorazione di naoi e altre suppellettili di arredo lignee è meno documentata per l’epoca romana. Gli intarsi ricompaiono in Egitto nel III e IV secolo d.C. con elementi in vetro che imitano alla perfezione le differenti qualità di marmi pregiati e pietre dure, secondo un gusto affermatoRiefstahl, E. 1968. Ancient Egyptian Glass and Glazes in the Brooklyn Museum. Brooklyn, The Brooklyn Museum, 70 n. 69.  6 Nenna, M.-D. 1995. Les éléments d’incrustation: une industrie égyptienne du verre. In Alessandria e il mondo ellenistico-romano. Alessandria 1992. Roma, Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 377-384.  7 Rondot, V. R. 2004. Tebtynis II. Le temple de Soknebtynis et son dromos. Fouilles de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale du Caire 50. Le Caire, 33-36.  8 Petrie, W. M. F., Griffith, F. L. 1888. Tanis. Part II, 1886. London, Trübner & Co., 42-44; Cooney, J. D. 1976. Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum, IV, Glass. London, British Museum Publications Ltd., 112-122.  9 Gasperini, V., Paolucci, G., Tocci, M. 2008. Catalogo dei frammenti lignei e degli intarsi in pasta vitrea da Bakchias (1996-2002). Imola, La Mandragora. 10 Cervi, A. 2012. L’arredo ligneo del tempio di Soknopaios. In M. Capasso, P. Davoli (eds), Soknopaiou Nesos Project I (2003-2009), 269-422. Pisa-Roma, Fabrizio Serra. 11 Arveiller-Dulong, V., Nenna, M.-D. 2011. Les verres antiques du Musée du Louvre III. Parures, instruments et elements d’incrustations. Paris, Louvre Editions, 350-353. 12 Nenna, M.-D. 1993. Eléments d’incrustation en verre des nécropoles alexandrines. In Annales du 12e Congrès de l’Association Internationale pour l’Histoire du Verre, Amsterdam 1991. Amsterdam, A.I.H.V, 48-52.  5

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si nelle regioni mediterranee orientali in età ellenistica, e con la diffusione sempre più ampia di pannelli in opus sectile per uso parietale realizzati interamente in vetro come il pannello di Tommaso, rinvenuto al Fayum13 e le due figure provenienti da Antinoe14, inserite probabilmente in un supporto analogo utilizzato nella decorazione parietale di una delle cappelle funerarie della necropoli. Sempre ad Antinoe sono state rinvenute nella necropoli nord varie placche di rives­ timento parietale in vetro mosaico con decorazione floreale e un elemento di opus sectile riconducibili alla fine del IV, inizi del V d.C.15. I ventidue pezzi che vengono presentati in questo articolo sono tutti realizzati a stampo, con superficie superiore convessa lucidata e in alcuni casi contorno tagliato verticalmente per agevolare l’inserimento dell’intarsio nella cavità scavata nel supporto ligneo. Il vetro veniva pressato all’interno dello stampo e al termine del procedimento si regolarizzava la superficie posteriore dell’oggetto prodotto; una volta raffreddato, l’intarsio veniva rimosso e si procedeva ai lavori di rifinitura come la politura e l’incisione a freddo di eventuali dettagli. Si distinguono sedici intarsi figurativi rappresentanti parti del corpo e sei geroglifici. Tra gli intarsi figurativi vi sono sei volti umani, tre in vetro rosso e tre in vetro azzurro, nove mani, tre in vetro azzurro, due in vetro rosso, una in vetro verde, una in vetro celeste, due in vetro blu, e un avambraccio in vetro nero. Gli intarsi di volti di sovrani erano spesso realizzati utilizzando vetro opaco rosso ad imitazione del diaspro e in questo caso anche le braccia, le mani e il torso, erano eseguite con lo stesso materiale; sul trono di Tutankhamon vediamo che sia le parti anatomiche del re che quelle della regina sono eseguite in vetro rosso. Più tardi invece, a partire dall’epoca tolemaica, le parti anatomiche erano nella maggior parte dei casi in vetro monocromo rosso per i corpi di sovrani, azzurro per le regine e blu per le divinità. Il taglio sagomato sopra la testa e l’estremità arrotondata del collo (cat.nn. 1-6) mostrano come volti di questo genere dovessero essere completati superiormente da un intarsio a forma di parrucca o corona e inferiormente da un altro intarsio a forma di collare, realizzato assai spesso con la tecnica a mosaico. Le raffigurazioni di sovrani e regine potevano far parte di scene di adorazione o di offerta a divinità che decoravano le pareti dei naoi in legno in cui era custodita la statua di culto. Dovevano essere Brill, R. H., Whitehouse, D. 1988. The Thomas Panel. Journal of Glass Studies 30, 34-50. Müller, H.W. 1969. Koptische Intarsien mit figürlichen Darstellung aus Antinoë-Mittelägypten. Pantheon 20, 13-18; Auth, S. H. 1990. Intarsia Glass Pictures in Coptic Egypt. In Annales du 11e Congrès de l’Association Internationale pour L’Histoire du Verre. Bâle 1998. Amsterdam, 237-246. 15 Silvano, F. 2008. Materiale vitreo dalla necropoli nord di Antinoe. In R. Pintaudi (ed.), Antinoupolis I. Firenze, Tipografia Latini, 419-432. 13 14

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inserite in scene simili anche la serie di mani modellate in diverse posizioni, alle quali corrispondevano azioni differenti dei vari personaggi, con le dita distese in gesto di offerta o di adorazione (cat.nn. 8-12), come pure un avambraccio con il polso leggermente flesso e la mano destra aperta (cat.n. 7), oppure piegate sul palmo (cat.nn. 13-16) in atto di stringere un’insegna o uno scettro. Tra i ventidue pezzi della collezione fiorentina vi sono poi sei intarsi a forma di geroglifico, tutti in vetro monocromo: una faccia in prospettiva frontale, una testa di profilo costituita di due elementi di colore diverso realizzati separatamente e poi uniti assieme da adesivo, una figura maschile seduta a terra con una gamba sollevata e l’altra piegata sotto la coscia, un busto di figura divina maschile con braccia incrociate sul petto e due figure di divinità antropomorfe sedute a terra.

Catalogo 1.  Elemento per intarsio a forma di testa umana (Figura 1) Inv. n. 1549 Nuovo Regno, XVIII-XIX dinastia Vetro azzurro opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt. 4,9 cm; spess. 0,7 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio raffigurante la testa e il collo di un personaggio maschile volto verso destra. L’occhio è intarsiato con vetro nero e bianco opachi. I particolari dell’orecchio, il sopracciglio, la stria di cosmetico e due pieghe all’inizio del collo sono indicati mediante incisione. La sommità della testa è sagomata per alloggiare probabilmente una corona Figura 1. Cat.n. 1 o una parrucca. Bibliografia: Le vie del vetro. Egitto e Sudan, 94 n. 10. cf. Cooney 1976, Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities, n. 940. 2. Elemento per intarsio a forma di testa umana (Figura 2) Inv. N. 1550 Nuovo Regno, XVIII-XIX dinastia Vetro rosso opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt 4,5 cm; spess. 0,7 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali 409

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Figura 2. Cat.nn. 2, 5, 6

Elemento per intarsio raffigurante la testa e il collo di un personaggio maschile volto verso sinistra. La sommità della testa è sagomata per alloggiare probabilmente una corona o una parrucca. L’intarsio non è finito o con difetti di fabbricazione; il volto risulta infatti stampato non perfettamente. Il sopracciglio, l’occhio e due pieghe all’inizio del collo sono indicati mediante incisione; il lobo dell’orecchio è forato. Bibliografia: inedito. 3. Elemento per intarsio a forma di testa umana (Figura 3) Inv. n. 1552 Nuovo Regno, XVIII-XIX dinastia Vetro rosso opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt. 3,3 cm; spess. 1,7 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio raffigurante la testa e il collo di un personaggio maschile volto verso sinistra. La sommità della testa è sagomata per alloggiare probabilmente una corona o una parrucca. Il collo è spesso e con l’estremità inferiore arrotondata. Bibliografia: Le vie del vetro. Egitto e Sudan, 94 n. 11. 4. Elemento per intarsio a forma di volto umano (Figura 4) Inv. n. 1553 Nuovo Regno, XVIII-XIX dinastia 410

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Figura 3. Cat.n. 3

Figura 4. Cat.n. 4

Vetro rosso opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt. 3,3 cm; spess. 0,63 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio raffigurante il volto e il collo di un personaggio volto verso destra. L’intarsio non è finito e con difetti di fabbricazione in corrispondenza dell’occhio, della tempia e della bocca. La sommità della testa è sagomata per alloggiare probabilmente una parrucca. Bibliografia: inedito 5. Elemento per intarsio a forma di testa umana (Figura 2) Inv. n. 10356 III secolo a.C. Vetro turchese opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt. 2,0 cm; spess. 0,68 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Lascito Wilson-Barker, 1948 Elemento per intarsio raffigurante la testa e il collo di un personaggio maschile volto verso destra; l’occhio è intarsiato con vetro nero e bianco opachi. L’intarsio è stato montato in oro in epoca moderna, quando è stato applicato anche un filo d’oro intrecciato in corrispondenza del sopracciglio. Superficie posteriore piana. Bibliografia: inedito.

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6. Elemento per intarsio a forma di testa umana (Figura 2) Inv. n. 10354 III secolo a.C. Vetro turchese opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt. 1,80 cm; spess. 0,3 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Lascito Wilson-Barker, 1948 Elemento per intarsio raffigurante la testa e il collo di un personaggio maschile volto verso sinistra. La sommità della testa è sagomata per alloggiare probabilmente una corona o una parrucca. Il volto risulta stampato non perfettamente. Superficie posteriore piana. Bibliografia: inedito. Cf. Müller, H.W. 1964. Ägyptische Kunstwerke, Kleinfunde und Glas in der Sammlung E. und M. Kofler-Truniger, Luzern. Berlin, Verlag Bruno Hessling, A188c; Cooney 1976. Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities, n. 938; Stern, E.M., Schlick-Nolte, B. 1994. Early Glass of the Ancient World, 1600 B.C-A.D.50 Ernesto Wolf Collection. Ostfildern, Verlag Gerd Hatje, 343 n. 106. 7. Elemento per intarsio a forma di avambraccio (Figura 5) Inv. n. 1714 VI – III secolo a.C. Vetro nero opaco; tecnica a stampo Lungh. 7,7 cm; spess. 0,7 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio a forma di avambraccio con mano destra aperta. Le dita della mano sono stese e delineate da linee incise. Il polso è leggermente flesso in gesto di offerta o di adorazione. Superficie posteriore piana. Il contorno del pezzo è tagliato verticalmente per agevolare l’inserimento dell’intarsio nella cavità scavata nel supporto. Bibliografia: inedito. Figura 5. Cat.nn. 7, 8, 9, 10

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8. Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano aperta (Figura 5) Inv. n. 1715 VI – III secolo a.C. Vetro rosso opaco; tecnica a stampo Lungh. 4,07 cm; spess. 0,78 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano sinistra aperta. Le dita della mano sono stese e delineate da linee incise come il bracciale al polso. Tracce di foglia d’oro sulla superficie anteriore. Superficie posteriore piana. Il contorno del pezzo è tagliato verticalmente per agevolare l’inserimento dell’intarsio nella cavità scavata nel supporto. Bibliografia: inedito. 9. Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano aperta (Figura 5) Inv. n. 1716 VI – III secolo a.C. Vetro celeste opaco; tecnica a stampo Lungh. 1,40 cm; spess. 0,6 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano sinistra aperta. Le dita della mano sono stese e delineate da linee incise. Superficie posteriore piana. Il contorno del pezzo è tagliato verticalmente per agevolare l’inserimento dell’intarsio nella cavità scavata nel supporto. Bibliografia: inedito. 10. Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano aperta (Figura 5) Inv. n. 1717 VI – III secolo a.C. Vetro rosso opaco; tecnica a stampo Lungh. 3,50 cm; spess. 0,8 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano sinistra aperta. Le dita della mano sono stese e delineate da linee incise come il bracciale al polso. Superficie posteriore piana. Il contorno del pezzo è tagliato verticalmente per agevolare l’inserimento dell’intarsio nella cavità scavata nel supporto Bibliografia: inedito. 413

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11. Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano aperta (Figura 6) Inv. n. 1718 VI – III secolo a.C. Vetro blu opaco; tecnica a stampo Lungh. 3,3 cm; spess. 0,7 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Parte di elemento per intarsio a forma di mano sinistra aperta. Le dita della mano sono delineate da linee incise. Superficie posteriore piana. Bibliografia: inedito.

Figura 6. Cat. n. 11

Figura 7. Cat. n. 12

12. Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano aperta (Figura 7) Inv. n. 1719 VI – III secolo a.C. Vetro blu opaco; tecnica a stampo Lungh. 2,1 cm; spess. 0,64 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Parte di elemento per intarsio a forma di mano sinistra aperta. Le dita della mano sono stese e delineate da linee incise. Superficie posteriore piana. Bibliografia: inedito. 13. Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano (Figura 8) Inv. n. 1722 IV-III secolo a.C. Vetro azzurro opaco; tecnica a stampo Lungh. 1,5 cm; spess. 0,47 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali 414

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Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano sinistra chiusa a pugno con il dorso in evidenza e il pollice steso in avanti. Superficie anteriore convessa e lucida; superficie posteriore piana. Bibliografia: inedito cf. Gasperini, Paolucci, Tocci 2008. Catalogo dei frammenti lignei, 98 n. 94a. 14. Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano (Figura 8) Inv. n. 1723 IV-III secolo a.C. Vetro azzurro opaco; tecnica a stampo Lungh. 2,40 cm; spess. 0,4 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano destra chiusa a pugno con il dorso in evidenza e pollice steso in avanti. Superficie anteriore convessa e lucida; superficie posteriore piana. Bibliografia: inedito. cf. Gasperini, Paolucci, Tocci 2008, Catalogo dei frammenti lignei, 98 n. 94a. 15. Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano (Figura 8) Inv. n. 1721 IV-III secolo a.C. Vetro azzurro opaco; tecnica a stampo Lungh. 3 cm; spess. 0,75 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano destra con le dita piegate sul palmo e pollice teso e dritto. Superficie anteriore convessa e lucida; superficie posteriore piana. Bibliografia: inedito. cf. Gasperini, Paolucci, Tocci 2008, Catalogo dei frammenti lignei, 98 n. 94b. Figura 8. Cat.nn. 13, 14, 15, 16

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16. Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano (Figura 8) Inv. n. 1724 IV-III secolo a.C. Vetro verde opaco; tecnica a stampo Lungh. 2,46 cm; spess. 0,4 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio a forma di mano sinistra con le dita piegate sul palmo e pollice steso e dritto. Superficie anteriore convessa e lucida; superficie posteriore piana. Bibliografia: inedito. cf. Gasperini, Paolucci, Tocci 2008. Catalogo dei frammenti lignei, 98 n. 94b. 17. Elemento per intarsio a forma di segno geroglifico (Figura 9) Inv. n. 1547 III – I secolo a.C. Vetro rosso opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt. 1,5 cm; spess. 0,25 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Intarsio a forma di segno geroglifico: faccia in prospettiva frontale con grandi orecchie aggettanti. Naso e labbra leggermente in rilievo, occhi delineati mediante incisione. Superficie anteriore lucida e convessa; superficie posteriore non lavorata. Bibliografia: inedito. Cf. Cooney 1976. Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities, 79 n. 871. 18. Elementi per intarsio a forma di testa umana con parrucca (Figura 9) Inv. n. 1551 III – I secolo a.C. Vetro blu e verde opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt. 1,7 cm; spess. 0,28 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali I due elementi per intarsio compongono la testa di un personaggio maschile volto verso destra: il volto in vetro verde e la parrucca in vetro blu hanno spessori diversi. Date le dimensioni probabilmente si tratta di un segno geroglifico. Bibliografia: inedito.

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Figura 9. Cat.nn. 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22

19. Elemento per intarsio a forma di segno geroglifico (Figura 9) Inv. n. 6359 III – I secolo a.C. Vetro blu opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt. 2,4 cm; spess. 0,2 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Acquisto Schiaparelli Elemento per intarsio a forma di segno geroglifico: figura maschile di profilo, rivolta verso sinistra, seduta a terra con una gamba sollevata e l’altra piegata sotto la coscia. Superficie anteriore lucida; superficie posteriore non lavorata. Bibliografia: inedito. 20. Elemento per intarsio (Figura 9) Inv. n. 10353 III – I secolo a.C. Vetro rosso opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt. 2,6 cm; spess. 0,3 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio raffigurante probabilmente una figura maschile, seduta e rivolta a sinistra, probabilmente il dio Osiri. La cavità arrotondata presente superiormente era destinata ad accogliere l’intarsio a forma di collare, probabilmente 417

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in vetro mosaico. Le braccia, in forte rilievo, sono piegate sul petto con mani chiuse a pugno; la destra stringe il flabello. Il torso e l’addome appaiono frontalmente, le gambe, perdute sotto il ginocchio, sono invece rappresentate di profilo. Superficie anteriore lucida e convessa; superficie posteriore non lavorata. Bibliografia: inedito. 21. Elemento per intarsio a forma di segno geroglifico (Figura 9) Inv. n. 1509 III – I secolo a.C. Vetro rosso opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt. max. 2,27 cm; spess. 0,25 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio a forma di segno geroglifico: figura maschile di profilo, rivolta a destra, seduta per terra e con le ginocchia retratte verso il petto, avvolta in un sudario che nasconde anche le braccia. Collare, parrucca e volto erano realizzati con intarsi in vetro di colore diverso. Superficie anteriore lucida e convessa; superficie posteriore non lavorata. Bibliografia: inedito. Cf. Cooney 1976. Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities, n. 944; Müller 1964. Ägyptische Kunstwerke, A187c. 22. Elemento per intarsio a forma di segno geroglifico (Figura 9) Inv. n. 1510 III – I secolo a.C. Vetro rosso opaco; tecnica a stampo Alt. max. 1,7 cm; spess. 0,28 cm Provenienza sconosciuta, Collezioni Granducali Elemento per intarsio a forma di segno geroglifico: figura maschile di profilo, rivolta a destra, seduta per terra e con le ginocchia retratte verso il petto, avvolta in un sudario che nasconde anche le braccia. Collare, parrucca e volto erano realizzati con intarsi in vetro di colore diverso. Superficie anteriore lucida e convessa; superficie posteriore non lavorata. Bibliografia: inedito. Cf. Cooney 1976, Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities, n. 944; Müller 1964, Ägyptische Kunstwerke, A187c.

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Abstract From the rich collections of glass plaques and inlays of the Egyptian Museum in Florence, a group of glass inlays representing parts of the body have been selected for analysis; among these are six hieroglyphs in red, blue and green glass. The large naturalistically moulded pieces – faces, arms and hands – were produced for use as inlays in figured scenes, fitted together and inlaid into hollows in the wood ground of household furnishings, coffins and sacred shrines. All the inlays, now divorced from their original settings, are in monochrome opaque glass in red, light turquoise-blue, light blue, blue, green and black.

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Francesco Tiradritti

Notes on a fragment of an unusual artifact with the name of Tutankhamun

(Civiche Raccolte Archeologiche of Milan E 997.02.02)1 In 1995 the Civiche Raccolte Archeologiche (RAN) of Milan started a negotiation to buy part of the Egyptian collection of the Museum of the Flagellation owned by the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum (SBF) of Jerusalem. In August 1996 I was sent there in the capacity of Egyptological consultant of the RAN to draft a preliminary inventory and select the objects to be purchased by Milan. When I arrived in Jerusalem the collection was partly on display and partly stored in a room of the basement. According to the agreement between Ermanno A. Arslan, director of the RAN, and Father Michele Piccirillo (1944-2008), director of the Museum of the Flagellation, 1000 objects among those kept in the low showcases of the right side of the basement room were to come to Italy. During my visit I had the opportunity to get an idea of the history of the formation of the SBF Egyptian collection. The first lot was purchased by Brother Cleofa Steinhausen in antiquarian shops of Cairo and Alexandria before 1914, and was brought to Jerusalem after the First World War.2 At the end of the 60s of the last century, other objects were acquired in Cairo by an unknown father.3 They arrived at the end of the 70s. A third group of Egyptianising objects, com-

1

2

3

It is my greatest pleasure to celebrate Zoltán Imre Fábián with this short study on a hitherto unknown object that adds a new date to the reign of Tutankhamun. Of all the meetings I had with Zoltán (who always astonishes me with his deep knowledge of Italian) the dearest is the one I had during a dinner in his lovely Budapest, a mild summer evening many years ago. I want to deeply thank Bori Németh to have invited me to take part in this volume. I admired her limitless patience and I am greatly apologetically grateful to her. Bagatti, Beniamino. 1981. Ceramiche “copte” nel Museo della Flagellazione in Gerusalemme. Studia Orientalia Christiana 16, 139-150, 141. According to some observations made studying the whole collection I had the impression that some of the objects belonging to the Steinhausen’s collection had to be acquired in Egypt after the First World War. I got this information during my stay in Jerusalem. On that occasion I was unable to get the name of the father who had formed the collection. His objects were recognizable because of the gypsum bases he personally made. His collection was on display in the museum until his death that took place two-three years before 1996.

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ing from excavations in Israel and acquisitions made in Jerusalem, entered the Egyptian collection of the Museum of the Flagellation at different moments.4 In 1997, the objects I had selected started to arrive to Milan and entered the collections of the RAN. Among the objects purchased by Brother Cleofa Steinhausen there was a fragment of a small faïence parallelepiped that, after its acquisition by the RAN, received the inventory number E 997.02.02 (Figures 1-2).5

Figure 1. The short and long sides of RAN E 997.02.02 (Photo by Francesco Tiradritti)

Figure 2. Copy of the hieroglyphic inscription on the short and long sides of RAN E 997.02.02 (drawing by Francesco Tiradritti)

Its dimensions are: length 14.3 cm; maximum width 5.5 cm; thickness 4.88 cm. The faïence is pale purple. The upper and lower faces are uninscribed; a dark purple hieroglyphic inscription, framed between two lines, runs on the two surviving sides starting from the short one. The signs are clearly legible despite the several scratches on the surfaces.

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5

See, i.e., the scarabs published in Niccacci, Alviero. 1976. Nuovi Scarabei Hyksos. In Studia Hierosolymitana in onore di P. Bellarmino Bagatti I: Studi Archeologici, 29-79. Jerusalem, Franciscan Printing Press. The inventory number given by the SBF museum was SF 6329.

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[…]6 rnp.t 5 Abd [1]7 pr.t [sw …]8 n nsw-bity (nb xpr.w ra) hrw9 dpy n […] “[…] Year 5, [first] month of Peret [day ?] of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Neb-kheperu-re. The first day of […]”

The shape of the fragment allows us to think of two possible identifications: either a pedestal or a model brick. Against the first hypothesis is the fact that there is no trace of holes on what remains of both faces. On the other hand, if the fragment once belonged to a model brick, it is unique under many respects. Model bricks have been found in several foundation deposits. They were mainly of mud and uninscribed. Close in time to the object under discussion are the mud bricks discovered in the foundation deposits of the so-called Triple Temple at Sesebi, built by Amenhotep IV at the beginning of his reign.10 Their presence revitalized a custom not seen since the Middle Kingdom.11 No foundation deposit is attributable to the reign of Tutankhamun. A little later are the small faïence bricks found in the foundation deposits of the Temple of Ay at Medinet Habu.12 The name of the king is clearly inscribed on one or both faces. According to Weinstein,13 model mud bricks were apparently replaced in the Nine­teenth Dynasty by stone (sandstone, limestone, granite) blocks and faïence bricks.

When the object was still complete, there was room for other signs before rnp.t. The absence of any stroke on the remaining surface makes any other integration impossible.  8 At the beginning of the long side there is enough space for the mention of the day.  9 The final “t” is clear beyond any doubt. 10 Blackman, Aylward M. 1937. Preliminary Report on the Excavations at Sesebi, Northern Province, Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 1936-37. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 23, 145-151, 148. 11 Weinstein, James, M. 2001. Foundation Deposits. In Donald B. Redford, (ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 559-561. New York, Oxford University Press, 560. 12 Hölscher, Uvo. 1939. The Excavation of Medinet Habu, Volume 2: The Temples of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 91, pl. 54. Hölscher calls them “tiles”; Weinstein (Weinstein, James, M. 1973. Foundation Deposits in Ancient Egypt. PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 220) “plaques”. The thicknesses between 2.3 and 3.5 cm make both terms incorrect. For the specimens where the thickness is similar to the width even “brick” appears inappropriate. 13 Weinstein 1973, 141.  6  7

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The faïence brick from the British Museum AE 49235, although purchased in Cairo in 1909, is thought14 to have come from a foundation deposit discovered by Petrie in Memphis in the same year.15 It is the only object of this kind being inscribed on its sides. The name of Khaemuaset appears on both shorter ones. This brief analysis shows that, despite the fact that RAN E 997.02.02 has the form and the dimensions of a model brick, the position and the content of its inscription are quite unusual. That would leave room for the hypothesis that the artifact could be a forgery, even if the quality of the faïence and the fine execution of the hieroglyphs make that extremely unlikely. Also, the unusual orthography of the word hrw speaks for the authenticity of the object. The choice of adding the feminine ending –t seems intentional and could be interpreted as a pun. The transformation in gender makes the word look like hr.t (“Zufriedenheit, Ruhe, Frieden”)16 and adds a positive nuance to it. The same play on words can be found in the Late Ramesside Letter Pap. BN 198 III, where the only other known feminine orthography of hrw is attested.17 The text is a letter probably written by the scribe Djehutymose to an individual whose name is not preserved and tentatively dated to the year 12 of Ramesses XI.18 The feminine form of hrw appears in a reported complaint of some fishermen. Their reasons are unclear but it seems that the writer had taken some men and the fishermen were unable to work.19 So they had decided “to spend the day (hr.t) here”.20 The attribution of the feminine ending and the similarity with the word for “satisfaction, calm, peace” attributes a further nuance to the sentence implying that the fishermen spent the day without doing anything. The intentionality in the addition of the feminine ending –t is also demonstrated by the correct orthography of hrw at the end of the recto of the same letter.21 The gender transformation in RAN E 997.02.02 was probably intended to charge hrw with the same meaning and meant that “the first day of …” went Charron, Alain and Christophe Barbotin (eds) 2016. Savoir et pouvoir à l’époque de Ramsès II. Khâemouaset. Le prince archéologue. Gand, Éditions Snoeck, 60. 15 Petrie, William F. 1909. Memphis I. London, School of Archaeology in Egypt, pl. 19 at the center of the bottom left picture. 16 Wb II, 497.21. 17 Černý, Jaroslav. 1939. Late Ramesside Letters. Bruxelles, Édition de la Fondation Égyptologique Reine Élisabeth, 69.13 = v.so 1-2. 18 Wente, Edward F. 1967. Late Ramesside Letters. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1-2. 19 Wente 1967, 81. 20 Černý 1939, 69.13 (iw=n ir.t hr.t dy). 21 Černý 1939, 69.10 = r.to 12. 14

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without work. In this case it would maybe indicate that it was a festival day. Unfortunately the inscription is broken at this point and it is impossible to say anything else about it. Even the mention of year 5 of Tutankhamun does not help in adding more information. The only other objects with a reference to that date are some wine jar etiquettes found in the tomb of the king.22

Conclusion The poor state of preservation of RAN E 997.02.02 makes it impossible to give any concrete conclusion on its nature. Even if it looks like a model brick, the lack of inscriptions on the upper and lower faces and the unparalleled content of what is written on the two surviving sides make that identification extremely unlikely. Objects coming from foundation deposits share the characteristic of being intact or almost complete and the fragmentary condition of RAN E 997.02.02 is another argument that prevents its identification with such kind of artifacts. That brings us back to the identification with a pedestal. The lack of holes on the upper and lower faces could be explained if the object was intended to be a temporary support for something that went lost. That conjectures a ceremonial use at a celebration to which the “first day of …” could be referred. The mention of the “[first] month of Peret” could be maybe a hint to try to find a trace of it. Despite its unusual nature and the difficulty to identify it, RAN E 997.02.02 is one of the few dated objects from the reign of Tutankhamun23 and deserved to be presented to the attention of colleagues in the hope that someone will be able to assess something more of it.

Abstract The article is devoted to the publication of the object Civiche Raccolte Archeologiche of Milan E 997.02.02 that bears a hieroglyphic inscription dated to year 5 of Tutankhamun. Černý, Jaroslav. 1965. Hieratic Inscriptions from the Tomb of Tutʻankhamūn. Oxford, Griffith Institute, 1-3 (no.s 6-17). 23 See Eaton-Krauss, Marianne. 2016. The Unknown Tutankhamun. London; New York: Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC. 22

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Edith Varga

Jouet et concubine

Notre collègue et ami, Dr. Zoltán Imre Fábián excelle aussi bien dans la publication des textes funéraires que dans celle des fouilles archéologiques, c’est la raison pour laquelle, à cette occasion festive, j’attire son attention à un souvenir du Moyen Empire qui éveillera peut-être son intérêt.1 C’est dans une collection privée de Budapest que se trouve une figurine féminine sculptée en bois (Figures 1. A et B)2 qui, tout comme de nombreuses autres figurines de musée, appartient au groupe de paddle doll, dû à sa forme plate,

Figure 1. A et B. Figure féminine. Collection privée. Budapest 1 2

Voir la liste des œuvres de Zoltán Imre Fábián. Lieu de découverte inconnue. Achetée à Luxor. En bois, peinte. Hauteur: 19,5 cm. Largeur des épaules: 5 cm, celle de la hanche: 6 cm, épaisseur: 0,5-0,7 cm. État: fort élimé. Côté A: intact, égratignures superficielles. Côté B: lacune verticale de 3 cm, partant de l’épaule gauche, profonde entaille verticale (6,5 cm) au milieu et en bas (4 cm).

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élargie et arrondie dans le tiers inférieur du corps et ressemblant à une pale de rame. Les figurines n’ont pas de jambes. Les premiers spécimens, d’après les numéros d’inventaire, sont entrés dans les collections d’Égypte au cours du 19e siècle, mais leur nombre a considérablement augmenté grâce aux fouilles effectuées pendant la première partie du 20e siècle. Quand H. Winlock a découvert des douzaines de figurines féminines en bois à Deir el-Bahari, les interprétations professionnelles ont démarré. Au début, Winlock a considéré ces découvertes comme des poupées ayant une influence nubienne.3 Les spécimens, comme d’habitude, différaient considérablement l’un Figure 2. Figure féminine avec coiffure. de l’autre du point de vue de leur état, Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York de leur finition. Cependant, leur caractéristique homogène est qu’il n’y a pas de tête sur le cou généralement grêle et il n’y a pas d’inscriptions sur le corps. Si une coiffure a été fixée sur le cou, elle a été attachée à une sorte de masque. Les petites boules en argile non cuite et enfilées sur des fils en textile ont produit un son tintant au toucher. L’existence de peu de « poupées à cheveux » s’expliquerait par leur fragilité, elles étaient destinées à un dépérissement plus rapide. La perruque fixée sur le masque ou directement sur le cou avec, parfois, plus d’une centaine de boules, constituait une coiffure imposante (Figure 2).4 Le spécimen de Budapest représente une silhouette féminine au cou long, aux épaules droites, aux bras rudimentaires et écourtés, avec un corps très allongé, qui s’arrondit considérablement dans la partie inférieure et qui a une base en hémicycle, sans jambes. Dans le quart inférieur du corps, sur le sexe, un trou bien visible des deux côtés a été percé. À l’origine, les deux côtés de la surface étaient 3

4

H. E. Winlock. 1942. Excavations at Deir el-Bahari 1911-1931. New York, The Macmillan Company, 207 pl. XXXVIII. M. Saleh – H. Sourouzian. 1987. Musée Égyptien du Caire, catalogue officiel. Mayence, P. von Zabern, No. 81; Fixée sur le cou: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Thebes, Asasif, Tomb MMA 816, pit, MMA excavations, 1929-30, No 31.3.35a, b. Rogers Fund, 1931 (OASC); W. Hayes. 1990. The Scepter of Egypt I. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 219 Fig. 135, Théba, Lisht, Gebelein, Fig. 221.

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couverts d’une peinture rouge qui s’est teintée en brun pour aujourd’hui et ils étaient ornés de motifs géométriques étant aujourd’hui à peine discernables. Le cou du côté a est occupé par un U en peinture rouge, ou peut-être un signe O, indiquant le visage de manière inhabituelle. Les traces de la peinture ont été conservées surtout sur le haut de corps. Le col à plusieurs raies et les coups de pinceau rayés, dont, cependant, aucune image ne se dessine, sont bien perceptibles. Un spécimen conservé en bon état illustre bien la conception originale (Figure 3.A).5 Le côté B du spécimen de Budapest porte l’empreinte de l’utilisation: il est caractérisé par des blessures et la forte usure de la surface. Nous pouvons pourtant voir deux incisions horizontales faisant allusion aux seins et qui sont croisées par des lignes peintes partant de l’épaule, une sorte de bretelles, faisant peut-être référence au vêtement. Sur le côté gauche de la partie supérieure nous pouvons distinguer un coup de pinceau fort, rouge, horizontal, tandis que sur le côté droite les traces de peinture de la décoration originale ont subsisté. Une profonde entaille verticale et longue (6,5 cm) s’étend sur la partie centrale du corps, sur les deux côtés de l’entaille nous pouvons déceler les traces de la décoration originale composée de petits motifs. Sur la partie inférieure, arrondie il y a une entaille longue de 4 cm. Ces blessures proviendraient du jeu et sur un autre spécimen (Figure 3.B) elles ont été soigneusement restaurées avant la déposition dans la tombe. Certains spécimens, à l’époque de leur découverte et au cours des décennies suivantes, ont été considérés comme des jouets d’enfants6 par les fouilleurs et ce n’est que plus tard que l’on a commencé à les rapprocher des figures de femme nues, couchées sur un lit ou assises, parfois représentées avec un enfant dans les bras, le groupe des concubina. Les interprétations faites du paddle doll peuvent 5

6

Brooklyn Museum, No 37.100E a et B, en bois, peint. Hauteur: 21,3 cm, largeur: 5,5 cm, épaisseur: 0,5 cm. Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund. Sur le côté droit, il y avait un trou qui a été bouché et repeint. Je profite de l’occasion pour remercier R. Fazzini, Curator Emeritus, et Yekaterina Barbash, Ph.D. Associate Curator of Egyptian Art, de m’avoir concédé les photos de l’objet d’art et l’autorisation de publication. Le côté a illustre bien la décoration caractéristique du type, dont les éléments légèrement modifiés peuvent être retrouvés sur les autres spécimens aussi. Seuls quelques exemples: W. M. Flinders Petrie. 1900. Dendereh 1898. EEF 17. London, PL. 21; W. M. Flinders Petrie. 1901. Diospolis Parva. The cemeteries of Abadiyeh and Hu 1898-9, EEF 20. London, Pl-26Y, 216Y 320; T. E. Peet. 1914. The cemeteries of Abydos: Part II – 19111912. EEF 34. London, Pl. 14.1/3; J. Garstang. 1907. The Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt as Illustrated by Tombs of the Middle Kingdom. London, A. Constable and Co., Ltd., 152. Sur les figurines: “… another class of children’s toys… Each particular specimen naturally illustrates the linking of its youthful maker or owner rather than any set convention in the fashion of such objects.”

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Figure 3. A et B. Brooklyn Museum. With Permission of Dr. Yekaterina Barbash, Associate Curator of Egyptian Art. Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum

être classées en trois catégories. (1) Les chefs des fouilles ayant lieu du tournant du siècle jusqu’aux années 1930 ont considéré ces objets comme des jouets, (2) pendant la deuxième partie du siècle ils ont été presque unanimement classés dans la catégorie des concubina. Quelques opinions ont exclu leur interprétation comme concubines et elles les ont tenus pour des supports de fertilité7 ou, comme P. Barguet, elles ont défini le contrepoids de menat comme une forme de poupée stylisée appartenant au cercle d’Hathor.8 (3) Les vastes recherches raisonnables et les interprétations de G. Pinch ont clairement défini le paddle doll comme figure de fertilité9 et Pinch l’a pris pour une offrande votive dédiée à Hathor. A. Tooley a exprimé une opinion semblable sur la « poupée » en tant que jouet, il considé7

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Desroches-Noblecourt, Ch. 1953. « Concubine du mort » et mères de famille au Moyen Empire. A propos d’une supplique pour une naissance. BIFAO 53, 7-47, pls. I-V. Barguet, P. 1953. L’origine et la signification du contrepoids de collier-menat. BIFAO 52, 103111. Selon lui, le menat est un corps de femme stylisé symbolisant la naissance et la renaissance. Pinch, G. 1993. Votive offerings to Hathor. Oxford, Griffith Institute, 217-218, 225; Pinch, G. 1983. Childbirth and female figurines at Deir el-Medina and el’Amarna. Orientalia 52, 405-414. Bien que l’article s’occupe des lieux de découverte et des données de la période de la XVIIIe Dynastie, à plusieurs questions générales et controversées il donne des réponses qu’il faut prendre en considération. Passim.

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rait le paddle doll comme un objet magique contre l’infertilité, qu’il vienne d’une tombe de femme ou de celle d’un homme.10 Parmi les analyses nous trouvons l’opinion d’Ellen F. Morris qui conclut, comme résultat de ses recherches minutieuses, que le paddle doll représentait en réalité les danseuses khener de la déesse Hathor parmi lesquelles de jeunes filles pouvaient aussi apparaître.11 Les trouvailles datent de la période la plus tardive de la XIe Dynastie (Mentuhotep, 2050-1991 av.n.è), du Moyen Empire et de la période de la XIIIe Dynastie. Plus tard, elles ne se trouvent jamais nulle part. La plupart des spécimens ont été retrouvés dans les cimetières de Thèbes, en Égypte Centrale et dans des tombes de Lisht, mais ils ont pu être découverts dans les cimetières des oasis orientales et occidentales également.12 Les lieux de découverte n’étaient pas exclusivement des tombes, mais aussi des maisons des villages, des temples et des sanctuaires d’Hathor.13 Les spécimens proviennent des tombes d’homme et de femme et – plus rarement – d’enfant, bien qu’il soit difficile de déterminer le propriétaire authentique de l’enterrement à cause de l’inexactitude des notes des fouilles.14 Ce qui est certain : la répartition de l’enterrement suivant le sexe existait sans aucun doute. À cela s’ajoute l’évaluation des spécimens retrouvés dans les maisons d’habitation, qui auraient servi le respect des ancêtres et la garantie de la perpétuation de la famille.15 Sur l’un des côtés de certains spécimens nous pouvons voir les figures schématiques de dieux peints (Anubis, oiseau, crocodile),16 mais c’est la déesse Thouéris qui apparaît le plus souvent, de qui on attendait une naissance heureuse. Les poupées pouvaient donc assurer aussi bien les jeux terrestres que la fertilité dans ce monde et dans l’au-delà. Les interprétations représentées en grandes lignes montrent bien que la définition du paddle doll est toujours incertaine. Il pouvait être un simple jouet, une figure de fertilité, un mobilier funéraire et une offrande votive. Les interprétations religieuses n’excluent pas qu’il ait pu servir de jouet pour les vivants. Les figures Tooley, A. M. J. 1991. Child’s Toy or Ritual Object? GM 123, 101-111, avec référence au travail de Janssen, R. M. – J. J. Janssen. 1990. Growing up in Ancient Egypt. London, Rubicon Press. 11 Morris, Ellen F. 2011. Paddle Dolls and Performance. JARCE 47, 71-103. L’idée de comparer les figurines féminines sans jambes aux danseuses d’Hathor est assez particulière. 12 Waraksa, E. A. 2009. Female figurines from the Mut Precinct: Context and ritual function. OBO 240. Fribourg, Academic Press; Waraksa, E. A. 2008. Female Figurines (Pharaonic Period). In W. Wendrich (ed.), UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology. 1-6. Los Angeles accessible sur , 2, Dakhla, Sinai, Nubian forts. 13 Pinch 1993, 225. 14 Tooley 1991, en rapport avec la tombe d’Hawara. 15 Bruyère, B. 1953. Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el-Médineh, 1948 à 1951. FIFAO 26. Le Caire, IFAO, 36. 16 Waraksa 2008, 2. 10

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féminines faites en bois empruntent la forme de la main, leur peinture de couleur vive et joyeuse, leur décoration rappelant le tatouage17 et le tintement de la coiffure renforcent plutôt le rôle de jouet des spécimens. La réparation des blessures indiquerait que, après la mort d’un membre de famille féminin ou masculin, dans l’espoir d’une utilisation dans l’au-delà, l’objet devait assurer la sauvegarde de la fertilité. Les rôles que les chercheurs ont attribués aux figures féminines auraient pu être inspirés par l’accentuation des caractéristiques sexuelles, bien que cela n’exclue pas l’utilisation de l’objet en tant que jouet. En acceptant cela, il sera plus facile à comprendre qu’après la Deuxième Période Intermédiaire, quand les « vraies » concubina et leurs groupes de plus en plus variés ont apparu dans les tombes, les « poupées » en bois ont disparu à tout jamais du cercle des mobiliers funéraires et des trouvailles domestiques ou religieuses.

Abstract A review of the so-called paddle doll or concubine figurines mainly of the Middle Kingdom and a discussion of their usage throughout the history of research, with the description of an artefact found in a Hungarian private collection.

17

L. Keimer a expliqué le manque de jambes par la référence au sexe et par la représentation des organes responsables de l’accouchement et de l’alimentation: Keimer, L. 1948. Remarques sur le tatouage dans l’Égypte ancienne. MIFAO 53. Le Caire, IFAO, 102.

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Gábor W. Nemes

An inscribed scarab with abridged royal prenomen

1. Introductory description

Figure 1. Scarab amulet with a defective royal prenomen

The scarab amulet described here is part of a small Hungarian private collection. Its previous owners are unknown, save for the last, a private antiquities dealer, who has recently sold his minor collection of antiquities of various sorts, mainly small objects from Ancient Egypt and Rome, alongside some other pieces from medieval China and late 19th century Japan, originating presumably from a German auction house. The item has a length of 22.5 mm, and a maximum width of 16 mm, while its maximum height measures 10 mm. It is made of steatite, the original colour of which appears on the lower left section of the left elytron and to some extent, on the left side of the prothorax, where the original glazing has worn off. The remains of the glazing give it an overall ocre tone, though to a varying extent with scanty remnants of white. However, minor patches of deep phthalo blue may be traced as well, as well as a somewhat faded, opaque white coating on the base. In many cases the glazed steatite scarabs were fired, which made them even more endurable. Both Newberry and Hall have pointed out that today’s faded brown scarabs were originally coated with a green, while white ones with a blue glaze.1 The execution is elaborate particularly as to the clypeus and 1

Hall, H. R. 1913. Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, Etc., in the British Museum. Volume I. Royal Scarabs. London, British Museum, xxv. f.; Newberry, P. E. 1908. Scarabs. An Introduction to the Study of Egyptian Seals and Signet Rings. London, Archibald Constable and Co. Ltd., 41, 84 f.

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the tibiae, while the upper section of the clypeus is segmented by two triangular incisions. The two pearl-like eyes are delicately marked, while the head, which is united with the clypeus has a button-like horn between the eyes, demarcated from the upper section of the prothorax by an accented suture. The elytral suture is not indicated, nor the one between the prothorax and the elytra. For the sake of the latter, two triangular incisions are cut on either side right above the place of the humeral callosity. The legs are nicely modelled and partly feathered, although they are not perfectly symmetrical. The scarab, as in many cases, was drilled longitudinally in order to be hung on a thread or thin wire and worn as a protective amulet.

2. Examination of the engraved design of the base 2.1. Overview On the base of our scarab we may see a group of incised hieroglyphic signs. Among these, the wDA.t-eye on the left, and the vertically standing cartouche with a defectively written prenomen consisting of the combination of a and a sign, and pertaining perhaps to Senusert I – #pr-Ra, Senusert II – xpr-Ra, or Thutmose III – xpr-Ra , are easy to recognize. The signs underneath the eye, as well as the vertically standing element on the right, let alone the encirled prenomen represent a somewhat more complex question, which will be discussed in greater detail below. Since it is obvious that nothing further could have been carved below the sign, the broken off fragment of the fragile rim must have held the lowermost part of the cartouche or oval. Minor lines that seem to be miscarved strokes, such as those of the wDA.t-eye’s upper eyelid or the upper section of the cartouche/oval and its inner segment around the sun-disk, under a powerful magnifying glass have proven to be minor chip-offs of the glaze, save for one at the top of the cartouche which is the endpoint of a thin crack-line

Figure 2. The base design

Figure 3. Stylized drawing of the base design

Figure 4. Seal sample

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arching from the back across the head around half of the scarab body. Even though the uneven outlines of the rope border as well as the misplacement of the car­ touche/oval show some clumsiness in carving, the overall treatment in terms of composition and execution is sufficiently refined. Nonetheless, as a possible dating factor, the carving technique might justifiably be relied upon in view of other peculiarities.

2.2. The base composition The wDA.t-eye on the left is nicely carved, though the line of the eyebrow stands somewhat higher than expected. The presence of the wDA.t-eye, or eyes in scarab base compositions of the period is not unique and may be attested on several contemporary pieces.2 Below the wDA.t–eye are two signs resembling an and of the indirect genitive agreed either a or a sign. They cannot mark the with the feminine word of wDA.t for two reasons. Firstly because of the orientation of the eye in relation to the cartouche, and secondly, because such a purist use of Middle Egyptian is strongly doubtful on an object of this kind. It would however allow for a somewhat looser grammar with an , as genitival adjective and , here meaning Ra, the sun god and hence an wdA.t n Ra reading.3 This would 2

3

The two eyes of Horus were the mythological representatives of two great luminaries of the sky, the Sun and the Moon. As Bonnet explains, under the influence of the Heliopolitan theology it came to designate the two eyes of Ra as well. Later the two terms could be used interchangeably, though there is to be made a difference with the Sun being the eye of Ra and the Moon being the eye of Horus. Thus, the latter came to designate the original meaning of the wDA.t-eye. Their relationships became complicated by the additions of several religious and mythological stories. Contrary to Hornung and Staehelin’s oppinion, it seems certain that the wDA.t-eyes on scarabs and plaques should indicate the Sun and the Moon concordantly, due to their apparent amuletic, protective features reflected in the representations, which is the real notion behind the symbolic function of the wDA.t-amulets (see e.g., Hall 1913, Nos. 1181, 1182, with the symmetrically arranged pair of eyes, much alike the apotropaic pair of eyes above the door niches of Old Kingdom tombs). Hence the symbol in our context should be treated as one encompassing the features of both eyes (see, Hornung E. and Staehelin, E. et alii. 1976. Skarabäen und andere Siegelamulette aus Basler Sammlungen. Ägyptische Denkmäler der Schweiz, 1. Mainz, Verlag von Zabern, 170 f.); see also the following remarks concerning the term wDA.t n.t Ra and BD 17, 186, where both the solar and lunar aspects of the wDA.t appear; see also ‘Mondauge’, In: Bonnet, H. 1952. Reallexikon der Ägyptischen Religionsgeschichte (RÄRG). Berlin, Walter de Gruyter & Co., 472 ff.; ‘Uzatauge’, RÄRG, 854 ff.; and also Otto, E. 1975. ‘Augensagen’. LÄ I. Wiesbaden, K. 562-567. Wb. II, 401, 5. By the same token as jr.t-Ra (Wb I, 107, 8-11), or as sA-Ra (Wb III 410,7-14). The orthography of the name of Ra on scarabs is surprisingly flexible. This certainly includes it being written with a single sun-disk, as in our case (Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 91, 99).

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fit well into the mythico-religious framework of the New Kingdom, either delineating the Sun as a luminary, or as the sky goddess Mehet Weret, who as being identical with the wDA.t-eye in Chapter 17 of the Book of the Dead, is the mother and the daughter of Ra at the same time.4 The sign on the right of the cartouche would let us suppose that it depicts a slightly bent mAa.t-feather with two small traverse lines at the top left of the plume, with the upper one ending in a definite circular tip.5 The sign almost always designates Maat or Order/Truth, as an ideogram or determinative for mAa.t ( ), or as a phonogram giving the reading Sw, thus also the name of the solar deity, Shu in a most simplified manner of writing, which a New Kingdom orthography ever since the Middle Kingdom would certainly allow for.6 Shu thus would appear as a fitting companion for the wDA.t-eye on the left denoting Tefnut, the pair here flanking the purported prenomen of Thutmose III, thus forming a triadic group of protective deites.7 If we accept a reading for Maat,8 we may consider another theological connotation based on Eighteenth Dynasty private tomb decorations depicting the king in throne scenes. Thus the wDA.t-eye would stand for Hathor as the mother of Ra, the mAa.t-feather for Maat as his daughter, while the royal name for the divine ruler himself, the three forming yet another triad. Nevertheless, the wDA.t-eye and the suspected mAa.t-feather could be easily symbols of regeneration: with the eye depicting the regenerating Moon or the endistanced and returned Sun; the feather the ever endangered but finally reestablished Order; and the king’s name as the provider of both, not being very far from the common motive of ‘offering of mAa.t’-scenes 4

5

6 7

8

Wb. Bel. I, 19B (107,8); in Chapter 186 the eye is identified with the goddess Hathor, while in other texts with other goddesses, like Isis (see, Wb. Bel. I, 19B (107,9); Grapow, H. 1915-1917. Religiöse Urkunden – Ausgewählte Texte des Totenbuches (Urk. V), Leipzig, 37, Abschnitt 18, l. 35-36; Budge, E. A. W. 1913. The Book of the Dead. The Papyrus of Ani. A Reproduction in Facsimile etc. Volume II. New York, Putnam – London, Medici Society, 652, Ch. 186, Tabl. 37, 3. Budge was wrong to treat Hathor and Mehet Weret as distinct goddesses. Though the illustrations might show them as separate, it is clear that the inner logic of Chapter 17, as well as its textual glosses, call for their identification. For the wDA.t-eye denoting other goddesses see, Wb. Bel. I, 19B (107,10)); on Hathor as a goddess most commonly associated with the ‘eye of Ra’ from the earliest times until the Late Period see, Otto 1975, K. 565. I would like to thank Péter Gaboda for his valuable remarks, who also pointed out to me this possibility. Wb IV, 429, 1; see also the remark for MV 7, in Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 99, 396/MV 7. The two deities were identified with the two eyes of the sky god Ra already as early as the Pyramid Texts (Pyr. 823) and were as children of Ra also called ‘eye-children’ with Shu being the right-eye and Tefnut being the left-eye (see, Otto 1975, K. 566). A single mAa.t-feather representing the goddess, or its addition to kings’ names, or its use as a cryptographic sign was very common during the New Kingdom: Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 96, 168, 340/No. 758.

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of contemporary and later scarabs.9 However, we have hardly any evidence for such a writing of either mAa.t or Sw in the scarab material.10 By contrast, winged protective uraei or falcons facing or flanking a central motive, which may frequently be a royal prenomen in a cartouche are well known.11 Thus, what appeared to be the bent stem of a mAa.t-feather may very well be the lower wing of such a protective uraeus, or spitting cobra. As for the two diagonal strokes on the stem, they are to represent the head and the upper outstretched wing respectively, the inner lines are to denote the hood, while the tail is unmarked.12 According to one of the myths centered around the eye of Horus and Ra (or Atum), the returned eye of Atum came to be identified with the uraeus as ‘fiery eye’, which Atum placed upon his brow as a diadem.13 Not unlike other protective entities, as an archetypal apotropaic symbol the uraeus may also possess wings, but as a representation for either the solar or the lunar-eye, it may be identified as yet another important symbol of regeneration,14 thus a fitting counterpart for the wDA.t-eye on the left. Since the cryptographic use of various hieroglyphs forming the trigram j-m-n, not unlike the royal prenomen of Thutmose III (see below), obviously referring to Amun, his basic nature and also the meaning of his name as being the ‘hidden one’, is well attested during the New Kingdom, the tripartite composition here offers itself to be interpreted also in this manner. Based on the principles of acrophony the wDA.t-eye of Ra may stand for ‘j’, from ‘jr.t (‘eye’), the cartouche with the royal prenomen for ‘m’, from ‘mnS’ (‘cartouche’), and the Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 189, 272/No. 405, 286 f./475. An exception can be found in Giveon, R. and Kertesz, T. 1986. Egyptian Scarabs and Seals from Acco. From the Collection of the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums. Freiburg, Schweiz, Universitätsverlag, 21, No. 57. Note the diagonal stroke at the upper part of the stem. 11 Hornung and Staehelin 1976, No. 260/Taf. 25 has the ra-xpr combination standing in a  cartouche, and the similar No. 453/Taf. 48 with almost identical size to our item: 21/15.5/8 mm. For a very close parallel see, Giveon and Kertesz 1986, 19, No. 45 (B. 232). However, the uraeus is on the left, the prenomen comes in standard orthography, and instead of the wDA.t-eye stands the group: nTr nfr nb tA.wj. The back is plain without notches on its sides; Scandone Matthiae, G. 1975. Scarabei e scaraboidi egiziani ed egittizzanti del Museo Nazionale di Cagliari. Roma, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, 47 f., D 19-21/Tavole X-XI, D 19, with rope border; Newberry, P. E. 1907. Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire. Nos. 36001-37521. Scarab-shaped Seals. London, Archibald Constable and Co. Ltd., No. 36960 is a very close mid-Eighteenth Dynasty parallel, even in its dimensions: 19/14/9 mm. 12 For a very similar treatment of the head see, Hornung and Staehelin 1976, Nos. 252/Taf. 24, 253/Taf. 25, 258/Taf. 25; for the lack of tail: Nos. 252/Taf. 24, 291/Taf. 29, 327/Taf. 33. 13 Here we may see the two myths about the apotropaic cobra and solar-eye combined (see, Otto 1975, K. 564 f.; for this identification see also BD 17, Urk. V, 18 f., Abschnitt 9, l. 15-18). 14 Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 134 f.  9 10

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winged uraeus for ‘n’, from ‘nTr.t’ (‘goddess’), thus forming the acronym denoting the name Jmn.15 Before discussing the cartouche and the royal throne name separately in the next section, we must examine the rope border framing the entire composition. The oval rope is a well known protective symbol to the Egyptian mind, from which the cartouche itself derived. For the owner of an oval shaped scaraboid signet-ring or amulet functioned as the cartouche itself.16 Thus, it might not be unreasonable to treat the rope-like design as an additional protective encirclement of the royal prenomen already in a cartouche, and the protecting signs flanking it. The design’s earliest attestations stem from scarabs of officials of the Twelfth Dynasty,17 while those with the border and the name Mn-xpr-Ra from the Eighteenth Dynasty;18 becoming somewhat more frequent during the Ramesside Period and later during the Twenty-first Dynasty.19 Since items may be found with this design sevMatthiae Scandone 1975, 21, a 8/Tavola II; for the cryptographic use of the prenomen, see, Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 26, 42 f., 61 f., for other sign combinations: Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 92, 396 (MV 7)/Taf. 120, 97; see also, Schulman, A. R. 1975. The Ossimo scarab reconsidered. JARCE 12, 16 ff.; Śliwa, J. 1985. Egyptian Scarabs, Scaraboids and Plaques from the Cracow Collections. Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Warszawa – Kraków, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 53, No. 75/Pl. XII, 63, No. 94/Pl. XV, and Śliwa, J. 1989. Egyptian Scarabs and Magical Gems from the Collection of Constantine Schmidt-Ciążyński. Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Warszawa – Kraków, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 42 f., 2.3./20, Pl. VII, with sign ‘j’ denoting ‘j’, the ‘mn’-sign ‘m’, and the couched sphinx sign for ‘n’. For more on the cryptographic j-m-n trigrams see, Gaboda, P. 2013. A királyi oroszlánlándzsázás III. Sesonk udzsatplakettjén: Az összetett jelentésrétegek vizsgálata. 2. rész: a két oldal fő ikonjainak/konstellációinak összekapcsolódó szemantikája. Bulletin du Musée Hongrois des Beaux-Arts 118, 40/ footnote 23. 16 Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 42. Hence it is not surprising to find on scarabs not only kings’ names but also symbolic signs or sign-groups enclosed with an oval. 17 Hornung and Staehelin 1976, Nos. 606/Taf. 68, 682/Taf. 76; 698/Taf. 78; 851/Taf. 95, 901/Taf. 101; see also, Newberry 1908, Plates XIII, XVII, and other scarabs with royal and private names (Plates XLIII, XLIV); Ward and Dever remarked that these rope borders were very common on royal name scarabs during the early Twelfth Dynasty (see, Ward, W. A. and Dever, G. D. 1994. Studies on Scarab Seals. Volume Three. Scarab Typology and Archaeological Context. An Essay on Middle Bronze Age Chronology. San Antonio, Texas, Van Siclen Books, 104). 18 Hall 1913, Nos. 581, 1286, 1288; see also, Petrie, W. M. F. 1917. Scarabs and Cylinders with Names. British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account. TwentyFirst Year. London, Constable and Co., Pl. XXIV, 18.2.4, 18.2.5 (rectangular plaque), 18.2.17 (Amenhotep I), Pl. XXVI, 18.6.3 (Thutmose III). 19 Hall 1913, Nos. 1209, 1229, 1256, 1298, 1303, 1304, 2055, 2142; Jaeger, B. 1982. Essai de classification et datation des scarabées Menkhéperrê. Fribourg, Suisse, Éditions Universitaires – Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 98, C. 4, § 435 (ill. 233); Petrie 1917, Pl. XXXIX, 19.2.17 (Seti I), 19.3.52 (Ramesses II). 15

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eral dynasties later, its significance as a dating criterion is rather minor. Here we have to discuss the complex issue of the prenomen which, as we shall see, is not as good a remedy for solving problems of dating as it may seem to be. Nevertheless, in view of the previous assumptions a New Kingdom attestation seems more probable, thus we need to examine the prenomen of Thutmose III.

3. The problems of dating 3.1. The orthography and position of the cartouche

(1) (2a) (2b) (2c) (2d) (3) Figure 5: Various orthographies of the prenomen Mn-xpr-Ra on Eighteenth Dynasty scarabs

The standard vertical writing of the prenomen Mn-xpr-Ra [Type (1)] on New Kingdom scarabs might appear with various alternating orthographies of which Type (2a-d), and most of all Type (3) is of real interest here, since the others have mostly to do with the order and direction of the respective signs.20 What makes Types (2b),21 (2c)22 and (2d)23 special is their extended form, reading Mn-xpr-kARa, which as Hall presumed is the older version of the prenomen, an amalgamation of the throne-names of Senusert I (#pr-kA-Ra) and Thutmose III (Mn-xpr-

For other parallels see also, Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 65, Abb. 9; For a fully extensive list of the variations see, Jaeger 1982, 28-36, D. 1-12, § 36-52. 21 Hall 1913, Nos. 585-587. 22 Hall 1913, Nos 588, 589, 590, 592; Newberry 1908, Plate XXIX, No. 40. 23 Hall 1913, No. 591, 1566; Hornung and Staehelin 1976, No. 243/Taf. 23, in details see Jaeger 1982, 129 ff., A. 9, §§ 1035-1041 (ills. 329-341); Newberry 1907, Nos. 36100, 36107, 36170 (all of them stem from the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty); Newberry 1908, Plate XXVIII, No. 5. 20

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Ra).24 While Type (2a)25 has all the signs in a single column, Types (2b-d) give various group combinations for the signs , and . The one appearing on our scarab is defective [Type (3)], showing the sun-disk and the scarab beetle only. Attestations with this orthography are known from the period, though they are much rarer than Type (1). There are many pieces extant in various collections stemming from the Eighteenth Dynasty with this defective form of the prenomen.26 Beside orthography, another factor might be the position of the cartouche Hall 1913, xii, 61/Nos. 584 ff. based on Budge, E. A. W. 1903. The Book of the Kings of Egypt. Vol. I. Dynasties I-XIX. Books on Egypt and Chaldaea. Vol. XXIII. London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co. Ltd., 126/3. Hall also mentions the name Menkara, whom he wrongly identifies with Senusert I (Hall 1913, 61/No. 588). 25 Hall 1913, Nos. 596, 606; Hornung and Staehelin 1976, No. 244/Taf. 23. Hornung and Staehelin simply call it an extended form of the name, see their notes for Nos. 243 and 244; Newberry 1907, No. 36090 (early Eighteenth Dynasty). 26 Hall 1913, Nos. 110, 117, 999, 1099, 1548, 1587, and 1588. Save for No. 1588, all are depicted in a cartouche. Nos. 110 and 117, as Hall presumes, date from the Twelfth Dynasty thus are of very similar typology as our scarab (D2) (even the rope pattern is apparent, however the other inner elements are missing) and the name stands for a defective prenomen of Senusert II (#a-xpr-Ra)(?). For this type see also, Petrie 1917, Pl. XIII. 12.5.5-6; Hall also mentions later scarabs with the same orthography (Hall 1913, Nos. 2466-2473) which stem from the late New Kingdom as well as the Twenty-second and the Twenty-fifth Dynasty, where the sign combination stands for the defective writing of aA-xpr.w-Ra, the prenomen of Amenhotep II [see, Hornung and Staehelin 1976, Nos. 252/Taf. 24 (here evidently a cryptic writing for Jmn-Ra with a double uraei adorned sun-disk and mn-sign above the cartouche, see also below), 260/Taf. 25, 448-454/Taf. 48 (with Nos. 448 and 451 encircled with a rope-like oval)]. Petrie however also shows items from the New Kingdom with this orthography: Pl. XXVII, 18.6.69, without cartouche, while below it a different spelling of the prenomen of Thutmose III in an oval., Pl. XXIX. 18.6.123 (Eighteenth Dynasty with the prenomen and nomen of Thutmose III on the other side of the plaque.), Pl. XXXIX. 19.2.43 (Nineteenth Dynasty). The composition is like the one in a cartouche on our scarab and on the examples brought by Hall 1913, Nos. 110, 117. (Hornung and Staehelin presume that the signs cannot designate a real king’s name irrespective of the presence of a cartouche. See, Hornung and Staehelin 1976, No. 281, Taf. 48). The heart of the matter seems to lie within these two signs. Ward, in the context of a presumable Twelfth Dynasty dating, also questioned the possibility of the two signs truly representing Senusert I and II. He actually opted for a retrenchment in the number of scarabs held to be bearing the royal prenomen of Senusert I not only among scarabs excavated at ancient Western Asian sites but at Egyptian ones as well, basing his idea, for various reasons, on this particular spelling, and thus deeming some of the named scarabs to stem from between Dynasties Thirteen and Eighteen (see, Ward, W. A. 1971. Egypt and the East Mediterranean world 2200-1900 BC. Studies in Egyptian foreign relations during the First Intermediate Period. Beirut, American University of Beirut, 130 ff.). Rowe gives a similar dating (Fifteenth Dynasty) for certain scarabs appearing solely with these two signs (35.3968, 32.1748) [See, Rowe, A. 1936. A Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs. Scaraboids, Seals and Amulets in the Palestine Archaeological Museum. Government of Palestine, Depart24

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on the base and its relation to the other elements depicted. As can be seen in Figures 1-4, the vertically aligned cartouche is perpendicular to the longer axis of the scarab, as are all the other signs. This type of alignment is apparently well attested during the Eighteenth Dynasty, as well as between Dynasties Nineteen and Twenty-two.27 As we can see though, this factor is but of minor import here. To conclude this section, we may point out that despite all the effort, the orthographical typology does not seem to be able to offer results consistent enough to be considered as ultimate dating criterion.28

3.2. Historical and stylistic analysis Scarab amulets with the names of prominent kings were quite frequently used as amulets of protection, the idea behind it being the divine nature of the king. Thutmose III, one of the royal candidates for the abridged prenomen on our piece, was one of the most prominent of these rulers whose names, being representations of the monarchs themselves due to their powerful nature were believed to ment of Antiquities. Le Caire, Imprimerie de L’Institut Français D’Archéologie Orientale, 42, Pl. IV/156, 157. The back types in these cases however are rather telling. Notwithstanding, he offers an example with this orthography from the Nineteenth Dynasty – a later issue by Sethi I – as well. (see, Rowe 1936, 120/509 (I. 10397), Pl. XII/509)]; Śliwa 1985, 53, No. 75/Pl. XII. A more recent enforcement to this opinion comes from Ben-Tor concerning a group of scarabs from this type (Pl. 40, Nos. 14-16 – Design class 8A) from the Second Intermediate Period (See, Ben-Tor, D. 2007. Scarabs, Chronology, and Interconnections. Egypt and Palestine in the Second Intermediate Period. OBO 27. Series Archaeologica. Fribourg, Academic Press – Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 93 f.). If we suppose a cryptic writing where the double mAa.t-feathers are part of the name, similarly to Hornung and Staehelin 1976, Nos. 252/Taf. 24, the two signs of ra and xpr here mark the cryptic name of Jmn-Ra. Although, if they are treated as decorative elements, they may stand for the defective prenomen of Thutmose III or as constituents of Twenty-first or Twenty-second Dynasty royal names. See also, Śliwa 1989, 39, 2.1.2/13, Pl. IV; Vodoz has published a scarab, which is presumably a 19th century fake with a prenomen in cartouche of this type of orthography, with a kneeling figure on the left, and a rudimentary arch-like sign on the right [See, Vodoz, I. 1979. Les scarabees graves du Musee d’Art et d’Histoire de Geneve. Aegyptiaca Helvetica, 6. Basel, Ägyptolog. Seminar d. Univ. Basel, 153 (F 5 = D 438)]; For a parallel from Medinet Habu from a similar, though more vague time range (Twentieth Dynasty – Twenty-sixth Dynasty?) see, Teeter, E and Wilfong, T. G. 2003. Scarabs, Scaraboids, Seals, and Seal Impressions from Medinet Habu. OIP 118. Chicago, Illinois, The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 91/No. 141/Pl. 41. 27 Hall 1913, e.g., Nos. 1306-1308, 1329, 1388, 1403, 1428, 1429, 1455 (Nineteenth Dynasty), No. 1385 (Twenty-first Dynasty), No. 1391 (Twenty-second Dynasty), No. 1381 (Dynasties Twentytwo–Twenty-four). 28 Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 61.

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have apotropaic and protective functions.29 During his reign an overwhelming amount of scarabs were produced inscribed with his name.30 However, these amulets with kings’ names cause major problems when it comes to dating, since they remained in use for many generations to come long after the particular king’s reign, which in Thumose III’s case could mean almost 1000 years. In addition, these names at times possessed also a cryptic reading which was not restrictive to a particular time period either. One of the most well-known examples is his prenomen, Mn-xpr-Ra, the frequent appearence of which, mostly with its standard orthography [type (1)] but without a cartouche, might hint at its cryptographic reading as the well known three-letter acronym for the name of Amun, which perhaps had been known already at the time Thutmose III assumed it. Hence we have some reason to presuppose this cryptic approach to stand behind the defective group, which in our case comes in a cartouche. We must add though that a considerably higher amount of scarabs can be dated to the life of the monarch, while the ones with cryptic reading tend more to be the results of posthumous production.31 Since the exact provenance of our scarab discussed here is unknown, judging on the basis of stylistic considerations we must assume that the object is a representative of a subgroup, the type of which was extant already during the Twelfth Dynasty, but could just as well be a new type flourishing during the reign of Thutmose III. The main type (Hall’s type A3) was characterized by its naturalistic execution and new cutting technique, and came to replace an earlier one (Hall’s type C) which also bore stylistic elements that were governing during the Twelfth Dynasty.32 The scarab discussed here belongs to subgroup type D2 in Hall’s typology, which is identical with certain pieces of Newberry’s ‘Shesha’-type, and with Petrie’s categories D, H, J, M, N, T, V and W. However, more recent typologies point to the Second Intermediate Period or a possible later reissue.33 Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 30, 41 f.; He, as well as other famous kings like Menkaure or Amenhotep III, came to be treated as demi-gods long after their deaths (see, Hall 1913, xv, xxi). It is beyond doubt that it is the intrinsic magical potential just mentioned that made these scarabs so popular. 30 The other example is Amenhotep I, also with a mass production of scarabs written with his name, a good deal of which has been produced centuries after his reign (see, Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 54). 31 Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 26, 42 f., 61, 175 with No. 252/Taf. 24 reading Jmn-Ra, see also above in footnotes 15 and 26; Jaeger 1982, 94, §§ 415-416; Vodoz 1978, 37 f.; Teeter and Wilfong 2003, 38. 32 Hall 1913, xv. 33 Newberry 1907, 140, No. 36555/Pls. XI (base), and XIX (back) dating from the Hyksos Period is a close parallel as for back type, while the base has symmetrically arranged signs within a rope border. As such, it is a good example for the persistent use of this typical Twelfth Dynasty back type, which lasted during the Second Intermediate Period and had a significant re-emergence 29

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Objects of Halls’s type D34 are all finely carved in particular as to the head, and are extant from the Middle Kingdom until the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties. Subgroup type D2 is specified by the lack of the indication of the elytral during the Nineteenth Dynasty (See also, Stock, H. 1955. Studien zur Geschichte und Archäologie der 13. bis 17. Dynastie Ägyptens. Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Skarabäen dieser Zwischenzeit. Glückstadt-Hamburg-New York, Verlag J. J. Augustin, 11); Petrie 1917, Pl. LIX-LXXI. Following Rowe’s classification for respective head and clypeus (HC), elytra and prothorax (EP), and side types (Side), we get to similar conclusions (HC 49 – Dyn. XVII, 52 – Dyn. XIIIXVIII; EP 4 – Hyksos, 5 – Dyn. XII-XXVI; Side 21 – Hyksos, 45 – Dyn. XIX) (see, Rowe 1936, Pls. XXXII, XXXIII, XXXV). A steatite item from Ibiza (Type V/1) belonging to a collection of scarabs from Punic and other Mediterranean sites from the first half of the first millenium BC also shows similar features in respect of its back type, nonetheless with a somewhat more schematized head. It probably stems from either the Hyksos Period or from a later workshop reproducing the earlier Hyksos types (Gorton, A. F. 1996. Egyptian and Egyptianizing Scarabs. A Typology of Steatite, Faience and Paste Scarabs from Punic and Other Mediterranean Sites. University of Oxford, Committee for Archaeology, Monograph No. 44. Oxford, Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, 16 ff.) a great number of mostly late Middle Kingdom samples show great resemblance in terms of back, head, and side types to ours in D. Ben-Tor’s material of Egyptian and Palestinian scarabs: Pl. 24, No. 12 (From the Thirteenth Dynasty. It has also an 8A-type rope border); Pl. 25, Nos. 7, 10 (Design class 3B); Pl. 27, Nos. 7-18 (save for the sides in case of Nos. 9, 14, 16); Pl. 28, Nos. 2, 6; Pl. 29, Nos. 13, 15; Pl. 42, No. 7 (Second Intermediate Period); Pl. 67, No. 16 (D-head group); Pl. 68, Nos. 2, 4-9, 11, 13, 14, 16-18, Pl. 69, Nos. 2, 3, 7-9, 12-16 (D-head group)]. Among these pieces Pl. 25, No. 7 (MMA 15.3.234); Pl. 29, No. 13 (IMJ 76.31.3807) present an exact match in respect of back, head, and side types. While the former belongs to the so-called Sobkhotep group, the latter is a representative of a group bearing late Middle Kingdom designs. Pl. 29, No. 15, a member of the same group, presents likewise a close match, though its head type is different with its simplified, unindented clypeus and the lack of tibia, nevertheless it also features a rope pattern on its base. We must remark, that the vertically arranged, symmetrical composition of Pl. 25, No. 7 includes a pair of wDA.t-eyes of the type appearing on our scarab. In terms of arrangement, and content, Pl. 40, Nos. 8-11 (Design class 8A), Pl. 95, No. 5 (= Pl. 97, No. 10) and Pl. 94, No. 18 (= Pl. 97, No. 8) (design class 8A – rope border, twisted strand + 9C1 – confronted cobras with signs) are the closest match to our item. In all cases the composition is symmetrically arranged in a longitudinal setting within a rope border. The enclosed uraei flank a single scarab beetle. On the two last mentioned pieces the appearance of the scarab beetle is much alike the one on our scarab, i.e. without the middle tibiae. Ben-Tor has pointed out that these items might very well be Egyptian imitations of a design Canaanite in origin. Pl. 40, Nos. 8-11 can be dated to the Second Intermediate Period, and the continuation of their type into the New Kingdom is yet another hint to their Egyptian origin As for similarities in arrangement scarabs Pl. 36, Nos. 7-9, 10-13 (Design class 3D1 – cartouches, simple oblong ring) are also to be mentioned (see, Ben-Tor 2007, 40 f., 93 ff., 103, 151, 174 f.). For New Kingdom and possible Third Intermediate Period samples from Medinet Habu see, Teeter and Wilfong 2003, 91/No. 140/Pl. 41 (Twentieth to Twenty-first Dynasty?, with matching back and head type); 159/No. 257/Pl. 81 (a seal impression; Eighteenth to the Twenty-first Dynasty). 34 See Newberry’s Figure 62 for D2, and Figure 63 for D5 (Newberry 1908, 71).

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suture and the intersegmental suture of the prothorax and the elytra, which is marked only with two triangular nicks at the sides. Although the striated legs with a transverse section between the first and second pair of femora are specific to type E1, a group extant during the Middle Kingdom and early Eighteenth Dynasty, Stock pointed out that this type came into vogue again during the Nineteenth Dynasty in smaller New Kingdom sizes.35 Since this side and back type coincides with the one of our item, it seems thus justified to place our piece into the intermediate category of type D2-E1 in Hall’s system, which based on this typology would suggest either a Twelfth Dynasty, or an Eighteenth Dynasty date. By the same token, the other possible assumption would be an Eighteenth Dynasty manufacture, which nevertheless might simply mean a re-issue of an earlier Twelfth Dynasty, or as mentioned above, a Second Intermediate Period type.36 Although in terms of dating a solid conclusion based on Petrie’s typology cannot be settled, morphologically our scarab shows the earlier mentioned similarities to pieces of these respective epochs.37 The Twelfth Dynasty date points to the reigns of Senusert I and II, and save for the prenomen, also to that of Senusert III. This date is made even more probable by the later New Kingdom mythico-religious connotations, including the cryptic approach of the ra-xpr combination already mentioned. From Ward’s 1978 work on pre-Twelfth Dy-

Stock 1955, 11. Abb. 3; In Petrie’s system the legs striated on either the front or back side only would exclusively indicate an interval spanning from the Tenth to the Fifteenth Dynasty, though this rule has been refuted by much later examples dating from the Eighteenth Dynasty (see, Hornung and Staehelin 1976, Nos. 222/Taf. 21. with the prenomen aA-xpr-kA-Ra that of Thutmose I, and 226/Taf. 22, name of Hatshepsut). 36 Hall 1913, xxxii. The scarabs that are certainly re-issues of Senusert I from the time of Amenhotep II have, however, save for the triangular wing-case markings of No. 5, hardly anything in common with our item. Nonetheless, what deserves attention is the fact that Senusert I was worshipped long after his death even during the Eighteenth Dynasty. This is evidenced by two stelae from this dynasty, from the period before the reign of Akhenaten, with one of them presenting an offering scene to the deified Senusert I and Amenhotep I, while the other mentioning a wab-priest of #pr-kA-Ra. Senusert I’s funerary temple had been actively accepting offerings at least until the time of Sobekhotep III, while his cult, or at least its memory remained apparently extant. This could have easily necessitated the re-issue of scarabs engraved with his name for the use of devotees of his cult, such as the above-mentioned group. Ward’s supposition might sound justified that should it have been in vogue under Amenhotep II’s rule to re-issue scarabs in favour of #pr-kA-Ra ’s cult, it could likely have been true for other kings as well (Ward 1971, 135 f., Figure 29). This phenomenon, brightly delineated by Ward, could be the key to the resolution of the stylistic and thematic overlappings of our scarab. 37 This holds true even for the use of the rope border, and the signs and though mostly without a cartouche and other elements. 35

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nasty scarab amulets we may well understand the stylistic development which eventually led to the main types of the Twelfth Dynasty. At that time Ward deemed scarab length to be a good clue for dating, and remarked that a correlation between length, date and design is also noteworthy.38 In his later work with Dever, however, along with many other factors, he revised his earlier assumption deeming length to be a supporting feature and of a minor role in dating.39 Nonetheless, considering length, scarabs in the range of our scarab stem mainly from the early Thirteenth Dynasty.40 It is important to remember that it seems most likely that scarabs with royal names were not manufactured prior to the Twelfth DyWard, W. A. 1978. Studies on Scarab Seals. Volume I. Pre-12th Dynasty Scarab Amulets. War­ minster, Aris & Phillips Ltd., 16, 20 ff. He maintained that a general increase in scarab size is clearly observable from the period, which he marked in his work as (First Intermediate) Period Three, meaning 2100-2050 BC. In the period he examined from the late Old Kingdom until the early Twelfth Dynasty, the size range of 17-23 mm is highest (47%, 59 pieces of 123) during the latter, namely the early Twelfth Dynasty. 39 Ward and Dever 1994, 90, 125; Ben-Tor 2007, 9. By the time of the advent of this period an entirely new set of hieroglypic signs appeared on a great number of scarabs (52%, 97 of 187) replacing the old repertoire of the First Intermediate Period. This group is marked Type (3) in Ward’s old typology for base decoration (see, Ward 1978, 23). From the new typology of Ward and Dever we must also add type (8) for the rope border, and for the arrangement of the composition type (9C) might also be considered (See, Ward and Dever 1994, 167 ff.). The open headtype which combines the head with the clypeus (B4) of Period Four (2050-1975 BC) becomes fairly common at the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty (39%, 46 of 118), while later, during this dynasty its use becomes characteristic (Ward 1978, 16, 26 Figure 4, 27). The lack of sutures or lines on the back (type (O) – 68%, 83 of 121) is yet another marker of this period, just as the side type (e6) which is scored, and comes with a squared profile and striated legs (100%, 16 of 16), just as on our scarab (Ward 1978, 28 ff.). Ward and Dever emphasized the difference between contemporary design and royal name scarabs, though the main features of the latter in the Twelfth Dynasty follow similar patterns, which are probably due to the fact that they copied the earlier decorative programme of design scarabs (Ward and Dever 1994, 103, 125 ff.; although most of the above examples marked design scarabs, to summarize we may say that all the above-mentioned distinctive features for the scarabs of the early Twelfth Dynasty Period are definitive to our scarab). According to Ward and Dever’s new typology, scarabs with royal names of matching typological features are as follows: Scarabs with base type (3D) with cartouche and also type (8) rope-like encircling design on the base stem mainly from the late Twelfth Dynasty, and are quite frequent elements of royal name scarabs during the earlier parts of this Dynasty. Ones with head type (B4) are apparent in the Twelfth Dynasty, as well as those of head type (D7), a likely type with horn, which hence should also come into consideration with few (4) attestations from the late Twelfth Dynasty though mainly from the late 15th. Items with back type (PN) come in great numbers both from the Twelfth and Fifteenth Dynasties, while those with side type (e6) with increasing frequency during the Twelfth Dynasty. 40 Ward and Dever 1994, 104, 126 f. Figures 7:3, 7:4, 190 ff. 38

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nasty.41 Thus, we have reached a favorable terminus post quem for our item. Jaeger, in his milestone work on Thutmose III’s scarabs, when alluding to the abridged orthography of type (3), in concordance with Hornung and Staehelin, has remarked that this sign combination has nothing to do with the royal prenomen Mn-xpr-Ra.42 In favor of a New Kingdom date stands the fact that contrary to the refined, thinner Middle Kindgom carving style of the base, New Kingdom and later bases are characterized by a deepened style with a full carve-out of signs and figures, which is apparent in the case of our examined scarab as well.43 We must also add Ward and Dever’s notes, which are of great import here, dismissing Hall’s and Petrie’s leniency in accepting abbreviated or defectively written royal names as genuine. They also pointed out the latter’s false assumption in insisting on the continuing degradation of quality in scarab manufacture from the Twelfth Dynasty onward. One major problem is that in many cases assuredly contemporary scarabs show immense differences in typology or quality of execution, although thereby they serve as solid proof against Petrie’s above-mentioned assumption. The other problem is the question of individual items without known contexts. These factors make it almost impossible to date these solitary pieces, hence we have to collate as many factors as possible to find the proper solution for dating.44 Stock 1955, 13. They appeared mainly during the Twelfth Dynasty, but there are some isolated attestations extant stemming from the Eleventh Dynasty; Vodoz 1978, 9; Ward and Dever 1994, 103. 42 However, he cited an Eighteenth Dynasty green pottery plaque with the standard royal prenomen on one side and the nomen with the ra-xpr combination in cartouche on the other (See, Jaeger 1982, 39, E. /3, § 65/21° and 282, note 62; 280, note 30, see also in Petrie 1917, xxix, Pl. XXIX. 18.6.123). In relation to the ra-xpr combination Hornung and Staehelin emphasized that it was the solar aspect of the xpr-beetle, which made greater sense, either with or without a cartouche or oval (see, Hornung and Staehelin 1976, 74, 94-95, 448/Taf. 48, 453/Taf. 48). Another facet of the solar aspect of these signs relates to certain scarab groups bearing the representations of the king and royal power. On the importance of these signs as symbols of solar regeneration and hence originators of the king’s apotropaic function in these types of compositions see, Gaboda 2013, 29 ff., 45/ footnote 47. 43 Stock 1955, 11. 44 Vodoz also pointed out the same problem. In a group of items belonging to Haremhab, out of 95 scarabs there were 55 separate back types. Iconography might be a better clue, but by far the most certain dating criterion for scarabs could be the foundation deposits of palaces, temples, and royal tombs with scarabs manufactured for the actual occasion. These however are quite rare, while scarabs found in situ at other sites might be of earlier date than the spots themselves. Scarabs with royal names from particular foundation deposits might either be earlier than or contemporary to the actual kings the deposit pertains to (Vodoz 1978, 6 f.). On foundation deposits from the time of Thutmose III see also, Jaeger 1982, 123 ff., A./1-6 §§ 1001-1013; Ward and Dever 1994, 9 f., 147 ff. 41

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3.3. Concluding remarks To conclude we may summarize that based on the above outlined stylistic typologies, along with the orthographical peculiarities of the appearing prenomen as well as the compositional program of the base, we would have to stretch the interval of dating more wide open. As based on scarab typology we may find analogies that would allow for a period spanning most likely from the Twelfth Dynasty until the early Nineteenth Dynasty or even later, while the composition of the base would allow for a dating spanning from the Eighteenth to the Twentyfifth Dynasty.45 Length as we have seen, is not a crucial factor. However, the deep and at times somewhat clumsy carve-out, the arrangement of the base composition, including the cartouche, not to mention the apparent cryptographic j-m-n trigram, as well as the closest Eighteenth Dynasty parallels46 would counterbalance, if not outweigh, the above arguments for a Middle Kindgom origin in favour of an Eighteenth Dynasty or rather a Ramesside Period date.47 Although the composition in this setting (with an wDA.t-eye on the left) to the author’s knowledge is unique, its material, the excellent execution of the head, the worn remains of the glaze, but most of all the cryptic reading would certainly allow us to exclude any doubt concerning the item’s genuineness. These

Figure 6. The scarab.

Beside the perfectly matching back and side types, an argument for a Twelfth Dynasty date could be the ra-xpr combination in a rope-border, these however most of the time stand as sole decorative elements, and if not, the surrounding signs differ greatly from the arrangement appearing on our scarab. 46 Giveon and Kertesz 1986, 19, No. 48. also with similar size (19.5/14.5/8.5) and with a quite close compositional parallel with the prenomen of Ramesses IV in Hornung and Staehelin 1976, No. 426 (Fraser 251)/Taf. 46 (see, Jaeger 1982, 133 f., 2/a, § 1060, ill. 360); Newberry 1907, Nos. 36960, 37425, both from the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty. 47 This deep, and coarse carving style is more typical of the Ramesside period, though not unfamiliar already at the time of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III (see, Jaeger 1982, 136 f., 3, §§ 1068, 1073, 184, A, § 1264). 45

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factors thus would permit us to identify this item as an originally blue-green glazed, protective scarab amulet from the Ramesside Period.

Abstract The following paper is a description of a steatite scarab amulet of elaborate base design, belonging to a small Hungarian private collection. The scarab has been delicately executed, and bears a set of incised hieroglyphs, among them a defectively written royal prenomen, surrounded with protective signs. Though it is questionable that the prenomen belongs to any particular king, the most certain candidates for ownership are Senusert I and II, and Thutmose III. The item, once glazed, save for a minor chip-off, is in relatively good condition with minor crack lines on its surface and the thin brittle ocre and white remnants of the worn off original glaze on the back and the base, respectively. As for the composition of its base, the scarab seems to stand without any known, exact parallels, nevertheless in relying on stylistic and paleographic evidence and examinations, it is undoubtedly a genuine artefact stemming most probably from the Ramesside Period, and hopefully will contribute to our knowledge of small size magico-religious objects in Hungarian collections.

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5) Miscellanea

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Rozália Berzsák (Transl.)

Nagíb Mahfúz:1 a rózsakert

Régen történt ez az eset. Meg kell jegyeznem, hogy nekem a kerület sejkje2 mesélte el, miközben a rózsakertben üldögéltünk. Hamza Kandíl,3 pontosabban a holtteste jóval az eltűnése után került elő a pusztaságból. Ott találták meg nyakonszúrva valamilyen éles tárggyal, gallabijjája4 és köpenye egy merő alvadt vér volt, és a turbánja a holttesttől nem messze feküdt a földön. Az órájához és a pénzéhez nem nyúltak. Ebből egyértelműen kizárható, hogy a bűntettet rablás céljával követték volna el. A hivatalos szervek nekiláttak a vizsgálatnak és a nyomozásnak. A hír sebesen terjedt el az utcában, akár a tűz a fű­ rész­porban. Házában felcsendült a jajveszékelés, és követte azt a szomszédasszonyoké a kötelező együttérzés jeleként. Az emberek sokatmondó pillantásokat vetettek egymásra, és úrrá lett rajtuk az idegesség és a félelem. Egyesek lelkébe titkolt  megnyugvás, s ugyanakkor valamilyen bűntudatféle költözött. Ezt fogalmazta meg Dakrúri bácsi, a tejárus, amikor azt súgta oda az utcabéli imahely imámjának: –  A gyilkosság azért mégiscsak túlzás, akármilyen konok és kiállhatatlan volt is! Mire az imám azt felelte: –  Isten azt cselekszi, amit jónak lát. Az ügyészség az ellenségeiről kérdezősködött, ám a kérdés megmagyarázhatatlanul tartózkodó légkörre talált. Az özvegye közölte, hogy ő nem tud semmit A fordító jegyzetei: 1 A Nobel-díjas egyiptomi író, Nagíb Mahfúz (1911–2006) ezen elbeszélése A felejtés visszhangja című kötetben jelent meg 1999-ben. 2 A „kerület sejkje” egy régóta fennálló közhivatali tisztség, amelyre egy írástudó, katonai szol­gálatát letöltött személyt jelölnek ki, aki a kerület összes lakóját ismeri, nyilvántartja, és az állami hivatalok felé továbbítja az információkat, illetve hitelesíti azokat. Hatásköre kiterjed a különféle adókra, személyi adatok hitelességére, iskolaköteles gyermekek beiskolázására, fertőző betegek karanténba szállítására, gyanús, bűnöző személyek megfigyelésére és róluk történő jelentésre, halotti bizonyítványok hitelesítésére, közegészségügyi előírások betartására az üzletekben, a szociálisan rászorultak kiválasztására a segélyek és adományok szétosztásához, stb. 3 Beszélő név, jelentése „lámpás”. 4 Bokáig érő, bő ujjú, bő szabású ing, az egyiptomi férfiak hagyományos viselete.

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a házon kívüli kapcsolatairól. És senki nem tapasztalt ellenségeskedést az áldozat és az utca népéből bárki között. Sőt, használható tanúvallomást sem tudott tenni senki. A rendőrkapitány kérdőn nézett a kerület sejkjére: –  Az egyetlen, ami feltűnt, hogy nem voltak neki barátai! És amikor rákérdeztek ennek az okára, azt válaszolta: – Nem kedvelték, de én nem foglalkoztam vele, hogy kiderítsem ennek az okát. A nyomozás kiderítette, hogy a pusztaságon keresztül járt a munkahelyére, a Tarbíába, meg onnan haza. És senki nem szokta elkísérni se oda-, se visszafelé. A hagyományos kérdésre, hogy gyanakodnak-e valakire, egyöntetű tagadás volt a válasz. S bár senki nem hitt senkinek, mégis így folyt le a dolog. No de miért nem volt Hamza Kandílnak egyetlen barátja sem az utcában? Ebből következtethető ugyanis az, hogy ellenséges érzelmeket tápláltak ellene. – Valamivel tanultabb volt a többieknél – mondta erről a kerület sejkje –, és ha a kávéházban üldögélt, folyton a világnak azokról a csodás dolgairól mesélt az embereknek, amelyekről az újságokban olvasott. Ezzel kivívta a többiek csodálkozását és felkeltette a figyelmüket. Így vált minden társaság középpontjává, ahol csak megjelent, és olyan rangot szerzett, amely az emberek szemében csak a kormány tisztviselőit vagy a bandavezéreket illeti meg. Megnehezteltek rá, és bosszús, irigy szívvel figyelték. A feszültség akkor érte el tetőfokát, amikor egy nap elképesztő dolgokat talált mondani a temetőről. Egyszer csak így szólt: –  Nézzétek csak a temetőt! A kerület legszebb pontján fekszik. Az emberek rákérdeztek, hogy mit akar ezzel mondani, mire azt felelte: – Képzeljétek el, ha az északi részén egy lakónegyed állna, a délin pedig egy park lenne! Az emberek soha nem tapasztalt haragra gerjedtek, nem győzték korholni, rendreutasítani. Emlékeztették a holtak méltóságára és az irántuk tanúsítandó kötelező tiszteletre. Bajjúmi Zalat5 állt a méltatlankodók élén, és óva intette tőle, hogy még egyszer szóba hozza a temetőt. –  Az otthonunkban csak egy pár évet élünk, a sírban viszont a végítélet napjáig maradunk! – kiabálta. –  És az emberek, nincs-e nekik is joguk hozzá? – tette fel a kérdést Kandíl. De Zalat felbőszülve vágott a szavába: –  A holtak sérthetetlensége vallási szentség! Így formált vallásjogi véleményt Zalat, aki még csak nem is konyított a valláshoz. Alighogy elkezdett a csata csendesedni, amikor – éppen ezzel egyidőben – a kerület sejkje hírét hozta a kormányzóság határozatának a temető felszámolá5

Beszélő név, jelentése „kavics”.

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sáról egy bizonyos türelmi idő lejártával, felszólítva az embereket egy új temető létesítésére mélyen a pusztaságban… Semmi köze nem volt Kandíl szavainak a határozathoz, egyesek mégis úgy gondolták – márpedig némelyik gondolat önmagában is bűn –, mások pedig ki is mondták, hogy Kandíl kevés ugyan ahhoz, hogy befolyással legyen a kormányra, de mindenképpen vonzotta a bajt. Végül aztán csak mindenki őt tette felelőssé a következményekért. A maga részéről nem titkolta, hogy örül a döntésnek, és ezzel csak fokozta az emberek bosszúságát és haragját. Összegyűlt a nép a kerület sejkje előtt, a férfiak kiáltozása és a nők jajveszékelése közepette, és azt követelték tőle, hogy értesítse a kormányt, hogy ez a kormányhatározat érvénytelen, bűnös, isten ellen való dolog, és sérti a holtak méltóságát. A kerület sejkje kijelentette, hogy ő sem tartja náluk kevésbé tiszteletben a halottak szentségét, és úgy fogják őket az egyik helyről a másikra átszállítani, hogy közben maximálisan ügyelni fognak a sértetlenségükre és méltó­ ságukra. Akkor az utcát és népét átok fogja sújtani! – hajtogatták erre kitartóan. A sejk közölte, hogy a kormányhatározat végleges, és legjobb lesz, ha nekilátnak a végrehajtásának. Azután elment. Zalat közben azt harsogta: –  A pogánykor óta nem hallottunk ilyesmiről! A kormány elleni felháborodás elegyedett a Kandíl ellenivel, mely nagy felzúdulássá nőtt. Egy éjjel Bajjúmi Zalat esti programjáról a temetőn keresztül tért haza, és a kis kútnál egyszer csak egy szemfedélbe burkolt csontváz jelent meg előtte. Zalat lába gyökeret vert, és hirtelen minden elillant a fejéből. Azt mondta neki a csontváz: –  Jaj annak, aki elfelejti a halottait vagy semmibe veszi a legbecsesebb dolgot, amit birtokolunk, vagyis a sírt! Zalat a halál szelétől megérintve tért vissza az utcába. Az az igazság, hogy ő senki előtt nem titkolta: ő Kandíl gyilkosa, mégsem árulta el senki a titkát, vagy félelemből, vagy egyetértésből. Azt mondják, hogy ez a tény a rendőrkapitány fülébe is eljutott, de ő is ellenezte a temető áthelyezését, amelyben az ősei nyugszanak. Úgyhogy a vizsgálatot ismeretlen tettes ellen indították, és így Kandíl vérét megtorlatlanul ontották. A kerület sejkje sajnálkozó hangvétellel fejezte be beszédét. A rózsakertben ültünk, amely valaha ősi kerületünk temetője volt.

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Bence Fehér

Vitatható jogállású praefectus legionisok Aquincumban A praefectus legionis, ill. praefectus castrorum legionis tisztsége a feliratokon nem mindig választható el könnyen, és sok értelmezési nehézséggel jár. Ugyanakkor Pannoniából viszonylag sokat ismerünk felirataikról; a Legio II Adiutrixnak Aquincumban nyolc vagy kilenc praefectusától maradt ránk felirat (a legkorábbi esetben a legio nem biztos).1 A többiek közül a TAq 976 esetében az uralkodó megnevezése, a TAq 534 esetében a kőemlék formai datálása alapján2 bizonyosan praefectus castrorumról van szó (amely címet rendszerszerűen rövidítenek praefectusra, ebben nincs semmi meglepő), négy esetben pedig vagy ki van írva, vagy az uralkodónév biztosította keltezés alapján nyilvánvaló, hogy praefectus legionis a.v.l. a tisztségük. Fennmarad két praefectus említése, akiknek a tisztsége az egyértelmű megnevezés és a világos datálhatóság híján vitatható. A cikkben e két parancsnok kilétét próbálom meg pontosabban tisztázni.

A) C. Pominius (?) Deccianus Az egyedüli forrás, ahonnan ismerjük, az érte emelt fogadalmi oltár Aquincumból (TAq 296): Silv^ano p.[r(o) s(alute)] C(ai) Pomini [.?] 1

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TAq 498 (ez a kőmegmunkálás és szövegformulázás alapján elég jól datálható korai kőemlék megnevezi, hogy praef(ectus) castr(orum)ról van szó, tehát nincs vele értelmezési nehézség; ezzel szemben nem nevezi meg a legiót, s a szakirodalomban vitatott is, hogy a Legio II Adiutrix vagy a Legio X Gemina táborának élén állt-e (ld. Nagy T. 1991. Quadilla Comonis liberta sírköve. BudRég 28, 217-220; Fitz J. 1992–1995. Die Verwaltung Pannoniens in der Römerzeit I–IV. Budapest, 893 no. 554; Németh M. in Kovács P.–Szabó Á. (eds, I–II), Fehér B. (ed., III). 2009–2011. Tituli Aquincenses. Budapest (TAq), 498 nem foglal határozottan állást); TAq 12, 42, 71, 211, 296, 508, 534, 976. A szarkofág első közlése a TAq-ban történt meg, az ott olvasható “III. sz. eleje” datálás talán kissé még tágabb is lehet: noro-pannon volutás dísze jellegzetes Severus-kori munka, a felirat formulázása nem tartalmaz semmi olyan különös elemet, amely ennek akár ellentmondana, akár még jobban leszűkítené.

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Decciani p^ . ra^e.(fecti) leg(ionis) II Ad(iutricis) ex vo^to 5 e.quision^es e.iu^s. pos(uerunt).3 A praefectusról közvetlenül szinte semmit nem tudunk, tkp. még a nevét sem. C. Pominius Deccianus4 vagy esetleg Dexianus meglehetősen gyanús név. A Po­ minius unikális,5 így valami helyett tévesztés. Erre a mai napig tkp. az egyetlen elfogadható megoldás E. Birley gyanúja, hogy P. Cominius helyett írtak C. Pominiust.6 A P. praenomen Cominius névvel azonban viszonylag ritka.7 Paleográfiai alapú tévedés, tehát hogy a kurzív/actuaria megrendelést értette félre a kőfaragó, hihetőbb volna, de nagyon nehéz, szinte lehetetlen olyan noment találni, amelyet Pominius formában lehet félreolvasni: legfeljebb a Pontinius nomen kínálkozik,8 amely azonban nagyon ritka, Narbonensisből ismerjük minimális mennyiségben.9 A szóbajöhető gyakoribb Pompeius, Pompilius, Pomponius nevekkel ez szinte leküzdhetetlen nehézségekbe ütközik. Mármost a Cominius nomen Italiában tömeges, ezt leszámítva azonban szintén Galliában, és főleg

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TAq 296 (a teljes korábbi irodalommal, tévesen ott megnevezve két Alföldy G.-cikket is, amelyekben az oltárról nem esik szó!) = CIL III 13370, Ubi erat lupa Bilddatenbank (http://www. ubi-erat-lupa.org) Nr. 13663, EDH 068044. A feliratközlés 3. sorában visszatértem a CIL helyes DECCIANI olvasatához, viszont a sor végén a feltételezett megsemmisült F betűre nem lehe^ tett hely, tehát a helyes olvasat p^ . ra e. (fecti). Az 1. sor 1. és az 5. sor 2. betűje a TAq olvasatával szemben ép, teljes. Kuzsinszky B. 1897. Az aquincumi múzeum és kőemlékei. BudRég 5, 95-164, no. 35 és nyo­ mában Domaszewski in CIL olvasata helyes! Szabó in TAq Decsiani-t olvasott, azonban a sérült 4. betű kizárólag C-re egészíthető ki. A Decsianus alak természetesen Dexianusnak volna olvasható, azonban nem ez a helyzet; viszont a Deccianus név olyan ritka, hogy önkéntelen felvetődik az elírás lehetősége, főleg Dexianus helyett, íráshibából vagy hiperkorrekten depalatalizált alakként, ld. később 28. j. B. Lőrincz. 1999–2005. Onomasticon Provinciarum Europae Latinarum I 2–IV. Budapest–Wien (a továbbiakban: OPEL) III 149. B. Dobson. 1978. Die Primipilares. BJ Beiheft 37. Köln, 347, 648. j. Csak mintegy tucatnyi előfordulása ismert, nagy többségben Rómából (CIL VI 16022, 16048, 27692, Ostia: XIV 858), illetve Észak-Italiából (CIL V 5532, 8659, AE 1890,151), egyszer Galliából (CIL XII 3526, Nemausus). Ugyanakkor a Cominius nomen igen elterjedt, és legalább 5 praenomennel ismerjük több mint 20 előfordulásban: Lucius, Caius, Marcus, Quintus, Titus (EDCS alapján). OPEL III 153. Illetve egy-egy előfordulás Rómából (CIL VI 28246) és Umbriából (CIL XI 4368, de ő legalább primus pilus volt!).

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Narbonensisben gyakori; de nem ismeretlen itt a helyszínen, Pannoniában sem,10 bár két kivétellel11 csak Carnuntum környékéről ismert. A Dexianus név magában szintén unikális,12 azonban szabályos képzés Dexiusból, ezért bárhol előállhat – ahol a Dexiust használják. Ez a látszatra jó görög név azonban a II–III. századi görögségben gyakorlatilag ismeretlen,13 különösen magasabb társadalmi szinteken. Néhány feltehetőleg görög származású, legalábbis görög kapcsolatokkal rendelkező Dexiust ismerünk,14 minő véletlen, ismét Narbonensisből 15 és Dalmatiából.16 Nem görög eredetű Dexius nomen még annyira sem valószínű, maroknyi előfordulását ismerjük, ráadásul azt is Africából.17 Persze felvethető volna a közismert Decianus cognomen, a zárhang nyúlása azonban a pannoniai feliratokon szinte teljesen ismeretlen,18 és indokolatlan is volna – leszámítva azt a lehetőséget, hogy szintén egy kezdődő palatalizációt próbál valahogy jelölni a lejegyző (bár erre szintén nincs más példa Pannoniából), vagyis ez esetben szintén III. sz. végi feliratról van szó.19 Egészében azonban ezt a lehetőséget nem tartom valószínűnek.

OPEL II 70. RIU 1017, ill. egy idegenből jött ala-katona: TAq 604. 12 AE 1997, 00314, Tifata (Italia), P. Campanius Dexianus. 13 H. Solin. 20032. Die griechischen Personennamen im Rom. Berlin–New York, 765: Róma, egy De­x ios Hermes rabszolga Kr. u. 166-ból; P. M. Fraser–E. Matthews. 1987–. A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names I–V. Oxford, 1,122 Krétáról egy I–II. sz.-i adat, egy másik: 5,119 a troasi Myrinából. 14 OPEL II 98. 15 CIL XII 1202 Dexius Verus, együtt a bizonyosan görög Sestius Stratonnal, 1557 T. Dexius Zosimus görögnek látszik, bár helyi istenségnek áldoz. 16 A. Šašel–J. Šašel. 1963–1986. Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia … repertae et editae sunt, I–III, Situla 5, 19, 25. Ljubljana (a továbbiakban: ILJ) no. 2121. 17 CIL VIII 2858–60, ill. 18974. 18 CIL III 11451 ismerünk egy egyértelműen íráshibás doccet alakot, egyébként sokszorosan hibás és valószínűleg (nyelvi szintje alapján) oltárunknál még későbbi, vázlatszerű kézírásos szövegben. 19 Másrészt az ismert Decianusok elég jelentős része viszonylag korai, és az adatok egynegyede senatori rangú személyekre utal, akik itt eleve nem jönnek számításba. Területileg szinte kizárólag italiai és afrikai személyekről van szó; az afrikai eredet nem túl valószínű, az italiai az lenne. Katonai karriert, főleg primus pilust egyáltalán nem ismerünk köztük: ha mégis Decianusról van szó, már csak ezért is kései, lovagi praefectus lehetett. (Ismert lovag: CIL XVI 144, Severus Alexander kora; CIL VIII 23281, Africából.) 10 11

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Marad a pontosan olvasott Deccianus név, csakhogy ez is igen ritka, csak délebbi Italiából és Pannoniából adatolt név, de a Deccius alapnév – természetesen délebbi Italia mellett – elsősorban szintén Gallia-Germaniából ismert!20 A praefectus tisztsége szintén vitatható: praefectus castrorumról van szó, vagy praefectus legionis a.v.l.-ről? Mind a kettő elképzelhető ilyen hiányos leírással, praefectus castrorum már a II. sz. elejétől.21 Ennek eldöntésére maga a szöveg és tartalma azért nem túl hasznos, mert az oltárt csak érette állították az equiso-i, azaz lovászai. Ez az extrém ritka szó22 irodalmi szövegben összesen három szerzőnél bukkan fel, Varro Menippeáiban, Valerius Maximusnál és Apuleiusnál – tehát bár nem éppen új képzés (Varro alapján), valószínűleg vagy csak nagyon keresett, ritka, régies, vagy ellenkezőleg csak nagyon vulgáris kifejezés volt. Feli­ raton, tehát létező személyek neveként Rómából ismerjük23 és egyszer Britanniából,24 rabszolgastátusú emberek, az egyikük (Tiberius korából) galliai görög származású; könnyen lehet, hogy ez a szó főleg ott volt divatban. Ha ez igaz, erősen támogatja Cominius (?) praefectus feltételezett narbói kapcsolatait, már akár magával hozta a lovászait, akár a szót hozta hazai szókincséből, és átvették tőle idevalósi rabszolgái. A korra azért nem következtethetünk belőle, mert a többi előfordulás a mienkénél mindenképpen korábbi. Ennyi adatból nem világos, ki mindenkinek lehetett equiso-ja: a császárnak és egy consularisnak (a britanniai felirat alapján) mindenképp, de nem tűnik hivatalos tisztségnek, és nem zárnám ki, hogy egy falusi lovasgazda is tarthatott. Különösen Apuleiusnál különböző szakterületű mezőgazdasági munkások közt bukkan fel, általánosan, bármely társadalmi környezetben használható névnek tűnik.25 A kardinális érv, ami eldöntené a kérdést, az oltár kora lehetne, de ezt éppen olyan nehéz meghatározni, azon túl, hogy az oltárnak a II–III. sz.-ra valló külseje és lelőhelye van. De ezen belül a lényegében dísztelen, csak felül többtagú párkánnyal, alul háromtagú crepidóval ellátott oltár aligha datálható, az elfogadható, de nem kimagasló minőségű kőfaragómunka sem jellegzetes, így külső eszközünk a felirat datálásához nincs. A formulázás sem segít: az egyszerű ex voto formula gyakorisága lényegében követi a feliratállítás általános gyakoriságát, Jelen pillanatban 7 adat, vö. OPEL II 94, szemben 9 dél-italiaival és 4 rómaival (EDCS alapján); italiai Decciusok: CIL VI 32908b, X 53, AE 1987, 272, AE 1998, 372. 21 Dobson 1968, 69, 141. 22 ThLL V c.726; uott az equisio változat is ismert, feliratunkon kívül azonban csak glosszá­riumpéldákkal. 23 CIL VI 7607, 33777. 24 AE 1990, 00670a = AE 1991, 01163, kelta személy. 25 Apul. Met. 7,15., 8,1., Apol. 87,7. (Viszont Valerius Maximusnál, Memorabilia 7,3, ismét magas rangú személy, ti. király tulajdona.) 20

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vagyis mindig egyformán használatos volt. Az eddigi datálások megokolatlanok voltak: Dobson bölcs óvatossággal nem is próbálta keltezni (bár egyértelműen praefectus castrorumnak érti); Fitz Jenő egyértelműen a III. sz.-ra helyezi, de nem kíván dönteni, hogy praefectus castrorumról van szó, tehát a 260-as évek előttről, vagy praefectus legionis a.v.l-ről, tehát utána. Szabó minden magyarázat nélkül a II. századra sorolja be.26 Kiindulhatunk a  névtani és nyelvi adatokból. Nyelvileg az epentheticus i-hiperkorrekció az equisio alakban Pannoniában a III. sz.-nál korábban nem valószínű,27 a többi alak ismereteink szerint szabályos; ezzel tkp. rokon nyelvi jelenség, ha a cognomen Deccianus alakja mégis Dexianusnak olvasandó, de akkor (az i-palatalizáció megléte miatt) itt ez a III. sz. legvégénél nem lehet korábbi.28 Ha tehát a praefectus helyes neve P. Cominius (?) Dexianus, akkor minden bizonnyal praefectus legionis a.v.l. volt, a III. sz. utolsó évtizedeiből (legkorábban), és nagy valószínűséggel galliai eredetű. Ha viszont Deccianus, akkor a III. sz. egésze számításba jöhet – korábbi időszak nyelvi okok miatt nem, de az eszerint dél-italiai, pannoniai vagy galliai származtatási lehetőségek közül is csak a délitaliai engedne meg korábbi datálást, hiszen egy galliai eredet az eddigi adatok szerint unikális lenne a II. századi primus pilusok között,29 ahol az italiai származás abszolút túlsúlyban van, míg a III. században már az eddig felvetett pannoniai eredet és az italiai egyaránt gyakori, de Narbonensisre is van példa.30 Egészében tehát igen valószínű, hogy Cominius (?) legkorábban a későbbi Severus-korban lehetett praefectus Aquincumban, de nem tudjuk bizonyítani, hogy a III. sz.-on belül mikor; ha korábban, akkor Deccianus névre hallgatott, és vsz. vagy dél-italiai, vagy narbói eredetű lehetett; e név az eddigi adatok alapján nem utal előkelő származásra, tehát inkább illik is primus pilushoz, mint lovagi

Dobson 1968, 69, 141; Fitz 1992/95, 1148 n. 815; Szabó in TAq. Fehér B. 2007. Pannonia latin nyelvtörténete, Budapest, 343-44. ThLL loc. cit. equisio előfordulásait csak glosszáriumokból ismeri, nincs mögötte semmilyen élő nyelvi adat. Iulius Valerius equisio/equisius/equarius adata (Iul. Val. 1,13,356, a kézirati hagyomány teljesen bi­ zonytalan) ennél mindenképpen későbbi, és lehet teljesen független újraképzés, még akkor is, ha az equisio alakot fogadjuk el, ami kevésbé valószínű: az -(a)sius/(a)so képző párhuzamos régi italiai eredetéről ld. J. Hubschmid. 1960. Substratprobleme: eine neue iberoromanischalpinlombardische Wortgleichung vorindogermanischen Ursprungs und die vorindogermanischen Suffixe -ano- und -s(s)-. Vox Romanica 19, 247. 28 Fehér 2007, 388-89: a CI/TI tévesztések a III. sz. végén indulnak meg Pannoniában, v.ö. TAq 520, az eddig egyetlen egészen biztos példa (Fehér in TAq II 412). 29 Dobson 1968, 23-28. 30 Dobson 1968, 33-39, kül. nr. 231. 26 27

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prae­fectushoz.31 Ha a század 3. harmadában, akkor mindegyik névváltozat elképzelhető.

B) C. Iulius Valens C. Iulius Valenst saját fogadalmi oltáráról ismerjük (TAq 42): Bon^a^e Dea^e et Pan^thaeo Dian^(a)e Silv^ana bus 5 G(aius) Iul(ius) Valens p^ra^ef(ectus) leg(ionis) II ad(iutricis)

ex voto.32

Az oltárnak az abacusa és lábazata ugyan nagyon erősen rongált (olyannyira, hogy a kőemlék formai kinézete alapján semmilyen csoportba sorolást, datálást nem mernék kezdeményezni), maga a feliratos mező azonban viszonylag jó állapotban maradt meg, és eredetileg igen alapos, mélyen és gondosan vésett munka, tehát viszonylag könnyen tanulmányozható. Ennek tükrében érthetetlen, hogy miért nem született még jó feliratleírás róla. Első, Hampel J.-től származó leírása teljesen hibás volt,33 Diner és az őt egy ponton még helyesen javító Domaszewski még szintén XIX. századi leírása már csak kisebb hibákat tartalmazott,34 azóta mindenki a CIL-olvasatot ismételgeti a legcsekélyebb változtatás nélkül.35 Az első hat sorban ez az olvasat helyes,36 azonban a 6. és 7. sor közti üres helyet kitörölt sornak értelmezi, és a 7. (nála 8.) sor elején enyhén sérült formában P F EX beEddig egyetlen lovagrendi Decciust ismerünk: CIL X 53. Deccianust egyet sem. TAq 42 (a teljes korábbi irodalommal) = CIL III 10394, EDH 067862, Ubi erat lupa Nr. 9868. 33 Hampel J. 1882. ArchÉrt 2, 65. 34 J. Diner. 1883. Archäologisch-epigraphischer Bericht aus Ungarn: 1878–81. AEM 7. 87; Domaszewski in CIL III 10394. 35 Kuzsinszky B. 1899. Aquincum római feliratai III. BudRég 6, 124; ILS 3516; Fitz 1992/95, 1142 n. 799; Szabó in TAq I 42. 36 Pontosan jegyzi meg: PRAEΓ 6 praef in lapide fuisse videtur, vagyis a praefectus legionis azonosítását Domaszewskinek köszönhetjük; ehhez csak annyit tehetünk hozzá, hogy figyelmes szemléléssel az F teljesen megvan a mai napig. 31

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tűket olvas. A P F betűknek azonban valójában nincs nyomuk, és a felület magasságának lényegi egyezése azt mutatja, hogy nem történt erasio, vagyis nincs legio-attribútum damnálva (sajnos, mert akkor pontos datálásra volna esélyünk). A feles betűk feltételezésének okát csak találgathatjuk, véleményem szerint az X előtt kezdődő, rézsút a kő aljáig leérő karmolt (jellegzetesen a kőemlék megtalálásakor keletkező) sérülés keltette azt a benyomást, hogy ÊX ligatúra volna, minekutána a valódi E betűt, amelynek az alja ugyanebből az okból erősen sérült, F-ként azonosították, az ezután szükségszerűen várt P-t pedig mintegy beleálmodták egy kisebb sérülésbe. Az oltáron nagyon kevés elem alkalmas datálásra. Egyszerű és ráadásul erősen rongált formája éppúgy eléggé általános, mint a formulázása. A legio megnevezése: leg(io) II ad(iutrix), minden jelző nélkül, nem keltező értékű.37 Az AD rövidítés ADI helyett ugyan a II. sz.-ban teljesen általános, de a III. sz.-ban a két rövidítés körülbelül egyensúlyban van, tehát az ADI használata ugyan valószínűbbé tenné a későbbi eredetet, de fordítva, elmaradása nem cáfolja. Egyelőre, az aquincumi kőfaragóipar részletes paleográfiai vizsgálata nélkül, a betűformák alapján csak nagyon csekély mértékben lehet kronológiai következtetést megkockáztatni. Tény mindenesetre, hogy a betűk közt erősen változó térközök, a középre tagolás enyhe pontatlansága inkább későbbi kort enged sejtetni, s az a betűk némelyike, tetején óriási vízszintes szerifével, leginkább a 260as évekre keltezhető TAq 508. sírtáblával mutat hasonlóságot. A felirat betűinek igen nagy része (25%) ligatúrában áll, ezt leggyakrabban, de nem kizárólag, a Severus-kor második felében alkalmazták, maguk a ligatúrák azonban olyan általános típusúak, hogy azok sem datáló értékűek.38 Így a keltezésre magából a szöveg tartalmából, az invokált istenségek és az állíttató személyéből kell kiindulni. Nyelvileg a szöveg nagyjából szabályos, egy ae>e alakuláson kívül, ami már a II. sz. elejétől tömeges, csak egy hiperkorrekció van benne (Pantheo > Panthaeo), ami az állíttatónak legalábbis a műveltségre törekvését mutatja. A néha kifejtett nézet, hogy a p(ia) f(idelis) jelző elmaradása II. sz.-ra jellemző (TAq I p.90, p.107, p.191 etc.), alaptalan: legalábbis oltárkövekre (amelyeknek formulázása nem szükségszerűen hasonlít a sírkövekére) igaz ugyan, hogy a II. sz.-ban nagyobb felükben elmarad a jelző, de a Severus-korban is mintegy egyharmaduknál, a III. sz. második felében pedig általános a jelző nélküli legionév (TAq 71, 72, 94, 923), jelzőt egyelőre építési feliratokról ismerünk (TAq 25, 26), vagyis önmagában ennek semmilyen datáló értéke nincs. 38 Vö. Fehér B. 2014. Nexus. A ligatúrák használata Aquincumban. Studia Epigraphica Pannonica 6, 23; egyedül az NT ligatúra az, amely valószínűbben III. századi, mint korai, de ez (azon túl, hogy igen bizonytalan és önmagában nem használható érv) még messze nem elég pontos bárminemű datáláshoz. 37

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Az invokált istencsoport, közepén a Silvanus Pantheus–Diana párossal, egy főleg italiai eredetű Liber-kultusznak a helyi Silvanus–Diana-kultusszal való összeolvadásából származik, ami Aquincum territoriumán legkésőbb a II. sz. első felében már bekövetkezett, és a III. században a csákvári kultuszban is folyamatosan élt, mint egy 2012-es cikkemben részletesen elemeztem.39 A Bona Dea első helyen említése természetesen a kultusz italiai gyökereire utal vissza, de Aquincumból ettől függetlenül is ismert Bona Dea-kultusz,40 s Italiában, ahol messze a leggyakoribb, oltárunktól eltérően elsősorban a legalsóbb népréteg kultusza volt,41 így ez önmagában nem közvetlen italiai származtatásra, hanem inkább egy birodalomközponti szemlélethez való (magaskultúra-beli) visszatérésre utal; különösen, hogy a Silvanus Pantheus-kultusszal párhuzamos Priapus Pantheuskultusz a III. századi Daciából is ismert, municipális közegből.42 E kultusznak tehát számunkra semmi datáló értéke nincs, viszont oltárunk azt bizonyítja, hogy a kultusz a Duna menti társadalomnak lényegében minden szintjén elfogadott volt, a praefectustól az ordo decurionum tagjain, az ex-praetorianus veteránon át43 le a rabszolgákig/libertusokig.44 A praefectus esetleges helybeli származását tehát a kultusz sem teszi valószínűtlenné, a Bona Dea-elem csak műveltségi tényező benne. A C. Iulius Valens név is ad némi támpontot. Ugyan a Valens a leggyakoribb cognomenek egyike45 (a C. Iuliusról ne is beszéljünk, hisz az a birodalom messze leggyakoribb praenomen+gentilicium kombinációja), területi eloszlása mégsem Fehér B. 2012. Silvanus Pantheus. ArchÉrt 137, 175-181. TAq 55, egy különösebben nem jellegzetes és nehezen datálható oltár, ahol viszont a Bona Deakultusz Fortunáéhoz kapcsolódik: egyedülálló dolog, de vö. CIL VI 30867, X 5800 Fortuna Panthea-alakjait. 41 Italiából ismerjük a kultusz emlékeinek kb. 85%-át, ezen belül Rómából és Közép-Italiából is közel 50 emléket: Rómában az állíttatók 49%-a, Közép-Italiában 25%-a, Venetia-Histriában 50%-a láthatóan libertus vagy rabszolga (nem beszélve arról, hogy sok nagyon alacsony színvonalú oltárról az állíttató személye nem derül ki). Természetes, hogy a határtól távoli kultuszban katonák és családtagjaik alig vesznek részt, de magasabb társadalmi helyzetű is csak egy-kettő ismert, azok is felerészt Afrikában, a kultusz szempontjából atipikus helyen (AE 1960,107 az egyetlen legatus köztük, CIL VIII 20747, XIV 4679=5411, AE 1946,220 decuriók, az egyetlen dalmatiai egy augur lánya: ILJ no. 260). Primus pilus egyedül CIL XI 4767. 42 CIL III 1139 (235-ből). 43 A csákvári barlangszentély alapítója, vö. Fehér, B. 2010. Diana’s Cave Sanctuary in Csákvár (County Fejér). ActaArchHung 61, 185-206. 44 Fehér 2012, 179. 45 OPEL IV 139-40: több mint 300 példa csak az európai tartományokban. Mócsy, A. 1985. Beiträge zur Namenstatistik. DissPann III/3, Budapest, 27: a  birodalom 28. leggyakoribb neve, ibid. 94-97: Pannoniában és Dalmatiában a 9., Moesiában az első! 39

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teljesen egyenletes, hanem az ún. dunai nevek közé (Mócsy D típus) sorolható.46 Ezen belül a C. Iulius Valens név sem különül el, az összes adat kb. 10%-a, és ennek jelenleg 56%-a a dunai tartományokból (Pannoniából hatot ismerünk, az I. század vége óta folyamatosan).47 Már csak a szó jelentésénél fogva is jellegzetesen katonai névadás, minden tartományban a név viselőinek többsége katona, és csak Dacia-Moesiából ismerünk néhány példát magasabb civil karrierre.48 Így jelentős valószínűsége van annak, hogy a praefectus helybeli származású (mint pl. Aelius Aelianus praefectus a 260-as évekből,49 igazolván, hogy ez a III. sz.-nak legalább a közepén normális karriertípus), vagy egy szomszédos provinciából való. Ez önmagában a III. századi datálást támogatja (akár primus pilusként, akár lovagként jutott el posztjára), talán inkább ezen belül is a későbbit. Az összes eddigi adatot egybevetve tehát bizonyos, hogy C. Iulius Valens a III. században volt praefectus legionis II. adiutricis, és valószínűnek tartom, hogy a századnak inkább közepén v. második felében, az utóbbi esetben pedig alighanem lovagi praefectusként, s oltárán a helyi, pannoniai kultusznak kívánt társadalmi helyzetének megfelelő, kissé archaizáló és italizáló megfogalmazást adni.

Abstract The author discusses two votive altars from Aquincum, which contain the names of two praefecti legionis, without further specification. They could be either praefecti castrorum (until the 260s) or praefecti agens vicem legati (from the 260s). The cult of the invoked deities, the irregular use of the language in the extremely rare word equiso, and most of all their names make it probable that one of them was born in Pannonia, the other came either from Gallia or Pannonia, and both were active in the 3rd century.

Mócsy 1985, 63. CIL III 11222 és 143596 Carnuntumból, Mirković, M. 1994. Beneficiarii consularis in Sirmium. Chiron 24, 345-404, n. 55, 56 Sirmium (az ásató véleménye szerint a II. sz. végéről, ibid. 349), XVI 31, AE 2003,1447 (ezek az I. sz. végéről). Legközelebb helyileg Ulcisiáról ismerünk egy katonát, a Severus-korból (RIU 872). 48 CIL III 1150, 1477, 8091, AE 1913,186, 1939,244. Italiából pedig gyakorlatilag ismeretlen név (Rómát leszámítva, de ott is ritka és ott is katonai). 49 TAq 508, RIU 871, vö. Fitz 1992/95, 1070, n. 701, PIR 2 a 129. 46 47

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Monika Frazer-Imregh (Transl.)

Bevezetés Marsilio Ficino De vita III. könyvének részlete elé Ficino e munkáját csakúgy, mint az 1474-ben befejezett Theologia Platonica-t Lo­renzo de’ Medicinek ajánlja, melynek teljes címe: De vita libri tres, (Három könyv az életről), ami nem csupán a mű felosztására utal, hanem arra, hogy eredetileg három teljesen különálló művet kapcsol össze benne. Ezeket egymás után írta, ahogy „a szükség”, azaz tudós barátainak kérései sürgették, saját bevallása szerint az imént említett Theologia Platonica befejezése, azaz 1474 után. Kristeller kimutatja a Supplementum Ficinianum-ban, hogy az első könyv 1480-ban már kész volt, a harmadik 1489 táján készülhetett mint Ficino Plótinos-kommentárjának egy részlete, s valójában ennek befejezése után, 1489 augusztusában írja a második könyvet.1 Nyomtatásban 1489. december 3-án adja ki Az életről szóló három könyvének egybeillesztett variánsát, amihez Filippo Valori nyújt anyagi támogatást.2 Hogy a könyvnek a dedikációban megszólított nagyhatalmú Medici védelmére volt szüksége, azt az is igazolja, hogy bár Platón-fordítása mellett ez a műve volt a legnépszerűbb3 Európában (Lengyelországban 9, nálunk 2 ősnyomtat­ 1

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Alessandra Tarabochia Canavero, (ford., szerk.) Marsilio Ficino, Sulla vita, Milano, 1995, Rusconi, 16–17.; P. O. Kristeller, Supplementum Ficinianum, Firenze 1973, Olschki, LXXXIII– LXXXVI. V.ö. A 103. táblázatot a Marilio Ficino e il ritorno di Platone. Mostra di manoscritti, stampe, documenti, Firenze, 1984, Olschki Editore, 133-136. Ficino többször is lerója háláját Filippo Valorinak művében: a második könyvet (melyet tehát utoljára állított össze) neki ajánlja, s ajánlásában hangsúlyozza Valorinak a  Mediciekhez fűződő barátságát és a platóni tanítások terjesztésében vállalt elkötelezett szerepvállalását – hiszen éppen ő adott pénzt Ficino Platón-fordításainak kinyomtatására is 1484-ben. Valori lesz Ficino „követe” Mátyás udvarában: a III. könyv elé írt ajánlásban az ő nevével játszva (valore = erő, érték) ajánlja kötetét a királynak, melyet a levél szerint Valori fog átadni neki. Az első, 1489. december 3-i kiadást követően (Antonio Miscomino nyomdája által) a XVII. század végéig még jó negyven kiadást illetve újranyomást ért meg Európa és Olaszország legjobb nyomdászai révén. Ld. Supplementum Ficinianum, Firenze 1973, Olschki, ed.: Paul Oskar Kristeller LXIV–LXVI.; Alessandra Tarabochia Canavero, „Il De triplici vita di Marsilio Ficino, una strana vicenda ermeneutica”, Rivista di filosofia neoscolastica, LXIX (1977), 697–717; P. O. Kristeller, „Ficino and His Work after Five Hundred Years”, in: Marsilio Ficino e il ritorno di Platone, Firenze 1987, Olschki, app. IV, 130–131.; J. R. Clark, „Editorial Introduction” in Three Books on Life, critical Edition and Translation with Introduction and Notes by C. V. Kaske and J. R. Clark, Binghamton, New York, 1989, MRTS Publisher.

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ványt4 őriznek belőle a közkönyvtárak), emiatt érte a legtöbb támadás szerzőjét, főként az egyházi vezetés részéről.5 a támadások oka az asztrológiai és mágikus szempontok érvényesítése a II. könyv végén (De vita longa – a hosszú életről), és végig a III. könyv során (De vita coelitus comparanda – Hogyan nyerhetünk életet az égtől). A három könyv egyébként orvosi és életvezetési tanácsokat, recepteket tartalmaz a tudósok számára, filozófiai háttere azonban jóval mélyebb, mint a mai orvostudományé. Az első könyv megírására tehát barátai biztatják: Ficino ugyanis apja, Diotifeci szorgalmazására az orvosi szakmát is kitanulja 1459 és 1462 között Bolognában, némi pisai előtanulmányok után. Az orvosi mesterséget gyakorolja is, bár erről elsősorban saját műveiből, illetve leveleiből találunk adatokat. Egyébiránt a pisai stúdiumok után (1448–52) a firenzei egyetemen attól a Niccolò Tignositól tanul logikát, retorikát és peripatetikus filozófiát, aki Arezzóban orvostudományt is oktatott. Arra pedig Alessandra Tarabochia Canavero, a De vita legutóbbi (1995) olasz fordításának készítője hívja fel a figyelmet, hogy a bolognai egyetemen (a többi észak-itáliai egyetemhez hasonlóan) a medicina és az asztrológia között szoros összefonódás alakult ki, tehát e kettőt egymással való összefüggéseiben tanították.6 Az első könyv címe tehát: De vita sana (Az egészséges élet), hosszabb variá­ ciójában: De cura valetudinis eorum, qui incumbunt studio litterarum, azaz: a tudósok egészségének védelme. Tehát nem akárkinek, hanem kifejezetten azoknak ad tanácsokat és recepteket, akik hozzá hasonlóan a bölcsészettel foglalkoznak. Szerzőnk 1462-ben kapta Careggiben fekvő villáját Cosimo de Medicitől, aki ekkor bízza meg a platóni életmű latinra fordításával, és egyfajta filozófiai műhely, 4

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Budapesten a következők találhatóak: az MTA Ant – 550.141 raktárjelzetű, 1556-os incunábuluma: Ficini Marsilii Florentini medici atque philosophi celeberrimi de vita libri tres , Lugduni, apud Guil. Rouil.; és az OSZK Kézirattárában az Inc. 859 jelzetű (Régi Nyomtatványok Tára) ősnyomtatvány: Marsilius Ficinus, De triplici vita. Apologia, Venezia, 1498, Bartholomaeus Justinopolitanus et socii. Alessandra Tarabochia Canavero, (ford., szerk.) Marsilio Ficino, Sulla vita, Milano, 1995, Rusconi, 15.; Supplementum Ficinianum, Firenze, 1973, Olschki, ed.: Paul Oskar Kristeller LXXXV: Ficinót 1490. májusában a Római Kúriánál mágiával és eretnekséggel vádolták be. Vö. Giancarlo Zanier, La medicina astrologica e la sua teoria: Marsilio Ficino e i suoi critici contemporanei, Roma, 1977, Ateneo e Bizzarri, 94. A. Tarabochia Canavero, (ford., szerk.) Marsilio Ficino, Sulla vita, Rusconi, 1995, 59.; vö. „Sta­ tuti dell’Università degli scolari arte e medicina (1405)” in Statuti delle Università e dei colleggi dello Studio Bolognese, pubblicati da C. Malagola, Bologna, 1887, 274–277. Feltételezésem szerint a XIII. századi Nicolò da Paganica Compendium medicinalis astrologiae című művét használhatták tankönyvként az egyetemek, ld. ennek modern kiadását Giuseppe Dell’Anna gondozásában, Galatina, 1990, ed. Congedo, 172.

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a platonista akadémia kialakításával és irányításával. Ettől az időponttól fogva nyílik tehát lehetőség kifejezetten ilyen irányú stúdiumok rendszeres és közös folytatására (bár Firenzében már korábban is folytak filozófiai viták és összejövetelek, felolvasások a kamalduliak rendházában, és az 1438–39-es egyetemes zsinat óta máshol is), s a barátok, akik Ficinótól az orvosi tanácsokat kérik, nyilvánvalóan a Villa Careggi látogatói, tehát ha úgy tetszik, a platonista akadémia tagjai. E barátok közül kettőt név szerint is kiemel Ficino az első könyvhöz írt bevezetőjében: Giorgio Antonio Vespuccit (1434–1514) és Giovanni Battista Boninsegnit (1453–1512k), nekik ajánlja művét, és a jóváhagyásukat kéri, mielőtt Lorenzo de’ Me­dicinek adná, miként azt korábban Platón-fordításaival is tette.7 Az első könyv sikerét, mely egyelőre csak kéziratokban terjedt, az mutatja, hogy barátai a mű folytatására kérik: „nemcsak arra vágytak, hogy mindig jó egészségnek örvendjenek, hanem sokáig is szerettek volna élni” – írja róluk az egységbe foglalt három írás közös bevezetőjében. Tehát a következő (egyébként sorrendileg utolsóként írt) könyvet De vita longa azaz a hosszú életről írja, vagyis, hogy odafigyeléssel és gondoskodással miként őrizhetik meg késő öregkorukig a tudósok egészségüket, illetve miként nyújthatják meg élettartamukat még a gyengébb fizikumúak is közöttük.8 Ezt a művét Lorenzo il Magnifico mellett Filippo Valorinak ajánlja, akiről azt hangsúlyozza, hogy a platonista tanításokra és azok terjesztésére vágyakozik, sőt, a platonista filozófia ügyét szolgálja, ami nyilvánvalóan a Valori által adott anyagi támogatásokra is vonatkozik – ő szponzorálja ugyanis többek között e mű kinyomtatását is, 1489 decemberében. A harmadik könyvet, mely már címében is jelzi a műben megjelenő asztrológiai szempontokat (melyek egyébként már a második könyv utolsó fejezetében is megjelentek) De vita coelitus comparanda címmel adja közre (Miként nyerhetünk életet az égtől), s a mi Mátyás királyunknak ajánlotta,9 akit örökké legyőzhetetlennek nevez. Nyilván tudomása volt arról, hogy az uralkodó udvari asztrológu7

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V.ö. A. della Torre, Storia dell’Accademia platonica di Firenze, Firenze, 1960, Erasmo, 772–774. 1489. augusztus 8-án kelt levelében Ficino azt írja Giovanni Pico della Mirandolának, hogy a XIII. századi spanyol orvos, Arnaldo da Villanova De retardanda senectute című könyvét olvassa (aki egyébként a népi hagyományokat is belefoglalta receptjeibe, étrendi és életvezetési tanácsaiba egy másik, Regimen Sanitatis Salernitatum című könyvében). Mindkét műből sokat meríthetett e második könyvhöz, jóllehet az előbbiről J. R. Clark kimutatta, hogy az valójában Roger Bacon munkája, illetve neki tulajdonítják, s az ő művei között jelent meg. Arnaldo da Villanova a következő hasonló témájú írás szerzője: De conservatione iuventutis; ld. J. R. Clark, „Roger Bacon and the Composition of Marsilio Ficino’s De vita longa (De vita, Book II)” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XLIX (1986), 230–232. Ficino nemcsak ezt a munkáját ajánlotta Mátyás királynak, hanem levelei harmadik és negyedik könyvét is.

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sa az a Regiomontanus volt, aki a korabeli asztrológiában egy új házrendszert dolgoz ki, melyet később róla neveznek el, így e tudomány élvonalába tartozott.10 Ficino az orvosi és filozófiai stúdiumok után a teológiát is elvégezte, felszentelt és gyakorló pap volt,11 tehát nem a hit hiányából fakad a modern kor számára szokatlan felvetése. Mint említettük, a korabeli itáliai egyetemeken az orvostudományt az asztrológiával összefüggésben tanították, aminek előzménye egyrészről az, hogy a középkori egyetemeken a hét szabad művészet közül a quadriviumhoz tartozó csillagászat sem korlátozódott pusztán a csillagászati földrajzra, hanem asztrológiai tanításokat is tartalmazott – lásd Albertus Magnus Speculum astronomiae (1260) című munkáját –, másrészről Hispániában tömegével fordítják az ókori forrásokból merítő IX–XIII. századi arab nyelvű asztrológiai, sőt, orvosi asztrológiai munkákat latin nyelvre, például Mesue, Rhazes, Haly Abenrudian, Avicenna, Serapius és Alcabitius12 műveit. Sőt, utóbbi (Alcabitius) Mátyás udvari asztrológusa Regiomontanus (Johannes Müller von Königsberg, 1436-1476) volt, aki saját kidolgozású házrendszerével tette magát híressé Tabulae directionum profectionumque in nativitatibus multum utiles (Az irányok és eredetek táblái, melyek a születéseknél nagyon hasznosak) című művében (1469, Esztergom). E munkáját Mátyásnak ajánlotta. Ptolemaios Almagestjének fordítója, római útját követően, ahová Béssarion meghívására utazott mesterével, Peuerbachhal együtt, 1467-ben Pozsonyba kapott meghívást Mátyástól, ahol matematikát és csillagászatot tanított. Később Esztergomban Vitéz János érseki palotájában egyedülálló csillagvizsgálót rendezett be, dolgozószobája mennyezetén a konstellációkkal (égkép-horoszkóp). Ezekből csak az állatöv (Zodiákus) csillagképei maradtak fenn, amelyek az Esztergomban végzett ásatások alkalmával kerültek napvilágra. Kopernikuszt megelőzve a Föld mozgását tanította, több munkáját és Ptolemaios-fordítását Kopernikusz és Galilei tankönyvként használták. 11 1969-ben kezdi meg papi tanulmányait, 1473. szeptember 18-án diakónus, december 18án felszentelt pap. Ld. Raymond Marcel, Marsile Ficin, Paris 1958, Les Belles Lettres, 284.: függelékében közli mindhárom fennmaradt korabeli életrajzát: Johannes Cursius Vita Marsili Ficini c. művét, egy anonim Vita secunda-t, melyet a Firenzei Könyvtár (Biblioteca di Firenze) Palatinus 488 jelzetű kódexe tartalmaz, és a Piero Caponsacchi által összeállított Sommario della vita di Marsilio Ficino című írást. 12 A Ficino által legtöbbet emlegetett arab szerzők és műveik a következők: a szír Mesue (Masawaih Al-Mardini, 925k–1015), De medicinis laxativis; Antidotatium sive Grabadin medicamentorum; a perzsa Rasis vagy Rhazes (Muhammad ibn Zakariya al Razi, 865–925), Liber continens; Liber ad Almansorem; Liber divisionum; a perzsa Avicenna (Pur-e Sina, ismertebb nevén Ibn Sina, 980k–1037), Liber canonis; De viribus cordis; De animalibus; az egyiptomi muszlim Haly Abenrudian (Abu’l Hasan Ali ibn Ridwan Al-Misri 998–1061 vagy 1069), In parvam Galeni artem commentatio; Commentarium in Centiloquium (ez utóbbi valójában Ahmad ibn Yusuf ibn al-Daya műve); az ifjabb Serapius vagy Serapio (Ibn Sarabi, XII-XIII. sz.), De simplici medicina; Practica dicta Breviarium; a bagdadi Thebit (Thabit ibn Qurra 836–?) De imaginibus; a tunéziai Haly Albohazen (Abû l-Hasan ’Alî ibn Abî l-Rijâl, ?–1037k), De iudiciis astrorum; a szír Alcabitius (Abu al-Saqr Abd al-Aziz Ibn Uthman Ibn Ali al-Qabisi 10

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később olyan népszerűnek bizonyult, hogy Liber isagogicus ad scientiam iudicialem astronomiae című munkáját 1473-ban nyomtatásban is kiadják Velencében, melyet 1521-ig további tizenegy kiadás követ. E munka latinra fordítását egyébként Bölcs Alfonz, Kasztília királya (1221–1284) rendelte el Johannes Hispalensis által, Ptolemaios Tetrabyblosával és Centiloquiumával egyetemben (Haly Abenrudian kommentárjaival), hogy az asztronómia és az asztrológia oktatását elősegítse.13

Marsilio Ficino: Három könyv az életről (részlet) III. könyv – Miként nyerhetünk életet az égtől A firenzei Marsilio Ficino üdvözletét küldi a felséges Mátyásnak, Magyar­ ország örökké legyőzhetetlen királyának.14 Ó király, minden királyok legszerencsésebbike, a régi filozófusok, akik elmélyülten tanulmányozták az égiek erejét és a földi dolgok természetét, úgy ítélték, hogy fölöslegesen szerzi meg a tudást az, aki nem tudja kamatoztatni. Úgy tűnik tehát, hogy minden kutatásukat méltán irányították arra, hogy égi életet szerezzenek maguknak, úgy hiszem, azt gondolván, hogy fölöslegesen ismerték volna meg az elemeket és a belőlük összetett dolgokat, és csak úgy vaktában vizsgálták volna az égitestek mozgását és azok hatásait, ha mindezen ismeretek összegzése nem segíthette volna valamiképpen életüket és a boldogság elérését. Úgy tűnik pedig, ez az elmélkedés elsősorban a jelen életük számára használt. Hiszen Pythagoras, Démokritos és Tyanai Apollónios, s mind­azok, akik ezt behatóan kutatták, ismereteik alkalmazásával jó egészségre és hosszú életre tettek szert.15 S eljövendő életükre nézve is hasznosnak bizonyult e szemlélődés: dicsőséget szerzett nekik mind a későbbi nemzedékek körében, mind Isten előtt örökkévalóan. Ugyanis az egész világegyetem l-Mawsili ? – 967). Műve 25 arab és több, mint kétszáz latin kéziratban maradt fenn, melyek természetesen az említett nyomtatott kiadások előtt keletkeztek. 13 Al-Qabisi (Alcabitius), The introduction to astrology, editions of the Arabic and Latin texts and an English translation, ed. Charles Burnett, Keiji Yamamoto, Michio Yano, London 2004, Warburg Institute, 7. 14 Ficino nemcsak ezt a munkáját ajánlotta Mátyás királynak (1443–1490), hanem levelei harmadik és negyedik könyvét is. 15 Diogenés Laërtios Vitae philosophorum c. művében beszél arról, hogy Pythagoras (VIII, 44) és Démokritos (IX, 39) hosszú életet éltek; Tyanai Apollóniosról később is szót ejt Ficino, de nem ismerjük a forrását.

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csodálatos rendjén keresztül végül megismerhették annak irányítóját, s miután megismerték, mindennél inkább szerették. Neked az idők végezetéig tartó dicsőséget ígér nagylelkűséged, nagy­ szerűséged és folytonos győzelmeid. Az isteni kegyelem jeles jámborságod és igazságosságod számára örök, boldog életet is ígér Istennél. Végül a kedvező állású csillagok sikeres és eléggé hosszú életet mutatnak neked a halandók között, amennyire a jelekből következtetni tudtam.16 S hogy ezek tökéletes hűséggel megtartsák azt, amit ígérnek, s hogy még meg is toldják valamen�nyivel, azt a te szorgalmad és orvosaid meg asztrológusaid gondoskodása kétségkívül elérheti.17 S hogy a tudomány és a körültekintés révén mindez lehetséges, azt valamennyi tudós asztrológus és orvos vallja. Tehát midőn Plótinos-kommentárjaim között, melyeket a nagy Lorenzo de’ Medicinek ajánlok, nemrég ahhoz az értekezéséhez is írtam egyet, amely az égtől nyerhető támogatást taglalja,18 Lorenzo jóváhagyásával úgy döntöttem, hogy ezt inkább kiveszem a kommentárok közül, és fenségednek ajánlom. Azt remélem ugyanis, hogy midőn a te életedről és jólétedről gondoskodom, egyúttal századunk és az egész emberi nem életéről és fényéről is gondoskodhatom. S hogy Ficino itt Mátyás horoszkópjára utal, aki viszont nem sokkal később halt meg. Ld. P.O. Kristeller, Supplementum Ficinianum, I–II., Firenze 1937, 2. kiad.: 1973, I. k. XXII. 17 Mátyás udvari asztrológusa Regiomontanus (Johannes Müller von Königsberg, 1436−1476) volt, aki saját kidolgozású házrendszerével tette magát híressé Tabulae directionum profectionumque in nativitatibus multum utiles (Az irányok és eredetek táblái, melyek a születéseknél nagyon hasznosak) című művében (1469, Esztergom). E munkáját Mátyásnak ajánlotta. Ptolemaios Almagestének fordítója, római útját követően, ahová Béssarion meghívására utazott mesterével, Peuerbachhal együtt, 1467-ben Pozsonyba kapott meghívást Mátyástól, ahol matematikát és csillagászatot tanított. Később Esztergomban Vitéz János érseki palotájában egyedülálló csillagvizsgálót rendezett be, dolgozószobája mennyezetén a konstellációkkal (égkép-horoszkóp). Ezekből csak az állatöv (Zodiákus) csillagképei maradtak fenn, amelyek az Esztergomban végzett ásatások alkalmával kerültek napvilágra. Kopernikuszt megelőzve tanította a Föld mozgását, több munkáját és Ptolemaios-fordítását Kopernikusz és Galilei tankönyvként használták. 18 A kutatók többféle hipotézist is felállítottak arra vonatkozóan, hogy mely plótinosi értekezést kommentálja a De vita III. könyve. P. O. Kristeller szerint: Supplementum Ficinianum, I. k. LXXXIV., Ficino az Enneades IV, 3, 11-ben foglaltakat fejti ki (A lélekkel kapcsolatos kérdésekről I.), ezzel E. Garin is egyetért: ‘Le elezioni e il problema dell’ astrologia’ in L’età nuova. Ricerche di storia della cultura dal XII al XVI secolo, Napoli 1969, 423−447. D. P. Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella, The Warburg Institute, London 1958, 3. o. 2. jegyz. és 41. o. felveti még az Enneades IV, 4, (A lélekkel kapcsolatos kérdésekről II.) 30−42-ben foglaltakat mint lehetséges forrást. E véleményt osztja R. Klibansky, E. Panofsky, F. Saxl, Saturn and Melancholy. Studies in the History of natural Philosophy, Religion and Art, London, 1964, 248. 16

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művünk minél erőteljesebb hatást tudjon gyakorolni királyi fenséged egészségére és jólétére, úgy véltem, hogy Valori [Erős] barátommal kell azt hozzád elküldenem.19 Fogadd hát őt kebledre, ó kegyelmes királyom! Hisz oly nagy a te tehetséged, erőd és tekintélyed, hogy nélküled Valori (Erős) sem érhet semmit. Firenze, 1489. július 10.

Marsilio Ficino a következő könyv olvasójához Üdvözöllek, szellemdús vendégem! Légy még egyszer üdvözölve, bárki légy, aki az egészségre vágyva közeledsz küszöbömhöz. Sóvárgó vendégem, kérlek, nézd először is azt, milyen szívélyesen várlak! Hisz úgy illik, hogy a vendég köszönjön elsőként, én azonban megelőztelek, s amint megláttalak, jó egészséget kívántam neked. Ilyen szívesen vártam jöttödet, pedig nem is ismerlek. S ha itt maradsz nálam, ígérem, Isten segítségével megadom számodra az ígért egészséget. Tehát baráti fogadtatásban részesültél, mint mindenki, és most szeretetemet is elnyerted. Ha van benned valami, ami a szeretettel ellentétes, ha gyűlöletet hordozol magadban, kérlek, szabadulj meg tőle, mielőtt az élet e gyógyírjához közelednél. Az élet ugyanis szüleid szerelme és vágya által adatott meg számodra, a gyűlölet és a fájdalom viszont elveszi az életet. Abban tehát, akit a gyűlölet gyötrelmei kínoznak, nem marad semmi hely az élet gyógymódja számára. Ezért mostantól fogva nem pusztán mint vendégemhez, hanem mint barátomhoz fogok hozzád szólni. Marsiliód műhelye valamivel tágasabb, mint ez a kis terület, amit itt látsz körülkerítve. Ugyanis nemcsak a következő könyvből áll, hanem a megelőző kettő is a részét képezi. Röviden összefoglalva az egész egy olyan gyógymód, mely erői szerint segít az életerőnek, hogy életed egészséges legyen és hosszú. S erre az orvosok segítségével és az ég támogatását keresve törekszik mindenütt. Műhelyünk valójában a különböző emberi típusok és természetek szerint különféle ellenszereket, gyógyszereket, pakolásokat, kenőcsöket és gyógymódokat ismertet. Ha valamelyik kevésbé tetszik neked, tedd félre, de a többit azért ne utasítsd el. Végül, ha nem fogadod el az asztrológiai jegyeket, amelyeket egyébként éppen az ember egészségének védelmére találtak fel, s amelyeket én sem annyira igaznak tartok, mint inkább csak leírom őket, akkor engedélyemmel vagy – ha úgy tetszik – a tanácsomra ne foglalkozz velük. Ne hanya­ 19

„Atque ut valetudini prosperitatique regiae validius haec nostra prodessent, per Valorem ipsum mittenda putavi.” Filippo Valori nevével játszik itt Ficino.

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gold el viszont az égi segítséggel megtámogatott gyógymódokat, különben az életet hanyagolnád el. Én ugyanis immár számos és folyamatosan szerzett tapasztalatomnak köszönhetően úgy vélem, hogy olyan nagy a különbség az efféle gyógymódok és azok között, amelyeket az asztrológia figyelembe vétele nélkül alkalmaznak, mint a bor és a víz között; úgyhogy egy nyolc hónapra született gyermeket, aki Firenzében, március hónapban éjjel jött a világra, és az aszcendensén retrográd Saturnus állt,20 s már alig élt, az efféle gyógymódokkal szinte újjáélesztettük inkább mint megmentettük, nem is annyira mi, hanem Isten; s most már majdnem betöltötte a harmadik évét is egészségesen. Valójában, ha ezenkívül el fogok még mesélni ehhez hasonló eseteket, akkor csak az igazat mondom, és nem azért hozom fel, hogy dicsekedjek (ami távol áll a filozófustól), hanem hogy bátorítsalak. Azonban eleget szóltam hozzád részint, hogy jóindulatodat elnyerjem, részint hogy lelkesítselek. Innentől fogva Plótinosszal együtt fogok beszélni, hogy végül így még inkább a taná­ csodra legyünk. Mindabban, amit akár itt, akár más műveimben tárgyalok, csak annak az igazságát állítom, amit az Egyház jóváhagy.

A firenzei Marsilio Ficino könyve: Miként nyerhetünk életet az égtől, melyet Plótinos-kommentárjai között írt I. Miben áll Plótinos szerint az az erő, amely kedvező hatásban részesülhet az égtől? Abban, hogy a világlélek, a csillagok és daimónok lelkei könnyen odavonzhatóak a megfelelően előkészített testi formák segítségével.

Ha a világon csak ez a két dolog létezne: egyik részről az értelem, másik részről a test, s nem lenne lélek,21 akkor sem az értelem nem vonzódna a test felé (az értelem ugyanis mozdulatlan, és teljesen híjával van az érzelemnek, amely a mozgás eredete, mivel nagyon messze is esik a testtől), s a test sem vonzódna az értelem felé, mint ami a mozgásra önmagában képtelen és alkalmatlan, s nagyon távol eső az értelemtől. Ha viszont közébük ékeljük a lelket, mely mindkettő számára elérhető, akkor könnyen végbemehet mindkét irányban a vonzódás. Először is A korabeli asztrológiai felfogás szerint a Saturnus kedvezőtlen bolygónak számított, és retrográd, vagyis (látszólag) visszafelé haladó pályán ez a kedvezőtlen hatás csak fokozódott. A retrográd mozgásról ld. Dubravszky László Dr. – Eörssy János Dr., A tradicionális asztrológia tankönyve, Orient Press, Budapest, 1992, 52. 21 A lélekről mint harmadik létezőről (tertia essentia) vö. Ficini Theologia Platonica, III, 2; a világlélekről, a szférák lelkeiről, az Állatöv jegyeiről, a drágakövek erejéről vö. uo. IV, 1–2. A létezők láncolatáról (rerum series): uo. X, 2 és 5. 20

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azért lehet a legkönnyebben a lelket vezetni, mert ez az első mozgó, mely maga által és magától mozog. Másodsorban, mivel (mint mondtam) köztes helyzetben van, a maga módján mindent magában foglal,22 s mindkét valósághoz közel van.23 Ezért összhangban van mindennel különbség nélkül, azokkal is, amik egymástól távol esnek, mivel tőle nem esnek távol. Ugyanis azontúl, hogy egyrészről az isteni dolgokhoz, másrészről a múlandóakhoz hasonló, s szeretetével mindkét irányba fordul, mindeközben egyszerre egész mindenhol. Hozzájön még ehhez, hogy a világlélek isteni segítséggel (istentől származóan) a dolgoknak ugyanannyi csíraszerű okát hordozza, ahány idea van az isteni értelemben, mely okokból ő ugyanannyi fajt hoz létre az anyagban.24 Ennélfogva minden faj a saját csíraszerű oka révén megfelel a saját ideájának, s ezen idea révén gyakorta könnyen befogadhat valamit onnan, lévén, hogy a csíraszerű okon át az ideából fakad az eredete. Ezért ha valamikor elkezd eltérni a saját formájától, akkor ennek a hozzá közelebbi közvetítőnek a segítségével visszanyerheti eredeti formáját, s általa az ideából könnyen újjáalakulhat. S ez biztosan bekövetkezik, ha a dolgok valamely fajához vagy e faj egy egyedéhez a megfelelő módon sok más dolgot hozzáadsz, amik szét vannak szórva ugyan, de ahhoz a bizonyos ideához hasonlóak. Majd ehhez a megfelelően előkészített anyaghoz az idea sajátlagos adományát vonzod, méghozzá a lélek csíraszerű okán keresztül. Ugyanis nem magát az értelmet, hanem a lelket vonzzuk oda. Ezért senki ne gondolja, hogy a földi világ bizonyos anyagainak segítségével bizonyos isteni erőket vonzhat oda, hisz ezek az anyagtól teljességgel el vannak választva, hanem inkább, hogy a daimónokat és a lélekkel rendelkező világ és az élő csillagok erőit.25 Másfelől senki ne csodálkozzon, hogy Ez a tézis erősen hasonlít Aristotelésére, De anima III/8: h` yuch. ta o;nta pw/j e;sti pa.nta) Ficino itt röviden kifejti saját lélek-elméletét: a lélek központi helyet foglal el a létezők hierarchiájában, mely öt szintből áll – Isten, angyal, lélek, minőség, test – az egységtől, a mozdulatlanságtól (változatlanságtól) és aktivitástól a sokszerűség, a mozgás (változás) és passzivitás felé való átmenetekben. Ficino léthierarchiája több ponton is eltér Plótinosétól, akinél két külön létszintet foglal el az egyetemes lélek és a világlélek, nála az utóbbiból születik az emberi lélek is. P. O. Kristeller is felhívja a figyelmet az eltérésekre, de ő nem a kétféle lélekkel kapcsolatban, hanem a lélek központi helyzetét emeli ki Ficinónál, ami Plótinosra valóban nem jellemző. Az a léthierarchia viszont, amit Kristeller Plótinosnak tulajdonít, nem igazán helytálló: az egy, az értelem, a lélek, az érzékelés, a természet és a test (Il pensiero filosofico di Marsilio Ficino, Firenze 1953, 101−105.). A lélek központi helyzetéről Ficino a Theologia platonica III. könyvében beszél részletesebben. 24 A csíraszerű okok sztoikus tanítását (Aëtius, Placita, I, 7, 33) Plótinos (Enneades, II, 3, 16) és Szent Ágoston (De diversis quaestionibus 83, q. 46, PL, 40, 29−31) is átvette, így hát a keresztény gondolkodás is elfogadta. 25 Ebben a megállapításban Ficino nem közvetlenül Plótinosra hivatkozik, hanem a tanítását továbbvivő Iamblichosra, Synesiosra és Proklosra. 22 23

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a lelket anyagi formák révén mintegy oda lehet csalogatni. Hiszen ő maga hozta létre ezeket a csalétkeket, melyek vele összhangban vannak, hogy azokkal oda lehessen csalogatni, és mindig szívesen tartózkodik bennük. S az egész élővilágban nem létezik olyan formátlan dolog, amelyben ne lenne lélek, s amelyben ne lenne benne a lélek adománya. A formáknak a világlélek okaival való ezen megfelelését tehát Zoroaster26 isteni vonzásoknak nevezte, s Synesios is kijelentette, hogy ezek mágikus csalétkek.27 Végül senki ne gondolja, hogy tetszőleges időpontban teljességgel kimerítheti a lélekből származó összes adományt egy adott anyag sajátosságának javára, hanem alkalmas időben csak azon csíra adományait, melyből az a faj létrejött, és a hasonló csírákét. Ezért az ember, miután csak emberi tulaj­ donságokat kapott, nem kívánhat magának a halakra vagy a madarakra jellemző képességeket (adományokat) a világlélektől hanem csak az emberre jellemzőeket és az ahhoz hasonlóakat. Ha pedig olyan dolgokat használtok fel, melyek az ilyen bolygóhoz28 és ilyen daimónhoz tartoznak, akkor az illető bolygó és daimón hatása alá kerül [az ember], miként a kénnel kezelt fa a bárhol jelenlévő szikrától lángra lobban. S ezt a hatást nem csupán a csillagnak és daimónnak a sugarai révén veszi fel, hanem a mindenütt jelenlevő világlélek közvetítésével is, melyben minden egyes csillagnak és daimónnak az oka teljes erővel jelen van, részint csíraszerűen a létrejövést segítve, részint mintaszerűen a megismerést lehetővé téve. Ugyanis a régi platonisták szerint a világlélek ezen okokkal vagy csírákkal építette fel a bolygókon túl az égbolton a csillagjegyeket29 és e jegyek részeit úgy, hogy azok maguk is bizonyos alakzatok legyenek, és mindegyikbe beléoltotta tulajdonságaikat. A bolygókban pedig és a csillagjegyekben, azok részeiben, tulajdonságaiban benne van a lenti dolgok minden fajtája és azok sajátosságai. Az egyetemes jegyekből negyvennyolcat helyezett el, ebből tizenkettőt az Állatövben, azon kívül még harminchatot,30 az Állatövben úgyszintén harminchatot a deká-

Zoroaster szövegeit, melyeket Ficino a Theologia Platonicában is gyakran idéz, itt olvashatjuk: Oracles chaldaïques, texte établi et traduit par E. des Places, Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 1971, 86 és 120. 27 Vö. Psellos, Expositio in oracula chaldaica, PG, 122, 1123–1150; Synesios, De insomniis, II, 132C 3–4, PG, 66, 1285a. Ficino fordításában az illecebrae itt található: Opera, 1969. 28 A stella Ficino szóhasználatában néha inkább bolygónak fordítható, mint csillagnak. Kopernikusznál a stella („égitest”) szintén általános terminus, amely jelenthet állócsillagot (stellae fixae) és bolygót is (stellae errantes). 29 Vö. Plótinos, Enneades, IV, 3, 10. 30 Arról a 48 konstellációról van szó, amelyekről Ptolemaios beszél a Syntaxis mathematicában, amely inkább az arab fordításból származó Almagest címen ismeretes, in Opera, I. k. 2. rész (J. L. Heiberg kiadó, Lipcse 1898–1903, 7–8.). 26

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dok31 számának megfelelően, s ugyanott háromszázhatvanat a fokok száma sze­rint. Ugyanis minden fokon több csillag található, melyek csillagképekké állnak össze. Az Állatövön kívüli csillagképeket hasonlóképpen osztotta fel sokféle alakra az ottani dekádok és a hozzájuk tartozó fokok száma szerint.32 Végül ezekből az egyetemes csillagképekből létrehozta az egyetemes csillagképeknek megfelelő viselkedésmódokat és összefüggéseket, amelyek ott maguk is képekké (szimbólumokká) válnak. Minden ilyen alaknak megvan a maga folytonossága csillagainak egymásba menő sugarai révén, melyek kölcsönösen össze vannak kapcsolva egy bizonyos egyedi tulajdonság által. S ezektől a tökéletesen rendezett formáktól függenek a lenti formák, amelyek emiatt rendezettek. Azonban azok az égi formák is, melyek úgyszólván függetlenek egymástól, a lélek kölcsönösen összefüggő okaiból erednek, s jóllehet a változatlan okokból jönnek létre, valamiképpen változékonyak. Ám miután e formák nem értik meg önmagukat, ezért a lélek értelmében vagy egy magasabb értelemben levő formákra mennek vissza, melyek megértik magukat. Ezek sokfélék lévén, a legeslegegyszerűbb egyre és jóra vezethetők vissza, miként az égi alakok a pólusra. Azonban térjünk vissza a lélekhez. Amikor tehát a lélek megszüli a lenti dolgok sajátságos formáit és képességeit, mindegyiket a hozzá tartozó ok révén hozza létre a csillagok és az égi formák segítségével. Az egyedek saját adottságait, melyek egyesekben gyakran olyan csodálatosan megvannak, ahogyan a fajokban szoktak lenni, hasonlóképpen a csíraszerű okok révén adja át, nem annyira az égi alakzatok, azaz a csillagképek, mint inkább a bolygók helyzete, a mozgások jellege és a bolygók fényszögei33 segítségével, mind az egymás közötti fényszögekről legyen szó, mind azokról, amelyeket a bolygóknál magasabban levő csillagokkal alkotnak. A mi lelkünk pedig, a szerveinkre és testrészeinkre jellemző egyedi képességeken túl, az élet közös képességét adja egész testünkben, a leginkább a szíven keresztül, mely a lélekhez legközelebbi tűz forrása. Hasonlóképpen a világlélek, mely mindenütt jelen van és él, a leginkább a Napon keresztül bontja ki mindenben az élet A körben egy dekád 10 fok, latinul facies, egy jegyben tehát három dekád található, a 360 fokos körben pedig 36 dekád. 32 Az Állatövön kívüli csillagképek neve görögül: paranatellonta. Ezek az ekliptika bizonyos részeivel vagy fokaival együtt kelnek fel és nyugszanak le, tőle északra vagy délre, tehát a görög elnevezés szerint „elkísérik” ezeket. 33 Aspektus (sugárzás) vagy fényszög: asztrológiai terminus, két bolygónak a  Földre (mint középpontra) vonatkozólag egymás által bezárt szöge, viszonyuk az adott fényszög szerint minősíthető. Léteznek kemény és lágy fényszögek, az előbbiek feszültségeket, konfliktusokat, az utóbbiak harmóniát, egymást segítő hozzáállást jeleznek. A legkeményebb a kvadrát: 90 fok, a leglágyabb a trigon: 120 fok és a sextil: 60 fok. Ld. Dubravszky László Dr – Eörssy János Dr: A tradicionális asztrológia tankönyve, Orient Press, Budapest 1992, 62. 31

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mindenre vonatkozó közös képességét. Ezért némelyek leginkább mégis a szívbe és a Napba helyezik a lelket mind bennünk, mind a világban, bár az minden részében egész. Soha ne feledjük azonban, hogy amint lelkünk életereje a szellemen keresztül jut el a szervekhez és a végtagokhoz, úgy a világléleké az ötödik elem34 révén, mely mindenütt jelen van és él (hat); mint a világ testében lévő szellem terjed ki a világlélek alatt mindenre, de leginkább azokat a dolgokat tölti el ez az erő, amelyek ezt a fajta szellemet a legnagyobb mértékben befogadták. Ezt a kvinteszenciát pedig egyre jobban fel tudjuk venni, ha megtanuljuk elválasztani a többi elemtől, melyekhez hozzá van keverve, vagy legalább gyakorta élni tudunk azokkal a dolgokkal, amelyekben ez bőségesen és tisztábban jelen van. Ilyen a jó bor, a cukor, a balzsam és az arany, a drágakövek és a mirabolán fajtái, a kellemes illatú és fénylő dolgok, a leginkább pedig azok, amelyek valamely finom anyagban meleg, nedves és ragyogó minőséggel bírnak, amilyen a boron kívül a hófehér cukor, főként, ha aranyat adsz hozzá, s fahéjjal és rózsaolajjal illatosítod. Továbbá miként a megfelelően megemésztett táplálék, mely önmagában nem élő, szellemünkön keresztül életünk formájává válik, úgy a világ testéhez és szelleméhez megfelelőképpen – tudniillik a világ dolgaival és szellemünkkel – alakított testünk is a lehető legtöbbet fogja felvenni a világ életéből. Ha azt akarod, hogy a táplálék elsősorban az agy vagy a máj vagy a gyomor formáját öltse, akkor amennyire lehetséges, hozzá hasonló táplálékot végy magadhoz, vagyis az emberi természettől nem távoli állatok agyát, máját és gyomrát. Ha azt kívánod, hogy tested és szellemed a világ egy bizonyos részéből merítsen erőt, mint például a Napból, keresd a szoláris jellegű dolgokat a fémek és a kövek között, még inkább a növények, még annál is inkább az állatok között, a leginkább pedig az emberek között. Ugyanis kétségkívül hozzásegítenek téged a magukhoz hasonló minőségekhez. Ezeket mind külsőleg alkalmaznunk kell, mind belsőleg magunkhoz venni lehetőség szerint, főként a Nap napján és órájában, és amikor a Nap uralkodó pozícióban van az Állatövben.35 Szoláris minden olyan kő és virág, amelyet napraforgónak neveznek, mivel a Nap felé fordulnak. Hasonlóképpen az arany, az aranyfesték, az aranyozott színek, a krizolit, a karbunkulus,36 a mirrha, a tömjén, a pézsma, a borostyánkő, a balzsam, az aranysárga méz, az orvosi kálmos, a sáfrány, a szagos levendula, a fahéj, az aloé fája és más illatos Per quintam essentiam – a kvinteszencia révén. Azaz vasárnap, délben, és amikor a Nap tüzes jegyekben jár: az Oroszlánban, a Nyilasban és a Kosban. 36 Vörös színű drágakő, a szó az „izzó parázsdarab” jelentésből származik, feltehetően rubin vagy gránát. 34 35

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növények. A kos, az ölyv, a kakas, a hattyú, az oroszlán, a kőrisbogár, a krokodil. A szőke, hullámos hajú, gyakran a kopasz, nagylelkű emberek. A fentieket részben élelmiszer, részben kenőcs és füstölő gyanánt lehet használni, vagy csak kedvünket lelhetjük bennük. Gyakran kell éreznünk ezeket, gyakran kell gondolnunk rájuk, és elsősorban ezeket kell kedvelnünk. Továbbá a lehető legnagyobb mértékben a fényre kell törekednünk. S ha felmerül, hogy a gyomrod esetleg nem kap elég tápláló hőt májadtól, segítsd hozzá a máj erejét – masszírozással, vagy olyan táplálékokkal, amelyek a májnak nagyon jót tesznek: cikóriával, endíviával, fémhamuval, bojtorjános párlóval, kökörcsinnel és különböző májakkal. Hasonlóképpen, hogy tested ne nélkülözze Jupitert, végezz testgyakorlatokat Jupiter napján és órájában, 37 és az uralma alatt, élj a Jupiterhez tartozó (joviális) dolgokkal: ezüsttel, ametiszttel, topázzal, korallal, hegyikristállyal, berillel, fémsalakkal, zafírral, zöldes és légies színekkel, borral, fehér cukorral, mézzel, joviális, vagyis állhatatos, igazságos, jámbor és a törvénnyel összhangban levő gondolatokkal és érzésekkel. Továbbá szép, szangvinikus és tiszteletreméltó emberek között forgolódj. Ne feledj a fenti hideg dolgokhoz aranyat, bort, mentát, sáfrányt és fahéjat keverni. Az állatok közül joviális a bárány, a páva, a sas és a fiatal bika. Azt, hogy miként vonzhatjuk magunkhoz Venus erejét a gerlékkel, galambokkal, barázdabillegetőkkel és hasonlókkal, a szemérem nem engedi elmagyaráznom. II. A világ összhangja. Az emberek természete a csillagok (bolygók) szerint. Miként jöjjön létre a vonzás az egyes csillagoktól (bolygóktól). Senki nem kételkedhet abban, hogy akár a magunk, akár a körülöttünk levő dolgok számára égi adományokat nyerhetünk bizonyos előkészületek segítségével. Ugyanis ezek (a lenti történések) az ég által és az ég folyamatos irányításával mennek végbe, és elsősorban az ég készíti elő őket az égi hatások befogadására. S ami a legfontosabb, a világ lelkes lény, s nagyobb egység van benne, mint bármely más lelkes lényben, ha igaz, hogy a legtökéletesebb lelkes lény. Tehát ahogyan testünk bármely részének (főként, ha egy fontosabb szervről van szó) változása és minősége hatással van a többi szervre is, úgy a világ teste fontosabb részeinek aktivitása is kihat mindenre, és a lenti részek könnyen befogadják azt a fentiektől, amelyeknek olyan a természete, hogy maguktól adnak. Ugyanis minél erőteljesebb az ok, annál inkább kész a cselekvésre, tehát annál inkább hajlamos adni. Ezért csekély előkészület elegendő ezen felül bennünk, hogy befogadjuk az égiek adományait, csak éppen mindenki arra készítse fel magát elsősorban, amilyen hatásnak a leginkább alá van vetve. 37

Vagyis csütörtökön, délután, és a Jupiter által uralt jegyekben: a Nyilasban és a Halakban.

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Mielőtt azonban ki-ki egyéni tulajdonságait kezdenénk vizsgálni, az egész emberi nem jellemzőit kell szemügyre vennünk. Az arab asztrológusok38 egyetértenek abban, hogy ez szoláris. Hogy ez igaz, arra az ember egyenes és szép termetéből következtetek, valamint finom testnedveiből, szelleme ragyogásából, képzelőereje világosságából, az igazság és a dicsőség szeretetéből. Hozzáteszek ehhez egy merkuriális jellemzőt is, sokoldalú elméjének fürge járása miatt, s mivel az emberi nem mezítelenül, fegyvertelenül, mindennek híján születve e hiányosságait saját igyekezetével pótolja, ami Mercurius sajátsága. Hozzáteszem ehhez még a joviális tulajdonságot is testének kiegyensúlyozott felépítése és a törvények miatt, és mert a második hónapban kapjuk meg az életet, amelyben Jupiter uralkodik, és a kilencedikben születünk meg, amelyben ismét az övé az uralom. Így tehát az emberi nem legfőképpen e háromtól várhat adományokat magának még ezeken felül is, hogyha napról napra és egyre inkább alkalmazkodik hozzájuk a szoláris, merkuriális és joviális dolgokon keresztül. Mit mondjak a többi bolygóról? A Saturnus nem könnyen jelez az emberi nemre közösen jellemző minőséget és sorsot, hanem az embert a többiektől elválasztottnak, isteninek vagy állatinak, boldognak vagy a legnagyobb nyomorban tengődőnek mutatja. A Mars, a Hold és a Venus az embernek azokat a vonzalmait és tevékenységeit jelzi, amelyek a többi lélekkel rendelkező lénnyel közösek. Térjünk vissza tehát a Napra, Jupiterre és Mercuriusra. Említettünk néhány szoláris és joviális természetű dolgot, de a merkuriálisakat valahogy kifelejtettük. Ilyenek tehát az ón, az ezüst, és főként az élő ezüst, az ezüstös markazit, az achátkő, a porfírüveg, azok a dolgok, amelyeken a sáfránysárga az élénkzölddel keveredik, a smaragd és a lakk. A kifinomult érzékekkel rendelkező, okos és fürge állatok, a majom és a kutya. Emberek közül az ékesszólóak, éles elméjűek, sokoldalúak, hosszúkás arcúak, s akiknek nem kövér a kézfeje. Azokat a dolgokat kell keresni és használni, amelyek egy adott bolygóhoz tartoznak, tudniillik akkor, amikor ez uralkodó helyzetben van (mint említettem), annak napján és órájában, amennyire lehetséges, akkor is, amikor domiciliumban

38

Az arab asztrológusok munkái kéziratos gyűjteményekben terjedtek Ficino idejében, amiről a XV–XVI. sz.-i ősnyomtatványok is tanúskodnak. Ezek általában Ptolemaios Tetrabyblosához vagy Firmicus Maternus Astronomicájához kapcsolódtak.

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vagy exaltációban van,39 vagy legalább a saját háromságában,40 az ég határán és sarkában,41 elégetésen kívül42, gyakrabban kelet felé irányulva, ha a Nap magasabban áll; úgyszintén pirkadatkor, ha a Hold néz rá (fényszöget zár be vele). Ha pedig valaki a Holdtól és Venustól remél segítséget, hasonló időpontokat kell követnie. Venust a fent említett állatai révén kérheti, valamint a karneol, a zafír, a lapis lazuli, a sárga és a vörös réz, a korall, valamennyi szép és tarka vagy épp zöld szín és virág, a zene, kellemes ízek és illatok révén. A Holdtól a fehér, nedves és zöld dolgok révén, az ezüst, a kristály, a nagyméretű igazgyöngyök és az ezüstös markazit révén. És mivel Saturnus az állandóság és a kitartás ura, Mars pedig a mozgás hatékonyságáé, ezek miatt néha rákényszerülünk, hogy az ő pártfogásukhoz folyamodjunk, tudniillik hasonlóképpen figyelembe véve az időpontokat. Saturnushoz a földszerű, sötétebb és ólmos anyagok révén fordulhatunk, a sötétbarna jáspis, a mágnes, a camoinum és a kalcédón, s részben az arany, valamint az aranyszínű markazit révén. Marstól a tüzes és vörös színű anyagok révén kérhetünk segítséget, mint a vörösréz, minden kénes dolog, a vas és a vérkő révén. S ne kételkedj abban, hogy Saturnusnak van köze az aranyhoz; úgy vélik, hogy a súlya miatt. Sőt, az arany a Naphoz hasonló abban, hogy minden fémben benne van, miként a Nap is minden csillagban és bolygóban. Ha pedig valaki arról győzne meg, hogy Saturnus és Mars ártalmas természetűek (amit én soha nem hinnék), ennek ellenére is hozzájuk kell folyamodnunk, ahogyan az orvosok is néha mérgeket használnak fel, amit Ptolemaios is ajánl a Centiloquiumban.43 Tehát a javunkra válik, ha olykor Saturnus erejét használjuk fel, amennyiben ezt Domiciliumban: a saját otthonában; minden bolygó az egyik jegy uralkodójának tekinthető, ebben van úgymond otthon. Exaltációban: kiemelten kedvező helyen, mely természetével harmóniában áll. Vagyis mindkét esetben kedvező számára a jegy, amelyben áll, s az általa jelölt hajlamok, tehetségek megfelelően ki tudnak bontakozni. Ld. Dubravszky László Dr – Eörssy János Dr: A tradicionális asztrológia tankönyve, i.m., 38–40. Vö. itt, III. k. 9. fej. 40 Olyan jegyekben, amelyek elemi minőségének megfelelőek, pl. A Nap a tüzes (Kos, Oroszlán, Nyilas), a Hold a vizes (Rák, Skorpió, Halak) jegyekben stb. Ld. uott, 38. 41 Az ég négy „sarkán”, tehát: a horizont ún. felkelő pontján, vagyis az Ekliptika és a keleti láthatár metszéspontján (ascendens) vagy lenyugvó pontján, azaz az Ekliptika és a nyugati láthatár metszéspontján (descendens), az ég közepén, azaz az Ekliptika legmagasabb pontján, azaz az Ekliptika és az adott földrajzi hely délkörének látóhatár feletti metszéspontján (medium coeli, MC) vagy az ég alján, tehát az Ekliptika legmélyebb pontján, azaz Ekliptika és az adott földrajzi hely délkörének látóhatár alatti metszéspontján (imum coeli, IC). Ld. uott, 81–82. 42 Extra combustionem. A Nappal való 1 fokon belüli együttállást nevezik combustionak, azaz elégetésnek, amikor az illető bolygó elveszíti hatóerejét a Nap túlságos közelsége miatt. 43 Pseudo-Ptolemaios, Centiloquium, 10. aforizma: „sicut periti medici utuntur venenosis secundum competentem quantitatem”. Claudii Ptolemaei, Opera quae extant omnia, III, 2, ed. A Boer, Teubner, Lipsia, 1898. 39

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kellő óvatossággal tesszük, miként az orvosok, amikor hasfogó és vizelet- illetve széklettartó szereket alkalmaznak, sőt, olyan kábítószereket, mint az ópium és a mandragóra. Marshoz is tartozik ilyen növény: mint például az euphorbium és a hunyor. Úgy tűnik, e tekintetben igen óvatosak voltak a mágusok, a bráhmanok és a pythagoreusok, akik mivel a filozófia állhatatos tanulmányozása miatt Saturnus zsarnokságától tartottak, fehér ruhát viseltek, azontúl joviális vagy phoebusi zenéket és dalokat zengtek, és többnyire a szabad ég alatt időztek. Ám sose feledd, hogy a lélek hajlamai és törekvései miatt, valamint a szellem minőségéből adódóan nagyon könnyen és váratlanul ama bolygók hatása alá kerülhetünk, amelyek ugyanezt a hajlamot és törekvést és minőséget mutatják. Tehát az emberi dolgoktól való eltávolodást, a nyugalmat, magányt, állhatatosságot illetően, a teológia, a titkosabb filozófia, a babona, mágia, mezőgazdaság és a búskomorság révén Saturnus uralma alá esünk. A közügyek és nagyravágyó foglalatosságaink tekintetében, a természet- és a közönséges filozófiát illetően, a vallást és a törvényeket illetően pedig Jupiter uralma alá, Mars alá a harag és küzdelmek terén, a Nap és Mercurius alá az ékesszólásra, az éneklésre, az igazságra, a dicsőségre és a leleményességre való hajlamban és törekvésben, Venus alá a vidámságban, zenében és mulatságban, a Hold alá a növényekéhez hasonló életmódban. Ám vésd eszedbe a következő különbségeket közöttük: az észbeli képességek közhasznú és nagyobb ívű kamatoztatása a Nap alá tartozik, a magánjellegű és valamely mesterség számára adott pedig inkább Mercurius alá. Aztán a komolyabb zene Jupiteré és a Napé, a könnyedebb Venusé, a közepes viszont Mercuriusé. Hasonlóképpen van ez az állócsillagokkal is. Ez az egész emberi nemre érvényes szabályosság. Egyénileg pedig kinek-kinek az lesz a feladata, hogy derítse ki, melyik bolygótól kapott valamely jótékony adottságot születésekor, és inkább annál keressen segítséget, mint más bolygóktól. S egy bolygótól ne akármilyen adományt várjon, vagy ne olyat, ami más bolygók sajátja, hanem olyat, ami hozzá tartozik – hacsak nem egyrészt a Naptól származó sok közös adományról beszélünk, hisz az az égiek közös vezére, vagy hasonlóképpen a Jupitertől, másrészt pedig ugyanígy minden világi adományról a világlélektől és a világ szellemétől. S hogy a világ lelkes lény, és sokkal intenzívebben átjárja a lélek, mint bármely lelkes lényt, azt nemcsak a platonisták érvelései, hanem az arab asztrológusok tanúságai is bizonyítják. S e műveikben azt is megmutatják, hogy az ég adományai szellemünknek a világszellemhez való igazítása révén kerülhetnek át testünkbe és lelkünkbe, amit a természettudomány és a szeretet segítségével érhetünk el. Ezt egyrészről a mi szellemünk segíti elő, mely számunkra közvetítő elem, s amelyet ekkor a világszellem erősít meg, másrészről pedig a bolygók sugarai révén, melyek kedvezően hatnak szellemünkre, mely a sugarakhoz hasonló természetű, és képes önmagát az égiekhez igazítani. 476

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III. A világlélek és a világ teste között nyilvánvalóan jelen van a világszellem, melynek (ható)erejében négy elem található. Mi ebből a saját szellemünk révén meríthetünk. A világ teste, amennyire mozgásából és a (benne megfigyelhető) keletkezésből kitűnik, minden részében élő, amit az indiai filozófusok44 azzal bizonyítanak, hogy mindenütt élőlényeket hoz létre önmagából. Következésképpen egy lélek révén él, mely mindenütt jelen van benne, és tökéletesen illik hozzá. Ezért a világ kézzelfogható és részben mulandó teste, valamint a lelke között, melynek természete túlságosan távol áll ettől a testtől, mindenütt egyfajta szellem van, miként a mi testünk és lelkünk között, ha mindenre igaz, hogy az életet mindig a lélek biztosítja a sűrűbb test számára. Feltétlenül szükséges ugyanis egy ilyen szellem mint közvetítő, melynek révén egyrészt az isteni lélek jelen van a sűrűbb testben, másrészt az életet adja neki. Minden test (mely mintegy érzékeinkhez igazítva könnyen érzékelhető) sűrűbb, s az isteni lélektől messze elfajzott. Tehát szükség van egy kiválóbb test segítségére, mely szinte nem is testi. Tudjuk, hogy ezért minden élőlény, úgy a növények, mint az állatok egy efféle szellem révén élnek, és nemzenek életet. S az elemek között, amelyik a leginkább szellemi, az a leggyorsabban ad életet, és folyton mozog, mintha élne. De talán közbevágsz, hogy ha az elemek és az élőlények valami magukhoz hasonlót hoznak létre a saját szellemük révén, akkor a kövek és a fémek, melyek az elemek és a lelkes lények között vannak, miért nem teremnek? Nyilvánvalóan azért, mert bennük a szellemet egy sűrűbb anyag fogja vissza. Ha viszont ezt (a szellemet) leválasztanánk róla, és így leválasztva megőriznénk, akkor mint valamely csíraszerű erő képes lehet valami magához hasonlót létrehozni, csak épp egy ugyanolyan nemű anyagnál használjuk fel. Ezt a szellemet választják le az alkimisták is tűzzel való lepárlás útján kitartó munkával az aranyról, és ezt bármely fémhez hozzáadva aranyat állítanak elő.45 Az aranyból vagy más egyébből megfelelő módon kivont ilyesféle szellemet az arab asztrológusok elixírnek nevezik.46

Vö. pl. Philostrati, Apollonii vita, in Opera, VIII, 7, ed. C. L. Kayser, Teubner, Lipsia, 1870, 311. 45 Ficino nem volt alchimista, e téren forrásai másodlagosak, így nem tudhatta, hogy a fémek az alchímiában elsősorban szimbólumok: a lélek tulajdonságait ill. képességeit jelölik. Vö.: Titus Burckhardt, Alkímia. Világkép és szellemiség, Arcticus Kiadó, Budapest, 2000, 22. 46 Az ‘elixír’ kifejezés arab közvetítéssel (al-iksir) a görög xéríon szóból származik (szó szerint: szárító por). Ez a lapis philosophorum, azaz a bölcsek kövének megjelölése. Vö. Arnaldo di Villanova, Opera esoterica in Opera omnia, Basileae, 1585. Korábbi kiadása: ed. G. Huyon, Lugduni, 1520. Ficino 1489-ben olvasta Arnaldo De conservanda iuventute et retardanda senectute c. művét, a bázeli kiadásban: 813–838. 44

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Ám térjünk vissza a világ szelleméhez, melynek révén a világ mindent létrehoz (mivelhogy minden a saját szelleme révén teremt), melyet mind égnek, mind ötödik eszenciának (kvinteszenciának) nevezhetünk. Ez nagyjából olyan a világ testében, mint amilyen a miénk a mi testünkben, mindenekelőtt azzal a különbséggel, hogy a világlélek nem a négy elemből állítja ezt elő, mintegy a saját „testnedveiből”, mint ahogy mi a mi testnedveinkből, hanem közvetlenül a saját teremtőerejéből, mintegy túlcsordulva (hogy platonista avagy plótinoszi módra mondjam), s ezzel együtt teremti meg a csillagokat, s rögtön ezután, ennek révén hozza létre a négy elemet, mintha annak a szellemnek az erejében benne lenne minden. Ez pedig egy nagyon finom test, szinte már nem is test, hanem már-már lélek. Úgyszintén szinte már nem is lélek, hanem már-már test. Erejében a legkevesebb van a földi természetből, több a vizesből, még több a levegősből, a legtöbb a tüzesből és a csillagokéból. Ezen fokozatok mértékének meghatározásában a csillagok és az elemek mennyisége játszott közre. Ez a szellem mindenütt jelen van, és minden keletkezésben annak közvetlen szerzőjeként és mozgásként működik, s rá vonatkozik a költőnek ez a sora: „A szellem belülről táplál.”47 Saját természetéből adódóan teljes egészében ragyogó és meleg, nedves és életadó; ezen minőségeit a lélek magasabb rendű minőségeitől nyerte. Hogy e szellemből milyen sokat merített a tyanai Apollónios, arról az indiai Hiarchas tanúskodik, így szólván: „Senki ne csodálkozzon, Apollónios, hogy elnyerted a jóslás tudományát, hisz lelkedben oly sok étert hordozol.”48 IV. Szellemünk a Nap és a Jupiter sugarai segítségével merít a világszellemből, mígnem maga is szolárissá és joviálissá nem válik. Tehát ezt a szellemet igyekszel majd mindenekelőtt befogadni. Közvetítésével ugyanis a természet adományait nyered el, mind a világ teste, mind a lelke részéről, mind az égitestek és daimónok részéről. Merthogy ez a világ sűrű teste és lelke között áll, és benne s általa léteznek az égitestek és a daimónok. Hisz akár úgy áll a dolog, hogy a világ teste és a világ alkotóelemei a világlélektől származnak közvetlenül (ahogy Plótinos és Porphyrios gondolják), akár úgy, hogy a világ teste és lelke Istentől származnak közvetlenül, ahogy a mieink vélik és talán a pythagoreus Timaios is,49 az biztos, hogy a világ él és lélegzik, s megvan a leheVergilius, Aeneis, VI, 726. Philostrati, Apollonii Vita, I, 8, i. m., 7. 49 Arról, hogy a világ teste (azaz a világ) közvetlenül Isten által vagy a világlélek közvetítésével jön létre, ld. Ficino levelét Giovanni Cavalcantihoz: Epistolarum liber I in Ficini Opera omnia, Basileae, 1575, I, 629. A kérdés felmerül Ficino Lakoma-kommentárjának első könyvében: A szerelemről. Kommentár Platón a lakoma c. művéhez, ford. és utószó: Imregh Monika, Arcticus Kiadó, Bp. 2001, 9.; és Timaios-kommentárjában is: Opera omnia, II, 1438. 47

48

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tőségünk, hogy befogadjuk ezt a leheletét vagy szellemét. Az ember pedig a saját lélegzete és szelleme révén fogadhatja be megfelelőképpen, mely saját természetétől fogva megegyezik amazzal, főként ha bizonyos módszerekkel még hasonlóbbá, azaz a lehető legnagyobb mértékben égivé tesszük. Égivé pedig akkor válik, ha megtisztítjuk a szennytől, és mindattól, ami rátapadt és távol álló az égtől. Ha ez a szenny nemcsak a belső szerveinkben lehet, hanem a lelkünkben, bőrünkben, ruhánkban, lakásunkban és a levegőben is – akkor gyakran megfertőzheti szellemünket. Végül égivé válhat, ha a lélek és a test körmozgásának mintájára maga is köröket ír le; ha a fény gyakoribb szemlélése és a rajta való meditálás révén maga is ragyogóvá válik; ha az éghez hasonló dolgokat alkalmazunk rajta, azzal a mindennapos törődéssel, amellyel Avicenna a szellemet a De viribus cordis (A szív képességei) című könyvében gondozza,50 s mi is a tudósok egészségének védelme című írásunkban gondozni szándékoztunk. Ezért először is válasszuk le róla az őt elhomályosító párákat, olyan gyógyszerekkel, amelyek meg tudják ilyen módon tisztítani. Másodszor fényteli dolgokkal tegyük ragyogóvá. Harmadszor úgy tápláljuk, hogy finomabbá és tartósabbá is váljon egyidejűleg. Végül a legnagyobb mértékben égivé válhat, amennyire a jelen eszmefuttatásunk engedi, ha a lehető leginkább alkalmazzuk rajta az égiek között uralkodó Nap sugarát és befolyását. És így ebből a szellemből, amely bennünk mintegy középütt áll, az égi javak, melyek elsősorban benne kapnak helyet, szétterjedhetnek úgy testünkben, mint lelkünkben, mégpedig valamennyi adomány, ugyanis a Napban mindegyik benne foglaltatik. A Nap pedig akkor teszi a szellemet szolárissá a leginkább, amikor a Kosban vagy az Oroszlánban jár, s amikor a Holddal fényszöget alkot, de főként az Oroszlánban, amikor is szellemünket annyira megerősíti, hogy még a járványszerű fertőzésekkel szemben is felvértezi, ami jól megfigyelhető Babilóniában és Egyiptomban, és az Oroszlán felé néző vidékeken, ahol a Nap, amikor az Oroszlánba belép, véget vet a járványnak, pusztán abból az okból, amit említettünk. Tehát te is ebben az időszakban keresd mindenütt a szoláris dolgokat, és rakd össze őket. Azután kezdd el a szoláris dolgokat használni, de figyelj oda, hogy a hőségben kerüld gondosan a kiszáradást. Hiszen a szellem nem képes könnyen szolárissá válni, ha nem a lehető legnagyobb mennyiségben van jelen. Ugyanis a Naphoz hozzátartozik hatalmas kiterjedése. Ahhoz, hogy a szív a lehető legtöbbet állítsa elő, egyrészt odafigyelés szükségeltetik, hogy a szívet kívül-belül neki való dolgokkal segítsük, másrészt könnyen emészthető és egészséges ételekből 50

Liber canonis primus quem princeps Aboali Abinsceni De medicina edidit; translatus a magistro Gerardo Cremonensi in Toleto […] Libellus Avicennae De viribus cordis translatus ab Arnaldo de Villanova, Barchinonae […] Venetiis, 1490.

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származó táplálék. Fontos még a könnyű és rendszeres testmozgás, az elegendő és megfelelő időben történő pihenés, s hogy sokat időzzünk a friss levegőn napsütésben, de nem a hőségben és a fagyban; a legfontosabb azonban a jó közérzet. S a szellem csak akkor lehet szoláris, ha meleg, könnyű és ragyogó lesz. Akkor tudod könnyűvé és ragyogóvá tenni, ha kerülöd a szomorú, sűrű és sötét dolgokat. Kívül-belül fényes és vidám dolgokat alkalmazz. Igyekezz befogadni éjjelnappal minél több fényt. Száműzd magadtól a koszt, a tétlenséget és a kábaságot. De mindenekelőtt kerüld a sötétséget. Ha a szellemet a Nap természetes hőjére szeretnéd hevíteni, vigyázz, nehogy a hő harmadik fokára hevítsd, mert így kiszárítod. A Nap hője ugyanis természeténél fogva nem szárít, különben nem lenne a Nap az élet és a teremtés ura és a növekedés előidézője. Ám néha előfordulhat, hogy a sugarai szárítanak, ha valamely száraz anyag belsejébe vannak bezárva. Így tehát a meleghez könnyű nedvet fogsz társítani, amely szoláris, de a leginkább joviális, s megőrzöd ezt a szellemben az ilyesféle dolgok használatával, ha szolárissá szeretnéd tenni, máskülönben a Marshoz tennéd inkább hasonlóvá, mint a Naphoz. A hagyomány szerint a Mars csak nagyon kevés dologban egyezik meg a Nappal, ezek ugyan nyilvánvalóak, mégsem jelentősek, mindazonáltal időnként ellenséges viszonyban áll vele. Tudjuk viszont, hogy a Jupiter sok kiváló (bár rejtettebb) adományában igen hasonlatos a Naphoz, és barátságos viszonyban áll vele. Ezért Ptolemaios, amikor az összhangról beszél,51 azt mondja, hogy mindenekelőtt a Nap és a Jupiter tökéletes összhangban állnak egymással, a Venus pedig a Holddal; és minden asztrológus egyetemes jótékony hatást tulajdonít a Napnak, csakúgy, mint Jupiternek, ámbár a Nap ugyanazt hatékonyabban viszi végbe, a Jupiter pedig a Nap ereje alatt működik.

Abstract Besides his Plato and Plotinus translations, Three Books on Life became Ficino’s most popular work within one hundred years of first being published. Just like his Platonic Theology, Ficino dedicated his Three Books on Life to Lorenzo de’ Medici, since at that time he needed some protection by the Medici from the Roman Church because of the astrological and magical considerations in the third book. The title refers to the fact that they were originally three different works. The first one was ready in 1480 and given to his friends in manuscript form with a short title of The Healthy Life. This 51

C. Ptolemaei, Opera, III, 1 (Apotelesmatika), ed. F. Boll et A. Boer, Teubner, Lipsia, repr. 1957, IV, 5.

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was later changed to The Scholars’ Health Care. As Kristeller proves in Supplementum Ficinianum, the 3rd book (Getting Life from the Sky) was finished in 1489 and the second (The Long Life) was completed after that. The third book was initially meant to be part of his commentary for Plotinus’ Enneads, but later on Ficino changed his mind and dedicated it to King Matthias of Hungary. This is a Hungarian translation of an extract from the beginning of the third book.

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Komoróczy Géza

Asszíria vagy Egyiptom? Júda külpolitikai dilemmája az i. e. 7. század végén Egy sajnálatos eseményről lesz szó az alábbiakban: Jósijáhunak (Jósiás), Júda királyának haláláról. Okát tudjuk, a háttere homályos, ezt próbálom megvilágítani. A haláleset Megiddónál történt, az időszámításunk kezdete előtti (a továbbiakban: i. e.) 609. év elején, egy csatában, ahol Jósijáhu király (640/639–609, Dávid-dinasztia) hadserege szembeszállt II. Nekho (Nekau) fáraó (610–595, XXVI. dinasztia) hadseregével. A történetet a Biblia (Tanakh) két helyen is elbeszéli, a Királyok könyve röviden (II. Kir. 23,29 sk.), a Krónikák könyve hosszabban (II. Krón. 20,20 skk.). A Királyok a korábbi; az úgynevezett deuteronomista történeti mű része; a Krónikák, a héber bibliai kánon utolsó irata, amely az i. e. 4. századra tehető, forrásként használta, de van benne eredeti, részben külső forrásanyag alapján készült anyag is, részben azonban irodalmi fikció. Jósijáhu történetét mindkét könyv tágabb összefüggésbe állítja be és értékeli. A szorosan vett életrajzi adatokon kívül mindkettő ír Jósijáhu kultikus reformjáról és a peszah megtartásáról. Adatszerű közléseik csak részben azonosak, az irodalmi elemek pedig erősen különböznek egymástól. Jósijáhut az általánosságok szintjén mindkét könyv egybehangzóan pozitiven értékeli, mind vallási, mind politikai tekintetben. Amit tett, azt az Örökkévaló (Jhvh) igaznak (jásár) tartotta (II. Kir. 22,2; II. Krón. 34,2). Dávid példáját követte: “az ő útján járt”, “nem tért el sem jobbra, sem balra”. * A két elbeszélésnek van egy közös mozzanata, melynek ismerjük pontos helyét az ókori Kelet történelmében. Nekho az Euphratészhez akart eljutni hadseregével (II. Kir. 23,29), Karkhemishez (II. Krón. 35,20). Nem “Assúr királya ellen (almelekh Assúr)”, ahogy a Királyok, tévesen, írja (II. Kir. 23,29): éppen ellenkezőleg, Asszíria megsegítése végett. Asszíriát a folyam jobb partjánál éppen fojtogatta üldözője, Babylón királya, Nabú-apla-uszur (626–605). Jósijáhu i. e. 609-ben útját akarta állni Nekhónak. Miért? – ez a kérdés. * Jósijáhut a fáraó Megiddónál, amint meglátta és szembekerültek egymással, megölte, a szolgák a királyt Jeruzsálembe vitték és külön sírban temették el (II. Kir. 23,29 sk.); illetve, Jósijáhu szembement Nekhóval, harciszekerén állt, eltökélt volt 482

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a harcra, de az egyiptomi íjászok nyila eltalálta, “nagyon megsebesült”, szolgái a váltószekérre tették, elvitték Jeruzsálembe, ott halt meg, és őseinek sírjába temették (II. Krón. 35,22 skk.). Már ezek az apró különbségek jelzik, hogy a Krónikák szépíti Jósijáhu végét, többre értékeli őt, mint a Királyok. Jósijáhu tetteit a két történeti elbeszélés által megrajzolt keretben ismerjük. Megkötötte a szövetséget az Örökkévalóval. Megtisztította a jeruzsálemi templomot, a várost és az országot az idegen kultuszoktól. Elrendelte, hogy Jhvh temploma legyen az egyetlen kultuszhely az országban. Nagyszabású nyilvános, közösségi peszahot tartott, először a történelemben. A Krónikákban vannak részletek, melyekben több az adat vagy részletesebb a leírás, és van, ahol magyarázatot is fűz a leírtakhoz. Ilyen többlet, hogy Jósijáhut megsiratta Jeremiás (Jiremjáhu) próféta, meggyászolta egész Júda és Jeruzsálem, siratóéneket mondanak fölötte férfi és női énekesek “mind a mai napig”, és siratását törvénnyé tették Izraelben (Jiszraél) (II. Krón. 35,25). Ámde Jeremiástól nem maradt fenn siratóének Jósijáhura, s a megiddói csata idején a próféta minden volt Jeruzsálemben, csak nem köztekintély; később lett azzá, később talán már elképzelni se tudták, hogy ne mondott volna siratót erre az igaz királyra. Mi volt Jósijáhu érdeme, hogy ily nagy dicsőség övezte a bibliai utókor vége felé? Hogyan történhetett meg, hogy ez az igaz élet ilyen méltánytalanul ért véget? * Egy csatában, ahol a  királyoknak is íj, lándzsa, kard van a  kezében, ahol a harciszekéren ők is a harc sűrűjébe mennek, bármi megtörténhet. De a Krónikák nem véletlen eseményről beszél: moralizáló magyarázatba bocsátkozik. Nekho idejekorán követek útján üzent Jósijáhunak: semmi dolgunk egymással, én nem ellened megyek, hanem az ellen, akivel háborúm van, vigyázz, mert az az isten (Elohim), aki velem van, el fog pusztítani téged. Jósijáhu semmibe vette Nekho fenyegető figyelmeztetését – holott, írja a Krónikák, ezek Elohim szavai voltak. A megjegyzés kis csúsztatás az Elohim név értelmezésében: ez alakilag az ‛isten’ szó (él / eloah) többes száma, de a Bibliában a Jhvh név szinonimája. Nekho mintha egyiptomi istenségre vagy istenekre hivatkoznék, a Krónikák azonban úgy veszi, hogy szavai “Elohim szájából” valók voltak (II. Krón. 36,22). A csúsztatás, mondhatjuk, arra szolgál, hogy mentse az isteni igazságosság eszméjét. * A Királyok és a Krónikák aránylag részletes életrajzot adnak Jósijáhuról. Érdemes részleteiben áttekinteni az adatokat. Uralkodása éveinek és életéveinek száma mellé mindjárt odateszem a történeti kronológia évszámait. Született, visszaszámíthatólag, i. e. 647-ben. Sem a Királyok, sem a Krónikák nem említi apja nevét. Elődje, Ámon (642–640), 22 éves korában lett király, két év múlva halt meg, amely időpontban Jósijáhu még csak 8 éves volt, s ha Ámon 483

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fia volt, ahogyan a dinasztikus elvből következnék, akkor apja valamikor 15 éves korában (!) nemzette. Ez elképzelhető, de nem valószínű. Jósijáhu talán inkább Menasse fia lehetett, nem Ámoné: Ámon öccse, s ha nem az, akkor a dinasztia egy oldalági tagja, akit a jeruzsálemi establishment emberei választottak ki az uralomra. Uralkodásának 1. éve = i. e. 639 (ekkor 8 éves). A gyermekkorú király mellé egy időre alighanem régenst állítottak. 8. éve = i. e. 631 (ekkor 16 éves, “még fiatal fiú”, II. Krón. 34,3). Felébredt benne az érdeklődés dinasztikus ősének, Dávidnak az istene, Jhvh iránt: “keresni (li-dros) kezdi”; értsd: felismerte a kultusz és a vallás jelentőségét az állam életében, keresi a lehetőségeit. – Minderről a Királyokban egy szó sincs. 12. éve = i. e. 627 (ekkor 20 éves). Megkezdte a templom, Jeruzsálem és Júda megtisztítását a magaslati kultuszhelyektől (báma), a női isten-jelképektől (aséra), amelyekben Jhvh női párját tisztelték, a faragott (peszel) és öntött (masszékha) (isten-) szobroktól. Jelenlétében (!) rombolták le a Baálok oltárait, a Nap-oszlopokat (ahogyan Rasi a hammán szót értelmezi; szabadon álló, csiszolt felületű sztélék vagy obeliszkek lehettek); ezeket elégették, összetörték, és maradványaikat szétszórták papjaik sírja fölött, elégették e papok csontjait is (II. Krón. 34,3-5). Sziklába vájt sírkamrákban, mint Jeruzsálemben a Ketef Hinnom, könnyű volt hozzáférni a csontokhoz. A holtak vagy a sírok bolygatása, meggyalázása, elpusztítása az ókori Keleten az elutasítás végletes formájának számított az ellenséggel szemben. – Figyelmet érdemel, hogy ez az év – egy ékírásos királylista adatából kikövetkeztethetően – Assur-bán-apli (669–627) halálának éve, jelkép értékű, történelmi dátum, amely jelzi, hogy az Asszír birodalom felbomlása megkezdődött. A kultuszhelyek elleni akcióját Jósijáhu kiterjesztette a Júdán kívüli területekre; ez úgy értendő, hogy terjeszkedni kezdett, a Krónikák (II. Krón. 34,6 sk.) szerint elfoglalta a Dávid–Salamon-i Izrael bizonyos részeit: északon Efraim, Manasse, Naftáli egykori törzsi területét (Felső-Galilea), délen Simeon városait (Beér-seva térsége). Ezekről az eseményekről a Királyok csak később beszél, a Krónikák előbbrehozta őket. – Jósijáhu életrajzát a Krónikák úgy alakítja, hogy vallási felismerései és tettei fiatal korára essenek, még a “törvénykönyv” megtalálása előtti időre, ezzel erősíti az igaz király jellemzését. 18. éve = i. e. 621 (ekkor 26 éves). Megbízta főembereit, Sáfán kancellárt (szofér bét Jhvh), Hilqijáhu főpapot (kohén gadol) és más méltóságokat, hogy renoválják Jhvh templomát (II. Kir. 22,3 skk.; II. Krón. 34,8). A templomi kincstárban felhalmozott, illetve Júdában és Benjaminban beszedett, valamint az egykori, általa az előző években visszaszerzett izraeli területekről begyűjtött pénzt (keszef) mind átadta a kivitelezőknek (ószé ha-mela’kha) az építkezés költségeire (II. Krón. 34,9). 484

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A munkálatok során Hilqijáhu főpap megtalálta a “törvénytekercset” (széfer ha-tora) (II. Krón. 34,14); ezt, vagy ennek egy részét, Sáfán felolvasta a királynak. Jósijáhu megrendülten arra a felismerésre jutott, hogy le kell zárnia a múltat (mint a gyászban, “megszaggatta ruháit”, II. Krón. 34,19): az egész nép előtt ő maga felolvasta “a szövetség könyvének (széfer ha-berit) minden szavát” (II. Kir. 23,2; II. Krón. 34,30), és azt a döntést hozta, hogy a jövőben Jhvh parancsai, intelmei és törvényei szerint fog élni, ő és mindenki Jeruzsálemben és Júdában (“megkötötte a szövetséget Jhvh jelenlétében”, II. Krón. 34,31). A nép a “szövetség könyvének” meghallgatásával mintegy hűségesküt tett Jhvh-nek – Jósijáhu politikájának. A király az eskü alatt a templomban ott állt “az oszlop mellett” (al ha-‛ammud, II. Kir. 23,3), vagy “az emelvényen” (Targum, LXX, Josephus, IMIT), másképpen: “a helyén” (al ‛omdo, II. Krón. 34,31) – akárhogy vokalizáljuk a héber gyökmássalhangzókat, akármelyik jelentését vesszük a szónak, Jósijáhu a szertartást mindenképpen rituálisan kitüntetett helyen, a hatalmat jelző pozicióban nézte végig: mint király. Az idegen oltárok papjait (komér, többes szám: kemárim < arámi kumiru; mondjuk, áldozárok) Jósijáhu eltávolította mindenhol, “Gevától Beér-seváig” (II. Kir. 23,8), azaz az egész egykori Izraelben, északtól (Geva) délig (Beér-seva). A Királyok külön is megemlíti Bét-élt (II. Kir. 23,15 skk.) és Sómrónt (II. Kir. 23,19 sk.). Júda jelenléte Én-gedi (a Holt-tengernél), Arad (Negev), Javne-jam (a Földközi-tenger partjánál) ásatásain régészeti leletekből igazolható. Javne-jam közelében, a csak mai nevén ismert Mecad Hesavjáhu ásatásain cserépdarabokra (osztrakon) írt levelek kerültek elő: az ottani erődben júdai helyőrség állomásozott, a levelek a központ utasításait tartalmazzák. A közelben fekvő Asdódot az asszírok csaknem egy évszázaddal korábban elfoglalták (i. e. 711), de ebben az időben már az egyiptomiaké volt, mint a föniciai tengerpart egésze. Júdát az egyiptomi hadsereg közelsége fenyegette. * Közbevetőleg, a részletek bogozása nélkül, meg kell jegyeznem, hogy a “törvénykönyv” vagy “a törvények (tora) tekercse”, melyet Hilqijáhu a templomból elővesz, nagy valószínűséggel azonos a Tóra V. könyvével (Devarim / Deuteronomium, ‛második törvénykönyv’), esetleg csak annak egy részével. Biztosan tartalmazta az “érett kalász” (aviv), azaz az árpaérés hónapjának ünnepére vonatkozó előírást (Deut. 16,1-8). A deuteronomista történeti mű mint egység (Deuteronomium – Jósua – Bírák – Sámuel – Királyok) nyilvánvalóan Jósijáhu kora után készült, korábbi források felhasználásával, közelebbről, a babylóni fogságban (i. e. 6. század); ezt a datálást nem érintheti, hogy van benne néhány rövid későbbi kiegészítés. A mű Jósijáhu kultikus reformjai felől tekint vissza, bírálólag, Izrael és Júda korábbi történelmére. Pontosan nem tudjuk, mi volt a széfer ha-tora szövege, de 485

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erős meggyőződése a történészeknek, hogy a Deuteronomium kultusz-előírásait, vagy azok legtöbbjét, és mindenesetre a peszahra vonatkozó előírásokat, a jeruzsálemi templom Jósijáhu bizalmát bíró és őt támogató papjai foglalták írásba. Ez a tekercs (széfer) szentesíthette az idegen kultuszok kiirtását, mi több, a Jhvhkultusz teljes központosítását, összevonását a jeruzsálemi templomban. A tekercs régisége és a megtalálás nem más, mint hitelesítő fikció: Hilqijáhu főpap azt találta meg, amit előzőleg ő maga írt meg és rejtett el. * A király a nagy eseményt azzal pecsételte meg, hogy nagy ünnepséget rendezett. Az egy héten át tartó szertartás- és lakomán volt égő- vagy állatáldozat. A bőséges hús és a kovásztalan kenyér (macca) volt Jósijáhu peszahjának szekuláris tartalma, ez volt a kovásztalan kenyerek ünnepe (hag ha-maccot). Azt az értelmezést, hogy Jósijáhu peszahja volt egyáltalán az első, a Királyok és a Krónikák egyértelműen kimondják: ilyen peszahot nem tartottak a bírák kora óta, akik Izraelt vezették, sem pedig Izrael királyai és Júda királyai alatt, csak Jósijáhu király 18. évében… (II. Kir. 23,22 sk.), illetve nem volt ilyen peszah Izraelben Sámuel próféta óta, sem Izrael királyai alatt (II. Krón. 35,18). A formulák ezt jelentik: időtlen idők óta. Ennek ellenére a Krónikák beiktat Hizqijáhu (Ezékiás) király (725–697) történetébe is egy szakaszt, mely arról szól, hogy a király, uralkodása elején, megtisztította a templomot, helyreállította Jhvh kultuszát, és ezután megtartotta a peszahot (II. Krón. 30,2 skk.). Később Jhvh megszabadította Jeruzsálemet Színahhé-eriba (Szanhérib) asszír király (705–681) hadseregétől, amely hadsereg ostromgyűrűbe fogta a várost (i. e. 701). A Királyokban nincs szó Hizqijáhu peszahjáról. Jósijáhu hét napos ünnepe során elképesztő mennyiségű állatot vágtak le a templom udvarában. A Krónikák szerint a királyi birtokokról Jósijáhu harmincezer juhot és kecskét, háromezer szarvasmarhát (báqár) adományozott áldozati célra, a főemberek, élükön Hilqijáhu főpappal, kétezer-hatszáz juhot és háromszáz szarvasmarhát, más előkelőségek további ötezer juhot és ötszáz szarvasmarhát (II. Krón. 35,7 skk.). Lehet, hogy a Krónikák túloz, kerekít vagy képzelt számokat ír le, s átlátszó irodalmi konstrukció lehet a leölt állatok, a juh és a marha 10:1 aránya is, de tény, hogy Mezopotámiában az ékírásos áldozati jegyzékekben rendszerint hasonló mennyiségek szerepelnek. A segédpapok (ha-leviim) elkülönítették a húsok égőáldozatra szolgáló részét, a többit pedig megsütötték, illetve megfőzték (peszahi áldozati lakoma), és fazekakban, üstökben, tálakban sietve kiosztották a Jeruzsálemben összegyűlt nép között, beleértve azokat is, akiket az egykori Izrael területén “találtak” (II. Krón. 35,18), és ebből az alkalomból Jeruzsálembe érkeztek. Mindenki jóllakhatott, elégedett lehetett. 486

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Hizqijáhu peszahja, ahogy a Krónikák leírja, sokkal jelentéktelenebb volt, mint Jósijáhué: ötvenedannyi állat, nem is királyi adományként, csak az, amit a nép önként felvitt a templomba; a kevés pap nem győzte a munkát, a segédpapok (ha-leviim) buzgóbbak voltak a szent munkában, mint ők; és nem az első hónap 14. napja, csak a másodiké (II. Krón. 29,31 skk.). A Krónikák ezzel a fikcióval, ezzel a másodlagos történettel akarta előkészíteni, hogy Jeruzsálem megmenekül az i. e. 701. évi asszír ostrom szorításából. Még lényegesebb azonban, hogy Hizqijáhu peszahjával a Krónikák előrajzolt egy hagyományt Jósijáhu számára, és az áldozatok mennyiségével is jelezte, hogy igaz király ünnepe jelentékenyebb volt. Ha Hizqijáhu peszahja a Krónikák fikciója, alighanem történeti ténynek tekinthetjük, hogy a nagy tavaszi pásztorünnepet és áldozati lakomát éppen Jósijáhu kapcsolta össze az egyiptomi kivonulás emlékével; ezek együtt lettek a peszah; nem én vagyok az első, aki erre a következtetésre jutott. * Ma a peszah egyike az úgynevezett tórai ünnepeknek, az egyiptomi kivonulás emlékére. Rögzített időpontja van: a tavaszi napéjegyenlőséget (aequinoctium) követő holdtölte, a 19 éves naptári ciklusban úgy rendezik el a szökőhónapokat, hogy az első hónap 15. napja (niszan 15, az előző estétől számítva) minden évben erre az első holdtöltére essék. A Bibliában a szertartásra vonatkozó előírás világos és egyértelmű; később, valamikor a római korban, a jeruzsálemi templom lerombolása (i. sz. 70) után, forgatókönyv is készült hozzá (Peszah haggáda / Haggáda sel peszah), de az ünnep régi történetéről csak homályos történeti adataink vannak, a legrégibbek éppen a Királyok és a Krónikák szóban forgó fejezeteiben. A hajdani peszah-ünnepeket említő bibliai helyek, az egyiptomi kivonulás után (Ex. 12) vagy a Kaanaánba megérkezéskor (Jos. 5), ugyanabban a mitologikus színezetű elbeszélő konstrukcióban állnak, mint maga a kivonulás. Az első peszah megteremtette az ünnep nagyszerű szokásrendjét, mind írásban (i. h.), mind gyakorlatban: az erjedő élelmiszerek (haméc) eltávolítása, kovásztalan kenyér, széder, hétnapos ünnep, a munkavégzés tilalma a peszah hetének első és utolsó napján stb. A gyakorlatra a korai diaszporában (Elephantiné, i. e. 419) és a babylóni fogság utáni időkből (az i. e. 4. század legelején, Ezra 6,19-22) vannak az első történetileg értékelhető, hitelesnek tekinthető példák; a hagyomány máig él és összefogja Izraelt, a zsidó közösséget. * A kritikai történetírás napjainkban nem konkrétan az egyiptomi kivonulásról beszél, inkább a kivonulás hagyományáról. A kivonulás mint történeti esemény nem fogható meg, csak a bibliai narrativumban létezik. A történetírásnak ugyanúgy kell kezelnie, mint azt az elbeszélést, amelyben Ábrahám Ur-Kaszdimból 487

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eljut Kanaánba (Gen. 12,1-6), vagy amelyben József a fáraó udvarába. A kivonulásra kronológiailag rögzíthető szövegben elsőként Ámosz utal, minden közelebbi adat nélkül (ilyesmire nem is volt szüksége): Én hoztam fel Izraelt Egyiptom földjéről… (9,7); mindenesetre, ugyanabban a mondatban párhuzamba állítja a filiszteusok (pelistiim) megjelenésével, ami azt jelenti, hogy jó fél évezreddel korábbi eseményeket említ: a filiszteusokról vannak is az i. e. 13. századból való történeti és régészeti adataink; Izraelről csak a Merenptah fáraó (1213–1204, XIX. dinasztia) győzelmeit felsoroló feliratban, a kairói Múzeum gránit sztéléjének hátsó oldalán, a Kanaánban elért győzelmekkel foglalkozó utolsó szakaszban (i.  e.  1207), ennyi: “Jiszraél elpusztult, nincsen magja…” (a hieroglyph írás grafémáival: yy-sz-y-r-y-3-r ~ yi-szir-’el), azaz, mondja, a nép, nem ország, az egyiptomi írás determinativuma szerint: ezek az emberek, maradék nélkül elpusztultak (!). Ez a legkorábbi adatunk Izraelről, s mint tudjuk, sem akkor, sem azóta nem pusztult el. Merenptah nem beszél arról, hogy Izrael (törzs) Egyiptomból került volna Kanaánba, az időrendben ezután következő ókori keleti feliratok sem. Izrael kivonulása Egyiptomból bibliai elbeszélés. Hagyománya, akármi volt is a történeti magja, sok száz éven át csak a szóbeliségben élhetett. Annak, hogy a Jósijáhut megelőző évszázadokban évente megismételt ünnep tartotta volna fenn, nincs nyoma. * Mi szüksége volt Jósijáhunak arra, hogy a fentebb leírt nagy, költséges ünnepet megrendezze, hogy összegyűjtse Jeruzsálembe az egész ország lakosságát, és azokat is, akik az egykori Izrael területén megmaradtak? A válasz, akár a bibliai gondolkodásmód szerint akarom megadni, akár mai fogalmakkal, csak az lehet, hogy meg akarta szerezni a lakosság támogatását merész politikájához. A kultuszcentralizáció nemcsak annyit jelent, hogy attól fogva Jhvh az ország egyetlen istene, és Jeruzsálemben van az egyetlen temploma, de azt is, hogy az egész ország a centrális hatalomnak van alárendelve. Korábban, az i. e. 8. század végén, Hizqijáhu az egyiptomi orientáció híve volt. Nem bizonyítja, de legalább szemlélteti ezt a királyi pecsételő két fennmaradt lenyomata, melyek középpontjában egy skarabeus áll. A skarabeus fölött a felirat: “Jehuda” (Júda), alatta: “Hizqijáhu király, Aház (fia) tulajdona.” Sabaka (Sabakú) napatai fejedelem, aki valamikor 711 és 707 között elfoglalta Alsó-Egyiptomot (fáraó: ca. 715–700, XXV., napatai dinasztia), teret akart nyerni magának északon, Elő-Ázsiában is, és elszakadásra biztatta a Sarrukín (Szargón) (721–705) által leigázott városokat (II. Kir. 19,9; Jes. 37,9; és egyiptomi források). Több szíriai város, Föniciában Szidón és Türosz, Filiszteában Asqalon, a Jordántól keletre Ammon, Moáb, Edom függetlenségi kurzust kezdtek. Sarrukín tengerparti hadjárata (i. e. 720) óta Eqron (Amqaruna) Asszíria vazallusa volt, királyát, Padit 488

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Sarrukín ültette a trónra, i. e. 705 után is hűséges maradt Asszíriához. Az asszírellenes szövetség puccsot szervezett ellene, elfogták és Jeruzsálemben Hizqijáhu fogságába adták. Júda Egyiptomhoz fordult támogatásért Asszíria ellen. Sebitku (Sabatakú), az új fáraó (702–690, XXV. dinasztia) csapatokat küldött: harci szekereket, lovasokat, íjászokat, frissen Kúsból (Nubia) átvezényelt harcosokat. Sebitku új ember volt a magasabb politikában, és valószínűleg nem tudta felmérni, milyen kockázattal jár a katonai beavatkozás Elő-Ázsiában. A sereg parancsnoka a fáraó fivére, a fiatal Taharqa (akk. Tarqú, a Bibliában: Tirháqa) volt, a későbbi fáraó (690–664, XXV. dinasztia) (II. Kir. 19,9; Jes. 37,9; és egyiptomi források). Egyiptom terjeszkedési törekvéseinek Asszíria egy időre gátat vetett. Szín-ahhé-eriba nem tudta elfoglalni Jeruzsálemet (i. e. 701), az asszír hadsereg egy napon, váratlanul felhagyván az ostrommal, hirtelen elvonult a város alól, de az ország egy részét (Szín-ahhé-eriba felirata szerint: 46 várost) elcsatolt, és felosztotta őket a szomszédos asszír tartományok között, Hizqijáhunak pedig tetemes adót kellett a visszavonuló hadsereg után küldenie, leányait és egész háremét is elküldte Ninivébe, a királyi hárembe (Taylor Prism, III, 46). Évtizedekkel később, először i. e. 674-ben, Assur-ah-iddina (681–669) hadserege elérte a Nílus-völgyet, majd ő és Assur-bán-apli több hadjáratban elfoglalták Egyiptomot. Az asszír megszállás közel egy évtizedig tartott. Júda az i. e. 7. században be volt szorulva két nagyhatalom, a Földközi-tenger partja menti területek megszerzéséért harcoló, egymással is ütköző Asszíria és Egyiptom közé. Önállóságát próbálta fenntartani, de a Dávid-dinasztia csak azon az áron maradhatott hatalmon, és tarthatta meg országát, hogy hűségesküt tett és rendre megfizette az adót Asszíriának; ez volt a birodalmi függőség legenyhébb fokozata. A Bibliából és az asszír királyfeliratok- / évkönyvekből több adatot szedhetünk össze arról, hogy az i. e. 7. században Júda – önként vagy vonakodva – teljesítette az Asszíriával szembeni kötelezettségeit. Azok a lágy megrovások, amelyek Hizqijáhut uralkodásának vége felé – minden dicsősége mellett is – a Krónikákban érik, például, hogy “felfuvalkodott” (II. Krón. 32,25), közvetett módon a hűségesküvel járó kötelezettségekre vonatkoznak: biztonságban érezte magát. Hizqijáhu fia- és utódának, Menasse (Menaszi) királynak (696–642), Assur-ahiddina hadseregének tisztjei vas kampókat (hóhim) akasztottak (a nyakába), kezét–lábát bilincsbe (nehustaim) verték, és elvitték “Babylón”-ba (II. Krón. 33,11) – a helyes név itt nyilván: Ninive (669). A szöveget olvasva szinte látjuk magunk előtt Júda királyát, úgy, mint az ostromlott várból kivezetett foglyok az asszír palota-domborműveken. Assur-ah-iddina hazaengedte Menassét, meghagyta királyi hatalmában – vazallusként. Menasse hosszú uralkodása az Asszíriával kötött alkunak volt köszönhető. A birodalom új urának, Assur-bán-aplinak is 489

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a “szövetségese” volt (i. e. 667), s asszír feliratokból tudjuk, ez azt jelenti, hogy megújította korábbi hűségesküjét. E második alkalommal már maga sietett Ninivébe (Rassam Cylinder, I, 24), hogy – az asszír feliratokban gyakran használt kifejezés szerint – megcsókolja Assur-bán-apli lábát. Nemcsak adót fizetett: katonákat is Asszíria rendelkezésére bocsátott. Assur-bán-apli i. e. 648-ban, amikor Babylónia (Samas-sum-ukín) függetlenségi háborúját leverte, Dél-Mezopotámiából a lakosság egy részét áttelepítette Sómrónba. Menasse fia, Ámon folytatta apja politikáját (II. Kir. 21,20 skk.). Az asszír függőségnek belpolitikai következményei voltak. A birodalmi kultúrához való – egyébként alig több, mint felszínes – igazodást a Biblia mint az idegen istenek tiszteletét, mint idegen kultuszok átvételét írja le, ítéli el. A Baálok tisztelete, szentélyeik jelenléte nem szorította ki Jhvh kultuszát, egymás mellett éltek, nyilván a jeruzsálemi templomban is, de kétségtelenül megbontották a vallási kultusz – a kultúra legjobban szervezett formája – egyneműségét, idegen elemeket, színeket vittek bele. Így volt ez már korábban is Izraelben. A Jhvh-vallás mellett elkötelezett próféták mindig támadták az idegennek minősített kultuszokat – elég utalni Élijáhu (Illés) prófétának Aháb izraeli király (871–852) idején a Baál-papok elleni, már a bibliai hagyományban legendákkal színezett küzdelmére (I. Kir. 18). Jósijáhu korában a nemzetközi helyzet drámaian megváltozott. Assur-bánaplit, “a négy világ-part királyát”, ékírásos okmányok i. e. 631-ben említik utoljára, s közvetett adatok arra mutatnak, mint említettem, hogy négy évvel később, i. e. 627-ben meghalt. Asszíria, egy évszázad óta legyőzhetetlen hódító, nagy győzelmeinek terhe alatt megroppant, és ennek következményeképpen az i. e. 620-as években (629–620) az egész ókori Elő-Ázsia hatalmi rendszere átalakult. Néhány év múltán Asszíriának már nem volt hatalma a tartományai fölött. Babylónban egy új dinasztia jutott uralomra, Nabú-apla-uszur (626–605), akit a század végén majd fia, (II.) Nabú-kudurri-uszur (Nebúkhadreccar) (605–562) követ, a következő évtizedek egyik nagy sikerese. Asszíriától keletre, a Zagrosz térségében, egy erős méd törzsi vezér, Kyaxarész (Umakistar), fegyvernemekre tagolt hadsereggel (lándzsások, íjászok, lovasok) és szedett-vedett csapatokkal (ummán-manda) támadásba lendült Asszíria ellen. Sorra foglalták el Asszíria nagy múltú, pompás fővárosait, Kalhut (i. e. 615), egy év múlva Assurt (i. e. 614), azután Ninivét, itt csak a második támadás vezetett sikerre (i. e. 612), összetörték a paloták berendezését, felgyújtották az épületeket. Szín-sar-iskun király (627–612) talán benn égett a palotájában. Ninive alatt találkozott egymással a méd és a babylóni király, és szövetséget (szulummu) kötöttek, dinasztikus házassággal megpecsételve. Az asszír királyfi megúszta Ninua ostromát. Harránban, akkor már egy ideje Asszíria nem hivatalos második fővárosában, nyugati igazgatási 490

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központjában (a Balih folyónál), i. e. 612 késő-őszén Asszíria királyának hirdette ki magát. Hangzatos nevet választott: (II.) Assur-uballit (612–609), a nevében foglalt ígéretet (uballit, ‘életre kelt’) azonban Assur istennek nem sikerült teljesítenie: nem “keltette életre” a birodalmat. Assur-uballitot a babylóniak és a médek egyesült erővel kiverték Harránból (i. e. 610. november). Egyiptomban Asszíria egykori helytartója, I. Pszammétikhosz (Pisamilki), a XXVI. (szaiszi) dinasztiát megalapító fáraó (664–610), aki hatalomra jutván hosszabb ideig Asszíria csöndes ellensége volt, idős korában arra használta fel az asszír uralom gyengülését, hogy befolyást szerezzen magának Elő-Ázsiában, egyelőre a Földközi-tenger partvidékén. Valamikor i. e. 623 és 616 között felvette a harcot a szkíthákkal, akik pusztítva söpörtek végig Elő-Ázsián, segítségére sietett Szín-sar-iskunnak (i. e. 616), hosszú ostrom után elfoglalta Gázát (Hérodotosz, II, 157), és csak halála állította meg. Fia és utóda, II. Nekho (ékírásos szövegekben: Nikú) fáraó, folytatta apja politikáját. Felismerte, hogy Babylón nem fog megállni az Euphratésznél. Részt akart venni az osztozkodásban Asszíria egykori birtokai fölött, és meg akarta szerezni magának Kanaánt, Föniciát, Szíria nyugati térségét, amely területek az előző évezredben időről időre egyiptomi igazgatás alatt álltak. Stratégiai fordulatot hajtott végre: meg akarta segíteni addigi vetélytársát és ellenfelét, Asszíriát, hogy az, ha már Ninua és Harrán elveszett, ha már kiszorult országának magterületéről, legalább az Euphratésznél megvethesse a lábát. Nekho arra számított, hogy meg tudja akadályozni Babylón nyugati terjeszkedését. Assur-uballit i. e. 610 végén az Euphratész nyugati partjára menekült. Nekho elindult Szíriába (“Karkhemisbe”, II. Krón. 35,20). Ezen a ponton lépett ki a nagyhatalmi küzdőtérre Júda királya. S történt, ami Megiddónál történt. Nem ide tartoznak Nekho hadjáratának további eseményei. Annyit azért el kell mondani, hogy Assur-uballit a következő évben, nyáron (duúzu = i. e. 609. július), a Babylóni krónika szerint “nagy egyiptomi hadsereggel együtt” átkelt az Euphratészen, megpróbálták visszafoglalni Harránt, “de nem értek el semmit”. A nagytörténelmet nem folytatom, ismert. Az igazi győztes II. Nabú-kudurriuszur lett, éppen Karkhemisnél (i. e. 605). * A nemzetközi horizontról fordítsuk vissza pillantásunkat Júdára és Jósijáhura. Asszíria nagyhatalmi hálója, mely Elő-Ázsia országait évszázadokon át szorosan összefogta, az i. e. 620-as évek második felében már szétszakadt, a tartományok és függő államok rendszere szétesett – Jósijáhu ezt nagyon jól tudta. A kis ország és a nagyra törő király szabadnak érezhette magát, teljesen szabadnak. S mit tett ebben a szabadságban? Három nagy horderejű kezdeményezése volt. Először is, teljes erővel az idegen kultuszok ellen fordult, hogy megtisztítsa Júdát (le-táhér 491

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et-Jehuda, II. Krón. 34,3), az országot. A választóvonal a mi (Jhvh) és az ők (az asszír függőség jelképei), konkrétan: az idegen hatalom között a kultikus tisztaság. Másodszor, visszaszerezte, megszállta az egykori Izrael gazdátlanná vált területeit, amelyek addig különböző asszír tartományokhoz tartoztak. A Krónikák egyik, fentebb már idézett szakasza (II. Krón, 34,6) úgy beszél Efraimról stb., ahol Jósijáhu leromboltatta az oltárokat, mint romokról. S harmadszor, hétnapos áldozati szertartással megtartották Jeruzsálemben a szabadság ünnepét. A peszah az új szabadság-helyzet ritusa lett. – Megjegyzem, az imént használt romok szó crux a héber szövegben. Ketib: báhar battéhem (Mss apud Kennicott, a báhar a hét betűvel), ‛kiválasztotta a házaikat’ (?); be-har bótéhem (sic!, Cod. L, a har a hé betűvel), ‛házaik hegyén’ / ‛hegyen lévő házaikban’ (?); LXX: en … toisz topoisz autón, ‛a helyeiken’; prps: bi-rehovotéhem (BH, BHS), ‛tereiken’. Világos, hogy mindezekkel szemben a qeré a követendő: be-harvótéhem (< horbá), ‛romjaikban’; ezt adja a Targum is: bét cadjútéhon, ‛ua.’ (ed. Sperber). A helyreigazított bibliai szövegből egyértelműen kitetszik, hogy Jósijáhu alatt Júda új területekre tett szert. Jósijáhu politikájának egyik eleméről, az egykori Izrael restaurálásának kísérletéről, fentebb, más összefüggésben, már beszéltem. A kis Júda, az idő tájt a valóságban nem sokkal több, mint Jeruzsálem és környéke, mely állam Dávid és Salamon két–három évszázaddal korábbi országának csupán a maradékát jelentette, de ezáltal, bár csonkán, területi kontinuitását fenntartotta: Júda nem mondott le az Asszíria által elszakított területekről. Vezető köreiben, a politikai és vallási elitben két formában élt a vágy, hogy a Dávid és Salamon Izraeléből – először az i. e. 10. század utolsó harmadában, Salamon halála után, a tíz északi törzs (Izrael) kiválásakor, majd másodszor i. e. 721-ben, Sómrón eleste után – kiszakított északi területeket visszaszerezze. Egyrészt, mint – legújabb kori, olasz eredetű szóval, a szó mai negativ jelentésárnyalata nélkül – irredenta: a “nem felszabadított”, azaz “idegen uralom alatt álló”, “szolgaságban lévő” területek “kiváltásának” (redenzione), felszabadításának ábrándja, az erre lehetőséget kínáló helyzetek kihasználása, általánosabban: valóságos vagy képzelt történelmi jog alapján fenntartott területi igény. Másrészt, mint az északi állam területéről az asszírok által áttelepített lakosság (a “tíz elveszett törzs”) emlékének mitologikus kiszínezése. Jósijáhu az irredentát tűzte zászlajára. Itt Júda történetével foglalkozom, és az Asszíria különböző tartományaiba áttelepített északi lakosságról csak annyit jegyzek meg, hogy a babylóni fogság után, a hazatérés megszervezése során a Perzsa (Akhaimenida) birodalomban már alig lehetett fellelni maradékaikat. Az i. e. 4. század első éveiben Ezra csak a papi családok leszármazottait tudta összeszedni, ők még őrizték eredeti identitásuk emlékét, és hajlandók voltak visszatérni őseik földjére, a többség azonban elvegyült abban a közegben, ahová az asszírok áttelepítették őket. Az “elveszett” 492

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tíz törzs mítosza élt a középkorban is, sokfelé keresték őket a földkerekségen, minden eredmény nélkül. * Jósijáhu, akinek az előző évek folyamán Asszíria összeomlása adott lehetőséget arra, hogy a szomszédos asszír tartományokban, az egykori Izrael térségében teret nyerjen: Jósijáhu meg akarta teremteni Júda középhatalmi státusát. Saját országában nyomait is eltüntette annak, ami az asszír tartományok rendszerében elfoglalt státus jelképe volt: a Jhvh genuin izraeli kultusza mellett virágzó idegen kultuszokat. De nem látta volna szívesen azt sem, hogy Asszíriától, akár a maradék-Asszíriától, Egyiptom vegye át a hatalmat Szíria–Kanaán fölött. A Jezreelvölgy, a Karmeltől keletre, amelynek kezdőpontjánál Megiddo áll, sem korábban, sem az ő idejében nem tartozott Júdához, Jósijáhut tehát nem az vezette, hogy védekezzék. Fel akarta tartóztatni az egyiptomi hadsereget. Nekho valószínűleg szabad átvonulást kért tőle, s figyelmeztette őt. Jósijáhu nem értette meg Elohim intelmét. A szabadság öntudatát Jósijáhunál már a sikeres irredenta mámora és a Jhvhval kötött szövetség vallási biztonságérzete is erősbítette. Meg volt győződve, hogy ő fogja helyreállítani azt az Izraelt, földrajzi kiterjedésében és politikai súlyában egyaránt, amely Dávid és Salamon alatt volt. Elképzelte, hogy ő lesz egy személyben az új Dávid, aki megteremtette Izraelt mint területi államot, és az új Salamon, aki Dávid városában, Jeruzsálemben felépítette a templomot. Ebben a korban az ókori Keleten sokfelé találunk példát arra, hogy a király a hagyományokhoz fordul, politikai eszközként tudatos ébren tartja, föleleveníti, átformálja őket, esetleg fiktiv hagyományt teremt. Asszíriában Szín-ahhé-eriba és Assur-bán-apli összegyűjtik, lemásoltatják az ékírásos írásbeliség emlékeit. Babylónban Samas-sum-ukín sumer felirattal jelentkezik. A szaiszi dinasztia az archaizáló stilust választja. Vallásalapítók a régiségre hivatkoznak, hogy igazolják az újat. Alig később, mint az említett példák, II. Nabú-kudurri-uszur szobrokat stb. gyűjt össze palotájában, hadi trófeák múzeumaként. Nabú-naid a nagy építkezéseknél talált alapító feliratok adataiból a történeti kronológiát számítgatja. Ebben a szellemi áramlatban helyezkedik el Jósijáhu, a restaurátor. * Számos forrásból táplálkozott Kanaánban Izrael mint nép – héberek, izraeliek, júdaiak, zsidók – ethnogenezise, s ennek megfelelően több párhuzamos, egy-egy törzsi csoporthoz, területhez vagy életformához kötődő őstörténeti hagyománya volt, mítoszok, patriarcha-történetek, események emléke. Ilyenek a babylóni eredet (Ur-Kaszdim), a juhtartó gazdálkodás Harrán (Hárán) térségében vagy egy kanaáni városfejedelem (Sekhem) alkalmazásában, legelőváltó állattartás Dél-Kanaán és Egyiptom között, kutak, legelők használatának rendje, törzsek, 493

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nemzetségek, családok leszármazási kapcsolatai, temetkezőhelyek stb. Ezekből az embercsoportokból alakult ki Izrael, ezekből a hagyományokból történetének nagy narrativuma, amelyet a mózesi könyvekben olvasunk. Az őstörténeti hagyományoknak csak egyike volt a kivonulás Egyiptomból. Jósijáhu, szemét Dávid és Salamon államának emlékére függesztve, azt szerette volna elérni, hogy Júda egységes legyen, hogy a szabadság, a felszabadulás eszméje teremtse meg ezt az egységet. Kultikus tisztaság: elválasztani azt, ami mi vagyunk, attól, ami más, ami idegen: el kellett pusztítani minden kultuszt, mely nem Jhvh-hez kapcsolódik. A Krónikákban felsorolt idegen kultuszok némelyikét talán épp a szerkesztő találta ki, hogy növelje Jósijáhu érdemeit. Talán azt sem kell elhinni, hogy Jósijáhu tömegével gyilkolta le az idegen kultuszok papjait, és még csontjaikat is elégette azokon a (tűz-) oltárokon, amelyeken áldoztak (II. Krón. 34,5), az elbeszélés idejében erre idő sem volt elég. De a Krónikák jelezni akarta, hogy mindennek, ami idegen, el kell tűnnie. Egységre van szükség, ennek kultikus formája az egyetlen isten, Jhvh, és az egyetlen szentély, Jeruzsálemben. A felszabadulás eszméjét az egyiptomi kivonulás hagyománya, a sivatagi vándorlásét a kovásztalan kenyér (macca) jelképezte. Vándorló állattartóknál a kovásztalan kenyér (lepénykenyér, melyhez csak liszt és víz kell, a közel-keleti araboknál hobesz) a mindennapok része, a gabonát viszik magukkal, a lisztet naponta darálják, meggyúrják, kerámia- vagy fémlapon azonnal megsütik, megeszik, s másnap megint. Nincs rögzített rendje a ritusban, a naptárban. A húsfogyasztás, az ünnep, olyan alkalom, amikor összegyűlik a nagycsalád, amikor együtt van a genetikus vagy települési közösség. A Krónikákból úgy látszik, hogy a tavaszi pásztorünnepet, a szertartásos húsfogyasztást, ami a peszah, Jósijáhu kapcsolta össze a kovásztalan kenyérrel, amelyre az elbeszélésben szinte tényleg csak a pusztai élet jelképeként volt szükség, éppen csak meg van említve, a “kovásztalan kenyerek” ünnepének egész története a húsról szól. Jósijáhu tudatos politikus volt, erélyes kezű, célra törő. Szerves kapcsolat ismerhető fel egymást követő politikai döntései között. Júda fennhatóságának kiterjesztése az egykori Izráel bizonyos területeire, a törvény-tekercs, mellyel reformjait megalapozta, a  kultusz-centralizáció, a  peszah demonstrativ megrendezése, a szabadság-ünnep, az egyiptomi kivonulás hagyománya: mindez egy irányba mutat. Nyilvánvalóan olyan közhangulatot akart teremteni, s ezt a közhangulatot a szertartás összefogó, kényszerítő erejével megerősíteni, hogy az ország egységes, hogy Jhvh kultusza (“… egyetlen isten”, Deut. 6,4) kizár minden idegen kultuszt, és azt is, ami ezek mögött van, s hogy az irredenta, Dávid és Salamon országának megteremtése, megvalósítható. *

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Dávid és Salamon Izraelje az i. e. 7. században csak ábránd és mítosz lehetett; a valóság Asszíria és Egyiptom fenyegető közelsége volt. A király meg akarta valósítani az ábrándot, de az elfedte előle a realitást. Szembement a valósággal: Megiddónál megtámadta Nekho fáraót. A hatalmi ambiciónak, a rossz politikai döntésnek végzetes következményei voltak. Júda Jósijáhu értelmetlen halála után még több mint két évtizeden át ingadozott, mint az előző évszázadban, Egyiptom és Asszíria utóda, Nabú-kudurriuszur Babylónja között. Hol Egyiptom tett királlyá valakit Jeruzsálemben, hol Babylón. Végül elpusztult a templom (ab 7 = i. e. 586. augusztus 16). De Jósijáhu örökségeképpen megmaradt a zsidó egyistenhit (Jhvh), és megmaradt egy a közösséget összetartó szép zsidó ünnep (peszah), a megszabadulás ünnepe. * * * Fábián Zoltán, akinek baráti szeretettel ajánlom e könnyű kézzel írt lapokat, felnőtt életének javát, mint magam is, az ókori Keleten töltötte, másfél évtizednyi eltolódással. Ő is, én is Asszíria és Egyiptom tág horizontján belül mozogtunk, ki-kitekintve ugyan; egyikünk inkább Egyiptom felé húzott, másikunk inkább ahhoz a világhoz, amelynek Asszíria a része volt. Különösen sokra tartom Zolinak azt a képességét, hogy mindig észreveszi, látja a finom szépséget, szövegben, egyiptomi sírkamrák kopott falfestményein. Filológus, fordító, vallástörténész, aki tud ásni és ásatást vezetni. 60-egynéhány év: mit számít ez? Kívánom neki, hogy még sok ideje, kedve és energiája legyen írásra és ásatásra.

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Miklós Sárközy

Early Nizārī Ismaili – Bāwandid contacts in the Caspian provinces – a reassessment of our sources Introduction The Nizārī Ismaili state was founded in AD 1094 in Northern Persia by its charismatic leader, Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ. Ismailism represents a branch of Shici Islam which seceded from other Shici groups in the second half of the 8th century AD. With the gradual weakening of the Sunni Abbasid power, Ismailis gained ascendancy in North Africa and in AD 910 they founded their own caliphate named after Fāṭima, the daughter of Prophet Muḥammad. The Fāṭimid caliphate lasted until AD 1171 and was one of the most significant empires of the mediaeval Islamic world. The Fāṭimids built a strong empire and founded Cairo as their capital in Egypt in AD 973. However, Ismailism was hardly a unified religious movement and different disaffected groups departed from the main branch in different occasions. Perhaps the most important secession took place in about AD 1094 when many Iranian and Central Asian Ismaili groups did not acknowledge the rule of caliphimam al-Mustaclī (1094-1101) and sided with his brother Nizār (1094-1095). Most of these Ismaili communities were united by the efforts of Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ who established a new independentist Ismaili movement, called al-dacwa al-jadīda (the new mission) and swore allegiance to Nizār and his descendants. Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ, who had been trained in Egypt under Fatimid caliph al-Mustanṣir bi-llāh (1036-1094), became the first leader of the new state until his own death in AD 1124, however, apart from being dācī (missionary) he never embraced any other official title and ruled in the name of Nizār. For this reason the new movement created by Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ is called Nizārī Ismaili state. Thus, around AD 1094 a new political power emerged in the Middle East which was destroyed by the tremendous attacks of the Mongols between 1256 and 1270. During these approximately 160 years, the Nizārī Ismaili state played a highly active role in Middle Eastern history. The newly founded Nizārī Ismaili state ruled areas mainly in the southern Caspian provinces of Northern Iran, such as Daylam, Gīlān and Ṭabaristān, but there were more remote areas in South Khurāsān (Quhistān) and in present-day Syria under Nizārī Ismaili control. Its main headquarter was located in Alamūt, in the district of Rūdbār in the Caspian province of Daylam. 496

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In this paper we would like to assess the question of the earliest decades of the Nizārī Ismaili state in Northern Persia focusing on its diplomatic relations held with another important local kingdom, that of the Bāwandids in Māzandarān. The Bāwandid kingdom can be considered as a local principality created in the second half of the 8th century in the present-day Māzandarān province of Iran in the Caspian region (in the middle ages it was rather called Ṭabaristān). Different branches of the dynasty ruled for nearly six hundred years until the final demise of the Bāwandids in AD 1349. The end of the 11th century AD witnessed the second resurgence of the longestablished Bāwandids when a skilled prince called Ḥusām al-Dawla Shahriyār (1074-1110) succeeded in unifying Bāwandid territories in Ṭabaristān and founded the so-called Iṣpahbadiyya branch of the Bāwandids. In contrary to the Nizārī Ismailis, whose legitimacy was exclusively based on the line of Shici imams aspiring to a transnational recognition of the Ismaili communities, Bāwandids, thought to be of Sasanian origin according to their own legends, rather relied on local pre-Islamic traditions where myths of their alleged Sasanian descendance played a vital role. The Bāwandids were also Shici Muslims by the end of the 11th century; however, unlike Nizārī Ismailis, most of them belonged to Twelver Shici Islam, one of the Shici groups settled in Northern Iran. Apart from this, the Bāwandids maintained very good relations with local north Iranian Zaydī principalities as well, who represented a third important group of Shici Islam. In conclusion, the Bāwandids and the Nizārī Ismailis were the two main contending powers for the supremacy over the Caspian provinces in the 12th century and we often learn about numerous military conflicts and clashes between them during the Nizārī Ismaili period. The earliest decades of the post-1094 period show, however, a significantly different relationship between the Nizārī Ismailis and the Bāwandids. When mapping the highly complex local history of Northern Iran at this period, one can see that the newly founded Nizārī Ismailis and the re-emerged Bāwandids showed remarkable flexibility against their enemies, mainly the Saljūq Empire. Though being ideologically and culturally very different, Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ and Ḥusām al-Dawla Shahriyār showed signs of remarkable pragmatism in their local policy and allegiances.

1. The arrival of Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ and the Bāwandids As far as the very first contacts of Nizārī Ismailis and Bāwandids are concerned, it is interesting to quote Rashīd al-Dīn (1247-1318), an important historian of 497

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the Ilkhānid period. According to the Sargudhasht-i Sayyidnā, the biography of Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ preserved in the Jāmic al-tawārīkh of Rashīd al-Dīn (The Collection of Stories), Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ spent two periods in Firīm and Shahriyārkūh in the mountainous areas of Ṭabaristān, considered as the traditional political and dynastical strongholds of the Bāwandids, between AD 1081 and 1088. It is not known exactly what he did in Ṭabaristān but he could have worked as a Fāṭimid Ismaili missionary in this area. At the end of his first sojourn in Ṭabaristān, Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ left Ṭabaristān after four months and went to Khuzistān at an unknown date. From there he returned to the areas of Dāmghān and Gurgān in the vicinity of Ṭabaristān continuing his dacwa. Around Dāmghān and Gurgān one can detect a heightened Nizārī Ismaili activity later but the same areas were occasionally ruled by the Bāwandids in the 12th century. From Gurgān, Ḥasan returned to the area of Shahriyārkūh for the second time and from here he sent his dācīs from Ṭabaristān to the area of Alamūt. Among the dācīs we can discover envoys with different geographical backgrounds such as Rayy, Qazwīn and Lārījān, and also a certain cAlī Namādgar Damāwandī whose name suggests the success of the dacwa that Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ continued in Ṭabaristān. Perhaps the personal experiences, Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ had acquired in Shahriyārkūh and Firīm helped him to establish his movement in the similarly mountainous area of Alamūt. As a man of Caspian origin and with a Twelver shici background, Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ almost certainly chose Firīm, the heartland of the Twelver Shici Bāwandid dynasty of Ṭabaristān, deliberately as the locus of his dacwa. It would be an exaggeration to state that Firīm, the dynastical core areas of the Bāwandid kingdom, served as a certain kind of proto-Alamūt area but due to its inaccessible location it certainly influenced the Ismailis when they chose Alamūt and similar other castles. On the other hand, Firīm may have exerted a double influence on Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ.1 Not only did its geographical condition make it favourable for Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ, creating the prospect of a future Nizārī Ismaili state in a similar neighbouring area in the Caspian region, but the fact that Firīm already had ‘reserved’ its own role. As the dynastical ‘nest’ of the re-emerging Bāwandids, it would have been too difficult to conquer it for the Ismailis; consequently they preferred the area of Daylam where local Zaydī rulers could show less military resistance against the Ismailis. Later, around AD 1088, Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ left the area of Shahriyārkūh 1

Juwaynī, cAlā al-Dīn cAṭā-Malik b. Muhammad. 1912-1937. Tārīkh-i Jahāngushā, ed. M. Qazwīnī. Leiden–London, vol. III. 191-192; Rashīd al-Dīn, Fadhlallah Hamadānī, 2008. Jāmic al-tawārīkh, ed. M. Rawshan, Tehran, 102-103.

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and settled in Alamūt where he eventually created his new state. As far as Ṭabaristān is concerned, we have some information about the later Nizārī activity in the 12th century. cAbd al-Jalīl Rāzī in the Kitāb al-naqḍ (The Book of Refutation, a Twelver Shici treatise composed around 1160) mentions the presence of Ismailis in the main cities of Ṭabaristān, operating and helping each other against the campaigns of the Twelver Shici Bāwandids.2

2. The earliest Bāwandid-Nizārī Ismaili contacts In addition to the area of Firīm which clearly had an important role in the early Nizārī Ismaili-Bāwandid contacts, so did the area of Girdkūh in the vicinity of Qūmis. Here a number of fortresses fell into the hands of the Nizārī Ismailis at a very early date. Among these places, the fortress of Girdkūh was perhaps the most important, but other fortresses such as Ustunāwand and Manṣūrakūh were also of huge strategic importance. All of these Nizārī Ismaili strongholds were situated along the rich commercial routes of Northern Iran and guarded the eastern gates of the Alburz Mountains and the Caspian highlands. This chain of castles also constituted the southern border of the Bāwandid kingdom which, in its heyday under Shāh Ghāzī Rustam (1141-1165), attempted to extend its power to this area. With their strategic positions held over different trade routes, these fortresses could have played a pivotal role in times of peace as well. Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ visited the district of Girdkūh several times and extended his dacwa here as well, although this area was hardly considered a terra incognita for the Ismaili dacwa since the activity of an early Ismaili dācī called Kawkābī in the first half of the 10th century.3 The exact date of the very first appearance of the Nizārī Ismailis in Girdkūh can be linked to the person of Ra’īs Muẓaffar, originally a commander in the service of the Saljūq senior officer Amīr Dād Habashī. To the best of our knowledge Ra’īs Muẓaffar could have arrived to Girdkūh between 1096 and 1100. Upon the death of his master in 1100, Ra’īs Muẓaffar openly declared himself a follower of Ismailism and Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ4 and he remained in the possession of 2

3

4

Qazwīnī Rāzī, cAbd al-Jalīl b. Abī al-Ḥusayn, 1979. Kitāb-i Naqḍ maʻrūf bi Baʻḍ maṭālib al-Nawāṣib fī naqḍ Baʻḍ faḍāʼiḥ al-Rawāfiḍ, Tehran. 108-109. Stern, S. M. 1960. The Early Ismaili Missionaries in North-West Persia and in Khurasan and Transoxania. BSOAS 23, 56–90; Daftary, F. 2001. ‘Gerdkūh’. Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. 10. London, 499.http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/gerdkuh Hodgson, M. 1955. The order of Assassins; the struggle of the early Nizârî Ismâʻîlîs against the Islamic world. ‘s-Gravenhage, 86.

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Girdkūh for many years, at the south-eastern slopes of the Alburz mountains in the direct vicinity of the Bāwandid realm. The fact that this expansion could have exacerbated the possibility of a military conflict between Bāwandids and Ismailis is well attested by Ibn Isfandiyār, the court historian of the Bāwandids at the beginning of the 13th century who was the first to mention the first ever Nizārī Ismaili-Bāwandid conflict. It happened when the Bāwandid prince cAlā al-Dawla cAlī (ruled as a Bāwandid iṣpahbad between 1120 and 1141), the son and successor of Ḥusām al-Dawla Shahriyār was travelling to Iṣfahān around 1108 to visit the Saljūq court, his entourage was attacked by the Nizārī Ismailis stationing in Manṣūrakūh. The Bāwandid prince survived the attack and continued his journey to Iṣfahān according to Ibn Isfandiyār. However, this statement is unique in all the historical texts regarding the Nizārī Ismailis and Bāwandids, and one must treat it with a certain caution since Marcashī, another important Bāwandid chronicler of the 14th century, when recalling the same visit of the Bāwandid prince to Iṣfahān largely relies on Ibn Isfandiyār but he carefully removes all the anti-Nizārī Ismaili passages, as for instance the story of the alleged Nizārī Ismaili attack on cAlā al-Dawla cAlī.5

3. Bāwandid-Nizārī Ismaili coalition against the Saljūqs A certain king of military support can be detected between Alamūt and Firīm which was provided by Ḥusām al-Dawla Shahriyār to the Nizārī Ismailis at a very early date. When the armies of Saljūq sultan Muḥammad Tapar (1105-1118) invaded the area of Rūdbār at around 1108, different local princes in Gīlān and Māzandarān were called upon to join his anti-Nizārī Ismaili campaign. According to Ibn Isfandiyār and Marcashī, the Saljūqs, who could have been angered by the ousting of their governors from Āmul and Sārī by the Bāwandids years before, threatened the Bāwandids with the loss of their kingdom in case of their refusal in participating in this anti-Nizārī Ismaili expedition. As a sign of his growing confidence and power, as well as being incensed by the threatening tone of the Saljūq message,6 Ḥusām-al-Dawla Shahriyār swiftly refused to help the Saljūqs.7 Sultan Muḥammad then sent his military commander, Amīr Sunqur Bukhārī 5

6 7

Ibn Isfandiyār, Bahā’ al-Dīn Muhammad b. Hasan. 1313/1944. Tārīkh-i Tabaristān, Tehran, II, 34. Marcashī, Mīr Sayyid Ẓahīr al-Dīn b. Sayyid Naṣīr al-Dīn. 1333/1954. Tārīkh-i Tabaristān wa Rūyān wa Māzandarān, ed. cA. Shāyān, Tehran, 23. Ibn Isfandiyār 1313/1944, II. 33. Ibn Isfandiyār 1313/1944, II. 33-34. Madelung, W. 1982. ‘Alā’-Al-dawla ʿAlī’. Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. 1. London, 772.

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with an army who laid a siege to Ḥusām-al-Dawla Shahriyār in Sārī but was routed by a sortie led by the iṣpahbad’s eldest son Najm-al-Dawla Qārin. Realizing the influence and difficulties the Saljūq army faced in Māzandarān, Amīr Sunqur Bukhārī sent a message to Sultan Muḥammad in which he clearly referred to the political reality in Northern Iran: ‘Bi turktāzī wa ḥashm mā bidān wilāyat hīč bidast nadārīm illā biluṭf wa sākhtagī.’ ‘We do not reach anything in that province with our violence and force, but rather with pretence and grace.’8 Later, at an unknown date, another Saljūq envoy was sent to Ḥusām-al-Dawla with a letter of a more conciliatory tone apologizing for the previous insulting message and the invasion conducted by Amīr Sunqur Bukhārī. In this second letter, Muḥammad Tapar asked Ḥusām al-Dawla Shahriyār to dispatch one of his sons to his court in Iṣfahān where he offered a dynastical link for the Bāwandids by marrying his own sister to a Bāwandid prince.9 Saljūq policy now tried to appease the Bāwandids instead of attacking them. On the other hand, the reason why the Bāwandids hesitated to attack the Nizārī Ismailis was the imminent Saljūq threat on their own areas, which might have been considered much more dangerous and challenging by the Bāwandids than that of Nizārī Ismailis, and the main Bāwandid objective was to give tacit support to the less dangerous Nizārī Ismailis in their struggle against the mightier Saljūqs in 1108. In the same time Sultan Muḥammad Tapar attempted to win the favour of the Bāwandids as a key Northern ally against the Nizārī Ismailis. The new Saljūq policy focusing on peaceful dynastical marriages rather than hawkish rhetoric and military pressure against the Bāwandids proved to be both as a sign of Saljūq weakness (since they were forced to marry a member of a staunchly Sunni dynasty with a Twelver shici vassal) and in the same time intended to use Bāwandid military forces as Saljūq allies against the Nizārī Ismailis. We must also add that according to our calculations this dynastic marriage between the Saljūqs and Bāwandids took place just weeks or a few months after the destruction of the important Nizārī Ismaili stronghold of Shāhdiz near Iṣfahān in 1107. This fact again shows that Sultan Muḥammad Tapar intended to destroy the Nizārī Ismailis in the framework of a wide-scale coalition including the Bāwandids, who represented significant military strength and possessed nativist logistic knowledge in the vicinity of Nizārī Ismailis in Northern Iran. After this dynastic marriage one could have expected active Bāwandid involvement in the military campaigns of Sultan Muḥammad Tapar against the Nizārī 8 9

Ibn Isfandiyār 1313/1944, II. 33. Ibn Isfandiyār 1313/1944, II. 34-36.

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Ismailis. Although the dynastic marriage between Najm al-Dawla Qārin (ruled as a Bāwandid iṣpahbad between 1109/1110 and 1115),10 the eldest son of Ḥusām al-Dawla Shahriyār and the sister of Sultan Muḥammad, was solemnized, but the Bāwandids remained cautious and hesitant in their stance towards the Ismailis around 1108. In the Sargudhasht-i Sayyidnā, the autobiography of Ḥasan-i Sabbāḥ the name of Najm al-Dawla Qārin, who married the Saljūq princess, does in fact appear in the list of princes who joined the Saljūq forces besieging Alamūt. However, there emerges a serious doubt about the real participation of the Bāwandids in the anti-Nizārī Ismaili campaign of the Saljūqs on chronological grounds. Rashīd al-Dīn mentions Najm al-Dawla Qārin, in the month of Jumādā I 500 (January 1107) as one of the besiegers of Alamūt,11 however according to Ibn Isfandiyār, the same Najm al-Dawla Qārin defeated Amīr Sunqur Bukhārī exactly the same year. As it was mentioned, Amīr Sunqur Bukhārī was sent to punish the Bāwandids for their reluctance in participating in the anti-Nizārī Ismaili campaign; this fact implies that the presence of Najm al-Dawla Qārin at Alamūt as a Saljūq ally looks impossible. Consequently, Najm al-Dawla arrived at the Saljūq court of Baghdad no earlier than 502/1108 to marry the Saljūq princess. Ibn Isfandiyār mentions that Najm al-dawla Qārin first refused the Saljūq invitation fearing the consequences of his anti-Saljūq stance. He was replaced by his brother cAlā al-Dawla cAlī who visited the Iṣfahān in 1108. Najm al-Dawla Qārin could hardly have been among the Saljūq-allied besiegers of Alamūt in January 1107 since he defeated the Saljūq forces near Sārī exactly at that period or slightly later. It is important to note that neither at that period nor up until the end of cAlā al-Dawla cAlī’s rule (536/1141) do any of our sources refer to any major NizārīBāwandid wars or conflicts. The fact that Nizārī Ismailis and Bāwandids were rather allies than enemies is further supported by the list of the so-called victims killed by the Nizārī Ismailis under Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ and Kiyā Buzurg Ummīd, the second dācī of Alamūt (1124-1138 AD). In this list we do not find any names related to the Bāwandid dynasty and Ṭabaristān, meanwhile there are different Zaydī Shaykhs who lost their lives before 1138 due to Nizārī Ismaili assassinations. The fact that the Bāwandids very much hesitated to accept the Saljūq dynastic link through this marriage is clear, since cAlā al-Dawla cAlī the first Bāwandid prince to visit the Saljūq court, politely declined the dynastic offer, and it was only Najm al-Dawla Qārin, the other son of Ḥusām-al-Dawla Šahriyār who married Salgham Khātūn (although after his death, cAlā al-Dawla cAlī changed his intentions and did not hesitate to remarry the Saljūq princess). 11 Rashīd al-Dīn 2008, 124. 10

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The same tacit logistic and military support and cooperation more or less continued between the Nizārī Ismailis and Bāwandids after 1110, the year of the death of Ḥusām al-dawla Shahriyār. Between 1110 and 1117, cAlā al-Dawla cAlī successfully defeated his relatives and with the significant support of the eastern Saljūq sultan Sanjar (1097-1153) became the new ruler of Ṭabaristān. The victory of cAlā al-Dawla cAlī over his relatives nearly coincided with the military expansion of Sanjar towards the west. In this period the Nizārī Ismailis were not actively involved in the affairs of the Bāwandids. Their passivity can be explained by the heavy anti-Nizārī Ismaili attacks of the Saljūq armies led by Anūshtigīn Shīrgīr on areas ruled by the Nizārī Ismailis in Rūdbār, Daylam. According to Ibn Isfandiyār in 1118 Bahrām, another brother and a rival of c Alā al-Dawla cAlī incited the Nizārī Ismailis of Rayy to kill cAlā al-Dawla cAlī but they refused his request.12 Instead, it seems to be that they supported cAlā al-Dawla cAlī because Nizārī Ismailis murdered Unar (Öner) the Saljūq governor of Nishāpūr in 1119 who was a supporter of Bahrām and hosted the latter in Nishāpūr according to Ibn Isfandiyār. Thus it seems to be that Nizārī Ismailis very much reciprocated the support Ḥusām al-dawla Shahriyār and his son, cAlā alDawla cAlī had conferred to them in the previous decades.

Conclusion The idea that Nizārī Ismailis preferred some members of the Bāwandids who they considered more favourable towards the Nizārī Ismaili cause is very similar to the relationship they had had with the Zaydīs at the beginning of Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ’s rule. Those clans who showed more understanding and corresponded with the Nizārī Ismailis could remain in their lands as allies or vassals, but those who were opposed to the newly founded Nizārī Ismailis or allied with their enemies had to face fierce Nizārī Ismaili retaliation. In the early Bāwandid-Nizārī contacts one can detect nearly the same attitude on behalf of the Nizārī Ismailis. Ḥusām al-Dawla Shahriyār and cAlā al-Dawla c Alī looked like pro-Nizārī Ismaili Bāwandid rulers. Their support offered to the Nizārī Ismailis did not mean that they strove to build dynastical contacts or felt any sort of religious sympathy relying on the same Shici credo. In our sources we cannot find traces of mutual spiritual or theological correspondence between the rulers of Alamūt and Sārī in this early period. However, the political objectives 12

Ibn Isfandiyār 1313/1944, II. 54.

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of the pro-Nizārī Ismaili Bāwandids and the first Nizārī Ismaili rulers coincided more or less. Their actual opponents were the Saljūqs, and this meant a relatively pragmatist political attitude from both sides (Nizārī Ismailis and Bāwandids) which eventually proved to be successful against the invading Saljūq armies in the first decades of the 12th century in the Northern Iranian Caspian provinces.

Abstract The present paper discusses the early political contacts of the Nizārī Ismaili state and the Bāwandid principality at the end of the 11th century. Since both states were heavily pressured by the mighty Saljūq empire on the northern fringes of the Iranian lands, this fact naturally led to their alliance against the different Saljūq military incursions, which however failed to subdue these states. Contrary to public belief, the Nizārī Ismailis proved to be faithful allies of the Bāwandids, and the latter showed remarkable flexibility and supported the Nizārī Ismailis.

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Mária T. Bíró

Menas kultuszának ránk maradt emléke Savariából a római fennhatóság megszűnte után A keresztény hitre tért Római Birodalomban a persecutio áldozataira emlékezve terjedt el a vértanúk kultusza. Tiszteletükre memoriák épültek, majd a sírjaik fölé titulus templomok emelkedtek. A szentek tisztelete a vértanúk emlékének ápolásából nőtt ki, az ecclesiae coemeteriales központjában a körzetben kivégzett, majd szentnek tartott mártír sírja állt. A sír, a sírtemplom sok esetben regionális zarándokközponttá fejlődött. Idővel egyre több mártír sírjának tulajdonítottak gyógyító erőt. A keresztények abban a görög-római hiedelemvilágban élték mindennapjaikat, ahol egyébként is szokás volt a segítő entitásoknak fogadalmi oltárokat emelni és a kéréseiket szimbolizáló votumokat felajánlani. Ezt a gyakorlatot a keresztények is megőrizték (a középkoron át a napjainkig megmaradt). A votumok mellett azonban megjelent egy egészen új szakrális jelentéssel bíró tárgy: az eulogia. Az eulogia nem olyan tárgy, amit a szentnek hoznak, hanem éppen a szenttől visznek el magukkal. Eulogia lehet a megszentelt víz, olaj vagy a szentet ábrázoló kép, ill. ezek összekapcsolása: a szentet ábrázoló edényben felfogott víz vagy olaj. A középkori ereklye kultus�szal ellentétben nem kifejezetten a testhez kapcsolódott, hanem a szakrális térhez, amelyben a szent nyugodott. Ez mozgatta azoknak a zarándokoknak a tömegeit, akik elindultak megtekinteni ezeket a helyeket, feltöltekezni az itt megtapasztalható gyógyító erőkkel és lehetőség szerint ennek egy kis részét, az eulogiont magukkal hazavinni. Eusebius szerint az első zarándok Constantinus császár anyja Helena volt, őt követte a Szentföldre és a szentek sírjaihoz zarándokok tömege (peregrinatio ad loca sancta).1 Az ókeresztény világnak, a Szentföldet leszámítva, egyik legnagyobb zarándok centruma, de Egyiptomnak biztosan a legnagyobb, Szent Menas sírja volt. Nem véletlen, hogy a kutatók az „antik Lourdes-nak” hívják.2 Egészen 1905-ig nem lehetett tudni hol volt a szent tiszteletének központja, de múzeumokban tömegesen őrizték azokat a kis kulacsokat, ampullákat a szent ábrázolásával, amikben a vizet vagy az olajat szállították át Európába és a Közel-Keletre. 1 2

Eusebios, Historia Ecclesiastica IV. 26.13. Schauber, V. – Schindler, H. M. 1999. Bildlexikon der Heiligen, Seligen und Namenspatrone. Augsburg, Pattloch, 487: „altchristliches Lourdes.”

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Carl Maria Kaufmann 1905-1907 között folytatott ásatása során tárták fel Alexandriától 45 km-re a Wadi Natrun irányában található monumentális zarándok központot.3 A hatalmas település antik neve és bármiféle római közigazgatási előzménye nem ismert. Ma Karm Abu Mina vagy Tell Abu Mina elnevezéssel illetik. A karm szó Mina atya szőlőskertjére utal, a tell, a romokból magasodó domb, pedig a hajdani Mina atya városára utal. A szent sírja egy a karaván utak találkozásánál fekvő bővizű oázisban állt. A szent életére vonatkozó források (Synaxarion, Enkomion) szerint Menas az egyiptomi Nikiouban született egy gazdag családból. Katona lett, majd áttért a keresztény hitre, és Diocletianus császár uralkodása alatt Phrygiaban szenvedett vértanúságot. Már halála után közvetlenül testének csodatevő erőt tulajdonítottak, ezért vitték magukkal katonatársai az Egyiptomba való veszélyes átkelésük során. A sivatagba érve az ereklyét cipelő tevék hirtelen lefekszenek, amit a katonák úgy értelmeznek, hogy a szent itt, a Mareotis vize mellett kíván nyugodni. Az ásatások feltárták, hogy a mártírt egy korábbi épület hypogeumába helyezték el és a katakombákból ismert arcosoliumot emeltek a sír fölé, valószínűleg a IV. század első felében.4 A sírt a IV. század végén fedezik fel újra, az Enkomion is kiemeli a szent újra megtalálást. Az új sír fölé egy tetrapylon épül. Ezzel veszi igazi kezdetét a szent kultusza: az V. században megépül egy kisebb sírtemplom, a baptisterium, majd Iovianus uralkodása alatt a nagy basilica, ami a későantik Egyiptom legnagyobb temploma lesz. Arcadius császár és Theophilus patriarchátusa alatt készül el az ún. Arcadius basilica. Iustinianus megújítja a mozaikokat és folytatja az építkezéseket.5 A templomokkal, kolostorral, zarándok szállásokkal, (xenodokhion), incubatiós helyiségekkel, kórházzal és fürdőkkel ellátott város védelmére Zenon császár katonai helyőrséget rendel ide és tábort építtet. A lekövezett utcákkal, színes márványoszlopokkal, mozaikokkal díszített településen több ezer ember is megfordult.6 A zarándokok tömegeit egy „szuvenírek” gyár-

3

4

5 6

Kaufmann, C. M. 1910. Die Menasstadt und das Nationalheiligtum der altchristichen Aegypter in der westalexandrinischen Wüste: Ausgrabungen der Frankfurter Expedition am Karm Abu Mina 1905–1907. Leipzig, Hiersemann. Witt, J. 2000. Werke der Alltagskultur. Teil 1: Die Menasampullen. Wiesbaden, Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 11-13. A 2000-ben megjelent katalógus a Staatliche Museen zu Berlin Menas ampulláiról egyben tárgyalja a Szentre vonatkozó forrásokat, követi a zarándokváros fejlődését kialakulásától kezdve a teljes pusztulásáig, valamint összegzi az egyiptomi lelőhely régészeti kutatásának történetét napjainkig. Witt 2000, 17-24. Witt 2000, Abb. I.

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tására szakosodott iparos negyed szolgálta ki.7 Itt készültek azoknak a zarándok kulacsoknak tömegei, amelyek egyedül őrizték meg a 619-es perzsa, majd a 640-es arab pusztítás után a lerombolt zarándok város emlékét. Bár a település még a IX. században még vegetál, nemsokára az emléke is végleg eltűnik. A XIV. században II. Benjamin patriarcha az ereklyéket Kairóba viteti.8 Az ereklye translatióval véget ér Szent Menas tisztelete a libyai sivatagban.9 Az elpusztított zarándokvárosból megmaradt ampullák egy példánya került elő Szombathelyről.10 A város területéről szórványként előkerült példányt először Nagy Lajos publikálta, kihangsúlyozva, hogy a Szombathelyi Múzeumban található helyi leletről van szó. A tárgy ismertetésénél G. Neogrády írására hivatkozik 1905-ből.11 1938-ban jelent meg Kádár Zoltán Pannonia ókeresztény emlékeinek ikonográfiája c. doktori értekezése.12 Ő megkísérli a lelet keltezését is: az alak plasztikus megformálása, a felirat hiánya és a rozetták alapján korai IV. századi típusnak tartja. A fej két oldalán látható jelek rozettaként történő értelmezését Nagy Lajostól veszi át. Az ampulla legrészletesebb leírását Thomas Edit publikálta. Kádár IV. századi keltezését túl korainak tartja és az V-VI. századra datálja a leletet.13 Megjegyzendő, hogy mind a három idézett publikációban a kis kulacsnak csak az egyik oldalát közölték. Először a lelet mindkét oldalát Bollók Ádám

Witt (Witt 2000) és Gilli (Gilli, M. 2002. Le ampolle di San Mena conservate negli Staatliche Museen di Berlino. AntTard 10, 443-459, 451-458) monográfiáikban összegyűjtötték a jelenleg ismert ampullákat. M. Gilli munkájában közel 1000 tételt szerepeltet. Alessio Redigolo ipari méretű termelést feltételez a templom körül (Redigolo, A. 2012. San Mena. Iconografia, origini e diffusione del culto. Universitá Ca’ Foscari Venezia, szakdolgozat). 8 Jaritz, F. 1993. Die arabischen Quellen zum Heiligen Menas. ADAIK, Islamische Reihe, Bd. 7. Heidelberg, Heidelberger Orientverlag, 23-24. 9 Menas új monostora a régészeti ásatásoktól 1 km-re 1952-ben épül fel, az ókori romok 1979ben a Világörökség részei lesznek, 2001-ben pedig felkerülnek a legveszélyeztetettebb listájára. 10 Leltári szám: 55. 775. 365 Savaria Múzeum. 11 Nagy, L. 1934. I ricordi cristiano-romani trovati recentemente in Ungheria. In Atti del III Congresso Internazionale di Archeologia Cristiana. Ravenna, 25–30 settembre 1932 (Studi di antichità cristiana 8). Città del Vaticano, 293–310; Nagy, L. 1938. Pannonia Sacra. In Serédi J. (szerk.), Emlékkönyv Szent István Király halálának kilencszázadik évfordulóján, 29–148. Budapest, MTA Franklin nyomda, 60; Neogrády, G. 1904-5. Az őskeresztények Savariában. A szombathelyi kir. kath főgimnázium értesítője 1904–05. évre. Szombathely, 44-47. 12 Kádár Z. 1939. Pannónia ókeresztény emlékeinek ikonográfiája. Budapest, Stephaneum. 13 B. Thomas, E. 1977. Savaria Christiana. In Fábián, Á. (szerk.), A 200 éves szombathelyi egyházmegye emlékkönyve (1777-1977), Szombathely, Szombathelyi Egyházmegyei Hatóság – Vas megyei nyomda, 47-49. 7

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hozta le, a Szent Márton év tiszteletére készült kötetben.14 Az ampulla a katalógusban a népvándorláskor keresztény emlékei között szerepel, mivel a tárgyat Bollók Ádám is Zsolt Kiss kronológiai rendszerében az 560-610-es évekre helyezte. (1. kép)

1. kép. Szombathelyi Menas ampulla (Tárczy Tamás felvétele)

A savariai Menas eulogia feltételezhetőleg a zarándok központ egyik templomának a kultusz képét másolta, a szentnek ez az ábrázolása van a kulacsok legtöbbjén. A kultusz képről egyetlen leírást ismerünk, 1068-ból egy arab szerzőnek, Al Bakrinak maradt fenn a beszámolója.15 A kutatók véleménye megoszlik azzal kapcsolatban, hogy hol volt a több figurából álló csoport: a kriptában, a templom apszisában? Kérdés az is hogy térplasztika volt vagy mozaik, esetleg freskó, ha szobor volt miből készült, márványból vagy pl. fából, amire több kopt templomnál is van példa.16 Azt azonban nyugodtan le lehet szögezni, hogy a kulacsok ábrázolásának prototípusa a zarándok város egyik kultuszépületének monumentális kultuszképe lehetett. Egy milanoi elefántcsont ditychonon egy ókeresztény szentélyt minTóth, E. – Vida, T. – Takács I. (szerk.). 2016. Szent Márton és Pannónia. Kereszténység a római világ határán. Pannonhalmi Főapátság – Szombathely, Savaria Múzeum, 243. Az itt közölt felvételt (1. kép) Tárczay Tamás bocsájtotta a rendelkezésemre 2013-ban egy Kolozsváron megjelenés előtt álló hasonló témájú cikkem számára. 15 Jaritz 1993, 46-47; Witt 2000, 44-48. 16 Kiss, Zs. 1989. Les ampoules de Saint-Ménas découvertes à Kóm el-Dikka: 1961–1981. Warsawa, PWN – Éditions scientifiques de Pologne, 9. 14

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táztak meg.17 Szent Menas két oldalán látható az ambók tetejére elhelyezett két kereszt, ennek a keresztnek a stilizált pontjait vélte Nagy Lajos és Kádár Zoltán rozettának. A feltételezett templom apszisát egy kagyló motívum zárja, oldalt a szentélyt megvilágító, felfüggesztett lámpák vannak és jól kivehető a szentélyt elválasztó, a paradicsom kerítését jelképező kőrács. Ha a keresztek valóban az ambókat jelezték, akkor inkább a freskóra vagy mozaikra kell gondolnunk, mivel az ókeresztény templomokban a szentély központi terében nincsenek szobrok, sem szoborcsoportok. Az orans tartásban ábrázolt szent a katonák hosszú tunikáját viseli, a jobb vállán az összetűzött chlamys a két oldalra kitárt karjairól omlik le, rövidre vágott haja fölött nimbus van, amit az ampullákon apró kidomborodó gömbökkel jeleznek. Bár katonaszentként ismerik, de a többi társával ellentétben (Szent Theodoros, Szent György) nem visel fegyvert. A kép két oldalán a hagiográfiájából ismert, kissé „összenyomorított” tevék fekszenek fejjel lefelé a szent lábainál. A képet keretelő motívum gyakran változatos: van amikor kettős keretet látunk, van amikor csak egy gyöngysor határolja a képet. A savariai példányunk ilyen szempontból különleges, az egyik oldalon a gyöngysor, a másik oldalán pedig egy stilizált koszorú határolja a képmezőt. Erre a legfrissebben publikált berlini katalógusban csak egy példányt találtam.18 A Menas ampulla korábbi datálásait felülírták a Bollók Ádám által is idézett lengyel ásatások eredményei. A pontos keltezésük megállapítására nem Abu Minában került sor, hanem Alexandriában, Kom el Dikka városrészben, a színház déli részének a feltárásán kiásott ampullák ikonográfiai részleteit lehetett összevetni a sztratigráfiai, rétegtani adatokkal.19 Zsolt Kiss kutatásainak alapján feltételezhető, hogy a savariai Menas ampulla az euloginok legkésőbbi csoportjába tartozik, Heraclius császár uralkodására, a 600-as évekre keltezhető. A savariai ampulla legközelebbi analógiái az aquileiai és a torcelloi leletek. Vajon beleilleszthető ez a VI. század végére keltezhető tárgy a római kori Savaria utóéletébe? Pannoniában több mint 100 évvel korábban az V. század második felére – kivéve az egyházi közigazgatást – a római állami élet minden funkciója megszűnt. Az állami intézmények kivonulásával és a tartomány katonai feladásával egy időben a Birodalomnak már nem volt ereje a polgári lakosság evakuálására. Weitzmann, K. 1978. Age of Spirituality. Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century. Catalogue of the exhibition at The Metropolitan Museum of Art, November 19, 1977, through February 12, 1978. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 578. 18 Witt 2000, Nr. 23. 19 Kiss 1989. 17

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A püs­pökségek, egyházi szervezetek mellett valószínűleg még működtek azok az önkormányzatok, ahol a lakosság még meg tudta őrizni önvédelmi képességét.20 Az elvándorlással, meneküléssel kapcsolatos adatokat nem lehet általánosítani az egész tartományra. A latin nyelvű lakosság szórványban tovább élő közösségeinek a létezését alátámasztják nyugat Dunántúlon a tovább élő földrajzi elnevezések (folyónevek), megőrződtek városnevek: Vindobona, Scarbantia, Carnuntum, Savaria. Ismerünk a Birodalom szerencsésebb tartományaiból olyan egyházi embereket, akikről biztosan tudjuk, hogy Pannoniában születtek az V.-VI. században: Leonianus bencés apát, Venantius Fortunatus, bragai Szent Márton, Vigilius scrabantiai püspök.21 Tóth Endre szerint Pannonia Prima lakosságának nagyobb része megérte a Karoling hódítást, sőt Savaria lakossága valószínűleg túl is élte. A területen végleg letelepedő magyarok pedig igen későn szállják meg ezt a területet, mivel még jelentős idegen eredetű lakosságot találnak itt, és nem vonzotta őket a hatalmas romhalmaz (a város falainak nagy része még a XVI. században is állt). Kérdés, hogy a helyben maradt lakosság mennyire és meddig vitte tovább a római kultúrát és meddig őrizte meg a keresztény hitét. Ha Pannoniában megmaradtak zárt római enklávék, azok közül az egyik feltétlenül Savaria lehetett. A Menas ampulla ide kerülése az 500-as évek végén nem elképzelhetetlen. Természetesen nem egyenesen Egyiptomból hozták az eulogiont, hanem valószínűleg valamelyik közeli Menas tiszteletére állított templomból kerülhetett ide. A források szerint a VI. században működött Menas titulus templom Romában.22 Az V-VII. században a Savarián áthaladó, a távolsági kereskedelmet bonyolító Borostyánkő útnak még volt forgalma (Celjében, Ptujban, Bécsújhelyen, Bécsben, Deutschaltenburgban is kerültek elő bizánci aranyak). A folyamatos kereskedelmi forgalmat Mauricius, Phokas, Heraclius, VI. Leo, II. Romanus bronz érmei tanúsítják.23 Savaria territóriuma a Kr.u. 500-as évek elejétől fokozatosan ürül ki (a menekülésnek egyik fontos történelmileg dokumentálható momentuma volt Szent Quirinus ereklyéinek transzlációja). A savariaiak egy része a velen-

Tóth E. 1975. A római lakosság-kontinuitás kérdése a Nyugat-Dunántúlon. Savaria – A Vas megyei múzeumok értesítője 5-6 (1971-72), 234-235. 21 Mócsy, A. 1962. Pannonia. In PWRE Supp. IX., 776; Tóth 1975, 234-235. 22 Kádár mivel korábbra datálta a leletet, így számára a legkézenfekvőbb Aquileia közvetítő szerepe volt. 23 Soproni, S. 1983. Angaben zur späten Geschichte der Bernsteinstrasse. Savaria – A Vas megyei múzeumok értesítője 16 (1982), 347-353. 20

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cei lagúnák között keresett menedéket.24 Ez a terület Észak-Itália keleti szöglete, benne Aquileia és Torcello környéke, sőt Istria is, Kr.u. 580-751 között a Ravennai Exarchátus része. Narses, Iustinianus hadvezére és az Exarchatus első helytartója (552-555) Velencében a gótok feletti győzelem emlékére közös templomot emeltet Szent Geminianonak és Szent Menasnak. A templom egyidős a másik katona, Szent Theodoros templomával és bizánci erődjével. Szent Menas kultuszának megjelenése egybe esik a bizánci befolyás megerősödésével ebben a régió­ ban. Itáliának ebben a szögletében, amelyet egymás után fenyegettek a hunok, longobárdok, gótok, az embereknek szükségük volt a szentek által nyújtott lelki támaszra. A bizánciak által meghonosított szentek, Theodóros, Menas, György katonaszentek, de Geminianonak is „honvédelmi” érdemei vannak, hiszen Modena püspöke a hunokra bocsájtott sűrű köddel védte meg városát. A Menas ampullák Salona, Tergestum (Trieszt) és Aquileia közvetítésével terjednek el.25 A Pannoniából kivonuló longobárdok Kr.u. 568-ban Itália X. regióját ugyan kettészakították, de a lagúnák vidéke és Dalmácia már említett része bizánci fennhatóság alatt maradt. A város helyben maradt lakosainak valószínűleg voltak személyes és üzleti kapcsolatai az Exarchátus területére menekült savariaiakkal, ez az összetartozás érzése fokozottan lehetett érvényes a keresztény közösségek tagjainak esetében. Zarándoklatokra is sor kerülhetett, hiszen ugyanannak a Birodalomnak a polgárai, Egyiptom és Menas kegyhelye éppúgy a Bizánci Birodalom közigazgatási egysége, mint a Ravennai Exarchátus. Az ellenséges területen maradt pannoniai rómaiakat csak az avarok nyugat-dunántúli megjelenése vágta el végleg a Kelet-Római Birodalomtól. Tehát a nyugat-pannoniai városok és Észak-Itália összeköttetése egészen az avar hódításig megmarad. A Szent Menas ampulla savariai előfordulását a Kr.u. 600-as évek elején a Ravennai Exarchátus közelségével, a lagúnák környékére menekült savariaiak rokoni kapcsolataival és a bizánci kereskedők folyamatos jelenlétével a Borostyánkő út településein meg tudjuk magyarázni. Ennél azonban összetettebb kérdés magának az egyiptomi szentnek elterjedt tisztelete az európai provinciákban. Ki volt tulajdonképpen Menas? A források alapján többen feltételezik, hogy több mártír összeolvasztásáról van szó. A Menas, Menes név gyakori keleten, főleg Egyiptomban. Esetleg létezett egy phrygiai mártír, és volt egy vele azonos nevű egyiptomi. A diocletianusi persecutio során kivégzett Menas nevű egyiptomiról azonban nincs adatunk. Van olyan feltételezés, hogy a sivatagi – görög és római, episcopális – előzményekkel nem rendelkező kultuszhelyen esetleg egy korábbi egyiptomi Tóth E. 2004. A velenceiek sabariai származása (Kézai, Gesta Hungarorum 16). AnMed 2, 237–270. 25 Redigolo 2012. 24

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helyi istenség emléke (Horus-Harpocrates) esett áldozatul az interpretatio christiana-nak. Bár az utóbbival magyarázható lenne a szent egyiptomi tisztelete (ma is ő Egyiptom védőszentje), de nem magyarázza kultuszának birodalmi méretű elterjedését, különösen nem a távoli nyugati provinciákban.26 Az ókeresztény világ másik meghatározó szentjével, a sárkányölő Szent Györggyel ellentétben, Menas több „funkcióval” rendelkező szent. Gyógyító, ő a hajósok és kereskedők védelmezője, valamint Szent Antalhoz hasonlóan, az elveszett tárgyak megtalálója. Menas azonban elsősorban katona, mint katona szenvedi el a vértanúhalált, minden képén katonai öltözetben ábrázolják. A Birodalom nyugati felét visszafoglalni szándékozó Bizánci Császárság katonai vezetése tudatosan vitte magával és terjesztette a keleti területen már régóta tisztelt katona szentek kultuszát. Templomokat szenteltek nekik, támogathatták a zarándokutakat és az eulogiáik kereskedelmét. Ami talán csak véletlen egybeesés, de éppúgy november 11-én van Szent Menas ünnepe, mint a savariai születésű Szent Mártoné, aki szintén katona volt. Amikor Szent Menas kultusza Európában feledésbe merült, akkor indult hódító útjára a másik katona szent, Szent Márton.

Abstract From the last centuries of Antiquity, a great number of little flasks survived with the representation of Saint Menas, which were religious souvenirs, ‘eulogia’ from the famous pilgrimage site, the grave of Saint Menas. An ampulla was even found in the Pannonian Savaria, too. This find was mentioned first in 1905 in an article of Neogrády, and it was published by L. Nagy. Z. Kádár dated it to the beginning of the 4th century; while according to E. Thomas it may have been made in the 5-6th century. In recent scholarship it was associated with the latest finds of the Saint Menas sanctuary (catalogue of Zs. Kiss, Á. Bollók). This later date of the Savarian ampulla harmonizes with recent studies into the history of Savaria and can serve as evidence that in western Pannonia several communities survived even the fall of the Western Empire.

26

Egyiptomban és Etiópiában a tevék és az oroszlánok termékenységi szimbólumok. Menashoz könyörögtek a meddő asszonyok a gyermekáldásért és csecsemőiket tartó nőket ábrázoló terrakotta votumokat vittek a sírhoz.

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Anna Judit Tóth

Haunted Bathhouses in Late Antiquity1

During the Antiquity and the Middle Ages public baths not only offered a form of luxury available to every citizen but were an important scene of social life. Despite all the pleasures of the pools, written sources as well as archaeological data report that the visitors of baths felt threatened by more serious dangers than deep water and hot steam; supernatural attacks: evil eye, malignant demons endangered their lives and health. This idea, demons haunting bathhouses, is attested first of all from Christian sources and as an interesting subtype of Late Antique demonology illustrates well the interactions of Christian and pagan demonology. Campbell Bonner was the first to collect the relating texts:2 1. The first and maybe the most remarkable text can be found in the apocryphal Acts of John published by T. Zahn.3 In the novelistic story the fictional attendant of the apostle, Prochorus reports the events: John and Prochorus arrive to Ephesus where they find employment in a bathhouse. The builders had buried a young boy or girl alive in the foundation hoping that this horrific deed would make the place prosperous and popular. This rite enabled a demon to move in to the therma and to kill a boy or a girl three times a year. The owner of the place knew this and never let his young and beautiful son bath on those days – even on other occasions he allowed him to use the place only alone because he wanted to protect him from the envy of the people. Of course, as we might expect in a tale, the boy was murdered despite every precaution and the apostle had to resurrect him. Later, when John was living in Patmos, the son of a pagan priest drowned

1

2

3

The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) / ERC grant agreement № 324214. Bonner, C. 1932. Demons of the Bath. In S. R. K. Glanville (ed.), Studies Presented to F. Ll. Griffith, 203-208. London, Oxford University Press; on the magical dangers of baths: Dunbabin, K. M. D. 1989. Baiarum Grata Voluptas: Pleasures and Dangers of the Baths. Papers of the British School at Rome 57, 6-46; on the later Byzantine sources: Agapitos, P. A. 2004. Zwischen Grauen und Wonne. Das Bad in der Byzantinischen Literatur. Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 54, 19-37. Zahn, Th. 1880. Acta Joannis. Erlangen, Verlag von Andreas Deichert, 20, 24-30.

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in a bath, and as it turned out later, he was killed by the same Ephesian demon. The resurrected boy recounts that the demon appeared to him in the form of an Ethiopian.4 2. We know a similar but, regrettably, very short story from a pagan context: according to Eunapius, Porphyrius5 expelled a demon called Kausathas from a bathhouse and the philosopher himself wrote the story. Bonner treated the text as a relic of Syrian folklore.6 3. In the life of Gregorius Thaumaturgus written by Gregory of Nyssa7 a deacon arrives in a city at night. He wishes for refreshment, but the bath is haunted; the place is closed at night when the demons are active. The deacon meets hellish illusions, but he successfully expels the devilish powers with the sign of the cross. 4. The Acts of Andrew known from the epitome of Gregory of Tours8 reports three stories on demonic visions in baths.9 In the first one the son of a certain Gratianus possessed by a demon in a bath is exorcised by Andrew. In the second story the wife of a proconsul sold a Christian slave girl into a brothel because of false accusations. Later the woman met her lover in a bath where a very ugly demon appeared (apparuit eis daemon teterrimus), and the couple died of fear. At the request of the nurse of the woman Andrew resurrects her, she repents her sins and becomes a Christian. The third story contains another exorcism, which takes place in a bath. 5. P. A. Agapitos collected the Byzantine sources relating to thermae in a study and we can find several demonic attacks among them; here I would like to highlight only one since the majority of them was written in later centuries.10 The story from the lost Church History of Theodorus Anagnostes survived in a work of Saint John of Damascus;11 the Arian Olympius visited a bath in Constantinople where he blasphemed the Trinity with obscene words. Later, when he stepped over from the hot to the cold pool, he saw a vision and jumped out from the

Cf. Dunbabin 1989, 6-46, especially 42-43. Other examples of African looking demons: Greenfield, R. P. H. 1988. Traditions of Belief in Late Byzantine Demonology. Amsterdam, Adolf M. Hakkert, 85 n. 286.  5 Eunapius, Vitae sophistarum, 358.  6 Bonner 1932, 205-206.  7 Patrologia Graeca 46. col.949-952.  8 Bonner 1932, 205-206.  9 Liber de Miraculis Beati Andreae Apostoli. In MGH Script. rerum Meroving. tom. I. 376-396, 5, Chapters 23 and 27. 10 Agapitos 2004, 26-27. 11 Patrologia Graeca 86.1. col.221.  4

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water with a horrible scream, after which he said he saw a man in white clothes who had poured hot water on him from three jugs. His friends brought him to the bath of the Arian church where he died among terrible pains. This is not a demonic attack but divine justice; however, the precise moment and the scenery is the same, as in the case of many demonic attacks.12 The other elements are purely Christian and not demonic: the water of the pool can be an instrument of divine punishment because its water originates from a sacred spring in the church of St Stephen. The blasphemer dies only later, in the Arian bath – we can assume that the appropriate repentance would have saved his life. 6. I can add a story to this list from the chronicle of John Malalas.13 Here emperor Trajan executes five Christian virgins in Antioch. In the presence of the emperor they express their hope in the corporeal resurrection, therefore the cruel emperor orders to burn their dead bodies, and the ashes are mixed into the bronze of the new bathtubs of a bathhouse. Everybody who uses these tubs loses their consciousness; finally Trajan regrets his deed, and five statues are made from the bronze material. The story is unusual since here the Christian confessors play the role of the avenging demon. At first sight it shows some similarity with the previous story, but the parallelism is superficial. In the story of Malalas the divine punishment reached not the sinners but innocent persons who probably did not know that they were committing desecration; we can see in this deed the act of a blind, evil demon and not divine punishment – the parallels in the apocryphal Acts carefully took care of the moral balance. We must count with the possibility that the text we read here is not even a Christian legend, regarding that all of its motifs can be interpreted within a pagan context. The occurrence of Jewish-Christian angel names or the “Iao”-form of the Jewish tetragrammaton in Graeco-Roman magical papyri show that “pagans” recognized the names of Jewish and Christian transcendent beings as god(s) – or as demons. The texts of a second group of sources testify that the dangers of the bathhouses could provoke fear in real life, too, not only in fiction. The earliest and most characteristic text can be found among the works of Tertullian, which attests that Christians knew the water demons of the pagans: the Church father writes

12 13

Agapitos 2004, 26. Malalas 11.10. (ed. Thurn.). Cf. Frézouls, E. 1994. La fondation des villes chez Malalas. In M.-M. Mactoux – E. Geny, Mélanges Pierre Lévêque. Tome 8. Religion, anthropologie et société, 217-234. Paris, Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 233.

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that the water in all its natural or artificial forms can be the nest of demons – even the swimming pools or water pipes of a house.14 The natural dangers of waters were sometimes attributed to demons, e.g. the Testament of Solomon (18.21) mentions demons who attack in pools causing cramps. Some texts ‘rationalize’ medical dangers as demonic influences.15 We have texts that gave instructions on how to exorcise bathhouses.16 According to Psellus, several types of demons prefer warm and wet places so they move into baths.17 Not only was this spontaneous activity of demons a source of danger, the thermae could also be the actual place for practising magic,18 people had to be cautious about evil eye and envy, which threatened not only the visitors but the building itself, too.19 Archaeological data prove that people were trying to defend themselves against demons; traces of apotropaic magic are especially frequent in North Africa.20 a remarkable method was mentioned by John Chrysostom, who reprimanded mothers and nurses who daubed mud on the forehead of their children against the evil eye – the use of the verb typoo (meaning impress, stamp, mould) in the text of Chrysostom may refer to the drawing of a magical sign, or they simply disfigured the children in order to diminish the envy of other persons (either living individuals or demonic beings).21 Our sources prove that an irrational fear existed in Late Antiquity in connection with bathhouses, but the religious background of this fear remained obscure. It would be all too easy to assume that the base of the belief is a result of a Christian moral attitude, the condemnation of the bath as a lascivious form of amusements – but we cannot find signs of any difference between the Christian and pagan judgement of baths. For both parties it was a useful and attractive place, but at the same time abstinence from bathing was an ascetic exercise for Christians Tertullianus, De baptismo 5.4.: an non et alias sine ullo sacramento immundi spiritus aquis incubant adfectantes illam in primordio divini spiritus gestationem? sciunt opaci quique fontes et avii quique rivi, et in balneis piscinae et euripi in domibus vel cisternae, et putei qui rapere dicuntur, scilicet per vim spiritus nocentis. nam et esietos et lymphaticos et hydrophobas vocant quos aquae necaverunt aut amentia vel formidine exercuerunt. The word esietus is a hapax legomenon in Latin, its source is the Greek hesies, which is a borrowing of the Coptic esje and was used for people drowned in the Nile, cf. Dölger, F. J. 1929. Esietus. Der Ertrunkene oder zum Osiris Gewordene. Antike und Christentum 1, 174-183. 15 Agapitos 2004, 26. 16 Bonner 1932, 207. 17 Psellos, De operatione daemonum 20. ed. Boissonade. 18 Dunbabin 1989, 36-37. 19 Dunbabin 1989, 33-34. 20 Dunbabin 1989, 37-40. 21 Patrologia Graeca 61. col.106. 14

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as well as pagans.22 The real dangers of the thermae played a significant role, without doubt: Katherine Dunbabin collected epitaphs of children drowned in pools.23 Hot steam or an abrupt change from hot to cold water could result in cardiovascular problems. The sources themselves provide at least three further explanations. 1. According to a Christian, moralizing argumentation the victims made themselves defenceless by their own sins. This reasoning, however, can be true for all demons and reveals nothing specific about bath-demons. 2. Demons like dark and wet places. This statement is not as trivial as it seems at first sight. Darkness is, of course, not liked by demons but feared by men, and so we can expect that demons inhabit dark places in any religion, yet wetness is a more characteristic quality. The malignant dead and the demons cannot be clearly separated in the demonology of the Imperial Age, and one of the fundamental qualities of the dead was being thirsty, dry – primarily for blood, but also for water. 3. In the haunted buildings there were usually remains of murdered people. This is a central element in the story of the Acts of John as well as with Malalas. The earliest example of this conception can be read in Lukianos’ Philopseudes where an Athenian house is haunted by a ghost. The second and the third explanation must be derived from pagan or at least non-Christian concepts; the idea of demonic influence on water, especially in the case of stagnant waters of cisterns and pools can have Jewish origins, too.24 In the case of the Acts of John, this ‘dead-body in the building’ motif is connected with a human sacrifice. This text needs further explanation. The text of the Acts of John can be dated to the 5th century AD. Although it is a Christian apocryphon, the events in Ephesus can be interpreted better without the Christian framework; the inconsistencies of the episode imply that the author misunderstood or deliberately reinterpreted an earlier narrative scheme. The starting point of the events is a human sacrifice connected with the construction of a building aiming to make the place prosperous, which can be classified as a classical Bauopfer. Within the Christian context it is not clear what mechanism should make this ritual effective, but other contemporary sources provide this missing information. A foundation sacrifice can be an offering to an already existing supernatural being, a god, a spirit, a genius loci; in this case the goal of the sacrifice is to placate Yegül, F. 1992. Bath and Bathing in Classical Antiquity. New York, Architectural History Foundation, 314; Dunbabin 1989, 6. 23 Dunbabin 1989, 35. 24 Dunbabin 1989, 36. 22

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the supernatural beings for disturbing their dwelling place – but in Late Antiquity we do not know of any god or spirit who would have claimed such sacrifices. The other possibility is that the sacrificed person becomes the spirit of the new building. Foundation sacrifice is well-spread in modern Greek folklore and folk rituals and both explanations are attested from sources – however, similar rituals were unknown in Classical Antiquity.25 The construction of a new building could have been accompanied by sacrifices, but those were normal Olympian sacrifices, and nobody thought that the physical stability of the building would require such offerings.26 We cannot exclude completely that human sacrifice was practised within Greek culture among extreme circumstances, but the context is never the construction of a new building. It would be a logical assumption that the Church tried to demonize paganism by accusing it with such repulsive rites – but in the relevant texts the goal of the rite is haruspicium.27 Although we do not find traces of an elaborate foundation sacrifice, we know ancient methods and ideas that were able to make understandable such a rite. A well-known form of magic tried to manipulate the souls of the so-called biothanatoi, the spirits of the murdered or unburied persons. The magicians tried to force the demons to obey their commands.28 If a culture accepts this idea as an existing reality, the creation of biothanatoi by deliberate murder will seem to Hughes, D. D. 1991. Human Sacrifice in Ancient Greece. London and New York, Routledge, 73-77, 92-114. He thinks all sources about human sacrifice in Greece are unconvincing. In Greek literature the context of the human sacrifice is almost always an important but dubious battle, an epidemic or other natural catastrophe. In the case of Rome the reality of the Gallic and Greek human sacrifices is a fact but we know no example of Bauopfer. 26 Tóth, A. J. 2010. Az artai híd balladája [The Ballad of Bridge Arta]. Vallástudományi szemle 6/1, 72-83, especially 74; Garstad, B. 2005. The Tyche Sacrifices in John Malalas: Virgin Sacrifice and Fourth Century Polemical History. Illinois Classical Studies 30, 83-136, 110-111; on the Greek foundation sacrifices: Nilsson, M. P. 1967. Geschichte der griechischen Religion. München, Verlag C. H. Beck. I, 404 n. 10; Burkert, W. 1984. Die orientalisierende Epoche in der griechischen Religion und Literatur. Heidelberg, Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 55-57; Burkert, W. 1983. Homo Necans. Berkley, University of California Press, 39 n. 17. Whilst interpreting the data, the main problem is that the evidence comes mostly from archaeological excavations, our written sources are silent – so researchers rely on the ethnographic parallels, though their validity is questionable in the ancient Greek context. 27 Garstad cites several examples: Garstad 2005, 124-128; cf. Ogden, D. 2004 2. Greek and Roman Necromancy. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 197-201. The accusation itself is centuries older than Christianity, it is one of the topoi of black magic. 28 Tóth, A. J. 2007. Konstantinápoly és Antiochia talizmánjai. In Pócs É. (ed.), Maszk, átváltozás, beavatás, 361-378. Budapest, Balassi kiadó; Nagy L. 2006. Die Typen von Totengeistern in der De anima von Tertullian und in der frühkaiserzeitlichen Literatur. Specimina Nova Universitatis Quinqueecclesiensis 20, 13-34; Ogden 2004, 225-226. 25

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be a feasible method. Indeed, it is exactly the case in some examples of the abovementioned haruspicia.29 We know only two sources where the goal of the human sacrifice is to create a demon or ‘god’: the first is the text of the Acts of John; the other is a series of stories in the chronicle of John Malalas on the foundations of Hellenistic cities. According to the Syriac chronicler, the founders of the cities sacrificed virgins and erected a statue to the tyche of the city, who had the same name as the murdered girl, so we can conclude that the murdered girls became the tyche.30 The analogy between the Acts and Malalas is obvious, but the small number of the sources is surprising. Modern Balkan folklore knows the concept of foundation sacrifice: it can be a normal animal sacrifice or a symbolic human sacrifice – e.g. if the shadow of a man were cast on the foundation stone, it was to be feared that his soul would be built into the walls.31 A ballad-type widespread in SouthEastern Europe reports the construction of the bridge of the river Arta, where the wife of the mason was walled into the bridge. In some variants of the ballad it is explicitly declared that she would become the spirit of the bridge.32 The story differs from its ancient counterparts only in one element: the dead wife does not become dangerous. Since the central motif was unknown among the Greeks and the Romans, its origins must be searched for outside of the classical Mediter-

Ogden 2004, 197-201, e.g. according to Cassius Dio, Antinous, the lover of Hadrian, deliberately offered his life for such a rite: Cassius Dio 69.11.2-4, Hist. Aug. Hadrian, 14-16. 30 Tóth 2010, 81-83. All these stories are untrustworthy, of course; a Hellenistic tyche is an abstract goddess, the personification of the city, and the aim of the tales of Malalas is to explain the origin of female statues. It may be regarded as an attempt to demonize the pagan cults, but we must take into account that Malalas was not a clerical author, his theological knowledge was extremely superficial. Therefore we cannot suppose that he forged the stories personally, it is more probable that they had already been known in urban folklore earlier. He informs us that an alleged sacrifice happened before the reconstruction of a theatre, too. Cf. Frézouls 1994, 227 where he emphasizes that the rite is not presented as a barbaric deed. However, Garstad (2005, 86) derives all this information from a polemical work from the 4th century, the aim of which was the condemnation of Julian through the demonization of paganism. 31 On the modern Greek Bauopfer: Tóth 2010, 73; Lawson, J. C. 1910. Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion. A Study in Survivals. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 262268; Blum, R. – Blum, E. 1970. The Dangerous Hour. The Lore of Crisis and Mystery in Rural Greece. London, Chatto and Windus, 303-304; Garnett, L. M. J. – Stuart-Glennie, J. S. 1896. Greek Folk Poesy. London, Guildford, 70; Stewart, Ch. 1991. Demons and the Devil. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 89, 102-103. É. Pócs: Stoikheion, stuham zduhač, forthcoming in: Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft 2018. 32 Tóth 2010, 73 with further secondary literature; cf. Dundes, A. (ed.) 1996. The Walled-up Wife. A Casebook. Madison, University of Wisconsin Press. 29

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ranean world.33 The Acts represents an initial phase of the process; the author knows the idea of Bauopfer but cannot accept its reasoning. To sum up: the common motif in all our stories is the water, however, the simple fact that the bathhouse is a building seems to have almost the same importance as an explanation for the demonic presence. If we examine closer the other element, the role of water in conjuring the demons, the picture becomes more complex: though oriental connections may be dominant, we cannot omit the Greek tradition either. Springs and waters had their own spirits in Greece: the nymphs and the river-gods who had their own dangers. The word nympholepsia (‘to be caught by the nymphs’) is attested already from the classical age; its meaning was ambivalent: it could refer to inspiration given by the nymphs, devotion toward the nymphs, or epileptic symptoms.34 The goddesses of the springs tended to catch people in the literal sense of the word; the most well known myth is the abduction of Hylas. Sometimes the epitaphs explain a death by drowning likewise.35 The Nereids, counterparts of the nymphs in the seas, had some connection with death; they appear as nurses and mourners of heroes.36 However, the epigraphic and mythological narratives have a definitely erotic tone as well, which underlies the love of the nymphs toward the dead child or young person, which is a fundamental difference compared to the stories of the hostile bath-demons.37 In short: the aquatic spirits of classical Greek culture are not demonic beings. They can be dangerous, but the same can be said about the whole Greek pantheon of gods. Eitrem collected further examples that seem to express dangers of water, especially polluted water. A part of them is convincing, but the majority was written in the Hellenistic or Imperial Age in the oriental provinces so they are not relevant for ethnic Greeks. The remaining texts do not reveal the nature of this danger, which can be simple ritual pollution, too, independently from demons.38 The original Greek concept of water spirits essentially differs from our Late Antique texts, but it could provide a sufficient base for the Greeks to understand and accept the aquatic demons of other cultures. Theoretically it could be the result of an inner development, but it is improbable that a concept so incompatible with Christian society could be born within it. 34 Larson, J. 2001. Greek Nymphs: Myth, Cult, Lore. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 11ff. 35 Larson 2001, 70. 36 Barringer, J. M. 1995. Divine Escorts. Nereids in Archaic and Classical Greek Art. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 54. 37 Borzsák, I. 1951. Aquis submersus. Acta Antiqua Hungarica 1, 201-224. 38 Eitrem, S. 1915. Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Römer. Kristiana, J. Bybwad, 119-124. 33

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At this point we have two directions to step forward: the first is to collect the sources from the ancient Middle East and Asia Minor about water demons and sacrifices performed at constructions of buildings. The other possibility is to investigate another relevant problem: most of our texts were written in the area of the Roman Oriens – provinces that have been parts of Western civilization for eight centuries; nevertheless, we do not hear about haunted baths before the last centuries of the Antiquity. The scenery, the therma is typically Roman. Regardless of the supposed oriental antecedents, the figure of the bath demon is something new; it was not the inhabitants of Babylon but of Antiochia who felt uneasy at the sight of a swimming pool. This is the aspect which makes the idea of the haunted bathhouse interesting for religious studies. It seems to be obvious that the fear of bathhouses cannot be completely independent from the fear of natural waters; the two phenomena can be interpreted together, but here a manifestation of the numinous is transposed into the heart of the city, into a crowded, artificial building. The sanctity of natural phenomena is easily broken off when it is transferred into technologically different circumstances39 – this can be one of the causes why people use older, traditional technologies during rituals, rather than in everyday life, e.g. wood instead of iron, unleavened bread instead of leavened. We can imagine the motivation that urges a person to throw offerings in the water of shady springs in the hearts of green forests, but it is a more difficult challenge to experience any form of the numinous standing in front of our bathtub. Difficult but maybe not impossible, the popular culture of the last decades provides some interesting examples: the famous Miyazaki-anime, Spirited away is set in the bathhouse of the kami – a motive which can be considered rather the product of the author’s fantasy than a part of Japanese folklore or Shinto.40 The basilisk-serpent of the Harry Potter series lives under the school’s toilet. Or a less mystical case: whoever read the Rikki-tikki-tavi of Kipling as a child may have felt uneasy seeing a plughole for a long time. We may recognize an archetype in this case, the fear from water sources can have even a genetic base because such places are dangerous in nature: sooner or later every animal must visit them, and the predators know this, too. So it is possible, that the irrational fear from water derives from such an atavistic emotion – but the proving is not the task of the humanities. What we can do is to make clear the historical details, when and why the people For example the Parsi community in America allows cremation arguing that the electric fire of the crematorium is not identical with the sacred, natural fire. 40 Reider, N. T. 2005. Spirited Away: Film of the Fantastic and Evolving Japanese Folk Symbols. Film Criticism 29.3, 4-27. 39

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extended this fear to the city. A part of the answer is surprisingly easy: during the Byzantine Middle Ages a whole genre was built on such fears. The first extant and surviving work is the so-called Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai dealing with the miraculous places of Constantinople, written in the 8th century;41 in addition, we know several recensions of the Patria Konstantinupoleos and have evidence for the existence of a Patria of Alexandria, and one supposed source of the chronicle of Malalas was a Patria of Antiochia.42 All of these works contain many similar stories about magical or dangerous statues, buildings, and the amount of such urban legends proves that the people of the age did not feel safe in their cities. The last problem we cannot omit: the demonology behind the Christian legends is clearly not Christian and this fact poses questions of the adaptability of pagan beliefs. It is self-evident what a Christian must think about the gods of other religions, but what to think about their demons? Regarding the fact that pagan gods as such were defined as demons, it would be impossible to deny the existence of pagan demons as a whole. The church fathers of Late Antiquity found two points where they had a theological and philosophical base to attack and condemn pagan demonology. The biothanatos-type demons were incompatible with Christian doctrine: a soul cannot be transformed into a malignant demon just because of the way of his death.43 The other problematic issue was the corporeal character of the demons. The demons were formed from fallen angels, so they must be essentially spiritual, not material beings;44 as a result, demons with a characteristically material nature could be condemned as superstition. However, the distinction is not absolutely clear: in the Scriptures the angels of God can be seen and sometimes be touched, so they must have a body even if a light and aerial one. Consequently the church fathers had to face a problem: neither philosophy nor the Scriptures provided sufficient evidence to define the bodily capacities of

Cameron, A. and Herrin, J. (eds) 1984. Constantinople in the Early Eighth Century: The Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 17ff. 42 On the sources of Malalas: Stauffenberg, A. Schenk Graf von 1931. Die römische Kaisergeschichte bei Malalas. Stuttgart, W. Kohlhammer, 411, 507ff. John Malalas cites the Alexandrian Patria (Malalas 9. 10.) 43 Cf. John Chrysostomus in Patrologia Graeca 48. col.983, Suda sv. psychikos anthropos, these texts confirm that instead of the murdered people the souls of evil men become demons. Both approaches survived until the 20th century, e.g. A person can become a vampire if he died under excommunication or maternal curse – at the same time, a cat jumping over the corpse can be a sufficient cause, too: cf. Boulay, J. du. 1982. The Greek Vampire: Cyclic Symbolism in Marriage and Death. Man 17, 219-238; Lawson 1910, 361-378; Blum 1970, 70. 44 Greenfield 1988, 15, 88, 199. 41

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demons or angels.45 The existence of all other demons who could avoid this classification was difficult to refute on theological grounds, even if they obviously belonged to pagan religions; and seemingly, this was the case with the bath-demons who got a chance to survive pagan Antiquity.

Abstract Several Christian and pagan texts of the last centuries of Rome tell stories about public baths that were haunted by demons, e.g. the apocryphal Acts of John, Eunapius’ Life of Porphyry etc. In the most elaborate stories a demon dwelling in the bath strangles young people. The intercession of the saint puts an end to the murders, and he resurrects the last victim. In one case the demonic attack is the consequence of an earlier foundation sacrifice. The source of the motif is unclear; probably it spread from the oriental regions of the empire, but a Greek origin cannot be excluded either. The texts themselves provide different explanations for the question why demons like dwelling in public baths: a murder was committed in the building; demons like moisture and darkness; a previous crime made the victim vulnerable to the demonic attack. Though the majority of the stories survived in Christian texts, the demonology in their background can be interpreted only within a pagan conceptual framework.

45

The question was frequently raised in connection with the existence of incubus demons, e.g. in Saint Augustine, De civitate Dei 15, 23.

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Vassányi Miklós (Transl.)

Bevezetés Hitvalló Szent Maximos 1. Opusculumához Hitvalló Szent Maximos (580-662) 1. Opusculuma igen fontos dogmatörténeti dokumentum, mely a VII. század egyik fő teológiai küzdelme: a monothelétizmus elleni harc során keletkezett. A sajátos műfajú krisztológiai írás pontos szellemi arcképet nyújt a dialektikában és filozófiában is rendkívül képzett, tudós szerzetes szerzőről, évszázada vezető bizánci teológusáról, aki 645-ban vagy 646-ban, Karthágóban vagy Rómában írta e művét.1 A szöveg a nagy francia Maximosszakértő, Jean-Claude Larchet szerint eredetileg egyetlen művet képezhetett a 10., valamint a 2. és a 3. opusculummal.2 A Patrologia-beli kiadásában – amely egyelő­ re a textus receptus – öt lényegi részből áll,3 melyek közül az első négy szoros összetartozását a tematikai azonosság mellett átkötő mondatok is biztosítják. Az ötödik rész később hozzátoldott rövid magyarázat (scholion), amely nem Maximos műve, ezért nem is fordítjuk. A mű jól elkülönülő részeit a továbbiakban nagybetűkkel jelöljük. Teológiai tartalmuk röviden a következőképpen jellemezhető: A) Előszó Marinos ciprusi lelkipásztorhoz, amely misztikus antropológiai bevezető után a következő három rész propozícióját tartalmazza. Eszerint azért kell definiálni a B) részben listázott morálfilozófiai-morálteológiai fogalmakat, mert sok teológus ezeket összekeverve téves következtetéseket von le Krisztus kettős akaratával, illetve az üdvösségben megvalósuló unióval kapcsolatban. B) Az akarat témakörével kapcsolatos tíz alapvető fogalom részletes definí­ciós listája, melynek legfőbb célja a προαίρεσις (‘szabad választás’) fogalmának elszigetelése a többitől, különösen a θέλημα (‘akarat’) fogalmától. E rész lényegét: a definíciókat itt külön is kiemelem és összefoglalom (zárójelben, dőlt betűvel a hozzájuk rendelt magyar fordítással), mivel ez megkönnyíti a szöveg egészében és Maximos későbbi műveiben való tájékozódást. A megfelelő magyar terminust

1

2

3

Sherwood, P., An Annotated Date-List of the Works of Maximus the Confessor. Romae: Orbis Catholicus–Herder, 1952, 53 (Studia Anselmiana, fasciculus 30). Ponsoye, E. Saint Maxime le Confesseur, Opuscules théologiques et polémiques. Introduction par J.-C. Larchet. Paris: Les Éditions du CERF, 1998, 86. Az első három opusculumot Sherwood is egyetlen egységként kezeli, ld. Annotated Date-List, 53. PG 91, a pontos oldal- és sorszámokat ld. alant a főszövegben.

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Maximos fejtegetésének tartalma alapján választottam ki, ezért az eltérhet a görög kifejezés szokásos magyar értelmezésétől: θέλημα (akarat) és θέλησις (akarás): életfenntartó-lényegmegőrző, nem megfontoló akarat; βούλησις (célkitűzés): képzetalkotó-célkitűző, nem megfontoló vágy a rajtunk és a nem rajtunk álló dolgok iránt; βούλευσις (megfontolás): megfontolás a rajtunk álló dolgokról; προαίρεσις (szabad választás): a számunkra lehetséges cselekedeteket megfontoló törekvés; γνώμη (döntési habitus): az ítélőerő prediszpozíciója; ἐξουσία (szabad akarat): a szabad választás alapja; δόξα (vélemény): argumentált vagy nem argumentált, igaz vagy hamis vélemény; φρόνησις (okoskodás): a racionális és szellemi tanokra irányuló szemlélődő törekvés; φρόνημα (okos gondolat). A lista kapcsán fontos rámutatni, hogy Maximos e terminusokat a korai erkölcs­ teo­lógiai-spirituális írásaiban (pl. A Miatyánk rövid magyarázata, Fejezetek a szeretetről, Aszkétikus beszélgetés stb.) még nem használja következetesen e jelentésekben. Külön is kiemelendő, hogy a  γνώμη terminus a  korai művekben jelölheti általánosságban az ‘akarat’ fogalmát is. C) Non fore modis omnibus post resurrectionem unam sanctorum inter se et cum Deo voluntatem: Ezen eszkatológiai tárgyú, argumentatív rész szerint az üdvösségben megszűnik a προαίρεσις működése az emberben, hisz miután mindeneket betölt az igazság, ezért egyáltalán nem lesznek bizonytalan kimenetelű döntést igénylő szituációk. Működésben marad viszont a θέλησις, e nem megfontoló, hanem csupán életfenntartó-lényegmegőrző törekvés. Az akarat e faja külön-külön működik minden üdvözült emberben, illetve Istenben, hiszen ellenkező esetben mindnyájan összeolvadnának egyetlen lényeggé vagy legalábbis egyetlen személlyé, ami az isteni és az emberi természet közötti differentia realis miatt, illetve más abszurd következmények miatt lehetetlen. Továbbá, a θέλησις tárgya – Isten – azonos lesz ugyan minden üdvözült számára, de az Istenben való részesülés mértéke vagy módja nem lesz azonos, mert ez attól fog függeni, hogy ki-ki mennyire vágyott rá. E téren tehát lesznek individuális különbségek (amint ezt Maximos nagy művében, az Ambiguában is kifejti). D) Non posse dici in Christo unam voluntatem: Maximos tézise szerint a monotheléta álláspontból: az egyetlen krisztusi akarat téziséből az egyetlen természet tézise következne, ez pedig vagy ariánizmust és apolinariánizmust jelent, 525

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vagy politeizmust.4 A monotheléta vitapartnerek továbbá a krisztusi alany isteni természetéhez emberi típusú szabad választást (προαίρεσις) rendeltek hozzá, amikor azt állították, hogy Krisztusban csak egyetlen akarat van. Maximos szerint ezzel szemben Krisztus két természetéből két külön akarat következik. Isteni akarata θέλησις, és nem προαίρεσις, hiszen Istenben az utóbbi típusú megfontolás és ítélethozatal a tökéletlenség jele lenne (mivel implikálná erkölcsileg rossz cselekedetek komoly fontolóra vételét, amit Istennek nem tulajdoníthatunk). Az emberi akaratot eredendően jellemezné ugyan a megfontolt választás, de amint Krisztus ezen akarata létrejött, rögtön kettősség nélkülivé, szilárddá lett, mert megistenült (θέωσις). Mindezek alapján levonható az a végkövetkeztetés, hogy Krisztusban két θέλησις van: egy isteni és egy emberi, προαίρεσις viszont egyáltalán nincsen Benne. E) Nyolc scholion, szerző megjelölése nélkül. Fordításunk alapja a Patrologia Graeca 91, 12 C 8-37 D 11. Az Opuscula theologica et polemica kritikai szövegét megbízható szakmai források szerint hamarosan kiadja a Leuveni Katolikus Egyetem Bölcsészettudományi Kara Maximos-kutatócsoportjának kutatója, Basile Markesinis.5 A fordításban szögletes zárójelek [] tartalmazzák az eredeti görög terminusokat; csúcsos zárójelek a fordítói beszúrásokat, a Patrologia oldalszám-megjelöléseit vagy értelmező kiegészítéseket; és normál zárójelek () a szerző eredeti megjegyzéseit. Hitvalló Szent Maximos: 1. Opusculum Szentek közt élő atyánk, Hitvalló Maximos írása Marinoshoz, a szent életű paphoz Miután, Isten-kedvelte Atyám, azt tűzted ki célul magad elé, hogy a minden dicséretre méltó, Isten iránti szeretetet öltöd magadra, jó rendben viszed végbe ilyen irányú törekvésedet. Hisz egyfelől az erény keletkezésére való tekintettel határozod meg értelmeddel [λόγῳ] a létezők természetét, másfelől minden korszak és idő mozgását a szilárd egyesülés [ἑνώσεως] kialakulására való tekintettel határolod körül eszeddel [νῷ] – s mindezekkel együtt jelenik meg az Isten iránti forróbb vágy [πόθος], mely a végtelenbe nyúlóan terjeszti ki vágyakozó mozgásodat, és a vágyott dolog felfoghatatlansága révén felfoghatatlanná teszi vágyakozásodat [ἔφεσιν] is, melynek végcélja maga az Isten, aki a méltók vágyának beteljesedése lesz mint a javak önmagában létező élvezete [ἀπόλαυσις], melyet az értelem éppen 4

5

A Hitvalló érvelése itt lényegileg Sóphronios jeruzsálemi pátriárka Zsinati levelére (Epistola synodalis) támaszkodik. Bronwen, N.–Allen, P. eds. The Life of Maximus the Confessor, Recension 3. Sydney: St. Paul’s Publications, 2003, 4 (Early Christian Studies 6).

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csak megkísérelhet felfogni mint nyilvánvalóan a gondolkodás [νόησιν] fölött elhelyezkedő egyesülést, mivel egyáltalán semmilyen elmebeli képzet alá nem vonható. Ezért életeden kiábrázolódik gondolkodásod [λόγου] arculata; életed természete pedig a gondolkodásod – melyek valóban az új, krisztusi embert jelenítik meg, aki a megfelelő imitáció révén hordozza a teremtő Isten képmását és hasonlatosságát, amelyeket most értelmezzünk úgy, mint igazságot és jóságot; éspedig az istenképmásiságot mint a szemlélődés igazságát, az Istenhez való hasonlatosságot pedig mint a gyakorlat végcélját; emezt mint a hazugság, amazt pedig mint az erkölcstelenség ellentétét. Így az erények művelése révén már észleled az isteni tanításokat, mert alapot nyújt ehhez tudásod mélysége s a bizonyítás [ἀποδείξεως] ereje; s miután e tanok észlelése révén kiismerted és el is vetetted az egyesek által nem pontosan megfogalmazott tézist az akaratokról [θελημάτων] – hiszen azt mondják, hogy az akarat [θέλημα], a célkitűzés [βούλησιν], a meggondolás [βουλήν], a szabad választás [προαίρεσιν] és a döntési habitus [γνώμην] azonosak egymással; és hogy a szabad akarat [ἐξουσίαν], a vélemény [δόξαν] és az okoskodás [φρόνησιν] szintén azonosak egymással, csak a nevükben különböznek; valamint hogy Istennek és az üdvözülteknek egyetlen akaratuk [θέλημα] lesz majd; minélfogva azt állítják és hangoztatják, hogy a Felkentnek egyetlen, a szabad választás értelmében vett akarata [θέλημα προαιρετικόν] van –, nem voltál annyira elégedett magaddal, hogy a helyesen megítélt dolog felől bizonyos légy a szellemi javakban való természetes szűkölködés miatt,6 hanem kedvesen arra méltattál engem, aki magánemberként nevelkedtem, hogy én is ítéljem meg az általad megismert dolgokat. Erre készülök most, még ha ez elhamarkodott dolog is; mert az engedelmesség jutalmát tartom szem előtt. Az említett fogalmak mindegyikét sorjában röviden leírom, és úgyszólván meghatározom; de nem a saját definícióimat adom meg (hogyan is tehetné ezt az, aki ilyenekben hiányt szenved?), hanem koldulok azoktól, akik e dolgokkal sokat foglalkoztak, hogy ilyenformán megtudjuk: a fent jelöltek miben különböznek egymástól mindkét téren – úgy értem, nevükben és tartalmukban.

A természetből fakadó akaratról [θελήματος] avagy akarásról [θελήσεως] ‘Természetből fakadó akarat’-nak avagy akarásnak azt a képességet nevezik, ami arra törekszik [ὀρεκτικήν], ami a természetének megfelel, és fenntart [συνεκτικήν] minden sajátosságot, ami a természetében annak lényegéből fakadóan benne van. Mert az ilyen akarat tartja fenn természetének megfelelően a lényeget, amely 6

Mt 5, 3.

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ezáltal törekszik a létezésre és életre és az érzékelésnek és gondolkodásnak [νοῦν] megfelelő mozgásra, mivel a saját, természetéből fakadó és teljes valóságosságra [ὀντότητος] vágyik. Hisz a természet úgy van megalkotva, hogy akarja önmagát, és mindazt, ami a fennállását természet szerint előidézi, mivel törekvéssel kapcsolódik a létének lényegéhez [λόγῳ], amelynek megfelelően keletkezett és létezik. Ezért amikor [13 A 1] mások meghatározzák e természetből fakadó akaratot, akkor ‘értelmi és élet utáni törekvés’-nek [ὄρεξιν λογικήν τε καὶ ζωτικήν] nevezik; a szabad választás képességét [προαίρεσιν] pedig a ‘rajtunk álló dolgok iránti megfontoló törekvés’-nek [ὄρεξιν βουλευτικὴν τῶν ἐφ’ ἡμῖν]. A szabad választás képessége [προαίρεσις] tehát nem akarás [θέλησις], ha egyszer az akarás egyfajta egyszerű, értelmi és élet utáni törekvés, a szabad választás képessége pedig a törekvés, az akarás és a döntés együttese [ὀρέξεως καὶ βουλῆς καὶ κρίσεως σύνοδος]. Hiszen ha törekszünk, akkor először megfontolunk; ha már megfontoltunk, akkor döntünk; és ha döntöttünk, akkor a rosszabbnál inkább választjuk [προαιρούμεθα] azt, ami az ítélethozatal alapján jobbnak mutatkozott; és a természetből fakadó akarat csak a természet dolgaira irányul; a szabad választás viszont csak a rajtunk álló dolgokra, és azokra, amelyek általunk tudnak létrejönni. Az akarás tehát nem a szabad választás. A célkitűzésről [βουλήσεως] A szabad választás azonban nem is a célkitűzés. A célkitűzés [βούλησις] ugyanis képzetalkotó törekvés a rajtunk álló és a nem rajtunk álló dolgokra [ὄρεξις φανταστικὴ τῶν ἐφ’ ἡμῖν καὶ οὐκ ἐφ’ ἡμῖν]; tehát csak az értelem [διανοίᾳ] alakítja. A képzetalkotó törekvés pedig csupán az értelmi képességé – a rajtunk álló dolgok felőli megfontoló gondolkodás [βουλευτικοῦ λόγου] nélkül; vagyis ez egyfajta természetből fakadó akarat [φυσικὴ θέλησις]. A szabad választás képessége [προαίρεσις] azonban megfontoló törekvés a rajtunk álló cselekvések felől [ὄρεξις βουλευτικὴ τῶν ἐφ ἡμῖν πρακτῶν]. E leírás [ὑπογραφῆς] elég lenne ugyan – mivel megmutatja e két dolog különbségét – a szavakat túlságosan szerető emberek vitázó kedvének csillapítására, valamint azok vitakedvének csillapítására is, akik – nem is tudom, hogyan fejezzem ki magamat szépen – a helyesen megismert dolgoknak is kereken ellentmondanak. De miután a kíváncsiak vágyakoznak részletesebben megismerni a kutatási tárgyakat, ezért másként is elmondjuk; az e témákat taglalók a következőt mondják: amely dolgokra irányulhat a szabad választás képessége, azok nem mindegyikéhez illeszkedik minden tekintetben a célkitűzés [βούλεσθαι]. Mondjuk ugyanis, hogy célunk egészségesnek és gazdagnak lenni, valamint elkerülni a halált, azt azonban nem mondjuk, hogy szabadon választjuk a gazdagságot, az egészséget és a halhatatlanságot; mivel a célkitűzés [βούλησις] a lehetséges dolgokra is irányul meg a lehetetlenekre is; 528

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a szabad választás ellenben csak a lehetséges és saját magunk által megvalósítható dolgokra. A célkitűzés továbbá a végcélra irányul; a szabad választás képessége ezzel szemben a célhoz elvezető dolgokra. Végcélnak [τέλος] tehát a célul kijelölt dolgot [τὸ βουλητόν] nevezik, amilyen például az egészség; célra vezető dolognak pedig a megfontolás tárgyát [τὸ βουλευτόν], amilyen például az egészség elérésének módja.7 Azt mondják tehát, hogy ahogyan a célul kitűzött dolog viszonyul a megfontolás tárgyához, úgy viszonyul a célkitűzés a szabad választáshoz; ha egyszer csupán olyan dolgokat választunk szabadon, amelyek feltételezésünk szerint általunk meg is valósulhatnak. Célunk azonban lehet olyasmi is, ami nem tud általunk megvalósulni. Bizonyítást nyert tehát egyfelől, hogy a célkitűzés nem szabad választás; másfelől, hogy nem megfontolás és nem is meggondolás [βούλευσις… ἤγουν βουλή]. A meggondolásról [βουλῆς] avagy megfontolásról [βουλεύσεως] Azt mondják, hogy a megfontolás kutató törekvés [ὄρεξιν ζητητικήν], amely az általunk megtehető dolgok valamelyikére irányul. A szabadon választott dolog [προαίρετον] ezzel szemben a meggondolás alapján kiválasztott dolog [κριθέν]. Világos tehát ebből, hogy a megfontolás olyan dolgokra irányul, amelyeket még keresünk, míg a szabad választás az előzetesen már kiválasztott dolgokra. Ráadásul ez nemcsak a definícióból derül ki, hanem az etimológiából is. A szabadon választott dolog ugyanis olyasmi, amit más dologgal szemben preferálunk. De senki sem választ ki valamit előzetesen úgy, hogy megelőzőleg ne fontolta volna meg; és nem teszi magáévá úgy, hogy előzetesen ne választotta volna ki. A szabad választás tehát nem meggondolás avagy megfontolás.8 A szabad választásról [προαιρεσέως] Azt mondják, a szabad választás megfontoló törekvés [ὄρεξιν βουλευτικήν] a rajtunk álló dolgok iránt. A szabad választás ugyanis vegyes természetű, és sok dologból áll össze: törekvésből, meggondolásból és kiválasztásból áll. Önmagában véve ugyanis ezek egyike sem a szabad választás; mert nem egyszerűen törekvés, és nem is meggondolás, nem is kiválasztás önmagában véve; hanem ezekből áll össze, amiként az ember lélekből és testből tevődik össze. Mivel akkor történik szabad választás, és akkor beszélünk szabadon választott dologról (vagyis meggondolás alapján kiválasztott dologról, amelyre a szabad választás irányul), amikor a kiválasztott dologra törekvés is irányul. A szabad választás tehát szükségképp 7 8

τόπον helyett τρόπον-t olvasva 13 C 13-ban. Maximos igen részletes elemzése szerint tehát a megfontolás mozzanatát a kiválasztás követi, ezt pedig külön lépésben a magunkévá tétel vagy elsajátítás.

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ama dolgokra irányul a kiválasztás után, amelyekre a meggondolás a kiválasztás előtt. Azokat a dolgokat választjuk ugyanis szabadon, amelyeket megfontoltunk.9 Mire irányul a megfontolás? A megfontolás olyan dolgokra irányul, amelyek rajtunk állnak, és meg is tudnak valósulni általunk; valamint amelyek végkimenetele [τέλος] bizonytalan. Azt, hogy ‘rajtunk álló dolgokra irányul,’ azért mondjuk, mert csak a lehetséges cselekvések szoktak megfontolásunk tárgyai lenni. Ezek ugyanis rajtunk állnak; hiszen nem vesszük fontolóra az önmaga által létező bölcsességet. Istent sem, és a szükségképp és mindig ugyanúgy történő dolgokat sem, mint amilyen az idők ciklikus haladása; és azokat sem, amelyek nem örök létezők ugyan, de mindig hasonlóan történnek, amilyen a Nap felkelése és lenyugvása; és azokat sem, amelyek természet szerint történnek ugyan, de nem mindig ugyanúgy, hanem csak általában – amilyen például az, hogy a hatvanéves ember megőszül, vagy hogy a húszéves férfinek szakálla nő; s azokat sem, amelyek természet szerint történnek, de meghatározatlan módon mindenütt máshogyan, amilyen például a vihar és a szárazság és a záporeső. Ezért mondjuk tehát, hogy ‘a rajtunk álló dolgokra irányul;’ azt pedig, hogy ‘az általunk megvalósulni tudó dolgokra irányul,’ azért, mert nem minden emberi dologról és nem minden cselekedetről végzünk megfontolást; de nem is minden olyasmiről, ami rajtunk áll, és meg is tud valósulni általunk, hanem hozzá kell tenni még azt is, hogy ‘amelyek végkimenetele bizonytalan.’ Ha ugyanis világos és egyetértéstől övezett dolog, akkor már nem vesszük fontolóra – akkor se, ha rajtunk áll, és általunk valósul meg. Bizonyítottuk mármost, hogy a meggondolás nem a végcélra, hanem a célra vezető dolgokra irányul. Elvégre nem azt vesszük fontolóra, hogy meggazdagodjunk-e; hanem azt, hogy miként és milyen eszközök révén leszünk gazdagok. S röviden szólva, csak azon dolgok felől végzünk megfontolást, melyek kivitelezése egyaránt lehetséges; és azok kivitelezése lehetséges egyaránt, amiket épp annyira végre lehet hajtani, mint az ellenkezőjüket. Ha ugyanis nem lennénk képesek mindkettő végrehajtására egyaránt, akkor nem is vennénk fontolóra mindkettőt. Hiszen azt, amit világosság és egyetértés vesz körül, vagy pedig ami egyáltalán nem is lehetséges, senki sem veszi fontolóra. Ha ellenben két szembenálló lehetőség közül csak az egyikre lennénk képesek, akkor ezzel egyet is értenénk, lévén ellentétmentes; a másik lehetőség pedig ki lenne zárva. Ha például kenyér és kő áll rendelkezésre, akkor senki sem veszi fontolóra, melyikből készítsen ennivalót; mivel ebből lehetséges,

9

A kiválasztás – κρίσις – utáni döntő megkülönböztető mozzanat a törekvés hozzáadódása a kiválasztott tárgyhoz.

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abból viszont nyilván lehetetlen. Ezért a szabad választás ama dolgokra vonatkozik, melyek egyaránt lehetségesek, s amelyeket fontolóra is veszünk. Az ítélőerőről [γνωμῆς] Α szabad választás azonban nem is egyfajta ítélőerő – még ha a sokaság meggondolatlanul így véli is –, hanem inkább az ítélőerő folyománya; hiszen azt szokás mondani, hogy az ítélőerő habituális törekvés a rajtunk álló dolgok iránt [ὅρεξιν ἐνδιάθετον τῶν ἐφ’ ἡμῖν], amelyből a szabad választás következik; vagy habitus ama, rajtunk álló dolgok tekintetében, melyeket mint törekvők megfontolunk. Mert a meggondolás alapján kiválasztott dolgok révén alakot öltő törekvés lesz az ítélőerő; amely után vagy – pontosabban szólva – amelyből következik a szabad választás. Az ítélőerő tehát olyan a szabad választáshoz képest, mint a habitus a működéshez képest. A szabad akaratról [ἐξουσίας] A szabad választás azonban nem is a szabad akarat. Hiszen a szabad választás, amint többször mondottam, megfontoló törekvés a számunkra lehetséges cselekedetekre [τῶν ἐφ’ ἡμῖν πρακτῶν]; a szabad akarat ellenben jogos hatalom [κυριότης ἔννομος] a számunkra lehetséges cselekedetekre; avagy akadálytalan uralom arra, hogy éljünk azzal, ami rajtunk áll; avagy nem szolgai törekvés a rajtunk álló dolgokra. Nem ugyanaz tehát a szabad akarat és a szabad választás; hiszen a szabad akarat teszi lehetővé a szabad választást, míg a szabad akarat alapja nem a szabad választás; és az utóbbi csupán választ, míg az előbbi él is a rajtunk álló dolgokkal és a rajtunk álló dolgokra irányuló képességekkel, úgymint a szabad választással és a döntéssel és a meggondolással. Elvégre akaratunk szabadságából kifolyólag fontoljuk meg, döntjük el és választjuk, szándékoljuk és használjuk a rajtunk álló dolgokat. A véleményről [δόξης] De nem is valamiféle vélemény a szabad választás. A vélemény ugyanis kétféle lehet: argumentált [λογική] vagy nem argumentált [ἄλογος]; a szabad választás ellenben vezérelt [τρεπτή]. A nem argumentált véleményt mármost egyszerű és készen kapott ismeretnek [ἁπλὴν γνῶσιν καὶ πρόχειρον] nevezik; mint amikor valaki más véleményét adjuk elő úgy, hogy nem ismerjük a megalapozását – például a lélek halhatatlanságáról beszélve nem adjuk meg a halhatatlanság apodiktikus bizonyítását. Az argumentált véleményt pedig az értelem következtetése [ἀποπεράτωσις] szerint összeálló ismeretnek mondják; mint amikor valaki kikövetkeztet valamit, és levezeti a tudományos megalapozását. Az értelem [διάνοια] ugyanis előrehalad és időben tagoltan működik a premisszától kiindulva a követ531

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keztetés [συμπεράσματος] levonásáig. Mint amikor valaki elhatározza, hogy bizonyítja a lélek halhatatlanságát, és így érvel: „Miután a lélek önmagát mozgatja; s ami önmagát mozgatja, az örökké mozog; és az örökké mozgó dolog halhatatlan; ezért a lélek halhatatlan.” Vagy másként: „Miután a lélek összetétel nélküli; az összetétel nélküli dolog felbonthatatlan; ami felbonthatatlan, az halhatatlan; ezért a lélek halhatatlan.” Elvégre az értelem sajátossága, hogy végigmegy valamely úton, amely a dolog megismeréséhez vezet; és a premisszáktól a szillogizmusokon át jut el a következtetésekig, s így hozza létre az argumentált véleményt. Ismét másként: a vélemény nemcsak a rajtunk álló dolgokra vonatkozik, hanem a nem rajtunk állókra is, a szabad választás ezzel szemben csak a rajtunk állókra; és a véleményt nevezhetjük igaznak és hamisnak is, a szabad választást viszont nem igaznak és hamisnak mondjuk, hanem helyesnek és helytelennek; és a vélemény az általános kérdésekre irányul, a szabad választás az egyediekre – hiszen a szabad választás a kivitelezhető kérdésekre vonatkozik, és ezek az egyedi dolgok. Úgy vélem, többféleképpen is világossá vált, hogy a szabad választás nem vélemény. Hiszen ha a vélemény olyan ismeret, mely az értelem következtetése révén áll össze; a szabad választás pedig a számunkra lehetséges cselekedeteket megfontoló törekvés; akkor a szabad választás nem azonos a véleménnyel. Az okos gondolatról [φρονήματος] avagy az okoskodásról [φρονήσεως] De nem is okoskodás [φρόνημα ἤγουν φρόνησις] a szabad választás. Elvégre az okoskodást a racionális és szellemi tanokra irányuló szemlélődő törekvésnek [ὄρεξιν θεωρητικὴν λογικῶν καὶ γνωστικῶν μαθημάτων] mondják; vagy a tudatlanság és elbizakodottság habitusa ellenfelének; a szabad választást pedig – amint ezt érvelésünk kiváltképpen bizonyította – a számunkra lehetséges cselekedeteket megfontoló törekvésnek. Azt mondják továbbá, hogy az okoskodás a következő módon alakul ki: az ész elsődleges mozgását gondolkodásnak [νόησιν] nevezik; a valamiről való gondolkodást gondolatnak [ἔννοιαν], mely ha megmarad és formálja a lelket az elgondolt dolog tekintetében, akkor képzetnek [ἐνθύμησις] nevezik; ha a képzet helyben marad, és megvizsgálja önmagát, akkor okoskodás [φρόνησις] a neve; ha az okoskodás kiszélesedik, akkor érvelést [διαλογισμόν] végez; ezt belső beszédnek [ἐνδιάθετον λόγον] nevezik az ehhez értők; s ezt azzal egészítik ki, hogy a lélek mozgása leginkább az érvelőképességben történik, hangmegnyilvánulás nélkül; és azt mondják, hogy ebből születik a hangos beszéd [προφορικὸν λόγον]. Okos gondolatnak [φρόνημα] viszont az okoskodásból az okoskodóban az okoskodás tárgyáról keletkező ismeretet; mert beszélnek okoskodásról és az okoskodás tárgyáról és okoskodóról és okos gondolatról egyaránt. S az okoskodás a viszony [σχέσις]; az okoskodás tárgya az, amiről gondolkodunk; az okoskodó 532

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az, aki okoskodik; az okos gondolat pedig az okoskodásból az okoskodóban született ismeret az elgondolt dologról. Ha tehát ezzel ez a helyzet; a szabad választással pedig nem; akkor az okos gondolat nem szabad választás. Úgy vélem, világosan megmutattuk tehát, hogy a fent felsoroltak nem azonosak egymással, ahogyan pedig az ezt képviselők gondolják. Ha ellenben azt mondanák, hogy teljesen egyenlőek egymással, mivel mindegyikükről egyaránt állíthatjuk a  törekvést, azaz a  természet törekvőképességét mint nemet; akkor mondják azt is, hogy az összes faj azonos egymással, a szárazföldiek és a szárnyasok és a vízi élőlények, mert mindegyikükről egyaránt állítható az ‘élőlény’ mint tágabb kategória; s ezzel az így gondolkodók számára mindjárt eltűnik a világ rendezettsége, hiszen nem különböző dolgok valósága lesz, hanem csupán üres nevek kinyilvánítása. A feltámadás után semmiképp sem lesz az üdvözülteknek azonos akaratuk egymással, illetve Istennel, jóllehet az akarat tárgya mindnyájukban azonos lesz, amint egyesek állítják Miután tehát a szabad választás kiegészült a rajtunk álló dolgokra törő lendülettel és azok használatával, a törekvő értelmi mozgásunk határpontjává lesz. Elvégre a természeténél fogva értelmes lény törekszik – miután természetéből fakadó képessége az értelmi törekvés, amelyet az eszes lélek akarásának is neveznek – és számot vet [λογíζεται]; s amikor számot vetett, célt tűz ki [βούλεται]. Hiszen azt mondják, hogy a célkitűzés [βούλησιν] nem egyszerűen az, ami a természetből fakad, hanem a valamilyen módon meghatározott; tehát a valamire irányuló akarás; és amikor a célt tűz ki, akkor keres; s miközben keres, szemügyre vesz [σκέπτεται]; s amikor szemügyre vesz, akkor megfontol [βουλεύεται]; s megfontolás közben kiválaszt [κρίνει]; és mikor kiválaszt, akkor szabadon választ [προαίρεται]; a szabadon választás közben nekilendül [ὁρμᾷ]; és miközben nekilendül, már birtokol is; és birtoklás közben megszűnik benne a dologra törekvő mozgás. Hiszen senki sem birtokol, aki előbb nem lendült neki ; és senki sem lendül neki, aki nem választ szabadon; és senki sem választ szabadon, aki előbb nem választott; és senki sem választ, aki előzetesen nem választ ki; és senki sem választ ki, aki előbb nem fontolt meg; senki sem fontol meg, aki előbb nem vett szemügyre; és senki sem vesz szemügyre, aki előbb nem keresett; senki sem keres, aki nem tűzött ki célt; és senki sem tűz ki célt, aki nem vet számot; senki nem vet számot, aki nem törekszik; és egyetlen lény sem törekszik értelmesen, amely ne lenne természete folytán értelmes. Miután tehát az ember a természeténél fogva értelmes lény, ezért törekszik, számot vet, célt tűz ki, keres, szemügyre vesz, szabadon választ, nekilendül és birtokba vesz. 533

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Ha azonban az ember – egyebek mellett – még természeténél fogva szabadon választó lény is; a szabad választás pedig a rajtunk álló és általunk megvalósulni képes dolgokra irányul, ha ezek végkimenetele bizonytalan; márpedig rajtunk áll az erények lényege [λόγος] is, ami a természetből fakadó képességeink működő törvénye, és rajtunk áll az ugyane képességekkel való visszaélés modusza [τρόπος] is, amely a természetellenes szenvedélyeket [πάθη] járulékosan létrehozza; akkor a teljes ember a természeténél fogva szabadon választ, át tudja fogni az ellentéteket és meg tudja ítélni őket. De ha megítéli az ellentéteket, akkor teljesen szabadon választ; és ha szabadon választ – amennyiben hatalmában áll mindkét irányba elmozdulni –, akkor nem természeténél fogva változatlan. Miután tehát a célkitűzés és a döntés és a szabad választás a kettős természetű dolgok közé tartozik (hiszen rajtunk állnak), ezért akkor, amikor nincsenek kettős természetű dolgok, mert megmutatkozik a mindenki számára világos, önmagában lévő igazság, a szabad választás nem a középső, rajtunk álló dolgokon keresztül mozog; hiszen döntés sincs, amely különbséget tenne a szembenálló dolgok között, amelyek jobbikát tartjuk választandónak a rosszabbikkal szemben; s ha majd akkor nem lesz a jelenleg érvényes törvény értelmében vett szabad választás, mivel a létezők minden szembenállása megszűnik, akkor csupán az aktív értelmi törekvés [ὄρεξις ἐνεργὴς νοερά] marad a természetük szerint ilyen értelemben törekvő lények számára; hiszen ez részesül kimondhatatlan módon a természete szerint törekvő lény egyedüli titokzatos élvezetéből [μυστικῆς ἀπολαύσεως], melynek irányába tartott mozgása a felsorolt dolgokon keresztül; amely mozgás beteljesedése [κόρος] az élvezők törekvésének végtelenbe történő nyúlása [ἡ ἐπ’ ἄπειρον ἐπίτασις] – amennyiben mindegyikük annyira részesül majd ebben természetfeletti módon [ὑπερφυῶς], amennyire vágyott rá – és a természete szerint vágyott dologgal való közvetítés nélküli egyesülés [ἄμεσος συνανάκρασις]. Ha pedig ki-ki annyira fog részesülni a vágyott dologból, amennyire vágyott rá, akkor a természet lényege tekintetében [λόγῳ] ugyanaz lesz mindnyájuk akarata, a mozgás modusza tekintetében azonban különböző. Ha mármost e mozgás modusza tekintetében nem azonos minden ember akarata, akkor semmiképp sem lesz azonos Isten és a megváltottak [σωζομένων] akarata, ahogy némelyek mondták; jóllehet az akarata tárgya [τὸ θεληθέν] ugyanazon dolog lesz Isten és az üdvözültek számára: a megváltottak megváltása [σωτηρία], ami isteni cél, már az idők kezdete előtt ismert beteljesedése mindeneknek, amelyben minden megváltott akarata [θέλησιν] találkozik az összes többi megváltott akaratával és a megváltó Isten akaratával is, amennyiben mindenkibe egyetemesen és külön-külön egyedileg is kiterjed [χωρήσαντος] a teljes Isten, aki mindeneket betölt a kegyelem mértékével, és mindenkiben mint tagjaiban beteljesedik, a vele összeforrottak mindegyikében lévő hittel arányos mér534

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tékben. Ha ugyanis Isten akarata [θέλημα] a természeténél fogva megváltó akarat, az embereké ellenben természet szerint megváltott akarat, akkor ugyan sohasem lesz azonos a természet szerint megváltó és a természet szerint megváltott, jóllehet mindkét fél célja azonos: mindenek megváltása, amit Isten előre meghatározott, az üdvözültek pedig szabadon előre választottak [προῃρημένη]. Ha ezzel szemben azonos és szám szerint egy volna az isteni és az emberi akarat, mint egyesek állítják, akkor miután Isten az akarata révén [θελήματι] hozott létre minden korszakot, ugyanezen akarat révén társteremtő lesz az üdvözültek kara is, akár természetből fakadó akaratról beszélünk, akár a döntési habitus értelmében vett akaratról [γνωμικῷ], illetve egyáltalán bármiről, aminek révén az istenivel [τὸ θεῖον] azonosulni lehet; ami helytelen, és véleményem szerint csak egy kiegyensúlyozatlan értelem gondolata lehet. Ha ugyanis az üdvözültek nem mindnyájan társteremtők, akkor vagy csak az apostolok, vagy csak a próféták azok; s ezek közül újfent vagy csak Péter, vagy csak Mózes; és nem egy, hanem sok hajlék lesz az Istenatya mellett a szentek számára; és a természete folytán jó akarattal azonos lenne az őt utánozva feléje mozgó emberi akarat a természetes minőségében és mennyiségében, ami lehetetlen (hiszen hogy is lehetne azonos a természete szerint részesítővel a természete szerint részesülő?); s nem lehet minden tekintetben azonos döntési habitus [γνώμην] Istenben és az üdvözültek karában, habár – mint mondottam – mindkét fél számára azonos az akarat tárgya [τὸ θεληθέν]: a mindenség megváltása, amiben egyesülnek az akaratok. De miután – úgy tűnik – nem tudják, micsoda képtelen beszéd származik abból, amit mondanak, ezért ész nélkül hagyják, hogy odatévedjen az értelmük, ahová nem kellene. Mert ha az akarat [θέλημα] – bárhogyan gondoljuk is el vagy nevezzük is meg – nem viszony nélküli dolog [ἄσχετον], és nem olyan, hogy ne állíthatnánk róla a valamihez való viszony nemét, akkor minőség [ποιότης], de nem az önmagukban vett dolgok közül való, amennyiben nyilván más dologban szemléljük. Ha mármost az akarat a más dologban szemléltek közül való, akkor kétségkívül járulék; ha pedig járulék, akkor vagy lényeget [οὐσίας], vagy személyt [ὑποστάσεως] fog jellemezni (elvégre ezek között nincs önmagában szemlélhető közép, se olyan, amelyik ne részesülne egyikükben sem, se olyan, amelyik kettejükből lenne összetéve); és ha a lényeg járuléka, akkor azt fogják állítani, hogy Isten és az üdvözültek természete [φύσιν] egy és ugyanaz, amennyiben egyetlen akaratuk miatt mindnyájan elviselik az egyetlen lényegbe való összevonódást [συναίρεσιν]. Hiszen amit általánosan [γενικῶς] állítunk bizonyos dolgokról egyformán, az ama lényeget mutatja meg, amely alá tartoznak. Ha ellenben a személy járuléka, akkor mindnyájan: Isten és az üdvözültek egyaránt egyetlen személy lesznek, mivel mind egyetlen dologgá olvadnak össze [συγχωνευθέντων]. Mert ha valami egyénileg, személy szerint jellemez valakit, és ezt másokban is elválto535

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zás nélkül benne szemléljük, akkor az minden érintettet egyesít [συγχεῖ] egymással, és az egyedek létének mikéntjét egymásétól teljesen megkülönböztethetetlenné teszi. Krisztusban nem beszélhetünk egyetlen akaratról Tehát ha ezekben a dolgokban nem volt elég erős az értelmük [λόγος], akkor – Mi Urunkra, Krisztusra, mindenek Megváltójára rátérve – vajon hogyan lenne elég erős akkor, amikor egyetlen akaratot [ἔν θέλημα] vesznek fel Őbenne? Mert ha Krisztus ezen akaratát netán természetből fakadónak [φυσικόν] mondják, akkor ebből ki fogjuk mutatni, hogy a  manicheus képzelgésben [φαντασίαν] szenvednek, amennyiben Krisztus nem létező és nem is leendő egyetlen természetét [φύσιν] tisztelik, melyet a  megfelelő akarat nyilvánít ki; s ugyanígy Areios őrjöngését és az apolinariosi lényegkeveredést [συνουσίωσιν] utánzóknak is fogjuk őket találni – amennyiben így Krisztust az Atyától is és a szeplőtelen Máriától is egyaránt elidegenítik lényegében. A természetből fakadó akarat [φυσικὸν θέλημα] ugyanis a természetet jellemzi – ezt semmilyen érv [λόγος] nem cáfolhatja meg. Ha a természetet jellemzi, akkor világos, hogy az ezt hangoztatók a „természet” szó alatt Krisztust hirdetik. Ha Krisztus egy ‘természet,’ akkor nem lehet Isten sem a természetére nézve [φύσει], és nem lehet ember sem a természetére nézve valóságosan – mivel az Atya a természetére nézve nem valóságosan Krisztus; vagy az anyja a természetére nézve nem valóságosan Krisztus. Ha ellenben természeténél fogva Isten a Felkent, mivel természeténél fogva Felkent, akkor az ezt állító ember politeista, amennyiben egyfelől istenként tisztel egy atyai természetet, amely természet szerint nem Krisztusé; másfelől pedig istenként tisztel egy másik, krisztusi természetet, amely természet szerint Krisztusé; és e monstruózus beszéd oda vezet, hogy rájuk bizonyul a politeizmus. Ha ellenben az akaratot a megfontolt választás értelmében [προαιρετικόν] veszik, amit morálisnak [γνωμικόν] neveznek, akkor az vagy teljes mértékben természetből fakadó [κατὰ φύσιν] lesz, amely a krisztusi morális cselekedetek gyakorlásának moduszában van, és mindenben idomul a természet lényegéhez; s legalábbis ha Krisztus szerintük így szenvedett, akkor be fog bizonyosodni, hogy nem volt szenvedélymentes, hanem önuralmat gyakorolt; és be fog bizonyosodni az is, hogy fejlődés révén [κατὰ προκοπήν] volt jó, bármiként áll is a dolog a természet tekintetében.10 Mert ilyen dolog a természetből fakadó megfontolt

10

Mindezeket állítani anathema.

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választás [προαίρεσις]11 a döntést hozó személyben a morális cselekedetek terén: a jobbat cselekszi, ami a rosszabbal szemben választandó. Vagy pedig a megfontolt választás értelmében vett akarat nem a természetből fakadó [παρὰ φύσιν] lesz, s az ilyen akarat azt fogja demonstrálni, hogy az alanyon múló cselekedetek gyakorlásának modusza a természet mivoltját rombolóvá lett; mert a természettel szemben álló megfontolt választás ilyen a döntést hozó személyben a morális cselekedetek terén: a rosszabbat cselekszi, a jobb helyett választva azt. Mert ha helyes, illetve téves a döntést hozó személy megfontolt ítélete a rajta múló tettek felől – mely ítélésnek mintegy határozata [ψῆφος] a megfontolt választás [προαίρεσις] –, akkor vagy ép marad a természetnek megfelelő mivoltja a helyes használat révén; vagy ellenpárként létrejön a természetellenes modusza [τρόπος] a helytelen használat révén. S ha a Felkent megfontolt választása természetből fakadó, akkor nemcsak ugyanazokkal a dolgokkal fogjuk őket ismét vádolni – hogy tudniillik vakmerően egy harmadik, az istenség és a teremtés között félúton álló természetet találnak ki Krisztusban –, hanem azért is kinevetjük őrjöngésüket, mert Nestorios elgondolása szerint Krisztust mint puszta embert az ellentéteket természeténél fogva befogadóvá teszik a megfontolt választása révén.12 Ha ellenben nem természetből fakadó , akkor a káromlásról tudomást sem véve hallgatok, és semmiképp sem fogom nyelvemet magam számára is észrevétlenül beszennyezni az ellenük irányuló cáfolatokkal. Hiszen ha azt mondják, hogy Krisztusban a megfontolt választás értelmében vett akarat [προαιρετικὸν… θέλημα] van, azzal elkerülhetetlenül azt fejezik ki, hogy a krisztusi alany képes a természetének megfelelően és a természetével ellentétesen is mozogni. Elvégre – mint az imént mondottam – a megfontolt választás ilyen; ha pedig ez jellemzi a Felkent alanyát, akkor ezen akarat által elkülönítik Őt az Atyától és a Szellemtől mint tőlük különböző dolgot fontolót és akarót. Mert amit a Fiúban mint alanyban sajátosságként [ἰδικῶς] szemlélnek, azt az Atya és a Szellem mint alany nem tartalmazza. Akik tehát a szent atyák közül a Krisztusban lévő emberi természet megfontolt választásáról említést tettek, azok a természet lényegének megfelelően törekvő képességre utaltak – azaz a természetből fakadó akaratra [φυσικὴν θέλησιν], vagyis a bennünk, emberekben Az 1. opusculum A) részének definíciója szerint a προαίρεσις a megfontolt törekvés vagy választás: ὄρεξις βουλευτική (PG 91, 13 B 8), amelynek három mozzanata vagy összetevője van: a törekvés (ὄρεξις), a megfontolás (βουλή) és az ítélet (κρίσις, ld. uo., 13 a 6). 12 A megfontolt választás elgondolkodik az ellentétes lehetőségek mindegyikén, tehát az erkölcsileg elítélendő választási lehetőségeket is komolyan megfontolja – amit kizár az isteni tökéletesség. 11

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lévő megfontolt választásra, mely a hústestté lett Istenben az elsajátítás révén [κατ’ οἰκείωσιν] van benne. Ezt különösen szem előtt tartva használta szolgád és tanítványod a ‘megfontolt választás’ kifejezést ama fejtegetésekben, melyeket igen szent uramhoz és tanítómhoz, Thalassioshoz írtam a szent Írás nehezen értelmezhető szöveghelyeiről; tudván, hogy miután a mi javunkra lett emberré az emberek megalkotója, ezért nyilván a megfontolt választás szilárdságát is megvalósította a mi javunkra mint a szilárdság megalkotója; amennyiben a büntetésünkkel járó szenvedéseket szabad akaratából [κατ’ ἐξουσίαν] valóságosan vállalta maga a tapasztalat révén, a megvetéssel járókat pedig elsajátítás által [κατ’ οἰκείωσιν] emberszeretetből vette magára: az elsajátítást a  megfontoltan választott szenvedélymentesség [προαιρετικῆς ἀπάθειας] okává tette az emberi nem számára, a tapasztalást pedig a majdani, természetből fakadó halhatatlanság biztos zálogául adományozta. Hiszen az Isten emberi természete a megfontolt választás terén nem változik úgy, mint mi – mintha megfontolás és ítélethozatal révén tudná megkülönböztetni egymástól az ellentéteket; nehogy úgy véljük, hogy természetéből fakadóan változékony a megfontolt választás terén; hanem miután létezni kezdett az Isten-Igével való egyesüléssel [ἑνώσει] egyidejűleg, kettősséget nem ismerő, sőt, inkább állandó természetes törekvő mozgással13 – vagyis akarattal [θέλησιν] – rendelkezett; illetve, helyesebben szólva, a benne lévő mozdulatlan nyugalom,14 az Isten-Ige által teljesen megistenült a keveredés nélküli lényegfelvétel [οὐσίωσιν]15 során; s mivel ezt az akaratot mint sajátját és mint lelkének természetéből fakadót a természetének megfelelően alakítja és mozgatja, ezért valóságosan betölti a felőlünk való gondviselés hatalmas misztériumát; mert a bűntől eltekintve egyáltalán nem kisebbítette meg a felvett természetet; de a bűn semminő magvát [λόγος] nem vetették el semmilyen létezőbe. Miután a terminusok közötti különbség a külön-külön hozzájuk illesztett magyarázatok révén világossá vált számunkra, ne jöjjünk zavarba, ha azokat halljuk, akik a szellemi dolgok összekeverése folytán megkülönböztetés nélkül használják a szavakat; hiszen az igazságot a dolgokban keressük, nem a szavakban; és ne gondoljuk azonosnak a nem azonosat; hanem jó hívőkhöz illő módon valljuk meg, hogy a Felkent valóságosan teljes Isten, s valóságosan teljes ember, aki ténylegesen, valóságosan és a szó kiváltképpeni értelmében ugyanaz a személy, és nem csak üres névvel hívjuk így; és emiatt hirdessük két természetnek Krisztust, melyek az Ő személyéhez [ὑπόστασις] tartoznak – hiszen nem hústest nélküli στάσιμον… κίνησιν. στάσιν ἀκίνητον. 15 Vö. Lampe, Patristic Greek Lexicon: οὐσίωσις B 3. 13 14

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[ἄσαρκος]; és mondjuk Őt bátran két, természetből fakadó akaratnak [θελήματα φυσικά], ahogy az egyházatyák tanították, hisz nem lélek nélküli és nem ész nélküli [ἄνους]; és ne merészkedjünk új értelemben használni egy terminust, ha erre nincs egyházatyai biztosítékunk. Mert egyetlen, természetből fakadó vagy a megfontolt választás értelmében vett akaratról beszélni Krisztusban nemcsak az imént kimutatott abszurditás miatt kerülendő azok számára, akik a helyes hitre törekednek, hanem azért is, mert tisztáztuk, hogy a szent tanítók közül soha senki sem mondott ilyet; mivel az igazságnak megfelelően tudták, hogy a megfontolt választás [προαίρεσις] a két irányba, úgy értem: a jó, illetve a rossz tettek felé hajlani tudó dolgok közül való; és ezt Krisztusban, aki a jó dolgok valóságos valósága [οὐσίας] és forrása, nem hogy kimondani, de még elgondolni is minden istentelenséggel teljes. Erről ennyit.

Abstract St Maximus the Confessor: Opuscle 1. A translation with an introduction In this contribution, the author first proposes a short historical and philological introduction into an important theological work of St Maximus the Confessor (580-662). Opuscle 1 was probably written in 645 or 646 as Maximus was staying either in Carthage or in Rome. This piece of writing is a notable document of Maximus’ acuity in arguing against monotheletism. Dyotheletism – i.e., the position he himself occupies in the discussion concerning Christ’s nature – is developed in the following four sections here: A) is an introduction in epistolary form; B) is a list of definitions of moral philosophical concepts, especially those describing different aspects of (the operation of) the will; C) argues that θέλησις continues to work in humans even after the resurrection; and D), subtitled Non posse dici in Christo unam voluntatem, is a deduction that Christ, by nature, has not only two operations but also two wills, a divine and a human θέλησις.

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6) Ancient and modern: art works

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Zsófia Bezerédi – Forn/Modern oven from Bet Boghdady (walnut oil on paper, excavation drawing)

Marianna Fa – El Khokha – (camera obscura photography)

Marianna Fa – El Qorn – (camera obscura photography)

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Emese Farkas – Álajtó / False Door (32×24 cm, aquarel on paper)

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Horst Jaritz – Pl. 1 Khokha 03.02.1997; Häusergruppe, von Osten AA Sonderdruck, Rückendeckel, beige-grau, 20,7 × 27,5; Bleistift und Aquarellfarben

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Horst Jaritz – Pl. 2 Khokha 21.03.1997; Häusergruppe, von Südosten Briefumschlag A4, Rückenteil, braun längsgestreift/Wasserzeichen, 21,8 × 32,2; Bleistift und Aquarellfarben

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Horst Jaritz – Pl. 3 Khokha 14.03.1997; Häuser am Hang, von Süden Briefumschlag A5, Frontteil, blau-grau, 15,2 × 21,4; Bleistift und Aquarellfarben

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Horst Jaritz – Pl. 4 Khokha 21.03.1997; Häuser aus der Nähe Briefumschlag A5 RENOVA, Rückenteil eingerissen, beige-grau, 16,2 × 22,6; Bleistift und Aquarellfarben

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Zsuzsanna Köllő – Gurnai játék / Gurna Games – Sigga (oil on canvas)

Susan Osgood – Gurna images (pen on paper, notebook artwork)

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Susan Osgood – Gurna images (aquarel on paper, notebook artwork)

Susan Osgood – Gurna images (pen on paper, notebook artwork)

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Nóra Vizsralek – Luxor (90×150 cm, oil on canvas)

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7) Epilogue

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Krisztina Zimányi

The Portrait of a Young Man as a Master

“Welcome, O life, I go to encounter for the millionth time the reality of experience and to forge in the smithy of my soul the uncreated conscience of my race.”

Once upon a time and a very good time it was there was a one-horse cart coming down the promenade in Luxor and stopped on the cobble stones somewhere between the Temple and the Museum. Dr. Sultan, in his blue corduroy and the unmissable sloping-passage-walking beret, looked at it somewhat in disdain. He would never climb onto one, would definitely not be seen riding one… He has told us the stories himself, full of mysteries, at some anachronistic cross section of a now fallen Eastern European regime and a demised yet not forgotten

Figure 1. A master of workers

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land of ancient enigmas. The stories of the sages he keeps entrusting upon us with youthful enthusiasm, unwilling to admit the passing of time, a master of which he is not. Perhaps the only sense in which he seems to fail the word. For he is a man of authority, though reluctantly assumed, in charge of the men whose number vary depending on the precarious will of funding bodies. He wavers between a deeply felt responsibility of a personal kind that is bestowed on those scholars who make their annual pilgrimage to continue the labour of love for ruins long buried under tons of grains of sand. It is no child’s play to arrive with the promise of seasonal work to men as the bargaining resumes as the year dawns. So every February or so in the small village of Qurna he summons the handful he calls “brother” or “son” to gather a sufficient but not redundant number of handymen who will dig, load, clean and measure for the rest of the short season. He will take a head count as the sun rises and, at the end of each week, he will carefully count the wages quite meagre in comparison even with the land he hails from. He is measured but firm in his instructions and his reprimands, almost like a father figure. He has also overseen generations of apprentices willing enough to learn and to endure the constant benevolent yet often unsolicited advice he hands out to

Figure 2. A master of apprentices

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them to better themselves. It is not always easy to heed the master who pleads, recommends or implores the young disciples in equal measure to continue with their studies and prioritise what is so important – to him. His insistence may wear the candidates down, but those who persevere and follow in his footsteps will, no doubt, once enjoy the same respect that only comes once earned. For he is a hard act to follow. He is as meticulous as difficult to please. His painstaking attitude to documenting the finds can be seen as careful, but also as fastidious. Both product and process oriented, description and narrative go hand in hand, so one quickly realises that slackness will gain no praise, nor recognition: it is essential to learn how to enjoy sitting in front of a soot-covered wall in the penumbral tomb for hours on end to then copy, redraw and decipher the ancient curlicues in the dead of the night. Old-fashioned OHP acetates or painstakingly designed powerpoint presentations, times and methods change, but the attitude remains. On the site itself, he is a master of his trade with a keener than keen eye for detail as well as a facility to see the, sometimes literally, underlying structure. He is a true all-rounder. Often he can be spotted with a camera, the lens always scrupulously covered with a cap attached to the body in case it should fall and the whole equipment accurately wrapped up in plastic to keep the sand off. Or

Figure 3. A jack of many trades, a master of even more

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he can be observed marking the next rectangles to explore or measuring the dimensions of the freshly uncovered construction. He can equally be witnessed cataloguing or even sketching the most essential features of a broken receptacle. This inherent multi-faceted gift and his perseverance has borne fruit in the more-than-thoroughly researched articles that stand up to scrutiny, for not a letter is wasted if not supported by double-, triple or quadruple-checked enquiry. A true perfectionist, always apprehensive if the output will really please his readership, he struggles to count himself among the most accomplished scholars of his generation. To the rest of us, it comes as no surprise that his publications find an avid readership among the erudite and the coveted citation indexes are a true gauge of his academic weight. Yet to us, who have been fortunate enough to count him as our school master, he is, above all, a guide. An impressive wealth of knowledge, an expert, a personal tutor, who introduced us to the ways of the world, who taught us how to address “the grown-ups”, who intrigued us with his mysterious stories of broken bones found in sloping passages, and who urged us to question. No matter if explaining medieval warfare in class or debating over Castañeda’s authenticity by candle light in the intentionally less than glamourous HQ of his Qurna mission, he has always been available to satisfy our curiosity.

Figure 4. A timid master of the academic circles

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So once a master, always a master – or you can take the young man out of the class but you can’t take the class out of the young man, the history lessons never end. They are memorable for the illustrations, not so much reminiscent of the literally thousand slides shared with the “young pupils”, rather theatrical enactments of Egyptian gods re-imagined in The Terminator spontaneously staged in Karnak, or the dramatic performances of the pharaoh emerging from the window of appearances in Medinet Habu.

Figure 5. A master in and out of class

Back in the classroom, many moons ago, he would call us the “young titans”, no doubt, in reference to his younger self, his dreams of becoming an explorer. Still a young man and full of aspirations to uncover the interconnections among the dozen-or-so tombs that make up the hillock, his plans are many. Learning as long as he lives, he is probably most comfortable in his own study, library that has been impregnated with the smoke from his decidedly raw cigarettes where the preparations for the next season always begin. The giant earthen jug of tap water is served, accompanied by the nibbles the eager disciples bring along. Some good cheese is always on the menu, but homemade biscuits have to appear to go along with the tea served in china cups. Very proper altogether. For despite the unease to live between the parallel existences 561

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of a multi-layered Egyptian village once built of ancient ruins and an Eastern European intellectual circle where one can but struggle to marry his love for the Hungarian legends and his far-from-exclusivist political views, he is a true master of whoever is willing to be a young wo/man.

Figure 6. A young man as a master

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8) List of Contributors

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Adrienn Almásy British Museum, Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan (Great Russell Street, London WC1B 3DG, United Kingdom); [email protected] Fruzsina Bartos Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Institute of Ancient and Classical Studies, Department of Egyptology (Múzeum krt. 4/B, Budapest H-1088, Hungary); [email protected] Zoltán Bartos Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest (Dózsa György út 41, Budapest H-1146, Hungary); [email protected] Tamás A. Bács Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Institute of Ancient and Classical Studies, Department of Egyptology (Múzeum krt. 4/B, Budapest H-1088, Hungary); bacs. [email protected], [email protected] Andrew Bednarski University of Cambridge, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research (Downing Street, Cambridge CB2 3ER, United Kingdom) Rozália Berzsák Cairo, Egypt Marilina Betrò Università di Pisa – Dipartimento di Civiltà e Forme del Sapere (via dei Mille 19 – 56126 Pisa, Italy); [email protected] Zsófia Bezerédi Hungarian University of Fine Arts, Budapest, Graphic Arts Department (Andrássy út 69-71, Budapest H-1062, Hungary) 565

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Susanne Brinkmann AfR – Atelier für Restaurierung Köln (Am Botanischen Garten 54, D-50735 Köln, Germany); [email protected] & www.kunstrestaurierung.de, www. ctt-lisa.de Julia Budka Ludwig-Maximilians University München, Institute of Egyptology and Coptic Studies (Katharina-von-Bora-Str. 10, D-80333 München, Germany); Julia.Budka@ lmu.de Barbara Egedi Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Research Institute for Linguistics (P.O. Box 360, Budapest H-1394, Hungary); [email protected] Marianna Fa Hungarian University of Fine Arts, Budapest, Graphic Arts Department (Andrássy út 69-71, Budapest H-1062, Hungary) Emese Farkas Hungarian University of Fine Arts, Budapest, Painting and Wall-Painting Conservation Department (Andrássy út 69-71, Budapest H-1062, Hungary); famese@ googlemail.com Bence Fehér Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church in Hungary, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ancient History and Auxiliary Historical Sciences (Reviczky u. 4, Budapest H-1088, Hungary); [email protected] Eszter Feró Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Institute of Ancient and Classical Studies, Department of Egyptology (Múzeum krt. 4/B, Budapest H-1088, Hungary); [email protected] Monika Frazer-Imregh Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church in Hungary, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ancient History and Auxiliary Historical Sciences (Reviczky u. 4, Budapest H-1088, Hungary); [email protected]

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M. Cristina Guidotti Museo Egizio di Firenze (Via della Pergola 65 – 50121 Firenze, Italy); [email protected] Hedvig Győry Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest (Dózsa György út 41, Budapest H-1146, Hungary); [email protected] Peter Hubai The John Wesley Theological College, WJLF, Budapest, Institute for Religious Studies (Dankó u. 9-11, Budapest H-1086, Hungary); [email protected] Horst Jaritz [email protected] W. Raymond Johnson University of Chicago, Epigraphic Survey, Oriental Institute (Chicago House), Luxor, Egypt Géza Komoróczy Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Institute of Ancient and Classical Studies, Department of Assyriology and Hebrew (Múzeum krt. 4/F, Budapest H-1088, Hungary) Zsuzsanna Köllő GESU Bikewear, graphic design; Hungarian University of Fine Arts, Budapest, Graphic Arts Department (Andrássy út 69-71, Budapest H-1062, Hungary); www. gesubikewear.eu, [email protected] Orsolya László Hungarian National Museum, Analytical Laboratory (Daróczi út 1-3, Budapest H-1113, Hungary); [email protected] Éva Liptay Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest (Dózsa György út 41, Budapest H-1146, Hungary); [email protected]

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Marcel Maessen t3.wy Projects; http://www.t3wy.nl György Németh Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Department of Ancient History (Múzeum krt. 6-8, Budapest H-1088, Hungary); [email protected] Susan Osgood University of Chicago, Epigraphic Survey, Oriental Institute (Chicago House), Luxor, Egypt; [email protected] M. Violeta Pereyra Francia 2821 – 1602 (Florida), Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina Patrizia Piacentini Università degli Studi di Milano, Chair of Egyptology (via Festa del Perdono 7, 20122 Milano, Italy); [email protected] Rosanna Pirelli Università degli Studi di Napoli ‘L′Orientale’, Dipartimento Asia, Africa e Mediterraneo (Palazzo Corigliano – Piazza S. Domenico Maggiore, 12 – 80134 Napoli, Italy); [email protected] Gyula Priskin Rigó u. 4/3, H-5600 Békéscsaba, Hungary; [email protected] Julián Alejo Sánchez BAPE (Brazilian Archaeological Program in Egypt); julian.alejo.sanchez@gmail. com Miklós Sárközy Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church in Hungary, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ancient History and Auxiliary Historical Sciences, Institute of History (Dózsa György u. 25-27, Budapest H-1146, Hungary); sarkozy. [email protected] Gábor Schreiber Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Institute of Ancient and Classical Studies, Department of Egyptology (Múzeum krt. 4/B, Budapest H-1088, Hungary) 568

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Magdy Shaker Documentation Center, Ministry of Antiquities and Heritage, Cairo, Egypt Flora Silvano Università di Pisa – Dipartimento di Civiltà e Forme del Sapere (via dei Mille 19 – 56126 Pisa, Italy); [email protected] Zsolt Simon Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, Institut für Assyriologie und Hethitologie (Geschwister-Scholl-Platz 1, 80539 München, Germany); zsolt.simon@ lmu.de Caroline Simpson 9 Whittington Road, London, N22 8YS, United Kingdom; [email protected] Nigel Strudwick University of Cambridge; [email protected] Mária T. Bíró Budapest, Hungary; [email protected] Francesco Tiradritti University „Kore” of Enna, Facoltà di Lettere (Viale dell’Università – 94100 Enna. Italy); [email protected] Anna Judit Tóth Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Research Centre for the Humanities (P.O. Box 33, Budapest H-1453, Hungary); [email protected] Kees van der Spek Luxor West Bank Ethnographic Research Project; Canberra, Australia; kees. [email protected] Edith Varga Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest (Dózsa György út 41, Budapest H-1146, Hungary)

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Miklós Vassányi Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church in Hungary, Faculty of Humanities, Department of General Humanities (Reviczky u. 4, Budapest H-1088, Hungary); [email protected] Christina Verbeek AfR – Atelier für Restaurierung Köln (Am Botanischen Garten 54, D-50735 Köln, Germany); [email protected] & www.kunstrestaurierung.de, www. ctt-lisa.de Zsuzsanna Végh Ludwig-Maximilians-Üniversität, Institut für Ägyptologie (Katharina-von-BoraStr. 10, 80333 München, Germany); [email protected] Nóra Vizsralek Hungarian University of Fine Arts, Budapest, Painting and Wall-Painting Conservation Department (Andrássy út 69-71, Budapest H-1062, Hungary); [email protected] Gábor W. Nemes Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Institute of Ancient and Classical Studies, Department of Egyptology (Múzeum krt. 4/B, Budapest H-1088, Hungary) Krisztina Zimányi Universidad de Guanajuato, Departamento de Lenguas (Calzada de Guadalupe S/N; Zona Centro; C.P. 36000; Guanajuato, Gto., Mexico); [email protected] Dóra Zsom Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Institute of Oriental Studies, Department of Arabic Studies and Semitic Philology (Múzeum krt. 4/B, Budapest H-1088, Hungary)

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Peter Hubai, Weitere Apotropaia aus Nilpferdstoßzahn. Die Tabelle ist online verfügbar unter https://doi.org/ct7h

Structures éditoriales du groupe L’Harmattan L’Harmattan Italie Via degli Artisti, 15 10124 Torino [email protected]

L’Harmattan Sénégal 10 VDN en face Mermoz BP 45034 Dakar-Fann [email protected] L’Harmattan Cameroun TSINGA/FECAFOOT BP 11486 Yaoundé [email protected] L’Harmattan Burkina Faso Achille Somé – [email protected] L’Harmattan Guinée Almamya, rue KA 028 OKB Agency BP 3470 Conakry [email protected] L’Harmattan RDC 185, avenue Nyangwe Commune de Lingwala – Kinshasa [email protected] L’Harmattan Congo 67, boulevard Denis-Sassou-N’Guesso BP 2874 Brazzaville [email protected]

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Now Behold My Spacious Kingdom

ISBN 978-2-343-13743-8

Now Behold My Spacious Kingdom Studies Presented to Zoltán Imre Fábián On the Occasion of His 63rd Birthday

Edited by Bori Németh